The history of Scotland written in Latin by George Buchanan ; faithfully rendered into English. — Rerum Scoticarum historia. English

The history of Scotland written in Latin by George Buchanan ; faithfully rendered into English. — Rerum Scoticarum historia. English

Table of contents

§

Title page

TO THE READER.

GEORGE BUCHANAN's EPISTLE DEDICATORY TO JAMES the Sixth, King of the SCOTS.

The LIFE of George Buchanan, Written by Himself, Two Years before His Death.

The Names of the KINGS of SCOTLAND.

THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. BOOK I.

The Second BOOK.

In France.

In Spain.

In Britain.

Later Towns in England.

In Scotland.

In Germany, these Names are read in Ptolemy.

In the Alps Country.

In the Vindelici or Bavarians Country, in Rhaetia, the Grisons Country, and Noricum.

In Sarmatia and Dacia, according to Ptolemy.

In France.

In Rhaetia, the Vindelicis's Country, and Noricum.

In Spain.

In Britain.

The Third BOOK.

The Fourth BOOK.

Feritharis, Second King of Scotland.

Mainus, the Third King.

Dornadilla, the Fourth King.

Nothatus, the Fifth King.

Reutherus, the Sixth King.

Reutha, the Seventh King.

Thereus, the Eighth King.

Josina, the Ninth King.

Finnanus, The Tenth King.

Durstus, The Eleventh King.

Evenus, the Twelfth King.

Gillus, The Thirteenth King.

Evenus II. The Fourteenth King.

Ederus, the Fifteenth King.

Evenus III. the Sixteenth King.

Metellanus, the Seventeenth King.

Caratacus, the Eighteenth King.

Corbredus, the Nineteenth King.

Dardanus, the Twentieth King.

Corbred II, The Twenty First King.

Luctacus, the Twenty Second King.

Mogaldus, the Twenty Third King.

Conarus, the Twenty Fourth King.

Ethodius, the Twenty Fifth King.

Satrael, The Twenty Sixth King.

Donaldus I. The Twenty Seventh King.

Ethodius II. The Twenty Eighth King.

Athirco, The Twenty Ninth King.

Nathalocus, The Thirtieth King.

Findochus, The Thirtieth First King.

Donaldus II, The Thirty Second King.

Donaldus III. The Thirty Third King.

Crathilinthus, The Thirty Fourth King.

Fincormachus, The Thirty Fifth King.

Romachus, The Thirty Sixth King.

Angusianus, The Thirty Seventh King.

Fethelmachus, The Thirty Eighth King.

Eugenius, or Evenus I. The Thirty Ninth King.

The Fifth BOOK.

Fergusius II. The Fortieth King.

Eugenius, or Evenus II, The Forty First King.

Dongardus, The Forty Second King.

Constantine I. The Forty Third King.

Congallus I. The Forty Fourth King.

Goranus, The Forty Fifth King.

Eugenius III. The Forty Sixth King.

Congallus II. The Forty Seventh King.

Kinnatellus, The Forty Eighth King.

Aidanus, The Forty Ninth King.

Kennethus I. The Fiftieth King.

Eugenius, IIII. The Fifty First King.

Ferchardus, I. The Fifty Second King.

Donaldus, IIII. The Fifty Third King.

Ferchardus II. The LIV. King.

Maldvinus, The LV King.

Eugenius V. The LVI King.

Eugenius VI. The LVII King.

Amberkelethus, The LVIII King.

Eugenius VII. The LIX King.

Mordacus, The LX King.

Etfinus, The LXI King.

Eugenius VIII. The LXII King.

Fergusius, III. The LXIII King.

Solvathius, The LXIV King.

Achaius, The LXV King.

Congallus III. The Sixty Sixth King.

Dongallus, The Sixty Seventh King.

Alpinus, The Sixty Eighth King.

Kennethus II. The Sixty Ninth King.

The Sixth BOOK.

Donaldus V. The Seventieth King.

Constantinus II. The Seventy First King.

Ethus, The Seventy Second King.

Gregorius, The Seventy Third King.

Donaldus VI. The Seventy Fourth King.

Constantine III. The Seventy Fifth King.

Malcolm I. The Seventy Sixth King.

Indulfus, The Seventy Seventh King.

Duffus, The Seventy Eighth King.

Culenus, The Seventy Ninth King.

Kennethus III. The Eightieth King.

Constantine IV. The Eighty First King.

Grimus, The Eighty Second King.

Malcolm II. The Eighty Third King.

The Seventh BOOK.

Donaldus VII. The Eighty Fourth King.

Mackbeth, The Eighty Fifth King.

Malcolm, III. The Eighty Sixth King.

Donaldus VII. Sirnamed Banus, The Eighty Seventh King.

Duncan, The Eighty Eighth King.

Edgar, The Eighty Ninth King.

Alexander I. The Ninetieth King.

David I. The Ninety First King.

Malcolm, IV. The Ninety Second King.

William, The Ninety Third King.

Alexander II. The Ninety Fourth King.

Alexander the III. The Ninety Fifth King.

The Eighth BOOK.

John Baliol, The Ninety Sixth King.

Bruce, The Ninety Seventh King.

The Ninth BOOK.

David II. The Ninety Eighth King.

Baliol, The Eighty Ninth King.

Robert II. The Hundredth King.

The Tenth BOOK.

Robert III. The Hundred and First King.

James I. The Hundred and Second King.

The Eleventh BOOK.

James II. The Hundred and Third King.

The Twelfth BOOK.

James III. The Hundred and Fourth King.

The Thirteenth BOOK.

IAMES the IVth, the CV'th King.

IAMES the Vth, the CVIth King.

The Fourteenth BOOK.

The Fifteenth BOOK. Mary and Henry Stuart, the CVIIth Queen and King.

The Sixteenth BOOK.

The Seventeenth BOOK.

The Eighteenth BOOK.

IAMES the VIth, the CVIIIth King.

The Nineteenth BOOK.

The Twentieth BOOK.

An ALPHABETICAL TABLE of the Principal Matters contained in the foregoing HISTORY.

A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

I

K

L

M

N

O

P

Q

R

S

T

V

W

X

Y

Z

ERRATA.

In the first Twelve Books.

In the Eight last Books.

In the Alphabetical Table.

§

§

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GEORGH BUCHANANI Scoti▪ Poetae, Historici Eximij Vera Effigies, Ex Archetypo, quod in Musaeo D: Thomae Povey, adservatur expressa.

§

§

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THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.

Written in Latin, By George Buchanan.

Faithfully Rendered into ENGLISH.

§

I have carefully and diligently perused this Translation of BVCHANAN's History; and, finding it to be faithfully and exactly done, have therefore allowed it to be Printed.

August. 13th, 1689.

I. FRASER.

LONDON: Printed by Edw. Iones, for Awnsham Churchil, at the Black Swan in Ave-Mary-Lane, near Pater-Noster-Row. 1690.

TO THE READER.

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'TIS sufficient Commendation of the ensuing History, That it was Written by Mr. George Buchanan; Who was no less the Glory of the Age wherein he Lived, than of his Country. Being a Person both of that Elevation and Justness of Thought, and of that Neatness and Elegancy of Expression, that among all the Ancient, as well as the Modern Writers, few do equal, and none do exceed him. And as he knew in Reference to Persons and Things, What to say, and What not to say, so he was of that Courage and Integrity, to conceal nothing that ought to be delivered, but hath used the same Freedom in Transmitting down the Lives of Princes to Posterity, that they allowed themselves in leading them. And if ever any Book deserved the Character of answering the Title, this doth, being truly a History, and not a Romance, wherein the Author representeth Things as they were; Commending without Flattery, and Censuring without Satyr.

GEORGE BUCHANAN's EPISTLE DEDICATORY TO JAMES the Sixth, King of the SCOTS.

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AT my Return, after Four and Twenty Years absence from my Country, I desired nothing more than to review my Papers, that were dispersed, and many ways injured by the Iniquity of the Times: For I found, that the over-Officiousness of my Friends, to precipitate the Publication of what was yet unfit to see the Light, and that excessive Liberty which Transcribers take to Censure the Works of other Men, had altered many Things, and corrupted others, according to their several Humours. But whilst I was endeavouring to remedy these Disorders, the sudden and unexpected Solicitations of my Friends broke my Measures; all of them, as if they had Conspired together, Exhorting me to lay aside Things of less Weight, that rather delight the Ear than instruct the Mind, and apply my self to Write the History of our Nation, as a Subject not only suitable to my Age, and sufficient to Answer the Expectation of my Country Men; but deserving great Commendation, and most fit to preserve ones Memory to succeeding Ages. Amongst other Reasons, which I omit, they added, That though Britain be the most Famous Island in the World, and every part of its History contain most Remarkable Things; yet, scarce one was to be found in any Age, who durst attempt so great a Work, or had acquitted [Page] himself, as the Subject deserved. Neither was it the least Inducement to this Vndertaking, that I hoped my pains herein would not be unfitting for, nor unacceptable to, you. For it seemed to me Absurd and Shamefull, That You, who in this Your tender Age, have Read the Histories of all Nations, and retain very many of them in Your Memory, should only be a Stranger at Home. Besides, an incurable Distemper having made me unfit to discharge, in Person, the Care of Your Instruction, committed to me, I thought that sort of Writing, which tends to the Information of the Mind, would best supply the want of my Attendance, and resolved to send You Faithfull Counsellors from History, that you might make use of their Advice in Your Deliberations, and imitate their Virtue in Your Actions. For there are amongst Your Ancestors, Men Excellent in every Respect, of whom Posterity will never be ashamed; and, to omit others, You will hardly find in History, any one Worthy to be compared with our David. And if the Divine Goodness was so Liberal to him, in those most wretched and wicked Times, we may with Reason hope, That You may be (as the Royal Prophet says) A Pattern of all those Excellencies, which Mothers desire in their Children, when they give them their best Wishes; and that this Government, which seems to be hurried on to Ruin and Destruction, may be supported, 'till the time shall come, when all Sublunary Things having finished the Course appointed them by Gods Eternal Decree, shall arrive at their designed Period.

Edinburgh, Aug. 30.

The LIFE of George Buchanan, Written by Himself, Two Years before His Death.

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GEORGE BUCHANAN was Born in Lennox-Shire, (commonly called the Sheriffdom of Dumbarton) in Scotland, Scituate near the River, or Water of Blane, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Five Hundred and Six, about the First Day of February ▪ in a Country Town within that Shire; of a Family rather Ancient than Rich. His Father died of the Stone, in the Flower of his Age; whilst his Grandfather was yet alive, who being a Spend-Thrift, their Family which was but low before, was now reduced to almost the extremity of Want. Yet such was the frugal care of his Mother, Agnes Heriot, that she brought up Five Sons and Three Daughters, to Mens and Womens Estate. Of the Five Sons, George was One. His Uncle, Iames Heriot, perceiving his promising Ingenuity in their own Country Schools, took him from thence, and sent him to Paris. There he applied himself to his Studies, and especially to Poetry, either having a Natural Genius that way; or else, out of Necessity, (because 'twas the only Method of Study, propounded to him, in his Youth.) Before he had been there Two Years, his Uncle Died, and he himself fell dangerously Sick, and being in want beside, he was forced to return into his own Country. After his return to Scotland, he spent almost an year in taking care of his Health; then he went into the French Army of Auxilliaries, newly arrived in Scotland, on purpose to obtain some Skill in the Art Military. But that Expedition proving Fruitless, the Army retreated in a very sharp and snowy Winter, so that [Page] he again relapsed into a Disease, which confined him all that Winter to his Bed. Early in the Spring he was sent to St. Andrews, to hear the Lectures of Iohn Major, who, though very old, Read Logick, or rather Sophistry, in that University. The Summer after, he accompanied him into France, and there he fell into the Troubles of the Lutheran Sect, which then began to encrease: He struggled with the Difficulties of Providence, almost Two Years, and at last was admitted into the Barbaran Colledge, where he was Grammar Professor, almost Three Years. During that time, Gilbert Kennedy, Earl of Cassils, one of the young Scotish Nobles, being in that Country, was much taken with his Ingenuity and Acquaintance, so that he entertained him for Five Years, and brought him back with him into Scotland.

Afterwards having a Mind to return to Paris to his old Studies, he was detained by the King, and made Tutor to Iames his Natural Son. In the mean time, an Elegy made by him, at leasure times, came into the Hands of the Franciscans, wherein he Writes, That he was solicited in a Dream by St. Francis, to joyn himself to his Order. In that Poem, there were one or two Passages that reflected on them very sorely, which those Ghostly Fathers, notwithstanding their Profession of Meekness and Humility, took more heinously, than Men (having obtained such a Vogue for Piety among the vulgar) ought to have done, upon so small an occasion of Offence. But finding no just Ground for their immoderate Wrath and Fury, they had recourse to the common Crime of those Days, which they objected to those they wish'd ill to, viz. The Cause of Religion. Thus, whilst they indulged their Malice and Disgust, they made him, who was not well affected to them before, a greater Enemy to their Liceniousness, and rendred him more inclineable to the Lutheran Cause. In the mean time, the King, with Magdalen his Wife, came from France, not without the resentment of the Priesthood, who were afraid, that the Royal Lady, having been bred up under her Aunt, the Queen of Navar, should attempt some Innovation in Religion: [Page] But this fear soon vanished upon her Death, which followed shortly after.

A while after, there arose some suspitions at Court against some of the Nobility, who were thought to have conspired against the King, and, in that matter, the King was persuaded, the Franciscans were somewhat concerned; so that he Commanded Buchanan, who at that time was at Court, (thô he were ignorant of the Disgusts, betwixt Him and that Order) to write a Satyr against them. He was loth to offend either of them, and therefore, thô he made a Poem, yet it was but short, and such as might admit of a doubtful Interpretation, wherein he satisfied neither Party; not the King, who would have had a tart and biting Invective; nor the Fathers, neither, who lookt on it as a capital Offence, to have any thing said of them, but what was Honourable. So that receiving a Second Command to write more pungently against them, he began that Miscellany, which now bears the Title of the Franciscan, and gave it to the King. But shortly after, being made acquainted by his Friends at Court, that Cardinal Beton sought his Life, and had offered the King a Sum of Money, as a price for his Head, he escaped out of prison and fled for England. But there also things were at such an uncertainty, that the very same Day, and almost with one and the same Fire, the Men of Both Factions, (Protestants and Papists) were burnt together, Henry the Eighth, in his old Age, being more intent on his own Security, than the Purity or Reformation of Religion. This uncertainty of Affairs in England, seconded by his ancient Acquaintance with the French, and the innate courtesie of that Nation, drew him again into France.

As soon as he came to Paris, he found Cardinal Beton his utter Enemy, Embassador there, so that to withdraw himself from his Fury, at the Invitation of Andrew Goveanus he went to Bourdeaux. There he presided, and Taught Three Years in the Schools, which were erected at the Publick Cost; At that time he wrote Four Tragedies, which were afterwards occasionally Published; [Page] But that which he wrote first, called the Baptist, was Printed last; and then the Medea of Euripides. He wrote them in compliance with the Custom of the School, which was to have a Play wrote once a Year, that so by acting of them, he might, as much as he could calll back the French Youth from Allegories, with which they then were overmuch delighted, to the Imitation of the Ancients. This Affair succeeding, even almost beyond his Hope, he took more pains in compiling the other Two Tragedies, called Iephthe and Alcestis, because, he thought, they would fall under a severer scrutiny of the Learned. And yet, during this time, he was not wholly free from Trouble, being harassed between the Menaces of the Cardinal on the One side, and of the Franciscans on the Other. For the Cardinal had wrote Letters to the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, to apprehend him; but, providentially, those Letters were delivered to some of Buchanan's Friends. However, the death of the King of Scots, and the Pestilence, which then reigned over all Aquitain, dispelled that Fear.

In the interim, an Express came to Goveanus from the King of Portugal, requiring him to come into that Kingdom, and to bring with him some Men, Learned, both in the Greek and Latin Tongues, that they might Read the Liberal Arts, and especially, the Principles of the Aristotelian Philosophy in those Schools, which were then a Building, with a great deal of Cost and Expence. Buchanan, being addressed to, easily assented to go for one. For, whereas he saw that all Europe, besides, was either actually in Foreign or Domestique Wars, or else suddenly likely so to be, that one Corner of the World, was, in his Opinion, likeliest to be free from Tumults and Combustions: And besides, his Companions in that Journy were such, that they seemed rather his Acquaintance and Familiar Friends, than Strangers or Aliens to him. For many of them had been his Intimates for several Years, and are well known to the World by their Learned Works, as Nicolaus Gruchius, Gulielmus Garentaens, Iacobus[Page]Tevius, and Elias Vinetus. Upon which account, he did not only joyn himself to their Society, but also persuaded a Brother of his, called Patrick to be one of so Illustrious a Society. And the Truth is, the matter succeeded excellently well at the beginning, but the death of Andrew Goveanus, (which hapned, as it were, in the midst of our Race, and was mature enough for himself, but very prejudicial to us) put a stop to its happy Progress. For, after his Decease, all our Enemies, endeavoured at first to insnare us by Treachery, and soon after, ran violently upon us, as it were with open Mouth; and their Agents and Instruments being great Enemies to the Accused, they laid hold of Three of them, and haled them to Prison; whence, after a long and nasty durance, they were brought forth to their Answers; and, after many bitter Taunts, were remanded to Prison again: and yet no Accuser did appear in Court against them. As for Buchanan, they insulted most bitterly over him, as being a Stranger, and knowing also, that he had very few Friends in that Country, who would either rejoyce in his Prosperity, sympathize with his Grief, or Revenge the Wrongs offered to him. The Crimes laid to his Charge, was the Poem he wrote against the Franciscans, which he himself before he went from France had deposited in the hands of the King of Portugal, neither did his Accusers perfectly know what it was: For he had given but one Copy of it to the King of Scots, by whose Command he wrote it. They further objected, His eating of Flesh in Lent, thô there be not a Man in all Spain, but uses the same Liberty: Besides, he had given shrewd Girds against Monks, which yet none but Monks could well except against.

Moreover, they took it much amiss, that, in a certain Familiar Discourse with some young Portugal Gentlemn, upon mention made of the Eucharist, he should affirm; That, in his Judgment Austin was more inclinable to the Party Condemned by the Roman Church, in that Controversie. There were also other Witnesses produc'd against him, (as, some years after, it came to his Knowledge) viz. Iohn Tolpin, a Norman, [Page] and Iohn Ferrerius of Sub-Alpine Liguria; their Testimony was, That they had heard from divers Creditable Persons, That Buchanan was not Orthodox, as to the Roman Faith and Religion.

But to return to the matter, after the Inquisitors had wearied both themselves and him, for almost an year and a half; at last, that they might not seem to have causelesly vex'd a Man, of some Name and Note in the World, they shut him up in a Monastery for some Months; there to be more exactly Disciplined and Instructed by the Monks, who (to give them their due) were Men, otherwise, not uncivil, or bad, though Ignorant of all Religion.

'Twas principally at this time, that he rendred most of David's Psalms, into several sorts of Latin Metre. At last, he was set at Liberty, and suing for a Pass, and Accommodations from the King, to return into France, he was desired by him, to stay where he was, and he had a small parcel of Money bestowed upon him for his daily Expence, till some better Provision might be made for his Subsistence. But he, being tired out with delay, as being put off, to no certain time, nor on any sure Grounds of hope, having got the opportunity of Passage, in a Ship then Riding in the Bay of Lisbon, was wafted over into England. He made no long abode in England, though fair offers were made him there; for he saw that all things were in an Hurry and Combustion, under a very young King, the Nobles at Variance one with another, and the Minds of the Commons yet in a Ferment, upon the account of their Civil Combustions. Whereupon he returned into France, about the time that the Siege of Metz was raised. There he was, in a manner, compell'd by his Friends, to Write a Poem concerning that Siege; which he did, though somewhat unwillingly; because he was loth to interfere with several of his Acquaintance, and especially with Mellinus Sangelasius, who had composed a Learned and Elegant Poem, on that Subject. From thence he was call'd over into Italy, by Charles de Cossé of Brescia, who then [Page] managed matters with prosperous Success, in the Gallic and Ligustic Countries about the Po: He abode with him and his Son Timoleon, sometimes in Italy, and sometimes in France, the space of Five Years, till the year of Christ One Thousand Five Hunderd and Sixty, the most part of which time he spent in the Study of the Holy Scriptures, that so he might be able to make a more exact Judgment of the Controversies in Religion, which in those days did Exercise the greatest part of Men. 'Tis true, those disputes were somewhat silenced in Scotland, when that Kingdom was freed from the Tyranny of the Guises of France; so he returned thither, and entered himself into the Church of Scotland.

Some of his Writings, in former times, being, as it were, Redeemed from a Shipwrack, were Collected and Published by him: The rest of them, which are yet in the Hands of his Friends, he commits to the disposal of Providence. At present, being in the Seventy Fourth Year of his Age, he is in Attendance on the Education of Iames the Sixth King of Scotland, to whom he was appointed Tutor, in the Year One Thousand Five Hundred Sixty Five, where, being broken with the Infirmities of old Age, he longs for the desired Haven of his Rest.

He departed this Life at Edinburgh, on the 28th day of September, in the Year of our Salvation One Thousand Five Hundred Eighty Two.

The Names of the KINGS of SCOTLAND.

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I. FErgus I. pag. 95.

II. Feritharis, p. 97.

III. Mainus, p. 98.

IV. Dornadilla, Ibid.

V. Nothatus, p. 98.

VI. Reutherus, p. 99.

VII. Reutha, p. 101.

VIII. Thereus, Ibid.

IX. Josina, Ibid.

X. Finnanus, p. 102.

XI. Durstus, Ibid.

XII. Evenus, p. 103.

XIII. Gillus, (Base Born) p. 104.

XIV. Evenus II. p. 105.

XV. Ederus, p. 106.

XVI. Evenus III. p. 107.

XVII. Metallanus, Ibid.

XVIII. Caratacus, Ibid.

XIX. Corbred I. p. 108.

XX. Dardanus, Ibid.

XXI. Corbred II. Sirnamed ▪ Galdus, p. 109.

XXII. Luctacus, p. 111.

XXIII. Mogaldus, p. 112.

XXIV. Conarus, p. 113.

XXV. Ethodius I. p. 116.

XXVI. Satrael, p. 117.

XXVII. Donald I. Ibid.

XXVIII. Ethodius II. p. 119.

XXIX. Athirco, Ibid.

XXX. Nathalocus, p. 120.

XXXI. [...]indochus, p. 121.

XXXII. Donald II. p. 122.

XXXIII. Donald III. p. 123.

XXXIV. Crathilinthus, Ibid.

XXXV. Fincormachus, p. 125.

XXXVI. Romachus, Ibid.

XXXVII. Augusianus, p. 126.

XXXVIII. Fethelmacus, p. 127.

XXXIX. Eugenius I. Ibid.

XL. Fergus II. p. 133.

XLI. Eugenius II. p. 138.

XLII. Dongardus, p. 144.

XLIII. Constantin I. p. 145.

XLIV. Congallus I. p. 147.

XLV. Goranus, p. 148.

XLVI. Eugenius III. p. 154.

XLVII. Congallus II. p. 155.

XLVIII. Kinnatellus Ibid.

XLIX. Aidanus, Ibid.

L. Kenneth I. p. 158.

LI. Eugenius IV. Ibid.

LII. Ferchard I. Ibid.

LIII. Donald IV. p. 159.

LIV. Ferchard II. p. 160.

LV. Maldvinus, Ibid.

LVI. Eugenius V. p. 161▪

LVII. Eugenius VI. Ibid.

LVIII. Amberkelethus, p. 162.

LIX. Eugenius VII. Ibid.

LX. Mordacus, Ibid.

LXI. Et [...]nus, p. 163.

LXII. Eugenius VIII. Ibid.

LXIII. Fergus III. Ibid.

LXIV. Solvathius, p. 164.

LXV. Achaius, Ibid.

LXVI. Congal [...]us III. Ibid.

LXVII. Dongal [...]us, Ibid.

LXVIII. Alpinus, Ibid.

LXIX. Kenneth II. p. 167.

LXX. Donald V. p. 172.

LXXI. Constantin II. p. 174.

LXXII. Ethus, p. 175.

LXXIII. Gregory, Ibid.

LXXIV. Donald VI. p. 78.

LXXV. Constantine III. p. 179.

LXXVI. Malcolm I. p. 18 [...].

LXVII. Judulfus, Ibid.

LXXVIII. Duffus, p. 182.

LXXIX. Culenus, p. 184.

LXXX. Kenneth III. p. 187.

LXXXI. Constantine IV. Sirnamed, The Bald. p. 196.

LXXXII. Grimus, p. 19 [...].

LXXXIII. Malcolm II. p. 200.

LXXXIV. Donald VII. p. 207.

LXXXV. Macbeth, p. 211.

LXXXVI. Malcolm III. p. 224.

LXXXVII. Donald Banus VIII. p. 220.

LXXXVIII. Duncan, Ibid.

LXXXIX. Edgar, p. 221.

XC. Alexander I. Sirnamed, Acer, Ibid.

XCI. David I. p. 222.

XCII. Malcolm IV. p. 227.

XCIII. William, p. 231.

XCIV. Alexander II. p. 237.

XCV. Alexander III. p. 240.

XCVI. John Baliol, p. 250.

XCVII. Robert Bruce, p. 261.

XCVIII. David II. p. 282.

XCIX. Edward Baliol, p. 286.

C. Robert II. p. 306.

CI. Robert III. p. 223.

CII. James I, p. 338.

CIII. James II. p. 359.

CIV. James III. p. 396.

CV. James IV. (p. 1.)

CVI. James V. (p. 73.)

CVII. Henry Stuart, (p. 28.)

and Mary Stuart, (p. 175.)

CVIII. James VI. (p. 214.)

THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. BOOK I.

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WHen I first determined to Write the Famous Atchievements of our Ancestors, and, after I had purged them from the mixture of vain Fables, to vindicate them from oblivion; I thought it conducive to my purpose, to repeat from the very beginning,The Authors design. (as much as so long a distance of Time; and first the scarcity, then the loss, of Learned Monuments, would permit,) What the situation of the Countrys were; What was the nature of the Soil and Air; What were the ancient Names and Manners,

More Islands than one anciently called Britanny.

The situation of Britanny. Albion and Ireland two of the biggest of them.

and Who were the first Inhabitants, of the Islands, called of old, Britanny; which are extended between Spain and Germany, in a long Tract of Land toward France. Albion and Ireland, Two of them, do far exceed the rest in Bigness, and therefore of these Two I shall speak first; afterwards, as conveniency serves, I will explain the site and the Names of the rest.

The first, for bigness, is Albion, That now alone retains the Name of Britain, which was heretofore common to them all.Albion. Concerning its breadth and length, other Writers do, in effect, agree with Caesar, namely,Its length and breadth. that the length of it from North to South is 800 miles; and the breadth, where it is widest, which is (as some think) where it looks towards France; or, (as others say) from the point of St. Davids in South-Wales, to Yarmouth in Norfolk, almost [Page] 200 miles; From thence it narrows by degrees, till we come to the borders of Scotland. The Romans, who, as yet, knew not the furthest parts thereof, believed the Island to be Triangular, but when they proceeded a little further,It was accounted Triangular by the Romans. they found, that beyond Adrian's Wall, it extended it self broader by degrees, and ran out far towards the North-East. This in brief, concerning its bigness.

The Climate of Britain is more temperate than That of France, as Caesar affirms, but the Climate of I [...]eland i [...] milder than them both. The Air thereof is seldom clear, but commonly darkened with thick Mists,The Air. the Winters are mild enough, rather Rainy than Snowy. The Soil brings forth Corn plentifully,The Soil. and, besides Corn, it produceth all sorts of Metals. It is also very fruitful in Breeds of Cattle. They, who inhabit the extream parts of the Islands, which are more infested with cold,The Food of some of its Inhabitants, in old time. do eat Bread made of Oatmeal; and, for Drink, they use a Wine or Strong Liquor made of Corn steeped into Malt: Some do boil Whey, and keep it in Hogsheads under Ground for some months, which is counted, by many of them, not only an wholesom, but a very pleasant, Drink. There was no Controversy concerning the Name of Britain amongst the Ancients, except that the Greeks call'd it Brettania, the Latines, Britannia. Other Nations have their Appellation of it, some one, some 'tother, at their pleasure. But of late some Men have started up, not so much desirous of Truth as of Contention, who hoped to make themselves Famous by Carping at other Eminent Persons; for they imagined, that they must needs obtain a great opinion of Learning amongst the Vulgar, who dared to enter the Lists against, and to Combate with, all Antiquity; And though the Dispute were of a thing of no great consequence, yet, because it concerned the very name of their Country, they thought it worth contending for, with all their might, as if all the Ancient Glory of the whole Nation had lain at stake. They say,Its ancient Names, Three, (according to some) Prudania, Prytaneia, and Britannia. that three ancient Names of the Island have their several Assertors, viz. Prudania, Prytaneia, and Britannia. Lud contends with might and main for Prudania; Thomas Eliot, a British Knight, for Prytaneia, but very modestly; almost all other Nations do retain the Name of Britain.

Lud, to maintain his Assertion for Prudania, useth the Authority of a certain old Paper-Fragment, [...] or L [...]yd, and [...], Two W [...]ite [...]s [...] British Antiqui [...]ie [...], in Hen. 8. and Queen Eliz. Reigns. which rust, mouldiness, and length of time (and nothing else,) have almost made Sacred, with him. Tho' he counts that proof firm enough of it self, yet he strengthens it by Etymology; by the Songs of the Bards; by the custom of the Country-Speech; and by the venerable rust of Antiquity. But, in the first place, I ask him; Whence came that Fragment, on which he lays the stress and weight of his Cause?Prudania. Lud or [...] Authority disall [...]wed of, and why. When was it writ? Who was the Author of it? Or, what says it, that makes for his Assertion? Concerning the Name, the Time, the Author, all these (may he perhaps allege,) are uncertain, which proves, (he thinks) the Antiquity thereof. An Excellent Proof, indeed! where the Certainty, Credit and Authority of the Testimony doth depend on Ignorance, Meanness, and Obscurity; And that which is assumed to explain the matter in controversy, hath more intricacy and weakness in it, than the Cause, which it is brought to maintain▪ Who then gives Testimony [Page] in this case? I know not, (says he.) What then does he pretend to in lieu of a Testimony? I know not that neither, (replies [...]) but this I have heard, that, in that Fragment, it is called Prudania. But, prithee, tell me, what is that Prudania? Is it a Mountain, or a River? A Village, or a Town? A Man, or a Woman? Here I am posed too, (says he;) but, I conjecture, that Britain is signified by that Name. Go too, then, let Prudania signifie Britain. Yet what doth this thy Fragment make for thee? I would ask this Question of thee▪ Whether it affirms Prudania to be the true Name of the Island, or else doth not rather upbraid their Ignorance, who ascribe that false Name to it? Here too I am Nonplust, (says Lud ▪) but this I am certain of, that here is the sound of a British word, and the force of the British Language doth appear, even in the very [...] thereof. For Prudania is, as it were, Prud [...]ania, which is in British Excellent Beauty, from P [...]d, signifying Beauty, and Cam, White: The asperity of the Word being somewhat mollified. But for that reason, it should be called Prudcamia, not Prudania, which Word the Bards do pronounce Pruda, in their Country Speech. [...] I shall not here speak, how trivial, deceitful, and oftentimes ridiculous, this Enquiry after the Original of Words is. I pass by Varro, and other Learned Men, [...] Words. who have been often derided upon this account: I omit also the whole Cratylus of Plato, wherein he is guilty of the same fault. I will only affirm this, that, before equal Judges, a Man may more easily prove, that the Word Cambr [...] is derived from Canis and Brutum, a Dog and a Brute, than you shall persuade me, that Prudania comes from Prudcamia. For by this means you may derive Quidlibet [...] Quolibet, as you please. And indeed, Lud himself shews, what little confidence he puts in his own proofs, when he calls in the Bards to his Aid, a race of Men, I grant indeed, very ancient, [...] but yet Antiquity affirms, they committed nothing to Writing. But of these I shall speak more elsewhere.

Let us now come to the last refuge of Lud: Caesar, says he, who first mentioned the Name of this Island in Latin, called it Britain, whose Steps almost all Latin Writers having trod in, did not change the said Name. Here Lud begins with a Notorious mistake; That Caesar was the first of the Latins, who called it by the Name of Britain; for, before ever Caesar was born,Lucretius [...] Aristotle [...] the Name o [...] Britain. Lucretius makes mention of Britain; and Aristotle, amongst the Greeks, long before him; and Propertius, not long after Caesar, when he saith

Cogor & in Tabula pictos ediscere Mundos,

Prope [...].

I am compelled in a M [...]p,

To learn the pictur'd World's Shape,

shews thereby, that, in his Age, the Description of the World in Maps, was wont to be fastned to the Walls of Mens Houses: I would ask your self, Sir, do you indeed think, that Caesar, [...] who was so well-skilled in all sorts of Learning, did never see the Description of the World? Or, can you be persuaded, that the Island of Britain alone, the greatest in the whole World, then so famous both in the Latin and Greek Monuments, was omitted in those Maps? Or, do you beleive, [Page] that Caesar, who was so inquisitive to know the Affairs of Britain, as, What Men did Inhabit that Country, then, and before his time; What Animals and Plants did grow, or were bred, therein; What were the Laws and Customs of the Country, do you, I say, beleive, that he, who had been so solicitous about those things, would have neglected to set down the Name of the whole Island? Or, that he, who, with so great Faithfulness and Diligence, gave right Names to the Cities of the Gauls, would deprive the Britains of their Ancient Glory? Upon the whole, I see no reason at all, why Lud should think, that the old Name of the Island was Prudania, (for he values himself much on the account of this Title,) unless Words do also contract Antiquity from the rust of a Worm-eaten Paper. This is all I have to say against Lud, at present, who by home-bred Witnesses, and by his own Dreams together, hath thought fit to oppose himself against the current verdict of all the Learned Men, that now are, or ever have been, in the World.

E [...]iot's Authority disallow'd.As for Sir Thomas Eliot, my task will be easier with him; he, being induced not only by probable conjectures, but also by some, not obscure, Authors, thinks, that the Island was sometimes called Prytaneia. Prytaneia. He judged it not improbable, that an Island abounding with plenty of all things, not only for the Necessities, but even the very Ornaments, of Life, should be so called. In this case, if we should weigh the reason of Names, Sicily might be rather called Prytaneia, and some other Islands also, which are, as more Fruitful, so far less in compass, than Britain. Besides, in those Authors, by whose Testimony the Name Prytaneia is confirmed, it easily appears, that the Orthography is vitiated.Stephanus. As for Stephanus, there is the highest inconstancy in him. In the Word Albion, he says, that That is the Island of Brettain, following Martian therein, as he alleges. In the Words Invernia and Inverna, it is writ Praetanica. Elsewhere, says he, in the Ocean are the Brettish Islands, whose Inhabitants are called, Brettains. Martian and Ptolomy. But Martian and Ptolomy, in these Words, make P the first Letter; if any one compare the places, without doubt, he will find, that the Writing is corrupted, and that Stephanus himself was of opinion, that Brettania ought to be writ by B the first Letter, and two tt's. Eliot, I believe, was not ignorant of this, and therefore, being content to advise his Reader, as much as he thought fit, what things Men, greedy of Praise, will scrape together for the Ostentation of their Learning, he leaves the matter in dispute intirely to his Judgment. But▪ Lud, that you may know his disposition more fully, of the Three Names of this large Island, approves That most, which hath the fewest Assertors, viz. Prudania; next to that, he commends Pry [...]aneia. But he rejects Britannia, which Name was now famous thr [...]gh all Nations, and celebrated both in Greek and Latin Monumen [...], (as Pliny affirms,) as corrupted by Iulius Caesar, and that a long time after, whom he falsely affirms, (as hath been said) to have first mentioned the Name of Britannia in Latin, and that he drew others with him into the same Errour. But I can prove the Antiquity of the Word Britannia, by many clear and ample Testimonies, i [...] that were the matter in dispute; and that it was not corrupted by Cae [...]ar, but delivered down to us, pure from Hand to Hand, by our [Page] Ancestors, save that the Ancients were wont to write it with a double T. T. (Brittania;) And therefore it was, as I suppose, that Lucretius made the first syllable of the word Bretain long in Verse; but now the Latins leave out one T, which is still retained in the word Britto. The Greeks, who write Brittania, come nearest to the Pronunciation of the Country-Speech, which the Britains themselves, and all their Neighbours, do yet retain. For the Neighbouring Gauls call all British Women Brettae; and Bretter, with them, is to speak British; and a Promontory in Aquitania is commonly called Cape-Bretton; and both sorts of Scots, (i. e.) both the Albians, and the Hibernians, do so speak; only with this difference, that they who do delight in the German Dialect, do sometimes use the Transposition of Letters, and pronounce Berton for Breton. But Dyonysius Af [...]r in that Verse.

[...].

Where, mentioning the Bretanes to inhabit near the cold Surges of the Ocean, in putting away one T, in the word [...], he hath used a Poetical Liberty, (as he hath also done in the word [...] for [...],) by eliding the Letter. Here the consent of so many Nations, almost from the very beginning, both among themselves, and with the Ancients, both Greeks and Latins, shall be of greater accompt with me, than all the Hodgepodge Trash of Lud, raked by him out of the Dunghil, on purpose to be ridicul'd, and preserved only for ignominy; and, though they have a confident Patron, to urge them to give in a false Testimony against Antiquity, yet they have not yet dared, to appear, as it were, in open Court. Let him shew, if he can, what Author ever wrote Prudania, before Aristotle: Let him turn and wind himself, as he please, he will never be able to do it; seeing, some Ages after Aristotle, 'tis certain, That the Bards committed nothing to Writing. Away then with that (shall I say?Bards committed nothing to Writing.) vain-glorious, or not rather witless, Boast of Antiquity, of which no Argument, no Footstep, no nor the least Print of any, can be found.

Amidst this disagreement of Opinions, and the diverse manners and customs of Speech; Lud thinks it most adviseable, always to look to Antiquity, and the Country-manner of Speech, as a Pole-Star, and, by That, to direct the whole course of his Language: For my part, I would not much dissent from him, if that, which was in ancient use, and therefore thought certain, might be always observed and kept. Ancient words cannot always be observed, and Why? But there are several Reasons why that cannot be done.

First, Because, in every Language, 'tis very difficult to find out the 'tis hard to find the Origin of old Words. Original Words; and therefore 'tis more adviseable, in this case, to follow the Custom of the Learned, than by a vain and ridiculous Labour, always to search after Originals, as after the Which was unknown to the Ancients, but later Inquiries have found it out. Fountain of Nilus, especially, since the Original of Words depends not on the Judgment of the Wiser sort, but on the pleasure of the Vulgar, who, for the most part, are rude and incult, and therefore anxiously to inquire after their Judgments, is a piece of needless Curiosity; [Page] and, if you should find out what they mean, it would not be worth your Labour. For, as in the Generation of all other Things, which either grow naturally of themselves, or else are invented by Men for the use of Life; the First Embryo's are very imperfect, and come forth less acceptable, not only for Use, but even for Sight; yet afterward, by Culture, they wax gentle, and are made amiable by due Treatment: ' [...]is so in Language, which, taking its first Rise from Men rude and impolite, came forth harsh, rugged, and uncouth; then, by use, it gradually puts off its natural Horror and Unpleasantness, becoming more gentle and sweeter to the Ear, and more easily insinuating into the mind of Man. And therefore, in this case, (if in any case at all) I think something is to be indulged to the Custom of Men more polite than others; and that such a pleasure, which is neither uncomely nor ungraceful, as far as it is not hurtful to Mens Manners, is not to be despised. But if any one be born under such an ill Constellation, that he rather affects the Language of Cato and Ennius, than of Cicero and Terence; and when Corn is found out, yet had rather feed on Mast still, my Vote is, Much good may it do him. But this our present dispute is not concerning the Purity and Elegancy of the Latin Tongue, for it nothing affects It, to know, how the Britains did heretofore sound forth their Letters or Words: My whole endeavour is, to shew, how the Latins pronounced the British, not how the British pronounced the Latin, Tongue. For my part, I had rather be ignorant of the doting Fables of the old Britains, than to forget that little of the Latin Tongue, which I imbibed, when I was a Youth. And there is no other cause, why I take it less in disdain, that the old i. e. The Language of the Highlanders. Scotish Language doth by degrees decay, than that, thereby, I joyfully perceive those barbarous Sounds, by little and little, to vanish away, and, in their place, the sweetness of Latin Words to succeed: And in this Transmigration of Languages, if one must needs yield to another, Good-now, of the Two, let us pass from Rusticity and Barbarism, to Culture and Humanity; and, by our Choice and Judgment, let us put off that uncouthness which accrued to us by the Infelicity of our Birth. And if our Pains and Industry can avail any thing in this case, let us bestow them all this way, viz. To polish, as much as we can, the Greek and Latin Tongues, which the better part of the World hath publickly received; and, if there be any Soloecisms or Flaws sticking thereto, from the Contagion of Barbarous Languages, let us do what we can to purge them away.

Besides, this over-anxious diligence about Foreign Names, especicially in transferring them into another Language, can never be kept, neither is it expedient that it should: For what Language hath not these Letters and Sounds, which cannot fully be expressed by the Characters of another Tongue? What Nation, besides the German, can pronounce the Letter The Letter W. hard to be pronounced, but by those that Germanize. W? Who can give that sound to the Letters D. G. P. T. X. and Z. in Latin, which the Spaniards, the Britains, and part of the Scots, do?

Because of this absurdity of Sound, as I suppose, it is, that Pliny. Pliny, reckoning up the Cities of Spain, denies, that some of them can be well pronounced in the Latin Tongue: Some he calls Ignoble, and of Barbarous Appellation; Others, he says, cannot be so much as [Page] named without grating the Ear. What, I beseech you, would Lud do in this case, if he were to write the History of Britain in Latin? With all his rust of Barbarism, I believe, he would scarce know how to pronouce the Genuine Names of the Brittons. For seeing he vexes himself so much how he should write Lud, either Lhuyd, or Llud, or else bare Ludd, neither of which can be writ, pronounced, or heard amongst Latinists without regret. If he retains the true Sound, he will make not a Latin, but a Semi-Barbarous Oration. But if he bend Foreign Words to the sound of the Latin, he will commit as great a Trespass, as Caesar is said to have done in the Word Britannus. What then shall we do, to please so captious and so morose a Person, as Llud? Shall we call the Island Prudania, rather than Britannia? Lud himself, who is so severe a Censor of others, will not exact this of us: He will permit it to be called Prudania, from Pruda. But if any one dare to pronounce and call it Britannia, or Brettannia, he'll lay about him, and accuse him presently of violating Sacred Antiquity, of corrupting and contaminating the Ancient and Sincere Language; and, from a Robust and Masculine sound, of turning it into an Effeminate and soft Pronunciation. What shall we do in this case? Is it lawful for us to change or cleanse any Word from the uncouthness of its ancient Deformity? Or, if we may not change, yet, pray, may we not polish some rough Words, and incline them a little from their incult Barbarity, that they may become more acceptable to Mens Ears? As we see our Ancestors have done in the Words M [...]rini, M [...] rem [...]r [...]a, Arm [...]rici. Morini, Moremarusa, and Armorici; so that if we cannot make those Words Latin-Denizons, yet at least, we may imitate the Garb and Similitude of the Latin, in them. But, I see, Lud will not allow us that Liberty. He calls us back to the August Antiquity of the Prudany's, and forbids us to divert in the least from Bards and Sanachys. But the Ancient Greeks and Latins were never so straitlaced: For, after that the rigor of their Ancient Speech began a little to remit, there was none amongst them, who had rather pronounce Famul and Volup, than the Words which were substituted in their rooms; and they used a very great Liberty in Translating Latin Words from Greek, and Greek from Latin. Whoever blamed the Latins, for turning Polydences into Pollux, Heracleis into Hercules, Asclepios into Aesculapius? Or, who hath reproved the Greeks, for calling Catulus, Catlus; and Remus, Romus? Nay, What did the Greeks do, in Translating Barbarous Words into their own Language? Did they ever make any scruple to turn Al, a Punick Termination, into As, in the end of Words? If a Man pronounce Annibas for Annibal, must he (forsooth) presently tread under foot the Majesty of all History? Must he be said to corrupt the Truth, or to do a Notorious Injury to the Punick Language? See, how the desire of Humanity and Culture, which was amongst the Ancient Saxons, and the Danes, who passed over later into Britain, doth differ from this Immanity, and affected Slovenliness, of Lud! They, being rude and ignorant of all Learning, when they came to Men barbarous, and of a stammering Speech, were so far from suffering themselves to be infected with their Soloecisms; that, on the contrary, when they had once tasted of the sweetness of [Page] the Latin Tongue, they pared off much of the roughness which they had brought upon it: They so smoothed some harsh Words, as to make them less offensive to the Ear,Oxonia and Roffa, for Oxonfordia and Raufchestria; i. e. O [...]f [...]rd and Rochester. such as are Oxonia and Roffa, for Oxonfordia and Raufchestria, and many others, Lud himself not contradicting. And he allows himself the same Liberty in many other Words, though he be so severe an Exactor in this one Word Britannia. But now, he doth pertinaciously contend against the Ancient Custom of all Nations, for a new, obscure, and uncertain Word. Sure it is, that the Royal Name of Lud, of a Danish Original, and kept as a Palladium to this very Day, may not be buried in Oblivion. To prevent which, Lud manages a Contest against the consent of the Multitude, the Antiquity of Time, and even against Truth it self.

There is yet also another Observation in the Word The Word Britannia hath divers Acceptations. Britannia, That Foreign Writers make it the Name of the whole Island; but the Britains and English, who have wrote the British History, sometimes agree with Foreign Writers, in their Appellation of it; and sometimes they call only that part of the Island Britain, which was a Roman Province; and that variously too, as the event of War changed the Borders; sometimes they made the Wall of The Walls of Adrian and Severus. Adrian, sometimes That of Severus, to be the Limits to their Empire: The rest, which were without those Walls, they sometimes termed Barbarous,Bede. sometimes Outlandish, People. Bede, in the beginning of his first Book, writes thus: Wherefore the Picts, coming into Britain, began to Inhabit the North Part of the Island; for the Britans Inhabited the South. He says also, Chap. 34. Aidan was King of the Scots, who Inhabit Britain. And Lib. 4. Chap. 4. writing of the return of Colman out of England into Scotland, he says, In the mean time Colman, who was of Scotland, leaving Britain: And elsewhere, Then they began for many Days, to come from the Country of Scotland into Britain. And farther, Oswald was slain near the Wall that the Romans had built, from Sea to Sea, to defend Britain, and to repel the Assaults of the Barbarians. Claudian. The same Form of Speech is found in the same Author, Lib. 2. Chap. 9. Claudian doth not seem to be ignorant of this manner of Speech, peculiar to the Britains, when he writes, That the Roman Legion, which curbed the Fierce Scot, lay between the Britains; i. e. opposite to the Scots, that it might cover the Britains from their Fury, in the farthest part of England, and Borders of Scotland. William of Malmsbury and Geoffry of Monmouth. William of Malmsbury, and Geoffry of Monmouth, none of the obscurest Writers of British Affairs, do often use this kind of Speech, in whom a Man may easily take Notice, that That only is called Britain, which is contained within the Wall of Severus. Though this matter be so clear to them, than no Man can be ignorant of it, yet it hath produced great mistakes amongst the Writers of the next Age, what some have affirmed in their Works, i. e. That Alured, Athelstan, and some other of the Saxon Kings, did sometimes Reign over the whole Island, when yet, 'tis clear, they never passed beyond the Wall of Severus. For when they Read, That they held the Empire of all Britain, they presently thought, that the whole Island was possessed by them.

[Page]Neither is the Observation much unlike, in the use of those Names Britannus and Britto;Britannus and Britto. for all the old Greek and Latin Writers ca [...]l the whole Island Britannia, and all its Inhabitants Britains, without any distinction. The first, that I know, of the Romans, who called them Brittons, was Martial, in that Verse,B [...]itton, first [...] by Marti [...]l.

Quam veteres bracchae Brittonis pauperis.

Slop-Breeche [...], or Galagaskin [...].

—The old Trouses of Britton poor.

The Vulgar commonly call the Inhabitants of the Gallick Peninsule, Brittons, though Gregory Bishop of Tour [...]. Turonensis always calls it Britain, Brittons in France. and its Inhabitants Britains. The Romans do constantly call their Provincials Britains, though their Provincials themselves like the Name of Brittons well enough. Both Names have one Original, viz. Britannia: and, as they both flow from one Root, so they both signifie one and the same thing. And that the Verses of Auson. Epigr. 109. &c. Ausonius the Poet do plainly shew.

This Epigram was made by the Poet against one Si [...]vius, Sirnamed Bonus, or Little-Britain in France, [...] whom he had a [...] (and, it seems, against the whole Nation of the Britains for his sake.) He takes an occasion to [...] him from the Ambiguity of his Sirname Bonus▪ which signifies also good in Latin, and (by the Figure Antiphrasis) evil, as here sometimes it is taken. This Author makes it a D [...]decastich, whereas later Interpreters have divided it into Six Distich [...], (but all of one Subject) [...]ccording to the Poets mind, expressed in the First of them. They are not here quoted for the Sarcasms conteined therein, (and therefore are not over-curiously Translated,) but only to shew, that, in this Poets time, (who lived under Gratian the Emperor, about Anno Christi 390. Britto and Britannus were Terms Synonymus.

Silvius ille bonus, qui carmina nostra lacessit:

Nostra magis meruit disticha Britto bonus.

'Tis Silvius Bonus, whom my Disticks blame;

But Britto Bonus were his Prop'rer Name.

Silvius hic bonus est. Quis Silvius? Iste Britannus.

Aut Britto hic non est Silvius, aut mal [...]s est.

Silvius is good. What Silvius? The Britain.

Silvius no Britton is, or a bad one.

Silvius esse Bonus Britto, ferturque Britannus,

Quis credat civem degenerass [...] lonum?

Silvius Bonus, a Britan or Britton,

How he degen'rates from good Denizon.

Nemo bonus Britto est. Si simplex Silvius esse

Incipiat, simplex desinet esse bonus.

No Britton's good: If Silvius 'gin to be

Simple, simple and good do not agree.

Silvius hic bonus est: Sed Britto est Silvius idem.

Simplicior res est dicere, Britto malus.

Silvius is Bonus: Yet a Britton still.

'Tis plainer Phrase to say, the Britton's ill.

[Page]

Silvi, Britto Bonus, quamvis homo non bonus esse

Ferris, nec se quit jungere

The Printed Books read Britto & homo, which is scarce sense; and therefore Vinecus hath amended it, Britto bono; and so I have Englished this last Distich.

Britto bono.

O Silvius, bonny Britton, but bad Man;

Britton and good, together joyn, who can?

They who contend, that the Britains were a Colony of the Gauls, do say, that Hercules begat a Son on Celto, a Gallick Virgin, called Britannus, from whom the Nation of the Britains had their Original. Pliny placeth this Nation near to the A People of Gallia-Belgica, lying betwixt the River Lye and the S [...]me, in West-Flanders, (as some write,) not far from Bollogne, Ypre, and St. Omers. Their chief City was called Teroven, now but a small Village. Morini, the Inhabitants of Artois. Atrebates, and the Inhabitants about Bollogne, or betwixt Bollogne and Calais. Gessor [...]aci. Neither are there wanting some Greek Grammarians to confirm it; as Suidas, and he who wrote the Book called Etymologi [...]um Magnum. C. I [...]lius Caesar, and C. Cornelius Tacitus, seem to have been of the same Opinion; and so do other Latin Writers also, not unlearned, yet not so famous as those two. Besides, the Religion, Speech, Institutions and Manners of some Nations, inhabiting near the Gallick Sea, do evince the same thing; out of which the Britains seem to me to have been exhausted by Transmigrations; and the Morini by little and little to have been quite extinguished. The Word Morinus seems to draw its Etymologie from More, in old Celtick, is the Sea. More, which, in the old Gallick Tongue, signifies the Sea. Venta, called in old Latin, Venta Belgarum, (because Inhabited by the Gallo-Belgae) i. e. Winchester; and Inhabitants of Essex, as Lud; or rather of Suff [...]lk, Norfolk, Cambridge, and Huntington, as Camden and Leland. Icenum derived from Calais, a [...] some; but Witsand, [...]by the Plandrians called Isten, and Esse [...],) a Port betwixt Calais and Bollogn [...], in which some Footsteps of the word Iconi do appear, as others. Icium, these Names make it very probable, that their Colonies Transported with them into a Foreign Soil their own Country Terms in the place of a Sirname; and at their very entrance, meeting with the Britains, whom they acknowledged to be their Off-spring, they brought them home, and did, as it were, entertain them at their own Houses. For Morinus amongst the old Gauls, signifies Near the Sea. Marinus: And Moremarusa, Mare Mortuum: Though Gorropius hath almost stoln from us those two last Names, whilst he is studious to extol his People of Dowar, as some, of Brabant and Bosleduc, as others; and of Namur, as divers say. Advatic [...] beyond measure. Neither can the People of Little-Britain in France, to the West of Normandy. Aremorici, or Armorici, deny that they are of our Stock; for we have ample and clear Testimonies, both old and new, as Pledges thereof. Because Ar, or Are, is an old Gallick Preposition, which signifies At, or Vpon; as if we should say, At or Vpon the Sea; i. e. Maritime. And Moremarusa is derived from More, i. e. Mare, the Sea, the last Syllable being long, after the manner of a Greek Participle. As for Aremorica, or Armorica, (he which shall not know them at first hearing, is wholly ignorant of the old Gallick Tongue) they also signifie Maritime, and so Strabo Interprets them, who in Greek always renders them Dwellers near the Sea. Ap [...]ceanita Caesar writes thus of the Armori [...]ks, Lib. 5. That great F [...]ces of the Gauls, out of the Cities called Armoricae, were gathered together to oppose him. The Dead Sea. And Lib. 7. Out of all the Cities near the Ocean, which, according to their Custom, are called Armoricae. And Lib. 8. And the other Cities situate in the extream parts of France, near the Sea, called Armoricae. As often as Caesar [Page] makes mention of these Cities, he always adds, Which are so called; but he so adds it, that it rather seems an Epithet, or Sirname of a place, than its proper Name. Neither is That found to be the Name of a City in any other Authentick Writer; yet that Word is spread far and near in that Coast, viz. from Spain to the Rhene: And amongst all Writers, I find Pliny alone to seem not to understand the force of the Word; for he thinks, that all Gascoigne, or Guienne, of which Bourdeaux is the chief City. Aquitain was sometimes so called. But enough of it at present, more may be said of the Gallick Tongue hereafter.

The most Ancient Name of the Island is thought to be Albion; or, as Aristotle, or rather Theophrastus, in the Book Intituled, De Mundo, writes it Albion, o [...] Albium, the Ancient Name of this Isl [...]nd. Albium. But that Name is rather taken out of Books, than used in common Speech, unless amongst the old Scots, who, as yet, call themselves Albinick, and their Country Albin. Many think, that the Name was imposed on it, because the White Rocks did first appear to them, as they Sailed from France. But it seems to be very absurd to me, to fetch the Original of a British Name from the Latins, there being then so rare a Commerce between Barbarous Nations. Others are of Opinion, That the Name was imposed by Albion, the Fabulous Son of Neptune, Albion the Son of Neptune, whom they feign to have been sometimes King of Britain: A bold Fiction, and having no ground from Antiquity to support it; yet some are not ashamed to name the Kingdom so, upon so weak a Foundation as That of a near Appellation. For I see no other Foundation in History, which might occasion this Fable. Amongst the Greeks, 'tis true, Diodorus Siculus and Strabo have made mention of Albion and As also B [...]rgion. Bergion; of the Latins, Cato, Hyginus, and Mela, from whom we may gather, That Albion and Bergion, the Sons of Neptune, being Liguria was anciently a Country lying betwixt the Po in Italy, and the Rhos [...] in France. Ligurians, infested the High-Ways with Robberies, which lead from the Country of the A Peop [...]e living in the Skirts of the Alps. Albicans into Italy. These Men, when Hercules, after he had Conquered G [...]ryon, was returning out of Spain, sought to Rob him of his Prey, and maintained so sharp a Fight with him, that he, being almost desperate, (as old Story says,) was forced to implore the Aid of Iupiter, who sent down a showr of Stones, to relieve his Son; and that the Field of Stones remained to Posterity as a Testimony of that Fight. I will not deny, but that both the Island, and the Robber too, took its Name from Album signifies High, as well as White. Album. But this I say, That Album was a common Name amongst many Nations, and that it signified, with them, not only Colour, but Height too. And Festus Pompeius affirms, that what the Latins call Alba, the Sabins call Alpa, from whence the Alps had their Name, because they are white with continual Snow. For my part, as I assent concerning the one, that Album and Alpum were Synonymous amongst the Ancients, and I have the Authority not of Festus only, but of Strabo also, to support my Opinion; so I also judge, the Alps were so called, rather from their Height, than their Whiteness. My Reasons are, First, Because Alba is the Name of many Cities in Italy, France and Spain, which are all situate on Hills, or near them: And besides, because Strabo acknowledges, that those Names, Alba, Alpa, Alpia, Albionia, Albici, without any difference, are derived from the same Root, in the Signification of Height; and therefore he shews, That they are most used, where the Alps begin to grow high. Hence, in Liguria, there is Albinga, under the C [...] [...]eses. Albingaunum, [Page] and Ventimiglid, belonging also to the Republick of Genoua. Albium Inti [...]elium; and among the A People made up of Gauls and Illyrians, whose Possessions reached down to the Adriatick Sea, near Istria. Iapodes, there is an high Hill, where the Alps do end. There are other Places, which may seem to be named from their height. In Italy there is the River Til [...]r. Albula, rising in the Mountains of Etruria, and the Waters called Albulae flowing down from the Tiburtine Mountains. In Gallia Narbonensis there are the Albici, a Mountainous People. In Germany there is the River Elbe. Albis, arising from the Mountains of Bohemia. In Asia, the River Cohan. Albanus flows down from Mount Cauc [...]sus, and the Albanians dwell about the same Mountain. By which Instances, it will appear to be a Truth, That Album is not a Word of one, but many Nations, and in all the Places which I have named, their height doth not render them always, or unchangeably, White; yea, some Months they are not White at all. The Names of the Ligurian Giants do also confirm this Conjecture, Albion and Bergion, both of them, as I judge, being named from their Talness. What the Ancients thought of the Word Album, I have said enough. That the Germans call Berg, in the German Language signifies High. High, Berg, is known to all: And there is a place in Pliny that shews, it was anciently used in the same sense amongst the Gauls, in his Third Book, which I am of Opinion must be thus read; Whence Cato affirms, the Bergomates, a People of Bergamo in Italy, now under the Venetian. Bergomates to have had their Original, they discover themselves by their Names to be situated more highly, than happily; Therefore Albion and Bergion, Men, it seems, far taller than their Neighbors, in confidence of their Strength, did commit Robberies in those Coasts of Liguria, whom Hercules, travelling that way, subdued by force of Arms. But none of the Ancients ever affirmed, That they Reigned in Britain, and the then State of the Gallick Affairs makes it very improbable, that it should be so; and it is likely, that the State of Britain was not much more quiet; in which Land, the Great Albion left a Famous Kingdom, that he might play the Robber at Home. But I, though I do not much differ from their Opinion, who assert, That Albion was so called from Album, so I think, the occasion of the Name was not from the Colour, but from the Height, of the Mountains: They, who imposed that Britain, why called Albion. Name, were, I believe, something inclined thereunto by comparing England with Ireland, there being but a Narrow Sea between Them: For they seeing one Shore to be altogether Mountainous, and the other depressed, level, and spread into Campagne or open Fields, they called the first Albion, from its height: But whether they gave any Name to the second, from its low Situation, the Length of Time, and the Negligence of the Inhabitants in Recording Ancient Affairs, hath made uncertain. Besides, this also adds Strength to my Opinion, That the Name of the Island, derived from Album, whether Albion, or Albium, as yet pertinaciously remains in The Name Albion is still retained in part of Scotland. Scotland, as in its Native Soil; neither could it ever be extirpated there, notwithstanding so many Mutations of Inhabitants, Kingdoms, Languages, and the Vicissitude of other things. These things seem true, or at least probable, to me; yet if any Man can inform me better, I will easily be of his Opinion.

Hitherto of the Ancient Names of the Island: The next thing, is, To explain the The Situation of the several Counties [...]n Albion, described by English Writers. Situation of the Countries. The English Writers have plainly and clearly enough described their own several [Page] Counties: But Hector Boetius blamed. Hector Boetius, in his Description of Scotland, hath delivered some things not so true, and he hath drawn others into Mistakes, whilst he was over-credulous of those, to whom he committed the Inquiry after Matters, and so Published their Opinions, rather than the Truth. But I shall briefly touch at those things which I am assured of, and those which seem obscure and less true, I will correct as well as I can.

England, how divided. England, as far as concerns our present purpose, is most conveniently divided by Four Rivers, Two running into the Irish Sea viz. Dee and Severne; and Two into the German Sea, i. e. Thames and Humber. Between Dee and Severne lies Wales, being distinguished into Now only into two, viz. North and South-Wales; for Pembroke-Shi [...]e, with part of its adjacent Counties, heretofore called West-Wal [...]s, is now counted part of South-Wales. Three several Regions. Between Severne and Thames, lies all that part of England, which is opposite to France. The Countries interjacent between Thames and Humber, make the Third Part; and the Countries reaching from Humber and Dee, to Scotland, make up the Fourth.

But The Situation of Scotland, and the several Counties thereof. Scotland is divided from England, first, by the River Tweed; then, by the high Mountain Cheviot; and where the Mountain fails, then by a Wall or Trench newly made, and afterwards by the Rivers Eske and Solway. Within those Bounds, from the Scotish Sea to the Irish, the Counties lies in this Order. First, Merch. M [...]rch, in which the English do now possess Berwick, situate on the left side of the Tweed. On the East it is bounded with the Firth of Forth. On the South, with England. On the West, on both sides the River Tweed, lies Tiviotdale ▪ or Tividale. Tiviotdale, taking its Name from the River Tiviot: It is divided from England by the Cheviot-Hills. After this, lie three Counties not very great, Lyddisdail. Liddisdail, Eusedail. Eusedail, and Eskdail. Eskdail, being so called of three Rivers, which have a near Appellation, viz. Lidal, Eue, and Eske. The last is Annandale. Annandale, taking its Name from the River Annand, which divides it almost in the middle, and, near to Solway, runs into the Irish Sea.

Now to return again to Forth, or the Scotish Sea. Forth, on the East it is bounded by Lothian. Cockburnes Path, and Lamormoore-Hills do divide it from Merch. Then, bending a little to the West, it touches Lauderdale and Twedale. Lauderdale and Twedale; the one so called from the Town Lauder; the other from the River Tweed, dividing it in the middle. Liddisdale, Nithisdale, and Clidesdale. Liddisdale, Nithisdale, and Clidesdale, do border on Twedale on the South and West. The River Nith gives Name to Nithsdale, running through it into the Irish Sea. Lothian, whence so called. Lothian was so named from Lothus, King of the Picts. On the North-East it is bounded with the Forth, or Scotish Sea, and it looks towards Clidesdale on the South-West. This Country does far excel all the rest, in the Civility of its Inhabitants, and in plenty of all things for the use of Life. It is Watered with five Rivers, [...]ine, both the Eskes, (which before they fall into the Sea, joyn in one Chanel,) Leith and Almond. These Rivers, arising partly from the Lamormoore-Hills, and partly from Pentland-Hills, disgorge themselves into the Firth of Forth. Lothian contains these Towns, Dunbar, Hadington, Dalkeith, Edinburgh in Lothian. Edinburgh, Leith, and Linlithgoe. More to the West, lies Clidsdale divided. Clidsdale on both sides the River Clid, which, by Reason of its length, is divided into two Prefectures or Sheriffwicks. In the uppermost of them there is an Hill, not very high, yet out of it, Rivers run into three divers [Page] Seas, Tweed into the Scotish, Annand into the Irish, and Clyd into the Deucaledonian-Seas. The most eminent Cities in it, are Lanerick and Glasgo. Kyle. Kyle on the South-west is adjoining to it; Beyond Kyle is Galloway. Galloway. It is separated from Nithsdale by the River Clyd, bending almost wholly to the South, and by its Shore that remaining part of Scotland is also covered.

It is all more fruitful in Cattle, than Corn; it hath these Rivers running into the Irish Sea, Vre or Ore, Dee, Kenn, Cree, and Luss; it hath scarce any great Mountains, but only some small Hills, in it; between which, the Water, stagnant in the Valleys, makes abundance of Lakes, by which, in the first Showres, after the Autumnal Aequinox, the Rivers are encreased, which bring down an incredible quantity of Eeles,Abundance of Eels taken. which the Inhabitants take in Weels made of Osier Twigs, and, salting them, get no small Profit thereby.Mul of Galloway. The Boundary of that side is the Mul of Galloway, under which, in the mouth of the River Lus, is a Bay, which Ptolomy calls Now Glenluce. Rerigonius. The Bay commonly called Loch-Rian, and, by Ptolomy, Vidogara, flows into it on the other side from the Firth of Clyd. The Land running betwixt those Bays, the Inhabitants do call Rinns, Rinns. of Galloway. Nonantum. (i. e.) the edge of Galloway: They also call Nonantum, the Mul, (i. e.) the Beak, or Jaw. But the whole Country is called Galloway (for Gallovid, in old Scotish, signifies a Gaul.)

Carrick.Below Loch-Rian, on the Back side of Galloway, there lies Carrick-Bailiery, gently declining to the Firth of Clyd. Two Rivers pass through it, Stinsiar and Girvan, both of them having many pleasant Villages on their Banks. Between the Rivers, there are some small Hills, fruitful for Pasture, and not unfit for Corn: 'Tis all not only self-sufficient with Land and Sea-Commodities, but it also supplies its Neighbours with many Necessaries. The River Down separates it from Kyle, Kyle. which ariseth from a Lake of the same Name, wherein is an Island, with a small Castle. Kyle follows next, bordering upon Galloway on the South, and on the North East, on Clydsdale; on the West it is separated from Cuningham by the River Irwyn: The River Aire divides it in the middle. Near it is scituated Air, Air. a Town well traded; the Country in general abounds more with valiant Men, than with Corn or Cattle; for the Soyle is poor and sandy, and that sharpens the Industry of the Inhabitants; and their Parsimony confirms the Strength both of their Bodies and Minds.Cuningham. After Air, Cuningham runs on to the North, and doth, as it were, justle out and streighten the Clyd, and brings it into the compass but of a moderate River. The Name of the Country is Danish, and, in that Language, signifies the King's House, which is an Argument,Renfrew. That the Danes did somtimes possess it. Next is Renfrew, scituate at the Eastern Coast thereof, so called from a little Town, wherein they were wont to celebrate their Conventions, 'tis commonly called the Barony of Renfrew. Two Rivers, both of them called Carth, White Carth. and Black Carth. Clydsdale. divide it in the midst. After the Barony of Renfrew, Clydsdale is stretched out on both sides of the River Clyd, and, in regard of its largeness, is divided into many Jurisdictions. It pours out many famous Rivers; on the left hand, Even and Duglass, which run into Clyd; and on the right, another River called Even, which [Page] divides Lothian from Sterlingshire. These two Currents take the common Appellation of Rivers, instead of a proper Name, as, in Wales, the River called Avon doth, in a divers Dialect. The River Ev [...]n or Avon separates the County of Sterling on the South,Sterling. from Lothian; on the East, the Firth of Forth, unti [...] at last, being lesned, it is reduced to the just magnitude of a River, and admits a passable Bridge near Sterling. There is but one memorable River which divides this Country, called Carron-Water, Carron-water. near which there are some ancient Monuments. On the left hand of Carron, there are two small Hills or Barrows, made of Earth by Man's hand, (as the thing it self shews) commonly called Duni pacis, Duni pacis, Emblems of Pe [...]e. (i. e.) Emblems of Reconciliation. But about two Miles lower, on the same River, there is a round Edifice made without any Lime, but so formed with sharp Stones, that part of the upper Stone is, as it were, Mortassed into the lower, so that the whole Work, mutually conjoyned, sustains it self with the weight of the Stones, from top to bottom, growing narrower and narrower by Degrees. The top of it is open: The common People have several Fancies, according to their divers Humours,A strange Edifice. concerning the Use and Author of this Structure. For my part, I once conjectured, That it was a Temple of the God Terminus, which, they say, was wont to be built round and open at top; And the Duni pacis near adjoyning seemed somwhat to strengthen my Conjecture, as if a Peace had been made there, of which these Hills are a Monument, because there the Romans terminated the Bounds of their Jurisdiction and Empire; neither could any thing have altered my Opinion, unless I had been informed by creditable persons, That, in a certain Island, there are many Edifices in other respects like the Structure which I have spoken of, but that they are greater, and not so compact. There are also two Chapels in Ross of the like shape. These things made me suspend my Opinion, and to judge that these were Monuments or Trophies of some famous Deeds, placed, as it were, at the fag-end of the World, that they might be preserved from the Injury and Fury of Enemies. But whether these were Trophies, or (as some think) Sepulchres of famous Men, I believe they were Monuments consecrated to be perpetuated to Posterity, but built by rude and unskilful Workmen, after the similitude of the Temple erected at Carron. On the right side of Carron, the Ground is generally plain and level, only▪ there is a little Hill in it, almost in the mid-space between the Duni pacis and the Temple or Chapel; and therein, at the bending of the Angle, the Footsteps of an ancient City do yet appear. But the Foundation of the Walls, and the description of the Streets, partly by reason of Countrymens Plowing up the Ground, and partly, by plucking out the square Stones to build some Rich Mens Houses thereabouts, are quite blended and confused. English Bede expresly calls this place Guidi, Guidi. and places it in the very Angle of the Wall of Severus. Besides him, many famous Roman Writers make mention of this Wall; yea, several footsteps thereof do yet appear, and many Stones are dug out, with Inscriptions containing a Gratulation of Safety and Victory, received by the Centurions and Tribunes of the Romans, or else some Funeral Epitaphs are engraven therein. And seeing the Wall of Severus [Page] is seldom less distant than 100 Miles from Adrian's Wall,Adrian's Wall built before Severus's. (as the Remains of both do shew) which was built by him before; English Writers betray their great Ignorance, either in not understanding the Latins, who have delivered these things down to us; or else their Carelesness, who have wrote that so confusedly, which is so plainly recorded: However it be, the thing is worthy, if not of a sharp Reprehension, yet of a light Admonition, at least; especially, since by the Monuments lately spoken of, and by Bede's English History too, it plainly appears, That there was somtimes the Boundary betwixt the Britains and the Scots. Maldon not in Scotland, but in Essex. But those who fancy Maldon to be scituate here, are the same Men, who affirm, That the Chapel or Structure we spoke of, was the Temple of Claudius Caesar; but they are hugely mistaken in both, seeing Maldon, a Colony of the Romans, is above 300 Miles distant from that place, if we may believe Ptolomy, and the Itinerary of Antoninus. Cornelius Tacitus doth plainly confute this their mistake, as in all his other Narrations, so especially, when he says, that the Romans having lost Maldon, fled to the Temple of Claudius Caesar for safety. But that Structure, whether it were a Chapel or Temple of Terminus, or else a Monument of some other thing, having no Doors, nor sign of any, and being open also at top, for the casting in of Stones, can scarce contain, much less shelter, Ten Soldiers. Moreover, about 40 Years after the Expedition of Iulius Caesar into Britain, Iulius Agricola. Iulius Agricola was the first of the Roman Generals who penetrated with his Army into those parts; Besides, Adrian also, 50 Years after Agricola, setled the Bounds of the Roman Province,Adrian's Wall, where? between the Rivers Tine and Eske, by making a Wall, of which, divers Footsteps in many places do yet remain. But Septimius Severus, about the Year of our Lord 210, entring into Britain, Severus's Wall, now Grames Dike, where? built a Wall 100 Miles beyond the Limits made by Adrian, from the Firth of Clyd to the Conflux of Forth and Avon, of which, many clear and evident Tokens yet remain. Besides, we never read in ancient Writings, that the chief Seat of the Picts was at Maldon, Abernethy, once the Royal Se [...]t of the Picts, then St. Andrews. but at Abernethy; there was thei [...] Royal, and also Episcopal, Seat, which was afterwards translated to St. Andrews. And if it be demanded, what moved the Romans to draw a Colony thither, and how they maintained it in a Soil so barren, and (at that time) woody, uncultivated, and obnoxious to the daily injuries of the fiercest of their Enemies; I suppose, they will answer, (for I see not what else they can say, thereto) that it was supplyed from the Sea, for then Ships came up to the very Gates of the City, thô against the stream of Carron-Water. If that were true, then the Grounds lying on both sides the Forth, must needs be overwhelmed with the inundations of the Ocean, and must therefore be barren, which alone, in that Tract, ought to have born Corn. But this is yet a more difficult Question; That seeing the Sea-water did run on both sides the Forth, why the Romans did not there make their Boundary-Wall, rather than unnecessarily carry it many Miles further?

Lennox.Beyond the County of Sterling lies Lennox, divided from the Barony of Renfrew by Clyd, and from the County of Glasgow by the River Kelvin; from the County of Sterling by Mountains, and [Page] from the Stewarty of Menteath by the Forth;Menteath. at length it is terminated in the Mountain Grampius, or Grantsbain, at the foot of which, through an hollow Valley, Loch-Lomund spreads it self,Loch-Lomund. which is 24 Miles long, and 8 broad; it contains above 24 Islands; besides a multitude of other Fishes, it hath some of a peculiar kind, very pleasant to eat, they call them Pollacks. At length,Pollacks, an unusual Fish. breaking out towards the South, it pours out the River Levin, giving Name to the whole Country, and near the Castle of Dumbarton, and a Town of the same Name, falls into Clyd. The furthermost Hills of Mount Grampius, do heighten the extreme parts of Lennox, Mount Grampius. Loch-Ger. Loch-Long. being divided by a small Bay of the Sea, called Loch-Ger, from its shortness. Beyond that, there is a Bay much larger, called Loch-Long, from the River Long, falling into it; That is the Boundary between Lennox and Cowel. Cowel it self, Argyle and Knapdale are divided into many parts,Cowel. Argyle. Knapdale. by reason of several narrow Bays of the Sea running down into them, from the Firth of Clyd: There is one Bay, or Loch, more eminent than the rest, among, them called Loch-Finn, Loch-Finn. obtaining its Name from the River Finn, which it receives into it; it is above 60 Miles in length. There is also in Knapdale a Loch called Loch-Awe, Loch-Awe. in which there is a small Island, and a Castle, that is fortified. The River Awe, or Owe, issues out from that Loch, which is the only River in that Country, that empties it self into the Deucaledonian Sea.

Beyond Knapdale, to the South-West, there runs out Cantyre; i. e. Cantyre. The Head of the Country; it stands over against Ireland, from which it is divided but by a Narrow Sea: It is not so Broad, as it is Long; and it is joyned to Knapdale by so Narrow an Isthmus, or Neck of Land, that it is scarce a Mile over;A Narrow Neck of Land joyns Cantyre to Knapdale. Birlings a small sort of Se [...]-Vessels. and that space too is nothing but Sand, so plain and level, that sometimes Seamen, to make their Voyages shorter, do hale their small Vessels, called Birlings, over it, from one side of Loch-Tarbet to the other.

Lorn touches Knapdale, it borders immediately on Argyle, and reaches as far as the Country of Abyr, commonly called Loch-Abyr: It is a plain Country, and not unfruitful;Lorn or Laern. where the Mountain Granzeben, or the Grampian-Hills, run from Aberdeen in the North, to Dunbarton in the West. Grampius is lowest, and more passable, that Country is called Braid-Albin. Braid-Albin, which is as much as to say, The highest part of Scotland; and where the loftiest Pic, or Top, of all is, that is called Drum-Albin. Drum-Albin, i. e. The Back of Scotland, and not without cause; for from that Back, there run down Rivers into both Seas, some into the North or German, others into the South or Deucaledonian Sea. For from Loch-Earn. Loch-Earn it pours out the River Earn, towards the South-East, which falls into the River Tay, about three Miles below Perth. From this River, the Country called in Highland, or old Scots, Language, Strath-Earn. Strath-Earn, takes it Name, being situate on both sides of its Banks. For the Highlanders use to call a Country, lying at the fall of Rivers, Strat, wha [...]. Strat. Between the Mountains of this Country and the Forth, lies the Stewarty of Menteath. Menteath, taking its Name from the River Teath, which runs through the middle of it. Next to Menteath stand the Mountains called Ocel-Hills. Ocel-Hills, a great part of which, as also of the Country lying at the Foot of them, is reckoned within the Stewarty of Strath-Earn; but the rest of the Country, even unto the Forth ▪ [Page] Man's Ambition hath divided into several Stewarties, as the Stewarty of Clacman, Culross, and Kinross, Stewarties. Clacman, of Clacman, Culross, and Kinross, Stewarties. Culross, and of Clacman, Culross, and Kinross, Stewarties. Kinross. From these Stewarties and the Ocel-Hills, all the Country lying between the Forth and the Tay, grows narrow like a Wedge, Eastward even to the Sea; and it is all called by one Name Fife. Fife, a Country self-sufficient with all necessaries for the use of Life: It is broadest where Loch-Leven, and the River It ariseth out of Loch-Leven, and falls into the Forth at the Town of Leven. Leven, running through it, do divide it; and from thence it narrows on each side, till you come to the Town of Or Creal, on the East point of Fife. Cara [...]l ▪ it sends forth but one remarkable River, and that's called Leven. Its whole shore is stor'd with abundance of Towns, of which the most remarkable, for the Study of the Arts is St. Andrews heretofore called Fanum Reguli, an University. St. Andrews, which the Highlanders call Fanum Reguli: More to the Inland, almost in the middle of the County, lies Cowper, the Shire-Town of Fife Cowper, the Shire or Assize Town, whither the rest of the Inhabitants of Fife do come for the Administration of Justice. Where it touches Strath-Earn stands the Town of Abernethy, anciently the Royal Seat of of the Picts. Abernethy, the Ancient Royal Seat of the Picts. Here the River Earn falls into the Tay.

As for the Tay, the greatest River in Scotland. Tay it self, that breaks out from Loch-Tay Twenty four Miles long. Loch-Tay, which is in Braid-Albin; (a Loch Twenty Four Miles long) it is without question the greatest River in Scotland; for winding about towards the Grampian-Hills, it touches upon Athol. Athol a fruitful Country, situate in the very Woody Passages of Mount Grampius. That part thereof, which is extended into a Plain, at the Foot of the Mountain, is called the Blare of Athol. Blare of Athol, which Word signifies a Soil devoid of Trees.

Below Athol, on the Right side of the River Tay, stands the Town of Caledonia, i. e. Dunkel, or Dunkelden, Why so called? Caledonia, which yet retains its Ancient Name, though vulgarly called Dunkelden, (i. e.) an Hill full of Hasel-Trees. For those Trees, growing thick in such unmanured places, and shadowing the Country, like a Wood, gave Name both to the Town, and also to the People thereabouts. For the Caledons, or Caledonians, heretofore one of the famousest Nations amongst the Britains, made up one part of the Kingdom of the Picts, as we may be informed by Ammianus Marcellinus divides the Picts into Caledons and Vecturions. Ammianus Marcellinus, who divides the Picts into Two Tribes; i. e. The Caledones and the Vecturiones, though at this Day there is hardly any Footstep left of either of those Two Names.

Twelve Miles below Dunkelden, on the same Right-hand Bank of the Tay, stands Perth on the South of Tay, called St. Iohnston's, from St. Iohn the Evangelist, its Patron. Perth, otherwise called St. Iohnstons. And on the Left-Bank of the Tay, below Athol, towards the East, stands Gowry-land is the farthest East-point of Perthshire; the Plain thereof is called the Carss of Gowry, and the Hilly part the Brae of Gowry. Gowry, a County abounding with rich Corn-Fields.

Below Gowry, between the Tay and the Esk, is extended Angus, called also Aeneia, Horestia, and Forestia. Angus, or, as the Highlanders call it, Aeneia; some call it Horestia, or, according to the English Dialect, Forestia. In it there are these two Cities, Wherein there was an Abby near the Water Ila. Cowper, and that which Boetius, to gratifie his Countrymen, ambitiously calls The Gift of God. Deidonum, but, I think, the old Name thereof was Dundee called Taodunum, and why? Taodunum, i. e. Dundee, from Dune, i. e. an Hill situated by the River Tay; for at the Foot of that Hill the Town is built.

[Page]Fourteen Miles beyond the Tay, in a direct Line along the Shore, we meet with the Town of It stands near the Sea, on a little Brook in Angus, called Br [...]th [...]ck. Aberbrothock, sometimes called Abrinca. Then follows the Promontory, called Redhead, or Reedhead. Red-Head, which shews it self at a very great distance. The River South-Esk runs through the middle of Angus; and the North-Esk divides it from the Mearns. The Called the Sheriffdom of Mearns, lying betwixt Dye and North-Esk. Mearns is, for the most part, a plain and level Country, till it toucheth Mount Grampius, beyond the little Town of Fordun, and Dunotter, a Castle belonging to the Earls of Marshal: Then it grows lower and lower, declining towards the Sea. Beyond Mearn, towards the North, is the River Or Dee. Die, commonly called Diemouth; and about a Mile beyond it, is the River It ariseth in Strathdon, the Hilly part of Mar [...], and falls into the German Sea, at old Aberdene. Don. Upon the one, there stands Aberdene, standing on the Don; and Aberdee, standing on the Dee, or Dye, now both called Old and New Aberdene. Aberdone, a Town famous for Salmon-Fishing; and upon the other, stands Aberdene, standing on the Don; and Aberdee, standing on the Dee, or Dye, now both called Old and New Aberdene. Aberdee, (for so 'tis called in old Records) where the Bishops-See is, and also a Flourishing University: But now adays both Towns are distinguished only by the Names of Old and New Aberdene, standing on the Don; and Aberdee, standing on the Dee, or Dye, now both called Old and New Aberdene. Aberdene.

From this narrow Front, between those two Rivers, begins Marr, hath the German Ocean on the East; Dee, on the South; Badenach, on the West; and Bam [...]shire, on the North. Marr, which growing wider and wider by degrees, extends it self 60 Miles in length, even unto Badenach. Or Baden [...]ck, a continued Ridge of Hills. Badenach is all full of Hills and Mountains, which sends forth Rivers into both Seas.

Called Loch-Abyr, from a little Loch lying in the midst of a shaking Bog, over against Enver-Loc [...]ie, or, as some call it, Inner-lochie. Abyr borders upon Badenach, it declines gently towards the Deucaledonian Sea; a Country (for a Scotish one) very much abounding with all Land and Sea-Commodities: As it is fruitful in Corn and Pasture, so it is also very pleasant by reason of its shadowy Groves, and the delightful Fountains, Brooks and Rivulets, which glide along through it. As for the Multitude of Fish, hardly any County in Scotland can compare therewith: For, besides the plenty of Fresh-water Fish, which so many Rivers do afford, the Sea also contributes its Dole of Salt-water ones; piercing, in a long Chanel, through the level part of the Country, and there being somewhat curbed and pent in by the higher boundary of the Land, for some space, at length it diffuses and spreads it self abroad again, representing the form of a Meer, or rather Loch. Hence 'tis called Abyr; i. e. in our Country Language, A Road for Ships: They give also the same Name to the Country thereabouts; those that affect to speak after the English mode call both, i. e. That Bay of the Sea, and the Country too, Loch-Abyr, but mistakingly and without ground. These three Counties The three Counties of Loch-Abyr, Badenach, and Marr, comprehend the Bredth of Scotland betwixt both Seas. Abyr, Badenach and Marr, do take up all the bredth of Scotland between the two Seas, the Deucaledonian and the German.

On the North, next to Marr, stands Buchan abounds with Salmon. Buchan, divided from it by the River Don; it stretcheth out it self farthest of any County in Scotland, into the German Sea: 'Tis Rich in Pasture, and in a good breed of Sheep; and is able to maintain it self with all Conveniencies for the support of Life. The Rivers in it abound with Salmon; and yet (which is strange) there is one of its Rivers, called The Water of Ratra, in Buchan, hath no Salmon in it. Ratra, that hath not a Salmon in it. On the Shore of Ratra, [Page] there is a strange kind of An unusual Cave, turning Water into Stone. Cave, the Nature whereof I cannot pass over in silence. The Water therein drops down from a natural Vault or Arch, and is turned into Pyramids of Stone, insomuch that if Men did not cleanse it ever and anon, the whole space, to the very Roof, would be quickly petrified and filled up. The Stone thus concreted is of a middle Nature, between Stone and Ice; for it is friable, and never arrives at the hardness and solidity of Marble. When I was at The like Cave at Tholouse in Languedoc [...]: Tholouse, about the Year of our Lord 1544. I was informed by creditable Persons, that there was a Cave in the Neighbouring Pyrenaean Hills, altogether like This in Scotland.

Beyond Buchan to the North, lie two small Counties, South of Bamss on the Sea-Coast. Boin and E [...]y, lying on the South of the Spey. A [...]y, which reach to the River Spey, that separates them from Murray. As for the River Or Spey, it watereth Badenach and S [...]r [...]th-Spey, and falls into the German Ocean near G [...]rm [...]ch. Spey, That hath its rise in the ridge of Hills in Badenach, of which I have made mention before; and not far from the Fountain thereof, is a Loch-L [...]uch. Loch, which sends forth a River called Lochty, or rather Lo [...]chty. Lochtee, which roles it self into the West-Sea. At the Mouth thereof (as they say) there was once a Noble Town, called Or, Env [...]r-Lochty, standing on the West-side of the Mouth of the River Lochty, in Loch-Abyr. Inner-Locht [...]e, borrowing its Name from the Loch aforesaid. The Truth is, if you consider the Nature of the Neighbouring Soil, and the conveniency of Transporting and Carriadge by Sea, it is a place very fit for a Mart-Town: And our Ancient Kings, tempted and invited by those conveniencies, made their abode there for some Ages, in the Castle of A Castle on an high Rock in Lorn, of old the Habitation of the Scotch Kings. Evonia, which some do falsely persuade themselves to be Evonia is not Dunstafnage. Dunstafnage; For the Rubbish and Ruins of that Castle are yet to be seen in Lorn. There are some small Counties, lying betwixt Buchan and the West-Sea, but having scarce any thing remarkable in them, I shall not waste time to describe them.

Beyond the Spey, even unto the River Ness, there follows Mu [...]r [...]y-Land, some call it M [...] r [...]eff land, from More, the Sea, and Rie [...], [...]ent Murray, heretofore (as 'tis thought) called Varar. Between those two Rivers, (the Spey and the Ness) the German Ocean doth (as it were) drive the Land backward to the West, and so, with a vast Bay, doth abridge the largeness thereof. This whole Country (for the higness of it) abounds with Corn and Pasturage; but as for Pleasantness, and the profit arising from Fruit-bearing Trees, it bears away the Bell from all the other Countries in Scotland. It hath two Eminent Towns in it, Elgin and Inverness: A Chief Town in Murr [...]y, within four Miles of the Sea. Elgin stands on the River L [...]ssie, and as yet retains its Ancient Name. O [...] Enverness, on the South-side of the Ness, where it falls into Murray Firth. Innerness is situate by the River Ness, which issues out of It is a narrow and deep Loch, arising near the West-Sea, in Glendulphin; the Water thereof never freezeth, perhaps because encompassed with high Rocks and Mountains, which keep off the severity of the cold Air. Loch-Ness, a Loch 24 Miles long; the Water thereof is almost always warm, and all the year long 'tis never so Cold as to Freeze; yea, in the sharpest Winter that is, if Flakes of Ice are conveyed into it, they will quickly be thawed by the warmth of its Waters.

Beyond Loch-Ness towards the West, there are only Where Scotland is narrowest; i. e. but 8 Miles broad between Loch and Loch, or Sea and Sea. eight Miles of Continent, interjacent▪ so small a Portion of Ground hinders the Conjunction of the two Seas, and consequently the making of the rest of Scotland an Island; for all that space of Land, which lies betwixt that narrow Neck and the Deucaledonian Sea, is cut off from the rest by several Bays of the Sea, breaking into it.

[Page]That part of the Country, which lies beyond Loch-N [...]s [...], and those narrow Streights, or Neck of Land, before-mentioned, is wont to be divided into four Provinces or Shires, viz. Ross, Strath-Navern, Sutherland, and Caithness; [ [...] by the mist [...]ke of the [...]; for the whole of it is mentioned by and by, in its prop [...]r pl [...]ce. Navern, or, as commonly called, Strath-Navern, taking its Name from the River Navern] Beyond the Mouth of Ness, where it disembogues it self into the German Sea, lies R [...]s is a Shire that extends it self, cross ways▪ from the Eas [...], to the Wes [...], Sea, which no County in Scotland doth, besides. Ross, which runs out into the Sea with very high Promontories, as the Name it self shews, for Ross, in the Scotish Dialect, signifies a Promontory. This Province hath more of Length, than Bredth, in it, for it reaches from the German, quite home to the Caledonian, Sea: Where it is Mountainous, 'tis barren and untilled; but the Plains thereof scarce yield to any part of Scotland for Fruitfulness. It hath also many pleasant Valleys in it, which are Watered with Rivers, full of Fish, together with several Lochs, well-stored with Fish. But the greatest of them all is Loch-Loubrun. From the Deucaledonian Sea, the Shore grows somewhat narrower, and turns back towards the North-East: From the opposite Shore, the German Sea, making its way between the Clefts of high Rocks, within Land, expands it self into a spacious Bay, which affords a safe Harbour, and Road, for Ships, against all Storms; for the Passage into it is not dangerous, and when you are once entred, even the greatest Ships, that are, may be secure from all Injury of Wind and Weather.

At the farthest point of Ross, towards the North, lies Navern, or [...]. Navern, so called from the River It a [...]ise [...] Sutherland, and running s [...]rait North, frameth Loch-Navern, and falls into the Deucaledonian Sea at Inver-Na [...]a, or Inn [...]-Navern, as some call it, West of Vervedrum, or Strath [...]-Ho [...]d. Navern, which the Vulgar, following the Propriety of their Country Speech, call It a [...]ise [...] Sutherland, and running s [...]rait North, frameth Loch-Navern, and falls into the Deucaledonian Sea at Inver-Na [...]a, or Inn [...]-Navern, as some call it, West of Vervedrum, or Strath [...]-Ho [...]d. Strath-Navern. Ross bounds it on the South; The Deucaledonian Sea washeth it, West and North; And on the East it reaches to Caithness.

A Name given it by the P [...]cts, as some think: It hath Assin-Shire also to the West of it. Sutherland is so interjected between the three last mentioned Provinces, that it borders on them All, and, in some Quarter or other, touches them all: For on the West of it lies Strath-Navern; On the South and East, Ross; And on the North, Caithness. The Inhabitants thereof, according to the Nature of the Soil, are more given to Pasturage than Tillage. I know no remarkable thing in it, save only that it hath some Mountains of White Marble in Sutherland. Mountains of White Marble, (a rare Miracle, in so cold a Country) which yet are of little or no use to the Inhabitants, because That luxuriant Humour, which affects Curiosity, hath not yet reached to this Place.

Caithness, the most Northern Shire in Scotland. Caithness is the last Province of Scotland, towards the North, in which Coast Strath-Navern also meets It. These Two Counties do contract the Bredth of Scotland into a narrow Front. In that Front, there are Three high Promontories: The highest of them all is in Strath-Navern, which Ptolomy calls Farrow-Head, is the farthest North-West point of Scotland, lying in the small Edar-da-cheules. Orca, or Tarvedrum, now Farrow-Head, is the farthest North-West point of Scotland, lying in the small Edar-da-cheules. Farrow-Head; The other Two are in Caithness, but not so high as the former; i. e. Vervedrum, now called Because Strathy-Head is, by some, reckoned to be in Strath-Navern, not in Caithness, therefore they make Hoia to be the Hill of Hoy in Caithness, which hath a Fountain at Top, and, at its Bottom, bubbles forth a River, that runs to the Town of Wick in Caithness, the usual Port for Ships to and from the Orcades. Hoia, i. e. Strathy-Head; and Betubium, (Dunsbey-Head) falsly called by Hector Boetius, Dume; some call it Duncans-Bei, from which word, some Letters being substracted, the word Duns-Bei seems to be derived. At the Foot of the Hill there is a small Bay, which little Vessels, coming [Page] from the Orcades, use as an Haven or Port. For a Bay of the Sea is there called Bei. And this Creek, or Bay, being called by the Neighboring Inhabitants the Bei of Duncan, or Donach; from both those words conjoyned, the Country Language hath formed or Dungisby. Dunis-Bei.

In this Tract, Ptolomy places the The Cornavii in Caithness in Scotland, and in Cornwal in England, too. Cornavii, (or Caithness-men) some Footsteps of which Name do yet remain, for they commonly call the Castle of the Earls of Caithness, Now Castle Sinclare. Gernico; for those whom Ptolomy, and other Foreiners call Cornavii, the Britains call Kernici. And seeing he places the Cornavii, not in this Tract only, but even in a far distant part of the Island, viz. Cornwal in England ▪ they who retain the old British Speech, do yet call the same persons, Kernici: And, perhaps, 'tis no absurd conjecture, to imagine, that the Cornovalli are so called for Kernicovalli, Who? Kernicovalli, (i. e.) the Kernic-Gauls, yea, in the very midst of the Island, some footsteps, thô obscure ones, of the Name seem to have remained. For Bede writes, that the beginning of the Wall of Severus was not far distant from the Monastery of Kebercurnig. Kebercurnig; whereas there is now no sign of a Monastery in those parts; but there remains not far from thence, the halfe-ruined Castle of the Duglasses, called Abrecorn, or Abercorn. Abrecorn: Whether both of those words, or only one of them, be corrupted from Kernicus, I leave to the Reader to judge.

It remains now, that I speak somthing concerning the Islands of Scotland, (which Part of the British History is involved with abundance of mistakes.) But omitting the Ancients, who have delivered nothing certain on this Subject, I shall only insist on what the Writers of our times have, more truly and plainly, acquainted us with. Of all the Islands, which do, as it were, begirt Scotland, they make three The Islands of Scotland divided into three ranks, with their several Names. viz.

1st. Western,

2. Orcades, or Orkny,

3 Schetland, Isles.

Classes or Ranks, The Western, the Orcades, and the Zealandish, or Shetland, Islands.

Those are called the Western-Isles, called Hebrides, Aemodae, and Aebudae. Western Isles, which lve between Scotland and Ireland, on the West of Scotland, in the Deucaledonian Sea, and do reach almost to the Isles of Orkney, or Orcades. They, who have written of the British Affairs, either now, or in the Age before us, call them Hebrides, a new Name, of which there are no Footsteps, or any Original, in Ancient Writers. For, in that Tract of the Sea, some Authors place the Aebudae, or Aemodae, but with such inconstancy amongst themselves, that they scarce ever agree in their Number, Situation, or Names. Strabo (to begin with the most Ancient) may be the better excused, because he followed uncertain Report, That part of the World being not fully discovered, in his time. These Number according to Mela, Capella, Ptolomy, Solinus, and Pliny. Mela reckons the Aemodae to be Seaven, Martianus Capella makes the Acmodae to be as many; Ptolomy and Solinus count the Aebudae, Five; Pliny numbers the Acmodae to be Seaven; and the Aebudae Thirty. I, for my part, think it fit to retain the Names most used by the Ancients, and therefore I call all the Western Isles The Name Aebudae, most approved by this Author. Aebudae; and I purpose to describe the Site, Nature, and Commodities of every one of them, as out of Later, so out of Surer, Authors.

In performing this Task, I will principally follow Donald Monro, sometime Dean of Murray, Travelled over the Islands of Scotland, and described them. Donald Monro, a Pious and Diligent Person, who himself Travelled over all those Islands, and viewed them Ocularly. They lye dispersed in the Deucaledonian Sea, being above Three hundred and odd, in number. [Page] The Kings of Scotland were Masters of them, time out of mind, until Donald, the Brother of Malcolm the Third, yielded up the possession of them to the Kings of Norway; that, by his Aid, he might forcibly seize upon the Crown of Scotland, to which he had no Right. The Danes and Norwegians enjoyed them about One hundred and sixty years, until, being overcome in a great Battel, they were outed of them by Alexander the 3d. King of Scotland, drove the Danes and Normans out of these Islands, after they had possest them about 160 years. Alexander the Third, King of Scotland. These Islanders, either confiding in their strength, or else egg'd on and induced by Sedition, have some time endeavoured to vindicate their Liberty, and to set up Kings of their own; For of late, Iohn of the Family of the Donalds, as well as others before him, usurped the Name of King. The Disposition, Customs, &c. of their Inhabitants. In their Diet, Habit, and the whole Administration of their Domestick Affairs, they use the Ancient Parsimony. Hunting and Fishing afford them Food. They boil their Flesh in Water poured either into the Paunch, or into the Skin, of the Beasts, they kill; and in Hunting they sometime eat raw Flesh, when the Blood is squeezed out. The Broth of boiled Flesh-meat is their Drink. They sometimes drink Whey very greedily in their Feasts, after it hath been kept, in proper Vessels, for some years. That kind of Drink they call Blandium, an old Drink made of Whey, cla [...]fied with Herbs. Blandium: But for the most part of them, they drink Water. They make their Bread of Oats and Barley, (for they have no other Grain growing in those parts,) which is not unpleasant to the Taste; and, by frequent use, they are very expert at making and moulding of it. In the Morning they eat a little of it, and so go a Hunting; or, if they have any other work to do, they are content with that light Breakfast, and Fast till the Evening. They use party-coloured Garments, and especially strip'd Plads. Of all Colours they love the Purple and the Blew, most. Their Ancestors wear Party-coloured Plads, variously striped, which custom some of them do still retain. But, now-a-days, many of them wear their Apparel of a dark brown colour, almost like Heath, that so, lying in the Heath-bushes, they might not, in the day-time, be discovered by their Cloaths. Being rather loosly happ'd, than closely covered, with this sort of Blanketing, they endure the fiercest weather, even in the open Air, and sometime they sleep in them, thô cover'd all over with Snow. In their Houses, they also lye on the Ground, only they lay under them Fern or Heath, which they place with their roots downward, and their brush upwards, so prettily, that their Beds are almost as soft as a Featherbed, but far more wholsom. For Heath, it [...] Nature. Heath being endued with a Natural power of exiccation, doth exhaust superfluous Humors, and restores vigor to the Nerves, after it hath freed them from such noxious Guests; so that they, who lye down in the Evening weary and faint, in the Morning rise up nimble and spritely. They are all of them very regardless of their Bed-Ticks and Coverlets; yea, they affect an uncouth slovinglyness therein; for, if any occasion, or necessity, cause them to Travel into other parts; when they go to Bed, they throw the Bed and Blankets of their Hosts on the ground, and wrap themselves up in their own Garments, so betaking themselves to their Rest; the Reason they give, is, lest such barbarous effeminateness (for so they call it) should taint and corrupt their Native [Page] and inbred hardiness. In War, they cover their Bodies with Iron Helmets and a Coat of Mail, made of Iron Rings, reaching almost down to their Anckles. Their Weapons are Bows and Arrows, for the most part hooked, the Iron barbs standing out on both sides, which cannot be drawn out of the Body, they pierce, unless the Orifice of the wound be made very wide: Some of them Fight with broad Swords, and Poleaxes. Instead of a Trumpet, they use a Bag-Pipe. They are much given to Musick, but on Instruments, of a peculiar kind, called Clarsbachs; of which, some have Strings made of Brass-Wire; others, of Guts, which they strike either with their long Nails or with a Quill. Their only ambition is, to deck their Fiddles with very much Silver and Jewels. The meaner sort, instead of Jewels, use Chrystal. They sing Songs, not unelegant, containing commonly the Elogies of Valiant Men; and their Bards ordinarily handle no other Argument. Their Language is some what like the old Gawlish.

These Islands of Scotland, which use the Antient Tongue; and are called the Western or Aebudae Isles are thus usually reckoned. The first of them is Isle of Man called Mana, Eubonia, Mevania, Manim. Ma [...]a, by some falsly called Mona, but by the ancient Eubonia; Paulus Orosius calls it Mevania, or rather Menavia; for in the old Language, 'tis called Manim. The last Age call'd the Town in it Sodora in Man, once the Bishop of the Island [...] See. Sodora, in which the Bishop of the Islands had his See. It is a Province almost equally distant from Ireland, from Galloway in Scotland, and from Cumberland in England: It is Twenty four Miles long and Eight broad.

The next Isle arising in the Firth of Clyde is Ailze, Alsa, or Ailze, an high and precipitous Rock, excepting only one plain passage into it. It is uninhabited almost all the year, but only at certain Seasons, a great number of Skiffs and Busses flock thither to Fish for Cod and Whiting. It abounds with Conies and Sea-Fowl, but especially with abounds with Soland G [...]ese. Soland-Geese. It is almost equally distant from Carrick on the South-East; from Ireland, on the South-West; and from Cantyre on the North-West: The Isle Or, Arran. of Arran is situate Twenty four Miles from Ailze, inclining towards the North, it is Twenty four Miles long and Sixteen broad; 'tis full of high Craggy Mountains, so that only the Sea-Coasts thereof are inhabited; where it is lowest, the Sea breaks into it, and makes a great Bay, the entrance whereof is shut in by the Island Molas, i. e. Lamlach. Lamlach or Lamlash. So that by reason of the height of the Mountains, which break the force of the Wind, it is, within, a very safe Harbour for Shipping; and there is such plentiful Fishing in those Waters, which are perpetually Calm, that if the Inhabitants catch more than what will serve them for one day, they throw them again into the Sea, as into a safe Trunk or a Fish-pond, to be thence taken out at their pleasure.

Not far from Arr [...]n lies a small Island called Flada Flada. or Fladda, which is full of Rabbets. Boot Isle. Boot Isle, being Eight Mile long and Four broad, is situate more inwardly in the Firth of Clyde, and is Eight Miles distant from Arran, aforesaid, on the North-East. On the North-West, 'tis distant from Argyle about half a Mile; on the East, from Cuningham, Six Miles. 'Tis all in a manner Low-Land, and so, very convenient for Corn and Pasturage. It hath but one [Page] Town in it, bearing the Name of the Island; and in it an old Castle Named Rothsey Castle. Rothsey. It hath also another Castle at the Bay, called in the Country Language, Cames, or Keames Castle. Keames Castle. On the South-West thereof, is the low Island Mernoch. Mernoch, for the bigness thereof fruitful enough, and well Cultivated, it is a Mile long and half a Mile broad. More inward in the Firth of Clyde, are the two Cumbras, Two. Cumbras, the greater and the lesser, at a small distance one from another; the greater abounding with Corn; the lesser with Fallow-Deer.

From the Promontory of Cantyre, a little more than a Mile, lies Avona, now Sanda. Sanda, called Portuosa, i. e. fit for a Port, it got that Name from being a Road for Ships; for when the Danes possessed those Islands, their Fleets directed their Course thither for Shelter. From the same Promontory to the South-West, over against the Irish shoar stands Rahglin near Ireland. Rahglin; as also Four Miles from Cantyre, is a small Island called Cara. Cara; and not far there from Gaga. Gaga, Six Miles long, and a Mile and a half broad.

The Island of Iura, a large Island, formerly called Dera, and why? Iura is distant Twelve Miles from Gaga, being in length Twenty four Miles: It's Maritime parts are inhabited well enough; but, being Woody inwardly, it abounds with several Sorts of Deer. Some think it was anciently called Dera, which in the Gothish Language signifies a Stag. Two Miles distant from Iura, lies Scarba. Scarba, in length from East to West four Miles, in breadth, one; 'tis Inhabited but in few places. The Tide is so violent between It and Iura, that there is no passage neither with Sails nor Oars, but at certain Seasons only.

After This, there are many Islands of Many lesser Island [...], [...] their Name [...]. less note, spread up and down, as B [...]llach or Genisteria, Gewrasdil, Lunga, both the Fiola's or Findlass's; also the three Garvillans, distinguished by their respective Garvillan Vsk [...]a, Garvillan More, and Garvillan [...]eg. Sirnames; then Culbrenin, Dunconnel, Luparia, Belhac, Whoker, Gavin, Luing, Seil, and Suin, these Three last named are fruitful enough in Corn and Cattle, and are under the Jurisdiction of the Earls of Argyle. The next to these is Slata, or Sleach. Sleach, so called, because out of a Rock therein, Tyles, named Slats, are cut and extracted. Then follow Naosg, Easdale, Schanni, and the Isle called Tyan. Tyan, from an Herb, which is prejudicial to Fruits, not unlike Guild or Loose-strife, but that 'tis of a more dilute Colour; then Vridich and the Rye Island. Then Dow, i. e. the black Island; and the Island Eglish, or of the Church and Triarach; after these follow the Islands, Ard or High, Ishol, Green, Heath, as also Tree, Goat, Coney-Isles, and that which is called the Island of the Otiost and Eris-bach; as also Once the Bishop of Argyle's [...]. Lismore, in which, heretofore, there was the Bishop of Argyle's See; it is eight Miles in length, two in bredth, in it there are found Metals, besides the Commodities common to other Isles. Then succeed Ovilia, and Siuna, Ilan na Port, and Geirach, as also Falda, the Isle of Cloich, Gramry; the Islands More, Ardiescara, Musadil, and Bernera heretofore called the Holy Sanctuary, the Noble Yew-Isle, Molochasgar and Drinacha, which is all covered over with Thorns, Elder, and the Ruins of great Houses, then another Isle Drin [...]ch, which is full of Wood; also Ramsay and K [...]rrera.

[Page]The greatest Island of the Western ones, next to Iura, is Yla, a large Island. Yla, which is Twenty four Miles long, and Sixteen broad; it is extended from South to North; and is very fruitful in Cattel, Corn, Deer, and Lead, there is a River of fresh Water in it, called Avonlaggan. Avonlaggan, as also a Bay of Salt Water, in which are sundry Islands; besides, it hath a Lough of fresh Water, in which there is an Island called Finlagan, once the Seat of the Prince of the Islands. Finlagan, which heretofore was the chief of all the Islands, in which the Prince of the Islanders, assuming the Name of King, was wont to dwell. Neer to that but lesser, is the Island called Ilan na-Covihaslop, called also the Island of Council, and why? Ilan na-Covihaslop, called also the Island of Council, for there was a Court in it, wherein Fourteen of the cheif Men did daily sit for the Administration of Justice, and Determining matters of Controversie, whose great Equity and Moderation procured Peace, both Foreign and Domestick; and as a concomitant of Peace, the affluence of all things. Many small Islands between Ila, and Iura, with their Names. Between Ila and Iura there is seated a small Island called Rock Isle, taking its Name from an heap of Stones therein; moreover on the South side of Ila, lie these Islands, Chourna, Maalmori, Osrim, Bridi, Corshera, the Island Ishol, Immersi, Bethick, Texa, Gearach, Naosg, Rinard, Cana, Tarskeir, Achnar, the Isle More, the Island resembling the Figure of a Man, the Island Iean, and Stachabadda; at the West corner of Yla stands Oversa, there also the Sea is very raging, not passable for Ships but at certain Hours. The Island Channard, and toward the North-West are situate Vsabrast, and Tanast, Naomph, and the Island Banni; Eight Miles from Yla, more toward the North, lies Oversa, next to it Porcaria, and half a Mile from Oversa, lies Collonsa.

Beyond Collonsa to the North lies Mull, Mull a, large Island. twelve Miles distant from Yla. This Island is Twenty four Miles in length, and as many in breadth; 'tis Craggy, yet not wholly devoid of Corn. It hath many Woods in it, and great Herds of Deer, and a Port safe enough for Ships; over against Icolumkill it hath two large Rivers full of Salmon, besides other lesser Rivers, not without Fish; it hath also two Loughs, in each of which are several Islands, and Castles in them all. The Sea, breaking into it in divers places, makes four Bays, all abounding with Herrings. On the South-West is seated Calaman. Calaman, or the Island of Doves; on the North-East stands Erra. Erra, both these Islands are Commodious for Cattle, Corn, and Fishing.

The Island of Icolumkill. Icolumkill is distant from them two Miles; it is Two Miles long, and above a Mile broad, fruitful in all things, which that Climate can produce, and famed for as many ancient Monuments, as could be well expected in such a Country; but it was made yet more famous by the severe Discipline and Holiness of St. Columbus. It was beautified with two Monasteries, one of Monks the other of Nuns; with one Curia, a Parish Church. Curia, or (as they call it,) a Parish Church, and with many Chapels, some of them built by the Magnificence of the Kings of Scotland; and others by the Petty Kings of the Islands; in the old Monastery of Columbus, his Monastery. St. Columbus, the Bishops of the Islanders placed their See; their ancient Mansion House, which was before in the Isle of Man, being taken by the English. There remains as yet, among the ancient Ruins, a Church-yard or Burying place, common to all the Noble Families which dwelt in the Western [Page]Islands. Three Tombs or C [...] meterys for the Kings of Three several Nations. There are three Tombs in it more eminent than the rest, at a small distance one from another, having little Shrines looking toward the East, built over them. In the West part of each of them there is a Stone with an Inscription, declaring whose Tombs they are, the middlemost of them hath this Inscription; The Tombs of the Kings of Scotland, for it is reported that Forty four of the Scotish Kings were there buried: In the Right-Hand one, there is this Title Carved, The Tombs of the Kings of Ireland, for Four Kings of Ireland are said to be interred there; that on the Left side is inscribed, The Tombs of the Kings of Norway, for Report says, That Eight Kings of that Nation were inhum'd there. In the rest of the Coemetery, the Eminent Families of the Islands have each their Tombs apart. There are Six Islands adjacent to it, small indeed, yet not unfruitful, which have been given by ancient Kings, and by the Princes of the Islanders, to the Nunnery of St. Columb.

The Island Soa. Soa, though it hath convenient Pasturage for Sheep, yet its greatest Revenue is from the Sitting and Hatching of Sea-Fowl, and especially from their Eggs. The next to that, is Nuns Island. Nuns-Island. Then Rudana; after that Reringa, after which follows Skanny. Skanny ▪ distant half a Mile from Mull; it hath one Parish in it, but the Parishioners live mostly in Mull: The Shore abounds with Coneys. A Mile from Skanny, stands Eorsa. All these are under the Jurisdiction of the Monks of St. Columbus his Monastery.

Two Miles from Eorsa. Eorsa, stands Vlva. Vlva, which is five Miles long, and, for its bigness, fruitful in Corn and Pasturage. It hath an Haven very commodious for Galleys, Long-Boats, or Berlins. On its South-side lies Colvansa. Colvansa, the Soyl thereof is fruitful, and it hath a Wood of Hasel in it. Almost three hundred paces from it, is situate Gomedra. Gomedra, two Miles long, and a Mile broad, running out from South to North. Four Miles from Gomedra, on the South, stands Stafa. Stafa, both of these two last-named Isles having many good Havens in them. Four Miles from hence, toward the North-West, are the two Carniburghs, Two. Carniburghs, the greater and the lesser, so Fortified round about with the Precipices of Rocks, and a most rapid Current, besides; that, their Natural Strength being assisted by Art, they are impregnable. A Mile from these, is an Island whose Soil is almost all black, as being concreted out of old rotten Wood and Moss mixt together. They dry the Turff of it for Fewel, and therefore 'tis called Black, or Turff Island. Turff-Island, for so they there call that sort of Earth, which the English call Moss. Then succeeds Lunga. Lunga, two Miles in length, and Baca half less than It. Baca.

From thence towards the West, about Six Miles distance,Terriss. stands Tirriss, in length Eight Miles, in bredth Three, of all these Islands, most abounding with all things necessary to maintain Life; for in it is plenty of Cattle and Corn, they also get much by Fishing and the breed of Sea-Fowl. There is in it a Lake or Lough of fresh Water, and an old Castle, as also an Haven, not unsafe for Galleys and Long-Boats. Two Miles from hence stands Gun Isle▪ Gunn Isle, and at an equal distance from Gun, Coll. Coll, Twelve Miles long, two broad, a very fruitful Isle. Not far from thence is Calfa. Calfa, which is almost all covered with Wood. After that, two Charn More, and Charn Beg. Islands follow, Charn More, and Charn Beg. Sirnam'd [Page] Green, the greater and the lesser. And as many lie, of the same Glass More and Glass Beg. Sirnames, over against the Promontory of Mull. From it, at no great distance there lye two Islands, Sirnamed Glassae, i. e. Sky blew; then Ardan Rider. Ardan Rider, i. e. the high Island of the Horseman: Next Luparia, or the Island of Wolves; after this, is the Island More. Island More; from the Island Coll, toward the South, there is extended from East to West, Rum. Rum, Sixteen Miles long, Six broad, and because it is inhabited but in few places, the Sea-Fowl do almost every where lay their Eggs up and down in the Fields; so that in the Spring one may take up as many of them, as he pleaseth. In the high Rocks of Rum, the Soland Geese, spoken of before, are taken in great abundance. Four Miles from thence to the South-East is the Island Naich. Naich, or of Horses, and half a Mile from thence is Muick, full of Falcons, &c. Muick ▪ for its bigness, abounding with all necessaries. Falcons build their Nests therein; and it hath also a Port convenient enough for Shipping. Not far from it are Cana, and Egg Isle, small, yet fruitful, Islands; the later abounding with Soland Geese.

Then there is Soavreti [...]l. Soavretil, fitter for Hunting than any other Commodities of Life. Thence from North to South is extended Sky, the biggest Isle about Scotland. Sky, the greatest of all the Islands about Scotland, as being in length Forty Two Miles; in bredth sometimes Eight, sometimes Twelve; in many places it is full of Mountains, which abound with Woods, and those Woods are full of Pastures. The Campagne is also fruitful of Corn and Cattle; and, besides other Cattle, there are in it a great Breed of Mares. It hath five great Rivers in it, all very full of Salmon; besides many lesser ones, not void of Salmon, neither. The Sea penetrating on every side into the Land, makes many Bays of Salt-Water therein; of which Three are most eminent, besides Thirteen others, all full of Herrings. It hath also a Lough of Fresh-Water in it, and five Castles. This Island, in the old Scotch Dialect, was called Skianacha, the old name for Sky. [...] Skianacha, i. e. Winged, because the Promontories, between which the Sea made its Influx, did stretch out themselves, as so many Wings; but use hath obtained, that 'tis now called Sky, i. e. a Wing.

About Sky there lie scattered some smaller Islands, as Oransa. Oransa, full of Corn, and Cattle; and Na gunner. Na gunner, having plenty of Woods, and Conies; as also Paba. Paba, infamous for Robberies, where Thieves, lurking in the Woods, do way-lay Travellers as they pass. Then comes Scalpa. Scalpa, situated Eight Miles from it to the North-West, besides other Commodities, it hath great Herds of Deer in its Woods. Between the Mouth of Lech-Carron and Raarsa, lies Crouling. Crouling, a Port safe for Ships. And from Scalpa Scalpa, two Miles toward the North, lies Raarsa. Raarsa, seven Miles long, and two broad, it hath Woods of Beech-Trees in it, and many Deer in them. Half a Mile from it, is Rona. Rona, which is quite covered over with Woods, and Heath. It hath a Port in its inmost Bay, noted for Pyracy, as being very commodious to surprize Sea-Passengers. And in the Mouth of the Bay, (which, from its shallowness, is called Gerloch. Gerloch) there is an Island of the same Name. From Rona, six Miles towards the North, lies Fladda. Fladda. Two Miles from Fladda, is Tr [...]nta. Tr [...]nta, and [Page] on the South side of Sky, Oransa. Oransa: A Mile from thence lie little V [...]a More ▪ Buia, then great and V [...]a B [...]g. Buia; and after them Five small Islands of no note; after them follows Several small Islands. Ishol, fruitful in Corn; and neer it is Ovia, then Askerma, and Linadel; and Eighty Miles from Sky to the North-West lie, Linga, Gigamena, Bernera, Megala, Paba, Flada, Scarpa Vervecum, i. e. of Weathers, Sandrera, and Watersa. Watersa, which, besides other great conveniences, hath a Haven capable of holding many, and those very great, Ships; whither at certain seasons of the year, a great company of Fisher-men flock together, from the Countries round about. These Nine last Islands are under the Government of the Bishop of the Islands. Two Miles distant from Watersa, lies Barra. Barra, Seven Miles in length, extending it self from the South-West, to the North-East, not unfruitful in Corn, but most noted for Cod and Whiting Fishing: A Bay of the Sea makes an influx into it, at a narrow Mouth; but within, it is broader and also round. It hath one Island in it, and therein a strong Fort or Castle. In the North part of Barra, there ariseth an Hill full of Grass from top to bottom; on the top of it A strange Spring, carrying down shapeless Fish into the Sea. riseth a Spring of fresh Water▪ which flowing down in a Rivulet, carries with it into the neighbouring Sea, some small Animals, as yet shapeless; which, in some sort, though obscurely, do represent those Shell-fish we commonly call Cockles, or Periwinkles. Cockles. This part of the shore, to which the Borderers retire, they call the Great Sands; because, when the Sea Ebbs, the Sand is uncovered for a Mile and more; there they dig up great Shell-fish, and the People there about believe it to be as a Seminary of those shapeless Fish, which the forenamed drill carries down from its Fountain, and that they are either produced there, or, at least, grow bigger in the Sea.

Between Barra and Vyist, lie these Divers small Islands. small Islands following, Orbansa, Ovia or Eoy, Hakerset, Garulinga, Flada, Buiia the greater, and Buiia the less, Haia, Heldisay, Gega, Linga, Fara, Fuda, Heath Island. From these, towards the North, lies Vyist a great Island. Vyist, Thirty Miles long, and Six broad. The Tide flowing into this Island in two places, represents the appearance of Three Islands, but when it Ebbs, it again coalesces into One: In it are many Lakes of fresh Water, the biggest of which is Three Miles long. The Sea, wearing away the Land, hath made it self a passage into this Lough; neither can it be excluded by the Inhabitants, no not by a Jitty or Bank of Sixty Foot high, but that it insinuates it self between the Stones, not well compacted together, and there often leaves some small Sea-Fish behind. There is a A strange sort of Fish. Fish taken in it, in other respects like a Salmon, save that his Belly is white, and his Back black, and he is without Scales like to Salmon. Moreover, there are in it abundance of Loughs of fresh Water. It hath Caves in it covered with Heath, which are lurking places for Robbers. There are Five Parish-Churches in it for the performance of Holy Duties.

Eight Miles from thence, towards the East, lies Helscher Vetularum. Helscher Vetularum, so called, as I suppose, because it belongs to the Nuns of the Island of Icolumkill. A little further towards the North, appears Havelschyer. Havelschyer, to which at certain seasons of the year, many Sea-Calves, [or Seals] do resort, and are there taken. About Sixty [Page] Miles beyond that, to the North-West, stands Hirta. Hirta, very fruitful in Corn, Cattle, and especially in Sheep, which are here fatter than in any other of the Islands. The Inhabitants are ignorant of all Arts, and especially of Religion. After the Summer solstice, the Lord of the Island sends thither his Proctor or Steward, to gather up his Rent or Tribute, and, with him, he sends a Priest to Baptize all the Children, which were born the year before; but if the Priest come not, then every Man A Custom of Baptizing once a Year. baptizeth his own Children; they pay to their Lord a certain number of Sea-Calves and of Muttons, dried in the Sun, and also of Sea-Fowl. The whole Island doth not exceed a Mile in length, and it is almost of equal bredth, neither can any part of it be seen from any neighbouring Island, besides Three Mountains which are on the Shore, and these cannot be discerned neither, but from the highest places of other Islands. In those Mountains there are Large fair Sheep in Hirta. Sheep exceeding beautiful, but by reason of the Violence and Rapidness of the Sea-Current, and Tide, they can scarce become at, by any Body.

But to return to Vyist; on the North Promontory thereof, there is situate the Isle Valay. Valay, a Mile broad and two Mile long. Between that Promontory and the Isle Harrick, these Islands are interjacent,Soa and several smal Islands. small indeed, but not unfruitful, viz. Soa, Stromoy, Pabaia, Bernera, Erisay, Keligera, Saga the less, Saga the greater, Hermodra, Scarvay, Gria, Linga, Gillan, Hea, Hoia, Ferelaia, Soa the lesser, Soa the greater, Isa, Senna the less, Senna the great, Tarransa, Slegana, T [...]ema, and, above Harick, Scarpa; and due West, there are Seven Islands, at Fifty Miles distance above Lewis, which some call Flavanae, in which are wild Sheep. Flavanae, others the Sacred, or Sanctuary, Islands, they arise up into Grassy Mountains, but are void of all human Culture; neither are there in them any four-footed Beasts, but only wild Sheep, which the Hunters catch, but eat them not when they have done. For they esteem the Fat more palatable than the Flesh; for the Flesh is so unpleasant, that no Man will eat it, unless enforced by extremity of Hunger.

Furthermore, almost in the same Tract, nearer to the North, lie Garvillan, and other little Islands. Garvellan, i. e. the Craggy Island, Lamba, Flada, and Kellasa, the two Berneraes, the great and the small, Kirta, Buiia the little, Buiia the great, Vexa, Pabaia, and Sigrama the great, or Cunicularia so called from its plenty of Conies, Sigrama the less, and the Island of Pygmees. Island of Pygmies; in this last there is a Chapel, where the bordering People do believe, that Pygmies were heretofore buried; for many Strangers, digging deep into the Earth, have found, and yet do find, little and round Heads, and the small Bones of other parts of human Bodies, nothing derogating from the ancient Reports concerning Pygmies.

Lewis, &c.In that Shore of the Island Lewis, which looks toward the South-East, Two Bays of the Sea do break into the Land, one of which they call the South, the other the North, Lough; both of them do yield abundance of Fish, to those which take pains to catch them, and that during the whole year. From the same shore of Lewis, more to the South, stands Fable Isle, then Adams Isle, then the Isle of Lambs, as also, Huilin, Viccoil, Havera, Laxa, Erin, the Isle of [...]columkill, Toray, I [...]ert, Scalpa, Flad [...], and Shevy. At the East [Page] side of this Island there is a subterraneous A Vault able to shelter Ships in a Storm. passage, Arched at Top, longer than a Man can shoot an Arrow into: Under which Vault, small Ships use to shelter themselves, making to it, by Sails or Oars, to avoid the Violence of the Tide, which rages at the Neighbouring Promontory, with a huge Noise, to the extreme Terrour and Danger of the Mariners. More to the East, lies an Island which they call Schan-Castle. Schan Castle, a place naturally fortified, abounding with Corn and Fish, and also affording sufficient Provision to the Inhabitants by Eggs of Sea-Fowl, which there make their Nests.

At the Shore, where Loch-Brien or Broom. Loch-Brien, or Broom, opens to the Land, lies the Isle En. En, which is almost all covered with Woods, and good for nothing but to harbour Thieves in, to rob Passengers. More to the North is the Island Gruinorta, or [...]. Gruinorta, being also full of Woods possessed by Robbers and Pyrates. And looking towards the same Coast, is an Island, named the Island of Cleirach or [...] Isle. Cleirach, which, beside Pasturage, abounds with the Eggs of Sea-Fowl. Next to that, is Afulla, and then Harary, &c. Harary, the Greater; then Harary, the Less; and, nigh it, the Island of Horses, or Na [...]stich; and near that again, the Isle Merta [...]ka. These Eight Islands are situate before the Mouth of the Bay, which is vulgarly called Lough-Broom, or Brian. At some distance from these Islands, which lie before Lough-Broom, Harrick and Lewis run toward the North; They are Sixty Miles in length,Harray, or Harrick, and Lewis are but one Island, of which Harray is the South part. and Sixteen in bredth: These make but one Island, for they are not distinguished by the Arms of the Sea, that slow into it, but by the Meers of the Land, and the Possessions of their several Lairds: But that part, which is exposed to the South, is wont to be called Harray. In it there was a Monastery called Roadilla Monastery. Roadilla, built by Maccloyd, of Harray. The Soil is fruitful of Corn, but it yields its increase rather by digging, than plowing: The Pastures in it are very fit for Sheep, especially one very high Mountain, which is green with Grass, even to the very Top. Donald Monro, a Learned and Pious Man, relates, That, when he was there, Wild Sheep in Harray b [...]t no Foxes no [...] Wolves. he saw Sheep (for that kind of Cattle) very old, wandring up and down without any certain Owner: And the Number of them is increased from hence, that neither Fox, Wolf, or Serpent, was ever seen there; though betwixt This part and Lewis, great Woods are interjacent, which breed many Stags, but low ones, and not big-bodied at all. In this part of the Island, is a River very full of Salmon. In the North part lies Lewis is the North part of the Island. Lewis, inhabited enough towards the Shore. It hath four Parish-Churches in it, one Fort, seven great Rivers, and twelve lesser ones, all of them, according to their bigness, full of Salmons; in many places the Sea penetrates into the Land, and there diffuses it self into Bays, all abounding with plenty of Herrings. There is also great plenty of Sheep, which wander freely amongst the Thickets, and Heath-Bushes: The Inhabitants drive them into a narrow place, like a Sheep-fold, and there, every Year, they sheer them, after the ancient custom. The Champion part of the Country abounds with Heath-Bushes, in which the Earth is black at top, occasioned by Moss, and the Coalition of Rotten Wood, gathered together for many Ages, even a Foot thick. This upper Crust, being cut into long and slender Turffs, and dryed in the Sun, serves for Firing, in stead of [Page] Wood: The next Year after, the naked Ground, being Dunged with Sea-Weed, is sown with Barley. In this Island there is commonly so great a quantity of Whales taken in abundance about the Island Lewis. Whales taken, that sometimes (as the old Inhabitants relate) Twenty seven, some very great, some smaller, fall to the share of the Priests for their Tithes. There is also a great Cave in this Island, in which, when the Tide is out, the Water is yet two Fathom deep; but when the Tide is in, 'tis above four Fathom. There Multitudes of People, of both Sexes, and of all Ages, sitting on the Rocks, with Hooks and Lines, do promiscuously catch all sorts of Fish, in great abundance.

There is a small Island, about Sixty Miles from Lewis, to the North-East, of a low and plain Soil, and well inhabited, its Name is Rona, with the Condition of its Inhabitants. Rona, the Inhabitants thereof are rude Persons, void almost of all Religion. The Laird of it assigns a certain number of Families to Inhabit and Till it, and he allows them a sufficiency of great and small Cattle, whereby they may live well, and pay their Tribute, too; that which is above their own provision, they send every year to Lewis, to their Land-lord, who lives there; they commonly pay him, in the Name of a Tribute or Rent, a great quantity of Barly-Meal, sewed up in the Skins of Sheep, (for that kind of Grain grows plentifully amongst them,) Muttons and Sea-Fowl dried in the Sun, as much as remains, as a Surplusage of their yearly Provision; and if the multitude of Heads doth abound, they send also the Supernumerary Persons to their Land-lords. So that these, in my Judgment, are the only Persons in the whole World, who want nothing, but have all things to Satiety. And besides, being ignorant of Luxury and Covetousness, they enjoy that Innocency and Tranquillity of Mind, which others take great pains to obtain, from the Precepts and Institutions of Wise Men. And this they have from their Ignorance of Vices, neither doth any thing seem to be wanting to their great Happiness, but that they do not understand the excellency of their Condition. There is in this Island, a Chapel, dedicated to St. Ronanus, Ronanus, his strange Spade. wherein (as old Men say,) there is a Spade always left, wherewith if any one Dye, there is alway a place marked out, and prepared for his Grave; moreover in this Island, besides other Fishery, many Whales are also taken.

Sixteen Mile from thence, towards the West, lies the Island Suilkyr. Suilkyr; a Mile long, which brings forth no Grass, no not so much as Heath, only it hath black Rocks, some of which are covered with black Moss. Sea-Fowl do commodiously lay their Eggs, and hatch them there. Before the young are fledg'd enough to fly away, the neighbour Islanders sail thither from Lewis, and they allow themselves Eight days time, more or less, to cull or gather them up, untill they load their Or Berlins. Skiffs with their Flesh dried in the Sun, and also with their Feathers. In this Island also, there is a rare kind of Bird unknown in other parts, called A rare Bird, called Colca. Colca, it is little less than a Goose, she comes every year thither, and there Hatches and Feeds her young, till they can shift for themselves. About that time, her Feathers fall off of their own accord, and so leaves her Naked, then she betakes her self to the Sea again, and is never seen more, till the next Spring. This also is singular in them, that their Feathers have [Page] no Qu [...]lls, or Stalks, but do cover their Bodies with a gentle Down, wherein there is no Hardness at all.

Next follow the The Orcades. Orcades, lying scattered in the North of Scotland, partly in the Deucaledonian, and partly in the German Seas. Concerning the Name of them, Writers, both Ancient and Modern, do well enough agree; but the reason of the Name, no Man (that I know) hath explained. Neither doth it appear, who first possessed them: All say, that they were of a German Original, but from what Nation of Germany, they say not: If we may form a conjecture from their Speech, both heretofore and now, they use the Goths, a People o [...] Sarma [...]a Europaea, thence transplanted into Germany near the River Oder in Sil [...]sia. Gottish Language. Some think, they were Picts, induced by this Argument, that the Sea, dividing them from Caithness, is called the Pentland Or Picts and Sea. Sea, or Firth. They judge also, that the Picts themselves were of the Race of the Saxons, grounding their Opinion chiefly on the Verses of Claudian, in his seventh Panegyrick, which run thus:

— Maduerunt Saxone fuso

Orcades, incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule,

Scotorum Tumulos flevit glacialis Ierne.

Englished thus:

The Orcades were moist with Saxon's Gore;

The Blood of Picts, there spilt, warm'd Thule's Shore;

For Tombs of Scots Icy Iern wept sore.

But their error may easily be refuted, partly out of Bede the Anglo-Saxon, who, affirming, that the Britains sang the The Britains praised God in Five Tongues. Praises of God in five several Languages, reckons the Pictish to be one; but if the Picts had then spoke the Saxon Language, he would not have distinguished it from the Saxon; (which then the English used, without corruption;) And partly also, out of those very Verses of Claudian, where he expresly declares; That the Picts were a different People from the Saxons; For, he says, that the Orcades were the Country of the Saxons; and Thule, of the Picts; but whatsoever their Original were, in this our Age, they use a Language different both from Scotch and English, but very near the Gothish. In their daily conversation, the common People do as yet retain much of their Ancient Parsimony, and therefore they are very sound in mind, and healthy in Body. The Inhabitants of the Orcades, Parsimonious and long liv'd. Few of them dye of Diseases, but almost all of them, of old Age; and their Ignorance of Delights and Pleasures contributes more to the maintaining of their health, than the Skill and Diligence of Physitians doth, to others. The same Parsimony makes much, both for the elegancy of their Beauties, and the talness of their Stature. They have but a small increase of Corn, except only of Oats, and Barly. Out of which they extract both Bread and Drink too. Of Animals, which Herd together, they have Sheep, Kine, and divers Goats, so that they have abundance of Milk, Butter, and Cheese among them; They have also an innumerable company of Sea-Fowl, of which, and of Fishes, their Diet doth, for the most part, consist. There is No venemous Creatture in the Orcades, nor any Tree. no venemous Creature [Page] there, no, nor any one Deformed to look upon. They have little Horses, in shew contemptible, but strong enough, for all uses, even beyond belief. They have never a Tree growing, no, nor Shrub, neither, besides Heath; which happens, not so much for the fault of the Soil, or Air, as of the Laziness of the Inhabitants, as doth easily appear by the roots of Trees, which, in many Places, are there digged out of the Earth. As oft as Foreigners import any Wine thither, they drink it greedily, even to excess. They have an Ancient Cup, or Goblet among them, which, to (procure the greater Authority to their Carousings) they say, did belong to Magnus his Bouncing Cup, or Wassail Bowl. St. Magnus, who first instructed them in the Principles of the Christian Religion. It so far exceeds the bigness of other Drinking-bowls, that it may seem to have been a relick of the Feast of the Lapithae. They try an Experiment upon their A strange Test for a Bishop. Bishops, at their first coming to them, therewith; He that can drink up a whole One, at one Draught, (which seldom happens) they count him a very Nonsuch of a Man; and do look upon it as an happy Omen and Presage, that the Crop of the following Years will be superabundant. From which practice of theirs, a Man may easily conjecture, that their Parsimony which I spake of, proceeds not so much from Reason and Choice, as from Penury and Want; and the same necessity which produced it at first, did perpetuate, and transmit, it to their posterity; Till, the Neighbor-Nations being corrupted by prevailing Luxury, their Ancient Discipline was, by degrees, weakned and impaired, and They also gave up themselves to charming Pleasures and Delights; and being thus inclined to Luxury, they were hurried on thereto, by their commerce with Pyrates, who, not daring to land on the Continent, because it was full of Inhabitants, took in fresh Water at these Islands, and there, either chang'd their Wine, and other Merthandize, for the Provisions of the Country; or else, sold them to the Islanders, at a low price; And, the Islanders, being few in number; and unarmed too, and dispersed also in the tempestuous Sea, that they could not convene to assist one another, being conscious of their own weakness, either did receive, or, at least, did not reject Security, brought home to their doors, especially, it being mixed with Gain and Pleasure, to boot, which are the usual Companions thereof. But this pollution of Manners did infect the Great ones mostly, and the Priests. Among the Vulgar, many footsteps of their former Moderation do yet remain. The Sea very Tempestuous about the Orc [...]des, and the reason, why? The Sea is there very raging and tempestuous, which is caused, not only by the violence of Winds, and the position of the Heavenly Constellations; But also by the meetings of contrary Tides, raised up, and flowing in from the West Ocean, and making such a conflict between the Streights of the Land, that the Surges, occasioned thereby, sometime meeting, opposite one to another, and being all impetuously whirled together, cannot be passed, neither by Oars nor Sails; If any Mariners dare come too near, one of these Three mischiefs befals them. They are either driven back, with a forcible violence, into the Sea; or else, by the rapidness of the foaming Waves, they are dashed upon Shelves and Rocks; Or, lastly, are swallowed up by the rolling Vortices of the insucking Waters. There are only two Seasons, wherein these [Page] Streights are passable; either, when, upon the Falling back of the Tides, the conflict of Waters ceasing, the Sea is thereby calmed; or, else when it comes in a full Chanel, to the height of its increase at Spring-Tides, That force languishing, on both sides, which raised and made the Waters Tempestuous and Stormy; The Ocean, as it were, founding a Retreat to its Storms, and thereupon, the Mountainous Surges thereof do retire (that I may so speak) into their own proper Caverns and Recesses.

Authors do not agree, concerning the number of the Orcades. Moreover, Authors do not agree concerning the number of the Orcades; Pliny reckons them to be Forty; others, about Thirty; But Orosius comes nearest the Truth, he makes them Thirty Three, of which, Thirteen are inhabited; the rest, not; but left to feed Cattle. For many of them are low, and so narrow in compass, that if they should be Tilled, they would scarce maintain above one person or two. Some of them shew like bare Rocks, or else, such as are covered but with squalid Moss.

The biggest Isle of the Orcades, is call'd by many of the Ancients Pomona, or the Mainland, the greatest Island of the Orcades. Pomona; At this day they call it the Main Land, because it exceeds the rest so much in bigness; for it is Thirty mile long; It is well inhabited, for it hath in it Twelve Parish Churches, and one Town, besides; which, the Danes, who were long Masters of the Orcades, called Cracoviaca; we Scotchmen, call it, by a corrupt name, Danes long Masters of the Orcades. Kirkwall the chiefe [...]t Town in Mainland. Kirkwall. In this Town there are two Castles of a reasonable bigness, standing near together, one belonging to the King, the other to the Bishop. And between them is a Church magnificent enough, for those places; Between the Church, and the Castles, there are frequent Buildings on both sides, which the Inhabitants call Two Cities, one the Kings, the other the Bishops. The whole Isle runs out into Promontories, between which the Bays of the Sea making an influx, do afford safe Anchoring for Ships, and here and there, a good Port. In Six several Places of this Island, there are Metals White and black Lead in Mainland. i. e. White and Black Lead, so good, that there are not better in all Britain. This Island is about Twenty four Mile distant from Caithness. The Pictish Sea, called Pentland Firth divides Mainland from Caithness. Pentland Firth, running between them; of whose Nature we have spoken before.

In that narrow Sea, there are many scattered Islands, of which Stromoy. Strom-oy, not unfruitful for the bigness of it, is distant from Caithness but a Mile, but they do not reckon that amongst the Orcades, because of its propinquity to the British shore; and also because the Earls of Caithness have always been Lords of it. Sayling from hence towards the North, we meet with South Ranalds-Oy, the first Isle of the Orcades. South Ranalds, or Ranals-Oy, the first of the Orcades, which is Sixteen Mile from Dungsby-head, Skiffs and small Ships pass over in Two Hours from it, to this Island, the Tide being with them, though there be no Wind, such is the Violence of this Current. This Island is Four Miles in length, and it hath a convenient Port, Sirnamed St. Margarets hope. From it, a little towards the East, are two small Islands, uninhabited, and left for Cattle to Pasture in. They call them in their Country Speech, Holme, what? the Holmes, that is, Grassy Plains situate by Waters. To the North, is the Island Burra, and two Holmes between That and Mainland. From [Page] Bura, &c. Burra toward the West, there lie Three Islands in order, Scuna, Flata, and Fara; and beyond them, Hoia, and Valis or Waes-Isle, which some make Two, others but One Island, because about both the Equinocts (at which times, the Sea doth most Tempestuously foam and rage) the Tide falling back, and the Lands being bared, they cohere and are joyned together by a narrow neck of Land, and so make One Island; but upon the return of the Tide, and the renewed inter [...]acency of the Sea, they again represent the form of Two. In this Island are the highest Mountains of all the Orcades. Hoia, and Waes-Isle. Hoia and Waes Isle are extended Ten Miles in length, and from Ranalsa, they are distant Eight Miles; from Duncansby or Dungisby, in Caithness, above Twenty Mile. On the North is the Island Granisa. Granisa, situate in a very narrow Arm of the Sea. For Hoia is distant from the nearest Promontory, which is That of Pomona, or Mainland only two Mile. These are the Islands situate in the very Streights, between Mainland and Caithness. The West side of Mainland looks to the open Sea, no Islands or Rocks appearing therein: From its East Promontory it a little runs out into the Sea; Coupins-Oy. Coupins-Oy, almost covers it on the North. Nearer the shore is Siapins-Oy. Siapins-Oy, something inclining to the East, situate over against Kirk-wall, two Miles distant. it self being Six Mile long. On the West part of Mainland, lies Rows-Oy. Rows-Oy, Six Miles in length. From thence toward the East stands Eglis-Oy, or Eglisa, where St. Magnus was buried. Eglisa, or Eglis-Oy, where Fame reports, that St. Magnus was buried. From hence to the Southward, lie Wyer-Oy, Gress-Oy, and Wester-Oy, &c. Fair Isle in the mid way between the Orcades, and Schetland. Wyer-Oy, and Gress-Oy, and not far from thence Wester-Oy, which is Eighty Miles distant from Schetland. Papa, and Stronza, are also Eighty Miles distant from Schetland. Almost in the middle of the passage between them, lies Many outlandish Fishermen resort to Fair Isle. Fara, or Fair Isle, which is conspicuous and visible both from the Orcades, and from Schetland too; for it ariseth into Three very high Promontories, begirt with lofty Rocks, every way inaccessible, save that toward the North East, it being a little lower, affords an Harbour safe enough for small Ships. The Inhabitants thereof are very Poor; for the Fishermen, which Sail that way every year, coming to Fish from England, Holland, and other Countries near the Sea, do plunder and carry away, what they please.

The next after It, is the greatest Island of Schetland Isles, the greatest of them called Mainland, as well as the greatest of the Orcades. the Schetlandish, and therefore the Inhabitants call it the Continent or Mainland, it is Sixty Miles in length, and in some places Sixteen in bredth, it spreads it self into many small Promontories: Two of them I shall Name, the one long, but narrow, running to the North; the other broader running to the South-East. The Maritime parts of it are, for the most part, inhabited; but to the inward parts no Animal comes but Fowl. Some few years since, the Inhabitants endeavoured to form Plantations, further then their Ancestors had done, but the success did not answer. Their wealth is from the Sea, for it lies convenient for Fishing on every side.

Ten Mile further toward the North, is the Isle Zeal, Yell. or Yell, above Twenty Mile long, and Eight broad; so uncouth a place, that no Creature can live therein, unless he be born there. A Merchant of Breme is reported to dwell in this Island, who doth import all [Page] sorts of Foreign Wares (which the Inhabitants have need of) in great abundance. Between this Island and Mainland, lie these small Islands, L [...]nga, Orna, Bigga, The Names of some [...]all Sc [...]etland [...]. Sancterry. About Nine Mile beyond it, to the North, stands Vuist, extended above Twenty Mile in length, and Six in bredth. 'Tis of a plain and level Soil, otherwise 'tis not unsightly to the Eye,Vuist, or Vust Isle. but that it is surrounded with a very raging Sea. Between it and Yell, Via, Vra, Linga, are interjected. Beyond it toward the West, are the two Skerrys and Burra; on the East is Balta, Honnega, Fotlara, or Pheodor-oy, Seven Mile long, distant Seven Mile from Vuist, and Eight from Yell, 'tis over against the Streights which divide Vuist from Yell. Then many Petty Islands lie on the East-side of the Mainland, as Mecla, the Three Eastern Skirrys, Chualsa, or Divers other small Islands. Whals-Oy, Nostvada, Brasa, and Musa; the West side is begirt with the Western Skirrys, Rotti, Papa the less, Vemendru, Papa the greater, Vallu, Trons Isle, Burra, Hara the greater, Hara the less, and amongst them almost as many Holmes, or Plain Islands, for Pasturage only are interspersed.

The The Schetlanders manner of Life and Trade. Schetlanders live after the same manner, as the Islanders of the Orcades do, save that as to their Houshold Provision, they are a little more hardy. Their Apparel is after the German Fashion, which according to their Abilities is not uncomely. Their incomes arise from a sort of Cloth, which they make very thick, and sell to the Norwegians, as also from Oyle, expressed out of the inwards of Fishes; from Butter, and from Fishing: They Fish in small Vessels of two Oars, which they buy of the Norwegians. Part of the Fish which they catch, they Salt, and part they dry in the Wind. Out of those being sold, they raise up a Sum of Money to pay their Tribute, and to provide Houses, wherein they may dwell, and Houshold Stuff, so that a great part of their livelihood arises from thence. They who study neatness in their Houshold Utensils, have some Silver Vessels also. They use Measures, Numbers and Weights, after the German Fashion. Their Language is also German, Their Language. or almost the ancient Gothish. They know not what 'tis to be Drunk, only every Month they invite one another, and on those days they are Their Innocent Mirth, and Longaevity. innocently Merry and Jocund, without those Brawls and other Vices, which are occasioned by Drunkenness, for they persuade themselves that this custom contributes much for the maintaining of Mutual Friendship. The firmness of their Health appeared in one Nam'd One Lawrence, a Schetlander, Married at an Hundred years of Age, and lived above an Hundred and Forty. Lawrence in our Age, who, after he was an Hundred years old, Married a Wife. And when he was an Hundred and Forty, he used to Fish with his Skiff even in a very rough and Raging Sea, he died but lately, not by the force of any grievous Disease, but only by the Infirmities and Languishment of old Age.

The Second BOOK.

[Page]

WHEN I endeavored to retreive the Memory of British Affairs, for above Two Thousand years past, many Impediments did offer themselves in Bar to my design; amongst which This was the chiefest, That there were for a long time no Monuments of Learning in those Countries, whence the knowledge of our Original was to be fetched; and when Letters came, though but late, into play, they were nipp'd almost in the very Bud; for I may safely affirm, That all the Nations which hitherto have seated themselves in Britain, have passed thither from France, Spain and Germany. The French first of all received the The Origin of Letters. Characters of Letters from the Marsellian Greeks, by which they used to make up their Accounts, and to send Letters one to another. The Figures of the Letters, were Greek; but the Langauge was Gallick. But their Laws and the Rites of their Religion, they did not commit to Writing, no not in Iulius Caesars time; and much less did they Record their Noble Exploits, which yet, 'tis very probable, were very considerably Great; and those things which were either acted, or suffered, or else undergone in Italy, Germany, Thrace, Macedonia, Graecia, and Asia, had been buried likewise in the same Oblivion, (so that Posterity would never have come to the knowledge of them,) if Foreign Writers had not Recorded and Transmitted them down to us. I confess, in Spain, the Greeks had the use of Letters; and before them, the Phaenicians, who inhabited the shore of the Mediterranean Sea: But of the Barbarians, only the Turdetani, a People dwelling in part of Portugal, and in Algarbia, and Medina Sidonia. Turdetani (as Strabo writes,) had any knowledge of them. But as for any Ancient Writer, there was yet none that I know of. For Varro, Pliny, and if there were any other Latin Authors, who touched any thing, by the by, concerning the first Inhabitants of Spain, they confirm their Opinions therein, rather by bare Conjectures, than the solid Testimony of Writers: In that part of Britain which Caesar. Caesar visited, there were no ancient Records at all; and among the more Inland Inhabitants, which were more Barbarous, they were much less to be expected. So that when he asked them, concerning the Origin of their Nation, and the oldest Inhabitants thereof, as he writes, they return'd him no certain answer at all.

After Caesar, Cornelius Tacitus. Tacitus, an Author both Faithful and Diligent, when the Roman Navy had coursed about Britain, and had discovered all the inmost Roads and Recesses thereof; yet he found out nothing of certainty, that he could commit to Posterity. Moreover Gildas lived 400 years after Tacitus. Gildas, who lived above Four Hundred years after Tacitus, doth affirm, that what he writes was not from any Monuments of Antiquity, of which he could find none at all, but from Transmarine Report. As for Germany received Letters last of all. Germany, That Country was furnished with Learning last of all; but seeing, she had nothing to produce out of old Records, which could be avouched for Truth, according to her wonted Ingenuity in other Cases, she Coyned no Fictions of her [Page] own, to obtrude on the World. So then, they, who affirm, that they deduce the Original of the Britans from old Annals, must first tell us, Who transmitted down those Annals to us? As also, Where they have been concealed so long? And how they came down uncorrupted to us, after so many Ages? In this case, some fly to the Bards and Sanachies a sort of Chanters, inferiour to Bards, called by the Dynnywossals (or Gentlemen) of the Highlands, Sanachies, contracted from Seneciones. Sanachies, as the Preservers of Ancient Records, but very ridiculously, which will be more clearly understood, if I explain what kind of Men these were, to whom they would have credit to be given, in matters so Momentous, and those so obscure too, and so remote from our Memory. First Strabo, Ammianus Marcellinus and Lu [...]an, desscribe, who the B [...]rds we [...]e. Strabo, and Ammianus do clearly enough express, what the Bards were, both before, and also in their Times. But Strabo, Ammianus Marcellinus and Lu [...]an, desscribe, who the B [...]rds we [...]e. Lucan doth it very plainly and succinctly, as to our present purpose, in these Verses,

Vos quoque qui fortes animas, belloque peremptas,

Laudibus in longum, Vat [...]s, diffunditis aevum,

Plurima s [...]curi fud [...]stis carmina, Bardi.

Englished thus:

Ye Bards, such Valiant Souls, as fall in War,

Perpetuate with Rhimes, and Praises rare.

But the very Oldest of them were altogether ignorant of Letters, neither did they leave any Records of Ancient Matters behind them.

The other were Bardlings or Sanachies, (as they call them,) which were maintain'd by the chief of the Ancient Clans, and by some Wealthy Men besides, one a peice, on purpose to Chant out (by Heart,) the Memories of their Patrons, and the Atchievements of their Ancestors, from their first Rise. But these too, having no Learning at all, let any Man judge, what credit is to be given to them, all whose hopes and subsistence did depend on Soothing and Flattering of others. Besides, though what they deliver were most true, yet it would not much advance the Writer of an History: Lastly, let us consider, how often the Writers of such Famous Deeds as are past, are found in manifest Mistakes, how often they themselves do Waver, Doubt, Fluctuate, and are at a loss, and how vastly some of them do differ from others, and not a few contradict themselves. If such Lapses are incident even to those, who seek after Truth, with great Labour and Study, what can we hope for, from such other Persons, who being without Learning (by which they who casually mistake, may be better informed, and those who mistake on purpose, may be confronted,) do trust their Memory, alone? I might allege, that the Memory is often times impaired by Disuse; it is weakned by Age; or wholly lost by some Diseases. Besides, if they have a desire to please their Patrons, (as it often comes to pass,) or, on the contrary, if they have a mind to cross them; or, if the Passions of Anger, Hatred, or Envy do intervene, (which pervert the Judgment,) Who can affirm any thing for Truth, upon such Mens Authorities? Or, Who would take the pains to [Page] refute it, though it were False? Or, Who would deliver down for certain, what he received from such uncertain Authors? Wherefore, in so great a silence of old Great uncertainties amongst the ancient Writers of British Affairs, and the Reasons why? Writers, (concerning matters of Antiquity,) who were all so hugely ignorant, even of things acted in their own times, there being nothing assuredly true and sincere, I count it more modest, to be silent in what one knows not, than by devising Falshoods to betray ones own Ignorance, and to slight and despise the better Judgments of other Men.

It follows then, that there was so great a scarcity of Writers amongst all the Nations of the Britains, that, before the coming in of the Romans thither, all things were buried in the profound Darkness of Silence, in so much, that we can get no Information of what was Acted, even by the Romans themselves, otherwise than from Greek and Latin Monuments: And as for those things, which preceded their coming, we may believe rather their Conjectures, than our own Fictions. For what our Writers have delivered, every one concerning the Original of his own Sept or Nation, is so absurd, that I should have counted my time lost to go about to refel it, unless there were some who delighted in such Fables, as if they were as true as Gospel, and so prided themselves with the Ornaments of other Mens Feathers.

Moreover, the disagreement of later Writers makes a great accession to the difficulty of this Task, for they deliver such Repugnancies, that a Man cannot well tell, whom to follow; yea, there is such an absurdity amongst them, that all of them seem most deservedly fit to be rejected. Neither do I so much wonder at the Silence of the Ancients, in a matter so obscure, or the Dissonancy of later Writers in feigning Falshoods; as at the agreeing impudence of some few: For they write of those times, in which all things were dubious and uncertain, with so much positiveness and confidence, as if their design were rather to court the Readers Ear, than to respect the Faithness of their Narrations.

For in those first times, seeing the use of Tillage was not common, neither among the Britains, nor many other Nations; but all their Wealth consisted in Cattle, Men had no regard to their substance, which was very small, because they were either expelled from their Habitations by such as were more powerful than themselves; or, they themselves did drive out the weaker ones; or else, they sought out better Pasture for their Cattle in Wild and Desert places: Upon one or other of these Grounds, they easily changed, their Dwellings, and the Places, they removed to, with new Masters soon got new Names. Besides, the Ambition of the wealthier sort added much to the difficulty, who, to perpetuate their Memory to Posterity, called Countrys, Provinces and Towns by their own Names. Almost all the Cities in Several Countries have changed their Names. Spain, had two Names. The Names of the Inhabitants in It, and also the Names of the Cities and Countries therein, received frequent alterations. Not to speak of Egypt, Greece, and other remote Countries.

Saepius & nomen posuit Saturnia tellus.

Fair Italy (says Fame,)

Full oft hath chang'd her Name [...]

[Page]Add hereunto, that those Nations, who live in the same Country, have not always the same Names. That which the Latins call Spain hath several Names. Hispania; The Greeks, Iberia; The Poets, Hesperia; St. Paul in his Epistle, Theodoret and Sozomen in Their History, call Spania (i. e.) Spain. The Name of the Greeks, so celebrated by the Latins, and all Nations of Europe, is more obscure than the Greeks themselves. The Hebrews and Arabians keep their Old Words, almost in all Nations, which were not so much as heard of by other People. Scot, and English are the common Names of the British Nations, which, at this day, are almost unknown to the Or Highlanders. Ancient Scots, and Britains; for they call the one Albines, the other Saxons. And therefore 'tis no wonder, if, in so great an uncertainty of Human Affairs, as to the Names of Men and Places; Writers, who were born at several times, far distant one from another, and having different Languages, and Manners too, do not always agree amongst themselves. Though these things have occasioned difficulties great enough, in searching out the first Original of Nations, yet some of the Moderns too, being acted by a Principle of Ambition, have involved all things in more thick and palpable darkness. For, whilst every one would fetch the Original of his Nation, as high as he could; and so endeavour to enoble it by devised Fables, by this immoderate Licence of coyning Fictions, What do they but obscure ▪ That, which they ought to Illustrate? And, if at any time they speak Truth, yet, by their frequent and ridiculous Untruths, at other times, they detract from their own Credit; And are so far from obtaining that Esteem, which they hoped for, that, by reason of their Falshoods, they are laughed at, even by those, whom they endeavour'd to cajole into an Assent.

To make this plain, I will first begin, as with the Ancientest Nation, so, from the most notorious and impudent Falshood. They who compiled a The Fabulous Origin of the Britains. New History of the Ancient Britains, having interpolated the Fable of the Danaides, proceed further to feign, That one Diocletian, a supposed King of Syria, and Labana his Wife, with their 33 Daughters. Diocletian, King of Syria begat 33 Daughters on his Wife Labana; who killing their Husbands on their Wedding night, their Father crouded them all together into one Ship, without any Master or Pilot; who, arriving in Britain, then but a Desert, did not only live solitarily in that cold Country; and not very full of Fruits growing of their own accord, neither; but also, by the Compression of Cacodaemons (forsooth) they brought forth Giants, whose Race continued till the arrival of Brutus. They say, the Island was called Albion from Albine. Albine, and that Brutus, and his Knight-Errant Adventures. Brutus was the Nephews Son of Aeneas, the Trojan, and the Son of Aeneas Sylvius. This Brutus having accidentally killed his Father with a Dart, it was looked upon as a lamentable and piteous Fact, by all Men; yet, because it was not done on purpose, the punishment of Death was remitted, and Banishment either enjoyned, or voluntarily undertaken, by him. Brutus, a Parricide. This Parricide having consulted the Oracle of Diana, and having run various hazards through so many Lands and Seas, after 10 years arrived in Britain, with a great number of Followers; and by many Combats having conquered the terrible Giants in Albion, he gain'd the Empire of the whole Island. Brutus his Three Sons. He had three [Page] Sons, (as they proceed to Fable) Locrinus, Albanactus, and Camber; between whom the Island was divided; Albanactus ruled over the Albans, afterwards called Scots; Camber over the Cambrians, (i. e.) the Welsh; They did both Govern their several Precincts (as Vice-roys) yet so, as that Locrinus had supreme Dominion, who, being Ruler of the rest of the Britans, gave the Name of An old Name for England. Loegria to his part. Later Writers, that they might also propagate this Fabulous Empire as much as they could, do make this Addition to it, That Vendelina succeeded her Father Locrinus; Madanus, Vendelina. Vendelina; Menpricius, Madanus; and Ebrancus, Menpricius, which later, of Twenty Wives begat as many Sons; of which, Nineteen passed into Germany ▪ and by force of Arms conquered that Country, being assisted by the Forces of their Kinsman, Alba Sylvius ▪ and from those Brothers the Country was called Germany, whence so called, according to old Story. Germany. These are the things, which, the Brittons, and after them, some of the English, have delivered concerning the first Inhabitants of Britain.

Here I cannot but stand amazed at their design, who might easily, and without any reflection at all, have imitated the Athenians, Arcadians, and other famous Nations, and have called themselve, Born in the same Country▪ where they live. Indigenae, seeing it would have been no disgrace to them to own that Origin, which the Noblest and wisest City in the whole World counted her Glory; especially, since that Opinion could not be refuted out of Ancient Writers; and had no mean Assertors, besides; yet, that they had rather forge Ancestors to themselves, from the Refuse of all Nations, whom the very Series of the Narration itself did make suspected, even to the unskilful Vulgar; and also none of the Ancients, no, not by the meanest suspition, did confirm. Besides, if that had not pleased them, seeing it was free for them, (as some of the Poets have Writ) to have assumed Honourable Ancestors to themselves, out of any old Books; I wonder in my heart, what was in their Minds, to make choice of such, of whom all their posterity might justly be ashamed. For what great folly is it, to think nothing Illustrious, or Magnificent but what is Profligat and Flagitious, or, at least, but a size below it; yet some there are, that value themselves, among the ignorant, upon the score of such Trifles; as for Iohannes Annius. Iohn Annius, a Man (I grant) not unlearned, I think, he may be pardoned, seeing Poets claim a Liberty to celebrate the Original of Families, and Nations, with the mixture of Figments, but 'tis not equal to allow the [...]ame Privilege to those who undertake, professedly, to write an History.

To begin then farthest off: What is more abhorrent from all belief, than that a few The Story of the 33 Sisters confu [...]ed. Girles, without the help of Men to manage their Vessel, should come from Syria, through so many Seas (which Voyage, even now adays, (when Men have attain'd, by Use and Custom, more skill in Navigation,) is yet hazardous, (thô with a brave and well-furnished Navy,) to the fag end, as it were, of the World, and into a desolate Island too; and there to live without Corn or Fruits of Trees; Yea, that such Ladies of a Royal Stock should not only barely maintain their Lives, in so cold a Climate, destitute of all things; But also should bring forth Giants; and that their Copulations, or Marriages, might not seem unsuitable to their State, [Page] that they were got with Child (would you think it?) by Cacodaemons. As for that Diocletian, pray, at what time, and in what part of Syria, did he Reign? How comes it to pass, that Authors make no mention of him, especially since the Affairs of no Nation are more diligently transmitted to Posterity, than those of the Syrians are? How came he to be called The Fable of Diocletian confuted. Diocletian? Certainly that Name took its rise a Thousand Years after him, amongst the Barbarians, and being Originally Greek, is declined after the Latin form.

The next Accession of Nobility, (forsooth) is Brutus his Story refelled. Brutus, the Parricide, that he so might not, in that respect, be inferiour to Br [...]tus and Romulus compared. Romulus. This Brutus, whatsoever he were, whom the Brittons make the Author of their Name and Nation, with what Forces, with what Commerce of Language, could he penetrate so far into Britain? Especially in Those Times, wherein the Roman Arms, even in the most flourishing State of their Commonwealth, having conquered almost all the World besides, could scarce come: For it is needless to mention, how, before Rome was built, the Affairs of Italy were at a very low ebb; and how the Inhabitants thereof were averse from all Peregrination and Travel. Neither need I enquire, Whether he came by Land, or Sea? The Alps, till that time, were pervious only to Hercules; and the Gauls, by reason of their connatural Fierceness, were as yet unacquainted with converse of Foreigners. As for Sea-Voyages, The Carthaginians and the Greeks inhabiting Marseilles, scarce dared to venture into the Ocean, but very late, and when things were well setled at Home; And, even then, their Voyages were rather for Discovery, than Conquest; much less can we believe, that Alban-Shepherds, a wildish sort of people, would undertake so bold an attempt. Besides, all Men, who are not ignorant of Latin, do know, that the Name of The Name of the True Brutus, when it began, and how? Brutus began to be celebrated under Tarquinius Superbus, almost Five Hundred Years after that Commentitious Brutus; when Lucius Iunius, a Nobleman, putting off his Native Grandeur, descended below himself, on purpose, to avoid the Cruelty of their Kings; And, on pretence of being Foolish, he took that new Sirname to himself, and transmitted it to his Posterity. But the Monk, who was the Forger and Deviser of this Fable of Brutus, seemed to see the absurdity of the Invention, himself; yet, he thought to stop all Mens Mouths with the pretence of Religion (forsooth) in in the Case, and would have every Body think, that they obeyed the Oracle of Diana. Herein, I will not be nice in inquiry, why this Oracle of Diana was unknown to Posterity, when the Oracles of Faunus the Third King of the Aborigines, to whom Saturn (by whom he was entertained) caused a Grove and Cave to be dedicated, whence Oracles were given forth, (according to old Story.) Faunus, Cumaea, so called from Cuma in the Gulph of Naples. of Sybilla, and the Little Pieces of Oak-Wood-Lotteries, marked with Letters or Words, almost like Dice, which when they were thrown, the Priest gave his Response according to the Letter which was uppermost, at Praeneste, now Palestrina, in Italy. Praenestine Vaticinations, or Lots, were then in so great Credit.

I will only ask, In what Language did Diana answer? If they say, In Latin; I demand, How Brutus could understand a Language, which arose Nine Hundred Years after his time? For, seeing Horace, a very Learned Man, doth ingenuously confess, That he did [Page] not understand the Salii were Twelve Priests, instituted by Numa Pompilius, in Honour of Hercules, or, as some say, of Mars. And the Carmen Saliare, which they sang, was composed by the same Numa, in an obsolete and almost unintelligible Language or Style. Saliar Rythmes, which were made in the Reign of Numa Pompilius, How could that Brutus, who died so many Years, before the Priests called Salii were Twelve Priests, instituted by Numa Pompilius, in Honour of Hercules, or, as some say, of Mars. And the Carmen Saliare, which they sang, was composed by the same Numa, in an obsolete and almost unintelligible Language or Style. Salii were instituted, understand Verses, made long after Horace his time, as the Tenour of their Composure doth shew? Besides, how could the Posterity of Brutus, so totally forget the Latin Tongue, that not the least Footsteps of it remain'd amongst them? And whence got They that Language which they now use? Or, if it be granted, that their (supposed) Gods, as well as their Men, then spake British in Italy, yet surely it was not the Tongue the Britains now make use of; For That is so patch'd up of the Languages of the Neighbour-Nations, that several Countries may know and own their own Words therein. But if they say, That those Ancient Latins spake British, how could that Monk understand so old a Word, which was given forth 2000 Years before? But why do I prosecute these things, so particularly, seeing it appears by many other Arguments also, that the same Monk did forge this whole Story, and begat such a Brutus, (in his own Brain) as never was in Nature, and also devised the Oracle of Diana, too. I shall add the Verses themselves, that the Vanity of such cunning Sophisters may more easily be discovered.

Brutus's supposed Address to the Oracle, with Diana's Answer thereunto. Brutus's Address to the Oracle.

Diva, potens nemorum, Terror Sylvestribus apris,

Cui licet anfractus ire per aetherios,

Infernasque domos: Terrestria Iura resolve▪

Et dic, quas terras nos habitare velis.

Dic certam sedem, quâ te veneremur in avum,

Quâ tibi Virgineis Templa dicabo choris.

Englished thus:

Goddess of Groves, and Wild-Boars chase,

Who dost th' Etherial Mansions trace,

And Pluto's too; Resolve this Doubt,

Tell me, what Country to find out,

Where I may fix, and Temples raise,

For Virgin-Chores to sing thy praise.

The Oracles Answer.

Diana answers in Verses of the same kind, (so that they must needs be made by one and the same Poet) not perplexed and ambiguous ones; or, such as may be interpreted divers ways, but clear and perspicuous ones, wherein she promiseth That which she could never give, viz. The Empire of the whole World.

Brute, sub Occasum Solis trans Gallica regna,

Insula in Oceano est, undique cincta mari.

Insula in Oceano est, habitata Gigantibus Olim,

Nunc deserta quidem, Gentibus apta Tuis.

[Page]Hanc pete, namque tibi Sedes erit illa perennis,

Haec fiet natis altera Troja tuis;

H [...]c de prole tuâ Reges nascentur, & illis

Totius Terrae subaitus Orbis erit.

Rendred thus:

Toward the West, beyond Gauls Kingdom's Bound,

An Isle there is, which th' Ocean doth Surround;

An Island once inhabited by Giants fell,

Now desolate, where thy Comrades may dwell;

Go thither, Brutus, there's a lasting place,

Another Troy for Thee, and for thy Race;

Kings of Thy Stock shall there the Scepter sway,

Whom the subdued World shall Obey.

I suppose, by these Verses, compared with the Histories, the whole Forgery will be discovered, and that plainly enough. For, besides the vain promises on both sides, the Rythms say, That the Island was not then inhabited but desolate, but that it was inhabited before; But where (I pray,) then were those Portentous Figments of Gogmagog and Tentagol, and other frightful Names of Men, invented for Terrour, (shall I say,) or for Laughter, rather? What will become of those doughty Combates of Corineus, and others, the Companions of Brutus, against not the Earth-born, but Hell-born, Giants? Thus far concerning Brutus, and his Oracle.

Though these be so great Fictions, yet Posterity is so little ashamed of them, that, but a few years ago no mean Writer amongst them, hath impudently feigned, That the Trojans spake the British Language. Homer. Homer and Dionysius Halicarnasseus. Dionysius Halicarnasseus, do easily refel the vanity of this shameless Opinion. For the one gives Greek Names to all the Trojans; the other in a long and serious Disputation, doth contend, that the Trojans were Originally Greeks? I pass by this consideration, that when Brute arrived in England with no great Train, how within the space of Twenty years he could establish Three Kingdoms; and how, they, who, all of them put together a [...] first, could scarce make up the number of one mean Colony, should in so short a time People an Island the biggest in the whole World, and furnish it not only with Villages and Cities, but set up in it Three large Kingdoms also; yea, who a while after, it seems, grew so numerous, that Britain could not contain them, but they were forced to Transport themselves into the large Country of Germany; where, overcoming the Inhabitants, they compelled them to assume their own Name, which was not a British, but a Latin one; and so from those Nineteen Brothers, (forsooth,) (which indeed were not properly own Brothers, as we say, for almost each of them had a several Mother,) that the Country should be called Germany. I have related this Fable, as absurd as it is, not to take the pains to refute it, but to leave it to the Germans themselves for Sport and Ridicule.

[Page]This in General concerning the Fables of the Brittons. But the intent of those who devised them, seems not very obscure to me, for that Monstrous Fiction of Devils lying with Virgins, seems to tend hereto; viz. That they might either prove an Alliance between their Brutus, and two of the greatest Neighbouring Nations; or else, that they might vye with them in the Nobleness of their Original. For the Gauls affirmed, (as Caesar hath it) that they were descended from Father Pluto; and so did the Germans, according to Tacitus. The cause of devising this Figment, concerning Brutus, seems to be alike. For seeing the Buthrotii, Inhabitants of Buthrotum, (new Butrinto) a small Village in Epirus on the Sea coast not far from the Isle Corfu, once a large Roman Colony. Buthrotii in Epirus, other People in Sicily; The Romans, Campanians, and Sulmonenses in Italy; The Arverni, Inhabitants of Auvergne in the Dukedom of Burgundy, their chief City is Clermont. Arv [...]rni, Burgundians. Hedui, People of the Franch Country. Sequani, and last of all the Francs, Originally a People of Franconia in Germany, who in the declining of the Roman Empire, conquered Gallia, and called it Frankinland, now France; they were composed of so many warlike Tribes, that the Turks do call all the Western Christians Francs to this very day. Francs in Gaul, did celebrate, I know not what, Trojans as their Founders. The Writers of British Affairs, also thought it very conducive to the advancement of the Nobility of their Nation, if they derived its Original too, from the very Archives of Antiquity, and especially from the Trojans, either because of the famousness of that City, which was praised by almost all Nations; or else, by reason of its Alliance with so many Nations, which are said to have started up, as it were, out of the same common Shipwrack of that one Town. Neither did they think themselves guilty of any effrontery in the Falshood, if they did somewhat participate of the (feigned) Nobility, which upon the same account was common to so many Nations, besides themselves. Hence arose, as I judge, the Fiction of Brutus, and other Fables of an older date, as impudently devised, as foolishly received; it will, perhaps, be enough to shew the vanity of all those things, to put the Reader in mind, that they were unknown to Ancient Writers; that when Learning flourished, they dared not peep abroad, that they were coyned in its decay, recorded by unlearned Flatterers, and entertain'd by ignorant, and too credulous, Persons, who did not understand the Fraud of such Cheaters. For such is the disposition of those Impostors, who do not seek the publick good by a true History, but some private advantage by Flattery, that when they seem highly to Praise, the [...] they most of all deride and jeer. For what do they else, who, pretending to advance the Nobility of a People, for its greater splendor do fetch it from the Skum and Riffraff of Nature? And yet, credulous, (shall I say,) or not rather sottish Persons, do Pride themselves with a pretended Eminency of an Original, which none of their Neighbours will envy them for.

They also who have wrote of Old Scotish Writers blamed. Scotish Affairs, have delivered down to us a more Creditable and Noble Origin, as they think, but no less Fabulous than That of the Britains. For they have adopted Ancestors to us, not from the Trojan Fugitives, but from those Greek Hero's, whose Posterity Conquered Troy. For, seeing in those Ancient times, two Nations of the Greeks were most of all celebrated, the Dores, and Iones, who? Dores and the Dores, and Iones, who? Iones, and the Princes of the Dores were the Argivi; and of the Iones, the Athenians. The Scots make one The Scots fabulous Original from one Gathelus a Grecian and Scota his Wife. Gathelus to be the chief Founder of their Nation, but whether he were the Son of Argus, or of Cecrops, that they leave in doubt; and that they may not be inferior on this accompt, to the eminency of the Romans, they added to him a strong Band of Robbers, with [Page] which he going into Egypt, perform'd gallant Exploits, and after the departure (would you think it) of Moses, was made General of the Kings Forces in that Land. And that afterwards, with his Wife Scota, the Daughter of the King of Egypt, he sailed about the whole shore of Europe, adjacent to the Mediterranean Sea, and having passed through so many Countries, which were desolate in that Age, or else, inhabited but by few, and in few places, as Greece, Italy, France, (not to mention the numerous Islands of the Mediterranean Sea,) some will have him to Land at the River Now E [...]r [...], a [...]amo [...] River in Spain, rising in the Mountains of Ast [...]r [...], and disinboguing it self into the Mediterranean, in Catal [...]n [...]a. Iberus, but leaving that Country which he could not keep, they draw him on further to Gallaecia the Country about Comp [...] stella in Spain. Galaecia, a Country much more Barren. Some Land him at the Mouth of the River Durius, o [...] D [...]ro, Du [...]o in Spanish, arising in old Cast [...], and after a course of 14 [...] Spanish Leagues falls into the Atlantick Ocean, below Port a Port. Durius, being the first of all Men, as I suppose, who adventured into the Ocean with a Navy of Ships; and that there he built a brave Town, which is now called from his Name Portus Gatheli, or Port a Port, whence the whole Country, which from Lusus and Lusa, the Children of Bacchus, was a long time called Lusitania and Portuga [...], the Original of those Names. Lusitania, began to be called Lusitania and Portuga [...], the Original of those Names. Portugal, and afterwards being forced to pass into Gallaecia, he there built Brigantia, now called Compostella; also that Braga in Portugal was built by him, at the Mouth of the River Munda.

These are the things which the Scots have fabulously wrote concerning the Original of their Nation. In feigning of which, how uncircumspect they were, we may gather from hence, that they did not give a Greek Name, to that Grecian Gathelus, who was indeed unknown to the Greek Writers; that they allotted a Latin Name, from an Haven or Port, to the City built by him rather than a Greek one, especially in those times, when Italy it self was known to few of the Greeks; that they doubt whether he were the Son of Argus, or of Cecrops; seeing Argus lived almost an Hundred years before Cecrops. That he, who had arrived at such a Figure by his Prudence, even amongst the most ingenious Persons of the World, as to enjoy the Second place to the King, and to be put in Moses, the Fugitiv's, room; and besides, being a stranger, to be honoured with the Marriage of the Kings Daughter; that he, I say, leaving the fruitfullest Region in the World, and passing by the Lands of both Continents, both to the Right and Left, and also so many Islands all fruitful in Corn, and some of them also famous for the Temperature of the Air, as Crete, Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia, (which, at that time, were rather seiz'd than cultivated, and inhabited by a wild sort of People,) should break out into the very Ocean, the very Name whereof was formidable, especially since Men had then but small skill in Marine Affairs; or, that he built the City of Port-Gathelus, or Port a Port, at the River Duero, the Name of which City was never heard of till the Sarazens obtain'd the Dominion of Portugal; also, that he built Braga, at the Mouth of the River Munda, seeing there is so many Miles distance between Braga and Munda; Two Rivers also being interjected betwixt them, viz. Duero and Vouga, or Vaca; and Braga it self is not altogether a Maritime place: Moreover, I may well ask, how Gathelus a Grecian, born of a Noble Family; and besides, eminent for famous Deeds, seeing he was of a most ambitious Nation, in commending his Name [Page] to Posterity, and being conveighed with a great Train into the extream parts of the World, and as then matters stood, almost rude and barbarous, having built Towns, did not impose his own, no not so much as a Greek, Name on them. For the Name of Portugal, or, (as some will have it,) the Port of Gathel, being unknown to so many Ancient Writers, who have professedly undertook to describe the Names of Countries, and Places, began to be celebrated but about Four Hundred years ago. And the silence of all the Greeks and Latins, concerning the coming of Gathelus into Spain, makes it much suspected, especially since the Ancients make notable and frequent mention of the Phaenicians, Persians, Carthaginians, Iberians, Gauls, and of the Companions of Hercules and Bacchus, who came into that Country. But our Fablers, (as I judge) never read the Monuments of the Ancients; if they had, seeing it was free for them to assume an Author and Founder of their Nation and Nobility, out of any of the Famous Grecians, they would never have pick'd up an Ignobler Person, for their Founder; passing by Hercules and Bacchus, who were Famous amongst all Nations, and whom they might have cull'd out, as well as any other, for the Original of their Race.

These are the things which our Writers have delivered, concerning the Rise of our Nation, which, if I have prosecuted more largely, than was necessary, it is to be imputed to them, who pertinaciously defended them, as a Palladium, properly the Image of Pallas in Troy, which as long as they kept in her Temple, Troy could not be taken, (as the T [...]ojans thought,) but when Vlyss [...]s stole it away then they were soon destroyed by the Greeks. Palladium dropt down from Heaven. He that considers That, will, no doubt, by reason of the obstinacy of my Adversaries, be more favorable to me. Concerning the other Nations, which came later into these Islands, and fixed their Habitations there, Picts, Saxons, Danes, Normans, because their History doth not contain any Monstrous absurdity, I shall speak of them hereafter, in a fitter place.

But these two Nations (which I have mentioned,) seem to me to have deduced their Original from the Gauls, and I will give you the reasons of my Judgment therein, when I have first premised a few things, concerning the Antient Customs of the Gauls; all Gaul tho' it be fruitful in Corn, yet it is said to be, and indeed is, more fruitfull in Men; so that, as Strabo relates, there were 300000 of the The Ancient Gauls in Caesars time, divided from the Belg [...]s, by the River S [...]n; and from the Aq [...]itanians, by the Garron, from whom the old Grecians called, the North-West part of E [...]rop [...], Ce [...]to-S [...]thia. Celiae, only, who were able to bear Arms, though they inhabited but a third part of France, therefore though they lived in a fruitful Country, yet being overburthened by their own multitudes, 'tis probable, that for the lessening of them, they were permitted to use From which no Issue could insue. Masculine Venery. Yet neither when by this Expedient, there seemed not provision enough made against the penury of their Soil, the company of Heads being as yet numerous and burdensome, sometimes by publick Edicts, and sometimes by private Persuasions, they sent forth many Colonies into all the neighbouring Countries, that their Multitudes at home might be exhausted.

To begin with Colonies of Gauls sent into Spain. Spain, They sent their Colonies so thick thither, that Ephorus, as Strabo relates, extends the length of Gaul even to the Gades or Cadiz, and indeed all that side of Spain toward the North, by the Names of the People and Nations inhabiting them, hath long witnessed a French Original. The first we meet with, are, the Celtiberi.

[Page]

— Profugique a gente Vetustâ

Gallorum, Celtae, miscentes nomen Iberis,

The wandring Celts in Spain their Seats did fix;

And there their Names with the Iberi mix.

These did propagate their bounds so far, that, though they inhabited a Craggy Country, and besides not over fruitful, yet Ma [...]cus Marcellus exacted from them Six Hundred Talents, as a Tribute. Moreover, from the Celtae and Celtiber [...], whence? Celtae, or Celt [...]beri, the Celtici derive their Original, dwelling by the River Anas, by Ptolomy Sirnamed Celtici Boetici. Boetici; and also other Celtici Lustanici. Celts in Portugal, near to the River Anas, and if we may believe Pomponius Mela, a Spaniard, the Celts do inhabit from the Mouth of the River Duero, unto the Promontory, which they call Celticum or Ne [...]ium Pr [...] m [...]ntorium. Nerium, i. e. Capo [...] Terrae, but distinguished by their Sirnames, viz. the Groni [...], Presamarci, Tamarici, Nerii, and the rest of the Gallaeci, whose Name shews their Original to be Gauls.

On the other side, there passed out of France into Italy, the People of Piemont. Ligurians, the People about Br [...]xia and Verona. Libii, The Salassii; of P [...]emo [...] also. the Salassii, Insubres of Gall [...]a-Transpadana about Millan. the Insubres, Of Main, or rather Normandy. the Cenomani, the Bo [...] People of Acqu [...] tain. Boii, and the Senones were a Warlike People of Gaul inhabiting the Country now called Le Sennois. Senones, and, if we may believe some Ancient Writers, the Venetians themselves. I need not relate how large Dominions these Nations had in Italy, seeing all who are but a little versed in History, cannot be ignorant thereof, neither will I be too scrupulous in inquiring what Troopes of Gauls made their Seats in Thrace, or, leaving it, having subdued Macedonia and Greece, passed into Bithinia, where they erected the Kingdom of Galatia. Gallo-Graecia in Asia, seeing that matter doth not much concern our purpose.

My discourse then hastens to Germany, and concerning the Colonies of Gauls sent into Germany. Gaulish Colonies therein, we have most Authentick Evidences, C. Iulius Caesar, and C. Cornelius Tacitus; the first of them in his Commentaries of the Gallick War, writes, that at one time the Gauls were esteem'd more Valiant than the Germans. And therefore that the A Colony from Languedock in France, to the Neecar in Germany, and the Country about that River. Tectosages possessed the most fruitful part of Germany about the Hercynian Forest; and the Bohemians, as the other affirms, do declare by their Names, that their Founders were the Aquitanians in Gaul. Boii. And sometimes the Swissers. Helvetians possessed the nearer places between the Rivers Main and Rhene, also the Decumates People of Wirtenburg. Decumates beyond the Rhene, were of Gallick Original, and the Gothini, on the River Oder. Gothini neer the Danow, whom Claudian calls Gothunni: Arrianus in the Life of Alexander calls them Getini; and Flavius Vopiscus, in the Life of Probus Gautunni. But Claudian reckons even the Gothunni amongst the The Getes were a People of Dacia about Moldavia. Getae; and Stephanus is of Opinion, that the Getes are called Getini, by Ammianus, so that perhaps the Getes themselves may acknowledge a Gallick Original, seeing it is certain, that many Gallick Nations passed over into Thrace, and there resided in that Circuit thereof, which the Getes are said to have possessed; Tacitus also writes, that [Page] in his time, the Gothini used the Gallick Language; besides, the Danes. Cimbri, as Philemon says, and (if we believe Tacitus) the Prussians or Livonians. Aest [...] ones, dwelling by the Swedish Sea, where they gather Amber, did speak British, which Language was then the same with the Gall [...]ck, or not much different from it. There are many Footsteps of Gallick Colonies, through all Germany, which I would willingly recite, but that, what I have already alleged is enough for my purpose; viz. To shew how widely France did extend her Colonies, round about Brittain.

What then shall we say of Colonies of Gauls, sent into Britain. Britain it self; which did equal those Nations neither in greatness, strength, nor skill in Military Affairs? What did she, that was so neer to the Valiantest of the Gauls, and not inferiour to the neighbour Nations, either in the mildness of the Air, or the fruitfulness of the Soil; did she, I say, entertain no Foreign Colonies? Yes, many, as Caesar and Tacitus affirm, and, as I hold, all her [...] Inhabitants came from thence. For 'tis manifest, that Three Nations anciently inhabited Britain; the Britons, Picts, and Scots. three Nations did anciently possess the whole Island, the Brittons, Picts, and Scots, of which I will speak hereafter.

To begin then with the Brittons, whose Dominion was of largest extent in Albium: The first, that I know, who hath discovered any certainty concerning them, was C. Iulius Caesar. He thinks, that the inmost Inhabitants were Indigenous, i. e. born in the same Country. Indigenae, because, after diligent enquiry, he could find nothing of their first comming thither; neither had they any Monuments of Learning, whence he might be informed. He says, that the Maritime parts of the Island were possessed by the In Caesar's time, Belgium was accounted part of France. Belgae, whom hopes of Prey had allured thither, and the fruitfulness of the Soil, and mildness of the Air, had detained there. He thinks this a sufficient argument to confirm his Opinion, that many did retain the Names of the Cities, whence they came, and that their Buildings were like those of the Gauls.

Cornelius Tacitus, a grave Author, adds; that their Manners are not unlike, and that they are equally bold in running into Dangers, and as fearful how to get out of them; that there were great Factions and Sidings among them Both. And lastly, that Britain, in his time, was in the same State as Gaul was, before the coming of the Romans. Pomponius Mela adds further, That the Brittons used to Fight on Horseback in Chariots and Coaches, being harnessed in French Armour. Add hereto, that Bede, who lived before all those, who have wrote such Fabulous things of the Origin of the Britons, and is of greater Authority than them all, affirms; That the first Inhabitants of the Island came out of the Tract of Britany in France. Armorica. Some Grammatists of the Greeks, differ much from the above mentioned Authors, for they say, that the Brittons received their Names from Britannus, the Son of Celto. They assuredly agree in this, that they would derive their Original from the Gauls; of the later Authors, Robertus Robertus Caenalis. Caenalis, and Pomponius Laetus. Pomponius Laetus, in the Life of Dioclesian, (an Author not to be despised) do subscribe to this Opinion; both of them, as I suppose, being convinced by the Power of Truth. Yet, Both seem to me to mistake in this point, that they deduce them from the Peninsula of the Brittons, which is now called [Page] Britany to the River Loir, especially since the Maritime Colonies of Britain, as Caesar observes, do testifie by their very Names, whence their V [...]z. From the Belgians. Transportation was.

It follows, that we speak of the Gallick Colonies, sent into Colonies of Gauls sent into Ireland. Ireland; I shewed before, that all the North side of Spain was possessed by Gallick Colonies. And there are many reasons assignable, why they might pass out of Spain into Ireland, for either the easie passage might be a great inducement; or else, the Spaniards, might be expelled out of their Habitations by the excessive Power and Domination of the Persians, Phaenicians, and Graecians, who, having overcome the Spaniards, rendred them Weak and Obnoxious to their Oppression and Violence. Moreover, there were Causes amongst the Spaniards themselves, for they being a People cemented and made up of many Nations, and not well agreeing among themselves, the desire of Liberty, and the avoiding of Servitude, in the midst of Civil Wars and new Tumults, arising amongst a People that was greedy of War, might make them willing to depart: He that weighs these causes of Transmigration, will not wonder, if many of them did prefer a mean condition abroad, conjoyned with Liberty, before a Domestick and bitter Servitude, and when they were once arrived there, the State of Spain growing daily more and more Turbulent, made them willing there to abide; for sometimes the Carthaginians, and sometimes the Romans, did exercise all the Miseries of Servility upon the Conquered Spaniards, and so compelled them to avoid those Evils, by a flight into Ireland, there being no other neighbour Nation into which, either in their Prosperity they might so well transport their over-abounding Multitudes; or else wherein, in adversity they might find a shelter against their Calamities. Besides, the Clemency of the Air did retain them there, for, as Caesar says, the Air of Britain is more temperate than That of France. And Ireland exceeds Both in goodness of Soil, and also in an equal Temperature of the Air and Climate. Besides, Men born and educated in a barren Soil, and given to Laziness besides, as all Spaniards are, being transported almost into the richest Pastures of all Europe, no marvail, if they willingly withdrew themselves from homebred Tumults, into the bosome of a Peace beyond Sea. Notwithstanding all that I have said, yet I would not refuse the Opinion of any Nation concerning their Ancestors, provided it were supported by probable Conjectures, and ancient Testimony.

For Tacitus, upon sure Conjectures, as he thinks, doth affirm, that the West side of Britain or Albium, was inhabited by the Posterity of the Spaniards. But it is not probable, that the Spaniards should leave Ireland behind them, being a Country nearer and of a milder Air and Soil, and first Land in Albium, but rather that they first arrived in Ireland, and from thence emitted their Colonies into Britain. And that the same thing happen'd to the Scots, all their Annals do testifie; and Bede, Lib. 1. doth affirm. For all the Inhabitants of Inhabitants of Ireland, anciently called Scots. Ireland were first of all called Scots, as Orosius shews; and our Annals relate, that the Scots passed more than once out of Ireland into Albium: First of all, Fergusius, the Son of Ferchard, being their Captain; and after some Ages, being expelled from their Habitations [Page] they returned into Ireland; and again, under their General Reutharus, they return'd into Britain. And afterwards in the Reign of Fergusius the Second, great aid of Irish-Scots were sent, who had their Quarters assigned in Gallaway. And Claudian in his time shews, That Auxiliaries were transmitted thence against the Romans; for he says,

— Totam cùm Scotus Iernam

Movit, & insesto spumavit Sanguine Tethys.

The Scot all Ireland did excite,

To cross the Seas, 'gainst Rome to Fight.

And in another place,

Scotorum tumulos flevit glacialis Ierne.

Whole heaps of Scots cold Ireland did lament.

But in the beginning, when both People, i. e. the Inhabitants of Ireland and their Colonies sent into Albium, were called Scots, that there might be some distinguishment betwixt them,Irish-Scots and Albin-Scots. some Scots were called Irish-Scots, others Albin-Scots; and by degrees, their Sirnames came to be their Names, so that the ancient Name of Scots was almost forgotten, and not to be retrieved from common Speech, but only from Books and Annals. As for the Name of Picts, I judge it not their Antient and Country Name, but occasionally given them by the Romans, because their Bodies were indented, as it were, with Scars, which the Verses of Claudian do shew,

Ille leves Mauros, nec falso nomine Pictos,

Claudian.

Edomuit, Scotumque vago mucrone secutus,

Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas.

He nimble Moors, and painted Picts did tame,

With far-stretch'd Sword the Scots he overcame,

And with bold Oars the Northern Seas did Furrow.

And elsewhere,

Venit & extremis Legio praetenta Britannis,

Quae Scoto dat froena truci, ferroque notatas

Perlegit exanimes, Picto moriente, figuras.

The Legion came, the outmost Britains Guard,

Which the fierce Scot did curb with Bridle hard;

And Read the Marks i' th' Skins of dying Picts,

Insculp'd with Iron.

H [...]rodian. Herodian also makes mention of the same Nation, but concealing its Name, and says plainly, That they did paint their Bodies; [Page] but he doth not affirm, That they did it with Iron; Neither (says he) are they acquainted with the use of Apparel, but they surround their Belly and their Neck with Iron, as thinking that Metal to be an Ornament and sign of Riches; as the other Barbarians do, Gold. And moreover, they mark their Bodies with sundry Pictures, and with Animals of all shapes, and therefore they will put on no Garments, lest they should hide their Paint. With what Name they call themselves, the thing is so ancient, that it is hard to determine. 'Tis certain, their Neighbour-Nations do not agree concerning their Name; for the Brittons call them Pictiades, Picti, and Peachti, old Names for Pic [...]s. Pictiades; The English, Pichti; The old Scots, Peachti. And besides, the Names of some places, which were heretofore under the Jurisdiction of the Picts, but are now possessed by the Scots, seem to have a different Appellation from them all. For the Hills called Pentland-Hills in Lothian. Pentland-Hills, and the Pentland-Firth, the Firth between Ca [...]hness and O [...]kny. Pentland-Bay, or Firth, seems to be derived from Penthus, not from Pictus. But, I verily believe, those Names were imposed, in after-times, either by the English, or else by the Scots, who used the English Tongue; for the Ancient Scots did neither understand nor use them. As for the Name of Picts, whether the Romans Translated a Barbarous Word into a Latin one of a near sound; or, whether the Barbarians applyed a Latin Word, every one to his own Country Tone and Declension, 'tis all a case to me. Well then, being agreed of the Name, and it being confest by all Writers, That they came from the Eastern Parts into Britain; from Scythia, say some; from Germany, say others; it remains, that tracing their Footsteps by Conjectures, we come as near the Truth as we can. Neither do I perceive any surer Foundation of my Disquisition, than by painting their Bodies; so did the A [...]ii, a People o [...] Poland, but formerly accounted part of Germany. Arii in Germany, and the People of Eu [...]op [...]a Sarmatia and Scythia, now under the Moscovite. Agathrrsi, but it was only, that they might appear more terrible to the Enemy in War, and they did it only with the Juyce of Herbs. But seeing the Picts mark'd their Skins with Iron, and stigmatized them with the Pictures of divers Animals: The better way will be to inquire, What Nations, either in Scythia, Germany, or the Neighbor-Countries, did use that Custom of painting their Bodies, not for Terror, but Ornament. And, First, we meet with the Geloni, Inhabitants of Scythia Europea upon the River Boristhenes. Geloni, according to Virgil, of whom Claudian speaks in his first Book against Ruffinus;

Membraque qui ferro gaudet pinxisse Gelonus.

The Geloni love to Print

Their Limbs with Iron Instrument.

We meet also with the People of [...]. Getae in Thrace, mentioned by the same Poet;

Crinigeri sedere patres, pellita Getarum

Curia, quas plagis decorat numerosa cicatrix.

Skin-wearing Getes consult, with Hair unshorn,

Whose marked Bodies num'rous Scars adorn.

[Page]Therefore, seeing the Geloni, as Virgil writes, are Neighbors to the Getes, and either the People of Sarmatia Europaea, so called because compounded of Goths and Huns, whence Claudian calls them Mixti Gothunni. Gothunni, or Getini, according to Arr [...]anus, are number'd amongst the Getes; and seeing the Gothunni, as Tacitus says, speak the Gallick Language; what hinders, but that we may believe the Picts had their Original from thence?

But, from whatsoever Province of Germany they came, I think it very probable, that they were of the ancient Colonies of the Gauls, who seated themselves either on the The Baltick, or rather the Bothnick Sea or Gulph. Swedish Sea ▪ or on the The River Danulius, arising in the Alps, and running through Germany, Hungary, &c. at last dischargeth it self by six Mouths into the Euxin Sea. Danow. For the Men of a Gallick Descent, being counted Foreigners by the Germans, (as indeed they were) I judge their Name was used in a way of reproach, so that one word, i. e. Walsch hath several Acceptations. Walsch, (with them) signifies a Gaul, a Stranger, and a Barbarian, too. So that it is very credible, That the Ancestors of the Picts, either being expell'd by their Neighbors, or driven up and down by Tempests, were easily reconciled to the Scots; yea, were befriended and aided (as 'tis reported) by them, as a People allyed to Them, almost of the sam [...] Language with them, and their Religious Customs not unlike. So that, it might easily come to pass, that thereupon they might mix their Blood, and, by Marriages, make a Coalition, as it were, into one Nation. For otherwise, I do not see, how the Scots, which then possessed Ireland, being a fierce and rough-hewn People, should so easily enter into an Affinity and compleat Friendship with Strangers, who were necessitous and destitute of all things, which they never saw before, and with whom they had no Commerce, in point of Laws, Religion, or Language.

But here the Authority of Bede, the Anglo-Saxon, doth somewhat obstruct my passage, who is the only Writer, that I know of, that affirms, That the Picts used a different Language from the Scots; For, speaking of Britain, he says, That It did search after, and profess the Knowledge of the highest Truth, and the sublimest Science in five Languages, the English, British, Scotish, Pictish, and Latin. But, I suppose, Bede calls five Dialects of one and the same Tongue, Five Tongues, as we see the Greeks do, in the like case: And as Caesar doth, in the beginning of his Commentaries of the Gall [...]ck War. For he says, That Three parts of Gaul did use different Languages and Customs. But Strabo, though he grants that the Aquitans, i e. the Gu [...]enno [...] in France. Aquitans used a different Language from the other Gauls; yet, he affirms, That all the rest of the Gauls used the same Language, but with a little Variation. The The British and the Scots anciently used one Language, but a different way of pronuncia [...]ion. Scots also do not differ from the Britains in their whole Language, but in Dialect rather, as I shall shew hereafter; seeing their Speech, at present, doth so far agree, that it seems of old to have been the same, for they differ less than some Gallick Provinces do, which yet are all said to speak Gaulish. And therefore other Writers give not the least suspition of a different Language; and They, as long as Both Kingdoms were distinct, as if they had been People of one Nation, did always contract Marriages one with another; and as they were mixed in the beginning, so afterwards they carried themselves as Neighbors, and oftentimes as Friends, until the Destruction of the Picts.

[Page]Neither did the remainder of them, (who, when their Military Race was extinct, yet must needs be many) in any degree, corrupt the Scotish Tongue: Nor indeed are there any Footsteps of a Foreign Language in the Places and Habitations which they left. For all the Countries of the Picts, and many particular Places therein too, do yet retain Scotish Appellations, except a very few, who, upon the Saxon-Tongu's prevailing over our Country-Language, had German Names imposed upon them.

Neither is This to be omitted, That, before the coming of the Saxons into Britain, none of the British Nations used Interpreters to understand one another. Wherefore, seeing the Scotish, English ▪ and German Writers do unanimously accord, That the Original of the Picts had their Origin from Germany. Picts was from Germany; and it is also manifest, That the Gothunni, or Getini, were Colonies of the Gauls, whose Language they spoke; and that the Aestii spake British, by the Swedish, or Baltick Sea: Whence may we rather fetch the Descent of the Picts? Or, They being expell'd from their Native Habitations, Whither should they go but to their own Kindred? Or, Where were they likely to obtain Marriage-Unions, but amongst a People of Affinity with them, in Blood, Language and Manners?

But if any one deny, That the Picts were descended from the Gothunni, or People of Prussia and L [...] vonia. Aestii, or Getae, being induc'd to that Persuasion by the great distance of those Countries from Britain; Let him but consider, How many, and How great Migrations of People were made, even in all parts of the World, in those Times, wherein the coming of the Picts into Britain is recorded to have been, and also for many Ages after; and then he may easily grant, that such things might not only be done, but be done with great facility, too. The Gauls did then possess a great part of Spain, Italy, Germany, and Britain, by their Colonies; They proceeded so far as Palus Maeotis, and the Cimmerian Bosphorus, by their Depredations; and after they had wasted Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, they fixed their Seats in Asia.

The Danes. Cimbri, People of Swisserland. Ambrones, and People of Germany, near the Baltick Sea. Teutones, having wasted Gaul, pierced into Italy: The Geloni, whom Virgil places in Thrace, are, by other Writers, said to dwell near to the Of V [...]logna in Moscovy, which was then called Scythia, or Sarmatia Europaea. Agathyrsi, in Scythia.

The Goth [...], for a great while, an obscure Nation, yet, in a short time, like a Flood, over-ran Europe, Asia, and Africa. And therefore, seeing, for many Ages after, Those, who were Grandees, and more powerful than others, challeng'd to themselves the Seats of their Inferiours; the Weak, being obnoxious to the Injuries of the Strong, left their Country, which they could not keep; so that, its no great Wonder amongst the Wise, if Men, having long conflicted with adverse Fortune, and being tossed up and down by many Peregrinations; having, besides, no certain Habitation, did, at length, betake themselves to remote, or far distant, Countries.

[Page]Besides, we see, That the Roman Writers do place Two Ancient Nations within those Limits, which did bound the Kingdoms of the Scots and Picts, the Mayatae. Mayatae and A [...]tacottae. A [...]tacottae. Of these, (I suppose) the A Nation of the Picts, that lived North of [...] Wall in [...] and the Me [...]ss. Mayatae, whom Dion alone, of all the Authors that I know, doth mention, were of the Picts Race, seeing he places them in the Countries nearest to the (t) Caledonian Sea; and it is certain, that the Picts did inhabit those Provinces. As for the One of the [...] of the Picts, living near the S [...]ts on the East Sea, betwixt Twee [...] and T [...]e in [...] mixt People of Picts and S [...]o [...], that inhabited the [...] man [...]. Attacottae, it appears out of Marcellinus, That they were the Progeny of those, who, sometimes being excluded by A [...]rian's Wall, afterwards enlarging their Dominions unto the Wall of Severus, were comprehended within the Roman Province, because I find in a Book of the Romans concerning Camp Discipline through their Provinces, that, among the Foreign Auxiliaries, there were some Troops of the Attacottae, as well as of the Britains: Which makes me hesitate, Whether of the Two to admire in Lud, his Boldness, or his Stupidity; His Boldness, who affirms, That the Attacottae were Scots, but without any certain Author, or probable Conjecture; His Stupidity, that, in the very place of Marcellinus, cited by him, he sees not, that the Scots are plainly distinguished from the Attacottae. For Marcellinus says, The Picts, Saxons, Scots, and Attacottae, vexed the Britains, with perpetual Miseries. Of the same Stupidity is he guilty, when he affirms, That the Caledonii were of the Nation of the Britains; whereas, 'tis plain, they were Picts, which Lud himself doth clearly demonstrate by a Testimony out of a Panegyrick, dedicated to Constantius, which he produces against himself. For, says the Author of that Oration, The Woods of the Caledones and of other Picts; That Testimony (such was his Folly) he produces for himself, not observing, (such was his Stupidity) that it makes against him. If we look to the Word it self, 'tis Scotish, for Calden in Scotch is that Tree called the Hasel, whence, I judge, came the Name of the Caledonian Woods, and the Town of the Caledonians, situate by the River Tay, which is yet called Or Dunk [...]den in Perthshire. Dancalden, i. e. the Hasel-Hill-Town. And if I dared to indulge my self so much Liberty, as to disagree from all the Books of Ptolemy, for the Deucaledonian, I would write the Duncaledonian, Sea; and for the Dicaledones in Marcellinus, Duncaledones. Duncaledones: Both the Sea and the Nation being Sirnamed from the Town, Duncalden. What I have written may satisfie any favourable Reader, yet I shall add other Testimonies, which The Sameness of Religion, Language, Names of Places, are Characters of one and the same Nation C. Plinius thinks to be manifest Signs of the Originals of Nations, viz. Religion, Language, and Names of Towns.

First of all, it is manifest, That the Bond of Religion, and the Identity of Sentiment as to the (supposed) Gods, hath been always held the strictest tye of Obligation, and Allyance, amongst Nations. Now the Britains and the Gauls maintain'd the same Divine Worship, they had the same Priests,The Britains and Gauls of one Religion. the Druydes, amongst them, who were in no Nation, else; whose Superstition had so besotted the Minds of both Nations, that many have doubted, which of the two (first) learn'd that sort of Philosophy, one from the other. Tacitus also says, that they had the same Sacred Rites and Superstitious Observations. And [Page] that Tomb erected nea [...] [...] on the [...]. New Carthage, called M [...]rcurius Teutates, as Livy writes, doth shew, that the Spaniards, the greatest part of whom drew their Original from the Gauls, were not free from those Rites. Also, the same kind of Priests or Sacrists, called by both of them Bards were the He [...]lds, Poets, and M [...]si [...]ians of the Ancient Gaul [...] and Britains. Bards, were in great Honour, both amongst the Gauls and Britains. Their Function and Name doth yet remain among all th [...]se N [...]ions, which use the old British Tongue: and so much Honour is given to them, in many places, that their Persons are accounted Sacred, and their Houses, Sanctuaries: Yea, in the height of their Enmities, when they manage the cruellest Wars one against another, and use their Victories, as severely; yet these B [...]rds p [...]s [...]'d [...] b [...] tween the A [...] mies of [...] greeting Nations. Bards and their retinue have free liberty to pass and repass, at their pleasure. The Nobles, when they come to them, receive them honourably, and dismiss them with Gifts. They make Canto's not unelegant, which, Rhapsodists ( [...]) Rehea [...]e [...], or I [...]terp [...]e [...]e [...] [...] Verses by piece-meal. Rhapsodists recite, either to the better sort, or else to the vulgar, who are very desirous to hear them; and sometimes they sing them to Musical Tunes and Instruments. Many of their Ancient Customs yet remain; yea, there is almost nothing changed of them in Ireland, but only in Ceremonies and Rites of Religion. This for the present concerning their Religion. It remains now, that we speak concerning their Ancient Language, and the Names of the Towns, and of their People. But these Parts, thô several, (for the most part▪) shall yet be promiscuously handled by me; because that many times one depends upon another, as its foundation; especially, sithence a proper Name, either by its Origination or Declination, doth assert, or indicate, the Country whence a Man comes: Yet, thô these things are intwisted, and do mutually confirm one another, for the Reader's Instruction, I will sometime handle them, severally, as much as I can.

First of all, Tacitus in the Life of his Father-in-law, Agricola, Tacitus doth affirm, That the Gaulish Tongue did not much differ from the British; whence I gather, that they were sometimes the same; but, by little and little, either by Commerce with Foreign Nations; or, by the Importation of new Commodities, unknown before to the Natives; or, by the Invention of new Arts; or, by the frequent change of the Form of Garments, Arms, and other Furniture; A Speech, or Language, that was very flexible of itself, might be much alter'd, sometimes augmented, sometimes adulterated, many new words being found out, and many old ones corrupted. Let a Man but think with himself, how much the Inconstancy and Humourousness of the Vulgar doth assume to it self, in this particular; and how ready Men are, and always were, to loath present things, and to study Innovations; he will find the judgment of the best of Poets, and the only Censor, in these Cases, to be most true,

Vt Sylvae foliis pronos mutantur in annos,

Horat. de [...]ree Poeticâ.

Prima cadunt, it a verborum vetus interit aetas▪

Et, juvenum ritu, florent modò nata vigentque.

As withered Leaves fall off from Trees,

And new supply their pla [...]es;

[Page]So Languages decay and cease,

New Speech brings in new Grace's.

And a little after,

Multa renascentur quae jam cecidere, cadentque

Quae nunc sunt in honore, vocabula, si volet usus,

Quem penes arbitrium est, & jus & norma loquendi.

Many Words shall fall,

Which now we highly prize:

And Words, which now have fallen,

Shall hereafter Rise;

Vse, or Custom, Rules this thing,

And governs Language, as a King.

'Tis true, he spake this of the Latin Tongue, which, by the great care of the Romans, was kept uncorrupted, and which all the Nations contained within the large bounds of their Empire, did diligently Learn. And therefore 'tis no wonder, if a Language, (even before Colonies were sent into all parts, out of Gaul,) which already had different Dialects at home; and also, was afterwards corrupted by the mixture of divers Nations, being in it self too barbarous at first, and almost neglected by those themselves that used it; and after it again re-enter'd, from a Foreign Soil, into Britain, which was then divided into Kingdoms, for the most part, obnoxious to Strangers; 'tis no wonder, I say, if, upon all these prejudices it was not always consistent with it self. For at first, the The Celts were a numerous People Inhabiting principally about Lyons, from whom one part of France was called Gallia Celtica. Celtae, and the Inhabitants of Belgium (now the Low Countries or the Netherlands) in Caesar's time, counted a third part of France, by the Name of Gallia Belgica. Belgae did use a different Dialect, as Strabo thinks. Afterwards, when the Celtae sent abroad great Colonies into Spain, as the Names of Celtiberi and Celtici do declare. And the Belgae made their descent into the Maritime parts of Britain, as may be collected from the Names of Winchester. Venta Belgarum, of the Inhabitants of Berkshire, so called from the Atrebates of Gallia Belgica, who transported themselves thither. Atrebates, and Living in Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge and Huntingtonshire, transplanted from the Iceni in Belgium. Iceni, it must needs follow, that on the one side the Spaniards, and on the other the Romans, the English, the Danes, and the Normans, must bring in many strange Words with them, and so corrupt the Country Speech. Yea, I rather judge it more worthy of Admiration, that the Languages of neighbouring Nations, having been adulterated by the coming in of so many strange People, and in great part chang'd by the Speech of neighbour Counties, that yet, so long time after, the Britains should not differ in their whole Language, but only in certain Idioms and Dialects only: For, if any one of them, though of another Nations, do hear a Man speak British; yet he may acknowledge the sound of his own Language, and may understand many Words, though he do not comprehend his whole Discourse. Neither ought it to seem strange to us, if the same Words do not signifie the same things in all Nations, if we consider, what alterations Commerce with neighbouring Countries doth daily make in the Speech of all Nations; and, how much change is made by daily Conversation with Foreigners; how many new Words are coined to express things, newly invented; how many are [Page] imported with Wares and Traffick, even from the furthest parts of the World; how many old obsolete Words are difus'd; how many are lengthned by the addition of Letters or Syllables; and how many are shortned by contrary Decurtations; and some also new pargeted (as it were) by mutation or transposition of Letters. I will not inquire, in how short a time, and how much, the The Iones were a Colony of the Greeks, which Inhabited I [...]nia, on the Med [...] terranean Sea in Asia. Ionick Speech did degenerate from the The Attick Dialect was used in and about Athens, and was the smoothest and purest Greek. Attick, and how much the other Greeks differ'd from them both. Let us but observe the Speech of the noblest Nations in Europe, how soon did the French, Italick, and Latin Tongues, all derived from the same Root, degenerate from the purity of the Latin; yet in the mean time, they differ no less amongst themselves, than the old Scotish and the British Tongues do. Yea, if we look over all the Provinces of France, (I mean those who are judg'd to speak true Gallick or French) what a great difference shall we find between the Inhabitants of Containing the Provinces of Savoy, Province and Languedock. Gallia Narbonensis, and the Formerly inhabiting the Kingdom of Navar, but now the Country called Gascoign. Gascoigners? And how vastly the Inhabiting Limosin, Pericord, and Auvergn. Limosins, the Inhabiting Limosin, Pericord, and Auvergn. Perigordins, and the Inhabiting Limosin, Pericord, and Auvergn. Auvergnians, though neighbours to both, yet differ from both, in their Speech? And how much the rest of the Provinces of France do differ, even from all of them? And, to come nearer home; the English Laws of William the Norman, established Five Hundred years ago, and wrote in French ▪ yet now no French Man can understand them, without an Interpreter. Nay, if those old Men, who have lived long in the World, can remember, that many Words are grown obsolete, which were in use when they were Children; and what Words unheard of by our Ancestors, have succeeded in their places; they will not at all wonder, that the same Original Language, in length of time, should be changed, and seem wholly different from it self; especially amongst Nations far remote, and also often warring one against another. On the other side, when I see that concord (lasting so many Ages rather than years,) in the British Language, and that even amongst Nations, either very distant one from another, or else maintaining mutual Animosities against one another; such a concord, as is hardly to be found amongst many Tribes and People of the Gauls, who yet have long lived under the same Kings and Laws: I say, when I ponder within my self, such an agreement in Speech, which as yet preserves its ancient Affinity of Words, and no obscure markes of its Original; I am easily induc'd to believe; that, before the coming in of the Saxons, all the Britains used a Language, not much different from each other; and it is probable, that the Nations, adjoyning to the Gallick shore, used the Belgick Tongue, from whose limits a good part of the Britans, bordering on France, had made a Transmigration, as Caesar informs us. But the Irish, and the Colonies sent from them, being derived from the Celtae, Inhabitants of Spain, 'tis probable, they spake the Celtick Tongue. I suppose, that these Nations returning, as it were, from a long Pilgrimage, and possessing themselves of the neighbour-Seats, and almost coalescing into one People, did confound the Idioms of their several Tongues respectively; so that, it was neither wholly Belgick, nor wholly Celtick, nor yet wholly unlike to either of them: Such a mixture we may observe in those Nations, which are thought to speak the German Tongue, and yet have much declined [Page] from the ancient Phrase thereof: I mean, the Danes, the Maritime Saxons, those of Fre [...]sland, those of Flanders, and the English; amongst all which, 'tis easie to find some Letters, Sounds, and Inflections, which are proper to the Germans only, and not common to any other Nation; besides, I suppose, that a surer symptom of the Affinity of a Language may be gathered from this Sound of Letters; from the familiar way of each Nation in pronouncing certain Letters; and from the judgment of the Ear thereupon; and also, from the Composition and Declension of Words, than from the signification of single or particular Words. Examples hereof we find in the German Letter W, in the composition of the Words More-Marusa and Armoricus, of which, I have spoken before: And in the Declension of those Words, which amongst the Gauls, end in Ac, of which there is a vast number, which Form amongst the Scots is Hypocoristical i. e. diminutive, as Thingling from Thing. Hypocoristical, i. e. Diminutive, and so it was amongst the ancient Gauls. From Drix, which, amongst the Scots, signifies a Briar, is derived Drissac, i. e. a Briarling, or little Briar bush. And from Brix, which signifies a Rupture or Cleft, Brixac, which now the French pronounce A well fortified Town in Alsatia, built on an Hill, and a strong pass on the Rhene. Brisac. For what the Scots pronounce Brix, that the French call Bresche, even to this very day, there being no difference at all in the signification of the Words: The Cause of the different Writing, is, that the ancient Scots, and all the Spaniards to this very day, do use the Letter X for double SS. And therefore the old Gauls, from Brix, have called a Town of the People of Le-Main in France. Caenomani, Now Bressia. Brixia; and again, from Brixia, Brixiacum, now commonly Brisac. After the like Form, Aureliacum, i. e. A Town of Au [...]gn in France. Orilhach, is derived from Aurelia, i. e. Orleans; and, from In Portugal. Evora, which is called Cerealis or Ebora, Sirnam'd by the Spaniards, Foelicitas Iulia, Eboracum, i. e. York, is derived; as the Brigantes have declined it, (who had their Origin from the Spaniards) retaining in the Declension thereof, the propriety of the French Tongue. Furthermore, besides those things which I have mentioned, all that Coast of Britain, which is extended to the South-West, retains the sure and manifest Footsteps of a Gallick Speech and Original, according to the clear testimony even of Foreigners themselves. First, in that Coast, there is Cornuvallia, i. e. Cornwal, as many call it, but by the Ancients 'twas called Cornavia, and, by the Vulgar, Kernico; even as in Scotland, the Cornavii in Scotland, and England too; in the one, the Ca [...]thness-Men; In the other, the Cornish-Men are so called. Cornavii, placed by Ptolemy in the most Northern District of that Country, are commonly called Kernicks; so that Etymology o [...] Cornwal. Cornuvallia is derived from Kernick and Valli, as if you should say Kernico-Galli, i. e. Cornish Gauls. Moreover, Vallia, i. e. Wales, another Peninsula in the same side, doth avouch its Ancestors both in Name and Speech. They who come near in Language to the Sound of the German Tongue, pronounce it by W, a Letter proper to the Germans only; which the rest of their neighbours, who use the old Tone, can by no means pronounce: Yea, if you should Torture them to make them pronounce it aright, yet, the Cornish, the Irish, or Highland-Scots could never do it. But the French, who call it Vallia, do always prefix G before it; and not in that Word alone, but they have many others also, which begin with G; for they, who, by reason of the Propinquity of [Page] the Countries do Germanize, do call the French Tongue The French Tongue by some called Walla. Walla; and besides, in a multitude of other Words, they use this change of Letters: On the other side, that Country which the English call Wales and North-Wales; the French call The French pronounce Gales and North-Gales, for Wales and North-Wales. Gales and North-Gales, as yet pertinaciously insisting on the footsteps of their ancient Tongue.

But Pol [...]dore V [...]rgi [...], mistaken. Polydore Virgil pleaseth himself with a new fancy; which, he thinks, he was the first inventer of; whereas no Man, though but meanly skilled in the German Tongue, is ignorant, that the Word Walsch signifies a Stranger or Foreigner; and, that therefore the Valli were call'd Foreigners by them; but he reckons, as we say, without his Host: For, if that Name were derived from Strangership, I think it would agree better to the Angles, or English, as an adventitious People, rather than to Those; whom, by reason of their Antiquity, many of the ancients have thought to be Indigenous: Or, if that name were imposed upon them by the English, they might with better reason have given it to the Scots and Picts, than to the Britains, because with the former they had less acquaintance and very rare Commerce: And if the English called them Valli in reproach, would the Brittons, (think we) who, for so many Ages, were the deadly Enemies of the English, and now made more obnoxious to them by this affront, own that Name? Which they do not unwillingly, calling themselves in their own Tongue O [...] Cumbri, [...] their King Camber, as some. Cumbri. Besides, the Word Walsh, doth not primarily signifie a Stranger or Barbarian; but, in its first and proper acceptation, a Gaul. And therefore, in my Judgment, the Word Vallia is changed by the English from Gallia, they agreeing with other Neighbour Nations in the Name, but observing the propriety of the German Tongue in pronouncing the first Letter by W, viz. Wallia. The Ancient Inhabitants of that Peninsula were called The Inhabitants of South-Wales. Silures, as appears out of Pliny, which Name in some part of Wales was long retained, even in succeeding Ages. But Leland. Leland, a Britain by Birth, and a Man very diligent in discovering the Monuments of his own Country, doth affirm, That some part of Wales was somtime called Ross, which Word in Scotland, signifies a Peninsule. But the Neighbour Nations seem in Speaking, to have used a Name or Word, which held forth the Original of the Nation, rather than One that demonstrated the site and form of the Country. The same hath happened in the Name Scots; For whereas they call themselves Albini, a Name derived from Albium: Yet, their Neighbours call them Scoti, by which Name their Original is declared to be from the Irish, or Hibernians.

On the same side and Western Shore, follows Gallovidia, i. e. Galway, which word ('tis evident) both with Scots and Welch, signifieth a Gaul, as being made up of Gallus and Wallus, part imposed by the one, and part by the other.Galloway, whence derived. For the Valli or Welch call it Wallowithia. This Country yet useth for the most part its ancient Language. These three Nations comprehend all that Tract and side of Britanny, which bends towards Ireland; and they as yet retain, no mean indications, but rather deeply imprinted Marks of their Gallick Speech and Affinity; of which, the cheif is, that the [Page] Ancient S [...]ts, i. e the Highlanders divide the Nations, inhabiting Britain into Two, the first Gael, the second, Galle or Ga [...]d, i. e. Gallae [...]i and Gal [...]i. Ancient Scots did divide all the Nations, inhabiting Britain, into two Sorts, the one they call Gael, the other Galle or Gald, i. e. according to my Interpretation, Gallaeci and Galli. Moreover the Gallaecians do please themselves with that Title, Gael, and they call their Language (as I said before) Gallaecian, and do glory in it, as the more refin'd and elegant, undervaluing the Galli as Barbarians, in respect of themselves: And though originally the Scots called the Britains, i. e. the most Ancient Inhabitants of the Island, Galli; yet custom of speaking hath by degrees obtained, that they called all the Nations, which afterwards fixed their Seats in Britain by that Name, which they used rather as a Contumelious, than a National, one. For the Word Galle or Gald signifies That amongst them, which Barbarian doth amongst the Greeks and Latins; and Walsch among the Germans.

Now at last we are come to this point, i. e. That we are to demonstrate the Community of Speech, and thereupon an ancient Another Argument of Affinity between the Gauls and Britains, from the Names of Towns, Rivers, &c. Affinity between the Gauls and the Britains, from the Names of Towns, Rivers, Countries, and such other Evidences. A Ticklish Subject, and to be warily handled; for I have formerly proved, that a publick Speech or Language may be altered for many Causes; for though it be not changed altogether, and at once, yet it is in a perpetual Flux, and doth easily follow the inconstancy of the alterers, by reason of a certain Flexibility, which it hath in its own Nature. The Truth whereof doth appear chiefly in those Ranks of things, which are subject not only to the Alterations of Time, but are also obnoxious to every Man's Pleasure or Arbitrement; such as are all particular things invented for the daily use of Mans Life, whose Names either grow obsolete, or are made new and refined, for very light and trivial Causes. But the Case is far different in those things, which are time-proof, and so, after a sort, are Perpetual or Eternal. As the Heavens, the Sea, the Earth, Fire, Mountains, Countries, Rivers; and also in those, which, by their Diuturnity, as far as the infirmity of Nature will permit, do in some sort imitate those perpetual and uncorrupted Bodies; such are Towns, which are built as if they were to be Sempiternal. So that a Man cannot easily give Names to, or change the old of, Nations and Cities, for they were not rashly imposed at the beginning, but in a manner by general and deep advice and consent by their Founders, whom Antiquity did greatly Reverence, ascribing Divine Honour to them; and, as much as they could, making them Immortal. And therefore, these Names are deservedly continued, and receive no alteration without a mighty Perturbation of the whole Oeconomy of things, so that if the rest of a Language be changed, yet these are pertinaciously retained, and are never supplanted by other Names, but as it were, with unwillingness and regret. And the cause of their imposing at first, contributes much to their continuance. For those, who, in their Peregrinations, either were forced from their old Seats; or, of their own accord, sought new; when they had lost their own Country, yet retained the Name thereof, and were willing to enjoy a Sound most pleasing to their Ears; and by this umbrage of a Name, such as it was, the want of their Native Soil, was somewhat alleviated and addule'd [Page] softned unto them, so that thereupon they judged themselves not altogether Exiles, or Travellers, far from Home. And besides, there were not wanting some Persons, who, being superstitiously inclined, did conceive an Holier and more August Representation in their Minds, than could be seen in Walls and Houses, and did sweetly hug that Image and delightful Pledge of their own former Country, with a love, more than Native. And therefore, a surer Argument of Affinity is taken from This sort of Words, than from Those, which, on Trivial Causes, (and oft on none at all) are given to, or taken away from, ordinary and changeable Things. For though it may casually happen, that the same Word may be used in divers Countries, yet it is not credible, that so many Nations, living so far asunder, should fortuitously agree in the frequent imposing of the same Name.

In the next place, Those Names succeed, which are derived from, or compounded of, the former Primitives. For, oft-times, the Derivative Words shew the Affinity of a Language more than their Primitives. Similitude of Declination and Composition doth more certainly declare the Affinity of a Language, than the very Primitive words thereof do; for these are, many times, casually given: But the Other, being declined after one certain Mode and Form, are directed by one fixed Example, which the Greeks call [...]. And therefore this certain and perpetual manner of Nominal Affinity, (as Varro speaks) doth, after a sort, lead us to an Affinity of Stock, and old Communion of Language. Moreover, there is a certain Observation to be made in all Primogenious Words, from whence we may know, which are foreinly introduced, and which are Patriots. For, as the Words Philosophia, Geometria, and Dialectica, though oft used by Latin Writers, yet have scarce any Latin Word of kin to them, or derived from them, from whence they may seem to draw their Original; so, on the other side, the Words Paradisus and Gaza, are used by the Greeks; and yet it appears by this, That they are Inquiline or Forein, because they can't shew any Original, nor any Progeny, derived from them, in the Genuin Greek Tongue.

The same Observation may be also made in other Tongues, which will help us to judge, what Words are Domestick, and what are Adventitious, or Forein. Let it suffice to have spoken thus much in General. Let us now propound Examples, concerning every Particular part; Where, First, we meet with those Words, which end in Bria, Briga and Brica. Strabo, in his Seventh Book, with whose Opinion Stephanus concurs, says, That Bria signifies a City; to confirm their Opinion, they produce these Names, derived therefrom, Or Brutobrica, a City of Thrace, on the Coast of the Aegaean Sea, now called, by the Greeks, Aenos, or [...] ▪ and by the Turks, Ygnos. Pultobria, A [...] Ancient Town in Spain. Brutobria, A City of Bulgaria, situate on the [...]uxien Sea. Mesembria, and Selivre, a City of Thrace, situate upon the Propontu, 15 Miles West from Constantinople. Selimbria. But the place by them called Brutobria, by others is named Brutobrica; and the places, which Ptolemy makes to end in Briga, Pliny closes with Brica; so that, 'tis probable, Bria, Briga and Brica are synonymous, all signifying a City or [...] ▪ with words compounded of them. That Bria, Briga and Brica, signifie the same thing. But that they all have their Original from Gaul, appears by this, That the Gauls are reported, anciently, to have sent forth Colonies into Thrace and Spain, and not They into Gaul; and therefore, amongst proper Classick Authors, we usually read the Words following.

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Braga in Port [...]gal.

Abobrica in Pliny, in the Circuit of Braga.

Amalo-brica in the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus.

Arrabida.

Arabrica, Pliny, in the Bracarens [...]an Circuit also.

Castanheira in Portugal.

Arabrica another, Ptolemy, in Lusitania, or Portugal.

Arcos.

Arcobrica, Ptolemy, amongst the Celtiberians, i. e. New-Castillians.

Azvaga in Portugal.

Arcobrica another, Ptolemy, amongst the Lusitanian-Celticks.

Alcasor near Saragossa in Spain; which being at f [...]st called Salduba, from the Salt-Pits there, was afterwards rebuilt by Caesar Augustus, and called Caesarea Augusta, some Footsteps of which Name do yet remain in the word Saragossa.

Arcobrica a Third, in the * Caesar-Augustan-Province.

Atzburgh.

Artobrica, Ptolemy, in the

People of Bavaria and Suab [...] in Germany, so called from the Rivers V [...]ndis (Werd) and L [...]us (Leck,) near which they lived.

Vindilici's Country.

Villar del Pedroso.

Augustobrica, Pliny, and Ptolemy, in Portugal.

Puente del Arcobispo.

Augustobrica another, Ptolemy, in the

People of Extremadura in Spain.

Vecton's Country.

Ardea ol Muro.

Augustobrica a Third, Ptolemy, in the

Part of old Cas [...]le in Spain.

Pelendon's Country.

Axabrica, Pliny, of the Lusitanicks.

Boppart, in the Bishoprick of T [...]eves, or T [...]ers.

Bodobrica, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, and in the Book of the Knowledge of the Roman Empire, in High-Germany.

Broughton in Hampshire, as Cumden: Quaere, Whether not Stockbridge, which though a mean place now, yet was formerly a noted Town, as appears by its sending Burgesses to Parliament at this Day: It is yet a considerable Pass, between Winchester and Salisbury.

Brige, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, in Britany.

Brige, in Strabo, a Town by the

Which divide France from Italy, or rather Piem [...]nt from Dauphine.

Cottian Alps.

Bruto-brica, in Strabo, between the

Inhabitants of Extremadura, or Andalusia, in the Kingdom of Corduba, in Spain.

Turduli and the River

Guadalquivar, a famous River in Spain.

Boetis.

Barcelos, a Town now of Portugal, formerly of Spain, near the River Celand, Inhabited heretofore by the Celerini.

Caeliobrica, Ptolemy, of the Celerini, i. e. People in Portugal.

Caesarobrica, Pliny, in Portugal, also.

Catobrica, of the

People of Hispania Boetica.

Turduli, in the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus.

Corimbrica, Pliny, in Portugal, if I mistake not, corruptly for Conimbrica, of which mention is made in the Itinerary of Antoninus, which City, as yet, keeps it ancient Name, by the River Munda, in Portugal.

Cotteobria, Ptolemy, in the

In Extra-medura, in Spain.

Vecton's Country.

Deobrica, Ptolemy, among the Vecton's, also.

Miranda de Ebro.

Deobrica, another, Ptolemy, of the

B [...]scamers.

Autrigones.

Deobricula, Ptolemy, of the

People of Burgos in Spain.

Morbogi.

Dessobrica, not far distant from

Lagos in Portugal.

Lacobrica, in the Itinerary of Antoninus.

Bermeo, as some; Bilbao, in Spain, as others.

Flavio-Brica, Pliny, at the Port

Bermeo, as some; Bilbao, in Spain, as others.

Amanus. Ptolemy, in the Autrigons, calls it Magnus, but I know not whether Magnus, ought to be writ in Pliny, or no.

Alanguera in Portugal.

Serabrica in the

Province of Santaren, in that Kingdom.

Scalabitan Province, which Pliny writes Ierabrica.

Fuente d'Ivero, as some; or else Braganza, as others, say.

Iuliobrica, in Pliny, and in the Itinerary of Antoninus, of the Cantabrians, or Biscainers, heretofore called Brigantia.

Lagos.

Lacobrica, in the

Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Leon in Spain.

Vaccaeans Country, in Pliny, Ptolemy, and Festus Pompeius.

Lacobrica, at the

Cape of St. Vincent, in Portugal.

Sacred Promontory, in Mela.

Langroi [...]a.

Lancobrica, of the

Dwelling by the River Anas in Portugal.

Lusitanick Celts, Ptolemy.

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La [...]sanne.

Latobrigi, near to the Svitzers, Caesar.

Mon [...]briga.

Medubrica, Sirnamed Plumbaria, by Pliny, in Portugal; this, if I mistake not, is called Mundobrica, in the Itinerary of Antoninus.

Sant [...]ago de Lacem.

Merobrica, Sirnamed Celtica, in Portugal; Pliny, and Ptolemy.

Ma [...]abriga.

Mirobrica, in the Country of the

Inhabiting the Country of La Mancha, in New-Castile.

Oretani.

Villa de Capilla.

Mirobrica, another in

Es [...]remed [...] ra.

Beturia, or, in the Country of the

Inhabiting part of Alg [...] b [...]a and Mea [...] na [...].

Turditani Boetici, Pliny, and Ptolemy.

Va [...] de N [...] bro.

Nemetobrica, in the Country of the Lusitanick Celts, Ptolemy.

Valera

Nertobrica, in the Turduli's Country of Boetica, Ptolemy.

Almun [...]a.

Nertobrica, another, in the

Spaniards, lying beyond the River [...]erus in Arragon and Castile.

Celtiberians Country, Ptolemy, which, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, is called Nitobrica.

Segorve, as Clasius thinks.

Segobrica, in the Celtiberians Country, Pliny, but Ptolemy counts it the Head City of Celtiberia.

Talega, or Tal [...]ga, in Portugal.

Talabrica, in Lusitania, Pliny and Ptolemy.

Alcantara.

Turobrica in the Celts Country of Boetica, Pliny.

Braganza, as some; or rather B [...]g [...]a de Regoa.

Tuntobrica amongst the

The Gallicians living near Braga, in Portugal.

Bracarean Gallaeci, Ptolemy.

Vertobrica, Sirnamed Concordia Iulia, Pliny, in the Celt-Beticks Country.

Volobrica, of the

Inhabitants in and about Spire, in High Germany.

Nemetes, Ptolomy.

Very many Names of Towns, and Nations, seem to belong to this Class, in all the Provinces, into which the Gauls distributed Colonies; For, as Burgundus and Burgundio seem to be derived from Burgo; so doth Brigantes from Briga. The Nominative Case of this word, in Stephanus, is Brigas, whence we decline Brigantes; as we do Gigantes, from Gigas. The Brigantes, according to Strabo, are situate by the Cottian Alps; and, in the same Tract, is the Village, or Town Brige. And the Dwelling in and about [...]rianzon. Brigiani, in the Trophy of Augustus, are reckoned amongst the Alpin Nations. Bregentz. Brigantium, is an Alpine Town; and the Brigantii, are in the Country of the Or Bavarians. Vindelici, according to Strabo; and Brigantia, in the Itinerary of Antoninus; And the Mountain Monti de Brianza. Briga, (Ptolemy) is near the Fountains of the Rohsne and the Danow. Also Brigantium in Rhaetia, (Ptolemy) is the same Town, I suppose, which in the Book of the Knowledge of the Provinces of the People of Rome, is called Brecantia, and the Bodensée, or Lake of Constance. Brigantine Lake. And in Ireland, are the Inhabitants of Galway, Waterford and Tipperary. Brigantes, Ptolemy: The Brigantes also are in Albium, Ptolemy, Tacitus, and Seneca. And the Town Brige, or Brage, and Isobrigantium, in the Itinerary of Antoninus. And the Town Brianzon. Brigantium, in Orosius, by the Capo de Fin [...] terrae; or Nerium, in Ga [...]icia. Celtick Promontory, and Flaviobrigantium, or Besanzon, in Ptolemy, in the Almeria. Great Port: And a later Brigantia, i. e. Braganza, now in the Kingdom of Portugal.

There is also another Class or Rank of Words, which do either begin in Words compounded of Dunum Dunum, or end therewith, which is a Gallick Word, as appears by those Heaps of Sand of the Morini, as yet called Duni, or the Downs; and those other Heaps of Sand in the Sea over against them in the English Shore, which retain the same Name of Downs. Yea, Plutarch, (I mean, He, who wrote the Book of Rivers) in [Page] declaring the Original of Lugdunum, i. e. Lions, acknowledges Dunum to be a Gallick Word. And indeed in expressing the Names of Villages and Towns, there is scarce any one Word or Termination, more frequent than That, amongst the Nations, who yet preserve the old Gallick Tongue almost intire; I mean, the Brittons in Or Lugdunensis, the Country about L [...]ons in France. Gallia Celtica; and the Highlanders, or Islanders. Ancient Scots in Ireland and Albium; and the Valli or Welch; the Kernicovalli, or Cornish, in England; for there is none of those Nations, which do not challenge that Word or Termination for their own; only here is the difference, That the old Gauls did end their Compound Words with Dunum, but the Scots ordinarily place it in the beginning of Words; of this sort, there are found,

In France.

Autun in Burgundy. Augustodunum of the Aedui or Burgundians.

Chasteaudun. Castellodunum, of the Carnotensian Province, i. e. of Chartres.

Melun. Melodunum, by the River Sequana, or Sein.

Lyons. Lugdunum, at the Confluence of the Rivers Arar and Rhosne.

Augustodunum, another Autun, of the Arverni, or Anvergneois and Clermontians, Ptolemy.

St. Bertrand de Comminges. Lugdunum, of the Conveni, or Comingeois, near the River Garon; Ptolemy.

Noyon. Novidunum, in the Or, Alsatians. Tribocci's Country, Ptolemy.

Cad [...]nac. Vxellodunum, in Caesar.

Lodun or London. Iuliodunum in the Pictons Country, i. e. Poictiers.

Isodunum, and Dun [...]e Roy. Regiodunum, of the Bituriges, i. e. Inhabitants of Berry.

Laodunum or Laudunum in the County of Rhemes.

Tours. Caesarodunum, (Ptolomy) of the Turones, i. e. Tourenois.

Rodez. Segodunum, of the Or, Rovergu [...]s. Ruthenians, Ptolemy.

Some take it for Chasteau London. Velannodunum, (or St. Flour) in Caesar.

In Spain.

Sela. Caladunum, Ptolomy, of the Bracari, or Braganzians.

Campredon in Catalonia. Sebendunum, Ptolemy.

In Britain.

Almondbury in Yorkshire, as Cambden; but West Chester, as some others. Camulodunum, of the The old Inhabitants of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Durham, Westmerland and Cumberland. Brigantes Country, Ptolemy.

Maldon in Essex. Camulodunum, a Roman Colony, Tacitus.

Dorchester, called also Durnium, and Durnovaria, from the River Vare, gliding by it, which ariseth at a Town some few Miles distant, called Evarsholt, i. e. the head of Vare, and passing by Dorchester, runs into an Arm of the Sea, at Varbam, i. e. a Town on the Vare, now Warham. Dunum, a Town of the Durotriges, or Dorsetshire Men. Ptolemy.

Maridunum, i. e. Carmarthen, of the Old Inhabitants of Pembroke, Cardigan, and Carmarthen-Shires, formerly called West-Wales. Demetae, Ptolemy, and the Itinerary of Antoninus.

[Page] Rigodunum, of the Brigantes, Ptolemy, i. e. Ribchester in Lancashire.

Cambodunum, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, i. e. R [...]ines near Almonbury in Yorkshire.

Margidunum, in the same Itinerary, i. e. Marg [...]doverton in Leicestershire, near Belvoir Castle; or, as some, Leic [...]st [...]r it self.

Sorviodunum, or Sorbiodunum, in the same Itinerary; i. e. Old Sarum in Wiltshire.

Segodunum, i. e. Seton in Northumberland; and Axelodunum, i. e. Hexam, in Northumberland also, in the Book of the Notitia Roman [...] Imperii, or Knowledge of the Roman Empire, &c.

Later Towns in England.

Venantodunum, i. e. Huntingdon.

Dunelmum, i. e. Durham.

In Scotland.

Duncaledon, called also Caledonia, i. e. Dunkelden.

Deidunum, i. e. Dundee, or rather Taodunum, by the River Tay.

Edinodunum, which Word the Ancient Scots do yet retain, but they who Germanize, had rather call it Edinburgh.

Dunum, a Town in Ireland, called Down.

Noviodunum or New Down, i. e. Dunmoore Castle in Coval.

Brittannodunum, i. e. Dumbritton or Dumbarton, at the Confluence of the Clyde and Levin.

And at this day there are abundance of Names, of Castles, Villages and Hills derived therefrom.

In Germany, these Names are read in Ptolemy.

Lugdunum, i. e. Leyden; Segodunum, i. e. Nurinburgh; Tarodunum, i. e. Friburgh; Robodunum, i. e. Brin; Carrodunum, i. e. Crainburgh.

In the Alps Country.

Yverdon. Ebrodunum and Sedan. Sedunum.

In the Vindelici or Bavarians Country, in Which Anciently comprehended Austria, Stiria, Carniola, &c. Rhaetia, the Grisons Country, and Noricum.

Ba [...]ryon. Cambodunum, Korburgh. Corrodunum, Linez, or, as some, Gasten [...]al. Gesodunum, Iudenburgh, as some; Idenaw, as others▪ but Windisch Matray, as Sanson. Idunum and Neumarck. Noviodunum; and in the Book of knowledge of the Roman Empire, Partenkirck. Parrodunum.

In Sarmatia and Dacia, according to Ptolemy.

K [...]rburgh. Corrodunum, Semendria, or Zinderin. Singindunum, by the Danow; Noviodunum at the Mouth of the Danow; also another Neupurgh. Noviodunum.

[Page]And there are, in the same Provinces, not a few words declined from Words declined from Dur. Dur, which among the old Gauls and Brittons signifies Water, and as yet retains the same signification amongst some, as there are

In France.

Durocotti in the Rhemish Circuit, Ptolemy; we read them also called Durocorti; Moreover, Caesar makes mention of Metz. Divodurum, of the Inhabitants of P [...]ïs Messin. Mediomatrices. Tacitus, Divodurum, near Paris; in the Itinerary of Antoninus, Wyck te Duersteden. Batavodurum amongst the Batavi, Ptolemy, Tacitus. Briare. Breviodurum in the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus. Constance. Gannodurum in Ptolemy near the Rhine. Laufenburgh. Gannodurum in the Helvetians Country, Ptolemy. Martenach. Octodurum, or Octodorus, amongst the People of Gallia Narbenensis near the Rhosne. Veragri, Caesar.

In Rhaetia, the Vindelicis's Country, and Noricum.

Psullendorff, as some, but Beyerne Castle, as Cluverius. Bragodurum, Korburgh. Carrodurum, Olmu [...]z. Ebodurum, C [...]stenitz. Gannodurum, and Octodurum, Ptolemy. Venaxamodurum and Instat. Bododurum, in the Book of the Knowledge of the Provinces.

In Spain.

Octodurum, and Fermosello. Ocellodurum, Ptolemy: The River Duero. Durius flowing into the Ocean, and Guadalaviar, near Valentia. Duria into the Mediterranean Sea, and, in Ireland, the River Ledung in the West of Ireland. Dur; Ptolemy.

In Britain.

Inhabitants of Redborn in Hertfordshire. Durocobrivae, Of Rochester in Kent. Duroprovae, Of Leneham in Kent. Durolenum, Of Canterbury. Durovernum, Godmanchester by Huntington. Durolipont, Dorsetshire Men. Durotriges, Cirencester in Gloucestershire. Durocornovium, Laiton in Ess [...]x. Durolitum, Dorchester in Dorsetshire. Duronovaria, Lutterworth, or, as some, Longborough in Liecestersh. Lactodurum.

Perhaps the two Alpine Rivers, Doria the Greater and the Less (the one running into the Po, by the Vald' Osta. Salassians Country; the other, by the Piemonteis) do belong to the same Original; And also Issoir. Issidorus, and Auxerre Altissidorus, Cities of France, so called (as I judge) from their situation near Rivers. To which Dureta may be referred, which word, in Spanish, signifies a Wooden Throne, as Suetonius writes, in the Life of Augustus; The like may be said of Domnacus, the proper Name of a Man in Caesar, which seems to be corrupted from Dunacus; For Dunach may signifie Dunan, and Dunensis both; as Romach doth, Romanus▪ Dunacus, or rather Dunachus, is yet used for the proper Name of a Man, which, those who are ignorant of both Tongues, the Latin and the British, do render (but amiss) sometimes Duncan, sometimes Donat.

Names of Places ending in Magus. The word Magus, also in all the Provinces, in which the Publick use of the Gallick Tongue obtained, is very frequent in expressing the Names of Cities; which shews that it was of a Gallick Original. But of the Derivatives from it, we may rather guess, than affirm for certain, that they were wont to signifie a House, City, or such like Building. We read in the Book of Knowledge of the Empire of the People of Rome, the Prefect of the Badajox, a City in Spain, where once the Romans had a Colony; 'Tis also called Pax Augusta. Pacensian Levies, in Garison at Magi; and also in the same Book, the Tribune of the [Page] second Cohort placed at Magni; We read also of Magni in the Itinerary of Antoninus, I dare not positively assert, whether it be one Town, or many. But I incline, of the Two, rather to think, that they were sundry Towns.

Towns ending in Magus are These, Noviomagus, is a Proper Name for so many places, that it is hard to distinguish Them severally in English, for it signifies Odenheim, Newenburgh, N [...]mmegen, Spire, Solac, Bourg, &c. Noviomagus, in Ptolemy, amongst the Xunt [...]gners, in France. Santons; Noviomagus of the Inhabitants at Lisieux, a Town in Normandy, and the Country there about called Le-Lieuvin. Lexovi; Noviomagus of the Nivernois. Vadecassii; Noviomagus, of the About Spire. Nemetes; Noviomagus of the Tricassini; Living at St. Paul de trois Chasteaux, a City in Daulphin. Noviomagus of the Living in and about Berry. Bituriges; Angiers. Iuliomagus of the L'Anjouans. Andegavi; Roven. Rotomagus of the Venclocassi; Beauvois. Caesaromagus of the Beauvoisins. Bellovaci; Rotomagus of the Tournois. Nervii; Wormes. Borbetomagus of the Vangiones in High Germany; Vindomagus of the Living in Armagnac. Volci Arecomici. Also in the Itinerary of Antoninus, Argenton. Argentomagus; and in High Germany, Noviomagus. In the Book of the Knowledge of the Roman Empire; Noviomagus of Belgica Secunda; in Rhaetia, Memmingen. Drusomagus, Ptolemy. In Britain, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, Chelmesford. Caesa [...]omagus; Thetford. Sitomagus; Wood-Cote near Croydon. Noviomagus of the Inhabitants of Surry, as Leland; of Sussex, as Camden. Regni; People about Sterling, or, as some, of Murray in Scotland. Vacomagi; Ashwel in Hertford-shire, as some, or Dunstable in Bedford-shire, as others. Magiovinium; Vicomagi, part of the Picts Country. Ptolemy.

There are also other Names of Places, common to many of these Nations, but not so frequently used, nor so much dispersed as the former; such as are Hibernia, i. e. Ireland hath several Names. Ireland, amongst the Romans, the Name of an Island, called by Pomponius Mela, Ptolemy and Iuvenal, Iuverna; by Strabo, Claudian, and the Inhabitants thereof, Ierna. That which some call the Nerian Promontory, Strabo calls Ierne; Iernus, or Iern, a River of Gallaecia, Mela calls it Ierna; Camden thinks it to be the River Ma [...]re in Munster, in the County of Desmond, but, why not Loch-Earn, in the County of Fermanagh. Iernus, is also a River of Ireland: In Ptolemy, 'tis reckoned a River of Earn arising out of Loch-Earn. Scotland, falling into Tay. Another of the same Name glides through Murray; the Country adjacent to both is called Strath-Earn. Ierna.

We read of the City Millain: Mediolanum, in Ptolemy; as one Xantoign. Insubrum, of the Santones; another of the D'Eureux. Aulerci Eburaici; another by the Loir, i. e. Menu; a fourth by Sequana, or the Sein, (now as I think) named Meulan, or Melun; another in High Germany, called Duesburgh, or Asburgh. Alciburgum; another by the Metelew. Danow; another in Lancaster as Lud; Lanvellin in Mongomery-shire, as Camden; others, Midland. Britain, of which mention is made in the Itinerary of Antoninus.

Also Marcolica, a Town in Spain; Malck, on the River Shanon. Macolica, in Ireland; Vaga, a River in Portugal; and Wye. another of Wales in England. R [...]o d' Aves. Avo, in Mela, Avus, in Ptolemy, a River of Galaecia, as yet retains its Name. In Argyle, there is also a River of the same Awe. Name, flowing out of the Lough Awe. The Promontorium Sacrum, one is in Cabo de S. Vincem. Spain, another in Ban, in the County of Wexford. Ireland. Spurnhead in York-shire. Ocellum is a Promontory in Britain; Fermosel. Ocellum [Page] is also in Gallaecia, in the Luce [...]sian District; Ocel-Hills. Ocelli are Mountains in Scotland; Esilles or Exilles. Ocellum is the last Town of Gallia Togata, Caesar mentions Lest [...]thiel in Cornwal. Vxellum, a Town in Britain, perhaps for Ocellum; for Martianus, in explaining the Ancient Names of the Cities of Gallia, says, that the Word is variously writ, Ocellum, Oscela, and Oscellium; hence perhaps comes Cadenac in France. Vxellodunum, which is also sometimes writ Vxellodurum. So there is Or, Tambre. Tamar, a River of Gallaecia, Ptolemy; Tamaris, in Mela; Tamarici, a People of Gallaecia; the River Tamarus, Pliny; and Tamerton, by the River Tamar in Cornwall. Tamara, a Town in Britain ▪

Or, Ars. Sars, a River of Gallaecia, Ptolemy; Sarck or Sars in Annandale. Sarcus in Scotland, Mela.

Evora. Ebora, a Town of Portugal, called L [...]b [...]ralitas Iulia, in Pliny and Ptolemy; S. Lucar de Barameda. Ebura; that which is Cerealis in Boetica, in Pliny is Ebora; Ptolemy mentions Of d' Eureux. Dee or Die. Aulerci Eburaici in Gallia Celtica; and also Eboracum, i. e. York, of the British Brigantes.

Deva, now Dee, a River of England; and three in Scotland, so called, one in Galway, another in Angus, the third divides Merne from Marr.

The Cornish. Cornavii in England, are in the farthest part of the West, in Ca [...]hness-Men. Scotland, they are the farthest North. Both of them are now called Kernici; there seems also to have been a third sort of Kernici in Scotland, at the Mouth of the River Avennus, or Even, which is the boundary between the Coasts of Lothian and Sterling. For Bede makes the Monastery of Abercorn to be at the end of Severus his Wall, where now the Ruins of the Castle of Abercorn do appear. Aven is often read, a River both of England and Scotland. Aven in Scotish, and Avon in Welsh, signifies a River.

Of the Three Three Nations (besides the Brittons,) anciently inhabited this Isle. Nations which first inhabited this Island, after the coming of Caesar, the Britains were Subject to the Emperors of Rome successively, little less than Five Hundred years; but the Scots and Picts were under the subjection of their own Kings. At length, when all the Neighbouring Nations did conspire for the Destruction of the Romans, they recalled their Armies from their most remote Provinces, to maintain their Empire at home. And by this means, the Britains, being destitute of Foreign Aid, were miserably vexed by the Scots and Picts; insomuch, that they craved Aid of the Saxons invited in by the Brittons, Saxons, which then infested the Seas with a Pyratical Navy. But that project cost them dear. For the Saxons having repelled the Picts and Scots, being tempted by the fertility of the Country, and the weakness of the Inhabitants, aspired to make themselves Masters of the Island. But after various Successes in War, seeing they could not arrive at what they aimed at by Force, they resolved to accost the Britains by Fraud. Their Stratagem was this. There being a Conference or Treaty, agreed upon at a set Day and Place, between the Nobles of both Parties; The Saxons having a sign given them by Hengist their Captain, slew all the Where, by Stratagem, they and their General treacherously Murder the English Nobility. British Nobility, and drove the common People into Rugged and Mountainous Places; so that they themselves possessed all the Champain, and divided the fruitfulest part of the Island between them, into Seven Kingdoms. This was the State of Affairs in Britain, about the year of Christ 464. And whereas three German Nations did originally undertake Expeditions into Britain, the other two, by degrees, passed into the Name [Page] of English-Men. But the Peace made with the Brittons, nor with the English amongst themselves, was never faithfully observed; About the year of our Lord 317, Danes invade and Conquer Eng [...]and, under Swain. the Danes, being powerful at Sea, did first molest England with pyratical Incursions, but being Valiantly repulsed, about Thirty three years after they came with greater Forces, and made a descent into the Country with a Land Army. At the first conflict they were Victors, but afterwards they contended with the English, with various Successes, till in the year 1012. Swain, having wholly subdued the Britains, by their publick Consent, obtained the Kingdom, which yet remain'd but a few years in his Family. For the Saxons having again Created Kings of their own Nation, about Twenty four years after, were overcome by William the Norman Conquers the Dan [...]s, and is Crowned King of England. William the Norman, most of their Nobility being Slain, and their Lands divided among the Normans, by which means the common People were kept in a miserable Slavery, till Henry the Sevenths time, who, easing part of their burden, made the condition of the Commonalty a little more Tolerable. But those which are in favour with the King, or would seem to be truly Illustrious and Noble, derive their whole Sept from the Normans.

These are the discoveries which I have been able to make, out of ancient Writings, and other, no obscure, Indications, concerning the Original, Customs, and Language of the Three Ancientest Nations in Britain; all which do induce me to believe, that the old Britains, and the other Inhabitants of Britain, were derived from the Gauls, and did originally use the Gallick Speech; of which many Footsteps do manifestly appear, both in France and Britain. Neither ought it to seem strange, if, in a Language which admits of a change each moment of our Life, many things receive different Names in divers places, especially in a such a Longinquity of time; ye [...], we may rather admire, that the same Foundations of a Language, (that I may so speak,) and the same manner of Declension and Derivation, doth yet continue amongst a People, so far remote one from another, and so seldom agreeing together in converse of Life; yea, oft being at mortal fewds one with another.

Concerning the other Three other Nations came into B [...]itai [...]. Three Nations, the Angles, Danes, and Normans, we need make no solicitous Inquiry; seeing the Times and Causes of their coming are known almost to all. But I have entred upon this task, that I might restore Us to our Ancestors, and our Ancestors to Us; if I have performed this well, I have no reason to Repent of a little Labour, though spent in none of the greatest concerns; if not, yet, they who concur not with me in Opinion, cannot (I beleive) disallow or blame my Good-Will. And The Authors Ingenuity. I am so far from grudging or taking it ill, to have what I have Written refuted, that if any Man can discover greater certainty, and reduce me from my mistake, I shall return him great▪ Thanks for his Pains.

I had resolved to put an end to this disquisition, concerning the Original of the Nations of Britain, if Lud f [...]rther c [...]nfuted. Lud had not called me back, even against my Will, who maintains, That the Scots and the Picts came but lately into Albium. Though I might, without any Offence, pass by the empty vanity of the Man, joyned with his Ignorance; [Page] yet, lest the Faction of Unlearned ones, should too much Pride themselves with such a Patron, I thought fit, in a few Words, to convince the obstinacy of the Man, and that principally from those Arguments and Witnesses, which he himself produceth against us.

First, I will speak concerning his manner of Reasoning, and afterwards of the Matter it self.

Iulius Caesar, (says he,) and Cornelius Tacitus, Writers of so great diligence; as also Suetonius, Herodian, and other Romans, who have wrote of British Affairs, have, in no part of their Works, made mention of Scots or Picts, and therefore doubtless, they had no Seats in Britain, in that Age. Wilt thou accept of this condition, Lud, that what Nation no Ancient Writer hath mentioned, never any such Nation was? If you embrace this Motion, see how many Nations you will exclude from their Beings in one or two lines? How great a Table of Proscriptions will you make? Yea, What great Persons will you proscribe, Brutus, Albanactus, and Camber? What Nations will you wholly eradicate, the Loegri, the Cambri, the Albani, according to thy Postulatum, who art a Tyrant in History, and Grammar both, as declining Albanus from Albanactus. But if that Condition proffered, do not please.

— Quia tu Gallinae Filius albae,

Nos viles pulli, nati infaelicibus ovis.

Because you are the Favorite of Fate,

But we're condemn'd to a low base State.

I will propound another to you, and such an one too, as you ought not, and (I think) dare not, refuse. There is a certain kind of probation out of Fragments, out of which, if you a little harden your Forehead, you may prove any thing. I am the more inclined to make use of this way of Proof, because you seem to love it most of all, as proving (forsooth) out of a Fragment, known (I beleive) to thy self alone, that an innumerable Multitude of the Cimbri went forth to destroy the Roman Empire; I will therefore shew you out of a Fragment, that the Scots and Picts were in Britain before Vespasian's Reign, which you deny. In that Book to which you have given the Title of Fragmentum Britannicae Descriptionis, i. e. A Fragment of the Description of Britain; I think, especially for this Reason, because you thought your self to have sufficiently proved, out of one of the two Fragments, that the Island was rather to be called Pritania, than Britannia; and out of the other, that you had disgorged such a multitude of Cimbri, as were enough to Conquer all Britain: For this cause, you thought that your Fragment would get credit enough on that single account. In that Book, you write▪ that the Name of Scots and Picts, together with the Franks and English, or Angles, were well known to the Roman World, and as a Witness of this Opinion, (a meet one indeed,) he produced Mamertinus. Mamertinus in the Panegyrick dedicated to Maximinianus, which witness, if I understand him a right, makes against Lud. For Mamertinus, [Page] speaking of the first coming of Iulius Caesar into Britain, hath these Words; Moreover the Nation, as yet rude and dwelling in Britain, accustomed to none but the Arms of the Picts and the Hiberns, or Irish, their half naked Enemies, did easily yeild to the Arms and Ensigns of the Romans. See, I pray, what Lud would infer out of this Testimony; First, that the Brittons alone did then inhabite the Island. Next, that the People there Named Hiberni or Irish, were afterward called Scots; but the Author of the Panegyrick doth assert neither of the two. For he affirms, that before the coming in of Caesar, the Britons waged War against the Scots and Picts, of the British Soil, i. e. Enemies dwelling in the British Soil, so that Soli Britanni, is the Genitive not Nominative Case; the other, he falsly assumes to himself; for I think, I have sufficiently demonstrated out of Paulus Orosius a Spaniard, and Bede an English Man, that all the Inhabitants of All the Inhabitants o [...] I [...] land anciently called Scots. Ireland were anciently called Scots, and then at length, when they sent Colonies into Albium, the Name of Scots was almost extinguished at home, and began to grow famous abroad: In another place, he contends, that the Caledonii were called Britons, grounding his assertion on no other Argument, than that he finds they were called Britains, which is a Name common to all who inhabit the same Island. But I have shewed before, out of the place of the Panegyrick, quoted by him, that the Caledonians were Picts, Marcellinus divides the Picts into Dicaledones, and Vecturiones. See p. 18. Marcellinus affirms the same thing, who says, that there are two sorts of Picts, the Dicaledones, or, (as I think it ought to be writ,) the Duncalecones, and the Vecturiones. But the Caledonii or Caledones dwelt in Britain before the Reign of Vespasian, neither were they unknown to the Romans, as Lucan plainly shews, who died in Nero's time.

Aut vaga cùm Tethys Rutupinaque littora fervent,

Vnda Caledonios fallit turbata Britannnos.

When raging Seas on Sandwich shores do beat,

The troubled Waves do British Caledons cheat.

But why do I trouble my self to procure Foreign Testimonies, seeing we have a clear and nicking one at home, I mean Bede, the Writer of the Ecclesiastical History of England, for he takes notice of the Order, and almost of the very Moments, of time, wherein Foreign Nations passed over into Britain. These are his Words in his First Book. ‘First of all, the Island was inhabited by Brittons, whence it hath its Name, who from the Armorick Tract, as it is reported, being wafted over into Britain, possessed the South-parts thereof, and having seized upon the greatest part of the Island, beginning from the South, it hapned that the Nation of the Picts, coming (as 'tis reported) out of Scythia, and entring into the Ocean, with long Ships, or Gallies, but not many, by stress of Wind and Weather, were driven beyond all the bounds of Britany into Ireland; and a little after, Wherefore the Picts coming into Britain, begun to seat themselves in the North parts of the Island: The Southern being possessed by the Brittons:’ And at length, after a few lines interposed, he adds, In process of time, Britany after the Brittons [Page] and the Picts, took in a third Nation of the Scots, as part of the Picts. Then, after many passages, he subjoins; But the same Britanny was [...]accessible and unknown to the Romans, until the time of C. Julius Caesar. Whosoever thou art, who readest these passages▪ observe, I pray, Whence, at What time, and in What order, this Autho [...], much more ancient and grave than Lud, doth affi [...]m, that these Nations entred Britain, to wit, that the Brittons, from the Armorick Tract entred first, but the time not certain. That the Picts, out of Scythia, came next into those parts of Britain, which were yet void of Inhabitants, and that not long after the entrance of the Brittons, who were not as yet increased into such a multitude, as to be able to inhabit the whole Island. What then becomes of the Scots? When came they into Britain? In process of time, says he, viz. The Picts granting them the uninhabited Seats in their Districts, they came last to the former two. So the Brittons, as Bede affirms, came into this Island out of Armorica in France, and, not long after, the Picts out of Scythia; both of them seized on the vacant and uninhabited places, at last, the Island being divided betwixt them, the Scots entred not by force, but were admitted into the Portion, and Lot of the Picts, and that long before Britain was known to the Romans. Here, How will you deal with Lud? Who produces Gildas and B [...]de, as witnesses to his Fables, viz. That the Scots and the Picts did first of all fix their Habitations in Britain, in the Reign of the Roman Emperor Honorius, in the year of Christ [...]20, of which two, Gildas makes nothing for him; and Bede doth evidently convince him of Falshood. But let the Reader beleive neither Lud nor M [...], but his own Eyes; and let him diligently weigh the Places of each Writer; but (says he) Dion calls the Caledonians, Britanni; I grant he doth so, so doth Lucan, and also Martial, in that Verse,

Quinte Caledonios Ovidi visure Britannos;

The Caledonians, which in Britain ▪ be,

Quintus Ovidius is about to see.

But none of them therefore, deny them to be Picts; yet they have good reason to call them Britains: For, as the whole Island is called Britanny, so all its Inhabitants are deservedly called Britains. For all the Inhabitants of the Isle of Sicily are generally called by the Romans, Sicilians, without any difference, though they themselves call one another, some Sicilians; other Siciliotes; so the possessors of Britany are, by Foreigners, all called Britains; but they themselves oft call the ancient Inhabitants Brittons, and the other Nations living therein, sometime by the private Names of the Countries, whence they came, and sometimes by the common Name of Britains. Wherefore the Caledonians, Picts and Scots, are sometimes called Britains. Caledonians, Picts and Scots, are sometimes called, each Nation by its own Name, yet all of them, not seldom, by the general term, Britains. But Brittons, of which I have spoken, no Man ever gave them that appellation.

[Page]There is also another difference amongst them, to be observed in the Word Britannia; as there is amongst the Greeks and Latins in the Word Asia. For Asia sometimes denotes the third part of the Habitable World, and sometimes it is taken for that part of the Greater Asia, which is situate on this side the Mountain Taurus, and is wont to be called Asia the Less. So Britanny is sometimes used for the Name of the whole Island in general; and otherwhiles, only for that part of it, which was subjected to the Romans, which part was bounded sometimes by the River Humber, and sometimes by the Wall of Adrian, and sometimes by the Wall of Severus; and the Inhabitants of this part, are by British Writers more usually called Britton than Britans; but the other dwellers in the Island, i. e. the Scots and the Picts, Bede sometimes calls Britains, and sometimes Strangers and Foreigners; we may also find the same observable difference in Geoffry of Monmouth, and William of Malmesbury. And therefore the Caledonians will be counted Brittons, never a jot the more, for being styled Britains by Dion, Martial, Lucan, or any other good Author, than the B [...]tians, a People o [...] Magna Grecia in Italy, heretofore possessing the two Calalapr [...]. Brutians Romans, inhabiting the District abou [...] Rome. will be Romans, though both of them are Italians. If Lud had taken notice of these things, he had never involved himself in such dark Labyrinths, nor had he so rashly and inconsiderately made a positive determination in a point so obscure, nor had denied the Caledonians to have been Picts, because they are termed by Dion, Britains. Neither hath Lud any just cause to wonder, that no Writer more ancient than Ammianus Marcellinus, and Claudian, hath made mention of the Scots and Picts, though they dwelt so many, I will not say, years, but ages, in Britain. For, not to speak of the Valli, Cambri, [...] Men. Loegri, Names lately known to the World, I may ask him, why, seeing so many Greek and Latin Writers have written of the Affairs of Greece; yet no Graecian once Names his Country-men Graeci; nor no Latin Author calls them Hellenes? Why did the Names of the Nations which I mentioned but now, creep so late into the History of Britain, which that Cambro-Britain makes to be so ancient? If you ask any English [...]man, of what Country he is, none will answer, that he is a Saxon; yet the Scots, Picts, Irish, both the Brittons, i. e. those that inhabit Britain, and those who dwell in France, do still unanimously call them Saxons: Why do not the old Scots, even to this very day, acknowledge and own the Name of Scots? It ought not then to seem absurd to any Man; if, when the Romans asked their Captives, of what Nation they were; one said a M [...]atian, another an Attacottian, a third a Caledonian; and the Names which Foreign Nations received from them they still retained, and used in their common publick Discourse; neither, as I judge, will it seem incredible, that some Names are more known to Historians and Strangers; and others, to the Inhabitants of the Country. Though the Premises do make it sufficiently appear, that the coming of Scots and Picts into Britain, is not only more ancient than Lud will grant it to be; yea, that it was but a little later than the Britains themselves coming into it, yet I shall add other, and those no contemptible, Conjectures. The Brigantes, a great and powerful Nation, were seated beyond the River Humber, about York, and did possess the whole bredth of the Island, between the [Page] two Seas; it is probable, that they came not from the Tract of France, which was nearest, for no Brigantes are said to have inhabited there, but out of Spain. First into Ireland, and from Ireland into Britain, as being a Neighbour Island to it; neither doth this differ from the conjecture of Cornelius Tacitus, which he makes concerning the Ancient Inhabitants of the Isle. If the Brigantes came from Ireland, then they must be of Scotish Race, as all the rest of the Inhabitants of Ireland were. Seneca also seems to confirm this Opinion, in that Elegant Satyr of his, concerning the Death of Claudius, in these Words,

Ille Britannos ultra noti littora Ponti,

Et caeruleos Scutabrigantes dare Romuleis

Colla Catenis jussit, & ipsum nova Romanae

Iura securis tremere Oceanum.

He, th' Britains, which beyond known Seas did dwell,

And blew Scutabrigantes did compel

Romes Yoke to bear. Yea the Ocean, so far spread,

His Government, and his new Laws, did dread.

In these Verses, Ioseph Scaliger, the Son of Iulius, is of Opinion, that for Scutabrigantes, for Scotobrigantes, according to Ioseph Sca [...]iger. Scutabrigantes, we ought to read Scotobrigantes. Of how great Learning and Judgment that young Man is; of what industry in comparing ancient Writers; and of what acuteness in finding out the meaning of obscure Passages, the Books set out by him do declare. At present I shall only say, that having undertaken to illustrate the Affairs of Britain, I thought his Judgment was not to be omitted; and I will declare, in a few Words, why I think it to be true; for seeing we read in Caesar, and other Authors, eminent both for diligence and knowledge, that the Britains were wont to paint their Bodies with Woad; and in Herodian, that they used narrow Shields in War, (such as Livy ascribes to the Asiatick Gauls,) and no great Ornament in their Arms; it seem'd absurd, to make mention of the Sheild, which was not Painted, the mention of the Body, which was Painted, being omitted. Now the old Britains were Painted, not for comliness, as other Nations, not a few were; but that their blewish colour might render them more terrible to their Enemies in Fight; but how that colour could appear terrible in a narrow Sheild, I do not understand. And therefore it is very probable, that that Learned Man, and Skilful in British Affairs, as who, according to Dion, kept the whole Island under Tribute, wrote the Word, Scotobrigantes, that he might distinguish them from the other Brigantes, both Spanish and Gallick. It makes also for the same purpose, that in those Verses he separates the Britains and Brigantes, as two different Nations, which is also done by some British Writers, who make Humber to be the boundary of Britain. This matter being not well considered by Hector Bo [...] tius mistaken. Hector Boetius, as I judge, lead him into a mistake, who, having some where read, that the Silures and Brigantes were called Scoti, as having their Original from Ireland, placed them in part of the Kingdom of the Scots, in [Page] Albium. His mistake, though it may justly offend others, yet ought not to have been so severely censured by Ludd, who hath committed as great Mistakes in the same kind; for he makes the Cumbri, or (as he calls them) the Cumri, to issue out of a Corner of Britain, to plunder the whole World: For he infers from one or two Words, common to them both, that the Cimbri and Britanni were of one Nation. Those Words are Moremarusa and Trimarchia; Here it is worth the while to take notice of the Man's acuteness, in disputing, and of his subtilty (forsooth) in drawing out of Inferences and Conclusions. This Word Moremarusa, says he, is a British Word,Iron. but it was once a Cimbrick one, and no Nations else besides, which dwelt by the Baltick Sea. But seeing our Country-Men use the same Word, and are called by the same Name with those other Cimbri, therefore (sure) both were of the same Stock and Nation.

In this Matter, first he affirms Falshoods for Truths, and also takes Uncertainties for Certainties. For it is a manifest Untruth, That both of them are called Cimbri, even Ludd censured. Ludd himself being Witness, who affirms, That all the Inhabitants, his Country-Men, of Cambria, were so called from their King, Camber, and he calls himself a Cambrobritain. I could also prove the Falshood of this Opinion, by the Testimony of all his Country-Men, who do not call themselves Cimbri, but Cumri. As That is false, so This is uncertain, whether other People dwelling by the Baltick Sea, did not use that Word, which you attribute to the Cimbri alone; especially since it appears out of Tacitus, That many Nations, in that Tract of Germany, spake the Gallick Tongue, and I shewed before, that Word to be Gallick. But suppose, that both of your Assumptions were true, What then? Did you never read, That the Souldiers of Cn. Pompeius, when he waged War in Asia, were saluted by the Name of Brethren, by the Albans, dwelling in the Mountain Caucasus, by reason, that Both of them were called Albans? Neither do I doubt, but that if a Man had observed Both Tongues, he might have found one or two Words, signifying the same thing in Both: But they wanted such a Man as Ludd there, who because both People had certain Words common between them, would thereby prove, that both were of the same Nation; and yet the purblind Man seems to be sensible of the Non sequitur of his Conclusion, when he adds that the Cimbri were called Aestiones, inhabiting P [...]ussia & Liv [...]nia. Aestiones, by the Germans; That he might make that out, he should have shewed, at what Time, and upon what Grounds, the Cimbri were Transformed into Aestiones; and the Aestiones again, into C [...]mbri. He speaks not a lot of this, but only cites a British History, collected out of the Mi [...]esian Fables o [...] [...]; For the Inhabitants of M [...]tum in [...] were infamous for telling Tales, so far from being true that they had not the least shadow o [...] Truth in them. Milesian Fables, of the Gauls, and also quotes a certain Fragment, whence he, being now Degraded from an Antiquary, to be either a Botcher, or a Scraper together of old useless Relicks, or (if I may so speak) a Fragmentary, doth piece up New Kingdoms and New Nations, for us; This he doth with great Labour, and yet with no Colour of probability, whereas, yet it was very obvious to him, (unless perhaps it was above the Poor Man's reach) to find out the Causes, why the Name Cimber was communicated to the Cimbri, and the Valli too: For Plutarch says, That it was not the Name of a Nation, but of an Occupation or Employment, and that Robbers [Page] were so called by the Germans. Suidas, no ignoble Grammatian amongst the Greeks, understands the Word in the same sense; and Festus Pompeius, amongst the Latins, writes, that the Cimbri were called Plunderers, by the Gauls. If we follow these Men's Opinions, it will not be difficult to find out, why the Cimbri, whom Ludd places in Britain, came by that Name, especially since their Neighbours, the Angli or English, do affirm, That, even in this Age, their Manners did not much abhor from that Thieving Occupation. Sure I am, That Livy calls that Slave that was sent to kill Marius in the Prison of the When Marius, by Sylla's Faction, was driven out of Rome, he hid himself stark naked in the Mud & Weeds of the River Liru, (now Garigliano) in the Kingdom of Naples; where being found out, he was carried to prison at Minturnae, a Town hard by, whither a Gaul, or Cimber, being sent to kill him, he saw such a Majesty in his Countenance, that he return'd without perpetrating the Homicide. Minturnae, a Gaul; Lucan calls him a Cimber, but no Noted Writer styles him a Britain. If Ludd had considered these things, or, if, after Consideration, he had chosen rather to remember them, than to frame new Monsters to himself; there was no Necessity for him, in one Moment of Time, or rather, with one Falshood, to have left all Britain almost destitute and forsaken, all its Military Young Men being exhausted, and Six Hundred Thousand of them drawn out from it at a Clap.

I will not here descend to a minute Inquiry, to what Children the Valli are wont to give the Names of the Cimbrick Kings; for this diligent Writer brings in This also as an Argument of their Stock.

If I mistake not, besides Latin, German, and Syriack ones, he will find very few Names. But if a solid Argument may be fetched from the proper Names of Men, (which are often-times arbitrarily imposed by Parents, or vain-gloriously adopted out of some History) then Ludd might rather persuade us, That his Country-Men are Iews, Romans, or Germans, than Cimbri: Or, if he would have advised his Compatriots to give Baptismal Names, fetched out of History, to their Children, within a few Years, he might transform his Country-Men, into what Nation soever he pleased. But touching the Names of the Cimbrick Kings, which, he says, were accustomed to be given to Children; I would willingly have asked the Man, From what Oracle he received it? Unless I knew before-hand, that he never wants some Fragment, out of which he can prove what he list himself. But this I can't but admire, touching that Cimbrick Expedition, how all their Military Men being sent aboard, that within the space of Forty Years, (for it was about that Interval, between the Cimbrick War, and Iulius Caesar's arrival in Britain,) your Country of Vallia, should so soon recover to be so populous; especially, since, when Maximus drew forth a far lesser Number out of Britain, even, when it was in its most flourishing Estate, the Britains could, never after, hold up their Heads, but they were brought into bitter Servitude by the Saxons: Or why Caesar, who, for his Age, might have made mention of the Cimbrick War, when he came into Britain, being also a Learned Man, and a great Favourer of the Marian Party, did find out nothing, by Inquiry, concerning this Cimbrick Expedition. Lastly, I desire to know, Whether Ludd spoke in Jest or in Earnest, when he added, that the Affinity of Both the Cimbri might be inferred from their equal contempt of Gold and Silver? Here I would willingly ask of him, Whether he spake in Earnest, when he calls those Cimbrians, who did not only vex and plunder Gallia or Gaul, and a part of Spain too, but in a manner wholly wasted [Page] and destroyed them both? And yet afterward hastned to Italy, in quest of a Richer Booty? Whose Opulency, got by Robberies, the Switz [...]. H [...]lvetians imitating, they also became Plunderers, as Strabo relates in his Seventh Book. Dare you call such Men Frugal and Temperate? And that it may appear, that the Cimbricks Name is truly assigned to your Nation, you make them emulous of those Employments, to which the Cimbrians were accustomed; yea, you make your self a P [...]lferer too, who aspirest to the Iron. Glory of a Plagiary, with stealing from all Nations: For, not content to have vindicated the Deeds of the Cimbri, to your Country-Men, you add with as impudent and fictitious an Untruth, that the Sicambri or Westpha [...]s [...]s. Sicambri were also of your Stock: And because in the Name of Both Nations, there is a certain Similitude of Letters, from that Cognation of Words, you feign a Conjunction of Blood. At this rate, besides the Sicambrians, the Franks, and their Childrens Children, to all Generations, will be allyed to you; and so, after a packed Series of Lyes, you raise a Bridge to bring back the Fugitive Brenni; of which, one, who took Rome, lived about an Hundred Years before the other, who besieged Delphos; but you do jumble and compact them together into one Body, that so you might dress up a new Monster out of a Dead and Living Man, piec'd together; as if it were difficult to prove,Irony. by other Arguments, that Monsters are born in that very Country, which brought such a Person as you, forth. But, says Ludd, no Writer acknowledgeth, that there were two Brennus's, besides Polydore Virgil. Surely, Ludd, thy Reason hath forsaken thee, or else thou hast never read the Fourth Book of Strabo, where he writes, That the Brennus, who besieged Delphos, is, by some, thought to be Prausus. Yea, not Strabo alone, but every Man, who believes that Rome was taken by a Brennus's ▪ Two. Brennus, and that above an Hundred Years after Delphos was besieged by a Brennus, doth acknowledge, That there were Two of That Name; seeing both those Enterprizes could not be performed by one and the same Man. But if we believe the Monk, the Compiler of the British History, Brennus, the Brother of Belinus, preceded these two Brenni, three hundred Years; who, if he had led his Army into Italy at that time, must have fought with Numa Pompilius, or with Tullus Hostilius, and not with the Free People of Rome. But to omit these things, whence doth this new Logician gather, that Brennus was a Britain? Forsooth, from one word only, viz. Trimarchia, which word yet is common to Scots, Gauls, and Welsh. But Pausanias, whom you quote maimedly, and by piece-meal, that so he may make for your purpose, calls Brennus and his Companions▪ Gauls, and acknowledgeth That Word to be Gallick; but you, Sir, you only, such is your shamelesness, against the Credit of all Greek and Latin Historians, yea, and in spight of the Muses themselves too, do strive to prove him a Britain. Perhaps I have prosecuted this Argument a little more prolixly, than either the obscurity of the Matters themselves, or the unskilfulness and unconstancy of Ludd, did deserve; I have done it, not out of a desire to carp at, or blame, others, (which I am far from,) but that I might abate the edge of the unsavory abusiveness of a Person so loquacious and reflective, thus reducing h [...]m from his wild and extravagant rage, (whereby [Page] he speaks evil of almost all Writers,) that so I might bring him, at last, to acknowledge his Errour. To omit others, at present, he falls, with great scurrility, upon Hector Bo [...]tius, a Man not only well-skilled in the Liberal Arts, but also endued with singular Humanity and Courtesie, and famous too, beyond the ordinary rate of the Times, he lived in; and he so falls upon him, as to blame nothing in him, of which he himself is not more foully culpable. Hector Bo [...] tius and Lud compared, and Both of them censured, for some Mistakes. Hector places the Brigantes in Gallway, wherein he did amiss; for I have no mind to defend his Mistakes: But Ludd brings out great Forces of the Cimbri, from one Corner of Britain, how truly, let the Learned judge. Hector attributes Matters, acted by others against the Romans in Britanny, to his Country-Men, the Scots. And Ludd doth shamelesly and falsly affirm, That Rome was taken, Macedonia vexed, Greece afflicted, the Noblest Oracle of the World sacrilegiously violated, by his Country-Men, the Britains; yea, that Asia it self was compelled to pay Tribute to a few Vagabonds. He blames Hector, but falsly, for making Gildo, who raised up great Commotions in Africa, a Scot; and yet, he makes the same Gildo, who was indeed a M [...]r, to be a Goth; but Gildus and Gildo (forsooth) are Names almost alike. Let me ask you, Are they more like, than Luddus, Lydus, and Ludio? This is certain, that Gildus is an old Name in Scotland, as the Ancient Clan of the Macgilds, or Macgills, doth shew; of whose Posterity there are yet Families remaining of good account, both in Scotland and England. But, seeing Ludd hath such an intemperate Tongue, that he cares not what he says, provided he may abuse others, I shall leave him, and conclude this Book, only giving him this Caution, That

Loripedem rectus derideat, Aethiopem albus.

They that Faults in others blame,

Must not be guilty of the same.

The Third BOOK.

[Page]

THô I have sufficiently demonstrated in the Two former Books, how fabulous, yea, how portentous, the Memoirs are, which the Writers of the British Affairs have delivered, concerning their Ancestors; and have also shewn, by plain and clear evidences, that the Ancient Britains had their Original from the Gauls: Yet, because, I perceive, I have to do with Men, that pertinaciously adhere to a manifest Falshood, rather than with such as lapse by Rashness or Ignorance; I thought it worth my labour, if, out of Writers of great Authority amongst all Learned Men, I took off the edge of such Hair-brain'd Mens boldness; and, by that means, supply'd Good Men, and Lovers of Truth, with sufficient Arms to restrain and curb their daring and affronting Impudence. In the rank of such Classick Authors, I judge, Iul [...]us Caesar deserves the first Place, both for his Diligence in searching, [...] his Certainty in knowing, and Sincerity in declaring things to others. He, in the Fifth Book of his Commentaries concerning the Gallick War, writing of Britain, says thus, ‘The inner part of Britain is inhabited by such, as they themselves record to be born in the Island; and the Maritine Coasts, by such as came out of Belgium, either to make Incursions, or Invasions; and after the War was ended, they continued in the Possessions they had gained, and were called by the Names of the Cities, from whence they came. The Country is very populous, and well-stored with Houses, much like those of the Gauls; They have great store of Cattle; they use Brass for Money, or Iron rings, weighed at a certain rate. In its Mediterranean parts, there is found great quantity of Tin, and, in the Mountainous parts, Iron; th [...] but in a small quantity; their Brass is brought in by other Nations. They have all sort of Trees, that they have in Gallia, excepting the Beech and the Firr. Their Religion will not suffer them to eat either Hare, Hen, or Goose, notwithstanding they have of them all, as well for novelty as variety. The Country is more temperate, and not so cold, as Gallia: The Island lyeth Triangular, whereof one side fronteth Gallia; on which side, That Angle, wherein Kent stands, points to the East, where almost all Ships arrive from France: And the lower Angle, to the South; This side containeth above 500 miles. The other Angle lyeth toward Spain, and the Western Coast, in that Circuit, where also Ireland lyeth, which is an Island half as big as England, (as some think) and as far distant from it, as Gallia; In the Midway between England and Ireland, lyeth an Island called Man; besides many other small Islands, of which some write, That in Winter time, for 30 days together, they have a continual Night, whereof we learned nothing by inquiry; only we found, by certain measures of Water, that the Nights in England were shorter than in the Continent. The length of this side, according to the opinion of the Inhabitants, containeth 700 miles. The Third side lyeth to the North, and open Sea, saving that this Angle doth somewhat point toward Germany. This [Page] side is thought to contain 800 miles. And so the whole Island containeth in circuit 2000 miles. Of all the Inhabitants, they of K [...]nt are most courteous and civil, all their Country bordering upon the Sea, and little differing from the fashion of Gallia. Most of the Inland People sow no Corn, but live upon Milk and Flesh, they are clothed with Skins, and have their Faces painted with a blew colour, to the end, they may seem more terrible in Fight. They wear the Hair of their Heads, long; having all other parts of their Body shaven, except their Head▪ and upper Lip. Their Wives are common to Ten or Twelve, especially Brethren with Brethren, and Parents with Children; but the Children that are born, are accounted His, unto whom the Mother was first given in Marriage.’

And awhile after, he says,

‘By these He understood, that (Verulam,) Cassivellanus's Town was not far off, fortified with Woods and Bogs, and well stored with Men and Cattle. The Britains call that a Town, when they fortifie Woody Fastnesses with a Ditch and a Rampire, and so make it a place of Retreat, when they stand in fear of incursions from their Enemies. [...] taken by Caesar. Thither Caesar marched, with his Army, and found it well fortified both by Art and Nature; And, as he assaulted it in Two several places, the Enemy stood to it awhile, but at last, were not able to bear the brunt and fury of the Assailants, but made their escape a back way out of the Town. Thus he took it, and found therein great store of Cattle, and, in the onset, slew and took prisoners many of the Britains.’

Tacitus, in the Life of Julius Agricola.

THE Site of Britanny, and the Inhabitants thereof, thó they have been already described by sundry Writers,The description of Britain, according to Tacitus. I purpose here to declare, not to compare with them in careful Ingenuity, but because it was then first thorowly subdued, so that such things as our Ancestors, without perfect discovery, have polished with Pen, shall now be faithfully set down upon Knowledge. Britanny, of all the Islands known to the Romans, the Greatest, coasteth by East upon Germany; by West, towards Spain; and it hath France on the South: Northward, no Land lying against it, but only a vast and broad Sea beating about it. The Figure and fashion of all Britanny by Livy, of the Ancients, and Fabius Rusticus of the Modern, the most eloquent Authors, is likened to It doth not appear, how this resemblance holds, and therefore some think, those Aut [...]rs to be better Historians, than Resemblancers: and, indeed, [...]f the whole Island were not conquered by the Romans, (as confessedly it was not) I do not see, how they could give us the perfect Form and Shape thereof; a long Dish, or two-edged Axe, and so is that Part shapen indeed, on this side Caledonia: Whereupon, the Fame went of the whole, as it seemeth: But there is beside, a huge vast tract of Ground, which runneth beyond unto the furthermost Point, growing narrow and sharp like a Wedge. This point of the utmost Sea, the Roman Fleet, then first of all Doubling, discovered Britanny to be an Island; and withal, found out and subdued the Isles of Orkney, before that time never known. Thyle also was discovered at aloof, which Snow hither and Winter had covered. The Sea thereabout they affirm to be dull and heavy for the Oar, and not to be raised, as others are, with Winds; belike, because Land and Mountains are [...]are, which minister Cause and Matter of Tempests, and because a deep Mass of continual Sea is slower stirred to Rage.

[Page] To examine the Nature of the Ocean and Tides, pertaineth not to this Work, and many have done it before. One thing I will add, and may safely avouch, that the Sea, no where in the World, rageth and ruleth more freely, carrying by Violence so much River Water, hither and thither, and is not content to Flow and Ebb so far as the Banks, but inserteth and windeth it self into the Land, shooting into the Mountains and Cliffs, as to his own Chanel. Now, what manner of Men the first Inhabitants of Britanny were, Foreign, brought in, or Born in the Land, as among a barbarous People, it is not certainly known. Their Complexions are different, and thence may some Conjectures be taken: For the Red Hair of the dwellers in Caledonia, and mighty Limbs, import a German Descent: The coloured Countenance of the Silures, and Hair most commonly Curled, and Site against Spain, seem to induce a belief, that the old Spaniards passed the Sea, and possessed those places. The nearest to France likewise resemble the French, either, because they retain something of the Race, from which they descended; or, that in Countries butting together, the same aspects of the Heavens do yeild the same Complexion of Bodies▪ But generally it is most likely, the French, being nearest, did People the Land. In their Ceremonies and Superstitious Persuasions, there is to be seen an apparent Conformity: The Language differeth not much, like boldness to challenge and leap into Dangers: When Dangers are come, like fear in refusing them; saving, that the Britains make more shew of Courage, as being not mollifi'd yet by long Peace; for the French also were once, as we read, redoubted in War, till such time, as giving themselves over to Peace and Idleness, Cowardise crept in, and Shipwrack was made both of Manhood and Liberty, together: And so it is also befaln to those of the Britains, which were subdued of old; the rest remain such, as the French were before. Their strength in the Field consisteth in Footmen; some Countries make War in Wagons also: The greater Personage guideth the Wagon, his Waiters and Followers Fight out of the same. Heretofore they were govern'd by Kings, now they are drawn, by Petty Princes, into Parties and Factions: And that is the greatest help we have, against those Puissant Nations, that they have no common Council together. Seldom it chanceth, that two or three States meet and concur to repulse the common danger: So, whilst one by one fighteth, all are subdued. The Sky is very Cloudy, and much given to Rain, without extremity of Cold. The length of Days much above the measure of our Climate; the Nights light, and, in the furthermost part of the Island, so short, that, between the going out and coming in of the Day, the space is hardly perceived, and when Clouds do not hinder, they affirm, that the Sun-shine is seen in the Night, and that it neither Setteth nor Riseth, but passeth along, because, belike, the Later A [...] tho [...] can ha [...]dly reconcile this reason with the Principles of the Mathematicks: And besides, the matter of Fact is very questionable extream and plain parts of the Earth project a low Shaddow, and raise not the darkness to an heigth; so the Night falleth under the Sky and the Stars; the Soil, setting aside the Olive, the Vine and the rest, which are proper to warmer Countries, taketh all kind of Grain, and beareth it in abundance; it shooteth up [Page] quickly, and ripeneth slowly; the Cause of them both is the same, the overmuch moisture of the Soil and the Air. Britany beareth Gold and Silver, and other Metals, to inrich the Conqueror. The Ocean bringeth forth Pearl also, not Orient, but duskish and wan, which proceedeth, as some do suppose, for lack of skill in the Gatherers. For, in the Red Sea, they are pulled out panting, and alive from the Rocks; but in Britany, cast out by the Sea, and so taken up. For my part, I do rather beleive the Nature of the Country not to yeild it, than that our Covetousness could not find out the way to gather it aright.

The Britains endure Levies of Men and Money, and all other Burdens imposed by the Empire, patiently and willingly, if Insolencies be forborn: Indignities they cannot abide, being as yet subdued to be Subjects, not Slaves.

The several Roman Generals, that had come over into Britain, or waged War therein, in or before Tacitus his time, viz. The first of the Romans, which entred Britanny with an Army, was Iulius Caesar; who, although he terrified the Inhabitants with a Battel, which went on his side, and gained the Shoar, yet may seem rather to have shewed the place to Posterity, than to have delivered to them the possession thereof.

The Civil Wars ensued, and Bandyings of Men of great quality, against the Republick of Rome; and long after that, lay Britany forgotten, even in Peaceable Times. Augustus termed it Policy, and chiefly Tiberius, so to do.

That Cajus had a meaning to invade Britanny, it is certainly known; but his rash running Head, and hasty Repentance, and chiefly his great Attempts against Germany, turning to nothing, averted that purpose.

Claudius and Vespasian. Claudius did first, with effect, prosecute the matter, transporting Legions and Aids; and assuming Vespasian into the action, which was the beginning of the Greatness, whereunto he after attained. Some Countries were subdued, some Kings were taken, and Vespasian made known to the World.

The first Lieutenant General was Aulus Plautius. Aulus Plautius, then Ostorius Scapula. Ostorius Scapula, both Excellent Warriers: And so, by little and little, was the nearest part of the Island reduced to the Form of a Province; and besides, a Colony of old Souldiers established there. Certain Cities were also bestowed, in pure Gift, upon King Cogidunus, (who remained most Faithful even in our days) according to an old Custom, anciently received of the Romans, to use even Kings themselves, for Instruments of Bondage.

Didius Gallus. Then Didius Gallus succeeded; who kept That which his Predecessors had gotten, and builded some few Castles further in the Land, to win by that means a Fame and Credit to his Office.

After Didius, succeeded Verantius. Verantius, who died within one year.

Then Suetonius Paulinus. Suetonius Paulinus, for two years space, behaved himself Fortunately, subduing the Nations and establishing Garisons. Upon Confidence whereof, going to assail the Isle of Man, which ministred supply to the Rebels, he disfurnished the Country behind, and laid it open to all opportunities of the Enemy. For, through the absence of the Lieutenant, the Britains, free of fear, [Page] began to discourse the Miseries of Bondage, to lay their Injuries together, and aggravate them by Constructions and Inferences, as, That their Patience had profited them nothing, save only to draw heavier Burdens upon themselves, as Men willing to bear them. That, whereas in former times, they had only one King, now were there Two thrust upon them, the Lieutenant to suck their Blood, the Procurator, their Substance, whose disagreeing was the torment of the Subjects; and their agreement, their undoing; the one vexing by Souldiers and Captains; the other, by Wrongs and Indignities. That now their Covetousness and Lust laid hold, without exception, on all. And, whereas in Field, he that spoileth is commonly stronger: Now, were they, by Cowards and Weaklings, for the most part dispossessed of their Houses, berest of their Children, injoyned to yeild Soldiers for other Mens behoof, as though they were Men, that knew to do nothing else, save only to die for their own Country. For otherwise, what a small handful of Souldiers were come over, if the Britains would fall to reckon themselves: That Germany had so shakt of the Yoke, having no Ocean Sea, but only a River, for their Defence. That their cause of taking Arms was Urgent and Just; their Wives and Children, their Parents and Country; that the Romans had nothing to move them to War, but their own Covetousness and wanton Lust: And that they would doubtless depart, as Iulius Caesar had done, if the Britains would imitate the Virtues of their Progenitors, and not be dismayed with the doubtful event of one Skirmish or two. That Men in Misery had more courage and vehemency to attempt, more constancy to continue: And now, even the Gods seem'd to pity the Poor Britains Estate, having sent the Roman Captain out of the way, and confined the Army, as it were, into another Island. That now being assembled to advise and deliberate together, they had attained the hardest point in an action of that Nature, wherein, without question, it were more danger to be taken consulting than doing. With these and the like Speeches, inciting one another, by common consent, they resolve to take Arms under the Conduct of Or, [...]oadicea. Voadicea, a Lady of the Blood of their Kings: For, in matter of governing in Chief, they make no distinction of Sex. And first pursuing the Soldiers, which lay divided in Garisons, and winning the Forts, they invaded (anon) the Colony it self, as being the Seat of their Slavery: In Sacking whereof, no kind of Cruelty was omitted, which either Anger, or the Rage of Victory, might induce a barbarous People to practise. And unless, upon knowledge had of the Revolt, Paulinus had come to succour, with speed, Britany had then been lost, which, with one prosperous Battel, he restored to her former Obedience, and patient bearing the Yoke; some few keeping out, and remaining in Arms, whom the guilt of the Rebellion excluded from all hope of Pardon, and some fear also of the Lieutenants private Displeasure. Who, though otherwise a singular Man, yet seemed to shew too much haughty and hard dealing toward those which yielded themselves, and to revenge, in a sort, his own Injury. Whereupon P [...]nius Turpilianus. Petronius Turpilianus was sent in his place, as a more intreateable Person, and a Stranger to their Fault [...], [Page] and therefore more ready to receive their repentance; who having composed former Troubles, and daring no further, deliver'd to Trebellius Maximus. Trebellius Maximus the Charge,

Trebellius, a Man unfit for Action, and altogether unexpert in Service by a kind of courteous and mild Regiment, kept the Country in quiet. For now the Britains also had learned the good Manners, not rudely to repulse the sugred assaults and flattr'ings of Vices; and the disturbances of civil Dissensions ministred a lawful excuse for his doing nothing. But the Soldier, accustomed to warfare, wax'd wanton with Ease, and grew to be mutinous. Trebellius by flying away, and hiding himself, eschewed their first indignation, and anon resuming his place, without Majesty, without Authority, he Ruled by way of Intreaty, and at his Soldiers discretion: And so coming, as it were to a Capitulation, the Army, for Licence to do what them listed; the Captain, for safety of his own life, the Mutiny ended without any Blood-shed.

Vectius Bolanus. Vectius Bolanus succeeded him in Place, and in the same loosness of Discipline; the Civil Wars continuing still, like default against the Enemy, like License in the Camp, saving, that Bolanus a good honest Man, not odious for any crime, instead of Obedience, had gotten Good-will.

But when as Vespasian, with the rest of the World, recovered Britanny also; Great Captains, Good Soldiers, were sent, and the hope of the Enemy was greatly abated. For straightways Petilius CeCerealis. Petilius Cerealis struck a terror into them, by invading, upon his first Entry, the Brigantes, the most populous State of the whole Province. Many Battels were fought, and some bloody, and the greatest part of the Brigantes were either conquered, or wasted.

And whereas Cerealis would doubtless have eclipsed the Diligence and Fame of another Successor, Iulius Frontinus. Iulius Frontinus, a Great Man, as he might well be called after that Predecessor, sustained the Charge with Reputation and Credit, subduing the puissant and warlike People of the Silures: Where he had, beside the valour of the Enemy, to struggle with the straights and difficulties of the Places themselves.

Cicero in his Epistle to Trebatius, in the 7th Book of his Familiar Epistles.

I Hear, that, in Britain, there is neither Gold nor Silver; If that be so, yet I persuade thee to catch what thou canst, and return speedily to us; But if we can attain our desire, (without the help of Britain) do thou act so, that thou mayst be reckoned amongst my Familiar Friends.

Orosius concerning Ireland and Britain. Paulus Orosius, speaking of Ireland, hath these words.

THis, (Ireland) being the nearest Island to Britain, is narrower in circuit, or space of ground than It, but more commodious for temper of Soil and Air; It is inhabited by the Nations of the Scots. The Isle of Orosius concerning Ireland and Britain. Anglesey, or rather Man, is also near [Page] to it, an Island not very large, but of a good Soil, which is also inhabited by the Scots.

The same Author says.

THe Conqueror Severus was drawn into Britain by the revolt of almost all his Allies; after he had fought many great and notable Battels, he judged it best to separate and divide that part of the Island, which he had regained from the other unconquered Nations, by a Wall; And for this end, he made a great Trench and a strong Wall, fortified at the top with many Towers, for the space of 130 mile from Sea to Sea.

Ado, the Archbishop of Vienna, speaks the same things, almost word for word. The mistake of both in the number of miles is to be corrected, by writing 32 for 132.

Out of the 35th Chapter of Solinus, his description of Britain, and its Inhabitants Solinus.

IT (i. e.) Britain, is environed with many Isles, and those not unrenowned; whereof Ireland draweth nearest to it, in bigness; it is an uncivil Country, by reason of the savage Manners of the Inhabitants, but otherwise so full of Pasturage, and Cattle, that, if their Herds in Summer time be not now and then restrained from feeding, they would run a great danger of Over-eating themselves. There are no Snakes, there, and but few Birds; the People are inhospitable, and warlike. When they have overcome their Enemies, they first besmear their Faces with the Blood of the slain, Right and Wrong, Good and Evil, all is one to them. If a Woman be delivered of a Man-child, she lays his first Meat upon her Husbands Sword, and, putting it softly into his Mouth, giveth him the first handsel of his Food, upon the very point of the weapon, praying, (according to the manner of the Country) that he may not otherwise come to his end, than in Battel, and amongst Arms. They that love to be fine, do trim the hilts of their Swords with the Teeth of Sea-calves, for they make them as white, and as clear, as Ivory. The Men do chiefly glory in the beauty of their Armour. There is not a Bee amongst them; and if a Man bring of the Dust, or the little Stones from thence, and strow them among Bee-hives, the Swarms forsake their Combs. The Sea, that is between Ireland and Britain, is stormy and rough most part of the year, so that it can hardly be sailed over, but a few days in Summer time. They Sail in Keels of Wicker, done over with Neats-Leather. How long soever their passage continueth, the Passengers abstain from Meat, all the while, such as have throughly examined it, have esteemed the bredth of that narrow Sea, to be 120 Miles. A tempestuous Sea also divided the Islands of the Silures, from the Coast that the Britains inhabited; the Men of which Island keep their old customs, even to this day. They utterly refuse Buying and Selling for Money, but barter one Commodity for another, providing things necessary, rather by exchange than ready Money. They worship the Gods, very devoutly. As well the Women as the Men boast of their Knowledge of Fore-telling things, [Page] to come. The Isle of Thanet is beaten upon by the French Sea, and is divided from Britain with a very narrow Strait, it is happy in Corn Fields, and a fat Soil, and healthful, not only to its Inhabitants, but to others also. Forasmuch as there is no Snake bred there, the Earth thereof, to what place soever it is carried from thence, killeth that Vermin.

Out of the Third Book of Herodian, concerning Britain. Herodian, Translated into Latin by Politian.

BUt Severus made delays on purpose, that he might not make his entrance into Rome, Poorly; for, being desirous of Victory, and of the Sirname of Britannicus, he sends the Ambassadors home before he had done his Business, whilst he himself in the mean time, with great diligence, prepared all things necessary for War. His first and chief Care, was, to erect Bridges on the Marish Grounds, that so his Soldiers might stand safely, and fight as upon firm ground; for many places in Britain are Marishy, because of the frequent Inwashings of the Ocean. The Barbarians themselves do swim through these Moors or Marishes, and run up to the Groins in them, (not regarding the Mud,) with their naked Bodies. For they are ignorant of the use of Garments to cloath them, but do girt their Belly and their Neck with Iron, thinking that to be an ornament and sign of Riches; as other Barbarians do, Gold. And besides, they mark their Bodies with various Pictures, and with the shapes of all manner of Animals, and therefore they cloath not themselves, lest they should hide the painted outside of their Bodyes. But they are a very warlike Nation, and greedy of slaughter, being contented only with a narrow Shield, and a Lance. And moreover, they wear a Sword hanging down from their naked Bodies, and are wholly ignorant of the use of Coats of Male, or Helmets, as judging them to be an hindrance and a luggage to them, in passing over the Marishes, whose Vapors, being exhaled by heat, make the Air there always dark and misty.

Ammianus Marcellinus, concerning Br [...]tain.Out of the 10th Book of Ammianus Marcellinus.

THis was the state of Affairs throughout Illyricum, and the Eastern Parts: But in the Consulship of Constantius, when matters were very often disturb'd in Britanny, by the inroads of those barbarous Nations, the Scots and Picts, and thereby Peace was broken, and, the places near to their Borders being wasted, which caused a fear to seize on the Provinces, already tired with their many past slaughters, Caesar, then being in his Winter Quarters at Paris, was distracted with divers Cares, for he feared to assist those Transmarine People, as I related before, thô Constantius did, lest he should leave Gaul without a Governor, in the mean time. The Almaius, or Germans, also then being very eager on Cruelty and War: And therefore he was pleased to send Lupicinus. Lupicinus thither, to compose matters, who was as a Commissary-General of the Army at that time, a stout Man, and very skilful in Military Affairs, and prided [Page] himself much therein, so that he was very supercilious and haughty, and to speak Proverbially, as proud as a Peacock. It was a great doubt, whether he was more Covetous or more Cruel; He, having caused the Vanguard to march, viz. The Lombards, The Hollanders, and many of the M [...]sici, inhabiting part of Pomer [...]nt [...], an [...] part of Mechlenbu [...]g. Moes [...]ci, came to Bolongne, in the depth of Winter. And embarking all his Soldiers in those Ships, which he had provided, taking advantage of a favourable Wind, he was wafted over to Sandwich, and so went to London, that, there he might advise, and be in readiness to act according to emergencies.

Out of his 26th Book.

THe Picts, Saxons, Scots, and Attacotti vex the Britains with perpetual Miseries.

Out of this 27th Book.

IT's sufficient for me to say, That, at that time, the Picts being divided into Two Nations, the Dicalidones, and the Vecturiones, and also the Attacotti, a warlike People; and the Scots ranging several ways, spoiled many Shires, and Countries. The Franks and Saxons, as they had opportunity to make inroads by Land or Sea, plundered the Gallican Tracts, near to them, and carried from thence mighty Booties, firing all before them, and killing those which they took Captive. To hinder this, Fortune favouring him, our warlike Commander came into these extreme parts, from Bolongne, which is divided from the Land he was to make by the Streights of the Sea; which is wont to be raised by high Tides, and again levell'd, in a Calm, like a Plain, without any prejudice to the Mariners; from thence he gently passed over to Richburrow, a safe Harbor over against it, whence, being followed by the Batavi, Or Lombards. Heruli, and Iovii trusting to their conquering Numbers, he came to the old Town of London Anciently called Augusta. London, since called Augusta,— where, dividing his Troops, he set upon the praedatory Bands of his Enemies, and they being loaden with spoils, he quickly overcame them and took away their prey, both of Prisoners and Plunder, to their great damage. He restored all to the losers, except a small part bestowed on his wearied Soldiers; thus he re-entred the City, in Triumph, before forelorn, but now relieved by him. Being lifted up by his prosperous success, he designed greater matters, and intended to follow safe Counsels, for he had learned both by Prisoners and Deserters, that such scattered Troops of sundry Nations, and those fierce ones too, could not be conquered, but by Treachery or suddain Assault. So that he made Edicts, and propos'd Impunity, and, by that means called in all Stragglers and Deserters. Hereupon, many returning, he being moved thereby, and anxiously careful, required Civilis. Civilis to be sent to him to Govern Britain, a Man of a sharp Wit, and very Just and Honest too, and also D [...]lcitiu [...]. Dulcitius, a Commander, very skilful in Warlike Affairs.

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Out of the 39th Book of Dion's Relation concerning Caesar's coming into Britain. Dion.

CAesar, First of all the Romans, having passed the Rhene, afterward was wafted over into Britanny, in the Consulship of Pompeius and Crassus. The Island itself is extended 45 Stadia, at least, beyond the Morini. And it is stretched out beyond the rest of Gaul, and almost all Spain, reaching out into the Sea. It was unknown to the Ancient Greeks and Romans. And their Posterity did doubt, whether it were a Continent or an Island; and many Writers who were ignorant of the Truth, as having not seen it themselves, nor had any Information from the Inhabitants, (but spoke only by Conjectures) in their Records, as their Leisures and Humours were, some counted it One, some the Other. But, in process of time, when Agricola was Chief Commander, and afterwards in the time of Severus the Emperor, it was clearly found out, to be an Island. Caesar, when he had setled things in France; and subdued the Morini, desired to pass over thither, and accordingly he transported his Foot, where it was most convenient, but he Landed not where he ought to Land. For the Fame of his coming being noised abroad, all the Britains had prepossessed the passages of the Continent. But he, sailing beyond a Prominent Rock, made his descent elsewhere, and, repulsing those who first hindred his Landing, he put his Men on Shore before many of the Britains could unite to impede him; and afterwards he repelled their Aids too, which came in, conquered their Garisons, and mastered the Island. Yet not many of the Barbarians were slain, for they, fighting on Horseback, and out of Chariots, did easily avoid the Romans. (who had then no Horse Forces.) But being amazed at those things, which were related concerning them out of the Continent, and that they were so bold as to transport themselves, and make their descent into their Island, they sent some of the Nation of the Morini, their Friends and Allies, in Embassy to Caesar. First of all, Caesar demandded Hostages, and they promised it. But afterward perceiving, that the Naval Force of the Romans, both those near at hand, and farther off, were shattered by Tempest, they changed their Minds, yet they did not openly set upon them, (for their Camp was well guarded) but having surprized some of them, who were sent in a peaceable manner, to provide things necessary, they put them almost all to the Sword; excepting some, whom Caesar, speedily sending forth other Forces, relieved; and presently, they make an onset on his Camp, but were shamefully repulsed, without effecting any thing, yet they came not to Terms with Caesar, till they had been often worsted by him; and on the other side, Caesar had no great mind to make a League with them. But the Winter being now at hand, and his Forces not then sufficient to carry on the War, many of those which he brought over, being dead, or slain; and besides, the Gauls, in his absence, were attempting alterations, he clapt up a Peace with them, in a manner against his Will, demanding many Hostages, but receiving a few only. Thus was he wa [...]ted back into the Continent, where he quelled the Mutineers, [Page] and settled Affairs, neither reaped he any publick or private advantage from Britain, worth his Labour; but that he had assaulted it by Arms. For this very reason, he was much pleased in himself, and his Friends did mightily extol him at Rome. For when, they saw, that Places, before unknown, were now brought to light; and being before never heard of, were now discovered, they embraced their Hopes, as if they had been Enjoyments, and antedating their success, they rejoyced, as if they had already obtained their desired Conquest, and therefore they decreed Supplications to the Gods for Twenty days.

Out of the First Chapter of the first Book B [...]de's Relation, concernning the B [...]itains. of Bede.

THe Islanders do profess one and the same Theology, and that in Five Tongues; viz. Of the Angles, Brittons, Scots, Picts, and Latins, which, by the Meditation of the Scriptures, is made common to all the rest. But, in the first place, the Brittons only inhabited the Island, from whom it took its Name, who coming over into Britain, as it is reported, from the Base- [...]etagne in France. Armorick Tract, seized upon the Southern parts thereof. And they having possessed a great part of the Island, beginning from the South, it happened, that the Nation of the Picts, venturing to Sea, with a few Gallies, as is reported, from Scythia, made their Descent in Ireland, the Winds hurrying them beyond all the Coasts of Britain, and having Landed there, and peirced even to the Northern parts thereof; where, finding the Nation of the Scots, they desired part of their Allotment, for their Habitation, but could not obtain it.

Out of the Fifth Chapter of the first Book of the same Author.

SEverus an African, born at Lebeda, near Tripoli;Rather the 15th. the Fourteenth from Augustus Caesar obtained the Empire, which he held Seventeen years. He, being of a fierce Disposition,Severus his expedition into Britain, according to Bede. as always vexed with continual Wars, governed the Common-Wealth with great Valour, indeed, but with equal Toil. And, being a Conqueror in the Civil Wars, which were very greivous in his Time, he was enforced to pass over into Britain, upon the Revolt of almost all his Allies; where, after many great and cruel Battels, he gained part of the Island, and divided it from the Un-conquered part, not with a Wall, (as some think,) but with a Trench only. For a Wall is made of Stones, but a Trench, wherewith Camps are Fortified, to repel the force of Enemies, is made of Turf, cut out of the Earth; yet, as a Wall, it is built high above the Ground, so that there is a Ditch before it, out of which the Turfs are digged and heaved up, above which, Pallisadoes, made of strong Wood, are prefixed and hung out. Wherefore, Severus drew a great Ditch, and a firm Graff or Work, fortified with many Towers above, from Sea to Sea, and then he died at York.

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Out of his Twelfth Chapter of the same Book.

AFterwards, Britain being despoiled of all her Armed Souldiery, and of her chief florid Youth, which were carried away Captive, by the severity of Tyrants, and never returned again, was laid open to be preyed upon, and plundred, as being wholly ignorant of the Art of War. At last, it was suddenly harassed by Two Transmarine Nations, the Scots from the South, and the Picts from the North, under whose yoke she groaned, many years: I call them Transmarine Nations, not because they had their Habitations out of Britain, but because they were remote from the Allotment of the Britains, two Creeks of the Sea running betwixt them, one of them from the East Sea, and the other from the West, running far into Land, though they reach not one to the other. The Oriental one hath, in the midst of it, the City Guidi. The Occidental one above it, i. e. on the right Hand of it, hath the City Dumb [...]ton. Alcluyth, which, in their Tongue, signifieth a Rock, for Cl [...]th, or Cyte. Cluyth is situate by a River of the same Name. By reason of the Incursions of these Nations, the Brittons send Ambassadors to Rome, with complaining Missives, craving Aid of them with mournful Supplications, and promising perpetual Subjection to them, if they would drive away those Enemies, that were at their very Doors; hereupon an Armed Legion was designed for their Assistance, which being transported into the Island, and fighting with their Enemies, slew many of them, and drove the rest beyond the limits of their Allies. And thus, having delivered them from their cruel Bondage, they advised them to build a Wall within the Island, between the two Seas, which might be a Safeguard to them, to repel their Enemies; and then, in great Triumph, they returned home. They, hearkning to their advice, erect a Wall, as enjoined, not so much with Stones, as Turfs, but having no eminent Artificers, fit for such an undertaking, it was good for little. They made it between the two Seas, or Bays (of which I lately spake) of the Sea, for many Miles; that so, where the Waters were not a Defence, there, by the advantage of the Wall, they might secure their Borders from the Inrodes of their Enemies. The evident Marks and Footsteps of this high Wall, and Work, do remain to this day. It begins at almost a Mile distant from the Monastery of Kebercurnig, toward the West, in a place called, in the Picts Language, Panuachel, but in the English, Penueltima, and bending against the West, it is terminated by the City Alcluyth. But their former Enemies, as soon as they perceived, that the Roman Souldiers were departed, being carried in Ships, brake into their Borders, killing and spoiling all before them; and, as if they were Corn ready for the Sickle, they Mow, Trample upon, and Destroy them. Hereupon, the Brittons send a second Embassy to R [...]m [...], with redoubled Complaints and Lamentations, desiring Aid, lest their miserable Country should be whol [...]y Razed, and the Name of a Roman Province, wherewith they had been honoured so long, should now grow cheap and precarious, by the Invasion of Foreigners. Hereupon, another Legion was sent, [Page] which, according to Command, arriving in Autumn, made a great Slaughter of their Enemies, and drove all that made their escape, beyond the Seas, who, the year before, drove all their Preys beyond those Seas, without any Resistance. Then the Romans told the Britains, That they could come no more, on such chargeable and toilsome Expeditions, for their Defence, but they advised them to take Arms themselves, and Fight with their Enemies; that, were it not for their Sluggishness, they might be as Valiant as They. Moreover, they thought it advantageous to their Allies, whom they must leave, that a Wall was drawn directly from Sea to Sea, between the Cities, which were there built for fear of Enemies, where also Severus made a Trench. This Wall they built accordingly with firm Stone, both with the publick and private Purse, (as is yet to be seen) taking to their Assistance a Company of the Britains. It was Eight Foot broad, and Twelve high, in a direct line from East to West. Both are yet to be seen, after they had built it, they gave strict charge to the Inhabitants, for their self-Defence, and afforded them Examples for the Training up in Arms; but in the South shore, where their Ships were lodged, because from thence they feared the Irruptions of the Barbarians, they erected Towers, at proper distances, for the prospect of the Sea, and so they took their leaves, as never intending to Return.

And a little after.

‘In short, they fly, and are dispersed, leaving their Cities and Walls; their Enemies follow, and make more cruel Slaughters than ever before. For, as Lambs are devoured by Wolves, so were the poor Country-Men torn in pieces by their Enemies; so that, being ejected out of their Habitations, and in danger to be Starved, they exercised Robberies, and mutual Rapacities, to keep themselves alive. Thus they increased external Slaughters, by Domestick Broils, till all the Country was quite despoiled of Food, but what was got by Hunting.’

Out of the Epistle of Gildas.

WHom he commanded to build a Wall, between the Two Seas, on the further side of the Island, that it might be a Terrour to Enemies, and a Defence to the Inhabitants. And after: The remainders of them sent lamentable Letters to The Britains make a lamentable complaint to Aetius at Rome. Aetius, a Man of great Authority in Rome, beginning thus; To Aetius, thrice Consul, the Groans of the Britains; and, a little after, they complain, The Barbarians repel us to the Sea; The Sea beats us back to the Barbarians. Between these Two kinds of Death, we are either killed on Land, or drowned at Sea, neither have we any Fence or Releif against either of them.

The Fourth BOOK.

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HAving undertook to write the History of our Nation, that the Series thereof might appear more plain to the Reader; I have, in my former Books, premised a few ancient Memoirs, and especially Those, which are freest from Fabulous Vanities, and are also most Consonant to Old Writers.

First of all, it is constantly reported, and there are many Evidences to confirm the same, That a great multitude of A Colony of Spaniards come into Ireland. Spaniards, being driven out of their own Country, by their powerful Dons; or else, voluntarily departing, by reason of their superabounding populousness, transported themselves into Ireland, and seized upon those Places of that Island, which were nearest to them. Afterward, the healthiness of the Air, and the fatness of the Pasturage, invited many others to follow them; especially, seeing their Seditions at home, and the Injuries offered them by Foreigners, (to which Spain was always subject) drew many thither, in hopes of a quieter Life, (which Voyage they were more easily persuaded to undertake) because, they looked upon themselves as going into an Island already possessed by their own People, and, by that means, as it were, their second Country. This Stock of Spaniards did so flourish and increase, in a Country fit for Propagation, that now they were not contented within the bounds of Ireland, but frequently made Emigrations into the lesser Islands, near adjacent.

In the mean time, the Scots (for that was the general Name of the whole Nation,) propagating their bounds through the Islands of Aebudae, and dispersing themselves by Tribes and Kindreds, without either King or fixed Government: A A German Fleet is driven into the Aebudae. German, or, as Bede writes, a Scythian Fleet, came to the Coasts of Ireland, being driven thither, 'tis very probable, by stress of Weather; for they had not their Wives or Children aboard with them. They, being very Poor, having nothing left them, by reason of so long a Voyage, but only their Arms, sent Ambassadors to the Scots, desiring them, that they might inhabit amongst them. Answer was sent them, That they themselves were compelled to seek their Habitations in those small Islands; which, by reason of the Barrenness of the Soil, were also Unfruitful; and, if it were otherwise, yet all of them, if they should forsake them quite, would not be sufficient to entertain so great a multitude. But in regard, they pitied the common Miseries of Mankind, and were particularly affected with their Condition, whom Divine Providence had so grievously afflicted; and who did not seem to be wholly Strangers to their Lineage, (as by their Language and Customs appeared,) they would therefore give them their Advice, and, as far as they were able, would assist them to execute it. Their Advice to them, was, to Sail to their Neighbour Island, Albium, which was large and fruitful, and, in many places, then uninhabited; and also, by reason of the Condition of those Inhabitants that were in it, who were under several Kings, at fewd one [Page] with another; and, consequently, very weak. That amidst those Discords, 'twere easy for them, by supporting the weaker side, to make themselves Masters of that large Country; and that in this matter, they would afford them their assistance.

The Narrowness of the From thence they sail to Albium. Aebudae, and the Lowness of their own Condition, for so it then was, made them give ear to this Counsel. So that these Germans (which were afterwards, both by the Romans, and their Neighbor-Nations, called Pi [...]s were Germans, at first. Picts) Landing upon the Coasts of the Island, bordering on the German Sea, having expelled the Inhabitants, which were but few, and those at mutual Discord amongst themselves, they brought a great part of that District under their Subjection; and, soon after, in prosecution of the Friendship with the Scots and Germans joyn in affinity. Scots, so happily begun, they took Wives from amongst them, and so were, in a manner, compacted into one Nation with them. By this mutual Intercourse betwixt them, a great many Scots, being either detained by their Allies, who were yet but weak; or else, driven by Want and Penury; or, for loss of their Relations, fixed their Habitations amongst the Picts: The Picts, at first, were glad of their coming; but, when they grew numerous, by degrees, they began to fear, lest, if the Scots increased in strength, they would become their Masters; So that, First in their secret Assemblings, and afterward in their publick Councils, they muttered, That Care was to be taken, That no stranger should hereafter be intermixed amongst them: And some Way was to be found, that the number of those, who were already admitted, might be lessened. A Rumor also was spread abroad, that it was revealed from Heaven to the A Pictish Prophecy. Picts, That their Nation should in time be extirpated by the Scots. These Suspitions caused the Two Nations, which before were very amicable, to part companies. The Scots betook themselves to the Mountainous places, which were less fit for Culture, in regard they were more addicted to Pasturage, and Hunting: And the Scots and Picts fall out, and divide their Habitations. Picts possessed the Low-lands, which were more fertile, and fit for Tillage, situate near the German Sea. Thus their Friendship, before contracted by so many mutual Kindnesses, did soon break forth into a terrible Civil War. For the Seeds of a deadly hatred were sown between those Two Nations, both of them being of fierce Dispositions, thô the occasion, at first, was but trivial, as some little Pets, Chidings, and some few Injuries sustained.

The The Brittons foment the Divisions between the Scots and Picts. Brittons, being Enemies to both Nations, having gotten this opportunity, fomented the Dissensions; and did freely offer Aid to the Picts, even before they desired it, against the Scots. When the Scots perceived, That these things were in Agitation against them, they sent elsewhere for Aid, and procured a Foreign King to assist them against so imminent a Danger. The Commanders of the Islanders, being almost all of equal Authority, and scorning to stoop one to the other; Fergus sent for out of Ireland by the Scots, and made King. Fergusius, the Son of Fer [...]hard, was sent for, with Forces, out of Ireland, being counted the most eminent Person among the Scots, both for Advice and Action, He, by the publick Consent of the People, was chosen King, and charged to prepare his Army to undergo the Shock of a Battle, if need required. Just about the same time, a Rumour was dispers'd abroad, [Page] which came to the Ears both of the The Army of the Picts and Scots at a stand. Scots and Picts, That the Brittons were managing some ambiguous Counsels, equally pernicious both Nations; and, That they would set upon the Conquered, and Conquerors together, with their Arms, and, destroying both, or else, driving them out of the Island, they Themselves would enjoy the Whole. This Report made both Armies doubtful, What course to take; and, for a time, kept them both within their Trenches. At length they came to a Treaty, and, perceiving the secret Fraud of the Brittons, they inclined to make Peace one with another; which being confirmed, the Three different Armies Returned home. The Brittons, having failed in their first Project, attempt another Wile. They privily sent in Robbers amongst the Picts, who drove away their Cattle; when the Picts demanded Restitution, they answered, That they should seek it from the Scots, who were accustomed to Thieving and Plundering, rather than from Them. Thus they eluded the Ambassy, and sent away their Ambassadors, without their Errands; so that the Matter did appear to be a plain Mockery. Their fraudulent Counsels being thus more and more discover'd,The Scots and Picts unite against the Brittons. the late reproach did incense the Hearts of Both Nations against them, more than the Relicks of their Anger, for their former Injuries; and therefore, Levying as great an Army as they could, both Kings, Two several ways, invaded the Coasts of the Brittons, and, destroying the Country with Fire and Sword, returned home with a great Booty. To revenge this Loss, the Brittons enter Scotland, and came as far as the River Don, Or Down, in Kyle. and having ravaged the Country thereabouts, with greater Terror than Loss to the Inhabitants, they pitched their Tents upon the Bank of the River. Fergus, having sent their Wives and Children, and other portable things, into the Mountains, and Places inaccessible for Armies, secured all the Avenues, till the coming of the And actually joyn. Picts; with whom he at length joyned his Forces, and, communicating Counsels one with another, they resolved to make a Diversion, and lengthen the War, by making an Incursion, with vast Forces, into their Enemies Country; and so to weary them out. But C [...]ilus, King of the B [...]ittons overthrown in Coil, now called Kyle, by the Picts and Scots. Coilus (that was the name of the King of the Brittons) understanding, by his Spies, the cause of their delay, sends Five Thousand Men before to lye in ambush, in the upper grounds, and he determined to lead forth the rest of his Army directly against the Enemy. When the Picts knew this, they again consulted with the Scots, and, by way of Prevention, they agreed to assault the Camp of the Brittons by night, and accordingly, drawing out their Forces, the Scots in the Pront, the Picts in the Rear, attack their Enemies before day;Viz. Coil. and, by this means, they made a great slaughter of the Brittons, being as it were halfe asleep, whom the former delays of their Enemies had made secure and confident. In this Battel, Coilus himself fell, with the greatest part of his Army, and made the Place, in which it was fought, Famous from his Name. Fergus, the First King of Scotland, drowned at [...]-Fergus, a noted Town, with a [...]ge Bay ad [...]oyning, in the Province of [...] in I [...]eland. Fergus returning home a Conqueror, the Scots setled the Regal Government upon Him and his Posterity, by the Solemnity of an Oath. Afterwards, having quieted Matters in Scotland, he returned back into Ireland, to quell Seditions there; where, having [Page] composed all things, as he was returning home, a Tempest arising suddainly, he was drowned, not far from the Port, called, from him, Fergus his Rock (i. e.) Knock-Fergus, or Carrick-Fergus, in the Twenty fifth Year of his Reign. Historians say, That his coming into Albium, was, at the time when Alexander the Great took Babylon; about 330 Years before the Birth of Christ.

Feritharis, Second King of Scotland.

FErgus dying, left Two Sons behind him, Ferlegus and Mainus; neither of them yet able to manage the Government; so that the Chiefs of the Clans meeting together to declare the succeeding King, there was great Contention amongst them; Some urging the late Oath, whereby they had bound themselves to preserve the Scepter for the Fergusian Family; others alleging, What great hazards they might run under an Infant King. At last, after a long Dispute, a Medium was found out; whereby, neither the Infant, not yet fit to manage the Government, should actually Reign, nor yet their Oath be violated; which was, An old Law in Scotland, concerning Succession to the Crown. That, whilst the Children of their Kings were Infants, one of their Kindred, who was judged most accomplished for the Government, should weild the Scepter in their behalfe; And if he dyed, then the Succession of the Kingdom should descend to the former Kings Sons. This Law did afterwards obtain for almost 1025 Years, even until the days of Kenneth the III. of whom I shall speak in his place. By virtue of this Law, Feritharis, Brother to Fergus, obtained the Kingdom, and managed it 15 Years, with such Equity and Moderation, that his Subjects found him, a just King; and the Orphans or Pupils, a good Guardian; Having, by this Carriage, procured Peace abroad, and got the Love of his Subjects at home; yet he could not allay the Ambition of his Kindred. For Ferlegus conspires against his Uncle Feritharis. Ferlegus, being inflam'd with a desire to Reign, having first communicated his Design to the most turbulent of the Soldiers, and such as were most desirous of Innovation and Change, comes to his Uncle and demands the Kingdom of him, which he held (as he alleg'd) not as his Own, but in Trust only for him. Feritharis willing to resign the Crown. Feritharis was so far from being disturbed at this rash undertaking of the young Man, That, calling an Assembly of the States together, he Declared to them, That he was ready to lay down and resign the Regal Scepter; adding also many words in Commendation of the young Man; As for himself, he had rather freely resign up the Kingdom, with which he was but intrusted, willingly, which his death, now near at hand, would deprive him of, that so, his Fidelity towards his Nephews might appear to be rather of Good Will, than of Necessity. But such was the Respect and Love, all did bear to But the People oppose it. Feritharis, that they utterly disliked this overhasty Desire of the Kingdom, in Ferlegus, which they manifested, not only by their Countenances and Frowns, but by the loud Acclamations of the whole Convention and Assembly. And having discovered, by Spies, the Conspiracy against the Uncle, thô they judged the Author of so detestable a Design, to be worthy of Death; [Page] yet the Memory of this Father Fergus, and the present Favour and Desires of his Uncle, did so far prevail, that they did not inflict it on him for his designed Wickedness; only they set Ferlegus imprisoned, Keepers about him, which should watch over, and pry into, all his Words and Actions. But he, being impatient, not presently to obtain what he hoped for in his Mind, thô the delay would have proved but short, deceiving his Keepers, with a few others privy to his design, fled away, First, to the Picts, and finding there no encouragement for his desired Innovation;But makes his escape. afterwards, to the Brittons, where he lived an obscure, and consequently, an ignoble, Life. But Feritharis, a few Months after,And, in his absence, is condemned, for the presumptive murder of his Uncle. was taken off; 'tis doubtful, whether by Disease, or Treachery. The former Ambition of Ferlegus, the De [...]ection of his Conspiracy, and his late Flight, raised such Suspitions, that he was guilty of his Death, that he was unanimously condemned, in his absence, about the Fifteenth Year after his Fathers Death.

Mainus, the Third King.

FErlegus being condemned, Mainus, his Brother, was created Third King of the Scots, a Man more like to his Father and Uncle, than his Brother, Ferlegus: He confirmed and setled Peace with his Neighbours abroad, punished the Wicked and Profligate at home, and constantly performed Religious Exercises; whereby he procured to himself such an Opinion of Justice and Piety, That, as well Foreigners, as his own Subjects, thought it a Nefarious thing to hurt such a Person. He was better guarded by this Opinion of his The best Guard for a Prince. Sanctity, than by his Military Forces; after he had Reigned 29 Years, he departed this Life, being much lamented by all Good Men.

Dornadilla, the Fourth King.

HE left a Son behind him, called Dornadilla, the Successor of his Kingdom; in point of Equity, like his Father, but very unlike him in the other parts of his Life. For he spent much of his time in Hunting, as judging that Exercise to be proper enough in a time of Peace, and healthful; Laws about Hunting made by King Dornadilla. as also very beneficial to harden the Body for War. And besides, the Mind did suck in the purest pleasures therefrom, and was greatly strengthened thereby, against Covetousness, Luxury, and other Vices, which spring from Idleness. Report says, That the Laws about Hunting made by King Dornadilla. Venatory Laws, which the Ancient Scots observe to this day, were made by him. He deceased in the 28th Year of his Reign.

Nothatus, the Fifth King.

AFter his Death, the People placed Nothatus, his Brother, on the Throne, his own Son Reutherus being yet Immature, in point of Age, for the Government. This Nothatus, the First of the Scotish Kings, that set up Arbitrary Government. Nothatus changed the Government, which, till then, had been moderate, and bounded with Laws, into an Arbitrary Domination; and, as if his Subjects had [Page] been given him to Prey upon, not to Defend, he punished High and Low, promiscuously, with Forfeiture of Goods, Banishment, Death; and all sort of Miseries, so that scarce any addition could be made to his Cruelty. By these Severities, most of the People were cow'd out, only one Dovalus of Galway, an Ambitious Man, thinking it a seasonable opportunity for him to advance himself, by reason of the Peoples Hatred against their King; and knowing also, that his own Life was insidiously aim'd at by the King, he resolves to prevent him. And accordingly, all things being in a readiness, and being accompanied with a great number of his Vassals and Friends, away goes he to the King, and openly upbraids him with the Slaughter of the Nobility, with the seizure of their Goods and Estates, and with his Enslaving the Commonalty; and demands of him, to restore the Kingdom, which he was not able to manage, to the Right Heir. Nothatus, being thus Bearded and Affronted, contrary to his Expectation, yet remitted nothing of his former Stoutness, but answered peremptorily, That he would maintain what he had done, by his Kingly Prerogative; and, if he had carried it somewhat Despotically, it was to be imputed not to his own Disposition, but to the Contumacy of the Subject, who had enforced him thereto. These Taunts increased the Animosities between them, so that at last it came to Blows, and He is Slain by Dova [...]us. Nothatus was Slain by Dovalus and his Partisans, after he had Reigned, Cruelly and Avariciously, Twenty Years.

Reutherus, the Sixth King.

WHereupon, Reutherus was made King by the Dovalian Faction, without the Suffrages of the People: The Nobles, hearing of it, though they judged Nothatus worthy of the worst of Punishments, yet did not approve so bad an Example; and they took it in greater disdain, because a Publick Convention was not consulted, but the choice of the chief Magistrate devolved on the Pleasure and Arbitrement of one Man: Besides, that it was not to be thought an Obliging Act in him, thus to advance the young Man to the chief Power, who was, as yet, unfit to Rule. For such as look'd narrowly into the matter, would find, That only the Name of King would be given to Reutherus, but the whole Power would reside in Dovalus. However, it did not much concern the Publick, whether Nothatus, or Dovalus were King, unless, perhaps, they did hope for a more Tolerable Life under Him, who, being a private Man, durst adventure to Murder his King; and so to deliver over the Scepter to another private Man, than under one, who was not so extream or Cruel in his Government, until, by the Permission of the People, he was back'd with Power and with the Terrour of an Army. The Kindred of Nothatus, hearing such things to be bruited abroad, insinuating themselves into the Societies of those who did Regret such Evil Carriages, at last gain'd this Point, That War should be denounced against Dovalus; and that Ferchard, Nothatus his Son in Law, should be General of their Army. Neither did Dovalus refuse to give Battel: They fought twice in one and the same Day; the Dovalians, [Page] though Superior in number, yet were beaten and put to flight, more of them being Slain in the pursuit, than in the Battel. For, besides Dovalus and Getus, King of the Picts, slain in Battel. Dovalus himself, and the chief of his Faction, there fell also Getus, the King of the Picts, with many of his Men. Reutherus, the new King, was taken Prisoner, and pardoned, out of respect to his tender Age, to the Memory of his Father, and to the Royal Blood which ran in his Veins. Neither was the Victory Un-bloody, even to the Conquerors themselves, almost all the chief of the Clans being Slain, with many common Souldiers also. This Conflict of the Scots and Picts, brought matters to that low ebb in Britain, that they who survived fled into Desert and Mountainous Places, and even into the Neighbour Islands, lest they should become a prey to the The Brittons enter Scotland. Brittons; who, having now gotten that opportunity, which they long thirsted after, peirced into the Country, as far as Bodotria, (now called Forth) without any resistance. Afterwards, having made a little Settlement of Things there, they went forward against the Caledonians, and, having scattered those who were there gathered together to oppose them, they seized upon the Champion Countries of the Picts, and, placing Garisons there, thinking the War to be at an end, they return'd home with their Army. In the mean time, the remainders of the Scots and Picts, which had retired to the Mountains, Woods, and other inaccessible Places, did vex the Governors of Castles and Garisons, by Robbing them of their Cattle; upon which, they themselves also did Live; and, being increased by the accession of greater Forces from the Islands, they sometimes burnt Villages, and fetcht in Preys further off, so that the Ground was left without Tillage in many places. The Brittons, either being detained by home-bred Dissensions, or, not thinking it adviseable or safe, to lead their Army into such difficult and almost inaccessible Places, where they could meet their Enemies with no Forces more numerous than they had to oppose them, did by their slow Actings, increase the boldness of their Contrariants. The Scots and Picts being thus miserably afflicted for Twelve years, at length, a new Fry of Lusty Warlike Youths grew up, (who, in so great streights that they had undergone, were enured to Hardship,) those sent Messenger [...] all about, and, mutually exhorting one another, they resolved to try their Fortunes. Whereupon, Reutherus sails out of Ireland into the Aebuaae, and from thence into Albium, and Landing his Forces at the Bay, now called Lough Brien, and there joyning with young Gethus, the Son of old Gethus who was slain, who was also his Wifes Brother, they Consulted together, concerning the Manage of the War. The Issue of their Consult, was, That it was best to draw towards the Enemy unawares, whilst he was unprepared; assoon as they met, the Service was so hot, and the Fight so sharp, that neither Army had reason to boast; so that Both of them, being wearied with Slaughter, made But make Peace, at last, with the Scots and Picts. Peace for some years: Reuther, or (as Bede calls him) Reuda, returned to his ancient Seat of Argyle, and the Scots were, a long time after, from him, called Scots called Dalreudini, and Why? Dalreudini; for Daal, in old Scotish, signifieth a 'Tis Partem (a part) in the Copy, which, some think, is mistaken for Pratum. Part, as some; or a Meadow or Plain, as others. From whence, he made a further Progress, and, in a short time, enlarged his Dominions even to their Ancient Bounds. After [Page] he had Reigned Twenty Six Years, he died, leaving a Son behind him, named Thereus, begot upon the Daughter of Gethus.

Reutha, the Seventh King.

BEcause Thereus was yet scarce Ten Years old, and so too young to undertake the Kingdom, according to the Law, long before made and observed, concerning the Succession of Kings; therefore his Uncle [...] Reutha was declared King; who, being free from External Wars, endeavoured to reduce the People, who were grown almost wild by their former Sufferings, and also insolent upon their late Victory, (though a bloody one,) into a milder Carriage and Deportment; and, accordingly, he enacted many publick and profitable Laws, of which, not a few yet remain amongst the Ancient Scots. Having Reigned Seventeen Years, with so good a Decorum, being reverenced and beloved of all; either for want of Health, (to which he himself imputed it) or else, fearing the Ambitious Nature of his Kinsman Thereus, he resigned up the Government, the People being hardly brought to consent thereunto; and at his Resignation, there was a large Panegyrick made in his Praise.

Thereus, the Eighth King.

Thereus his cruel Reign, he flies his Country, and dies an Exile. THereus was substituted in his stead; in the first Six Years of his Reign, he so managed the Government, that Reutha's Predictions concerning him, seemed to be true. But after That time was expired, he ran headlong into all manner of Vice, not by degrees, but all at once; insomuch, that putting the Nobles to Death by False Indictments, some lewd Fellows thereupon did, without fear, range over all the Kingdom, using Rapines and Robberies at their pleasure. The Phylarchae, (i. e. chief of the Clans,) bewailing the deplorable State of the Publick, determined to proceed judicially against him; which he having notice of, fled to the Brittons; where, despairing of his return, he ended his Days in great Contempt and Ignominy. In the mean time, Conanus, a prudent and regular Person, was elected Vice-Roy; he restored and strengthened what the other had impaired and weakened; he restrained Robberies, and having composed Matters as well as he could, he received News of the Death of Thereus, whereupon, in a Publick Assembly, or Convention, of the Estates, he abdicated the Magistracy, about the Twelfth Year after Thereus began his Reign.

Josina, the Ninth King.

JOsina, Brother of the late King, was raised to the Helm of Government; He did nothing memorable one way or other, only he had Iosina, with his Nobles, great Lovers of Physi [...]k and [...]. Physicians in very high esteem; because, when he was banished, with his Father, into Ireland, they had been his great Intimates. Whereupon, the rest of the Nobility complying with the Humour of the King, it came to pass, that for many Ages, there was scarce a Nobleman or Gentleman in Scotland, which had not the Skill [Page] to cure Wounds: For there was then little use of other parts of Physick amongst such Men, who were educated parsimoniously, and enured to much Labour and Toil. He died in a good old Age, having Reigned Four and Twenty Years.

Finnanus, The Tenth King.

HIS Son Finnanus succeeded him, who, walking in his Fathers Steps, endeavoured nothing more than to accustom his Subjects to a just and moderate Government; labouring to maintain his Kingly Authority more by Good Will, than Arms: And that he might cut up the Root of Tyranny, he made a Decree, Finnanus his just Decree. That Kings should determine, or command, nothing of great Concernment, without the Authority of their Great Council. He was beloved both by his Subjects, and by Foreigners. He deceased, having Reigned Thirty Years.

Durstus, The Eleventh King.

NOthing did so much aggravate the Loss of Finnanus, as the profligate and deboist Life of his Son Durstus his profligate Life. Durstus, who succeeded him. For, First of all, he banished from his presence his Fathers Friends, as troublesom Abridgers of his Pleasures: Then, he made the Corruptest Youngsters, his Familiar and Bosom Friends, giving up himself wholly to Wine and Women. He drove away his Wife, the Daughter of the King of the Britains, who was prostituted to his Nobles. At length, when he perceived, that the Nobility were conspiring against him, as if he had been just then awakened out of a deep sleep; foreseeing, that he was not safe at home, and knew not where to find a secure place abroad, if he were banished; in regard he was so hated both of his Subjects and Strangers, too; he therefore thought it his best course to dissemble a His feigned Repentance. Repentance for his former Evil Life; by that means thinking, he might retain the Regal Government, and, in time, be reveng'd of his Enemies too. And thereupon, in the first place, he recalled his Wife, and, by that means, endeavour'd to make fair Weather with the Britains. He assembles the Heads of his Subjects, and, under a solemn Oath to do so no more, he Enacts an Amnesty for what was past. He commits Notorious Criminals to Prison, as if he had reserved them for further Punishment: And religiously promised, That for the future he would Act nothing without the Counsel of his Nobles. When, by these Arts, he had made others believe, That he was a true Convert, he celebrates this Reconciliation and Concord with Plays, Feastings, and other Divertisements, proper for Publick Rejoycings. Thus all Mens Minds being filled with Jollity, he invites the His cruel Murder of his Nobles. Nobility to Supper; and then, shutting them up in one place, being unarmed, and fearing nothing, he sent in Ruffians amongst them, who destroy'd them, every Man. That Calamity did not so much abate and quell the Minds of the rest with fear, as it raised, and blew up, their Languishing Anger into New Flames. VVherefore gathering a great Army together, they all conspired to rid the Earth of so foul a Monster. Durstus, perceiving that all other hope failed him, resolved [Page] to try his fortune in a Battel, with a few others, whom the like fear of Punishment for the Wickedness of their former Lives had drawn in to joyn with him; in which Fight he was He is slain. slain, after he had Reigned Nine Years. Though all Orders and Estates were justly incens'd against him; yet they gave so great Deference to the Name of King, and to the Memory of his Ancestors, that he was buried amongst his Royal Predecessors.

Evenus, the Twelfth King.

AFter his Death, in a Publick Assembly of the Nobles, there was a very great Contest; some alledging, that, according to their Oath made to King Fergus, the ancient Custom was to be observed; others, fearing, that if they made any one of the Kindred of Durstus King, that either the Similitude of Manners would incline him to the same Wickedness; or else, the Propinquity of Blood would make him study Revenge. At last, Evenus, Brothers-Child to Durstus, being commended for his former Life, and for his extream Hatred against the Tyrant, whilst he was alive, was sent for from amongst the Picts, (whither he had voluntarily banished himself, out of hatred to Durstus,) and unanimously created King. He is reported to be the King Ewen, the first Scotish King that required an Oath of Allegiance of his Subjects. first, who made his Subjects to take an Oath of Allegiance to him, which Custom is yet retained by the Heads of the Clans. Evenus, that he might rectifie the Manners of his Subjects, which were depraved by the former King, did first reduce Youth to the Ancient Parsimony in Diet, Apparel, and in their daily Conversation. For, by that means, he judged, they would be more Valiant in War, and less Seditious in Peace. He diligently viewed all the Parts of his Kingdom, administring Justice with great Moderation, and punishing Offenders according to their Demerits. He assisted the King of the Picts with Aid against the Brittons, betwixt whom there was fought a long and cruel Battel till Night parted them, the Victory being so uncertain, that both Armies departed with equal Slaughter, and as equal Fear. The Brittons went home; The Scots and Picts retired into the next adjacent Mountains: But, the Day after, from the High Grounds, perceiving the departure or flight of their Enemies, they came and gathered up the Spoils, as if they had been Conquerors, and so return'd home with their Army. Evenus having repelled his Enemies, again betook himself to the Arts of Peace. And that it might not be troublesom to Kings to Travel over the Countries so oft for the Administring Justice, (which was then their Custom to do) he divided the Kingdom into He first setled Itinerary Circuits for Judges in Scotland. Circuits, and setled Ordinary Judges to do that Work. He also appointed Informers then allowed, since disused, as being found inconvenient by experience. Informers to bring in Accusations against the Guilty. Which Office; being found inconvenient, was either abrogated by a Law, or else grew obsolete by Custom. He died in the Nineteenth Year of his Reign, leaving a Base-born Son, called Gillus, behind him, a Crafty Man, and desirous of the Kingdom.

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Gillus, The Thirteenth King.

THere were yet living of the Blood-Royal, as Heirs to the Crown, Two Twins, Dochamus and Dorgalius, the Sons of Durstus. Though their Age was not the Cause of the Difference, yet there arose a deadly Fewd between them concerning the Kingdom; which was also further increased by the Fraud of Gillus his cruel Reign. Gillus. The Matter being referred to the Arbitration of their Kindred, such was the Obstinacy of the Factions, that nothing could be determined. Gillus, who advis'd each of them to kill one another, when his Secret Counsel took no effect, gathered together the chief of the Nobles, and his Kindred, (on pretence to end the Controversie,) into one place, where he suborned Men, fit for his purpose, to raise a Tumult, and to destroy them Both. And then, as if he himself had been assaulted by Treachery, he implored the Aid of all that were present, and fled to Some think it to be Dunstafnage, a Castle standing on an high Rock in Lorn, in the West-S [...]. Evonium, a place fortified by King Evenus. Having Garison'd that Fort with part of the Nobility and other Flagitious Persons; out of an high place in the Castle, he made a long Oration to the People; who, in great Multitudes, were gathered about him, concerning the Rashness and Obstinacy of the Two Brothers; he declaimed also against those Assassins, who killed them; but, at last, he told them, That he was left by Evenus, the Guardian or Superior of the Kingdom, as well as of his Domestick Affairs, till a New King was chosen. When the People heard this, though they believed it to be false, yet when they saw him fortified in a strong Garison, for fear of a greater Mischief, they instantly swore Fealty to him, and declared him King. He, though he had strengthened himself in the Kingdom by the Consent of the People, (though unwillingly obtain'd,) yet, not thinking himself safe from the Posterity of Durstus, as long as any of them were alive, resolved to destroy his Nephews.

There remained alive of them Lismorus, Gormachus and Ederus, the Sons of Dochamus, Son of Durstus; they were educated in the Isle of Man. Thither G [...]llus went, on pretence to bring them home; and to the Two Elder he behaved himself with great Reverence and Respect, and carried them with him into Albium, cunningly pretending, That they be being of a Royal Stock, should be educated in his Cou [...]t, sutable to their Princely Quality. As for Ederus, the younger, [...]he left Souldiers, on pretence of a Guard, to attend his Person, to whom he gave Command on a certain appointed Day, to kill him. But the Disposition of Gillus being well known to all, The Nurse, suspecting Treachery to be hatching against the Child, conveyed him secretly by Night into the Country of Argyle, and so she eluded Gillus, who [...]ought, in vain, to find him out to destroy him; for she bred him up for some years privately in a Cave under Ground; whereupon [...]he, in fury, put the Two elder Brothers of Ederus, and also their Guard, to Death. But it being publickly reported, That Ederus himself was conveyed into Ireland, he made no further enquiry after him. And yet his Cruelty rested not here, though he had slain the Nephews of Durstus; for not judging himself sufficiently [Page] secure, as long as any one of the Royal Progeny was left alive, he caused all those of Kin or Alliance thereto, to be also put to Death. The Nobles, who were grieved at the present state of Affairs, which was bad at present, and fearing, that it would be worse, entred into a Combination against him, and carried the Matter with so much secresie, that a War was begun against He is wo [...] sted in Battel, and flies into Ireland. Gillus, before he had Notice, that any Preparations were making towards It. But, in Levying an Army against his Contrariants, he soon perceived, how inconstant the Fealty of Man is towards Wicked and Flagitious Princes. For there were very few, that came in to him at his Summons; and those that did, were Debauchees, such as were afraid of Peace, in regard of the Wickedness of their former Lives. And therefore distrusting his Forces, he left his Army, and in a Fisher-Boat was wafted over into Ireland. In the mean time, the Scots, that they might not be without a Legal Government, made Cadvallus, made Viceroy. Cadvallus, chief of those who conbined against Gillus, their Vice-Roy, to whom, upon a Treaty, the Forces of his Enemies did submit, and were thereupon received into his Protection. When Cadvallus understood, that Gillus was about to renew the War, and in order thereto, was raising as many deboist Persons as he could, he resolved to prevent him before he could gather together a just Army, and so to pursue him whithersoever he fled. First, he Sailed into the Aebudae, or Hebrides; there he caused Ederus, the only branch of the Family of Durstus yet alive, to be brought to him, and gave Order for his Liberal and Royal Education. When Gillus heard of his March, he retired again into Ireland; there he engaged the Clans of that Nation, with great promises of Reward, to endeavour his Restitution to his Kingdom; which, if they could effect, then he would give them the Aebudae Islands for their Reward. By these Promises, he gathered together a great Army; Cadvallus having prepared all things for his Transportation, was suddainly called back, to clear himself from a false suspicion of affecting, or aspiring to, the Kingly Government.

Evenus II. The Fourteenth King.

IN which Case, the first thing he did, was, to take care, That Evenus, an eminent Person, the Son of Dovallus, Brother to King Finnanus, might by the Suffrages of the People be created King; who, having accepted the Government, caused all Places which were commodious for his Enemies, and especially the Maritime ones, to be filled with strong Garisons, that so his Enemies might not make a suddain descent into his Kingdom, without opposition; Gillus, hearing of this, did also alter his Resolution, and sailed to the Isle Ila; And there, having wasted the Country far and near, with Fire and Sword, he returned back into Ireland. Evenus sends a great Army thither, under the Command of Cadvallus, that so he might exhaust the Spring-head of the War. Neither did Gillus refuse to fight him, but being forsaken of his Men, who followed him for Booty, rather than for Love, he changed his Apparel, and, with a small Company, fled into a neighbor Wood: The rest of his Army being thus deserted by their General, and their Fellow Soldiers [Page] too, yielded to Cadvallus. After the Battel was ended, they sought a long time for Gillus, and at last found him in a blind Cave, where he was slain, the Third Year after he began his Reign, and his Head was brought to Cadvallus. Matters being thus happily setled in Ireland by Gillus Slain by Cadvallus, in Ireland. Cadvallus, as he was returning home, he met not with the same Felicity; for being toss'd up and down with a grievous Tempest, he lost the greatest part of his Army, and all the Prey they had gotten, which strook him into such a damp, that, not long after, he died Ca [...]llus, [...] of Grief. of Grief, The King indeed, comforted him, (but all in vain,) and, praising his Valour and Success in the War, he cast all his Miseries upon the crosness of Fortune. The new King being lifted up with this Success, renewed a Peace with the Picts; and, in Confirmation thereof, he took to Wife the Daughter of Getus, the Third King of the Picts. But the suddain Arrival and Landing of the The Orkney-Men come with an Army into Albium, but were beaten, and their King Belus slew himself, thereupon. Orkny-Men in Albium, quickly disturbed this publick Joy. But the King falling suddainly upon them, drove them out of the Field to the Mountains, and from thence to the Sea, and there being in a fright and hurry, whilst they crowded and hindred one another in endeavouring to Ship themselves, they were all slain, to a Man. Belus their King, despairing to obtain Quarter, slew himself. Evenus, having finished the War, returns to the work of Peace, and constitutes two Mart-Towns for Trade in convenient Places, i. e. Ennerlochy and Ennerness, each of them receiving their Name from Rivers, gliding by them. For Enner, amongst the Ancient Scots, signifies a Place, whither Ships do usually resort. He subdued the Inhabitants of the Aebudae, who, by reason of their long Wars, were grown very Licentious and Quarrelsome. He reconciled their Animosities, and appeased their Disturbances, and soon after died, having Reigned Seventeen years.

Ederus, the Fifteenth King.

EDERVS, the Son of Dochamus, was made King in his place, who whilst he was reaping the sweet Fruits of Peace establish'd both at home and abroad, and giving himself to the sport of Hunting, (according to the ancient Custom of the Nation,) had News suddenly brought him, That one Bredius one of Gillus's Faction, overthrown. Bredius an Or Reds [...]ank. Islander, of Kin to the Tyrant Gillus, was Landed with a great Navy of Souldiers, and plundered the Country: He presently gathered together a Tumultuary Army against him, and marching as silently as he could in the Night, he passed by the Camp of his Enemies, and set upon their Ships in the Road, which by this suddain surprize, he easily mastered, and, killing the Guard, he burnt the Navy. In the Morning he led his Army against the Camp, which he easily took, finding the Souldiers negligent, and in no order at all, many were slain on the spot, whilst they delay'd either to Fight or Fly. The rest having their flight by Sea prevented, by the burning of their Ships, were there taken and Hanged. The Prey was restored to the Owners, that claimed them. A few years after, another of the kindred of Gillus, and out of the same Island too, raised the like Commotion, which had the same Event and Success; for his Army was overthrown, his [Page] Fleet burnt, the Prey recovered back, and restored to the Right Owners. Thus having settled a firm Peace, being very old, he fell Sick and died in the Forty Eight year of his Reign.

Evenus III. the Sixteenth King.

EVENVS the Third Succeeded him, a Son unworthy of so Good a Father; for, not being contented with an Hundred Concubines of the Noblest Families, he published his Filthiness and Shame to the World by Established Laws. For E [...]en enacts Polygamy, by a Law, and allows many other Lustful Venereal Orders and Customs, but being afterwards worsted in Battel is committed to Prison, and there Slain. he enacted, That every Man might Marry as many Wives as he was able to maintain. And also, That before the Marriage of Noble Virgins, the King should have one Nights lodging with them; and the Nobles the like, before the Marriage of Plebeians: That the Wives of Plebeians should be common to the Nobility. Luxury, Cruelty and Covetousness did, (as they ordinarily do) attend and follow this his flagitious Wickedness. For his Incomes and Revenues not answering his Expence, upon pretended Causes, the Wealthier sort were put to Death, and the King going snips with the Robbers, by that means Theives were never punished. And thus, the Favour which he had obtain'd from corrupt youth, by reason of his permission of Promiscuous Lust, he lost by his Cruelty and Rapaciousness. For, a Conspiracy of the Nobles being made against him, he soon perceived, that the Friendship, and seeming Union of Wicked Men, is not to be relied upon. For, assoon as they came to Fight, he was Deserted by his Souldiers, and fell alive into his Enemies Hands, by whom he was cast into the common Jail. Cadallanus, who Succeeded him, demanding what Punishment he should have, he was Condemned to perpetual Imprisonment. But there, one or other of his Enemies, either out of some old Grudge for Injuries received from him; or else, hoping for Favour, or at least Impunity, for the Murder of the King, Strangled him by Night in the Prison, when he had Reigned Seven years. The Murderer was Hanged for his Labour.

Maitland. Metellanus, the Seventeenth King.

METELLANVS, Kinsman to Ederus, Succeeded him in the Throne, a Prince no less dear to all for his excellent Virtues, than Evenus was hated by them for his flagitious Vices. He was mightily Priz'd and Esteem'd for This, That during his Reign, there was Peace both at home and abroad. But it was some allay to his Happiness, that he could not abrogate the Filthy Laws of Evenus, being hindred by his Nobility, who were too much addicted to Luxury. He deceased in the Thirtieth year of his Reign.

Caratacus, the Eighteenth King.

METELLANVS dying without Issue, the Kingdom was conferred on Caratacus, Son of Cadallanus, a young Man of the Royal Blood. Assoon as he entred upon the Kingdom, he quieted the People of the Aebudae Islands, (who had raised Commotions upon [Page] the Death of their last King,) but not without great Trouble. Yet here I The Orcades subdued in Claudius Caesars days, as some affirm, but mistakenly. cannot easily beleive what our Writers, following Orosius, Eutropius, and Bede, do say, viz. That the Orcades were subdued by Claudius Caesar in his Reign. Not, that I think it a very hard thing for him to attempt, one by one, a few Islands scatter'd up and down in the Stormy Sea, and having but a few, and those too unarmed, Inhabitants to defend them, and seeing they could not mutually help another, to take them all in; nor, that I think it incredible, That a Navy might be sent by Claudius on that Expedition, he being a Man that sought for War and Victory all the World over. But because Tacitus affirms, that, before the coming of Iulius Agricola into Britain, that part thereof was utterly unknown to the Romans. Caratacus Reigned Twenty years.

Corbredus, the Nineteenth King.

CORBREDVS, his Brother, Succeeded him. He also subdued the Islanders in many Expeditions, a People, that almost in every Inter-Regnum, did affect Innovation, and raise up new Tumults. He also quite suppress'd the Banditti, which most infested the Commonalty. Having settled Peace, he return'd to Albium, and making his Progress over all Scotland, he repaired the Places injured by War, and departed this Life in the Eighteenth year of his Reign.

Dardanus, the Twentieth King.

THE Convention of Estates set up Dardannus, the Nephew of Metellanus, in his stead, passing by the Son of Corbredus, because of his young and tender years. No Man, before him, entred upon the Government, of whom greater Expectations were conceived, and no Man did more egregiously deceive the Peoples Hopes. Before he undertook the chief Magistracy, he gave great Proof of his Liberality, Temperance and Fortitude. So that in the beginning of his Reign, he was an indifferent Good and Tolerable King, but he had scarce sat Three years on the Throne, before he ran head-long into all sorts of Wickedness. The Sober and Prudent Counsellors of his Father, he banish'd from his Court, because they were against his lewd Practices. Only Flatterers, and such as could invent new Pleasures, were his Bosom Friends. He caused Dardanus, his bloody Reign. Cardorus, his own Kinsman, to be put to Death, because he reproved him for his Extravagance in Lawless Pleasures; and, yet he had been Lord Chief Justice and Chancellor too, under the former King. And a while after, many other Persons, as they did excel in Virtue, or in Wealth, were circumvented by him, by one wile or other, and so unjustly brought to their Ends. At last, to free himself from the Fears of a Successor, he took up a Resolution to destroy Corbredus Galdus, his Kinsman, with his Brothers, who were Royally Educated, in hopes of the Kingdom. The Charge of this Assassination was committed to Cormoracus, one of his Privado's. He being laden with many Gifts, but more Promises, was sent away to perpetrate the Villany; [Page] but attempting it with less Caution than such a Butchery required, he was taken in the very Fact, by some of Galdus his Train, with a naked Fauchion in his Hand; being Arraigned and put to the Torture, he confessed the Author, and the designed order of the whole Conspiracy, and so was executed immediately. When this wicked Plot was divulged abroad, there was a general Combination of almost all sorts of People against the King, insomuch, that having slain many of those who were Panders to his Lust, as they could be found; at last they endeavoured to make their way to the King himself, the Source and Fountain of their Mischief. In the mean time, Conanus, one of the Kings Parasites, a Man meanly descended, but highly Respected and Trusted by his Master, levied some Troops, and had the Confidence to send them forth against the Nobles, but being forsaken of his Men, he was taken and Hang'd. The Commons, having now got Galdus for their General, found out And [...] Death. Dardanus, who was privately lurking to secure himself; while they were apprehending of him he endeavour'd to lay violent Hands on himself, but being prevented, he was brought to Galdus, and immediately put to Death, his Head was carried up and down in Mockery, and his Body thrown into a Jakes, after he had Reigned Four years.

Corbred II, The Twenty First King.

COrbred, the Second, Sirnamed Galdus, succeeded him; a Prince equally dear to Lords and Commons, both upon the account, and early proof, of his own personal Virtue, and promising Ingenuity, as for the Memory of his worthy Father. Some imagin, that he was That Galgacus, who is mentioned by Tacitus, and that he was Sirnamed Galdus by the Scots, because he had been educated amongst the Britains. For the Scots according to their Ancient Custom, call all Strangers Galds, or Galls; as the Germans call them Wals, as I shewed largely before. After he had undertook the Government, he increased the great Hopes which had been pre-conceived of him. For, making an Expedition into the Islands of Sky and Lewis, he quelled the Seditions, lately raised there, and suffered to come to an head, by the negligence of Dardanus, and that with a due and prudent mixture of Mercy and Severity. He slew the Captains of those Banditti; and enforced the rest, for fear of punishment, either voluntarily to banish themselves, or else, to return to their former rural Employments: He, as I believe, was the Corbredus II. The First of the Scotish Kings, that ever appeared in Arms against the Romans. First of the Scotish Kings, that ever advanced his Ensigns, against the Romans, who had, by little and little, propagated their Empire, even to the very Borders. For Petitius Cerealis first broke the Forces of the Brigantes, and his Successor Iulius Frontinus conquered the Inhabitants of South-Wales. Silures. 'Tis very probable, that the Scots and Picts sent Aid to those Nations, who were situate not far from their Borders. Iulius Agricola, a Roman General in Britain, who makes further Conquests there. Agricola succeeded the former Generals, who having overcome the (Inhabitants of N [...]rth-Wales.) Ordov [...]ces, and reduced the Island Man, when he was come to the narrowest part of Britain, thinking, that it was not far to the end of the Island, he was encouraged to the Conquest of it all. And therefore in the Third Year of his Generalship, he overcame [Page] and plundered the neighboring Countries of the Scots and Picts, until he came to the River Tay; And thô his Army was much distressed by Tempest, yet he had time to build Forts in all places convenient for Defence, by which means he defeated the Designs of his Enemies, and withal, brake their Force. For before, the Adverse party, being Men inured to hardship, what they lost in the Summer, would many times recover in Winter, when the Roman Legions were dispersed into Winter Quarters: And somtimes, they would assault, and take, their Enemies Castles and Garisons, being not sufficiently fortified. But at that time, by the cunningness of Agrippa in Building his Forts, and by his skill in making them defensible; and withal, by relieving them with his Forces, every Year; Their Arts were deluded. In the Fourth Year of his Government, perceiving, that the Firths of Forth, and of Clyd, were severed but by a small Tract of Land, having fortified that Place with Garisons, he spoiled the Countries bending to the Irish Sea. In his Fifth Year, he sent a Fleet to Sea, and made descents in many places, and plundred the Maritime Coasts, fortifying those that looked towards Ireland with Garisons, not only for that present occasion, but also, that he might from thence more easily transport an Army to that Country. By this prudence of Agricola, the Scots, and Picts, being shut up in a narrow Angle, and secluded from any commerce with the Britains, prepared themselves for the last shock and rancounter; Neither was Agricola overcomes the Caledonians in Two Battels. Agricola less careful, but commanding his Navy to fetch a compass about, to discover the utmost parts of the Island; he led his Army beyond the Forth, and drew towards the Caledonians: There, their Enemies, being ready (as in a desperate Case) to run their last hazard, assaulted some of the Roman Garisons, which struck such a Terror into them, that some of the Romans, as fearing, either the Number of their Enemies, or their Obstinacy, by reason of their desperation, gave their advice to retreat with their Army, into a place of greater safety: But their General, being resolved to Fight, when he was informed, that the Enemy approached him in three distinct Brigades; he also drew towards them, having divided his Army into Three Squadrons also, which Project was almost his total Ruin. For his Enemies understanding his Design, did with their whole Army assault one of his Legions by night, and having killed the Sentinels, had almost taken his whole Camp: But being prevented by the coming in of other Legions, after they had fought desperately till Day light, at length, being put to flight, they returned into the Mountains and Woods. Those things were acted about the Eighth Year of his Expeditions. Both Parties prepare themselves, as for their last Encounter, against the next Spring: The Romans, as judging that the Victory would put an end to the War. And their Enemies looking upon their All to be at stake; and, that they were about to fight for their Liberty, Lives, and for whatsover is to be accounted Dear and Sacred amongst Men: Hereupon, judging, that, in former Battels, they were overcome by Stratagem, rather than by Valour, they betook themselves to the higher Grounds, and, at the foot of Mount Grampius, waited for the coming of the Romans. There a bloody [Page] Fight was begun betwixt them. The Victory was a great while hovering, and uncertain; at last, all the valiant Men of the Caledonians being slain, the rest having their Courage cooled, were forced to retreat to their Fastnesses. After this Battel, there was no doubt at all, but that Agrippa would have subdued all Britain, by the force of his conquering Arms, if he had not been called home by But being recalled by Domitian, the Caledonians, beat the Romans out of their Country. Domitian, not for the Honour of his Victories, as was pretended, but for his Destruction and Death. After his departure, Sedition arose in the Roman Camp, and the Scots and Picts being glad of the occasion, and somewhat encouraged thereby, began to creep out of their lurking Places; and perceiving, that the Romans had not a General, nor the same Camp-Discipline, as before; they sent Envoys up and down, to try the Inclination, not only of their own Countrymen, but of the Brittons also. Thus, in the first place, being imboldned by some small successful Skirmishes, they began to take heart, and to assault Garisons; and at last, with a formed Army they resolved to venture the hazard of a pitched Field. By this means, The Romans were expelled out of their Territories, and were forced, with doubtful success, to contend with the Britains for their ancient Province. Galdus having obtained respite from War, made his Progress all over the several Countries of the Land, and resetled the old Owners in their Habitations, which had been almost destroyed by the War; As for the Places which were wholly void, he sent his Soldiers to inhabit them. And having restrained the frequent Robberies which were wont to be committed, he composed the differences, which began to arise betwixt Him and the Picts. At length, in great Glory and Endearment, both with Friends and Foes, he deceased, in the 35th Year of his Reign.

Luctacus, the Twenty Second King.

SO good a Father was succeeded by Luctacus his vitious Reign. Luctacus, as bad a Son, who despising the Counsel of his Nobles, gave up himself wholly to Drinking and Whoring. No nearness of Alliance, no Reverence of the Laws, no respect of Nobility, or of Conjugal Relation, did restrain him from his vile lewdness with those Women which he had a Mind to. Moreover, He was inhumanly Cruel, and also unsatiably Covetous. The Soldiers and youthful Fry, which is still more inclinable to the worse, did easily degenerate into the Manners of their King. So that, at last, when he had defiled all, with Whoredom, Rapines and Slaughters, and no one Man durst oppose his exorbitant Power: An Assembly of the States being called together, and speaking freely concerning the State of the Kingdom, he Commanded the Nobles, as Seditious Persons, to be led out to Execution; but by the concourse of the intervening Multitude, both He, and also the loathed Ministers of his Lust and Lewdness were And miserable End. slain, when he had scarce finished the Third Year of his Reign. For the Honour had to his Father, his Body was allowed to be Buried amongst the Sepulchres of his Ancestors; but the Bodies of his Associats were cast out, as unworthy of any Burial at all.

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Mogaldus, the Twenty Third King.

AFter him, Mogaldus Reigning virtuously at first, afterwards degenerates. Mogaldus was elected King, the Nephew of Galdus, by his Daughter: In the beginning of his Reign, he equalled the best of Kings; but, growing older, he was tainted with Vices, and easily degenerated into the Manners of his Uncle. When he first entred on the Government, that he might, with greater Facility, cure the vitious Practices committed by the former King, which did even contaminate the Publick Manners, he made Peace with his Neighbors, he restored the Ancient Ceremonies in Religion, which had been carelesly neglected: He banished all Pimps of Lust, and Debauchery, from Court, and acted all things by the Advice of the Estates, according to the Ancient Custom; by which Deportment he procured to himself Love at home, and Reverence abroad. Having setled Matters at home, he turned his Mind to Warlike Affairs, and drove out the Romans from the Borders of his Kingdom; and, by his Auxiliaries, assisted the Picts against the Injuries of the Romans: Yea, in some prosperous Battels, he so weakned the Roman Power amongst the Britains, that They also were erected to some hopes of recovering their Liberty, and thereupon took up Arms in many places. And their hopes were encreased, because the Emperor Adrian had called back Severus, a fierce and skilful Warrior, out of Britanny into Syria, to quell the Seditions of the Iews; so that Adrian the Emperor comes into Britain, and built the Wall called by his Name. Adrian himself, the Tumults more and more increasing, was inforced to pass over from Gallia into Britain: But he, being a greater Lover of Peace than War, desired rather to maintain the Bounds of his Empire, than to enlarge them. Whereupon, when he came to York, and found the Country beyond it to be harassed by the War, he resolved to take a particular View of the Devastation, and so marched his Army to the River Tine; where being informed by the old Soldiers who had followed Agricola, almost to the utmost Bounds of Britanny, That there would be more Pains than Profit in Conquering the rest of the Island, he built a Wall and Trench for the space of Eighty Miles, between the Firths of the Rivers Tine and Esk; and so excluded the Scots and P [...]cts from their Provincials; and having setled the State of the Province, be returned back from whence he came. Here I cannot but take notice, that, seeing there yet remain divers Marks of this Wall, in many places, it is a wonder to me, that Bede did wholly omit to mention it; especially, since Aelius Spartianus hath taken notice of it, in the Life of Adrian; and also Herodian, in the Life of Severus. I cannot persuade my self, That Bede could be so mistaken, to think, as many yet do, That that Wall was not made by Adrian, but by Severus. This by the by.

Hereupon the Roman Province was quieted, the Excursions of their Neighbors were prevented, and Peace was observed between them, for a great while. The Britains did easily embrace it, and the Scots and Picts had thereby opportunity to divide the Neighboring Lands as a Prey, amongst themselves. But that Peace, besides the prejudice it did to the Body, by weakening its Vigor, through Sloth and [Page] Idleness, did also enervate the Mind, by the Baits of Pleasure, which then began to tickle it: For hereby Mogaldus, till then Unconquered in War, forgetting the Glory of his Ancestors, ran headlong into all kind of Vice; and, besides other pernicious and foul Miscarriages, prejudicial to the Publick, he made a most unjust Law, The Law to forfeit ones whole Estate for Treason, without allowance to innocent Wife or Children, made in Mogaldus' [...] time, esteemed unjust. That the States of such as were condemned should be forfeited to his Exchequer, no part thereof being allotted to their Wives or Children. This Law is yet observed and pleaded for, by the Officers of the King's Revenue, who are willing to gratifie his Lust, though they then did, and yet do, know, that it is an unjust and inhuman Institution. Mogaldus having thus made himself obnoxious and hateful to the Nobles and Commons too, being unable to resist their Combinations, with one or two of his Companions, sought to run from their Fury; but before he could execute his Project, he was taken, and Mogaldus slain. slain, after he had Reigned 36 Years. This was done, about the Sixth Year of the Reign of the Emperor Antoninus Pius.

Conarus, the Twenty Fourth King.

COnarus, his Son, succeeded him, who, from an ill Beginning, ended his wicked Reign with as unhappy a Conclusion: For, he was not only conscious and privy to, but also a partner in, the Conspiracy against his Father. But, to cover his Faults, in the beginning of his Reign, a War did fall out very opportunely for him. For the Britains, having passed Adrian's Wall, took away great store of Men and Cattle. Whereupon, A Battel between Conarus and the Picts, against the Romans and Brittons. Conarus, by the Advice of his Council, joyning his Army with the Picts, they passed over Adrian's Wall in many places, and made great havock in the Britains Country; and at last, encountring their Enemy, a great and bloody Battel was fought betwixt Them, the Romans and Britains. The Slaughter was almost equal on both sides, which occasioned Peace between Them till the next Year: Yet, the Romans, because they were not Conquerors, looked upon themselves as, in a manner, Conquered. Whereupon, their own Forces being much lessened, and Adrian putting no great Confidence in the Britains, whom, he saw, to conceive some hopes of Liberty upon his Misfortunes, he sent for Aid from Antoninus Pius, laying the blame of the Violation of the Peace upon the Scots and Picts, and of the loss and slaughter of his Men, upon the Britains. Lollius Vrbicus sent to Aid the Romans in Britain. Lollius Vrbicus was sent over Lieutenant-General by the Emperor, who overcame his Enemy in a bloody Battel, and drove them beyond the Wall of Adrian, which he again repaired. Afterwards, there was a Cessation of Arms for many Years, as if a silent Truce had been made. For the Romans had Work enough to keep the Enemy from ravaging and plundering, and, for that end, their Camp was pitched on the Borders. And Conarus, who loved nothing in War, but the Licentiousness obteined thereby, made haste to return home, That he might imploy that Vacancy wholly to immerge himself in Pleasures: Whereupon, those Vices, which he had before concealed, on design to gain the Love of others, began now to appear bare-faced. And when, by this Dissimulating Art, he judged the Kingdom sure to him, what his Ancestors [Page] had gotten by great Pains and Labour, he did as profusely spend, on his own Lusts and Pleasures; insomuch, that, in a very short time, he was reduced to great want. So that, convening an Assembly of the Estates, he made a long and plausible Oration of the Grandeur and Magnificence which was necessary for Kings; and complained of the Lowness of his Conarus his Prodigality enforces him to demand large Subsidies of hi [...] Subjects; Exchequer. Thus covering his Vices under the cleanly Names of Gallantry and Magnificence; and he was also an earnest Suitor, That a Valuation of every Mans Estate should be made, and a proportionable Tax imposed on each Individual. This Speech was unacceptable to all that heard it, whose Answer was, That the Matter was of more Moment than to be determined on a sudden: Whereupon, the Estates, having obtained a short time for Consultation, upon asking every particular Mans Opinion, they soon found, That this new Device of demanding such a vast Sum of Money, did not proceed from the Nobles, Which are denied by the Commons, and their Reasons why? but from some Court-Parasites; whereupon, they Voted, That the King should be kept Prisoner, as unfit to Reign; until, upon his Abjuration of the Government, they did substitute another. When they met the next Day, he, who was first demanded to give his Vote, made a sharp Speech and Invective against the Life of the former King, saying, That Bawds, Parasites, Minstrels, and Troops of Harlots, were not fit Instruments for Kings and Kingdoms, as being useless in War, and troublesom in Peace; besides, they were costly and full of Infamy and Disgrace. He added, The Complaint was false, That the King's Revenue and Incom were not sufficient for his Expence; for a great many of their former Kings, who were famous Warriors, and formidable to their Enemies, had lived Nobly and Splendidly upon it, in time of Peace. But if any Prince be of Opinion, That the Publick Revenue was too short, then, said he, let a Supplement be made, not out of the Subjects Purse, but out of his own Domestick Parsimony. He further added, That the Measure of Expence was not to be taken from the Lust and Exorbitant Desires of Men, which were infinite, but from the Ability of the People, and the Real Necessities of Nature. And therefore it was his Opinion, That those Villains, upon whom the Publick Patrimony was conferred, and for whose sake the King had undone so many Worthy Persons of good Rank and Quality, by despoiling them of their Estates, and putting them to Death, should be compelled to refund That to the Lawful Owners, which, by their Flatteries, they had unjustly robbed them of; and that also they should be further punished, to boot. In the mean time, he advised, that the King should be kept a Prisoner, till they could substitute another, that would not only inure himself to Thrift, but also teach others, by his Example, to live hardly and parsimoniously, as his Forefathers had done, that so the strict Discipline, received from our Ancestors, might be transmitted to Posterity.

This Speech, as it was sharp enough of it self, so it seemed more cutting to those, who had Velvet Ears, and were unaccustomed to hear such free and bold Discourses, before. Neither did the King endeavour to allay the Heats of his People, by fair and gentle Words, [Page] but rather, by fierce and minatory Expressions, which did more vehemently inflame and provoke them; so that, amidst these Quarrellings and Altercations, a Tumult arising, some that were next the King, Conar [...] imp [...]isoned, [...] his Evi [...] C [...] sellors slain. laid Hands on him, and thrust him, with some few others, into a Cave, under-ground. Those Courtiers, who had been the Authors of such wicked Counsels, were presently put to Death; and, lest any Tumult of the Mobile should arise upon this Dissolution of the Bonds of Government, One Argadus set up in his room, who first Rules justly; Argadus, a Nobleman, was made Vice-Roy, till the People could conveniently meet, to set up a New King. He, though, in the beginning of his Administration, he setled all things with great Equity, and thereby had procured much Commendation by his moderate Deportment; yet, his Mind being corrupted by Prosperity, he soon lost all the Credit of his former praise-worthy Life. For he cherished Home-bred Seditions,afterwards degenerating, he is accused; and strengthened his Authority by External Aid, having such great Familiarity with the chief of the Picts, that he took a Wife from amongst them, and gave his Daughters to them, in Marriage; by which practice, it soon appeared, that he aspired to the Crown. These things being laid to his Charge in a Publick Assembly, wherein he was much blamed for his so sudden Degeneration and Apostacy, he was altogether ashamed, and knowing them to be True, he brake forth into Tears; and as soon as his Weeping gave him liberty to speak, being unable to purge himself from the Objected Crimes,but, upon his Repentance, is continued in the Government, he craved Mercy, and humbly deprecated the punishment of his Offences; Which, said he, if I can obtain, I will recompense, and make amends for my Errors in Government, by my future Care, Industry and Valour. These things he humbly supplicated upon his Knees, so that the Anger of the Nobles being now turned into Pity, they lifted him up from the Ground, and ordered him to continue in the Government, remitting his own Punishment to himself. As for Them, they were well enough satisfied, if he did now truly and heartily repent of what he had done amiss heretofore. From that Day forward, Argadus assembled the Wisest Men of the whole Kingdom about him, and acted nothing but by their Advice; yea, during the Which he managed equitably, for the remainder of his Magistracy. Remainder of his Magistracy, he Enacted many Laws for the Good of the Publick; of which This was the chief; That he restrained the Arbitrariness of Provincial Judges, and forbad them to give Sentence against all Offenders, alike; but to have respect to alleviating Circumstances, where any such were. He either restrained, or put to Death, Flagitious Persons, and amended the Publick Manners, which had been corrupted by a long course of Licentiousness, not only by inflicting Legal Punishments on Transgressors of the Laws, but by affording them the Leading Example of his own Regular Life. Whilst these things were acting, Conarus, partly afflicted with Grief, and partly worn out by Diseases, ended his filthy and ignominious Life in Prison, in the Fourteenth Year of his Reign.

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Ethodius, the Twenty Fifth King.

EThodius was set up in his stead, Mogaldus's Sisters Son; He immediately convened the Estates, and thereupon highly extolled Argadus, and after he had bestowed on him great Honours, and large Rewards, he made him Plenipotentiary, under him, for the Administration of the Government; when he had made his Progress to view all the Counties and Parts of his Dominions, according to Custom, he Sailed over to the Aebudae Islands; Argadus was sent by him to quell the Disturbers of the Publick Peace; who soon suppressed them, and brought them Prisoners to the King. These Combustions thus appeased, he returned into Albium; but the Islanders being freed by his absence, from their present Fear; and further, being persuaded by false Reports, spread abroad, That he was engaged in a Foreign War; and besides, being provoked, rather than suppressed, by the punishment of their Associats, began to raise new Tumults. Argadus sent General a-against the Islanders, is slain in a Battel by them. Argadus was again sent to suppress them, but they, being assisted both by the Picts and Irish, gave him Battel, without any delay, in which Fight, Argadus himself, being circumvented by Treachery, was slain: That Blow made the King lay aside all other Business, and to march thither himself; where he so wasted them, with some light occasional Skirmishes, and by his frequent Alarms and Inroads upon them, that, being inferior to him in Force, they retired into a Valley, encompassed on all sides with craggy Rocks, having only one Passage leading into it, that so, the Conveniencie of the Place, as they thought, might somewhat contribute to their Safety. Ethodius, having got his Enemy in a Pound, forces him to what Conditions he pleases himself. Ethodius, perceiving the disadvantage of the Place for his Enemy, disposed of his Guards in fit Avenues; and also made a Wall and a Graft at the mouth of the Passage; by which means they were brought to that extreme Penury of all things, that they were forced to yield up themselves to the King, at discretion. They were willing to accept of any Conditions; but the King gave them only These; That Two hundred of them, such as the King should cull out, with their General, should be surrendred up to him; The rest should every Man return to his own home. The Punishment of those, who were thus given up, being presently inflicted on them, had almost raised up a new Sedition; For the common Soldiers were so enraged at so terrible a Spectacle, that, for want of Arms, they threw Stones at the King's Officers. Neither was their tumultuous Fury allayed, without much Bloodshed. Thus Ethodius, having setled Peace every where, in order to the Administration of Justice, made his Progress over all his Kingdom, much delighting himself in Hunting by the way, so that he made many Ethodius, his vnenary Laws. Venary Laws, of which, a great part are observed to this very day. He had an Irish Musician or He is slain by his Harper▪ Harper, lying all night in his Bed-chamber, (according to the Custom of the Scotish Nobility) by whom he was slain in the night, in revenge of a Kinsman of his, whom, he said, the King had put to Death. When he was led forth to Execution, he was so unconcerned at his Torture, that he seemed to be very glad, as if he had done but his Duty, and acted his Part with applause.

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Satrael, The Twenty Sixth King.

ETHODIVS being thus slain, when he had Reigned Three and Thirty years, and his Son being not of Age, fit to Govern, his Brother Satrael was elected King; this Man being of a naughty, yet cunning, Disposition, endeavoured to establish the Kingdom in his own Family, and so to destroy the Sons of Ethodius: In order whereunto, those Nobles, who were most dear to Ethodius, were, by Calumnies purposely devised, suppressed and slain by him. Afterwards, because the Commons did much regret the slaughter of their Nobles, he began to oppress them also; which matter, in a little time, did so increase the Hatred conceived against him, and so diminish his Authority, that Tumults and Seditions did thereupon arise. He durst not go forth to suppress them, because, he knew, he lay under a publick Odium, so that he was sculkingly [...] slain at home by his own Men, in the Night, when he had Reigned Four years.

Donaldus I. The Twenty Seventh King.

[...] virtuous Reign. DONALDVS, another Brother of Ethodius, was set up in his Room, who equalled, yea, exceeded, the Vices of Satrael, by as great, and as many contrary Virtues, his Clemency joyned with his Love of Equity, did much enhaunce the price of his other Excellencies. He, by the terrour and weight of his Authority, and also, by present Punishments inflicted, quelled all intestine Commotions; and rightly conceiving, that the Souldiery, who were before wanton and idle, and spoiled by Luxury, might be made more ready to resist an Enemy, he caused a Muster to be made of them, and so accustomed them to Training and Exercising their Arms, and Military Discipline, that, in a short time, the new-listed Tyroe's did equal the Valour of the Veterans, and old Souldiers. The Peace which he had abroad, did much forward this his design. For, the Roman Legions, some few years before, made a Mutiny in Britanny, as desiring any other General, rather than Commodus, and especially Aelius Pertinax, after Commodus, comes into Britain. Aelius Pertinax, who was sent to suppress them; so, that leaving the Scots and Picts, they turned the whole stress of the War upon themselves. It was also a further advantage to him, in order to a Peace, that Donald, the first of the Scotish Kings, that imbraced the Christian Religion. Donaldus had, first of all the Scotish Kings, embraced the Christian Religion; yet, neither he, nor some other of the succeeding Kings, though a great part of the Nobility did favour the design, could wholly extirpate the old Heathenish Rites and Ceremonies. But the Expedition of Severus comes over [...] to Britain, [...]n his time; enlarges the Roman Conquests, and Severus the Emperor, falling out in his time, did mightily disturb all his Measures, both Publick and Private. For Severus, being very skilful in Military Affairs, brought so many Forces into Britain, in hopes to conquer the whole Island, as never any Roman General had done before him. There were also other Causes for this Expedition of his, as, the corrupt Life of his Sons, by reason of the Vices reigning in Rome; and the Effeminacy of his Army, occasioned by sloath and lying still: To remedy these mischiefs, he thought it best to put them upon Action. Upon his Arrival, the private Tumults, which were about to break forth, were suppressed, and the Scots and Picts, leaving the Counties near the [Page] Enemy, retreated to Places of greater safety, and more difficult Access. Severus, that he might, once for all, put an end to the British Wars, led his Army through all the waste places, deserted by their Inhabitants, against the Caledonians. Though his Enemy did not dare to give him Battel in the Field, he was much incommoded by the Coldness of the Country, and underwent a great deal of Trouble, to cut down Woods, to level Hills, and to throw vast heaps of Earth into the Marish Grounds, and also to erect Bridges over Rivers, to make a passage for his Army. In the mean time, the Enemy despairing of success, if they should Fight so great a Multitude in a pitch'd Battel, did here and there leave Herds of their Cattle, on purpose, as a Prey to them, that so they might stop the Romans, who, in hopes of such Booties, were inticed to stray far from their Camp: And, indeed, the Romans, besides those, that being thus dispersed, were taken in the Ambushes laid for them, were also much prejudiced by continual Rains; and, being wearied with long Marches, and so not able to follow, were in many places slain by their own Fellows, that so they might not fall alive into the Hands of their Enemies. Yet, notwithstanding, though they had lost 50000 of their Souldiers, (as Dion writes) they did not desist from their Enterprize, till they had pierced even to the End and extream Bounds of the Island. As for Severus himself, though he was Sick, during this whole Expedition, and thereupon was fain to be carried in a covered Horse-Litter; yet, by his incredible Obstinacy and Perseverance, he made his Enemies to accept of Conditions of Peace, and to yield up to him no small part of their Country. He Built a Wall, from Forth to Clyd, Eighty Mile beyond Adrians. built a Wall, as a Mound to the Roman Empire, between the Fi [...]ths of Forth and Clyd; where Agricola, before him, had also determined to bound their Province. That Wall, where it toucheth the River Carron, had a Garison thereon, so situate, and the Ways and Passages so laid out, that it was like a small City; which, some of our Country-Men, though mistakingly, do think to be Maldon. But it is more probable, that This was the City which Bede calls Guidi. A few years before the Writing hereof, some footsteps of Trenches, Walls, and Streets did appear; neither yet are all the Walls so demolished, but that they discover themselves visibly in many places; and when the Earth is a little digg'd up, square Stones are quarried out, which the owners of the Neighbouring Countries use in Building their Houses. Yea, sometimes, Stones with Inscriptions on them are found, which shew, that it was a Roman Pile of Building. Those Words of Aelius Spartianus do shew the Grandeur of this Structure. He strengthened Britain (says he) with a Wall, drawn Cross-ways, or, Thwart the Island, from Sea to Sea, which is the greatest Ornament of his Empire. By which Words, he seems to intimate, That it was not a Trench, as Bede would have it, but a Wall; especially, since he gives such a Commendation to a Work, which is shorter by half than Adrian's Wall. Yea, this Fortificati [...]n, where it is least distant, yet is Eighty Miles off from the Wall of Adrian. There are also other Indications of that Peace, if I mistake not. For, a little below that [...]arison, of which I have spoken, there is a round Edifice on the opposite side of the River Carron, made of square Stones, heaped [Page] on one another, without Lime or Mortar. 'Tis no bigger than a small Pidgeon-House; the Top of it is open, but the other Parts are whole, save, that the upper Lintel of the Door, wherein the Name of the Builder, and Work, is thought to have been inscribed, was taken away by Edward the First, King of England; who did also invidiously deface all the rest of the old Scotish Monuments, as much as ever he could; some think, and have Written accordingly, that That Structure was the Temple of Claudius Casar. But my Conjecture is rather, That it was the Temple of the Heathen God Temple of Terminus. Terminus. There were also, on the left Bank of the same River, two Hillocks, or, Barrows of Earth, raised (as it sufficiently appears,) by the Hands of Men. A great part of the lesser one, which inclines more to the West, is swept away by the Washing and Over-Flowings of the River; the Neighbouring Inhabitants call them yet Duni Pacis. Duni Pacis. So that Peace being again procured by this Division of the Island, and all Matters being in a sort accommodated, Donaldus departed this Life, having Reigned One and Twenty years.

Ethodius II. The Twenty Eighth King.

ETHODIVS the Second, Son of the former Ethodius, was substituted in his Room, a Man almost stupid. This is certain, he was of a more languid and soft Disposition, than was fit to have the Government of such a Feirce and Warlike People conferred upon him; which being taken notice of, the Nobles, in a Convention, bore that Reverence to the Progeny of King Fergus, that they left the Name of King to Ethodius, as sloathful as he was; but yet, not guilty of any Notorious Wickedness; but set Deputies over all the Provinces, to administer Justice therein, whose Moderation and Equity did so regulate Matters, that Scotland was never in a quieter State. For, they did not only punish Offenders, but also made the immoderate Covetousness of the King to be no burden to the People. This King in the Twenty first year of his Reign, was Ethodius slain. slain in a Tumult of his own Officers.

Athirco, The Twenty Ninth King.

ATHIRCO, his Son, manifesting greater Ingenuity than is usually found in such an Youthful Age, was therefore made King: For, by his Manly Exercises in Riding, throwing the Dart, and vying with his young Courtiers in Feats of Arms; as also, by his Bounty and Courteous Demeanor, he won to himself the Love of all. But his Vices increasing with his Age, by his profound Avarice, Peevishness, Luxury and Sloath, he so alienated the Minds of Good Men from him, that the more the Sons were delighted with his Nefarious Practices, the more their Fathers were offended thereat. At last, a Conspiracy of the Nobles was formed against him, occasioned by one Nathalocus, a Nobleman, whose Daughters, being first deflowred by him, and then ignominiously beaten with Rods, he prostituted to the Lust of those Ruffians, that were about him. He endeavoured to defend himself against them, but perceiving he had not [Page] Force enough so to do, being also forsaken by his Domesticks, who detested his lewd Practices, he laid Athirco, being disgusted for vitiating Noble Virgins, kills himself. violent Hands on himself, in the Twelfth year of his Reign. After his Death Dorus flies, and carries his Brothers Children with him. Dorus, either because he was his Brother, or, else had been a Pander to his Lust, fearing lest the Nobles, in the heat of their Provocation, should exercise their Rage upon all the Kings Lineage, saved himself by flight, with his Brothers Three small Children, Findocus, Carantius and Donaldus. Neither was he mistaken in his Opinion; for Nathalocus, who had receiued so signal an Injury, not contented with Dorus his Exile, suborned Emissaries to kill him, and his Brothers Children too; who, coming to the Picts, (for the Royal Youths had chosen the Place of their Banishment amongst them) and lighting upon one very like Dorus, in Stature and Physiognomy, they slew him, instead of Dorus himself.

Nathalocus, The Thirtieth King.

NAthalocus, thinking, that he had slain Him, who stood most in his way, was, the First of all the Scots that ambitiously sought for the Kingdom. 'Tis true, a great part of the Nobility were against Him; yet, by means of those whom he had corrupted by Promises and Bribes, he carried the Point, and was made King. Neither did he manage the Kingdom any better than he got it. For suspecting the Nobility, which, in the Parliaments of the Kingdom, he had found to be adverse to him, he Governed all by the Ministry of Plebejans, whom Audaciousness and Penury (he knew) would easily incline to any wickedness. Besides those Suspicions I have mentioned, he was encountred with a far more grievous one; for, intercepting Letters directed to some of the Chief Nobles, he understood by them, That Dorus, and the Children of Athirco, were yet alive, and were brought up amongst the Picts, in hopes of the Kingdom. To avoid this Danger, he sent for those Nobles, whom he most suspected, to come to him, pretending he had need of their Advice, in the Publick Affairs of the Kingdom. When Nathalocus Murders the Nobility treacherously. they were assembled, he shut them all up in Prison, and, the very next night, caused them all to be strangled. But, that which he hoped would be a Remedy to his Fears, was, but as a Firebrand to raise up another Conspiracy. For the Friends of those who were slain, being afraid of themselves, as well as grieving for the loss of their Relations and Kindred, unanimously take up Arms against him. Whilst he was raising an Army to oppose them, he was slain by one of his own Domesticks, about the Twelfth Year of his Reign. Some of our Country-men do add a Tale in the Case, which is more handsomly Contrived, than likely to be True. That the very Man, who slew the King, had been before sent by him to Southsayers, to enquire concerning the King, his Victories, his Life, and Kingdom; And that an old Wizard should answer him, That the King should not live long, but his Danger would arise, not from his Enemies, but from his Domesticks; And when he pressed the Woman, From which of them? She replyed, Even, from thy Self, Man. Whereupon, he cursed the Woman; yet returning home in a great Quandary, he [Page] thought with himself, That the Womans Answer could not be concealed; and yet it was not safe for him to declare it, lest he should render himself suspected to the King, who was a depraved Person and guided wholly by his own Fears. And therefore it seemed to him, the safest Course to kill the Tyrant with the Favour of many, than to preserve him alive, with the extreme hazard of his own Life. Presently after he returned home, having obtained Liberty of private Access, to declare the secret Answer of the Oracle, or Conjurer, He himse [...] [...] slain by one [...] his Domesticks. he slew the King, now entring upon the Twelfth Year of his Reign; and so freed his Country from Bondage, and himself from Danger.

Findochus, The Thirtieth First King.

WHen the last King's Death was publickly known, the Sons of Athirco were recalled home. Findochus, besides his being of the Royal Family, was also endued with many blandishments of Nature, being very beautiful, tall of Stature, in the flower of his Age; and besides, being rendred yet more acceptable, for the afflictions he had suffered, he was chosen King. Neither did he deceive Mens expectations; For in his ordinary deportment, he was very Courteous; in administring of Justice, Equal, and Impartial; and a Conscientious Performer of all his Promises. But Donaldus, the Islander, being weary of Peace, Sailed over with a numerous Army into Albium; and making havock of the Villages where he came, returned home with a great Booty. His Pretension for the War, was, the revenge of the Death of King Nathalocus;Findochus or [...]ecomes Donaldus and his Redshanks. Findochus speedily listed an Army against him, and transporting them into the Island, he overthrew Donaldus in Battel, and forced him to fly for Refuge to his Ships; many were slain in the Fight, and many were drowned, whilst they endeavoured, in an hurry, to get a Shipboard. Donaldus himself being taken into the Boat, endeavouring to escape, the Boat sunk, by reason of the Multitude of those, who overladed it, and so he was drowned. Notwithstanding, the Islanders, not disheartned with this overthrow, after the departure of the King, sent for Forces out of Ireland, and renewed the War, making Donaldus his Son, their General, in the room of his Father; under whom they again made a Descent into the Continent, and drove away much Booty. Whereupon Findochus again wafted over his Forces into the Aebudae Isles, and marching over all the Islands, executed severe Punishment on the Plunderers; and overthrowing the Forts, into which they were wont to fly, he made such a slaughter of the Men, and carried away so much Prey, That he left many of the Islands almost desolate: Upon Findochus his return, Donaldus, who had fled for safety into Ireland, returned from thence, and endeavouring to recruit his Armies, he found his Forces so weakened, that he left off the Thoughts of managing an open War, and resolved to betake himself to Guile and Stratagem. And in prosecution of that Design, not daring to trust the King, thô he had given him the Publick Faith for his Security; he sent Two of his Friends, Persons both bold and crafty, as with a secret Message, to Him. They, [Page] coming to Findochus, and boasting of their Lineage, and Descent, and withal, grievously complaining of the wrongs they had received from Donaldus; yet could not induce the King to believe them: Whereupon, they applyed themselves to He is slain by the conspiracy of his Brother Carantius. Carantius his Brother, a shallow-pated and ambitious Person: Being admitted into an intimate Familiarity with him, and, by his means, being made acquainted with the secret Affairs of the State and Commonwealth; having found out his Disposition, they were at last so bold, as to tell him, They were sent over to kill the King. He hearing this, looked upon the Kingdom as gotten by other Mens wickedness and danger, now sure to himself, did therefore shew them all the Countenance and Favour imaginable. Whereupon, all things were prepared for the Perpetration of the designed Murder; whilst the King was hearing one of them, relating the various Adventures of his Life; and the rest were busy in running to see a wild Beast of an extraordinary bigness, the other thrust him through the Breast with an Hunting Spear, and so slew him. Upon the committing of which horrible Fact, there was a great Hubbub and Concourse of People; some take up their dying King; others persue the Murderers, who were taken, and deservedly executed; yet they were not put to Death before they had been Rackt, and by that means they confest the Design of Donaldus, and the wickedness of Carantius, who had withdrawn himself to dissemble the Matter. This Carantius first sled to the Brittons; but they hearing of the cause of his Banishment, did detest so execrable a Guest; whereupon he went to the Roman Camp.

Donaldus II, The Thirty Second King.

THE best of Men, as well as of Kings, being thus slain, by the detestable Treachery of his Brother, in the Eleventh Year of his Reign; Donaldus overthrown, and taken prisoner by the Islander [...]. Donaldus, the youngest of his Three Brothers, was set up King in his stead. He, whilst he was preparing to Revenge his Brothers Death▪ Word was brought him, that Donaldus the Islander had entred Murray, not now carrying himself as a Robber, but as a King. Whereupon, He, with a few of his Soldiers, which were near at hand (having left a Command for the rest to follow) marches directly towards the Enemy. Donaldus being informed by his Spies, That the King had but a small Force with him, continued his March Day and Night, and by that means prevented the news of his approach. The King being thus surprized, seeing he could not avoid Fighting, performed more than could have been expected from so small a Number, but, at length, was overcome by the multitude of his Enemies; and being grievously wounded, with Thirty more of the prime of his Nobility, was taken Prisoner; about 3000 Men were slain in the Fight, and 2000 taken. The King dyed within Three days; either of his Wounds, or for Grief of his overthrow, having scarce Reigned One full Year.

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Donaldus III. The Thirty Third King.

AFter his Death, [...] Donald the Islander, who before, without any Authority, had assumed the Name of King, did now manage all things as a Legitimate Prince; being advantaged much by the fear of the Nobles, who (left their Kinsmen, who were p [...]isoners with him, should be slain, which Donaldus did daily threaten to do) durst not make any Insurrections against him. He was a very Tyrant in his Government, and Cruel to all his Subjects; for he was not content, by an Edict, to forbid any others to bear Arms, but his own Servants and Officers too; and also he hurried the Nobility to violent Deaths, whose Destruction he esteemed to be the establishment of his Government: Yea, He proceeded to sow Seeds of Discord amongst those who survived his Cruelty; neither did he think any Sight more lovely, than the mutual slaughter of his Subjects. For he counted their Ruin was his Gain, and judged himself to be freed of so many Enemies as were slain, out of both Armies. Neither was he afraid of any thing more, than the union of his Subjects against him. Hereupon, he kept himself commonly within the Verge of his own Palace, and being conscious of the wrong he had done to all, as Fearful of them, and Formidable to them, he seldom went abroad. These Miseries c [...]ntinuing Twelve Years, at length, Crathilinthus, the Son of King Find [...]chus, with much ado, was found out, to revenge the publick Wrongs and Calamities: He had been bred up privately with his Foster-Father, and was thought to have been dead. But having few about him, equal to him in strength or cunning, dissembling his Name and his Lineage; he first applyed himself to Court, and being received into near Familiarity by the King, by the dexterity of his Wit, he became his most intimate and greatest Favourite. At last, when all things succeeded according to his Desire; he discover'd to a few of his Confidents, Who he was, and What he designed; and gathering a small Party about him, having got a convenient opportunity, he slew He is slain by [...]. Donaldus, and departed privately with his Associates.

Crathilinthus, The Thirty Fourth King.

WHen the Death of the Tyrant was divulged, both the Fact itself, and the Authors thereof too, were entertained with a general Acclamation; so that Crathilinthus, upon the discovery and legal proof of his Stock, was made King, with more Unanimity and Applause, than ever any King had been before him; in regard he had been the Author, not only of their Liberty, but of their Safety too. At the beginning of his Reign, by Publick Consent, he caused the Children and Kindred of the Tyrant to be put to death, as if he would extirpate Tyranny from the very Root. Afterwards, he made a The Scotish K [...]ng [...] did [...] Travel all ove [...] the whole Kingdom, in their own Persons, to Administer Justice. Progress over all his Kingdom, to Administer Justice, as accustomed; he repaired, as carefully as he could, what was damaged by Donaldus. Thus having established Peace at home and abroad, after the Custom of the Nation, he spent his [Page] time in Hunting. In order to which Exercise, being on Mount Grampius, near the Borders of the Picts, he Nobly entertained the young Gallants of the Picts that came to visit him; yea, he was not content with that Friendship, that had been anciently betwixt them, grounded on old Acquaintance, and strengthened by a mutual Peace, but he took them also into a nearer Courtship and Familiarity. But that Familiarity had almost proved his ruin. For the Picts, having stoln a Dog of the Scotish Kings, wherein he much delighted, the Keeper, having discovered the Place where he was concealed, in going thereto, and endeavouring to bring him back, was slain: Hereupon a great Outcry was presently made, and a Multitude of both Parties were gathered together, between whom there was a sharp Combat, wherein many were slain, on both sides; amongst whom, there were not a few of the young Nobility of both Nations; by which means, there were sown the Seeds of a most Cruel War A War like to [...] between the [...] and the [...], betwixt them. For, from that Day forward, each Nation did vex the other with Hostile Incursions, and never gave over till they met together with full Armies: Neither could Peace be made up between them upon any Terms, though both Kings desired it. For although they were not ignorant, that it was to their Disadvantage to be at odds one another, the Romans and Brittons being their perpetual Enemies and Assailants; yet they were so madded by, and so set upon, the Desire of Revenge, that, whilst they were eager on that account, they neglected the Publick Calamity, impending on them both; and unless But composed by the Prudence of Carantius, a Roman. Carantius, a Roman Exile, one of mean Descent, but a good Soldier, had interposed, they had fought it out to the last Man, even till both Nations had been destroyed. This Carantius, being sent to the Sea-Coasts of Bologn [...] by Dioclesian, to defend Belgick Armorica from the Incursions of the Francs and Saxons, after he had taken many of the Barbarians, yet would neither restore the Prey to the Provincials, the Right Owners, nor yet send them to the Emperor; hereupon a suspicion arose, that he purposely allowed the Barbarians to plunder, that so he might rob them at their return, and thereby enrich himself with the Spoil. For this Reason Maximianus commanded him to be slain; but he, taking Authority upon him, seized upon Britany; and to strengthen his Party against [...], and Constantinus Ch [...]o [...]us, three Roman Lieutenant-Generals in [...] suc [...]lively. Bassianus, the Roman Lieutenant-General, he reconciled the Discords betwixt the Scots and Picts, and entred into a firm League and Alliance with them Both. The Romans made many Attempts against him, but, by his Skill in Military Affairs, he defeated all their Designs: After he had restored the Scots and Picts into the possession of those Lands, which they formerly held, he was slain by his Companion Allectus, after he had Reigned seven Years. Allectus, having Reigned three Years, was slain by [...], and Constantinus Ch [...]o [...]us, three Roman Lieutenant-Generals in [...] suc [...]lively. Asclepiodotus; and thus Britanny was restored to the Romans, in the Twelfth Year after its Revolt. But neither Asclepiodotus, nor, he who succeeded him, [...], and Constantinus Ch [...]o [...]us, three Roman Lieutenant-Generals in [...] suc [...]lively. Constantinus Chlorus, did any memorable thing in Britain; but that this later begat Constantin, afterwards Emperor, on Helena his Concu [...]bne. Amidst these Transactions, Crathilinthus died, after he had Reiigned 24 years.

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Fincormachus, The Thirty Fifth King.

FIncormachus, his Cousin-German succeeded him, who perform'd many excellent Exploits against the Romans, by the aid of the Britains and Picts; Yea, some Battels he fought them without any Auxiliaries at all. At length, when the Romans were weakned by their Civil Wars at home, and perpetual molestations abroad, Matters being a little quieted, the Scots were also glad to embrace Peace: Who, being thus freed from external cares, did principally endeavour to promote the Christian Religion; they took this occasion to do it, because many of the British Christians, being afraid of the cruelty of Dioclesian, had fled to them: Amongst which sundry, eminent for Learning and Integrity of Life, made their aboad in Scotland, where they led a solitary Life, with such an universal Opinion of their Sanctity, that, when they died, their Cells were changed into Temples or Kirks. From hence, the Custom arose afterwards, amongst the Ancient Scots, to call Temples, Cells. This s [...]rt of Monks were called C [...]ees, a sort [...]f Religious Monks, in those days. Culdees, whose Name and Order continued, till a later sort of Monks, divided into many Sects, did expel them: Yet, these last were as far inferiour to the former, in Learning and Piety; as they did exceed them in Wealth, in Ceremonies, and in Pomp of outward Worship, whereby they please the Eye but infatuate the Mind.

Fincormachus, having settled affairs in Scotland, with great equity, and reduced his Subjects to a more civil kind of Life, departed this Life, in the 47th Year of his Reign.

Romachus, The Thirty Sixth King.

AFter his Death, there was a great contest about the Kingdom, between Three Cousin-Germans, begot by the Three Brothers of Crathilinthus, their Names were Dissension about Succession to the Crown. Romachus, Fethelmachus, and Augusianus, or rather Aen [...]anus. Romachus's Plea, was, that his Father was the Eldest of the Three Brothers of Crathilinthus, and that his Mother was descended from the Blood-Royal of the Picts; as also, that he himself was of a stirring Disposition; and likely to procure Friends and Allys.

That which made for Augusianus, was, his Age and Experience in the World, as also his admirable Deportment; to which was added the Favour of the People; and that which was the principal of all, Fethelmachus, who was, before, his Competitor, now voted for him. By reason of this Sedition, the matter being like to be decided by Arms, nothing could be concluded in the First Convention of the Estates, but That being dissolved, the whole Kingdom was divided into Two Factions; and Romachus, who was least in the favour of the People, called in the Picts Militia, for his assistance, that so he might strengthen himself by Foreign Aid.

Augusianus, being informed, that Ambushes were laid for him, judged it better, once for all, to try the shock of a Battel, than to live in perpetual solicitude and fear: Whereupon, gathering his [Page] Party into a body, he fought with Romachus, but, being overcome by Him, He and Fethelmachus fled together into the Aebudae Islands.

But perceiving, he could not be safe there, because, on the account of his Victory, he was formidable to the Heads of the Factions, and that he was also amongst a people, naturally venal, and corrupted by the promises of Romachus, he fled into Ireland with his Friends. Romachus Reigns Tyrannically, Romachus, having thus removed his Rival, and obtained the Kingdom rather by force than the good will of the People, did exercise his Power very cruelly over his Enemies; and, to put a pretence of Law on the matter, when he went about the Country to keep Assizes, he took no Counsel of others, as was accustomed, but assumed all Capital causes to his own Arbitrement, so that he made great Execution amongst the People, and strook a general Terror into the hearts of all good Men. At length, when all were wearied with the present state of Affairs, the Nobility made a sudden combination against him; and, before he could gather his Forces together, he was taken, in his flight to the Picts, and And is therefore slain. put to death in the Third year of his Reign. His Head was carried up and down, fasten'd to the Top of a Pole, and afforded a joyful Spectacle to the People.

Angusianus, The Thirty Seventh King.

HEreupon, Angusianus was recalled, by general consent, to undertake the Kingly Government. In the beginning of his Reign, They, which were the Ministers of Cruelty and Covetousness under Romachus, being afraid to live under so good a King, stirred up Nectamus, King of the Picts, to make War upon Him, in revenge of his Kinsman. Wars between Angusianus and the Picts; Angusianus, being a lover of Peace, sent Embassadors to them, very often, to advise them, That both Nations would be much prejudiced by those Divisions, in regard the Brittons did but watch an Opportunity to destroy them both. But they hearkned not unto them, either out of confidence of their strength; or, out of anger and vexation of Spirit. So that, perceiving them to be averse from Peace, he led forth his Army against them; and, after a sharp conflict, obtained the Victory. The King of the Picts made his escape, with a few in his company; and, after he had a little master'd his fear, being inflam'd with Rage and Fury, he obtained, but with great difficulty, of his Subjects to raise him a new Army: And when it was levied, he marched into Caledonia. Angusianus, having again propounded Terms of Peace, which not being hearkned unto, he drew his forces towards the Enemy. The Fight was maintain'd with equal obstinacy on both sides, one striving to retain their acquired Glory; and th' other endeavouring to wipe away their received Ignominy and Disgrace. At length, the Scots, Wherein Angusianus was slain. Angusianus being slain, brake their Ranks and ran away. Neither was the Battel unbloody to the Picts; Their King and all his Valiant Warriors being slain therein: The Loss being in a manner equal on both sides occasioned a Peace between them, for some short time. Angusianus reigned little above an Year.

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Fethelmachus, The Thirty Eighth King.

[...] FEthelmachus was made King, in the room of Angusianus; when he had fearce Reigned 2 years he levied an Army, and made foul havock of the Picts Country: As soon as the Enemy could meet him, they fought, with a great slaughter on either side. For the main Battel of the Picts, they having lost both their wings, was almost all encompassed round and taken, yet they died not unrevenged. The King of the Picts, three days after, died of his wound. The Scots, making use of their Victory, having no Army at all to withstand them, made a great spoil all over the Picts Country; For the Picts, having received so great a blow, never durst oppose them with their whole force; only they appointed some small Partys of their Men, in sit time and place, to withstand the straggling Troops of their Enemy; that so they might not plunder far from home. In the mean time, one Hergustus, a crafty man, having undertaken the Command of the Picts, inasmuch as he was inferior in Force he applied himself to Fraud, for he sent two Picts, who, pretending themselves to be Scots, were to kill the King. They, according to their Instructions, treated with a certain Musician, about the Murder of the King: For those sort of Creatures are wont to lodge in the Chambers of Princes and Noblemen, to relieve them whilst awake, and also to procure sleep: Which custom still continues in all the British Isles, amongst the old Scots;But [...] Murderd, afterwards, by two Picts, inborn [...]d by [...]. so that on a Night agreed upon between them, the Picts were introduced by this Minstrel, and so slew the King as privately as they could; yet they could not carry it so secretly, but that the Kings Attendants were awaken'd at the hearing of his Death-groans; and so pursued the Authors of the Villany, and when they could fly no further, the Kings Officers took them (tho' they threw Stones at them to defend themselves, from a steep Rock) and brought them back to Execution.

Eugenius, or Evenus I. The Thirty Ninth King.

FEthelmachus being thus slain, in the third year of his Reign, Eugenius, or rather Evenus, the Son of Fincormachus succeeded him. About that time, Maximus, a Roman General in Britain. Maximus, the Roman General, being in hopes to conquer the whole Island, if he could destroy the Scots and Picts both, first of all, he pretends many favourable respects to the Picts, who were then the weaker Party; and therefore, by consequence, more ready to treat with him. Them he filled with vain promises, That, if they would persevere in their Alliance with the Romans, besides many other innumerable advantages, they should have the Scots Land, to be divided amongst them. The Roman [...] [...] Picts [...] the [...] Picts were catched with this bait, being blinded by Anger, desirous of Revenge, allured by Promises, and regardless of future Events; Hereupon, they joyned their Forces with the Romans, and spoiled the Scots Country. Their first fight with them was at Cree, a River of Galway, the Scots, being few in number, were easily overcome by a more [Page] numerous Army, and being thus put to slight, the Romans pursued them every way without any order, as being sure of the Victory. In the mean time, the Argyle Men, and some other Forces of the remote Parts, who were coming up to joyn with their vanquished Friends, fell in good order upon the scatter'd Troops of the Romans, and made a great Slaughter amongst their Enemies. Eugenius gather'd up those whom he could recal from flight, and, calling a Council of War, was advised, That seeing his forces were not sufficient to carry on the War, he should return back to Carrick. But, as Maximus was prosecuting his victory, word was brought him, That all was in a flame in the inner parts of Britain. The Scots were glad of his departure, as being eased of a great part of their Enemies: and, though they were scarce able to defend their own, yet, between Anger and Hope, they resolved, before the Summer was past, to perform some great Exploit against their adjacent Enemies; and thereupon they poured in the remainders of their Force upon the Picts. As they marched, they slew all they met, without distinction, and made all desolate with Fire and Sword. Maximus, tho' he threatned and spake contumeliously of the Scots, yet being equally joyful at the destruction of both Nations, as soon as he found an opportunity, marched against the Scots, upon pretence to revenge the Wrongs, done by them to the Picts. The Scots, on the other side, being now to fight, not for Glory, Empire, or Booty, but for their Country, Fortune, Lives, and whatsoever else is wont to be dear to Men, drew forth all that were able to bear Arms; not the Men only, but Women also, (according to the Custom of the Nation) prepare themselves for their last encounter, and pitched their Tents not far from the River Down, and near their Enemies Camp. Both Armies, being set in order of Battel, first of all, the Auxiliaries set upon the Scots, where, some fighting in hope, others incited by despair, there was a very sharp, tho' short, encounter; The Picts and Britains were repulsed with great loss, and had been certainly wholly routed and put to flight, if seasonable relief had not come to them from the Romans. But, Maximus bringing on his Legions, the Scots being inferior in Number, in the Nature of their Arms, and in their Military Discipline, were driven back and almost quite ruined. King [...] by Maximus, and Eugenius slain. Eugenius himself fell in this Fight, as not being willing to survive his Soldiers; and the greatest part of his Nobles fell with him, as loath to forsake their King. Maximus at first using his Victory moderately, yet afterwards, at the instigation of the Picts ▪ Maximus, having obtained this great Victory sooner than he hoped, and scarce finding any on whom he might wreck his hatred, mercifully returned to his former Clemency; for marching over many Provinces of the Scots, he took those that yielded themselves▪ to Mercy; and caused them to till the Land, withal adding his Commands, That they should be contented with their Own, and not be offensive to their Neighbours. The Picts, taking this his Clemency in evil part, did allege, That the Romans and their Allys would never obtain a firm, solid, peace, as long as the Nation of the Scots, which were always unquiet, and took all opportunities to plunder, did remain alive; adding further, That Britanny would never be secure, whilst any of the Scotish Blood remain'd [Page] in it: That they were like wild Beasts, who would be sweetned by no Offices of Love, nor would they be quiet, though they received never so many Losses; so that there would be no end of War, till the whole Nation was extinct. Maximus replied many things, in bar to such severities, as, That 'twas the ancient Custom of the Romans, if they overcame any Nation, to be so far from extirpating them, that they made many of them Denizons of their City: That though they had almost Conquered the whole World, yet never any People or Nation were wholly eradicated by Them. That he himself, having slain their King, with the flower of his Army, had so quelled them, that now they were no longer to be feared, but rather pitied by their Enemies; he further urged, That his hatred of the Picts was as great as Theirs; but, if they considered the matter well, it would be a joyfuller Spectacle, to behold the Miseries of them being alive, than the Graves of them being Slain; yea, that it was a more grievous Punishment to live a dying Life, than, by once Dying, to put an end to all Miseries. This was the Sum of the Discourse which he made, not so much out of any Affection to the Scots, as out of Hatred of the Picts Cruelty. Moreover, he had an Eye to the future, as judging it extreamly hazardous to the Roman Province, if the Force of the Picts, upon the Extirpation of the Scots, should be doubled. But the Picts did so ply him with Complaints, Supplications and Guifts, that at length they obtained an Edict from him, That all the He banisht the Scots out of all Britain, upon pain of Death, and give away their Lands. Scots should depart out of Britain by a certain day, and he that was found there after the time limited, should be put to Death. Their Country was divided betwixt the Picts and Britains. Thus the surviving Scots, as every Mans Fortune led him, were scattered over Ireland, the Aebudae Islands, through Scandia, and the Cimbrick Chersonesus, and were in all places kindly received by the Inhabitants. But the Picts, though they made publick Profession of the Christian Religion; yet, did not forbear to commit Injuries against Priests and Monks; which, in that Age, were had in great esteem. So that those poor Ecclesiasticks were dispersed into all the Countries round about, and many of them came into Icolumbkill, one of the Aebudae Isles, where, being gathered together in a Monastery, they transmitted an high Opinion of their Piety, and Holiness, to Posterity. The rest of the Scots being thus afflicted by Wars, exiled from their Countries, and in despair of returning thither again; The Inhabitants of the Hebrides, being of a fierce and unquiet Nature, idle, poor, abounding in Men, yet wanting Necessaries, thought, That they ought to attempt something of themselves, and so gathering a Navy of Birlins, and small Ships together, under The E [...]iled Scots, endeavouring to recover their Country, are worsted by their Enemies, Gillo their Commander, they landed in the County of Argyle. Having made their Descent there, and dispersing themselves scatteredly, amongst a Country almost wholly destitute of Inhabitants, to fetch in Booty, they were circumvented by the Picts, who were sent to assist the Inhabitants, and placed in Garison there; and being kept from their Ships were slain every Man. Their Navy was taken, and reserved for Service against the Islanders. And not long after, they which fled to Ireland, partly out of Remembrance of their Ancient Alliance, and partly out of Commiseration of their Fortune, did easily incite a [Page] Nation, naturally inclined to War and Plunder, to afford them Aid to recover their Country and Antient Patrimony. Ten Thousand Auxiliaries were allowed them, who, landing in that part of Scotland, which is opposite to Ireland, struck a great terrour to the People over all the Country. Being encouraged by their first happy Success, when they were consulting how to carry on the War, the Albian Scots, well knowing the strength of the Romans, and how much they exceeded other Nations, in their skill about Military Affairs, persuaded them to be contented with their present Victory, and to return home with their Booty, not staying till the whole force of Britain was gathered together, to assault them. And seeing, that the Forces of all Ireland, if they had been there, could not withstand the Roman Army, which, by its Conduct and Valour, had almost subdued the whole World; therefore, they were to deal with them, not by open Force, but by Subtilty. That they were to watch opportunities, and seeing they could not match their Enemies in Number, Force, or Warlike Skill, that therefore they should weary them out with Toil and Labour. And that This was the only Method for the managing the War with them. The Irish-Scots on the other side, did blame those of Albium, whose former Valour was now so Languid, That though they were the Off-Spring of those, who had almost overthrown whole Armies of the Romans, yet, that they could not now look them in the Face; Yea, there were some of the Albine-Scots themselves of the same Opinion, alleging, That this Method of War, propounded by their Country-Men, was very vain and frivolous, serving only to vex the Enemy, but not to recover their own Country; and that therefore they ought to follow their good Fortune, and not to think of returning, till she made way for them. And, if they would act thus, then, no doubt, but God (who had blessed them with such prosperous beginnings) would, by their Arms, lessen the power of the Enemie, either by raising up new Tumults amongst the Britains, or, by calling off the Roman Legions to a War nearer home. That the Occasion, now offered, was not to be neglected, lest hereafter it might be sought for in Vain: This Opinion prevailed, and so they joyfully returned to their Prey. Thus, whilst in hopes, to recover what they had lost, they indulged their own Will, rather rashly than prudently, being immediately overpowred by greater Forces, they lost the best part of their Men. This Slaughter being made known in Ireland, cut off all hopes of return from the Scots, and made the Irish fear, lest they also should not retain their Liberty, long; so that, after many Consultations, they could find no way more adviseable, than, that the Irish Scots should send Ambassadors into Britain, to make And forced to make Peace with the R [...] mans; Peace with the And forced to make Peace with the R [...] mans; Romans, upon the best Conditions they could procure. Upon their arrival, Maximus, first of all did severely rebuke them, in that, without any Provocation, they had causelesly excited the Roman Arms against them. The Ambassadors, in excuse, laid the blame on the rude Rabble, and so they obtained Pardon. The Peace was made on these Which they obtain from Maximus, on moderate Conditions. Conditions, That the Hibernians, after that day, should never entertain, or shelter, any Enemies of the Romans; That they should forbear to offer any Injury to their Allies; and That they should manage [Page] their Government, with a friendly Respect to the Romans. The Hibernians, having thus obtained better Terms than they expected, returned joyfully home. That which inclined Maximus to make this easie Pacification, was, not his fear of the Hibernians, (for he did not much value all the disturbance, they could give him) but because, his Mind, being intent upon hopes of greater matters, he was willing to leave all Britain, not only quiet and free from War, but also affectionate and under an obligation to him. For, when he perceived, after the Defeat and Slaughter of so many of their Armies, that the Forces of the Roman Empire were shattered and weakned by their Civil Wars; and that the Emperors were not made by the Senate and People, but by Military Election and Favour; considering also, That he had conquered Britain, (which none ever did, before him) and thereby had got great Fame by his Military Exploits, and had an Army (for the number of it) strong enough; in this posture of Affairs, he determined, if Fortune offred him an Opportunity to seize on the Empire, not to be wanting thereunto. Being prompted by this hope, he treated his Souldiers with great Affability, and bestowed on them many Largesses; he took advice in all his important Affairs, of the Noblest of the Britains, he recruited his Army with Picts Soldiers, and committed several Garisons, in divers places, to be kept by them. The Lands of the Scots he divided betwixt Them, and the Britains. To the Picts he left their ancient Possessions, free; only he exacted a small Tribute from the utmost Angle of the Scotish Kingdom, which he had given to them as a Testimony, (for so he gave it out himself,) that all Britain was partly overcome, and partly setled on Conditions of Peace, by him. And by these Artifices, he strangely won the Affections of the common Soldiers: So that all things being in readiness, according to his conceived hope, he assumed the Diadem, as if he had been compelled so to do, by his Soldiers. After him, Constantine was chosen General by the Britains, being recommended only upon the accompt of his Name, for otherwise, he was but a common Soldier at first; he being also slain, Gratian a Person descended of British Blood, ruled over the Island. But Maximus being slain in Italy, and Gratian in Britain, Victorinus sent from Rome, to Govern Britain. Victorinus was sent from Rome to rule Brittain, as a Governor. He pretending to inlarge the Empire, during his Administration, commanded the Who incensed the Picts, by his Tyrannick Government over them. Picts, who were reduced into the form of a Province, to use the Roman Laws, denouncing a great Penalty on those, who should dare to do otherwise: And whereas, Hergustus their King died whilst these things were in Agitation; he forbad them to choose another King, or set up any other Magistrate, but what was sent them from Rome, Thus the Picts looked upon as a mere Slavery. Whereupon, they begun, tho' too late, and to no purpose, to resent him, and complain they had been basely and unworthily betrayed by a Nation, allied to them, and in amity with them; and though sometimes they were Tumultuous, yet they were partakers with them of all Hazards, against a Foreign Enemy: So that now they suffered according to their Demerits, who had deprived themselves not only of all Aid, but of all Mercy and Pity also. The Picts repent of their Conjunction with the Romans, to Root out the Scots; and also of the Persecution of the Monks, being of the same Re [...]gion with themselves. For now who would be sorry for their Calamity, who called to Mind, into what Miseries [Page] and Necessities, they had reduced their ancient Friends. And that the Oracle was applicable here, which foretold, That the Picts in time should be extirpated by the Scots. So that n [...]w, they were punished for betraying the Scots: Yea, their own Punishment was the greater of the Two, in regard Banishment is more tolerable than Servitude. For Banished Men are free, let their Fortune be what it will; but they Themselves were encountred with the bitterest of all Evils, which were so much the more intolerable, because they fell into them by their own demerit. Whereupon, That they might have One, to whom to resort in order to a publick Consultation, for the remedying of these Calamities, they create Durstus, the Son of Hergustus, King. The Nobles being Assembled about him, to provide Remedy for their Miseries; their Complaints did express the Severity of their Bondage. They alleged, That they were now not in an imaginary, but real, Slavery: That they were shut up within the Walls of Severus, as wild Beasts, severed from all human Commerce; and that all their Soldiery, under the splendid Name of War, were indeed drawn out for the Shambles. That, besides the hatred of their Neighbour Nations, they were bitterly reproached by the Monks too, who cryed out, That God did justly despise and reject their Prayers, who had so cruelly persecuted his Ministers, though they were their Brethren, and of the same Religion with themselves, in that they would not suffer them, by whom God might been appeased or exorated, to live in the same Country with them: These Things did grievously pinch their Consciences; so that, Adversity infusing some sparks of Religion into their Minds, and also some ease from their Miseries being obtained, they, at last, pitched upon This, as the only Way to recover their Liberty. That after they had reconciled themselves to the Scots, they would also endeavour to appease the Wrath of God, who was an Enemy to them for their Perfidiousness. Whereupon, understanding that young They send to recal Fergus, a Scottish Exile, from Scandia, to take the Regal Government upon him. Fergusius, of the Blood Royal, was an Exile in Scandia; they thought, if he were recalled, that the rest also might be induced, by his Authority, to return. To effect which, they sent an Embassy to him, but secretly, for fear of the Romans, to found his Inclination, as to the Return into his own Country.

The Fifth BOOK.

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AFter Eugenius was slain by the Romans, as hath been related before, and all the Scots banished from their Country, the King's Brother named Echadius, or Ethodius, for fear of the Treachery of the Picts, and also diffident of his own Affairs, hired Shipping, and committed himself to the Winds, and to Fortune; and so Sailed into Scandia, together with his Son Erthus, and his Nephew Fergusius. As soon as he arrived there, and came to Court, the King of the Country, being informed Who he was, from whence he came, and what adverse Fortune he had met withal; his Language, and also his Habit and Beauty soon procuring Credit to his Allegation, he was admitted into near Familiarity with him. Fergusius lived there till he grew up to be a Man, (his Father and Grandfather being dead) he addicted himself wholly to Military Studies; at which time many Expeditions were made by the United Forces of the North, against the Roman Empire. Some of the Forces fell upon Hungary, some upon Gallia; and Fergusius, both out of his love to Arms, and his hatred to the Romans, followed the Francs, in their War against the Gauls: But that Expedition proved not very prosperous, so that he returned into Scandia with greater Glory, than Success: And when his Name began to be famous, not only there, but also amongst the Neighbor-Nations, his Fame also reaching to the Scots and Picts, both gave the former hope to recover their own Country again, and also the later to obtain their ancient Liberty; if, laying aside their old Grudges, they should chuse him General, and try their Fortune against the Romans. And indeed, at that time, the Affairs of the Romans were brought to so low an Ebb, by reason of the Successes of the Neighboring-Nations against them, that the Opportunity it self was Bait enough to excite old Enemies, to revenge the former Injuries, they had received from them. For, their Emperors, besides their being weakned by Civil Wars, were so vexed on every side by the Gauls, Vandals, Franks and Africans, who did severally make In-rodes upon them, each from his own Coast, that, omitting the care of Foreign Affairs, they called back their Armies into Italy, to defend Rome it self, the Seat of their Empire. In the midst of these Commotions, they, who commanded the British Legions, esteeming the Roman Affairs as desperate, did each study their own Advantages, and severally to establish their distinct Tyrannies. Neither were they content to vex the Islanders with all kind of Cruelty and Avarice, but they also harassed one another by Mutual Incursions. So, the Number of the Legionary Soldiers did daily decrease, and the hatred of the Provincials against them did increase. So that, all Britanny would have rebelled against them, if they had had Forces, answerable to their Desires: But above all their Miseries, That was most prejudicial to the Britains, which the Emperor Constantine, the last General of the Roman Army, [Page] caused them to endure; For, when he was made Emperor, he withdrew, not only the Roman Army, but even the British Soldiers too; and so left the whole Island disarmed, and exposed to all Violence, if they had had any Foreign Enemy to invade them. This was the chief occasion, which did mightily hasten the combination of the Scots. When Affairs stood in this posture, secret Messengers were sent betwixt the The Scots and Picts unite against the Romans, then brought low by their own Civil Dissensions. Scots and the Picts; and a Peace struck up between them. Whereupon, they Both sent Ambassadors to call home Fergusius, to undertake the Kingly Government, as, descending to him from his Ancestors. Fergusius, being a Military Man, desirous of Honour, and, besides, not so well pleased with his present Estate, but encouraged with hopes of a better, easily accepted the Terms. When his return was noised abroad, many of the Exiled Scots, yea, several of the Danes also, his acquaintance, and fellow-Soldiers, being encouraged by the same hopes, accompanied him also home: They all landed in Argyle. Thither all those Exiles, which were in Ireland, and the Circumjacent Islands, having notice given them before of his coming, resorted speedily to him; and they also drew along with them, a considerable number of their Clans and Relations, and also several young Soldiers, who were desirous of Innovation.

Fergusius II. The Fortieth King.

FErgusius, having got these Forces together, was Created the 40th King of Scotland, being Inaugurated according to the manner of the Country. The A Parchment Chronicle of Scotish Affairs, written by the Monks of the Abby of Pasley, a Town and Abby, situate not far from Glascom, in the Ba [...]ony of Renfrew, called from its Cover. The Black Book. Black Book of Pasley casts his return on the 6th Year of Honorius and Arcadius, Emperours; Others, upon the 8th of their Reign, that is, according to the account of Marianus Scotus, 403, according to Funccius, 404 Years, after the Incarnation of Christ; and about 27 Years after the death of his Grand-Father Eugenius. They who contend, out of Bede, That this was the First coming of the Scots into Britain, may be convinced of a manifest untruth, by his very History. When the Assembly of the Estates was Dissolved, Fergusius being born and bred to Feats of War and Arms, judging it convenient to make use of the Favourableness of Fortune, and the Forwardness of his Men; and withal, designing to prevent the Report of his coming, demolished all the Neighbor-Garisons; having not Soldiers enough to keep them; and having recovered his own Kingdom, as soon as the season of the Year would permit, he prepared for an Fergus prepares for War. Expedition against his Enemy. In the mean time, the Brittons were divided into Two Factions, some of them desirous of Liberty, and weary of a Foreign Yoke, were glad of their Arrival; others preferred their present Ease, thô attended with so many and great Inconveniencies, before an uncertain Liberty, and a certain War. And therefore, out of fear of the Danger hanging over their heads, and withal, being Conscious of their own Weakness, they agreed upon a double Embassy, one to the Picts, another to the Romans: That to the Picts, was, to advise them, not to desert their old Allies the Romans and Brittons, nor to take part with their ancient Enemies, who were a company of poor, hopeless, and despicable Creatures. They farther gave them [Page] grave Admonitions, and made them many promises, and added many Threats from the Romans, whom (said they) they could never equal in Number, or overcome, though the whole strength of both Nations did jointly make Head against them, much less could they no [...] Cope with them, seeing one of them was exhausted by Draughts and Detachements of Souldi [...]rs; and the other worn out with all manner of Miseries▪

The Brittons send for Aid to the Romans, and receive one Legion, The Minutes of their Instructions to their Ambassadors, sent to the Romans, were these, That they should send Aid to them in time, whilst there was any thing left to defend, against the rage of a Cruel Enemy; which, if they would do, then Britain would still remain firm under their Obedience; if not, it were better for them to leave their Country, than to endure a Servitude, worse than Death, under Savage Nations. Hereupon the Romans, though pressed upon by War on every side, yet sent one Legion out of Gaul, to defend their Province, giving them Command to return, assoon as they had settled matters in Britanny. The Brittons having received such Aid, did suddainly Who repulsed their Enemies and return. assault the plundring Troops of their Enemies, who were careles [...]ly struggling up and down, and repelled them with great Slaughter.

The Confederate Kings, having an Army well-appointed, came to the Wall of Severus, and meeting their Enemies by the River Carron, a bloody Battel was fought between them. Great Slaughter was made on both sides, but the Victory fell to the Romans, who, being in a little time to return into Gallia, were content only to have driven back their Enemies, and to repair the Wall of Severus, which in many places was demolished; which, when they had done, and had Garisoned it with Brittons, they departed. The Confederate Kings, though they were Superior to their Enemies, in swift Marchings, and enduring of Hardships; yet, being inferiour in Number and Force, resolved not to Fight pitched Battels any more, but rather to weary their Enemies, by frequent Inrodes, and not to put all at a venture in one Fight, seeing they were not, as yet, of Force sufficient so to do. But when they heard, That the Romans were returned out of Britain, they altered their Resolutions, and gathering all their Forces together, they demolished the Wall of Severus, which was slightly repaired, only by the Hands of Souldiers, and but negligently guarded neither, by the Brittons. So that by this means, having a larger Scope to Forage in, they made the Country beyond the Wall, (which they were not able to keep, for want of Men) useless to the Brittons, for many Miles: It is reported, that one Graham was the principal Man in demolishing that Fortification; who, transporting his Soldiers in Ships, landed beyond the Wall, and slew the Guards unawares, and unprovided; and so made a passage for his Men. 'Tis not certain amongst Writers, Whether this Graham were a Scot, or a Britton; but most think, That he was a Britton, descended of the Fulgentian Sept, a Prime and Noble Family in that Nation; as also, That he was the Father in Law of King Fergusius: I am most inclined to be of this last Opinion. The Wall then being thus Razed, the Scots and Picts did Rage, with most inhuman Cruelties, over the Brittons, without distinction of Age or [Page] Sex: For (as Matters then stood) the Brittons were weak and unaccustomed to War, so that they sent a lamentable Embassy to Rome, complaining of the unspeakable Calamities they endured, and with great humility and earnestness, supplicating for Aid, farther alleging, That if they were not moved at the Destruction of the Brittons, and the loss of a Province, (lately, so splendid an one,) yet, it became the Romans to maintain their own Dignity, lest their Names should grow contemptible amongst those Barbarous Nations. Hereupon, The Brittons receive another Auxiliary Legion of the Romans under Maximianus. another Legion was again sent for their Relief, who coming (as Bede says) in Autumn, an unexpected Season of the Year, made great Slaughter of their Enemies. The Confederate Kings gathered what Force they could together, to beat them back; and, being encouraged by their Success in former Times, and also by the Friendship and Alliance of Dionethus a Britton. Dionethus, a Britton, they drew forth towards the Enemy. This Dionethus was well descended in his own Country, but always an Adviser of his Countrymen to shake off the Roman Yoke; and then especially, when so fair an Opportunity was offered, and the whole Strength of the Empire was engaged in other Wars, whereupon he was suspected by his own Men as an Affector of Novelty, and was hated of the Romans, but was a Friend to the Scots, and Picts; who, understanding, That the Design of the Romans, was, first to destroy Dionethus, as an Enemy near at hand, and in their very Bowels, to obviate their purpose, made great Marches towards them; and joyning their Forces with Those of Dionethus's, began a a sharp Encounter with the Romans, who, over-powered by Numbers, both in Front and Reer, were put to Flight. When the Ranks of the Legionary Soldiers were thus broken, and gave Ground, the Confederate King being too eager in pursuit, fell amongst the Reserves of the Romans, and the rest of their Army, who stood in good Order, and were repulsed by them with Maximianus overcomes Fergus King of Scots, [...] King of Picts, and Dionethus. great Slaughter: So that if the Romans, being conscious of the smalness of their Number, had not forbore any farther pursuit, they had doubtless received a mighty Overthrow that Day; but because the loss of some Soldiers in but a small Army was most sensible, therefore they were less joyous at the Victory.

Maximianus (so our Writers call him, who commanded the Roman Legion) being dismayed at this Check, retired into the midst of his Province; And the Opposite Kings returned each to his own Dominion. Hereupon, Dionethus took the Supreme Authority upon him, and, being clothed in Purple after the manner of the Romans, carries himself as King of the Brittons. When the Romans understood, that their Enemies were dispersed, they gathered what Force they could together, and encreased them with British Auxiliaries, and so marched against Dionethus, who infested the Provinces adjoyning to him; for they thought to subdue him, from whom their Danger was nearest, before his Allies could come to his relief: But the Three Kings united their Forces sooner than he imagined, and joyning all their Forces together, they encouraged their Soldiers as well as they could, and, without delay, drew forth their Armies to the Onset. The Roman General placed the Brittons in the Front, and the Romans in the Reserves: The Fight was fierce, and the Front giving [Page] Ground, Maximianus brought on his Legion, and stopt the Brittons in their flight; and then, sending about some Troops to fall on the Rear, some Brigades of Scots, being incompassed by them, drew themselves into a Ring, where they bravely defended themselves, till the greatest part of their Enemies Army falling upon them, they were every Man slain: Yet their loss gave Opportunity to the rest to escape. There fell in that Fight Fergus King of the Scots, and Durstus King of the Picts, Dionethus, being wounded, was, with great difficulty, carried off to the Sea, and in a Skiff returned home. This Victory struck such a Terrour to all, that it recalled the memory of Ancient Times, in so much that many consulted, whither to betake themselves for their Place of Exile. Fergusius died, when he had Reigned Sixteen Years, a Man of an Heroick Spirit, and who may deservedly be called, The Second Founder of the Scotish Kingdom; yea, (perhaps) he may be said to exceed the former The Two Fergus's compared. Fergusius, in this, That he came into a void Country, and that by the Concession of the Picts, neither had he the unconquered Forces of the Romans to deal with, but with the Brittons, who, though somewhat (yet not much) Superiour to them in Accoutrements and Provisions for War, were yet their Inferiours in enduring the Hardships of the Field. But this later Fergusius, when almost all were slain, who were able to bear Arms, being also brought up in a Foreign Country; and after the 27th Year of his Banishment from his Own, being sent for as an unknown King, by those Subjects who were as unknown to him, marched with a mixed Army, packed up of several Nations, against the Brittons, who were sometimes also assisted by the Forces of the Romans; so that, if God had not manifestly favoured his Designs, he might seem to have undertaken a very Temerarious Attempt, and bordering upon Madness it self. When he was slain, he left three Sons behind him, very young, Eugenius, Dongardus, and Constantius; Graham, their Uncle by the Mother's side, was by Universal Consent, appointed Guardian over them, and in the mean time, till they came to be of Age, he was to manage the Government, as Regent. He was a Person of that Virtuous Temper, that, even in the most Turbulent Times, and amidst a most fierce Nation, who were not always obedient, no not to Kings of their own Nation, yet, there hapned no Home-bred Sedition in his time, though he himself were a Foreigner.

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Eugenius, or Evenus II, The Forty First King.

EVgenius, or Evenus the Eldest Son of Fergusias, had the Name of King, but the Power was in the Hands of Graham; he caused a Muster to be made of the Soldiers, all over the Land, and when he found that his Militia was weakned by former Fights, beyond what he thought, he saw that nothing then was to be done, and so ceased from making any Levies. But the Roman Legion having releived their Allies, and, as they were Commanded, being about to return into the Continent, spoiled all their Enemies Country, within the Wall of Severus, and slew the Inhabitants; 'tis true, they restored the Lands to the Brittons, but they kept the Prey for themselves. So that the Remainders of the Scots and Picts, who supervived their late loss, were again shut up between the two Firth [...] of the Sea. Matters being reduced to this pass, the The Roman Legion leaves Britanny, to maintain their Empire at home. Romans declared to the Brittons, with how great and strong Armies they were beset, who had conspired to destroy the Roman Name and Empire; so that they were not able to take so much pains, nor to be at so great expence to maintain places so far off; and therefore, they advised the Brittons, not to expect any more Aid from them, for the future. But they advised rather, that they themselves should take Arms, and inure themselves to undergo Military Pains and Hazards; and, if they had offended before, through Slothfulness, that now by Industry and Hardiness, they would make an amends, and not permit themselves to grow so contemptible to their Enemies, (to whom they were Superior in Number and Forces) as to suffer them to drive away yearly Booties from their Country, as if they had gone forth only as Hunters for their Prey. And the Romans themselves, that they might do them good for future times, did undertake a great and memorable Graham's Dike. Work for them. For they gathered together an huge Company of Workmen out of their whole Province, (the Romans and Brittons, both vying, who should be forwardest) and where the Trench or Graft was drawn by Severus, Thirty Mile long, there they built a Wall of Stone, Eight Foot broad, and Twelve high, they distinguished it by Castles, some of which represented small Towns. It was finished and bounded on the West, by a place now called Kirk Patrick, and on the East, it began from the Monastery of Aberkernick, as Bede affirms; in which Country, about One Hundred and Twenty years since, there was a strong Castle of the Douglasses called Abercorn, but no sign of any Monastery at all. Moreover, left their Enemies should make a descent by Ships into Places beyond the Wall, (as, in their Memory, they had formerly done) they set up many Beacons or Watch Towers on the higher Grounds along the shore, from whence there was a large prospect into the Sea: And, where it was convenient, they appointed Garisons, but consisting of such Cowardly and Effeminate Fellows, that they could not endure so much as to see the Face of an Armed Enemy. The Roman Legion did this Beneficial and Obliging Work for their Provincials, before their departure. Withal, vehemently exhorting them to defend their own Country, with their own Arms; for [Page] they must never more hope for Assistance from the Romans, whose Affairs were now brought to that Exigence, that they could help their Allies, especially so far remote, no more. When the The [...] by the [...] and [...] of the R [...] mans. Scots and Picts understood for certain, by their Spies, that the Romans were departed, and would return no more; they assaulted the Wall, with all their might, and much more eagerly than before, and did not only cast down their Opposers, by hurling Darts at them, but also drew them off the Wall with Cramp-Irons, as Bede calls them; which were, as I understand, Crooked Iron Instruments, of Hooks, fastened on the tops of long Poles; so that the upper Fortification being thus made destitute of its Defenders, they applied their Engines, and overthrew the Foundation also; and thus an entrance and passage being made, they enforced their affrightned Enemies to leave their Habitations and Dwellings, and to fly away for safety, wherever they could find it. For the Scots and Picts were so eagerly bent on Revenge, that all their former Calamities seemed tolerable to their Enemies, in respect of Those they were now forced to endure. Afterwards, the Assailants, rather wearied than satisfied with the Miseries of their Enemies, returned home, and began, at last, to bethink themselves, That they had not so much taken away the Goods of their Enemies, as withal, they had despoiled themselves of the Rewards of their Victory. And therefore convening an Assembly of the Estates; it was disputed amongst them, How so great a Victory might be improved; and their first Result was, to replenish those Lands, which they had taken from the Enemy, with new Colonies, for the Procreation of a new Progeny. This Counsel seemed the more wholesome and adviseable, because of the abundance of Valiant, but Indigent, Officers and Soldiers, who had not room enough to live in their ancient Habitations. This turn of Prosperity, being signified to the Neighbouring Nations, encouraged not only the Scotish Exiles, but a great company of Strangers too, who lived but poorly at home, to flock in, as to a Prey; for they supposed, that a Man of that Spirit and Conduct, as Graham was, would never lay down Arms, till he had brought the whole Island of Britain under his Subjection; but herein they were mistaken; for he, having run so many hazards, was more inclineable to Peace, with Honour and Glory, than to hazard his present certain Felicity, by casting himself into an uncertain Danger. And therefore he made A Peace made betwixt the Scots and Picts of the one part, and the Brittons on the other. Peace with the Brittons, who were not only willing to, but also very earnestly desirous of, the same. The Terms were, That each People should be contented with their own Bounds, and abstain from Wrong and Violence, towards one another; the Mound to both was Adrian's Wall. After this Peace was made, Graham divided the Lands, not only to the Scots, but to those outlandish Men also, who had followed his Ensigns. By this means, almost all the Provinces were called by new Names, because many of them were Peopled with strange and new Inhabitants, and the rest, for the most part, were born in exile. Galway, a County next to Ireland, falling by Lot to the Hibernians, is thought to have got its Name, so Famed in their own Country, from Them. Caithness was so called, because it was Mountainous; Ross, because it was a Peninsula; Buchan, because it paid great Tribute out of [Page] Oxen. Strath-Bogy, Narn, Strathnavern, Loch-Sp [...]y, Strath-Earn, and Monteath, took their respective Names from several Rivers of the same Appellation. Loch-Abyr was so called from a Lough, or rather, Bay of the Sea. Many of the Provinces situate on this side the Forth, as Lennox, Clydsdale, Twedale, Tevidale, Liddisdale, Eskdale, Eusdale, Nithisdal, Annandale, and Dowglas-dal, had their Sirnames from Rivers: Many Places retained their ancient Names; and some had theirs only a little changed. Afterwards, to the end, that he might, by just Laws, bridle the Licentiousness, which was grown to such a height, by the long continuance of Wars; He first called home the Monks and Teachers of the Christian Religion, from their Exile; and, lest they might be burdensom to an indigent People,Tithes for Ecclesiasticks. he ordained, That they should have an yearly Income, out of the Fruits of the Earth; which, thô it was small, (as those times were) yet, by reason of the Modesty and Temperance of the Men, it seemed great enough for them. He placed Garisons in the most convenient Passages, against the sudden Incursions of the Enemie; He repaired Places, that were demolished, and erected new. The Fury of War being thus extinguished,Peace sometimes more dangerous than War. thrô the whole Island, thô the Brittons, being saved, as it were, out of a dangerous Tempest, did enjoy the Sweets of Publick Peace; yet, it was doubtful, whether the War or the Peace did them most mischief. For when their Cities were razed, their Villages burnt, their Cattel driven away, and all their Instruments of Husbandry lost; they, who survived this Cruelty of their Enemies, were enforced to maintain their needy Lives by Hunting, or else to turn their course of Plunder from their Enemies, upon their own Countrymen: So that an Intestine War was almost like to ensue, upon an External Peace. Neither were they only the perpetual Enemies of Foreiners; For, thô they abstained from open Wars, yet ever and anon they spoiled the Countries, contiguous to them: Also, a Party of the Hibernians, being encouraged by hope of Booty, did vex the poor People, who were already miserably enough distressed, with their Marine Invasions. Their last Calamity, and the worst of all, was Famine the forest of Evils. Famine, which did so cow the Hearts of that Warlike People, that many of them voluntarily surrendred up themselves into their Enemies Hands. At last, those few of them that remained, lurking in Caves and Dens, were necessitated to peep abroad, and so to scatter the wandring Troops of those Plunderers; they also drove the Irish back to Sea, and forced them to depart from Albium. That Mischief was no sooner removed, but a Calamity New occasions of Dissention between the Scots and Brittons. nearer hand, began to press upon them. The Scots and Picts, their perpetual Enemies, were not contented to drive Preys from them by stealth, but watched an opportunity to attempt higher Matters. For Eugenius, the Son of Fergus, who, till that time, had lain still, under the Tutorage of another; his Strength being increased by a long Peace, and much augmented by a young Fry of Soldiers flocking in to him, desired to shew himself; and besides the weakness of the Brittons, there happened likewise a private Cause of War: Graham, being his Grandfather by the Mothers-side, and nobly descended (as I spake before) in his own Country, was yet of that Faction, which were desirous to [Page] free themselves from the bondage of the Romans. For which Cause, he was banished by the contrary Faction, who were then more powerful, and so he fled to the Scots, his old Allies, between whom many Civilities had formerly passed. After his Death, Eugenius, by his Ambassadors, demanded a Restitution of those fruitful Lands, which were his Ancestors, situate within the Wall of Adrian; intimating plainly to them, That unless they did restore them, he would make War upon them, When the Ambassadors had declared their Message in an Assembly of the Brittons, there were such Heats amongst them, that they came almost to blows. They that were the fiercest of them, cryed out, That the Scots did not seek for Lands so much, (of which they had enough) as for War; and That they did not only insult over their new Calamities, but also were resolved to try their Patience; if the Lands were denied, then a War would presently follow; if they were restored, then a cruel Enemy was to be received into their own Bowels; and yet, they should not have Peace even Then, unless they imagined, That their Covetousness would be satisfied with the Concession of a few Lands, who were not contented with large Provinces, which were parted with in the last War. And that therefore it was good to obviate their immoderate and unsatiable Desires, in the very beginning, and to repress their Licentiousness Whereupon the Brittons Arm. by Arms, lest, by the Grant of small things, their Desires might be enlarged, and their Boldness encreased to ask more. There was in that Assembly one Tho d [...]ssuaded theref [...]om by Conan [...]s, their Countrym [...]n. Conanus, a British Nobleman, and eminent amongst his Countrymen, on the account of his Prudence, who discoursed many things gravely, concerning the Cruelty of their Enemies, and of the present State of the Brittons, and that all their Soldiers were almost drawn out for Foreign Service; adding withal, That War abroad, Seditions at home, and Famine, proceeding from Poverty or Want, would consume, or else weaken, the miserable Remainders of his Countrymen: As for the Roman Legions, they were gone home to quell their own Civil Wars, without any hopes of Return; and therefore, he gave his Advice, That they should make Peace with their formidable Enemies, if not an advantagious one, yet the best they could procure. This Counsel (he gave, as he alleged) not out of any Respect to his private Interest, but merely for the necessities of the Publick, which appears, (said he) by this, That as long as there was any probability to defend ourselves against the Cruelty of our Enemies, he never made any mention of Peace at all; he added, That he was not ignorant, that this Peace, which he now persuaded to, would not be a lasting one, but only prove a small Respite from War, till the force of the Brittons, weakned by so many losses, and almost ruined, might be refreshed, and gather strength by a little intermission; Whilst he was thus speaking, a Noise arose in the whole Assembly, which made him afraid: For the Seditious cryed out▪ That he did not respect the publick Good, but only ende [...] voured to obtain the Kingdom for himself, by means of Foreign Aid. Whereupon, he, departing from the Council, called God to witness, That he had no private end of his own, in persuading Peace, but, a Tumult arising amongst the Multitude, he was there Who is [...] slain▪ [Page] His Loss caused the wiser sort to refrain giving their Votes freely, thô they evidently saw, that the Destruction of their Country was at hand. The Ambassadors, returning home without their Errand, The Scots and Picts left off all other Business, and prepared wholly for War; The Brittons foreseeing the same, after their fit of Passion was somewhat over, send Ambassadors to Scotland, who, upon pretence of making Peace, were to put some stop to the War, and to offer them Money; giving the Scots hopes, That they might get more from them, by way of an amicable Treaty, than they pretended to seek for by War; That the Chances of War were doubtful, and the issue uncertain; That it was not the part of Wise Men, to neglect the benefit which was in their view, and, upon uncertain hopes, to cast themselves upon most certain and assured Dangers. Nothing was obtained by this Ambassy, for Eugenius was informed by his Spies, That the Brittons did but dissemble the obtaining of a Peace abroad, whilst they were intent upon high Warlike Preparations at home; so that, for that reason, the Scots and Picts being inflamed with their old hatred, and invited by the Calamities of the Brittons; or else, lifted up with Success, would give them no Conditions, but to yield up All; so that, both Armies prepared for the last Encounter. The Confederate Kings, having been Conquerors for some years, were now erected to the hope of a greater Victory; and the Brittons, on the other side, set before their Eyes all the Miseries, that a fierce and conquering Enemy could inflict upon them: In this posture of Affairs, and temper of Spirit, when both Parties came in sight of one another, such a A terrible Fight between the Scots and the Picts; and the Brittons. sharp Fight commenced between them, as the Inhabitants of Britanny had never seen before, it was so obstinately maintained, that, after very long, and hot, Service, the Right Wing of the Scots, was, thô with difficulty, enforced to give ground; which Eugenius perceiving, having before brought all his other Reserves into Service, he drew on also the Squadrons, left to guard the Baggage, into the Fight; They, being intire, routed the Brittons, which stood against them, so that the Victory began on that side, whence the fear of a Total overthrow did proceed. The rest of the Brittons, following the Fortune of the other Brigade, ran away too, and flying into the Woods and Marishes near to the place where the Battel was fought, as they were thus straggling, dispersed, and unarmed, their Enemies Baggage-men, and Attendants, slew abundance of them. There fell of the Wherein the Brittons are overthrown. Brittons in this Fight 14000, of their Enemies 4000. After this Fight, the Brittons, having lost almost all their Infantry, send Ambassadors to the Scots and Picts, Commissioning them to refuse no Conditions of Peace, whatsoever: The Confederate Kings, seeing they had All in their Power, were somewhat inclined to Mercy, and therefore Terms of Peace were offered, which were hard indeed, but not the severest, which (in such their afflicted State) they might have propounded; The Conditions And have [...] Conditions of Peace imposed on them. were, That the Brittons should not send for any Roman, or other Forein, Army, to assist them; That they should not admit them, if they came of their own accord; nor give them Liberty to march thr [...] their Country; That the Enemies of the Scots and Picts should be Theirs also, & vice versâ; and, That, without their Permission, [Page]they should not make Peace or War, nor send Aid to any, who desired it; That the Limits of their Kingdom should be the River Humber; That they should also make present Payment of a certain sum of Money by way of M [...]l [...]t, to be divided amongst the Soldiers, which also was to be paid yearly by them; That they should give an hundred Hostages, such as the Confederate Kings should approve of.

These Conditions were entertained by the Brittons, grudingly by some, but necessarily by all; and the same necessity which procured it, made them keep the Peace for some years: The Brittons, being left weak and forsaken of Foreigners, that they might have an Head to resort to, for publick Advice, made The Brittons make Constantine King, who was soon after sl [...]in by V [...]rtigern. Constantine, their Countryman, a Nobleman, of high descent, and of great repute, (whom they had sent for out of Gallick Britanny,) King. He, perceiving that the Forces of the Brittons were broken, both abroad by Wars, and at home by Fewds, Robberies, and Discords, thought fit to attempt nothing by Arms; but, during the Ten years he reigned, he maintained Peace with his Neighbours; at last, he was Slain by the Treachery of Vortigern, a Potent and Ambitious man; He left Three Sons behind him, of which Two were under Age; the Third and Eldest, as unfit for Government, was thrust into a Monastery; yet he was made King, principally by the Assistance of Vortigern, who sought to obtain Wealth and Power to himself, under the Envy of another mans Name. The Fields, which were now tilled in time of Peace, after a most grievous Famine, yielded such a plentiful Crop of Grain, that the like was never heard of in Britain, before. And from hence those Vices did arise, which usually accompany Peace, as Luxury, the usual Companion of Peace. Luxury, Cruelty, Whoredom, Drunkenness, which are more pernicious than all the Mischiefs of War. There was no Truth or Sincerity to be found, and that not only amongst the Vulgar, but even the Monks, and the Professors of an Holier Life, made a mock at Equity, Faithfulness, and constant Piety of Life; of which Bede, the Anglo-Saxon; and Gildas, the Britton, do make an heavy Complaint. In the mean time, the Ambassadors, who returned from Aetius, brought word, That no relief could be expected from him, for the Brittons had sent Letters to Aetius, some Clauses whereof, as they are mentioned by Bede, I shall here recite; both because they are a succinct History of the Miseries of that Nation; and also, because they demonstrate, How much many Writers are mistaken, in their Memoirs. The Words are these, To Aetius, the third time Consul, the Complaints of the Brittons. And a little after; The Barbarians drive us to the Sea, the Sea beats us back again upon the Barbarians; between These two kinds of Deaths, we are either Killed or Drowned. Now Aetius was joyned, in his Third Consulship, with Symmachus, in the 450th year after Christ. Neither could there any Aid be obtained from him, who was then principally intent upon the observing the Motions of Attila: The rest of the Brittons being driven to this desperate point, only Vortigern, having slain Constantine's Heir, makes himself King of the Brittons. Vortigern was glad of the publick Calamity; and, in such a general hurly-burly, he thought, he might, with greater Impunity, perpetrate that Wickedness, which he had long before designed in his mind; which was, to cause the King to be Slain, by those Guards, which [Page] he had appointed about him, and afterwards, to avert the suspition of so foul a Parricide from himself, in a pretended Fit of Anger, as if he were impatient of delay in Executing Revenge, he caused the Guards also to be put to death, without suffering them to plead for themselves. Thus having obtained the Kingdom by the highest degree of Villany, he managed it with as little Sanctity. For, suspecting the Faithfulness of the People towards him, and not confiding in his own strength, which was but small, he engaged the Saxons to take his part, who then exercised Pyracy at Sea, and infested all the shores far and near. He procured their Captain He sends for Aid to Hengist the Saxon, by whose help he repels the Scots & Picts. Hengist, with a strong Band of Soldiers, to come to him with three Galleys, and he assigned Lands to him in Britain; so that now he was to fight, not as for a strange Country, but as for his own Demeasne and Estate, and therefore was likely to do it with greater Alacrity. When this was noised abroad, such large Numbers of Three Nations, the Iutes, the Saxons, and the Angles are reported to have flocked out of Germany into Britain, that they became formidable even to the Inhabitants of the Isle. First of all, about the year of our Lord 449. Vortigern, being strengthned by those Auxiliaries, joyned Battel with the Scots and Picts, whom he Conquered, and drove beyond the Wall of Adrian. As touching The Character of King Eugenius. Eugenius, the King of the Scots, there goes a double Report of him; some say, he was slain in fight beyond the River Humber; others, that he died a natural Death. However he came by his end, this is certain, he governed the Scots with such Equity, that he may deservedly be reckoned amongst the Best of their Kings. For, tho' he spent the first Part of his Life, almost from his Childhood, in War, yet he so profited under the Discipline of his Grandfather, and his Mind was so established thereby, that neither Military Freedom (as it usually doth) did draw him to Vice; neither did it make him more negligent in conforming his Manners to the Rule of Piety; nor did his prosperous Success make him more arrogant. And on the other side, the Peace and Calm, he enjoyed, did not abate the sharpness of his Understanding, nor break his Martial Spirit; but he managed his Life, with such an equal and poised Temper, that, by the advantage of his natural Disposition, he did equal, or rather exceed, those Princes, who are instructed in the Liberal Arts, and from thence come to the Helm of Government.

Dongardus, The Forty Second King.

THE same Year that Eugenius died, which was in the 452 Year of our Lord, his Brother, Dongardus, was made King in his place. He was of a Disposition like his Brother, for, as he was willing to embrace Peace upon good Conditions; so, when occasion required, he was not afraid of War. And therefore, in reference both to Peace and War, he not only prepared all things necessary to resist the Invasion of an Enemy; but also, he trained up the Youth and Soldiery of his Country, in Pains and Parsimony; That so they might be restrained from Vice, and their minds not grow feeble and languid by long Quiet and too much Prosperity. But [Page] the Seditions at home, raised by the Brittons, were the Cause, that his Arms were not much famed abroad. But being freed from that Encombrance, he gave himself wholly up to the Reformation of Religion; for the Reliques of the Dongard, an opposer of the Pelagian Heresy. Pelagian Heresy did as yet trouble the Churches. To confute them, Pope Pope Celestine sends Pa [...] ladius, and other Learned Monks, into Scotland. Celestine sent Palladius over, (in the life of his Father Eugenius) who instructed many, that grew afterwards famous for Learning and Sanctity of Life; and especially Patricius, Servanus, Ninianus, Or St. Mungo. Kent [...]gernus. The same Palladius is reported to have appointed Palladius first institutes Bishops in Scotland, which before was governed by Monks with less splendor, but more Piety Bishops, first in Scotland. Whereas, till then, the Churches were govern'd only by Monks, without Bishops, with less Pomp and external Ceremony, but with greater Integrity and Sanctimony of Life. The Scots, being thus intent about purging and settling Religi [...]n and Divine Worship, escaped free from that Tempest of War, which did shatter almost the whole World. In the Second year of the Reign of Eugenius▪ Vortigern deposed, and Vortimer made King of the Brittons, who concludes a Peace with the Scot [...] & Picts. Vortigern was deposed, and his Son, Vortimer, chosen King of the Brittons. He renewed the Ancient League with the Scots and Picts, (that so he might more easily break the Power of the Saxons) which was also made Tripartite of Three Nations, against the Romans in the Days of Carausius. Dongardus did not long survive this League; for he died after he had reigned Five Years.

Constantine I. The Forty Third King.

COnstantinos, his youngest Brother, succeeded him in the Government; who, in his private Condition, lived temperately enough, but as soon as he mounted the Throne, he let loose the Reins to all Debauchery. Constantine [...] wicked Reign. He was avaricious and cruel towards the Nobility, but familiar with men of an inferiour Rank. He gave himself wholly to the Constupration of Virgins and M [...]trons, and to excessive Feastings, having always Musicians and Stage-players about him, and all other Ministers of Lasciviousness and Pleasures. The Scotch Nobility, being offended at these Miscarriages, came often to him, to put him in mind of his Duty. He received their Admonitions very haughtily, bidding them to look after their own Affairs, saying, That he had better Advice from others: He also told them, That they were much mistaken, if they thought to Limit their King, on pretence of Advising him. And as he was thus arrogant towards his Subjects; so he was as abject and submissive to his Enemies. For he granted them Peace at first asking, and forgave them the Injuries they had committed; withal, he demolished some Castles, and deliver'd up others to them. This Carriage of his did so far incense the Scots and Picts, that the Scots were ready to Rebel; and the Picts, who before had secretly dealt with the Saxons, set up for themselves, and at last made a publick League with them. But amongst the Scots, there was one Dugal of Galway, of great Authority amongst the Commons, he, for the present, restrained the Multitude by an Insinuating Oration, wherein he acknowledged, That many of those things which they complained of, were true, and what they desired was just. But yet, if [Page] War should come, as an accession to their other Miseries, the Kingdom would be endangered, yea, hardly retrievable from Destruction; especially, seeing the Picts were alienated from them; the Brittons, since Vortimers Death, but their uncertain Friends; and the Saxons (who were very strong and potent, and who managed there Victories with great Cruelties, and in whose Commerce their was no Faithfulness) were always intent upon the Destruction of all their Neighbours.

Thus by the Prudence of the Ancienter, the Tumult of the Common People was appeased, but the King continuing to reign, tho' with the Hatred and Contempt of all, was at length slain And violent Death. by a Nobleman of the Aebudae, for vitiating his Daughter by force, in the Fifteenth year of his Reign. This is the common Report concerning his Death; but I rather incline to the Opinion of Iohannes Fordonus, who says, in his Scotochronicon, that he reigned 22 years, and at last died of a wasting Disease. In his Reign, Aurelius Ambrosius came into This Britain, out of the Lesser beyond Sea; he was the Son of Constantine, who held the Kingdom some years before; but, he being Treacherously Slain, and his Brother, who reigned after his Father, being also slain by Vortigern, by like Treachery, the Two other remaining Sons of Constantine were conveyed by their Fathers Friends into Gallick Bretagne. I think, this Original of Aurelius Ambrosius is truer, than That which others deliver, (among whom is Bede) for they say, that he was the last of the Roman stock, who reigned in Britanny: These two Brothers, when Vortimer was slain by the fraud of his Stepmother; and Vortigern had made himself King without Authority or Power, being now grown up and fit to Govern, returned, with the great Favour and Expectation of all men, into the Island, to recover their Fathers Kingdom; and withal, they brought no inconsiderable number of Britains out of Gaul along with them. After their Arrival, before they would alarm the strangers, they subdued Vortigern in Wales, and then sent Messengers to the Scots and Picts, desiring their Allyance and craving their Conjunction in Arms against the Saxons, the most bitter Enemies of the Christian Name. Their Embassy was kindly received by the Scots; and the League, before made with Constantine, was again renewed, which from that day remained almost inviolate, till the Kingdom of Britanny was oppressed by the Angles; and the Kingdom of the Picts, by the Scots. But the Picts answered the British Ambassadors, That they had already made a League with the Saxons, and that they saw no Cause to break it, but they were resolved to run all hazards with them, for the future, as partakers of their good or bad success. Thus the whole Island was divided into Two Factions, the Scots and Brittons unite against Picts and Saxons. Scots and Brittons waging continual War against the Picts and Saxons.

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Congallus I. The Forty Fourth King.

COngallus succeeded Constantine, the Son of Dongardus, Constantine's Brother; He was inclineable to Arms; but durst not then attempt any thing, in regard the People were effeminated and weakned by Sloth and Luxury, during the Reign of his Uncle. And, tho' Many, in compliance with his Disposition, (as usually Kings have many such Parasites) did often persuade him to take Arms; yet, he would never be induced thereunto. First then, he applied himself to correct the publick Manners, neither did he attempt to reduce the Ancient Discipline, till he had Created new Magistrates, and, by their means, had abridged Suits and Controversies, and restrained Thefts and Robberies. Peace being setled at home, he endeavoured to reclaim others to a civiller course of Life, first of all by his own Example; and, if any took no Copy from him, but persisted obstinately in their Evil Courses, Such he either gently chastized and punished, or else sleighted them as despicable and worthless Persons, and thus he quickly reduced all things to their former state: Seeing (as I said before) at the beginning of his Reign, he gave up himself wholly to the study of Peace, the Brittons began to persuade Aurelius Ambrosius, in Britain. Aurelius Ambrosius to recover Westmorland from the Scots, which they had possessed many years. Hereupon several Embassys being sent, to and fro, betwixt them, the Matter was like to be decided by the Sword, if fear of the Common Enemy had not put an end to the Dispute; so that the League made by Constantine was renewed, and no Alteration made in reference to Westmorland. Congallus had War with the Saxons all the time of his Reign; but it was a slow and intermittent one, as Parties fortuitously met in driving of their respective Preys; in which kind of Fighting, the Scots being nimble, light, and most Horsemen, accounted themselves Superior to their Enemies; but they never came to a pitch'd Battel. For Congallus was of opinion, That it was best to commit as few things, as we could, to the Arbitrement of Fortune, and therefore he sent Part of his Forces to help Aurelius Ambrosius; and with the rest, he wearied his Enemy, and never suffered him to rest Night nor Day. Merlin and Gilda [...], When they lived? with a Comparison between Them; the Former [...] counte [...] an Impostor; the La [...]er, a [...] and [...] ▪ Merlin and Gildas lived in the days of these and the next Kings; They were both Brittons, and obtained great Fame amongst Posterity, for the Opinion conceived of them, concerning Prophecies and Divinations. Merlin was a little the Ancienter of the Two, a Cheat and Impostor, rather than a Prophet. His Vaticinations are scattered up and down, but they are obscure and contain no Certainty at all, to encourage any ones hopes before their fulfilling; or, to satisfy them, when they are; so that, upon neither account, can you affirm them to be True. And besides, they are so framed, that you may accommodate, or apply, them to different, or contrary, Events, as you will your self. Yet, tho' they are dayly furbished up, and also augmented by new Additions, such is the Folly o [...] credulous men, That what they understand not, they are yet bold to affirm, to be as True as Gospel; and, tho' they be taken in a notorious I [...]e, yet they will not suffer themselves to be convinced thereof.

[Page] Gildas was later than he, a Learned and Good Man, and one, who was had in great Veneration, both Alive and Dead, for his Excellent Learning, accompanied with Sanctity of Life. The Gildas his Prophecies, not Genuine. Prophecies, which go under his Name, are such Ridiculous Sentences, and so course and ill-framed in Wording, and also in the whole Series of their Composure, that no Wise Man can esteem them to be His: Yet each Prophet (as you call them) had a Patron, suitable to his own Disposition. Merlin had Vortigern for his Patron; and, after him, Vter, to whom he was a Pander for his Lust. Gildas had Aurelius Ambrosius, a Person no less admirable for the Probity of his Life, than for his Victories in War; after whose Death, Gildas retired unto Glastonbury in Sommerset-shire, where he lived Gildas his Death, at Glastonbury in England. and died, very devoutly. Our Books of the Life of Aurelius Ambrosius, do make mention of him: After his Death, Vter, the youngest of Constantines Three Sons, succeeded him, in the Year of our Lord Five Hundred. And the next year after, Congallus, King of Scotland, departed this Natural Life, in the Twenty Second year of his Reign.

Goranus, The Forty Fifth King.

GORANVS, his Brother, Succeeded him; who, after his Example, governed Scotland with great Piety and Justice, as much as Foreign Wars would suffer him so to do; for, he not only travelled all over the Kingdom, (as the good Kings of old were wont to do) to punish Offenders, but also, to prevent the Injuries, which great Men did offer to the Poor; who, in such Cases, dared not to complain; and to curb their oppressive Domination over them, he appointed Informers found dangerous by Experience. Informers, who were to find out such Miscarriages, write them down, and bring them to him; a Remedy necessary, perhaps, for those times, but in our days, a very hazardous one. He was the chief Means and Occasion, that the Picts, deserting the Saxons, made a joint League with the Scots and Britains. At that time, Lothus was King of the Picts, a Person, who excelled the Princes of his time, in all accomplishments, both of Body and Mind. Goranus persuades Lothus King of the Picts, and Vter King of the Brittons, to join with the Scots, and break with the Saxons. Goranus dealt earnestly with him, to break his Alliance with those Barbarous Nations, alleging, That he ought to remember his own Country, in which they were all born, and especially their common Religion. That he was much deceived, if he imagined, that the Peace betwixt him and the Saxons would be faithfully kept, when once the Brittons and Scots were overthrown; seeing he had to do with Men of inhuman Cruelty, and insatiable Avarice; That they had given sufficient proofs, how little they esteemed Leagues, or any other thing, when they wickedly slew the Nobility of the Brittons, who had so well deserved of them, upon Pretence of calling them out to a Conference. That the Son in Law was saved alive by the Father in Law, not for any releif of his Calamity, but for upbraiding of the Enemy; he added, That the Sacredness of Leagues, which, amongst other Nations, are accounted the firmest bonds of Union, was, amongst them, as a Snare or Bait, to catch the simple and unwary, in. To what purpose was it to run so many hazards, [Page] to free themselves from the Tyranny of the Romans, if they must spontaneously give themselves up to the much harder and ba [...]er Servitude of the Saxons. This were not to make a change of their Condition, but of their Masters, only: Yea,By the joint Confederacy of those three Kings, the Saxons are worked. it was to prefer a Truculent and Barbarous One, before One that was mild and gentle. What a Foolish, and Wild a thing was it, to take away Lands from the Scots and Brittons, and to deliver them to the Germans? And so to despoil those, who were but lately their Friends, and endeared to them by many ancient Courtesies and Respects, that they might enrich Pirates, the common Enemies of Mankind, even to their own Destruction. That it ought to be esteemed the most grievous thing of all, by one, who was a true Christian, to consent to that League, whereby Christian Religion must be extinguished; profane Rites renewed; and wicked Tyrants, Enemies of Piety and Humanity, armed with Power against God and his Law.

Lothus knew all this to be true, which he had spoken, and therefore he committed the whole affair to Goranus his Management; he easily persuades Vter, not only to make an Alliance, but to contract an Affinity too, with the Picts, giving him Anna, who was either his Sister, or else his Daughter, begotten in lawful Wedlock, to Wife: I am rather of their Opinion, who think, she was his Sister, as judging, that the Mistake arose from hence, That Vter had another Natural Daughter, called Anna, by a Concubine. After this League between these Three Kings, many Victories were obtained over the Saxons, so that the Name of Vter began to be great and formidable all over Britain. After all the Commanders of the Saxons were slain, and the Power of those that remain'd, broken; and so things made almost hopeless and desperate among them. The Story of Vter, and of Arthur, his Son, Kings of the Brittons. Vter might have been accounted one of the greatest Kings of his Age, unless, by one foul and impious Fact, he had blurred all his other great Virtues: There was one Gorlois, a Noble Britton, of great Valour and Power, when Vter as yet was but a private Man, he fell mightily in Love with his Wife, named Igerne, a very beautiful Woman; but her Chastity being a long time a Guard against his Lust, at last her Continency was conquered by Merlin, an audaciously wicked Man; and, in this Adulterous course, he begat a Son on her, Named Arthur. Vter, his own Lawful Wife being Dead; being now freed from Nuptial Bonds, and made King; and so (as he thought) free from Law too, not being able to bear the absence of Igerne, out of Love to her, attempted a very Temerarious Project: He framed an Accusation against Gorlois, besieged his Castle; took it, slew him, Married Igerne, and owned Arthur for his own Son, Educating him Nobly, in hopes of the Kingdom. And seeing the Infamy reflecting on him, by reason of his Wife, could not be concealed, that he might somewhat extenuate it, they broached a Tale, not much unlike That, which had been often Acted in Theatres, about Iupiter and Al [...]mena, viz. That Vter, by the Art of Merlin, was changed into the shape of Gorlois, and so had his first Nights Lodging with Igerne; and indeed, this Merlin was a Man of that Kidney, that he had rather be famous for a Wicked Deed, than none at all. Arthur, thus begot by a stoln Copulation, assoon [Page] as he grew up, appeared so amiable, in the Lineaments of his Body, and in the Inclinations of his Mind, that the Eyes of his Parents, and of all his Subjects too, were fixed upon him, and he gave many Omens of his future Greatness, that, after his Fathers Death, all designed him to be their King. And his Father was so much pleased with this Humour of the People, that he cherished it by all the Ars he could; so that now it was the common Opinion, That none but Arthur should be Heir to the Crown. Vter died, when he had Reigned 17 Years, and presently Arthur was set up in his stead; though Lothus, King of the Picts, did much oppose it, grievously complaining, that his Children (for he had Two, begotten on Anna, Arthur's Aunt, who were now of years) were deprived of their Kingdom; and that a Bastard, begotten in Adultery, was preferred before them. On the other side, all the Brittons stood for Arthur, and denied, that he was to be counted Spurious, because Vter Married his Mother at last; though it were after his Birth; and by that Marriage had treated him as his Legitimate Son, and had always accounted him, so to be: But although they pretended this colour of Right, yet that, which stood Arthur in most stead, was, his great Ingenuity, and those Specimens of his Virtue, which he often shewed; yea, there was a tacite Impression (as it were) on the Minds of all Men, presaging his future Greatness. So that all ran in thick and threefold (as we say) to his Party, in so much that Lothus, being born down not only by that Pretence of Right, (which, after that time, was always observed in Britanny) but by the Affections of the People running another way, desisted from his Enterprize in demanding the Kingdom; which he did so much the rather do, because he was loth to trust his Children, for whom That Kingdom was desired, to the Brittons, who had shewed themselves so averse to Them. Besides, the Intreaties of his Friends did prevail with him, who all alledged, That no Kingdom ought to be so dear to him, as that, for the sake thereof, he should joyn in Affinity with Infidels, (to the overthrow of the Christian ▪ Religion) who would no more Inviolably keep their League and Alliance with him, than they had done before with the Brittons. Moreover, the Liberal and Promising Disposition of Arthur, and the Greatness of his Mind, even above his Age, did much affect him. Insomuch that the League made by former Kings, betwixt the Scots, Picts, and Brittons, was again renewed, and thereupon so great a Familiarity ensued, that Lothus promised to send Galvinus, the youngest of his Two Sons, unto the British Court, as soon as he was old enough to endure Travel. Arthur entred upon the Regal Government before he was full Eighteen Years of Age. But as his Courage was above his Age, so Success was not wanting to his Daring Spirit; for, whereas his Father had divided the Kingdom by certain Boundaries, with the Saxons, and had made Peace with them on Conditions: The fair Opportunity offered them, by reason of the youthful Age of the King, more prevailed with them, to break the Peace, than the Sanctity of the League, to observe it. Arthur, that he might quench the Fire in the beginning, gathered an Army together sooner than any Man could imagine, and, being assisted with [Page] Auxiliaries from the Scots and Picts, he overthrew the Enemy in Two great Battels, compelling them to pay Tribute, and to receive Laws from him. With the same eagerness and speed, he took Arthur takes London and York from the Saxons. London, the Metropolis of the Saxons Kingdom; and, having setled things there, he marched his Army directly towards York. But the report of Auxiliary Forces coming out of Germany, and the approach of Winter, compelled him to raise his Siege from thence. But the next Summer after, as soon as ever he came before York, he had it immediately surrendred to him; his unexpected Success, the Year before, had struck such a Terrour into the Minds of Men. He took up his Winter-Quarters there, whither there resorted to him the prime Persons of the Neighbourhood, and of his Subjects, where they spent the later end of December, in Mirth, Jollity, Drinking, and the Vices which proceed therefrom; so that the Representations of the old Heathenish Feasts, dedicated to Saturn, were here again revived; but the Number of the Days they lasted were doubled; and amongst the Wealthier sort, trebled; during which time, they count it almost a Sin to treat of any serious Matter. Gifts are sent mutually from, and to, one another▪ Frequent Invitations and Feastings pass between Friends; and Domestick Offenders are not punished. Our Countrymen call this Feast The Licentious, rather than Religious, Observation of the Day of Christ's (supposed) Nativity, called Iuletide. Iuletide, substituting the Name of Iulius Caesar for that of Saturn. The Vulgar are yet persuaded, that the Nativity of Christ is then celebrated, but mistakingly; for 'tis plain, that they imitate the Lasciviousness of the Bacchanalia, rather than the Memory of Christ, then, as they say, born.

In the mean time, the Saxons were reported to have pitched their Tents by the River Humber; and, Whether it were so or no, Arthur marched towards them. But in regard the Brittons were enfeebled by Pleasures, by that means they were less fit for Military Services; in so much that they did not seem the same Men, who had overthrown the Saxons in so many Battels heretofore; for, by their Luxurious Idleness, they had added so much to their Rashness, as they had lost of their ancient Severity of Discipline. Hereupon Advice was given by the wiser sort, to send for Aid from the Scots and Picts. Whereupon Ambassadors were sent, and Aid easily obtained; so that those, whom Ambition had almost disjoined, yet the mutual Care of Religion, and Emulation too, did so piece together, That Forces were sent from either King, sooner than could well have been imagined. Lothus also, that he might give a Publick Testimony of his Reconcilement, brought his Sons Modredus and Galvinus with him into the Camp; Galvinus he gave to Arthur, as his Companion, whom he received with so great Courtesie; that, from that Day forward, they lived and died together. The Army of the Three Kings being thus ready, and their Camps joyned, it was unanimously agreed between them, That as the Danger was common to them all, and the Cause thereof was also the same, so they would drive out the Saxons, and restore the Christian Rites and Religion, which were profaned by them. The Armies drawing near the one to the other, Occa, Son of a former Occa, who was then General of the Saxons, made haste to joyn Battel. In the Confederate Army, the Two [Page] Wings were allotted to the Scots and Picts; the main Battel to Arthur. The Scots, at the first onset, wounded Childerick, Commander of that Wing of the Enemy, which fought against them, he falling,The Scots, Picts, and Brittons, overthrow the Saxons. by reason of his Wounds, so terrified the rest, that the whole Wing was broken. In the other Wing, Colgernus, the Saxon, after great Complaints made of the Perfidiousness of the Picts, made an assault upon Lothus, with great Violence, who was easily known by his Habit and his Arms, he dismounted him; but he himself, being environed in the midst of his Enemies, was run through by Two Picts, with Spears on both sides of his Body. The main Battel, where there was the sharpest Fight, having lost both Wings, did at length give Ground: Occa being wounded, was carried to the Seaside, with as many as could get on Shipboard with him, and Transported into Germany; of the rest of the Saxons, Those, who were most obstinate in their Errour, were put to Death: The rest, pretending to turn to the Christian Religion, were saved.

There were great Forces of the Saxons yet remaining in the Eastern part of England, and in Kent. The Summer after, Arthur marched against them, having 10000 Scots and Picts for his Assistance; Congallus, the Son of Eugenius, commanded the Scots; and Modredus, the Son of Lothus, the Picts, both young Men of great Hope, and who had often given good Testimonies of their Valour and Conduct. This Army of Three Kings, being about Five Mile from the Enemy, and their Camps being distant one from another; The Saxons, being inform'd by their Spies, that the Picts (who were farthest distant from the other Forces) were very careless and secure, they made a suddain and unexpected Assault on them, in the Night. Modredus made a gallant Resistance for a time; at last, when things were almost desperate on his side, he mounted on an Horse with Gallanus, his Father-in-Law, and so fled to King Arthur. Arthur was nothing dismayed at the loss of the Picts, but spent that Day in setling things, which were discomposed; after that, his Army being commanded to march in the Third Watch, he came upon the Enemy, with a Treble Army; and was at the Saxons Camp, before they knew what the Matter was; The And, at last, drive them out of a great part of Britain. Saxons, being dismayed, ran up and down, having no time to take counsel, or to arm themselves; thus their Camp being entred, they were slain by the Brittons; and especially, the angry Picts were cruel to all without distinction.

Some Writers of English Antiquities, say, That Arthur fought Twelve pitched Battels with the Saxons: But because they give us only the Names of the Places, where they were fought, and nothing else, I shall mention them no otherwise. To speak briefly of his Famous Actions, This is manifest, That he wholly subdued the Forces of the Saxons, and restored Peace to Britain; And when he went over to settle Things in Lesser Britain in France, he Trusted the Kingdom to Modredus, his Kinsman▪ who was to manage the Government, as King, till his Return. I have no certainty of the Exploits he performed in Gaul; As to what Geofry of Monmouth attributes to him there, it hath no shadow, much less likelyhood, of Truth in it; so that I pass them by, as impudently forged; and, as causelesly believed. But to return to the Matter.

[Page]Whilst Arthur was absent, and intent on setling the Gallick Affairs; there were sown the Seeds of a War, most pernicious to Britain. There was a certain Man in Arthurs Retinue, named Constantine, the Son of Cadoris; who, for the excellent Endowments both of his Body and Mind, was highly in all Mens Favour. He did secretly aim at the Kingdom, and to make the People his Own: Whereupon the Nobles, at a convenient time, when the King was free from business, cast in Words concerning his Successor▪ beseeching him, to add this also to the other innumerable Blessings he had procured for his Country; that, if he died Childless, he would not leave Britain destitute of a King, especially, when so great Wars were like to be waged against them. Hereupon, when some named Competitorship between Modredus and Constantine, for the Kingdom, after [...] Death. Modredus as nearest of Kin, and already accustomed to the Government, both in Peace and War; and One too, who had given good Proof of himself in his Viceroy-Ship; who, also, was likely to make no small Accession to the British Affairs. These things being spoken, the Multitude, who favoured Constantine, cryed out, That they would not have a Stranger to be their King; and that Britain was not so devoid of Men, but that it would afford a King within its own Territories: They added also, That it was a Foolish thing, to seek for that abroad, which they might have at home. Arthur knew before the Love of the People, to Constantine; and therefore, though being a Man otherwise Ambitious, yet he easily took part with the People, and, from that day, shewed him openly, and cherished in him, the hopes of the Kingdom. Modredus his Friends took this ill, and looked upon it as a great wrong to him; they alleged, That by the League made by Arthur, with Lothus, it was expressly cautioned, That none should be preferred to the Succession of the Kingdom before the Sons of Lothus: To which the contrary Party answered, that That League was extorted by the necessity of the Times, against the Common good of the whole Nation, and that they were not obliged to keep it, now Lothus, with whom it was made, was Dead. And that therefore the Picts would do well, to be contented with their own Bounds, and not to invade other Mens. That the Kingdom of Britain, by Gods Blessing, was now in that State, that it could not only defend it self against New Injuries, but also revenge the Old.

These things being brought to Modredus his Ear, did quite alienate his Mind from Arthur, and inclined him to set up for himself, by maintaining his own Dignity; only he a little suspended the War, till he had tryed the Minds of the Scots; when they were brought over to his Party, an Army was listed consisting of many Picts, Scots, and Brittons, being induced to side with [...] Modredus, either for the Equity of his Cause, the Love of his Person, or their private Hatred of Arthur. Yea, Vannora, the Wife of Arthur, was thought not to be ignorant of these new Cabals, as having been too familiar with Modredus. Both Armies pitched their Tents by Humber; and being ready to Fight, Proposals were made by the Bishops, on both sides, in order to a Peace, but in vain; for Constantine's Friends obstructed all, affirming, That the Felicity of Arthurs Fortune, would bear down all Opposition. Hereupon a most feirce Fight began on both sides, but Two things did especially advantage Modredus and his Confederates; [Page] One was, a Marsh in the midst between them, which the Brittons could not easily pass; and Another, in the heat of the Fight, there was one suborned, to spread a Report among the Brittons, that Arthur was slain, and therefore, all being lost, every one should shift for himself; at which Bruit, they all fled, yet there was great Slaughter on both sides; neither was the Victory joyous to either Party; for on the one side, Modredus was slain; and on the other, his Brother Galvinus; Arthur himself mortally Wounded, and a great Prey taken.

I know well, What Fabulous matters are reported, by many, concerning the Life and Death of Arthur's Character. Arthur, but they are not fit to be related, lest they cause a Mist to be cast over his other famous Actions; for, when Men confidently affirm lies, they cause the Truth it self, many times, to be questioned. This is certain, he was a great Man, and very Valorous, bearing an intire Love to his Country, in freeing them from Servitude; in restoring the true Worship of God; and in reforming it, when it was corrupted: I have spoken these things concerning his Lineage, Life and Death, more prolixly, than the Nature of my Design required; for I never meant to Record all the Exploits of the Brittons, but to free and preserve the Affairs of our own Nation, from the Oblivion of Time, and the Fabulous Tales of some lewd and ill-disposed Writers. I have insisted longer on the Exploits of Arthur, partly because some do curtail them through Envy, and others do heighten them by their Verbosities. He died in the year of our Lord Five Hundred and Fifty Two, after he had Reigned 24 Years.

But to return to the Affairs of Scotland; Goranus the King, now grown old, departed this Life, after he had governed Scotland Thirty four years; 'tis thought he was Treacherously slain by his Subjects: There was one The People, by the Instigation of Donald of Athol, Murder Toncetus; and after that, the King Goranus himself. Toncetus, Chief Justice in Criminal Matters, a Man no less Cruel than Covetous; he, having played many foul Pranks against the richer sort, thought, he might easily get Pardon of all from the King, because, by this means he had augmented his Revenue. The People could not easily obtain admittance to the King, now enfeebled by Age and Diseases, to make their Complaints; and, if they had Access, they judged their Allegations would not have been beleived against such a principal Officer, and high Favourite. So that they set upon Toncetus, and slew him. But after the heat of their Anger was over, when they began to think with themselves, how foul a Fact they had committed, and that there was no Pardon to be expected by them, they turned their Wrath and Fury upon the King himself, and, by the Instigation of Donald of Athol, they entred into his Palace and slew Him also.

Eugenius III. The Forty Sixth King.

EVgenius, the Son of Congallus, succeeded him; when he was advised by some of the Nobility, to revenge the Death of his Uncle Goranus, he entertained the motion so coldly, that he himself was not without suspicion in the Case: And the Suspicion was increased, because he took Donald of Athol, into his Grace and Favour. So that the Wife of Goranus, for fear, fled, with her small Children into Ireland. But Eugenius, to purge his Life and Manners from so foul an Imputation, so managed the Kingdom, that none of the former Kings [Page] could be justly preferred before him; he assisted Modred, and also Arthur, against the Saxons. He sent several Captains to make daily Incursions into the English Borders; but he never fought with them in a pitched Battel. He died in the year of Christ Five Hundred and Fifty Eight, having Reigned Twenty Three Years.

Congallus II. The Forty Seventh King.

HIS Brother, Congallus, was set up in his Room, who governed the Kingdom Ten years, in great Peace, a Man for his excellent Virtues, worthy of perpetual Memory; for, besides his Equity in matter of Law, and the aversion of his Mind from all Covetousness, he vyed with the very Monks themselves, in point of Sobriety of Life, though they, at that time, used a most severe Discipline. He enriched Priests with Lands and other Revenues, more out of a Pious Intention, than with any good Success. He restrained the Souldiers, who were declining to Effeminateness and Luxury, (and abused the blessing of Peace,) rather by the A Prince's example hath a greater influence on his Subject [...], than his Laws. Examples and Authority of his Life, than by the severity of Laws. He called home the Sons of Goranus, who, for fear of Eugenius, had fled into Ireland; but before their Return, he died, in the Year Five Hundred and Sixty Eight. He never fought Battel himself, but only assisted the Brittons with Auxiliary Forces against the Saxons, with Whom they often fought with various Success.

Kinnatellus, The Forty Eighth King.

WHen he was Dead, and his Brother Kinnatellus designed King; Aidanus, the Son of Goranus, came into Scotland, by the persuasions of Columba; who, Two years before, had come out of Ireland. By him he was brought to the King; who, beyond his own and the Expectation of all other Men, received him Courteously, and wished him to be of good cheer, for he should shortly be King. For Kinnatellus, being worn out by Age and Sickness, and not able to Administer the Government himself, made Aidanus his Deputy, and so died, having Reigned Fourteen, (some say) Fifteen Months. Some Writers leave him out, and do place Aidanus immediately after Congallus; but there are More, who insert Kinnatellus betwixt Them.

Aidanus, The Forty Ninth King.

AIdanus being Nominated King by Kinnatellus, and confirmed by the People, received the Royal Habiliments from Columbas's great Authority. Columba. For the Authority of that Man was so great, in those days, that neither Prince, nor People, would undertake any thing without his Advice. And, at that time, after he had, in a long Speech, persuaded the King to rule Equitably over the People, and the People to be Loyal to their King, he earnestly pressed them Both, to persist in the pure Worship of God, for then Both of them would prosper; but if they forsook it, they must expect Destruction, as the reward of their Offences. Having perform'd this Service, he returned into his own Country.

The first Expedition of Aidanus, was, against the Robbers, who infested Galway, coming thither, he put their Commanders to Death, and Fear restrain'd the rest; but a greater Storm encountred him at [Page] at his Return. For, after he had had three Conventions of the Estates in Galway, Abria or Loch-abyr, and Caithness, and thought all things were settled there; there was a Tumult arose amongst them in Hunting, that much Blood was spilt, and the Kings Officers, who came to punish the Offenders, were repulsed and beaten: The Authors, for fear of Punishment, fled into Lothian, to Brudeus King of the Picts; when Ambassadors were sent to him, to deliver them up according to the League betwixt them, they were refused; whereupon a feirce War commenced betwixt War betwixt Scots and Picts. the Scots and Picts, but it was quickly ended by the means of Columba, who was, according to his Merit, highly esteemed by both Nations.

In the mean time, England was again divided into Seven Kingdoms; and the Brittons were driven into the Peninsula of Wales; but the Saxons, not contented with such large Dominions, stirred up a new War betwixt the Scots and Picts. The Author and Kindler thereof was Ethelfrid, King of Northumberland, a Covetous Man, and who was weary of Peace, out of the desire he had to enlarge his Dominions. He persuaded the Picts, but with difficulty, Brudeus hardly consenting thereto, That they should drive away Preys out of the Scots Territories, and so give an occasion to a War. Aidanus understanding the Treachery of the Saxons, that he might also strengthen himself with Foreign Aid, renewed the ancient League with Malgo, the Britton. He sent his Son Grifinus, and his Sisters Son Brendinus, King of Eubonia, now called Man, a Military Man, with Forces; who, joyning with the Brittons, entred Northumberland, and after Three days march, came to the Enemy, but the English refused to engage them, because they expected new Succors, which were reported to be neer at hand; for indeed Ceulinus, King of the East Saxons, a very Warlike Man, was coming to them with great Forces; the Scots and Brittons fell upon him in his March, and wholly destroyed the Front of his Army, which was a long way before the rest, together with his Son Cutha, but they were afraid to engage the rest, lest they should be circumvented by Ethelfrid, who was not far distant. The A Fight between the Saxons, Scots, and Brittons, wherein the Britt [...]ns are overthrown. two Kings of the Saxons, being joined together, again renewed the Fight, with much Slaughter on both sides, wherein the Scots and Brittons were put to flight. There were slain of the Scots Nobles, Grifinus and Brendinus; in the opposite Army, Ethelfrid lost one of his Eyes, and Brudeus was carried wounded out of the Field, to the great Astonishment of his Party.

The next Summer after, Ethelfrid, uniting his Forces with the Picts, marched into Gallway, supposing, he should find all things there in great Consternation, by reason of their ill Success the last Year. But Aidanus, coming with his Forces thither sooner than his Enemies thought, set upon the straggling Plunderers, and drave them, with great trepidation, to their Camp. Thus having chastized their Temerity, supposing now, they would be more quiet, the Night after he passed by their Camp, and joyned himself with the Brittons. Both Armies, having thus united their forces, pitch'd their Tents in a narrow Valley of Annandale; and their Enemies, as now Cock-sure of their Destruction, beset the passages entring into [Page] it. But they, having fortify'd their Camp, as if they intended there to abide, in the Night, when the Tide was out, marched thro' the Ford, (which was known to them) amidst the quavering Sands, into Cumberland, and afterward into Northumberland, making great Havock, whithersoever they came. The Enemie followed them at their Heels, and when they came in fight of one another, both Armies prepare themselves for the Fight. The Scots and Britains added Four Commanders to those they had before, who were noble Persons, of great experience in Warlike affairs, that so, the rash-Headed Common Soldiers might be commanded by a greater Number of Captains; of the Brittons there were added, Constantine and Mencrinus; of the Scots, Calenus and Murdacus: By their Conduct and Incouragement, the Soldiers fell upon the Enemy, with so great Violence, The Scots and Britons overthrow the Saxons. that he was presently broken and put to flight. There goes a Report, Columb's wonderful Narration of a Victory, at a very great distance from him. that Columb, being then in the Isle Icolumbkil, told his Companions of this Victory, the very same hour in which it was obtained. Of the Saxon Nobles there were slain, in this fight, Cialinus and Vitellius, both great Warriors, and highly descended; about Eleven years after this Victory, the Saxons and Picts infested the adjacent Country; whereupon, a Day was appointed, wherein the Brittons and Scots should meet, and, with their united Forces, set upon the Saxons. Aidanus, tho' very old, came to the place at the appointed time, and staid for the Brittons, but in vain, for they came not; yet he drove Preys out of his Enemies Country▪ Ethelfrid routs the Scots, being shatter'd afore. Ethelfrid, having now gotten a fair Opportunity to act something in, set upon the dispersed Scots, and made a great slaughter amongst them. Aidanus, having lost many of his Men, fled for his Life; yet the Victory was not unbloody to the Saxons, for they lost Theobald, Ethelfrid's Brother; and some of those Squadrons, that followed him were almost wholly cut off: Aidanus, having received this overthrow, and being also informed of the death of Columb's Death. Columb, that Holy Man, whom he so highly honoured, foreseeing to what Cruelty the Remainder of the Christians were likely to be exposed, being worn out with Age and Grief, did not long survive; he Reigned 34 years, and died in the Year of our Lord, 604. In his Reign it was, That a certain Monk, Named Austin, the Monk, comes into Britain, rather to promote the Ceremonies, and Domination, of Pope Gregory, than to Preach the true Doctrine of the Gospel. Austin, came into Britain, being sent by Gregory Pope of Rome, who, by his Ambition, in Preaching a New Religion, mightily disturbed the Old, for he did not so much Preach the Christian Religion, as the Ceremonies of the Roman Church. Yea, the Brittons, before his coming, were Converted to, and taught the Principles of, the Christian Religion, by the Disciples of Iohn the Evangelist, and were instituted in the same by the Monks, who were Learned and Pious, in that Age. As for Austin, He laboured to reduce all things to the Dominion of the Bishop of Rome, only; and gave himself out to be the only Arch-Bishop of the Isle of Britain; and, withal, introduced a Dispute, neither Necessary nor Advantageous, concerning the Day, on which A dispute raised about the Observation of Easter-day. Easter was to be kept; and did, by this means, mightily trouble the Churches; Yea, he so loaded the Christian Discipline, which was then inclining toward Superstition, with such new Ceremonies and feigned Miracles, that he scarce left any Mark or Footstep of true Piety behind him.

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Kennethus I. The Fiftieth King.

AFTER Aidanus, Kennethus was Elected King, he did nothing Memorable in his time: He died the 4th, (or, as some say) the 12th Month, after he began to Reign.

Eugenius, IIII. The Fifty First King.

AFter him, Eugenius, the Son of Aidanus, was made King. In the year of our Lord 605. He was brought up (as the Black Book of Pasley hath it) piously and carefully, under Columba, being very well educated in human Learning; yet, in This, he swerved from the Institution of his Master, that he was more addicted to War than Peace: For he exercised the Saxons and Picts, with daily Incursions. His Government was very severe and rough; Those, who were proud and contumacious, sooner felt the point of his Sword, than they received from him any Conditions of Peace; but to those who asked Pardon for their offences, and voluntarily surrendred themselves, he was very merciful and easy to forgive, and not at all insolent in his Victories. This is what That Book reports, concerning Eugenius. But Boetius says, on the contrary, That he lived in great Peace, which happened not so much from his Foreign Leagues, as from the Discords of his Enemies, who maintain'd Civil Wars amongst themselves. For the English, inhabiting the South Parts, making Profession of Christianity, whilst they endeavoured to revenge the injuries offered to them, deprived Ethelfrid, the Potent King of Northumberland, both of his Life and Kingdom, together. Edvinus succeeded him, and the kindred of Ethelfrid fled into Scotland, amongst whom were Seaven of his Sons and one Daughter. This was done in the Tenth year of the Reign of Eugenius. He Eugenius harbors the fugitive Saxons. entertain'd these Saxons, flying to him for Refuge, (tho' he knew them to be Enemies both to him and the whole Christian Name) with great Courtesy and Humanity, as long as he lived; giving them Royal Reception, and causing them to be carefully educated in the Christian Religion. He died in the Sixteenth Year of his Reign, and was much Lamented by all Men.

Ferchardus, I. The Fifty Second King.

HIS Son, Ferchardus, was substituted in his room, in the Year of Christ, 522. and in the 13th year of Heraclius, the Emperour. He, being a Cunning and Politick Man, endeavoured to change the Ferchard endeavours to turn limited Monarchy into Tyranny, for which he is imprisoned, and there lays violent hands on himself. Legitimate Government of the Land into Tyranny; in order whereto, he nourished Factions amongst the Nobility; supposing, by that means, to effect, what wickedly he designed, with Impunity. But the Nobles, understanding his Malicious aim, secretly made up the Breach amongst themselves; and, calling an Assembly of the Estates, Summoned him to appear, which he refusing to do, they Stormed the Castle wherein he was, and so drew him, per force, to Judgment. Many and grievous Crimes were objected [Page] against him, and particularly the Pelagian Heresy, the Contempt of Baptism and other Sacred Rites. When he was not able to purge himself from any One of them, he was committed to Prison▪ where, That he might not live to be a publick Spectacle of disgrace, he put an End to his own Life, in the 14th Year of his Reign.

Donaldus, IIII. The Fifty Third King.

HIS Brother Donaldus, or Donevaldus, mounted the Throne in his stead; who, calling to mind the Elogy of his Father, and the Miserable end of his Brother, made it his Business to maintain the true Worship of God; and that not only at home, but he sought, by all Lawful means, to propagate it abroad. For, when Edwin was dead, he furnished the Kindred and Children of Ethelfrid, who had remained Exiles in Scotland, for many Years, with Accommodations to return home; he bestowed upon them Gifts, he sent Forces to accompany them, and gave them free Liberty to pass and repass, as occasion required. This Edwin, afore spoken of, was slain by Kedvalla, as Bede calls him, King of the Brittons, and by Penda King of the Mercians; One of which was his Enemy, out of ancient hatred to the Nation; The Other, for his new embracing of Christianity; but Both, for the Emulation of his power. The Victory is reported to have been most Cruel; for, whilst Penda endeavoured to root out the Christians; and Kedvalla, the Saxons; their Fury was so great, that it spared neither Age nor Sex. After the death of Edwin, Northumberland divided into two Kingdoms, i. e. the Deiri, Inhabiting on this side Tine; and the B [...]rnici, Inhabiting beyond Tine to Tweed. Northumberland was divided into Two Kingdoms. Osticus, Cousin-German to Edwin, was made King of the Deiri; and Eanfrid, as Bede calls him, but our Writers name him A [...]defridus, Ethelfrides Eldest Son, King of the Bernici; They renounced the Christian Religion, in which they had been diligently educated, one by the Scotish Monks; the other, by Paulinus, the Bishop, and revolted to their Ancient Superstition, but were both, shortly after, Apostacy justly punish'd. outed out of their Kingdoms, and their Lives too, by Penda. Oswald, the Son of Ethelfrid, succeeded them Both, a studious Promoter of the Christian Religion. He sent Ambassadors into Scotland to Donaldus, to desire him to send him some Christian Doctors; which he did, Men of great Sanctity and Learning, and who were accordingly received by him with great curtesy, entertained magnificently, and rewarded amply. Neither did he think it below his King Donald repeats and interprets Pious Sermons to his Subjects, himself. Kingly Dignity, to interpret the Sentences of their Sermons, Preached to the People, (who did not so well understand the Scotish Language) whom he gathered together for that purpose; all which is clearly expressed by Bede. Donaldus died in the 14th year of his Reign, leaving the precious Memory of his Virtues, behind him.

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Ferchardus II. The LIV. King.

FERCHARDVS, his Brother Ferchardus's Son, succeeded him, a most slagitious Person, unsatiable in his desires of Wine, and Wealth; of inhuman Cruelty towards Men, and of as great Impiety towards God. When his Cruelty and Rapine had raged against those without, he converted his Fury upon his Domesticks, killing his Wife, and Vitiating his Daughter; Ferchard's wicked Life, and Repentance, at his death. for which hainous Wickedness, he was Excommunicated out of the Society of Christians. And as the Nobles were about to Assemble, by way of Consultation, about his Punishment; Coleman, that Holy Bishop, stopped them, for he openly told him, That Divine Vengeance should speedily overtake him; and the Event verified his Prediction, for, a few days after, as he was a Hunting, he was hurt by a Wolf, and fell into a Feaver, and not being able to abstain from his former Intemperance, at last his Body was eaten up by the Lowsie Disease; and then he cryed out, That he was deservedly punished, because he had not hearkned to the wholsom Advice of Coleman. Thus at last, seeing his Error; and Coleman comforting him with hopes of Pardon, in case he truly repented: He caused himself to be carried abroad in a Litter, meanly Apparrel'd, and there he made a publick Confession of his Wickedness, and so dyed, in the Year of our [...]edmption 668. Scotland groaned under this Monster 18 Years.

Maldvinus, The LV King.

MAldvinus, the Son of Donald, succeeded him; who, that he might strengthen those Parts of the Kingdom, which were weakned by the Tyranny of the former King, made Peace with all his Neighbors. Having quieted things without, he was disturbed by a Sedition at home, arising between the Argyle and Lennox Men. Maldvinus drew forth against the Authors of this Tumult, that so he might punish them, without prejudicing the Commonalty. They, to avoid the King's Wrath, composed their private jars, and fled into the Aebudae Isles. The King sent for them, to have them punished; and the Islanders, not daring to retain them, delivered them up. Their punishment kept the rest in their Duties. About this time it was, That, when the Scotish Monks had spread the Doctrine of Christ very far over England, and had so instructed the English Youth, that now they seemed able of themselves to Preach the Gospel plainly, even to their own Countrymen; together, with their Institution and Learning, they also entertained, and suck'd in, some Envy against their Teachers; so that by reason of this Prejudice, the Scots Monks unjustly banished out of England. Scots-Monks were forced to return into their own Country. Which Contumely, as it cut off the Concord between both Kingdoms, so the Modesty of Those, who had received the wrong, kept both Nations from open Hostility, only frequent Incursions were made, and Skirmishes hapned in divers places. There fell out, at this time, a terrible Plague over all Europe, such as was never Recorded by any Writer, before; Only the Scots and Picts were free therefrom.

[Page]By reason of the frequent Injuries, mutually offered, and Preys driven away on both sides, Both Nations were like to break forth into an open War, if the death of Maldvinus had not prevented it. After he had Reigned 20 years, his Wife, suspecting that he had been naught with an Harlot Maldvinus Strangled by his Wife, for which Fact she is Burnt [...]li [...]e. Strangled him, and Four Days after She herself was punished for the Fact, by being burnt alive.

Eugenius V. The LVI King.

AFter him, Eugenius the 5th Son of King Dongard, undertook the Kingdom. Egfrid, King of Northumberland, overthrown by the Scots and Picts. Egfrid, the King of Northumberland (with whom he principally desired to be at Peace) sought to deceive him by fained Truces; and he again assaulted Egfrid by the same Art. Thus, when Both made shew of Peace in Words, they each secretly prepare for War; When the Truce was ended, Egfrid, thô his Friends dissuaded him from it, joyned Forces with the Picts, and, entring into Scotland, he foraged Galway. But he was overthrown by Eugenius, the Picts giving ground in the Fight, and lost almost all his Army, so that he hardly escaped, wounded, and with a few Followers, home. The next Year, his Friends then also Dissuading him, he drew forth his Army against the Picts, who, pretending to run away, drew him into an Ambush, and cut him off, with all his Men. The Picts, laying hold of This, so fair an Opportunity, recovered those large Territories, which had been taken from them in former Wars: And the Brittons, who freed themselves from the Government of the Angli, or English, together with the Scots, entred Northumberland, and made such an Havock there, that it never recovered itself since. Soon after Eugenius dyed, in the 4th Year of his Reign.

Eugenius VI. The LVII King.

EVGENIVS the VI, the Son of Ferchard, succeeded Eugenius the V; As did Alfrid, Brother to Egfrid, succeed him in Northumberland: Both Kings were Two Kings, very great Theologist [...]. very Learned, especially in Theology, according to the rate of those times: And also friendly one to the other, on the account of their common Studies. So that, the Peace was faithfully maintain'd betwixt them. Alfrid made use of this Tranquillity, to settle the bounds of his Kingdom, thô in narrower Limits than before. But the Scots had neither an Establish'd Peace, nor yet a Declared War, with the Picts: Excursions were frequently made, with different and interchangable Successes, thô Cutberectus an English Bishop, and Adamannus, a Scotish Bishop, did in vain labour to reconcile them: Yet This they effected, that they never fought a pitched Battel. In the mean time, Eugenius being inflamed with an inexpiable Hatred against the Perfidiousness of the Picts, was stopped in the midst of his Career to Revenge, for he dyed, having Reigned 10 Years. In his Reign, it is reported,Blood rained down from Heaven for 7 days▪ &c. That it Reigned Blood all over Britain for 7 days, and that the Milk, Cheese, and Butter, were also turned into Blood.

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Amberkelethus, The LVIII King.

AFter him, Amberkelethus, the Son of Findanus, and Nephew of Eugenius the 5th. obtained the Kingdom. At the beginning of his Reign, he counterfeited Temperance, but soon returned to his Natural Disposition; and broke forth into all manner of Wickedness. Garnard, King of the Picts, laying hold of this Opportunity, gathered a great Army together, and invaded the Scots. Amberkelethus could hardly be excited to take Arms, without much Importunity, but at last he did; as he was going forth in the Night to ease himself, with Two Servants, he was Amberkelethus slain. slain with an Arrow, (it was not known, who shot it) when he had not Reigned full Two Years, some say, That when he pressed upon the Enemy in a thick Wood, that he was hurt with an Arrow by them, and so dyed 10 days after.

Eugenius VII. The LIX King.

EVGENIVS, the 7th. Brother of the former King, was Declared King, by the Suffrage of the Soldiers in the Field, that so the Army might not disband, nor be without an Head.. He, putting little confidence in an Army, Levyed by a slothful King, lengthened out the War by Truces; and at last concluded it by Marrying Spondana, Daughter of Garnardus. She, not long after, was Eugenius like to suffer for the (supposed) Murther of his Queen. slain in her Bed by Two Athol-men, who had conspired to destroy the King. The King himself was accused of the Murder, but falsly, and, before he was brought to Judgment, the Murderers were found out. Whereupon, he was freed. The Offenders were most exquisitely punished. When Matters were composed abroad, the King turned himself to the Affairs of Peace, delighting much in Hunting. But his chief Care was, for Religion. It was his Design and Appointment, That the Noble He first appoints the Acts of Kings to be Registred in Monasteries. Acts and Enterprizes of Kings should be Registred in Monasteries. He maintain'd a continued Peace 17 Years with all his Neighbours, and then dyed at A Town in the East part of Strachern, near Fife. Abernethy.

Mordacus, The LX King.

EVGENIVS, a little before his Death, commended Mordacus, the Son of Amberkelethus to the Nobility, to be his Successor. There was Peace all over Britain during his Reign, as Bede says about the end of his History. He did imitate Eugenius, not only in maintaining Peace, but in endowing of Monasteries, also. He Repaired the Convent of An Abby not far from Wigton in Galway. White-horn, which was demolished. He dyed at the Entrance into the 16th Year of his Reign.

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Etfinus, The LXI King.

IN the Year of our Lord 730, Etfinus, the Son of Eugenius the 7th, entred upon the Kingdom. He, being emulous of the Kings before him, kept the Kingdom in great Peace, during the space of 31 years, that he managed the Government. When he was old, and could not perform the Kingly Office himself, he appointed Four Vice-gerents to Administer Justice to the People. Whilst These presided over the Affairs of Scotland, some loose Persons, resuming their former Luxuriant Extravagancies, by the Magistrates Neglect, or, (as some think) Fault, put all things into an Hurly Burly. But their wicked Pranks were the less taken notice of, by reason of the excessive Cruelty and Pride of one Donald, a great Plunderer. Donaldus, who, ranging over all Galway, made the Country People pay Tribute to him; or else he robbed them, and reduced them to great Want.

Eugenius VIII. The LXII King.

A Midst these Tumults, Eugenius the 8th, the Son of Mordacus, was set up in the room of Etfinus, deceased; His first Enterprize, was, to suppress Donaldus, whom he overthrew in many bloody Fights, took him Prisoner, and publickly Donaldus slain by Bug [...]nsus. executed him, to the Joy of all the Spectators. He put Mordacus to death, Vicegerent of Galway, for Siding with Donaldus; and set a Pecuniary Fine on the rest of the Vicegerents. He made Satisfaction to the People, who had been robbed, out of the Offenders Estates. The Bad being terrified for fear of these Punishments, and a great Calm ensuing, after a most violent Tempest, he confirmed the Leagues, heretofore made, with the Neighbouring Kings. Yet, after all this, he, who got so much Glory in War, when once Peace was made, gave himself up to all manner of Vice. And seeing he would not be reclaimed, neither by the Advices of his Friends, nor of the Priests, all the Nobles conspired to destroy him, which they did in a Publick Convention, in the Eugenius, slain by his Nobles, for his vitious Life. 3d year of his Reign. The Companions and Associats of his wicked Practices ended their Lives at the Gallows, all Men rejoycing at their Executions.

Fergusius, III. The LXIII King.

FERGVSIVS the III, the Son of Etfinus, succeeded him, who, under a like counterfeit pretence of Virtue, being fouly vitious, dyed also after the like violent manner, having Reigned the like Number of years, viz. 3. He was poisoned by his Wife. Others write, That when his Wife had often upbraided him with his Contempt of Matrimony, and his Flocks of Harlots, but without any amendment, that She Strangled him at night, Fergus, for his Adulteries slain by his Wife, who, to avoid punishment [...]ill [...] her Self. as he was sleeping in his Bed. When Enquiry was made into his Death, and many of his Friends were accused, and yet, though severely tortured, would confess nothing. The Queen, thô otherwise of a fierce Nature, yet pitying the suffering of so many Innocents, came forth, and from [Page] an high Place, told the Assembly, That She was the Author of the Murder; and presently, lest She should be made a living Spectacle of Reproach, She ran her Self through with a Knife; which Fact of Hers was variously spoken of, and descanted upon, according to the several Humours and Dispositions of the Men of that time.

Solvathius, The LXIV King.

KING Solvathius, the Son of Eugenius the 8th, is the next in Order, Who, if he had not contracted the Gout, by reason of Cold, in the 3d Year of his Reign, might well be reckoned for his Personal Valour amongst the Best of Kings; yet, notwithstanding his Disease, he appeased all Tumults, by his Generals, with great Wisdom and Prudence. First of all One Donald calls himself King of the Aebudae. Donaldus Banus, (i. e.) White, being Fearless of the King, by reason of the Lameness of his Feet, had the boldness, as to seize upon all the Western Islands, ând to call himself King of the Aebudae. Afterwards, making a Descent on the Continent, and carrying away much Prey, he was forced by Cullanus, General of the Argyle-men, and by Ducalus, Captain of the Athol-men, into a Wood, out of which there was but one Passage, so that their endeavours to escape were fruitless, but He and His Donald slain. were there slain, every Man. One Gilcolumbus, excited by the same Audacity and Hope, assaulted Galway, oppressed before by his Father, but he also was overthrown, by the same Generals, and put to death. In the mean time, there was Peace from the English and Picts, occasioned by their Combustions at home. Solvathius Reigned 20 Years, and then dyed, being Praised of all Men. In the year of Christ 787.

Achaius, The LXV King.

ACHAIVS, the Son of Etfinus, succeeded him; he having made Peace with the Angels and Picts, understanding, that War was threatned from Ireland, composed the Seditions that were like to break forth at home, not only by his Pains-taking, but by his Largesses, also. The Cause of the Irish War, was This. In the former Kings Reign, who was unfit to make any Expedition; The Irish and the Islanders, out of hope of Prey and Impunity, had made a descent upon Cantire, the adjoyning Peninsule, with great Armies, both at once. But a Feud arising between the Plunderers, many of the Islanders, and all the Irish, were slain. To revenge this Slaughter, the Irish Rigged out a great Navy, to Sail into the Aebudae. Achaius sent Embassadors to them, to acquaint them, That they had no just cause for a War, in regard that Thieves, fighting for their Prey, had slain one another; That the loss was not, that so many were slain, but rather, that any of them had escaped. They farther alleged, That the King and his National Councils were so far from offering any injury to the Irish, that they had put all the Authors of the late Slaughter to death. The Embassadors, discoursing many things to this purpose, were so coursly and barbarously rejected by the Irish, That they set forth their Fleet against the War between the Scots and Irish. Albine Scots, [Page] even before their departure; when their Fleet was on the Main, a Tempest arose, and destroyed them all. This Mischance occasioned some sentiments of Remorse and Pity in the Irish, Which is soon composed. so that now they humbly fued for that Peace, which before they disdainfully refused.

But first of all, Achaius the first of the Scots Kings, that enters into a Friendship with France. Achaius made Peace between the Scots and Franks, chiefly for this reason, because not only the Saxons, who inhabited Germany, but even those who had fixed themselves in Britanny, did infest Gaul with Piratical Invasions. And besides, Charles the Great, whose desire was to enoble France, not only by Arms, but Literature, had sent for some Learned Men sent for out of Scotland, by Char [...]es the Great, as Iohannes Scotus, &c. Learned Men out of Scotland, to read Greek and Latin, at Paris. For yet there were many Monks in Scotland, Eminent for Learning and Piety, the antient Discipline being then not quite extinguished, amongst whom was Iohannes, Sirnamed Scotus, or, which is all one, Albinus, for the Scots in their own Language call themselves Albini; He was the School-Master of Charles the Great, and left many Monuments of his Learning, behind him, and in particular, some Precepts of Rhetorick, which I have seen, with Iohannes Albinus inscribed. There are also some Writings of Clement a Scot, remaining, who was a great Professor of Learning, at the same time, too in Paris. There were many other Scotish Monks, who passed over into Gaul, out of their Zeal for God and Godliness, Who Preach the Doctrine of Christi [...]nity in Germany. who preached the Doctrine of Christianity to the People inhabiting about the Rhene, and that with so great Success, that the People thereupon built Monasteries in many Places. The Germans owe this to their Memory, that even to our days, Scots are the Governors over those Monasteries. Though Achaius was desirous of Peace, yet the Pictish concerns drew him on to a War. For when A Battel between Athelstan of England, and Hungus the Pict, who was aided by the Scots. Athelstan, the English-Man, had wasted the Neighbouring Lands of the Picts, A Battel between Athelstan of England, and Hungus the Pict, who was aided by the Scots. Hungus their King obtained the Aid of Ten Thousand Scots, from Achaius, who before was disgusted with the English. He placed his Son Alpinus, a Commander, over them, who was born to him by the Sister of Hungus; by the assistance of those Auxiliaries, he drove a great prey out of Northumberland. Athelstan, a feirce Warriour, was almost at his Heels, and overtook him not far from Hadington. The Picts being dismayed at the suddain coming of their Enemies, run to their Arms, and keep themselves in their Stations, till Night; having set their Watches for the Night, Hungus being inferiour in other things, desired Aid of God, and gave up himself wholly to Prayer. At last, when his Body was wearied with Labour, and his Mind oppressed with Care, he seemed to behold Andrew the Apostle, standing by him in his Sleep, promising him Victory. Hungus his Visi [...]n upon his Praye [...] to God. This Vision being declared to the Picts, filled them full of Hope, so that they prepared themselves with great Alacrity to the Combate, which otherwise they could not avoid. The next day they came to a pitched Battel. Some add, That another Prodigy was seen in the Heavens, a cross like the Letter X, which did so terrifie the English, that they could hardly bear the first brunt of the Picts. Athelstan overthrown and slain. Athelstan was slain there, who gave Name to the place of Battel, which is yet called Athelstan Ford. Hungus ascribed the Victory to St. [...] Andrew. Andrew, to whom, besides other Gifts, he offered the Tithe, [Page] of his Royal Demeas [...]s: I am of Opinion, that This was the Athelstan, Commander of the Danish Nation, to whom the English affirm, That Northumberland was granted by Alured. Achaius died the Thirty Second year of his Reign, and in the Year of Christ Eight Hundred and Nine.

Congallus III. The Sixty Sixth King.

CONGALLVS, his Cousin German, succeeded him, who Reigned Five years, in Peace both at home and abroad.

Dongallus, The Sixty Seventh King.

DONGALLVS, the Son of Solvathius, was next King to him. The Soldiers, not able to endure the Severity of his Government, gathered themselves together to Alpinus, the Son of Achaius; and because they could not persuade him by fair means to undertake the Kingdom, they compelled him by force and menaces to be seemingly on their side. He having gathered together an Army, and pretending to do, as they would have him, disappointed them and fled to Dongallus; his coming was acceptable to the King, but a great dismay to the Rebels; and therefore they accuse him to the King, as if Alpinus himself had persuaded them to Rebel. The King, well perceiving their Calumny, suddenly prepared his Army, and so prevented the rumour of his coming. Those of them which he took, he put to Death.

In the mean time, Hungus's Death. Hungus died, and his Eldest Son Dorstologus was slain, by the Fraud of his Brother, Eganus; neither did the Murtherer long survive his Brother. So that the Male-stock of Hungus being extinct, his Sister's Son Alpinus, as next Heir, both by an ancient Law, and in Right of Blood, claimed the Kingdom. The Picts disdained him as a Foreigner, whereupon Dongallus sent Messengers to them, to expostulate the matter, but they refused to give them Audience, but Commanded them to depart in four days. Dongal drowned. Dongallus intended to make War upon them, with all his might. But in the preparation thereof, as he was passing over the Spey, whose Current was very violent, the Vessel, in which he was, sunk, and he was Drown'd, after he had Reigned Six Years, some say, Seven.

Alpinus, The Sixty Eighth King.

ALpinus, the Son of Achaius, led the Army raised by Dongallus, against Frederethus, who had seized upon, and arrogated, the Kingdom of the Picts, to himself. Wars between the Scots and Picts. The Armies met at Restenot, a Village of Angus, the Fight was maintained with great Obstinacy and Cruelty, even until Night; the Victory was uncertain, tho' the Death of Frederethus made it to incline to the Scots. For when he saw his Men to fly in the Fight, with a Troop of Noble Youngsters, he brake through the main Battel of the Scots, and being thus severed from his Men, was there slain, with the Flower of his Nobility. Brudus was substituted in his place, a Slothful Person, and unfit for Military Affairs. In his Reign, the Scots drove Preys out of their Enemies Country, without Resistance; and the Picts raising up a Tumult on purpose amongst themselves, slew Brudus, before he had Reigned one [Page] Year. Then they set up Kennethus, another of Frederethus his Sons, in his stead, one neither Valianter, nor more Successful, than his Brother: For, when he had levied an Army, and came in fight of his Enemies, he privily stole away, and so was slain by a Country Man, who upbraided him as a Run-away, not knowing, Who he was. The Picts having lost their King, before their Enemies were sensible of it, returned home, and made another Person, named Brudus, King, one of high Descent and Noble Atchievements. He, as soon as he entred upon the Kingdom, set upon the straggling Plunderers, and curbed their Rashness, making a great Slaughter amongst them; after that, that he might strengthen his weak Forces by Foreign Aids, he sent Ambassadors, with great Gifts, to the English, which were nearest to him. They received their Gifts, and were large enough in their Promises of Assistance; but, though the Picts earnestly pressed them, yet they put them off, laying the fault on their own Combustions at home. The Picts being disappointed of their Hope there, levied all of their Own, that were able to bear Arms, and resolved to venture their All; with this Resolution they marched directly toward the Enemy, who were encamped not far from Dundee. As soon as they met, the Battel was so much the more sharp, by reason of the old Hatred, the recent Disgust, the many mutual Slaughters, and the frequent Injuries and Wrongs, committed on both sides. When the Conflict was a long time doubtful, at last, an Hundred Horse of the Picts rose out of an Ambush; who, that they might seem to be a greater Number, did also Horse their Baggage Men, and Attendants, upon their Baggage Horses; and so, shewing themselves upon the tops of the Hills, they wheeled about, as if they would have set upon the Rear of the Army, which was a Fighting. That apprehension struck such a terrour into the Scots, that they presently scattered, and fled into the Neighbouring Woods; by which many of them were saved alive; only some few were slain in the Fight, but more in flight, by the nimble Baggagers, who were set on Horseback. King Alpin overthrown in Battel by the Picts, and slain. King Alpinus, and many of his Nobles were taken Prisoners, and cruelly slain. The Kings Head was fastned to a Pole, and carried up and down the Army; till, at last, they set it up for a Spectacle in the most eminent place of the greatest Town they had, (which then was Abernethy.) The place, where he was slain, as yet retains his Name, being called, Bas Alpin, i. e. The Death of Alpin.

Kennethus II. The Sixty Ninth King.

ALpin being slain, after he had Reigned Three Years, his Son Kennethus succeeded him. The next Summer, the Picts having some hopes, that if they did but endeavour it, the Scots might easily be driven out of Britain, as they had been heretofore; hereupon they hired some Troops of the English, and joyned them with what Forces of their Own they could make. But a sudden Sedition arose betwixt the Commanders, and that so outragious an One, That King Brudus himself could not compose it; so that the Army disbanded thereupon; and Brudus died about Three Months after, rather Heart-broken, than of any Disease. His Brother Druskenus was made King in his stead, who, in vain attempted to compose things at home; but in the [Page] interim, some Scotish Youngsters stole away the head of Alpinus, from the place where the Picts had set it up, and brought it to Kennethus, he not only commended them for their Noble Exploit, but also rewarded them with Lands. Kennethus called together an Assembly to consult about War with the Picts; and though the King himself, and the forwardest of the Soldiers, did advise to revenge the Treachery of such a perfidious People; yet, the Major part, and especially the Graver sort, thought it more adviseable, to stay, till their Forces, which were weakned in former Wars, had recovered themselves; in the mean time, they would neither seek Peace, nor yet make War with the Picts, till a better opportunity, for either, did offer it self. This Opinion prevailed, so that there was Peace betwixt the two Nations, for Three Years, as if it had been by common Consent. But in the Fourth Year, Kennethus, desirous to renew the War, yet finding few of the Nobles of his Mind, invited them to a Banquet; Kenneteus, by a witty Invention, engages his Nobles to make War upon the Picts. the Entertainment continued till late at Night, so that they were all necessitated to lodge there, which they might more easily do, in regard every Man, according to the custom of his Ancestors, lay on the Ground, and so they disposed of them in that large House, having nothing under them but Leaves and Grass. When they were gone to Bed, the King suborned a Youth, one of his Kinsmen, commanding him to clothe himself with the Skins of Fishes, dried in the Wind, and so to enter by Night; and to speak through a long Tube, that the Voice might better reach their Ears at a distance, and thus to exhort them to War; as if a Message had been sent them from Heaven, to that purpose. The Nobles suddenly awoke at this Voice, which at that time seem'd to them to be Greater and more August than a Mans; many also were laden with Wine, and the sudden flashing of Light, from the Fishes Skins, darting upon their drowsie Eyes, and dazling them, drove them into a great Astonishment; in fine, an un-wonted Apparition affected the Eyes of them all, and a kind of Religious Consternation seized upon their Minds. And That which increased the Admiration, was, That the Messenger, stripping himself of his disguised Habit, and, by a secret Passage, conveighing himself away, as in an instant, seemed to have vanished out of sight. When the News hereof was brought to the King in the Morning, and many did add to the Story, as is usual in such Cases, he also affirmed, That the like Apparition was seen by him, in his Sleep. Hereupon, a War was concluded upon by the general Consent of them all, as if they were Commanded thereunto by God himself. When the Armies were led forth to Battel, as soon as ever they came in fight one of another, every one ran upon the Enemy, which stood next to him, not staying for the Command of their Captains. The Fight was as fiercely continued, as it was eagerly begun. At last, the Victory inclined to the The Picts, being deserted by the English, receive a great overthrow by the Scots. Scots. Those in whom the Picts put most Confidence proved their Ruin. For the English Troops, seeing that all things were managed without Order, and by Tumultuary Force, withdrew themselves into the next Hill, as if they had only been Spectators of other Mens Dangers. There was a mighty Slaughter made of the Picts. For the Scots were highly provoked against them, not only by their ancient Hatred, but by the remembrance of their later Cruelty against Alpinus, [Page] and the rest, whom they had taken Prisoners: But that which chiefly inflamed their Minds, was a Watch-Word, spread abroad among the Scots, That they should remember Alpinus; From that very moment, they spared neither Age, nor Rank, of Men: The Hills covered the departure of the English, and the Scots were so pertinaciously intent in revenging themselves on the Picts, that they could not follow them. This Victory reduced the Picts to so low an ebb, and rendred their Condition so deplorable, that, though they endeavoured to make Peace, yet all was in vain, for the Scots would hearken to no Conditions, but the full surrendring up of their Kingdom. The next Year, when all Places were surrendred up beyond Forth, Northwards; and Garisons placed in them, as Kennethus was marching his Army against those on this side thereof, word was brought, That some of the Garisons, which he had left behind, were taken, and the Souldiers slain: Hereupon, he marched his Army back against the Rebellious Picts, of whom he spared neither Man, Woman, nor Child; But wasted the whole Country with Fire and Sword. Druskenus, seeing the Picts were inraged, almost like Madmen, at the Cruelty exercised over them, and knowing now, that they must fight, not for their Kingdom, but for their very Lives, and the Lives of their Wives and Children, gathered together all the Force that ever he could make; and so passing the Forth, came to Scone, a Town situate on the Bank of the River Tay, where he waited for the coming of the Scots: There they again endeavoured to make a Pacification, offering to surrender all the Country beyond the Forth, but the Scots would have All, or none. The Fight, as in such Circumstances of Necessity, was very fierce: At last, the Pertinacy of the Picts was broken, and the River Tay, putting a stop to their flight, was the cause of their Destruction. For The Picts again routed by the Scots, their King Drusken slain, and their Kingdom abolished. Druskenus, and almost all his Nobility, being not able to pass it, were there slain: And the Fortune of the common Souldiers was not better; for as they crowded to the River in several places to save themselves, they laboured also under the same incapacity of passing it, and so they every one of them lost their Lives. Hence it is, (as I judge,) that our Writers say, We Fought with the Picts seven times in one Day. The Force of the Picts was wholly broken by this Overthrow, and Kennethus wasted Lothian and the adjacent Country, together with Those beyond the Forth, that they might never be able again to recover themselves. The Garisons, for fear, surrendred themselves. Those few Picts, who were left alive, fled into England, in an indigent and necessitous Condition.

The Sixth BOOK.

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AS I formerly called Fergusius the First, and, after him, Fergusius the Second, with great reason, the Founders of the Scotish Kingdom, so I may justly reckon Kennethus compared with both the Fergus's, and reckoned the Third Founder of the Scotish Kingdom. Kennethus, the Son of Alpinus, a Third Founder, also. Fergus the First, from a mean beginning, advanced the Affairs of the Scots to such an height, as that they were Envy'd by their Neighbours. Fergus the Second, when they were banished and dispersed into remote Countrys, and, in the Judgment of their Enemies, almost extirpated, did, as it were, recal them to Life, and, in a few years, reduced them to their Ancient Splendor. But Kennethus was so Couragious, as to accept of the Kingdom, when Matters were almost desperate; yea, when others thought, that the small remainder of Scots could hardly have been defended, or kept together; and not only so, but he brake the power of the Enemy, (tho' assisted with Foreign aid, and Triumphant also for his late Victory) in many sharp (yet prosperous) Fights; and, being thus weakned, he drave him out of Britanny, and took from him the Kingly Name, which to this day he could never recover again. Tho' these were Great Atchievements, yet they were not the Greatest he performed; For, as he enlarged his Kingdom to double of what it was before; so he Governed it, both by making New Laws, and also by reviving the Old ones; That neither Licentiousness arising from War, nor Pride, the product of Victory, nor any footsteps of those Evils, which are wont to accompany Luxury and Ease, did appear, during his Life. Yea, the Affairs of Scotland seem'd to be supported for many Years after, by the Laws, called, by Posterity, the The wholsome Laws, made by Kenneth, called Mac-Alpin-Laws, because he was the Son of Alpin. Macalpin Laws, as much as by Arms. But to let pass these things; I shall proceed to relate his Noble Acts, as I have begun. Kennethus, having driven out the Picts, distributed their Lands amongst his Soldiers, according to every ones Valour and Merit: whose Ambition put New Names on many Places and Countrys, cancelling and obliterating the Old. He parted The Country l [...]ing between the Tay and Dee. Horestia betwixt Two Brothers, Aeneas and Mern; one part of which, in Old Scotish, is yet called Aeneia, all one with Angus. Aeneja, (they, who more affect the English Speech, call it Angus:) The other, The Mearns lie alongst the East-Sea, between D [...]e and North-Esk. Mern. The Country adjoyning from Tay to the Forth, was called by the Ancients, Ross, i. e. Peninsule; there are some signs of the Name, yet remaining, as It stands on the North-side of Forth, in P [...]rthshire. Culross, a Town, which is, as it were, the Back or Hinder part of Ross; and A Town lying on the beginning, or head of a point of Land, that runs into the West-side of Loc [...] [...]. K [...]nross, which signifies the Head of Ross. Now at this day, all that Country, is called Fife, from an Eminent Person, called, Fifus, whose Sirname they say, was Duffus; Barodunum, a Town in Lothian, or, as some call it, D [...]nbar, was so called (as it is thought) [Page] from a Great Man, named, Bar. Lothian had its name, not long ago, from Lothus King of the Picts. Cuningham is wholly a Danish Word; used, as I think, by the Danes, after the Death of Kennethus, who possessed that Country for some years, having driven the Scots beyond the Wall of Severus; for Cuningham signifys, in the Danish Language, the Kings House, or Palace. 'Tis also probable, That Otherwise called the Sheri [...]fdom of B [...]wick. Merch was so called, by the Danes, because it was the Limits between both Kingdoms. As for Edinburgh hath several Names. Edinburgh, either by the gross Ignorance or perverse Ill-will of some, it is sometimes called, Vallis Dolorosa, i. e. The Dolesom Valley, and sometimes, Castrum Puellarum, Maiden-Castle; the Name in it self is not very obscure, tho' it be made so, by ill management. They borrowed those Names from the Gallick-Fables, which were devised within the space of 300 Years, last past. This is certain, That the Ancient Scots called it, Dunedinum; the Later, Edinburgum, wherein they follow the Country Custom in imposing of Names; whereas, that Castle in a middle Appellation between both, I think may be better named, Edinum. But enough in this place concerning the Old and the New Names of the Countrys, of which I have spoken more largely, before. To return then to Kennethus; Having enlarged his Kingdom, as I said before, and settled wholsome Laws for the Government thereof; he endeavoured further to confirm his Royal Authority by mean and trivial Things, even bordering upon Superstition it self; There was a The Story of the Marble Stone, on which the Scotch Kings were anciently Crowned. Marble-Stone, which Simon Breccus is reported to have brought into Ireland out of Spain, which Fergus, the Son of Ferchard, is also said to have brought over into Scotish Albion, and to have placed it in Argyle. This Stone Keunethus removed, out of Argyle, to An Abby on the North-side of [...], a Mi [...]e above Perth. Scone by the Rivet Tay, and placed it there, included in a Chair of Wood. The Kings of Scotland were wont to receive both the Name and the Habiliment of Kings, sitting in that Chair, till the days of Edward the First, King of England, of whom in his Place. Kenneth Translated the Episcopal See, which the Picts had placed at Abernethy, to Fanum Reguli, which after Ages called St. Andrews. But the Ancient Scots-Bishops, being chosen out of Monasteries, not then contending for Place or Honour, but for Sanctity and Learning,The Ancient Scots Bishops, not Diocesa [...]s. did perform their Functions every where, occasionally, as opportunity was offered without Envy or Emulation; no certain Diocesses being allotted to them, in regard the Ecclesiastical Function was not yet made a matter of Gain. After this sort, Kennethus Reigned 20 Years. In the beginning of his Fifth year, he overthrew the Picts, as the Black Book of Pasley hath it. The other Sixteen years, after he had destroyed the Government of the Picts, he lived in great Tranquillity, having Peace at home, by reason of his just Government; and Peace abroad, by the Power of his Arms. He enlarged his Dominions from the Orcades to the Wall of Adrian. A. C. 854.

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Donaldus V. The Seventieth King.

DONALDVS, his Brother, was chosen King next, who quite altered the whole Publick Discipline, together with his own Demeanour. For, whereas, in the Life time of Alpinus, he made a shew of Temperance, and, by that means, had obtained the Love of the better sort; When his Brother was dead, as if he had been freed from all Fear and Restraint, he gave himself up wholly to Donaldus's Licentiousness. Pleasure. And, as if there had been no danger from any Enemy without, he neglected all Military Study, and kept almost none about him, but Hunters, Hawkers, and Inventors of new Pleasures. Upon these, he spent the Publick Revenue. The young Fry, who were prone to Pleasures, did extol the King to the Skies, as a Noble and Generous Prince; and scoffed at the Parsimony of former Times, as Rude and Illiberal. The Ancient Counsellors, seeing all things likely to run to Ruin in a very short time, came to the King, and put him in mind of his Duty; of his present Evils and Miscarriages; and of the Danger imminent thereupon. He, nevertheless, persisted in his slothful kind of Life, which gave opportunity to the Remainders of the It gives opportunity to the Picts to solicite Aid from Osbreth in England. Picts (as if an hopeful Alarm had been given them, even from the very bottom of Despair) to address themselves to Osbreth and Ella, Two of the most potent and prevalent Kings of the English, (for then England was divided into many Kingdoms.) They bewail'd their misfortune to them; and craved earnestly their Assistance; promising, That they and all their Posterity would become Feudataries to the English, in case they obtained the Victory over the Scots, which, they prejudg'd, would be an easy one, by reason of the slothful Nature of Donald. The English were easily persuaded, and having setled things at home, they led out their Army into Merch, from whence they sent Heralds to Donaldus, requiring, that the Lands which the Scots had forceably taken away from the Picts, their Friends and Allies, might be restored, which, unless he would do, they would not neglect their old Confederates, who had now also newly cast themselves upon them. Donaldus, by the advice of the Estates, which, in this time of imminent Danger, he had (thô unwillingly) convened, Levied an Army, and met with the Enemy at Iedd, a River of Teviotdale, where he joyned Battel, and overthrew Osbreth, Osbreth overthrown by the Scots; but his Men rallying, overcome the Scots, when secure, after their Victory. enforcing him to fly to the next Mountains: From thence he marched on by Tweed unto the Sea side, recovered Berwick, which had been taken by the English, and again deserted by them, upon the ill news of the success of the Battel; where he took all the Ships riding in the Mouth of the River, and seized upon all the Enemies Provisions therein. There he got an opportunity to renew his, interrupted, Pleasures, and, as if his Enemies had been wholly overthrown, he drowned himself in all kind of Voluptuousness. Whereupon, the English, who, in the last Fight were rather scatter'd than subdued, understanding, by their Spies, the Carelesness and Security of the Scots, gathered together what Force they could out of the Neighborhood, and by night set upon the Scots, who were laden with Wine, and fast asleep, making a great slaughter amongst [Page] them; but they took the King, who was between sleeping and waking, Prisoner. From thence they followed the Course of their Victory, and to make their Ravage more compleat, they divided their Army into Two Parts, and so marched into the Enemies Country, Part of them when they came to the Forth, got Vessels, and essayed to pass over by Water into Fife, but a great Number of them were Shipwrackt, and drowned; and the rest, by the violence of the Storm, were forced back to the Shore, where they embarked; from whence, marching to Sterling, and joyning with the rest of their Army, they pass over the Forth, on a Bridge. The Scots, after their flight, gathered themselves into a Body thereabouts, having the bare show, rather than the strength, of an Army; and sent Ambassadors to the English for Peace; which they did not refuse, because their strength was weakened by the unsuccessful Battel of Iedd, and also by their own Shipwrack. The Peace granted upon hard Terms to the Scots. English propounded hard Conditions, yet such as the present State of Affairs made to seem tolerable, As that, The Scots should yield up all the Land, which was within the Wall of Severus; That their Bounds should be beneath Sterling, the Forth; beneath Dunbarton, the Clyd; and between the Two Rivers, the Wall of Severus. Amidst such hard Terms of Peace, yet this happened, as joyous, so unexpected, to the Scots, That no mention was made concerning the Reduction of the The Picts driven out of Albium, and never recalled. Picts. For the English and Britains divided the Lands, surrendred up, betwixt them; the River being a Boundary betwixt them both. There are some, who think, the Money yet called Sterling Money. Sterling was then Coined there. The Lands being thus divided, the Picts, who thought to recover their own, being eluded of their hopes, passed over to the Cimbrians and Scandians, (i. e.) (as we now speak,) to Denmark and Norway. Those few of them, that staid in England, were all put to death by them, upon pretence, that they would attempt Innovations by their soliciting of Forein Aid. Donaldus, after he had made Peace, upon his Return, was Honourably received, partly, out of Respect to his Ancestors, and partly in hopes of his Repentance. But he, persevering in his wonted Slothfulness, the Nobles fearing that so filthy and sluggish a Person, who would neither hearken to the Counsels of his Friends, nor be reclaimed by his own Calamities, would lose that part of the Kingdom which remained, Donald cast into prison, where he dies. cast him into Prison; where, either for Grief in having his Pleasure restrained; or, for Fear to be made a Publick Spectacle of Scorn, he laid violent hands on himself, in the Sixth Year of his Reign. Others report, that This Donaldus performed many Noble Exploits, both at home and abroad; and that he dyed a natural death at Scone, in the Year of our Lord 858.

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Constantinus II. The Seventy First King.

COnstantinus, the Son of Kennethus, undertook the Kingdom after him, at Scone; he was a Prince of a great Spirit, and highly Valorous. He was desirous to obliterate the Ignominy received under Donaldus, and to enlarge his Kingdom unto the Bounds, left by his Father; but he was otherwise advised by his Nobles, because the greatest part of the Soldiery were slain under Donaldus; and the remainder was grown so Corrupt, that it was not fit to put Arms into their hands. And thereupon, the King first bent his care to amend the Publick Discipline; and so he reduced the Order of Priests to their Ancient Parsimony, by severe Laws, in regard they had left off Preaching, and had given up themselves to Ecclesiasticks Reformed by Constantine. Luxury, Hunting, Hawking, and to Courtly-Pomp. He caused the Young Soldiers, who were effeminated with Pleasures, to lye on the Ground, and to Eat but once a day. Drunkenness Punished with Death. Drunkards he punished with Death. He forbad all sports, but those who served to harden both Body and Mind, for the Wars. By these Laws, the Soldiery of the Kingdom were reduced to a better pass. And presently upon, a certain Islander, named Evenus, whom he himself had made Governour of Loch-Abyr, a Man of an unquiet Spirit, and Ambitious of Dominion, rose up in Arms; who, knowing, That the Youthful Fry of Soldiers could not well bear the Severity of these New Laws, First, gathered together a small Number, and then a greater, complaining of the present State of Things. And when he found his Discourse was acceptable to them, he easily persuaded them to conspire for the Destruction of Constantine. But, being more active than cautelous in gathering strength to their Faction, they were betrayed by some of their Own, and slain, before they knew any Forces were gathered together against them. Evenus put to Death, for conspiring against Constantine. Evenus, the head of the Conspiracy, was hanged. About this time it was, That the The Danes Invade Scotland, are worsted at first; yet, afterwards, overthrow Constantine, who was slain by them. Danes, then the most Potent and Flourishing Nation amongst the Germans, were solicited by the Picts against the Scots, and also by one Buernus, (or, as others write, Verna, whose Wife Osbreth had forceably Vitiated) which They, being over-stocked with Youngsters at home, easily assented to, and so they transported themselves, in a great Navy, into Britain. Their first Descent was in Fife, there they slew all they met, without distinction, out of Hatred to the Christian Religion; and dividing their Army, they spoiled the Country two several ways. Constantinus drew forth against them, and first he set upon that Brigade, which Hubba, Brother to the Danish King, commanded; who, being hindred to joyn with their Fellows, by the sudden swelling of the River Levin, were there easily overcome and slain, except a few of his Men, who could swim over the River, who fled to their other Commander, called Humber. Constantinus followed after them, as to a Prey, not a Battel, and overtook them not far from the Town of On the East-point of Fife. Carail, but not before they had well fortify'd their Camp. For the Danes, being very provident after their late unhappy Fight, had made a kind of Defensive Fortification, upon some small Winding Rocks, near the shore, by heaping up a parcel of Stones together, [Page] which lay thereabouts. In that posture, Constantine assaulted them; where, by reason of the Incommodiousness of the place, and the Desperation of the Danes, he paid dear for his Rashness; for he lost a great Part of his Army, he himself being taken Prisoner, and haled into a little Cave, hard by, was there slain. There are some Monuments of this Fight remaining to this day, as the Cave, the Circumference of their Camp, which was not cut out regularly, or by equal spaces, but turning and winding according to the Bending of the Rocks. Some lay the blame of this unlucky Accident upon the Picts, who, being admitted into Constantines Fealty and Army, were the first that ran away, and drew the greatest Part of the Army after them. The Danes gathered up the Spoils, and departed to their Ships. The Kings Body was found the day after, and carried to the Sepulchres of his Ancestors in the Island Icolumb-kil. He possessed the Kingdom sixteen Years, and died in the Year of our Lord 874.

Ethus, The Seventy Second King.

HIs Brother, Ethus, succeeded him, from the Swiftness of his Feet, Sirnamed Alipes, he was elected King upon no higher, or other, Account, but because he gathered together the Relicts of the Army, which was scattered by the Danes. Amongst the Prodigies of his Time, they reckon those Sea-Fishes then appearing, which are seldom seen, and not after long Intervals of Time, but they never appear but in Sholes, nor without some unlucky Presage. The Common People call them Sea-Monks, a prodigious sort of Fish, swimming in Sholes, always portending some Evil. Monachi-marini, i. e. Sea-Monks; others give them the Title of Bassineti, i. e. Hooded, or Helmered, Fish. Ethus, for his Viciousness, forced to abjure the Government. Ethus, being unmindful both of his Brother and of his Ancestors, giving up himself to all manner of Vices, and drawing the young Soldiers, easily seduceable, along with him, was taken Prisoner by a Combination of the Nobles, made against him; and, after all the flagitious Acts of his Life had been declared to the People, in a long Speech, he was forced to abjure the Government, in the second Year of his Reign. Three days after, he died in Prison, for Grief. That which chiefly offended the Martial Men, was, his slothful Unactiveness; because, that when the Danes were at War with the English, and many bloody Battels had been fought between them, yet he never bethought himself of the recovering the Country, he had lost; nor would he suffer himself to be put in mind thereof, by others. Some write, that he was not inforced to relinquish his Kingdom, but that he was wounded in a Combate by Gregorius, who was emulous of the Kingdom, and that he died Two months after▪ Anno Christ. 875.

Gregorius, The Seventy Third King.

GRegorius, the Son of Dongallus, was set up in his stead; a Man of a Royal Spirit, in whom no Virtue, requisite in a King, was wanting. First, he reconciled all those to him, who were against him in suing for the Kingdom; and then, he proceeded to compose the Discords of the Nobles amongst themselves; He so tempered the [Page] Severities of his Government with Affability, that he did more with his Subjects by Love, than by Fear; He restored the Old Laws, concerning the Immunity of the Ministers of the Church, (who were but in the nature of Slaves, under the Picts) or else he made New, to the same purpose. His first Gregory overcomes the Picts and Danes, Expedition was into Fife against the Picts, left there by the Danes, whilst they were employing their Arms against the English. He drove them not out of Fife only, but out of Lothian, and Merch, too. The Danes, when he came to Berwick, fearing, if they should have any Misfortune, the English also would be upon their backs, durst not join in a Field-fight with Gregory; but sent Part of their Forces over the River into Northumberland, commanding them to join with a small Brigade of their Countrymen, who had gathered themselves together, and were newly landed, there; The Rest of them enter'd Berwick to strengthen the Garison there. But the English, who were, but unwillingly, under the Command of the Danes, (as being Men of a different Religion from them) gave admission to the Scots in the night, by which means all the Danes were put to the Sword. From thence, Gregory marched into Northumberland, and fought a prosperous Battel against Hardnute, wherein he made so great a slaughter of them, that their Numbers, which were lately formidable to all Britain, were mightily diminished, partly by Gregory of Scotland, and partly by Alfrid of England. Gregory took in all Northumberland, and gave free leave to those English to depart, who were willing so to do; to the rest, he very courteously distributed Lands. The greatest part of the English staid behind, partly out of love to their native Soil, partly by reason of the Kings Bounty to them; and partly also, for fear of their Enemies. For, seeing they had now, for many years, had several cruel Fights with the Danes, the Victory being many times uncertain, Many of the English chose rather to be under the Dominion of the Scots; who, though formerly Enemies, were yet Christians, than either to fall into the power of the Bloody Danes; or, to hope for uncertain Aid from their own Countrymen; especially, since things were in such an hurly burly over all Britanny, that the English knew not which Party to succour, first. After he had so chastised the Danes, that he expected no more Trouble from them, he turned his Arms upon the Brittons, who, as yet, held some of the Scotish Dominions; with These also he made Peace, they restoring the the said [...]ands, and promising to assist him against the Danes, if they did return; Whereupon, he disbanded his Army. But the Brittons, after their return home, repented of the Peace they had made; and entring Scotland again in an hostile manner, they were driving away a great Booty, but Gregory met them at In Annandale. Loch-Maban, and, after a bloody Fight, overthrew them, Constantine, their King, being also slain. The Brittons, having received this fruit of their ill Counsel, made Hebert, the Brother of Constantine, King, and then began to think, in what a dangerous Case they were, having the both the Scots and Danes their Enemies; and their Alliance with the English seldom long-lived. Hereupon, they sent Embassadors to the Scots for Peace, who would not hearken thereunto, unless And the Brittons also, causing them to restore Cumberland and Westmorland. Cumberland and Westmorland were restored to them, which was done, [Page] and the Peace made on those Conditions. About the same time, there came also Embassadors from Peace made between A [...] red of Eng [...]and and the Scots. Alured of England; partly, to Congratulate the Victory over the Danes, which ought (said they) to be justly acceptable to all Christians; and partly, to enter into a new League against all the Enemies of the Christian Faith and Religion. Peace was concluded on these Conditions; ‘That they should oppose a Foreign Enemy with their joynt Forces, if they made a Descent into the Borders of either People; and that the Scots should quietly enjoy what they had got from the Danes:’Peace being concluded, on those Terms, and a League made and Establish'd, word was brought Gregory upon his return, That the The I [...]ish break in upon Galway in Scotland. Irish had made an Irruption into Galway. The Cause of the War was pretended to be, because the Men of Galway had hostilely seized upon, and Plundered some Galleys, driven on their Coasts, belonging to the Inhabitants of Dublin, a City in Ireland. The Irish, hearing of Gregory's coming, retired presently in fear with their Prey to their Ships; and Gregory, with a good Navy, and strong Army, as soon as he could with conveniency, transported himself into Which causes Gregory to follow them into [...]. Ireland also. Duncan, or Donatus, or rather Dunachus, was, at that time, their King; but being under Age, Brienus and Cornelius, Two of the powerfullest of the Nobility next to him, had divided the whole Land into Two Factions. But patching up a Truce at the Arrival of a Foreign Enemy, they pitched and fortify'd their Camps, apart, near the River Bann, a Place which seemed convenient enough for that purpose. Their End in so doing, was, to take off the Edge of Gregorys Valour by delay, and to force him to withdraw his Army from a Foreign harassed Country, for want of Provisions. Gregory smelt out their Design, and therefore, very secretly, in the Night, he sent part of his Army to seize upon an [...]ill which was, as it were, over Brienus's head. The Day after, when the Battel was joyned, in the Heat of the Fight, they threw down mighty Stones into his Camp, which crushed many of his Men to pieces, and so terrify'd the rest, that their Ranks were broken; and in a confused manner, they fled away. Cornelius, hearing of the Event of this Fight, withdrew his Army without striking a stroke into Places of greater safety. Brienus was slain in his Camp; the rest had Quarter given them, as much as might be, by Gregorys command. Whereupon, he marched over the Country without any Depopulation at all, which Lenity occasion'd many rather to submit themselves to the Mercy of the King, than to try it out by Force. The fortified Towns were strengthened with Garisons. Gregory reduced Where he takes Dundalk, Tredagh, and Dublin, and then makes Peace with the Irish, and returns. Dundalk and Drogheda, Two strong places, made so both by Art and Nature; and then determined to march directly to Dublin. But, hearing that Cornelius, General of all the Irish Forces, was coming against him with a great Army, he turned aside, fought with, and overthrew, him, following the Chase as far as Dublin, which he besieged. But there was not Provision enough in the City for so many People, as had fled thither; so that, in a short time, it was surrendred to him by Cormachus, the Bishop of the City. Gregory, at his entrance into it, did no prejudice at all to any of the Inhabitants; but Visited King D [...]ncan, his Kinsman, & protested, that he came not thither out of an Ambitious [Page] desire to take away the Kingdom from him, or to amass up Riches for himself; but only to revenge the Injuries he had received. Hereupon he committed the Care of the Young King to such of his Old Counsellors, as he judged most faithful to him; and himself bore the Name of his Tutor or Guardian, till he came to be of Age: He also put Garisons into the Forts, and exacted an Oath from the Nobility; That they should admit neither English, Dane, nor Britton into the Island, without his Permission: He appointed Judges in convenient Places, who were to judge betwixt Man and Man in matters of Controversy, according to the Laws of the Country; and receiving Sixty Hostages for the performance of these Conditions, he returned home in Triumph. The Fame of his Justice made the Peace firmer for the future, than any Terror of Arms could have done. Having thus managed Matters both at home and abroad, he departed this Life in the Eighteenth Year of his Reign, being no less eminent for his Justice and Temperance, than for his Valour: So that he was justly Sir-named, by his Countrymen, Gregory the Great. He died A. 892.

Donaldus VI. The Seventy Fourth King.

DONALD, the Sixth of that Name, the Son of Constantine, the Second, was made King, next after Gregory, having been recommended by Gregory, before his Death, to the Nobility. He deceived not the Opinion, which Men had conceived of him, i. e. That he was a very prudent Prince; for he Loved Peace no otherwise, but that therein he always prepared for War. And when, for a long time, he had no Enemy to encounter with, yet he took care, that the Soldiery should not grow too Luxuriant, being corrupted by Ease & Rest; and so made inclineable to run into all manner of evil Practices. When a new Army of Danes drew near to the Coasts of Northumberland, and Anchored there for some days, without prejudicing any body, Donaldus gathered an Army together, and, being watchful over all opportunities, went to guard that Province. But, hearing, that the Danes had made a Descent upon the Country of the English, he sent Aid to King Alured, who fought a bloody Battel with the Danes. Yet, after the Battel, he was content to admit them into Part of his Dominions,The Danes Fight a bloody Battel with the English, and afterward turn Christians. provided, they would turn Christians. Peace was made on those Terms, the Army disbanded, and a new homebred Commotion entertained Donaldus at his return. Their happened so great a Feud betwixt the Rossians, and the Merch-men, caused by some small Robberies at first, that more were slain by occasional Combats, than if they had met in a pitched Battel. Donald marched thither, and, having slain the Heads of the Factions, restored Peace to the rest. Iohannes Fordanus, a Scotish Chronologer, says, That in this Expedition he dyed at A Town in Murry-land, not far from E [...]gin. Foress, not without the suspition of Poison; But Boetius affirms, that he return'd to Northumberland, to see, what would become of the Peace he had made with the Danes; of whom he was always suspitious; and that he dyed there, after he had Reigned Eleven years. His Memory was precious both to Rich and Poor. His Death was A.C. 903.

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Constantine III. The Seventy Fifth King.

CONSTANTINE, the III. the Son of Ethus, was substituted King in his room; a man of no ill Disposition, and yet not constant in Good, neither. The Danes, who could incline Gregory and Donald, the Two last Kings of the Scots, by no Promises or Persuasions, to take Arms against the English, which were then Christians; Now they easily wrought upon Constantine ▪ taketh part with the Danes against the English. Constantine by Gifts, and by the vain Hope of enlarging his Dominions, to make a League with Them, which lasted scarce Two years, but the Danes, deserting the Scots, struck up a League with the English. This League had scarce continued Four years, before Edward of England gathered an Army speedily together, and spoiled the Danes Country; whereby they were reduced to such [...], that they were enforc'd to return to the Scots, whom they had lately deserted; To whom they Swore most Religiously, That they would for ever after observe the Amity, most inviolably, betwixt Them. This Second League is reported to have been entered into with great Ceremony, in the Tenth Year of Constantines Reign. He gave, the same year, Cumberland to Malcolm, Son of the last King, which was as an honourable The Ancient Liberty of the Sub [...]ect invaded. Omen to him, that he should Reign after him. And afterwards the same Custom was observed, by some succeeding Kings, to the manifest disanulling of the old way of Convening the Estates, whose Free Suffrages ought not to have been thus abridged; but this was like the Designation of the Consuls, by the Caesars, which put an end to the Roman Liberty. A War being now commenced between Edward, the Son of Alured, and the Danes; Constantine sent Aid to the Danes, under the Conduct of Malcolm. He joyned his Army with the Danes, and being Superior in number, they harassed the adjoyning Countries of the English, and made great Devastation, wheresoever they came; to the end, that they might force the English, who had a far less numerous Army, to Fight: Yea, they were so arrogantly confident of their Numbers, that, they thought, their Enemy would never so much as look them in the Face; so that now, as secure of the Victory, they began to talk of dividing the Spoil. But, as Prosperity doth blind the Eyes of the Wise; so Adversity, and the foresight of Danger, is a good Schoolmaster, even to the weaker side; What the English wanted in strength, they supplyed in Cunning and Skill; Their Army was well seconded with Reserves, and so they began the Fight; the First Ranks, being commanded so to do, give ground, and pretend a Discomfiture and Flight; that so, their Enemies following them in disorder, they might again return upon them in that straggling posture: Athelstan, the Base-born Son of Edward, was General of all the English Forces, as our Writers affirm; and Grafton also says the same thing: They make this Athelstan guilty of Parricide, for killing his Father, and his Two Brothers Edred and Edwin, whose Right it was immediately to succeed their Father, in the Kingdom: Fame doth increase the Suspicion, that Edward was violently put to death, because it accounts him a Martyr. For that Fact he was hat [...]d▪ and therefore, to recover the Favour of the [Page] People, by some eminent Undertaking, he determined to expiate the Blood of his K [...]nd [...]ed, by shedding That of his Enemies; And thereupon, after he had fought stoutly a-while, he gave Ground, by little and little, but afterward in greater Fear and Confusion, as if he intended absolutely to run away. The Danes and Scots, supposing themselves Conquerors, were unwilling to make any brisk pursuit, lest the Cowardliest of the Soldiers should enjoy all the Prey; and therefore, they returned to plunder their Camp. Hereupon, Athelstan gave a Signal, and the The Scots and Danes are overcome by the Policy of Athelstan of England. Eng [...]ish, returning to their Ensigns, set upon them as they were scattered and laden with Booty, and killed them, like Dogs. The greatest part of the Scotish Nobility was lost in this Fight, who chose rather to dye on the spo [...], than to undergo the Ignominy of deserting their Companions. Malcolm, being much wounded, was carried off the Field, by his own Men, and sent the doleful Tidings of the loss of his Army to King Constantine; neither was the face of things more pleasant amongst the Danes. Athelstan, during this Astonishment of his Enemies, took Who recovers from them Westmerland, Cumberland, and Northumberland, which yet soon after re [...]o [...]t to th [...] old Mast [...]s. Cumberland and Westmerland from the Scots; and Northumberland, from the Danes. Constantine resigns the Kingdom. Constantine, having not force enough neither to wage War, or to carry on matters in Peace, called a Convention of the Estates, at Abernethy, and willingly resigned the Kingdom, and betook himself to the Culde [...]s (perhaps, contracted from Cultores Dei) or Kelds, Who? Culde [...], (certain Hermits, so called, living in Cells) Worshippers of God, (for so the Monks of that Age were called) as into a Sanctuary, amongst whom he lived the rest of his life at St. Andrews. Here the English Writers, who are profuse enough in their own Praises, do affirm, That Athelstan was the Monarch of all Britanny, and that the rest, who had the Names of Kings, in Albium, were but precariously so; and his Feudataries only, as taking an Oath of Fidelity to him, as the supreme Lord. And they introduce many ignoble English Authors, as Favourers of that Opinion: And, to procure the greater Credit thereunto, they add also Marianus Scotus, an Illustrious Writer, indeed. But here I desire the Reader to take notice, that there is not the least mention of any such thing in that Edition of Marianus, which was Printed in Germany; but if they have another Marianus, different from him, who is publickly read, and interpolated or foisted by them, let them produce him, if they can. Besides, they, being Men generally unlearned, do not in some Places sufficiently understand their own Writers, neither do they take notice, That Bede, William of Malmesbury, and Geffrey of Monmouth do commonly call that part, Britain, over which the Britains ruled, i. e. That within the Wall of Adrian; or, when they stretched their Dominions furthest, within the Wall of Severus; so that, the Scots and Picts are oftentimes reckoned by them to be out of Britain, and not seldom are called Transmarine People. And therefore, when they read, that the English sometime Reigned over all Britanny, they understand the Authors so, as if they meant all Britanny, i. e. Albium or Albion, whereas they do often Circumscribe Britanny within narrower limits, as I have said before; But of this I have spoken more largely, in another place. To return then to the Affairs of Scotland.

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Malcolm I. The Seventy Sixth King.

COnstantine having retired himself into the Cloyster of the Monks. Malcolm, the Son of Donald, was declared King. Athelstan being dead, and his Brother Edward Reigning, Cumberland and Westmerland revolted from the English, and returned to their old Masters. Moreover, the Danes, who remained in Northumberland, sent for Avalassus, their Countryman, of the Royal Progeny, who was Banished into Ireland, to make him King; Edmund, foreseeing, what Clouds of War were gathering over his Head, yielded up Cumberland and Westmerland to Malcolm, upon this Condition, That he who should next succeed in the Scotish Kingdom, should take an Oath to the King of England, as the Lord Paramount of that Country. Afterwards, he easily reduced the Danes, who had been afflicted with so many Calamities: Neither did he long survive his Victory. The English chose his Brother Edred, King after him; against whom, the Danes, who possessed Northumberland, and never cordially observed any Peace made with the English, did rebel, and took from him many strong Places, whilst he was busied in other parts of his Kingdom, and principally, York; but he overcame them, by the assistance of 10000 Scots; Malcolm returning home, gave himself up wholly to the Arts of Peace; And, to cure the Inconveniencies occasioned by the Wars, especially Luxury and Bribery, he himself did ordinarily Visit all the Scots Malcolm, sometimes f [...]s in Courts of Justice, himself. Courts of Judicature, once in two years, and administred Justice with great Equity. At length, whilest he was busie in punishing Robbers, and in restraining the lewd Manners of the younger sort, he was He is slain. slain by some Conspirators of Murray-Land, in the night, in the Fifteenth year of his Reign. The Perpetrators of that Villany were, with great diligence, sought after, and found out by the Nobles, and, being apprehended, were put to several exquisite Deaths, according to every ones share of demerit, in committing the Parricide.

Indulfus, The Seventy Seventh King.

INdulfus Reigned after him, who, having setled things in Peace at home, lived seven years after in great Tranquillity: But in the Eighth year of his Reign, the Danes, taking it amiss, that the Alliance with the English was preferred before Theirs, and that a perpetual League was made between the two Kings against them, came with a Navy of 50 Ships into the Firth of Forth, when the Scots little expected any such thing, insomuch, that they had almost surprized, and overthrown them, unawares. In such a sudden emergency, all were full of fear and amazement, insomuch that some carried their Goods into the midland Country, as a place of more safety; others came to the Sea-side, to hinder the Enemies Landing. Hago and Helricus were the two Admirals of the Fleet. They endeavoured, first to Land in Lothian, and afterwards in Fife, but in vain; then they essayed to enter the Firth of the River Tay, but there also they were hindred from making any descent on Land; so that they [Page] Coasted about the Sea-Coasts of Aeneia or Angus, of Mern, Marr, and Buchan, but, in all places, being hindred from Landing, they hoisted their Sails into the Main, as if they intended to return home. But within a few days, when all was secure, they came back again, and having gotten a convenient place in Bo [...], at the Mouth of the River Cullin, they there The Danes Land in Scotland. landed their Men without opposition, before the Country People could give any alarm of their Arrival. When Indulfus heard of their landing, he marched towards them, before they could well have any notice of his coming; and first, he set upon the straggling Plunderers, and drove them to the rest of their Army, but made no great Slaughter of them, because the Camp of the Danes was near, for them to retreat to. When the Armies came in sight of each other, they both set the Battel in array, and fell to it with equal force and courage: Whilst they were thus fiercely fighting, Grame and Dumbar, with some Troops of Lothian-Men, appeared on the Rear of the Danes, which struck them into such a Pannick fear, that they all run away, some to their Ships, others to unknown places, whithersoever the Fear of the Enemy drove them: But a great part of them cast themselves into a Ring, in a Woody Vale, and there waited for an occasion of acting valorously, or dying resolutely. Indulfus, as if his Enemies had been wholly overcome, rode up and down with a few Attendants, and, casually lighting on them, was there Indulfus Slain in a Fight with the Danes. slain, at the beginning of the Tenth year of his Reign. Some say, that he was slain with an Arrow▪ shot out of a Ship, having disarmed himself, that he might be more nimble in the pursuit, and press the more eagerly upon them, as they were going a Shipboard.

Duffus, The Seventy Eighth King.

AFter his Death, Duffus, the Son of Malcolm, got the Kingdom; in the beginning of his Reign he made Culenus, Son of King Indulfus, Governour of Cumberland, and sent him into the Ae [...]dae, which were then in War and Disorder, by reason of the frequent Robberies committed there. For the young Soldiers of the Nobility, having got a great Pack of their Fellows about them, made the Common People tributary to them: imposing a pecuniary Mulct on every Family, besides Free-quarter; and yet Culen [...]s dealt not harmer with them, than with the very Governors themselves of the Island, who ought [...]o have restrained such outrages. He commanded; That, for the future, They, by whose negligence, these disorders had happen'd, should make Satisfaction to the Commonalty, and also pay a Fine to the King. This Injunction strook such a Terror into these Idle paltry Fellows, that Many of them went over into Ireland; and there got their Living by their Daily labour. As this matter was acceptable to the Commons, so it was as offensive to the Noble Allies of Those, who were Banished, and to many of the younger sort, who did approve that idle kind of Life. These Men, Murmurings against King Duffus. in all their Meetings and Assemblies, First secretly, Afterwards in the presence of a Multitude of such as applauded them, began openly to revile their King; alleging, That he despised the Nobility, and was drawn [Page] away, and seduced, by the Counsel of sorry Priests; That he put Men of Gentile Extraction, to Servile Offices; That he advanced the most abject of the People to the Highest Honours; That, in fine, he made such Medleys, as to turn all things Topsy-Turvy. They added farther, That, if things should continue at that pass, either the Nobility must transport themselves into other Countrys; or else, must make them a new King, who might Govern the People, by those ancient Laws, whereby the Kingdom had arrived to that height, out of so small beginnings. Amidst these things, the [...] King Duffus, Ho [...], and by Whom? King was assaulted with a new and unusual Disease, no evident cause thereof appearing, so that, when all Remedies had been tryed in vain, a Rumour was spread abroad, by I know not who, that he was bewitched; the suspicion whereof arose, either from some Indications of his Disease, or else because his body did waste and pine away by continual sweating, and his strength was so much decay'd, that the Physicians, who were sent for far and near, knew not what to apply for his relief. Thus, no Common causes of the disease discovering its self, they had recourse to a Secret one. And whilst all were intent on the Kings Malady, at last News was brought, That Nightly Assemblies and Conspiracies were made against him at Foress, a Town in Murray: The Report was taken for truth, there being nothing to contradict it: Whereupon, some faithful Messengers were sent to Donald, Governor of the Castle, in whom the King confided much, even in his greatest Affairs, to find out the truth of the matter. He, by the discovery of a certain Harlot, whose Mother was noted for a Wizard, detected and discovered the whole Conspiracy. For the Young Girl, having blabbed out, a few days before, some words concerning the Sickness and Death of the King; being apprehended, and brought to the Rack to be tortured, at sight thereof, presently discovered, what was designed against the Life of the King. Whereupon some Soldiers were sent, who found the Maids Mother and some other Gossips, Roasting the Kings Picture, made in Wax, by a soft Fire; Their design was, that, as the Wax did leisurely melt, so the King, being dissolved into a Sweat, should pine away by degrees; and when the Wax was quite consumed, then, his breath failing him, he should presently die; when this Picture of Wax was broken, and the Witches punished, in the same Month the King was freed from his Disease, as some say. These things I deliver, as I receiv'd them from our Ancestors: What to think of this sort of Witchcraft, I leave to the Judgment of the Reader, only minding him, That this story is found amongst our Ancient Archives and Records. Amidst these things, the fear of the King be [...]ng laid aside, because they hoped he would shortly die, many Robberies and Murders were committed, every where. Duffus, having recovered his strength, followed the Robbers thro' Murray, Ross, and Caithnes, and slew many of them, at occasional Onsets; but he brought the Chief of them to A Tour in Murry-land, [...] ▪ Foress; That so, their Punishment might be the more conspicuous, in that Town. There Donaldus, Governor of the Town and Castle, Petitioned the King to pardon some of his Relations, who were of the Plot; but, being denied, he conceived great Indignation against the King, as if he had been highly wronged; whereupon, he was wholly [Page] intent on Thoughts of Revenge; for he judged, That his deserts from the King were so great, that, whatever he asked of him, he ought not to be denied: And besides, the Wife of Donald, seeing some of her Kindred too, were like to suffer, did further inflame the, already disaffected, Heart of her Husband, by bitter words; Moreover exciting him, to attempt the Kings Death, affirming, That, seeing he was Governor of the Castle, The Kings Life was in his Power; and, having that Power, he might not only perpetrate the Fact, but conceal it, after it was committed: Hereupon, when the King, tired with business, was sounder asleep than ordinary, and his Attendants, being made Drunk by King Duffus treacherously Murdered by Donald and his Wife. Donald, were in a Dead-sleep also; he sent in Assassins, no man being aware, and, after they had Murdered the King, they carried him out so cunningly, a back way, that not so much as a drop of Blood appeared; and so he was buried two Miles from the Abby of In Murry-land. Kinloss, under a little Bridge, in a blind place, having Grassy-Turfs of Earth cast over him, that there might be no sign of any Ground, that was digg'd up. This seems a more likely story to me, than what others write, that the course of the River was turned, and so his Body was cast into a hole at Bottom; but when the Waters were returned again to their own Chanel, then his Grave, such as it was, was covered. Also the Actors of that bloody Fact were sent away, because there is an A Traditional Opinion, still obtaining; Especially, if the Murtherer touch the Murdered Body. Opinion, received from our Ancestors, which as yet obtains amongst the Vulgar, That blood will Issue from a dead Body, many days after the party was murdered, if the murderer be present, as if the fact had been but newly committed. The day after, when the Report was spread abroad, that the King was missing, and that his Bed was besprinkled with blood, Donald, as if he had been surpriz'd at the atrocity of the Fact, flys into the Kings Bed-Chamber; and, as if he had been mad with Anger and Revenge, he slew the Officers appointed to attend him; after that, he presently made diligent inquiry every where, if any discovery of the dead Body might be made. The rest, being amazed at the Fact, and afraid too of their own selves, returned every one to his own house. Thus this Good King was wickedly slain, in the Flower of his Age, after he had Reigned 4 Years and 6 Months; and as soon, as they conveniently could, the Estates Assembled to create a New King.

Culenus, The Seventy Ninth King.

CVlenus, the Son of Indulfus, being made King by the Assembly of the Estates; the next Thing, there done, was, the questioning the Murder of King Duffus; and they made the more haste to examine that Affair,Prodigies, upon the Murder of Duffus, awaken the Estates to revenge it. because of some Prodigies, that had hapned, of which one seemed properly to respect the very Fact. An Hawk was slain, truss'd by an Owl, and his Throat cut by him; The other Prodigy was also referred to the same thing, in the interpretation of the Vulgar; For six whole months, after the Murder was committed, extraordinary Fires appeared in the Element, the Air was agitated with extraordinary Winds; Yea, the Heavens were so coloured and enveloped with Clouds, that neither Sun, nor Moon, could be seen in Scotland, all that time. Hereupon, all Men were intent to revenge [Page] the good Kings death▪ and, to that purpose, Culenus went into Murray, hoping to find some surer Discoveries of the Murder upon the place, where it was committed. Donald, hearing of his coming, and being conscious to himself of his Parricidal and Nofarious Cruelty, of which also his over-curious, and seemingly wild, Inquisitiveness, made in search after the Authors thereof, rendred him more suspected, procured a Ship at the mouth of the River Spey; wherein, with some others, he embarked himself, unknown even to his Wife and Children. This he did out of fear, lest the Truth should have been extorted from him, by the Rack. This his hasty flight, his dejected Countenance, (as it was observed) his few Attendants, his trembling at his entrance into the Ship, which was but casually riding there, without any preparation for his Voyage; did raise so great a suspicion upon him in the minds of all, who were present, that they forbore not to vent all manner of Contumelies against him, calling him an Impious, Sacrilegious, Fellow, and a Paricide, and what other foul terms of reproach their inflamed anger could suggest. They added also, That, though he had prevented the coming of the King, yet he could never avoid the Vindictive Providence and Judgment of Almighty God. In a word, they followed him with all the Execrations, which the highest Indignation did offer to provoked Minds, even till the Ship was quite out of sight. When Culenus heard of his hasty flight, he speeded his march thither, where he apprehended the Wife of Donaldus, and his three Children; and, for fear of Torture, compelled them to discover the whole Series of the Conspiracy; as also how, by whom, and where the Body was buried; and that she her self was not only privy to the Murder, but also a fellow-actor in it, and a persuader of her Husband, thereunto. When the People heard this, (for she was publickly Tried) the Magistrates could hardly dissuade them from tearing her to pieces. The day after, Donaldus, having been tossed some days, with contrary Winds at Sea, was Shipwracked and cast ashore, and being brought to the King,The Murderers of Duffus apprehended and executed. he and all his underwent their most deserved punishments. They who brought him to the King were liberally rewarded, his Castle was burnt, and all that were therein were slain. And the Body of Duffus was honourably interred amongst his Ancestors. As these things did highly ingratiate Culenus to those who were good; so the remaining part of his Life did accumulate so much Odium on him, as never any King, before him, ever laboured under. For, whether induced by his own Nature, or urged for fear of Danger, (as he would have it thought) he suffered the severity of the Discipline, used under Indulfus and Duffus, to grow cold and remiss; and permitted the younger Tribe, being given up to unseasonable Debauchery,Culen. le [...]s loose the rein [...] to Voluptnousness, and indeavours to justifie it in h [...]mself, and the young Nobility. and Foreign Delights, to run into those Licentious practices, which were forbid by the Laws; till, at last, they broke forth into open Violence and Robbery. And when he saw the greatest part of the young Nobility addicted to those Vices, he also immerged himself in the same, so that he abstained not from vitiating Noble Matrons, and even Religious Nuns, (which, in that Age, on the account of their Chastity, were had in great Veneration) no, nor from his own Sisters or Daughters, neither; nay, he kept Troops of other Harlots, hired [Page] by his Panders, in his Court, as in a Brothel-house. When he was admonished, and put in mind of these things, by Wise and Prudent Persons; on the behalfe of the young Nobility, he answered, That something was to be indulged to their Age; and as for himself, thô he confessed, That, some things were amiss, yet he was forced, out of fear, to tolerate them: For, I remember, said he, what great Calamity the unseasonable Severity of the former King brought, not only on himself, but on the whole Kingdom also: That the Nobility were the Stay and Prop of the Throne; That it was not true, that the Martial Spirits of Men were always broken by this free kind of Life, or made low and abject; nor, That the Thoughts of Arms were so neglected by them in Peace, as if they expected, That there would never be any more War at all. 'Tis true, (proceeded he) The Luxury of Youthful Age is so far to be restrained, that it proceed not too far, that so the good Seed of Ingenuity might not be choaked (as it were) by overmuch jollity, in the very bud; yet, it is not wholly to be abridged, or taken away, lest the Seeds of Virtue should be plucked up together with it. When the Nobles heard this his Defensatory Plea; and perceiving, they could do no good upon him, by their Persuasions, but rather create trouble to themselves, if they should use the same liberty of Speech to him in their Rejoynders, they withdrew themselves from the Court, fearing, lest they should be compelled to be Witnesses, yea, Partakers also, of these facinorous Practices, the sight and hearing whereof they did detest, and abhor. The King, being freed from such troublesom Interposers, gave up himself wholly to Wine and Women. He proposed Rewards to those, who could invent any new kind of Pleasure, thô never so sordid and detestable; His Court was filled, Night and Day, with wanton Songs and the Huzza's of Drunkards; So that, Intemperance and Impudence were as much praised by him, as Modesty and Chastity are wont to be esteemed by Good and Pious Princes. Those Evils, which, thô allowed, or connived at, by the Law, in other Men, yet are acted by Them in Secret, were here openly committed, without Shame. The young Nobility, being thus Effeminated by Pleasure, and a Multitude of Parasites and Flatterers with them, extol the King to the Skies, as if he were the very First of their Kings, who had joyned Splendor and Magnificence with Authority; as tempering the Severity of his Government with Lenity, and easing the burdens of Care and Labour, by some Relaxation of Spirit and Allowance of Delight.

Now, to continue these Luxuriant courses, there was need of great Expence, and therefore the wealthier sort were Fined upon fained Accusations;His Intemperance enfeebles his Body. and the Plebeians were suffered to be preyed upon, and harassed with all sorts of servile Offices. He that was not pleased with the present state of things, was accounted a barbarous Country-Clown; or, if he seemed to be of an higher Spirit than ordinary, he was presently accused by a company of Informers, as if he studied Innovation in the State. After 3 Years were spent in this flagitious Liberty, when Men were silent, out of Fear, or S [...]oth, Lust, a punishment to itself. Luxury began to be a punishment to itself. For when the King's Strength was exhausted by immoderate Lust; and his Body had contracted [Page] Deformity by excessive Banquetings, those Diseases followed, which are wont to be Companions of such Vices; so that there remained nought but a rotten Carkass, fit for nothing but to [...]ear the Punishment of his former mispent Life. The King being thus disabled Culenus Summoned to appear at Scene. for all Functions of Life, the strength, both of his Body and Mind, being enervated, and weakened by Intemperance, and his Courtiers also following the same practices, some A [...]cious Fellows, being encouraged by hopes of Prey and Impunity, committed publick Robberies and Murders, regarding neither the Plebeians, as being Men of poor Servile Spirits; nor the Courtiers, as Persons enfeebled by Luxurious wickedness.

Hereupon, the founder Part of the Nobility, being encompassed with a double mischief, and therefore enforced to look to the Main, called an Assembly of the States at Scone.

Or Meffen, lying on the River A [...]mond, Two Miles above its Confluence with T [...], Three Miles above Perth.

He is slain by a Thane, for Vitiating his Daughter.

The King also was willed to be there, That he might consult in common with the rest, in such a dangerous Juncture of Affairs, for the Publick Safety, He, being inwardly struck at this Summons, and, as it were, awakned from his drowzy Sloth, began to advise with his Confederates, What a Man, in such streights, were best to do? And, thô he knew not, how to make any Resistance, nor yet, how to fly away; and, thô his Mind also presaged no good to him, yet he resolved to go to the Assembly. And, as miserable Men are wont to flatter themselves in Adversity, so he did not altogether Despair, That he, either out of Pity, or out of Respect to his Fathers Memory, should procure some Favour, that he might not be suddenly cast down from so great a Dignity, to an Abyss of Misery. In his Journy to Scone, having a Train big enough, but unarmed, and dispirited, about him, he was slain at a Neighbour Village called Th [...]e was a [...] of Dignity amongst the Old Scots, and Picts before them, equal with a Baron, now: Mr. Selde [...] judges it to come from a Saxon roo [...]. His Office was, like that of a Sheriff amongst us, to gather up the King's Revenu, Or, as an Under-Steward, to pay it in to the Lord High Steward, who was called Ab [...]hane. Methvin. by the Th [...]e was a [...] of Dignity amongst the Old Scots, and Picts before them, equal with a Baron, now: Mr. Selde [...] judges it to come from a Saxon roo [...]. His Office was, like that of a Sheriff amongst us, to gather up the King's Revenu, Or, as an Under-Steward, to pay it in to the Lord High Steward, who was called Ab [...]hane. Thane, or Sheriff of that Country, because he had forceably vitiated his Daughter. When his Death was made known, thô all Men were well pleased to be freed from such a Monster, with less trouble than they supposed they should, yet the Perpetration of the Fact by Roharans, or Rodardus, the Thane, was very much disliked by all People. He Reigned, as the former King did, 4 Years and 6 Months.

Kennethus III. The Eightieth King.

KENNETHVS, the Brother of Duffus, and Third of that Name, succeeded Culenus: He, being contrary to the former King, in his Disposition, Manners, and the whole course of his Life, used as much diligence in amending the Lives of the younger fort, as the other had done in corrrupting them; thô, herein his Task was the greater, in regard, Men are carried headlong to Vices, with a greater Propension of Mind; but the way to Virtue is by a s [...]eep Ascent. And indeed, This was the Thing, that gave the chief Occasion to the Opinions of some Philosophers, who contended,Illustrating [...], upon Philosophical [...]. That Man was Naturally made to enjoy Pleasure, but that he was h [...] [...]ed to Virtue, as it were, violently, and against his own Inclination. I grant, Both parts of the Dilemma are false; but, perhaps, the Original of the mistake, was, from hence, That, seeing there is a double Power of Nature in Man, One of his Body, the Other of his Mind; [Page] the Vigour of the Body se [...]s to exert itself, sooner and quicker than That of the Mind; And, as Plants do first send forth Stalks, Leaves, and Flowers, pleasant to behold, before the Seed begins to be formed in its proper Pod and Receptacle; but when the Seed ripens, all those other things fade, and at last wither away; so our Bodies do grow Youthful, before the Virtue of our Mind, (which is yet but weak and tender) can exert its force, but as the Members do grow Old by degrees, so the strength of Mind and Judgment doth more and more disclose it self: And therefore, as in Corn, we restrain the Luxuriant growth thereof, either by causing it to be Eaten up, or by cutting its over-rank Blade down; so in Young Men the Law supposes, That the forwardness of Wit, which overhastens to shew it self, should be restrained by careful Culture, until growing Reason may be able, of it self, to repress the Violence of the, now infirm, Body. But to return to Kennethus.

The right Method for Publick Reformations, is, for Princes to begin at home, as K. Kenneth the 3d did.He, well knowing, That the Commonalty do usually comply with the Humour of their Prince, and do diligently imitate what he Loves, first, did form a good discipline in his own Court and Family, that so he might express in Deeds, what he commanded in Words; and, as he propounded his own Life to be an Example to his Houshold; so he would have the Manners of his Domesticks to be exemplary to others. He first purged his Court from all Ministers of Lust and Wickedness, that so he might more Justifiably do the same in other parts of his Kingdom: Whereupon, he resolved to travel over the whole Country, to Indict Assemblys, for the preventing and punishing of Thefts, Murders, and Robberies, for the encouraging of Men to Labour by Rewards, and for exhorting them to Concord by alluring Speeches, that, by this means, the Ancient Discipline might be restored. But, in the Execution of this his purpose, he found greater difficulty than he imagined, for the Major part of the Nobility, either had Guilty Consciences themselves, and so feared their own Personal Punishments; or else, were Allyed in Blood to Those, who were Guilty; And therefore, the First Assembly being Indicted at On the Banks of Clyd, 5 Miles above Hamilton. La [...]erick, a Town of Clysdale. They, who were Summoned to appear, being forewarned of their Danger by their Kindred, some of them fled into the Aebudae Isles; Others, to other Parts, infamous for Robberies. The King, understanding the Cheat, and being not ignorant of the Authors of it, dissembled his Anger, and dissolved the Assembly; and so passed, with a few of his Confederates, into Gallway, as if he were to perform a Vow, he had made, to St. Ninian. Being come thither, he consulted with Those whom he judged most faithful to him, What was to be done, in such a case. The Result was, That a Convention of all the Nobility should, the next Year, be held at Scone, upon pretence of some considerable Matters to be advised upon, concerning the Good of the whole Nation,Kenneth politickly circumvents his Nobility at Scone, and causes them to Reform their Clandships. in General; That there the Heads of the Factions might be apprehended without any Tumult; and when they were Imprisoned, their Clans and Tenants might be made to bring in the Malefactors to the King. This Project was judged most adviseable, but it was kept Secret, and communicated but to few, until the meeting at Scone came. There the King had caused his Servants to prepare Soldiers, and to keep them privately [Page] in the next House to his Palace, the day before the States Assembled; and at the Opening of it, the Nobility, being very Numerous, came, where they were courteously treated by the King: but upon a Sign given, they were immediately beset with Armed Men. They being surprized with Fear, at this sudden Change, the King encouraged them, by a gentle Speech, telling them, That they need not be afraid, for he intended no hurt to any good or innocent Man, and those Arms were not provided for their Destruction but Defence. He farther alleged, how they could not be ignorant, That all his endeavours, since he first came to the Crown, tended to This, That Wicked and Debauch'd Persons might be punished, and the Good enjoy the Estates, either left them by their Ancestors, or acquired by their own Industry; and besides, might have the quiet enjoyment of those Rewards, which the King bountifully had bestowed upon them, according to every ones Worth and Desert; and that things might easily be brought to that pass, if they would lend their helping Hands: The last year, (said he) when I summoned some o [...] [...]he Offenders to appear on a certain day, none at all came; that failure, (as he understood) was not made, so much out of Confidence of their own strength, as of the Assistance of some of their Kindred and Friends, which, if it were true, was dangerous to the Publick, and also very reflective upon such Kindred. Now was the time, when they might redeem both Themselves from Crime, and the Kingdom from being molested by Robberies. This was easy to be done, if those, which were most powerful in every County, would cause the Malefactors to be apprehended and brought to condign punishment, where those Malefactors were, was visible to all. But if they made Excuses, and, having so fair Opportunity to merit well of their Country, were willingly defective to improve it. The King, to whose Care the safety of the whole was committed, could not be excused, if he set them at Liberty, before the Offenders were brought to Punishment, and that This was the End, why he detained them in Custody: And if any one thought, his long durance would be a trouble to him, he might thank himself, seeing it was in his own Power, not only to procure his Liberty, but also to obtain Honour, Reward, and the Praise of all Good Men into the bargain. The Nobles having heard this Harangue, unanimously answered, That they had rather assert their Innocency by Deeds, than Words. Whereupon, they promised him their Assistance, and desired him to lay aside all Suspition, if he had conceived a sinister Opinion of any of them. Upon this their Solemn Engagement, the King told them the Names of the Offenders. The Nobles, by their Friends, made diligent search after them, and, in a short time, they were brought to the King, and punished according to Law. Whereupon, the Nobles were dismissed, having received some Gifts, and many large Promises, from the King; and the Commonalty also pray'd heartily for their King.

Matters being thus composed at home, he faithfully observed the League, made by some former Kings with the English. But this great Tranquillity of all Britain was soon disturbed by the Danes, who appeared with a great Fleet, and Anchored near the Red-Promontory, a Place in Aeneia, or Angus. Red-Head. They there staid some days in Consultation, Whether they should Land there, or direct their Course towards England, as they intended at first; Many of them were of [Page] Opinion, That it was most adviseable to make for England, an opulent Country,A Danish Fleet appears upon the Coast, where they might have both Provision enough for their Army, and also some hopes of Auxiliaries and Recruits, in regard that there many of the Danish stock were yet alive amongst them; and many others stood obliged to them for old Courtesys and Friendships; and that These, upon the first notice of their Arrival, would presently flock in to them, as of old they used always to do. But, as for the Scots, they were a fierce Nation and very hardy, as Those use to be, who are bred in Barren and Hungry Soiles; That they never attempted them, without some great and remarkable loss; and, in the present case, if they overcame them, it would hardly be worth their Labour: But if they were overcome by them, they must endure the utmost Extremity and Rigour: Others were of a different Opinion, alleging, That, if they made their Descent on the Coasts of England, then they should be obliged to Fight Both Nations at once; but if the Scots were First overcome, the War against the English would be easy, when they were bereft of Fo [...]ign Aid, and also terrified with the Loss of their Friends. They further urged, That it was not the part of Great and Magnanimous Spirits, to be intent on Prey and Booty only, they should rather call to mind the Blood of their Kindred and Ancestors, who had been so often cruelly slain in Scotland: And that now especially, having a Great Army, and being furnished also with things necessary for War, they ought to take That Revenge, which might punish the Savage Cruelty of the Scots, according to their Deserts, and might also carry the terror of the Danish Name to all the Neighbouring Nations.

This last Opinion prevailed, so that they Sailed their Navy to the Mouth of the River of Eske;Which Lands in Scotland. and there Landed their Forces. They Plundered the Towns, next to them, destroying all with Fire and Sword; as for the Castle, they Levelled it to the Ground. They slew, higly-pigly, all the Inhabitants of the Town, without distinction of Age or Sex. The like Desolation they also made all over Angus, even to the Firth of the River Tay. The News hereof was brought to the King, then residing at Sterlin. Those, who had escaped the Fury of the Enemy, made things worse in their Relations, than they were indeed. He, by the Advice of those Nobles which were present, propounded a short Day to such as dwelt near, to come in to him. Those, who dwelt farther off, he charged, by Letters, to haste up with their Forces; but, with such Force as he had at present about him, he drew towards the Enemy, both to make what Discovery he could of their Posture; and also, to prevent the Plundering of Stragglers, as much as he could. In a short time, a great Multitude came in to his Camp, which was pitched at the Confluence of the Rivers Tay and Earn. As he was there ordering his forces, News was brought him, That the Enemy had passed over the Tay, and were Besieging Perth. The King, being concerned at the Danger of a Town so near him, marches directly to it. As soon as the Danes were in sight, the Scots, eager of Revenge, made hast to fight them, and making choice of a convenient Place to Order their Army,Kenneth fights with the Danes, and is worsted at First. they drew towards the Enemy. But the Danes having seated themselves on an opposite Hill, where they [Page] could not, without much hazard, be attacqued; the Archers and Darts-men compelled them to come down, insomuch that a most Cruel Fight began at the bottom of the Hill; much Blood was spilt, and the Victory uncertain; when the Danes gave forth a Word, thro' their whole Army, That no man must ever hope to return again to their Camp, unless as a Conquerour. Whereupon, making a great shout, they made such a brisk Charge and Assault upon the Scots, that they routed Both their Wings, and eagerly followed the Pursuit. That day had been certainly most ruinous to the Scots, unless Aid had been afforded by One man, sent, as it were, from Heaven, in so desperate a Posture of Affairs! There was a certain Countryman, whose name was Hay, who was casually Plowing in the Field, over which the Scots-Runaways were a Flying, and his Two Sons with him; They were strong-bodied men, Stout and Courageous, and also great Lovers of their Country. The Father took a Yoke; the Sons what Instruments they could catch, and stood in a narrow Pass, where the thickest of the Fugitives were flying; there, First by Reproaches, Then by Threatnings, they endeavoured to stop them, but not prevailing thereby, they fell upon those that pressed on them, saying, That they would be as so many Danes to them, who thus ran away. Hereupon, Those, who were of more fearful Spirits,The Day recovered by the Valour of Hay and his Son [...]. made an halt; and the Stouter, who fled rather for Company, than for Fear, joyned with Them, crying out Help was at hand, so that the whole Company turned back again on the Enemy, and forc'd the Danes to as fearful and hasty a flight, as they themselves had been lately guilty of. This trepidation of the Danes occasioned a great Shout among the Baggage men, and other Followers of the Army, as if a New Army had been coming; This Passage gave so great encouragement to the Scots, and struck such a terror to the Danes, The Danes [...]eceive a mighty overthrow. That it raised up the Spirits of the former, who were almost upon the point of Desperation; and occasioned to the other a certain Overthrow, instead of an hoped Victory. This is the Victory, obtained at the Village Standing 2 Miles West from the confluence of Almond and Ta [...], in Pe [...]shire. Loncarty, celebrated for That, and some days after; and transmitted down to Posterity, with great Rejoycing. When the Conquerors were dividing the Spoils, the Name of Hay was in all their Mouths; many creditable Persons affirmed, that they saw, whereever He or his Sons made an onset, there Our Ranks were restored, and the Danes broken; in fine, they all unanimously ascribed the Prey, the Victory, the Honour of the Day, and their own Lives, to Him. When Hay was brought to the King, he spake very modestly of himself, and having Rich and Splendid Garments offered him, and his Sons, that He and They might be the more taken Notice of, at their Entrance into St. Iohnstons, called Perth, because built on a Gentlemans Land, named Perth. Perth, he refused them, only he wiped away the dust off his Coat, which he wore every day; and carried the Yoke, which he used in the Fight, and so he entred the City; a great Train being commanded by the King to follow him at a distance, as well as some to go before him, such a Confluence of People there was at this new Spectacle, that He alone did almost take up the Solemnity of the whole day. After the departure of the D [...]nes, and so sudden and unexpected a calm, in an Assembly of the Estates, shortly after Indicted at Scone, the First thing agitated, was, What Honours [Page] and Rewards should be bestowed on Hay and his Sons. Lands were allotted him, almost the fruitfulest in all Scotland, which his Posterity enjoy to this day, and their Family is propagated

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into many opulent Branches, and they were then taken out of the Class of the Plebeians, into the Order of the Nobility: And a Coat of Arms was assigned them according to the custom of Noble Houses, viz. Ar. 3 Scutcheons Gules. Which Bearing shews, (in my opinion) That the publick Safety was procured by the Eminent Fortitude of those Three Persons, in that Fight.

After this Battel, Peace seemed to have been settled for many Years, when, behold, some troublesome matters at home did disturb this Calm: As for the Commotion of the Islanders, who, in a Plundering way, ranged over all Ross, That was quickly suppressed; some of the Robbers being slain in [...]ight, some taken in pursuit, and after Executed. But Crathilinthus, the Son of Fenella, or (as some call her) Finabella, gave far greater disturbance: He was then the chief of all Mern, both in Descent and Wealth. Crathilinthus, his Grandfather, by the Mothers side, was made Governor by the King, over that part of Angus, which lies between the Two Rivers, each of them having the Name of Eske, where he gathered up the Kings Taxes and Revenues; his Nephew, coming with a great Train to visit him, a sudden Quarrel arose amongst their Servants, so that two of Crathilinthus's Friends were slain: He complained thereof to his Grandfather, who laid the blame of the Tumult upon his Nephews rude Retinue and Company, and, after a sharp Reproof, he was dismissed by him,Crathilinthus [...]ses a disturbance in Scotland. but not without Contumelies from his Servants and Domesticks: So that returning home, he in great Wrath, complained of the Affront to his Mother; who was so far from endeavouring to allay his Rage, and quiet the Mind of the incensed Youth, by grave and wholesome Counsel, that she importuned him to Revenge himself by force of Arms, even upon her own Father, and his Grandfather, too. Hereupon, not long after, Crathilinthus, having gathered an armed Company together, fit for his purpose, comes by Night into Angus, to his Grandfathers Castle. He, with some few Followers were admitted in, without Suspicion, and being once entred, he gave the Word to the rest, who lay in Ambush, and let in them also; so that he slew his Grandfather, with his whole Family, plundered the Castle, depopulated the Country adjacent; and, as if he had done a Famous Exploit, he returned pompously with a great Booty into Mern. But the Angusians did not suffer this Injury to pass long Unrevenged: For, soon after, gathering a great many of their Faction together, they made great Havock in the District of Mern. From that time forward, Slaughters and Rapines were occasionally committed on both sides. Kennethus, hearing of it, published a Proclamation, That the Chief of either Faction should appear at Scone, within Fifteen Days, to answer, What should be objected against them; for he feared, that if a greater number should resort to the Factions, further Tumults might arise; some few being terrified by this minatory Edict, made their appearance accordingly; but the greatest part, of whom Crathilinthus was Chief, being conscious of [Page] their own Demerits, fled away, as every one thought most convenient. The King made diligent search after them, the greatest part of them were taken in Loch-Abyr, and some, elsewhere. But is suppressed, and put to Death Crathilinthus, and the Cheif of the Faction, were punished with Death; others, according to the Degree of their Crimes, had lesser Punishments, and those who were but a little Guilty, had none at all inflicted on them.

This Moderation and Temperament procured to the King Fear from the bad, but great Love from others; and settled Peace in all his Kingdom, till the Twenty first year of his Reign. Insomuch, That, if he had persisted in that course of Life, which he had begun, he might well have been reckoned amongst the Best of Princes; for, he so performed all the Offices both of Peace and War, that he got great Renown upon the account of his Equity, Impartiality and Valour. But the Excellency of his former Life was blurred by one Wicked Fact that he committed, which seemed, too, more aggravated in him, in regard it was incredible, and unexpected to proceed from his Disposition, who had before, so severely punished Grand Offenders. The Occasion of it was This: The King, being now grown somewhat ancient, had a Son named Malcolm, a Prince of great Ingenuity, but in point of Age, not yet mature to Govern so fierce a People, if his Father should die. Further, the Custom of our Ancestors was then against it, that he should Reign next after his Father. For, They were wont to choose not the next, but the fittest, of the deceased Kings Relations, provided, he were descended from Fergus the First, King of the Scots. Besides, the Favour of the Nobility was another Obstacle, which did incline to another Malcolm, the Son of King Duffus, the most Praise-Worthy Prince of all the Scotish Royal Race: Moreover, he was then Governor of Cumberland, which County the Scots did hold as Feudataries of the Kings of England, on such Terms, That the Government of Cumberland was always looked upon as previous to the Throne of Scotland; for it had been so observed, for some Ages past. The King, perceiving,Kenneth embrues his Hands in the Blood of the hopeful Prince, and his Kinsman [...] That this Malcolm, for the Reasons aforementioned, would be an hindrance to his Design, not daring to do it openly, caused him privately to be made away by Poyson. Thus died that excellent young Man, much lamented and near to his greatest Hope; some Signs of Poison appeared in his Body, but no Man ever dreamt of suspecting the King. Yea, his Deportment was such, as to avert all Suspicion; for he Mourned and Wept for his Death, and made an Honourable mention of his Name, when occasion was administred to speak of it; and caused him magnificently to be Interred, no Ceremony being omitted, which could be invented for the Honour of the Deceased. But this superlative Diligence of the King, to remove the Suspicion from himself, gave a shrewd Jealousie to the more Sagacious. Yet, they forbore to speak out, for the Reverence all bore to, and had conceived of the Kings Sanctity. But soon after, the King himself scattred some Words abroad, to try the Minds of Men, How they would bear the abrogating of an old Law, and the enacting a new, concerning the Succession of their Kings, viz. That according to the Custom of many Nations, if a King died, his Son should succeed him; and if he were [Page]under Age, then to have a Protector or Tutor assigned to him, so the Kingly Name might rest in the Child; but the Power of Government, in the Tutors or Guardians, till he came to Age. Though a great Part of the Nobles praised his Speech, as being willing to Gratifie him; yet, the Suspicion concerning the Death of Malcolm prevailed upon the Major part, and especially upon the Nobility, and Those of the Royal Stock, who were afraid of the King.

Mens Spirits being in this posture, Ambassadors came from England, to comfort the King upon the loss of his Kinsman; and withal, desiring, That, in substituting another Governor, he would remember, That Cumberland being the Bond of Concord betwixt the Two Nations, he would set Such a Person over it, who might be an indifferent Arbiter of Peace, and that would maintain the ancient Alliance betwixt the Two Nations,Kenneth III. endeavours to alter the old Law, concerning Succession of the Crown, and to make it Hereditary. for the Good of them Both; and, if any new Suspicions or Jealousies should arise, that he would labour to extinguish them. The King judged this Embassy fit for his purpose; so, that having Convened the Nobility at Scone, he made a grave Harangue to them, against the ancient Custom of the Assemblies of Estates, in this Point; wherein he recited all the Seditions which had happened for that Cause; and with how great Impiety, some of the surviving Kindred had treated the Children of former Kings; and what Wars, Rapines, Slaughters, and Banish [...]nts, had ensued thereupon. On the other side, he put them in Mind▪ How much more Peaceable, and less Turbulent, the Parliamen [...]y Assemblies of other Countries were; and what great Reverence was born to the Royal Blood; when, without convasing for Succession, Children succeeded their Parents in the Throne. Having thus spoken, he referred the matter to that Great Council, to determine something in this Case: He acquainted them also with the Demands of the English Ambassador; and, to give a greater Manifestation of his Condescention and Civility, whereas it was in the Kings Power alone, to appoint a Governor of Cumberland, he left it to them to nominate One; supposing, that by this his Moderation, he might the more easily obtain his Desire, concerning the Succession to the Crown: For, if he himself had Nominated his Son for a Governor, he thought, he should have prejudiced his other Request, because, as I said before, the Government or Prefecture over Cumberland was looked upon as the Designation of the Person, to be the next succeeding King of Scotland. Constantine, the Son of Culenus, and Grimus, the Son of Mogal, Brother to King Duffus, who were thought most likely to oppose both Requests, were first asked their Opinions, in the Case; who, partly for Fear of Danger; and partly, that they might not run cross to the Major part of the Nobility, who had been prepossessed and influenc'd by the King, gave their Vote, That it was in the Kings Power, And carries the Point. to Correct and Amend Laws, which were inconvenient to the Publick; and also, to appoint what Governor he pleased over Cumberland. The rest, though they knew, that they had spoken contrary to their own Sense, yet Consented to what they said. And by this means, Malcolm, the Kings Son, though not of Age, but Immature for Government, was declared Governor of Cumberland; and also Prince of Scotland, which Title signifies in Scotland, as much as [Page] Daulphin doth, in France; and Caesar, amongst the old Roman Emperors; and the King of the Romans, amongst the Modern Germans; whereby the Successor to the preceding Magistrate is understood. Other Laws were also made, viz. That as the Kings Eldest Son should succeed his Father; so, if the Son died before the Father, the Nephew should succeed the Grandfather: That when the King was under Age, a Tutor or Protector should be Chosen, some Eminent Man for Interest and Power, to Govern in the Kings Name and stead, till he came to Fourteen Years of Age, and then he had Liberty to choose Guardians for Himself. And besides, many other Things were Enacted concerning the Legitimate Succession of Heirs, which ran in common to the whole Nobility, as well as to the King. The King having thus, by indirect and evil Practises, setled the Kingdom on his Posterity, as he thought; yet, his Mind was not at rest. For,Kenneth troubled in Conscience for his Murder of Malco [...]m. though he were very Courteous to all, and highly Beneficial and Obliging to a great many; and withal, did so manage the Kingdom, that no one Part of a good King, was wanting in him; yet, his Mind being disquieted with the guilt of his Offence, suffered him to enjoy no sincere or solid Mirth; but in the Day, he was vexed with the Thoughts of that foul Wickedness, which did inject themselves; and in the Night, terrible Apparitions disturbed his Rest. At last, a Voice was heard from Heaven, either a true one, as some think; or else, such an one, as his disquieted Mind suggested, (as it commonly happens to Guilty Consciences) speaking to him, in his Sleep, to this Sense. Dost thou think, That the Murder of Malcolm, an Innocent Man, An Apparition and Vo [...]e, to Kenneth. secretly and most impiously Committed by thee, is either unknown to me, or, That thou shalt go unpunished for the same: Nay, there are already Plots laid against thy Life, which thou canst not avoid, neither shalt thou leave a Firm and Stable Kingdom to thy Posterity, as thou thinkest to do, but a Tumultuous and Stormy one. The King being terrified by this dreadful Apparition, betimes in the Morning, hastned to the Bishops and Monks, to whom he declared the Confusion of his Mind, and his Repentance for his Wickedness. They, instead of prescribing him a true Remedy, according to the Doctrine of Christ, (being then degenerated, themselves, from the Piety and Simplicity of their Ancestors) enjoyned him those absurd and fallacious ones, which Evil and Self-minded Men had devised for their own Gain; and unwary People had as greedily received; which were, To bestow Gifts on Temples, and Holy Places; To visit the Sepulchres of Holy Men;Mock-Plaisters applied to Kenneth's wounded Conscience, by S [...] perstitious Ecclesiasticks. To Kiss their Reliques; and to expiate his Sin by Masses and Alms; and withal, they enjoyned him to Respect and Reverence Monks and Priests, more than he had done heretofore. Neither did the King omit to perform all what they enjoyned him, thinking to be healed in his Conscience by these Mock-Plaisters. At length, when he came to Mern to Worship, and to do Reverence to the Bones of Palladius, an Holy Person; he turned aside to view a Neighbouring Castle; called Situate at the Foot of Clermont in Mern. Fethercarn, which was then, as 'tis reported, very pleasant with shady Grows and Piles of curious Buildings, of which, almost no Footsteps remain, at this day. The Lady of that Castle was called Fenella, of whom Mention is made before; who bore the King a grudge, not only for the Punishment of her Son Crathilinthus, but [Page] also upon the account of her Kinsmen, Constantinus, and Grimus; who, by his New Law, were excluded from the Succession to the Crown. But, dissembling her Anger, she entertained the King very splendidly, and with great Magnificence; and, after Dinner, she carried him out to view the Pleasantness of the Place, and the Structure of the Castle; and amongst the rest, she led him into a Privy Parlor, to see a A strange Mechanical Statue or Engine. Brass Statue, most Curiously and Artificially cast, which was made with so much Ingeniousness, as they say, That when a String or Cord, which was secretly bent therein, was remitted and let go, it would shoot out Arrows, of its own accord; and, whilst the King was intent in viewing this Engine, an Arrow privily darted out therefrom, and slew him. Iohannes Major, and Hector Boetius, do Both say, That the King came thus to his End; though, in my Judgment, it be not very probable. For, it is not likely, That, after the decay of Noble Arts amongst other Nations, so curious a Statue should be then made; and that, in the remotest part of Britain, too; though Iohn Major writes, That Edmond the Son of Eldred, was slain by the same Artifice; but Both Stories are Fabulous, as I suppose. Neither can I easily persuade my self, That all Scotland did possess so many Jewels, as Boetius affirms, that One Lady was owner of. And therefore, I rather incline to the Opinion of some others, (amongst whom is Winton) who write, That the Kenneth slain by Fenella. King was slain by some Horse-men, placed in Ambush, at the Command of Fenella. He died in the Twenty fifth year of his Reign; a Prince eminent for all other Things, if the Murder of Malcolm, and his too great Affection to his Kindred, had not made such a foul Blot in his Escutcheon. He Reigned Twenty five years, and deceased in the Year of Christ 994.

Constantine IV. The Eighty First King.

AFTER Kenneth his Death, Constantine, the Son of Culenus, Sirnamed, The Bald, used so much Art and Canvasing, to get the Kingdom, as never any Man did, before him. For he insinuated himself into all sorts of People; complaining, That he and others of the Royal Blood, were circumvented by the Fraud of Kennethus, and so excluded from the hopes of the Kingdom, upon the pretence of a most unjust Constantine inveighs against the Law made by Kenneth, about the Hereditary Succession to the Crown, with his Reasons to back his Opinion. Law; to which, he, with others of the Blood, were forced, by Fear, to Consent. He further alleged, That the Inconvenience of the Law was very Manifest and Visible, in it self. For, What, said he, can be more Imprudent and Foolish, than to take away One of the greatest concerns in Government, from the Suffrage of the Wise, and to leave it to the Liberty of Fortune? And to bind themselves to Obey a Child, because casually born of a King, who, perhaps, might be ruled by some Woman; and, in the mean time, to exclude Brave and Virtuous Men, from sitting at the Helm? He added further, What if the Children of the King should have some Defect, either of Mind or Body, which made them unfit for Government? If Children (proceeded he) had enjoyed the Kingdom, in those days, wherein we fought so many Battels, with the Romans, Britains, Picts, English, and Danes; the Question would not [Page] then have been, Who should Rule over us? But rather▪ Whether we should have been any People at all, to be governed by any Body? Yea, What can border more upon Madness, than to bring That upon our selves by a Law, which God threatens as the severest Judgment to the Rebellious; and by this means, either to despise the Threatnings and Predictions of the Almighty; or, to run into them of our own accord? Neither (said he) is that True, which the Flatterers of Kenneth please themselves with in urging, i. e. That the Slaughters and Avarice of the Kings Kindred may be avoided hereby; for the Kings Children, whilst under Age, have as much Reason to fear the Frauds of their Guardians; as before they did the Plots of their Kindred. And therefore, now the Tyrant is removed, let us valiantly recover the Liberty he took away; and, abrogating that Law, which was enacted by Force, and submitted to out of Fear, (if it may be called a Law, and not rather a publick Enslavement, and Prostitution of our Freedom:) Let us, I say, return to the ancient Institutions and Customs, by which this Kingdom arose, almost out of Nothing; and which, from small Beginnings, have advanced it to that Splendour, that it is inferiour to none of its Neighbours; Yea, and when it was at a low Ebb, have erected it again. And therefore, let us not neglect, or over-slip, this present Opportunity, which offers it self, lest, hereafter, we seek it Vain. By these, and the like Harangues, he cajolled some of the Nobles, and drew a Multitude of the Commons to his Party; who assembled at Scone, Twelve days after the Funeral of Kennethus, and declared him King.

In the mean time, Malcolm, Competitor with Constantine for the Crown. Malcolm ▪ who was busie about the Concern of his Fathers Funeral, hearing, that Constantine was made King, called his Friends together, to deliberate, what was fit to be done. Some were of Opinion, That, before he proceeded any further, he should found how the Minds of the Nobles stood affected, that so he might know, what strength he was able to raise against a popular Man, supported by so many Factions and Alliances; and then, according to the Number of his Forces, to take a Resolution. But those who were young and head-strong, despised this Course, as slow and dilatory; alleging, That it was best to obviate the Danger at its first Rise, and to proceed against the Enemy, before he was setled in his new Kingdom. The King being young, embraced the later Opinion, as the more specious of the Two, and having gathered an Army of about Ten Thousand Men together, marches towards the Enemy. Neither was Constantine defective in his Preparations; for, in a short time, he levied so great an Army, that Malcolm, at the news of his Approach, disbanded his Soldiers, and retired himself into Cumberland. But Kennethus, his Natural Brother, begot on a Concubine, judging that course to be very Dishonourable, persuaded some of the most Valiant Troops to stay behind, and so to stop the Enemy at the River Forth near Sterling, which was the Boundary to both Armies. There both Camps lay idle on the high Banks of the River, which was Fordable but in few places; by which means, they were so afflicted with Pestilence and Famine, (both which Calamities did rage very much, that Year) that each Army was forced to Disband. Thus, the Kingdom being divided into Two Factions, [Page] the Commonalty was miserably afflicted with Hunger, Pestilence, and frequent Robberies. In the mean time, during the absence of Malcolm, who, according to his League, was assisting the English against the Danes, Constantine, thinking he had now got a convenient Opportunity to subdue the Faction opposite to him, marches with great Forces into Lothian. Kennethus, who was left by his Brother to observe all Constantine's Motions, gave him an halt at the Mouth of the River Or Almond-water, dividing Mid-Lothian, from West-Lothian, or Linlithgoshire. Almon. And, because he was inferior in Number, he supplyed that defect by Stratagem, for he so ordered his Army, that he had the advantage both of the Sun and Wind; and besides, his Army was flanked, as much as it could, with the River, which was the chief Cause of his Victory. For the Constantinians, trusting to their Multitude, rushed violently into the Battel, having the Sunbeams darting into their very Faces; and besides, a Storm, suddainly arising, drove so much Dust into their Faces and Eyes, that they could scarce lift up their Heads against their Enemies. A great Slaughter was made in both Armies, and both Generals themselves, upon a Charge,Constantine slain. wounded and slew one another; after Constantine had invaded the Kingdom, an Year and Six Months.

Grimus, The Eighty Second King.

GRimus, the Son of King Duffus, or, as others say, of his Brother Mogallus, after Constantine's death, was brought to Scone, and there, by the Men of his own Faction, was made King. He, perceiving, that some Nobles of his Party were already corrupted by Messengers sent from Malcolm; and More of them were solicited by him, to a Defection; took some of those Messengers and committed them to Prison: Malcolm, being much inceased at the Imprisonment of his Embassadors, as being done against the Law of Nations, breaks forth into open War. As Grimus was making head against him, a suddain Rumor was dispersed through all Malcolm's Army, of the Vastness of the Army coming against them, so that all Malcolm's Measures were disturbed thereby; many of his Soldiers ran privily away; and many others, making frivolous pretences, did publickly desire to be dismissed. The Fear first arose from the Merchants, who, preferring their Private Concerns before the Publick Good, scattered the Report throughout the whole Army. And besides, there were Some among them, who privately favoured Grimus his Party; for indeed, there were many things in him very attractive of the Vulgar, as the Talness of his Stature, his great Beauty, accompanied with a singular Courtesie, and a comely Meen in all his Actions; Besides, as there was occasion, he was severe in punishing Offenders, and he managed Matters with great Celerity and Prudence, so that many promised themselves an Happy and an Honourable Calm, under his Government. In this Diversity and Combustion of Mens Spirits, Malcolm, not daring to commit any thing to an hazard in Battel, by the Advice of his Friends, dismissed the greatest part of his Army, and, with some select Troops, resolved to stop the Enemies passage over the Forth.

[Page]In the mean time, the Bishop of that Diocess, Forthadus by Name, of whom all had an high Opinion for his Sanctimony, endeavoured, by his Authority, to compose Matters, and passing to and fro betwixt both Parties, at length he brought Matters to this pass, That a Truce was made for Three Months; Grimus being to go into Angus; and Malcolm into Cumberland: And also Arbitrators were to be chosen by both Parties, by Consent, who were to determine the main Controversie in Dispute. Neither did Forthadus give over his Endeavours, till An Agreement made between Malcolm and Grimus, con [...]erning the Crown. Peace was made by them on these Conditions; ‘That Grimus should retain the Name of King, as long as he lived: And, that, after his Decease, the Kingdom should return to Malcolm; And, for the future, the Law of Kennethus, for establishing the Succession in the King's Children, should be observed as Sacred and Inviolate. In the mean time, the Wall of Severus was to be the Boundary to them Both. That which was within the Wall was to belong to Malcolm; and That without, to Grimus. Both of them were to be contented with those Limits, Neither being to invade each other, or to assist the Enemies of one another.’ Thus Peace was made, to the great Joy of all Men, which was Religiously observed for almost Eight Years. Grimus was the first Occasion of the Breach, for whereas, since the beginning of his Reign, in turbulent Times, he had carried himself as a good Prince, his Industry being slackened by the Quiet he enjoyed, he wholly plunged himself in voluptuous Courses; and that kind of Life, being, as usually it is, a Life of Expence, he was reduced to some Necessity, and was thereby enforced to pretend Crimes against the Richer sort, that so, out of Covetousness, he might enjoy their Estates. Being told of the danger of this Course, he was so far from Reforming it; or, from abating any thing of his former Vileness, That he resolved to put his Monitors in Prison, that so others, being terrified by their Punishment, might not use the like freedom, in reproving Kings. In order whereto, he invited them kindly to his Court, but they, having notice of his Design, by their Friends, withdrew themselves; at which, Grimus was so enraged, that he gathered a Band of Men together, and made after them, spoiling their Lands more than any Foreign Enemy could have done; he spared neither Men, Houses, Cattle nor Corn, and That which he could not carry away, he spoiled, That so it might be rendred useless to the Owners. Thus he made a promiscous Havock of all things, (whether Sacred or Prophane) by Fire and Sword. Complaint hereof being made to Malcolm, who was then busie in helping the English against the Danes, he presently returned home; for he was incensed, not only at the undeserved Sufferings of so many brave and innocent Persons, but much more, at the Indignity offered him by Grimus; who, knowing that the Lands were shortly to pass over to another, without any Respect to future Times, had swept away the Fruits thereof, as if it had been an Enemies Country. There was a great Resort to Malcolm, at his return, insomuch, that, thô Grimus had for a time been Dear to, and Beloved of, the People; yet now the greatest part of the Nobles forsook him. Notwithstanding, with what Forces he could make, he made Head against his Enemy. When their Camps were near one another, [Page] Grimus, knowing that Malcolm would Religiously observe As [...]ensi [...]n-day, resolved then to attaque him, hoping to find him unpr [...]pared. Malcolm, having notice of his Design, kept his Men in Arms, and thô he did hope well, as to the Victory, in so good a Cause; yet he sent to Grimus, to advise him to defer Fighting for that day, that so They, being Christians, might not pollute so Holy a Day, with shedding the Blood of their Countrymen; Yet he was, nevertheless, resolved to Fight, alleging to his Soldiers, That the Fear the Enemy was in, thô pretended to be out of Reverence to so Holy a Feast, was a good Omen of their Victory. Hereupon, a fierce and eager Fight began; wherein, Grime, having broken the Agreement with Malcolm, is overthrown by him in Battel. Grimus, being forsaken of his Men, was wounded in the Head, taken Prisoner, and soon after had his Eyes put out. Insomuch, that, in a short time, out of Grief, as well as his Wounds, he Dyed in the Tenth Year of his Reign. Malcolm carried it Nobly towards the Conquered, and caused Grimus to be interred in the Sepulchres of his Ancestors. The Faction, which followed him, he received into his Grace and Favour, laying aside the Memory of past Offences; Then going to the Assembly of Estates at Scone, before he would undertake the Government, he caused The Law concerning Hereditary Succession to the Crown Confirmed. the Law made by his Father, concerning the Succession to the Crown, to be publickly Ratified by the Votes of the whole Parliament.

Malcolm II. The Eighty Third King.

AT the entrance into his Government, he laboured to restore the State of the Kingdom, which was sorely shaken by Factions. And as he forgave all former Offences to himself, so he took care that the Seeds of Faction and Discord amongst all different Parties might also be rooted out. After this, he sent Governors, chosen out of the Nobility, into all Provinces, (Just and Pious Men) to restrain the Licentiousness of Robbers; who, in former times, had taken great Liberty to themselves to Steal and Plunder. By Them also the Common People were encouraged to Tillage and Husbandry; so that Provisions grew cheaper, Commerce between Man and Man safer, and the publick Peace was better secured. Amidst these Transactions, Sueno, Sueno, or Swain, coming into Scotland, obtains Aid there against Eng [...]and. the Son of Harald, King of the Danes, being banished from home, came into Scotland. He was oftentimes overcome, made Prisoner by, and Ransomed from, the Vandals; and having sought for Aid in vain from Olavus, King of the S [...]edes, Danes, Laps, and Norts, were anciently so called. Scandians, and Edward King of England, at last he came into Scotland, and being turned Christian, of whom before he was a most bitter Enemy, there he received some small assistance, and so returned into his own Country; from whence soon after he passed over with a great Army into England. First, he overthrew the English, alone; and afterwards, he had the same Success against them, when the Scots assisted them, whom he grievously threatned, because they would not forsake the English, and return into their own Country. Neither were his Threatnings in vain, for Olavus of The Danes enter Scotland, and overthrow King Malcolm in Battel. Scandia, and Enecus, General of the Danes, were sent by him with a great Army into Scotland; They ranged over all Murray, killed whomsoever they met, took away all they could catch, whether Sacred or Prophane; at last, gathering into a [Page] Body, they assaulted Castles, and other strong Places. While they were Besieging these Fortresses, Malcolm had gathered an Army together out of the Neighbouring Countrys, and pitch'd his Camp not far from them. The day after, the Scots, perceiving the Multitude of the Danes, and their Warlike Preparations, were struck with great Terrour; The King endeavoured to encourage them, but to small purpose; at last, a Noise was raised in the Camp, by those who were willing to seem more valiant than the rest; and when it was raised, others received, and seconded it; so that presently, as if they had been wild, they ran in upon the Danes, without the Command of their Leaders, and rushed upon the points of their Swords, who were ready to receive them. After the forwardest were slain, the rest fled back, faster than ever they came on. The King was Wounded in the Head, and had much ado, to be carried off the Field into an adjacent Wood, where he was Horsed, and so escaped with his Life. After this Victory, the Castle of Narn was surrendred to the Danes, the [...]arison being dismayed at the Event of the unhappy Fight; yet they put them to Death, after the surrender. They strongly fortified the Castle, because it was seated in a convenient Pass; and, of a Peninsule, made it a convenient Isle, by cutting through a narrow Chanel, for the Sea to surround it; and then they called it by a Danish Name, A Burgh, or Burough. Burgus. The other Castles, which were Elgin and Foress, were deserted, for fear of the Cruelty of the Danes. The Danes upon this good Success, resolved to fix their Habitations in Murray, and sent home their Ships to bring over their Wives and Children, in the mean time exercising all manner of cruel hardships over the Captived Scots.. Malcolm, in order to prevent their further Progress, gathered a stronger, and more compact, Army together; and when they were gone into Marr, he met them at a place called A Village on the West of the River F [...]ddick near Balvany. Mortlich, both Armies being in great fear; the Scots being afraid of the Cruelty of the Danes; and the Danes fearing the Places, which they did not know, (as being far from the Sea, and fit for Ambushes) more than their Enemies. In the beginning of the Fight, the Scots were much discouraged at the Slaughter of Three of their Valiant Worthies, viz. of Kennethus, Thane of the Islands; of Grimus, Thane of Strathearn; and of Dumbar, Thane of Lothian, who all fell, presently one after another; so that they were forced to retreat, and to retire into their old Fastness, which was behind their backs: There, fencing their Camp with a Trench, Ditch, and huge Trees, which they cut down, in a narrow place, they fronted, and stopped, the Enemy; yea, they slew some, who, as if they had fully gotten the Victory,The Danes overthrown by the Scots, and their Genera [...] ▪ Ene [...]s, sl [...]n. did carelesly assault them, amongst whom, Enecus, one of their Generals, fell. His Loss, as it made the Danes less forward to fight; so it added Alacrity to the Scots, who were crest-fallen, before. So that, almost in a moment of time, the Scene was quite altered; The Danes were put to flight, and the Scots pursued them. Olavus, the other of their Generals, got some to guide him, and bent his Course, that night, towards Murray. Though Malcolm knew it, yet, having slain the forwardest of his Enemies, and wounded many more, he desisted from following the Chase. When News of this Overthrow was brought to Swain, in England, he bore it undauntedly; and sent [Page] some of his old Soldiers, and some that were newly come to him from his own Country, under Camus, their General, to recruit his old and shattered Army, in Scotland. He first came into the Firth of Forth, but being hindred by the Country (who observed all his Motions) from Landing, he set Sail, and made for the Called Redhead, Ridhead, or Reedhead. Red-Promontory of Angus. There he landed his Men, and attempted to take in some Places, but, being disappointed, he fell a plundering. Having pitched his Tents at B [...]mbreid in the midway between Dundee and Aberbrothock. Balbridum, i. e. the Village of St. Bride, word was brought him by his Spies, that the Scots Forces were scarce two miles distant from him; whereupon both Generals, according to the Exigence of the time, exhorted their Men to fight; and the next day, they were all ready at their Arms, almost at one time. The third day, they fought with so great eagerness and fury, as either new Hope, or old Hatred, could occasion and suggest; At last, the Scots prevailed, and The Danes, under their General Camus, receive another overthrow from the Scots. Camus, endeavouring to secure the Remainders of his Army, by flying to the Mountains towards Murray, before he had gone two miles, was overtaken by the Pursuers, and he and all his Men cut off. There are Monuments extant of this Victory, in an Obeliske, and a Neighbouring Village, which as yet retains the Memorable Name of Camus. Another Band of them were cut off not far from the Town of On the River South-Esk, in Angus. Breichin; where also another Obeliske was erected; The Remainder, being few in Number, under the Covert of the night, made to their Ships; These last were tossed up and down several days in the raging Sea, by cross Winds, at length coming to the inhospitable Shore of Buchan, they rode there so long at Anchor, till they were necessitated, for want, to send about 500 of their Men ashore, to get some Relief, out of the Neighbouring Country; Mernanus, the Thane of the place, stopp'd them from returning to their Ships, and compelled them to retire, to a steep Hill, where, being assisted by the Conveniency of the place, they defended themselves with Stones, and slew many of the Scots, who rashly attempted them: At last, the Scots encouraged one another, and in several Parties, in great Numbers, got up the Hill, and put every Man of the Danes to the Sword. There also, as well as at Bambreid, when the Wind blows up the Sand, there are Bones discovered of a greater Magnitude, than can well suit with the Stature of the Men of our Times.

Yet Sueno was not discouraged, no not with this Overthrow also, but sent his Son Canutus sent by Swain, into Scotland. Canutus, with new Levies, into Scotland. He landed his Souldiers in Buchan, and so preyed upon the Country. Malcolm, though he had yet hardly recovered his Loss, sustained in former Battels, yet made head against him, and being not willing to hazard all by fighting a pitched Battel, he thought it best to weary the Enemy with light Skirmishes, and to keep him from plundering; for, by this means, he hoped, in a short time, to reduce him to great want of Provisions, as being in an Enemies Country, almost quite wasted and desolated by the Miseries of War, before. He followed this Counsel for some days, but, at last, when the Scots had got a full understanding of their Enemies Strength, they less diffided their Own; and both Armies, being equally pressed with Want, did unanimously crave a Signal to the Battel, pretending, unless it were given, they would fall to it, even, without the Consent of their Generals. [Page] Hereupon, Malcolm set the Battel in array, which was fought with such A Third desperate Battel between the Danes, under Canutus their General, and the Scots ▪ desperate Rage and Fury, that neither Party came off in Triumph. And though the Victory did nominally rest on the Scots side, yet a great part of their Nobility being slain, and the rest, wearied and discouraged in their Spirits, returned to their Camp, giving the Danes liberty to retreat, without any pursuit; The next day, when both Parties mustered their Men, they found so great a Slaughter to have been made, that they willingly admitted some Priests to be Intercessors of Peace between them.Which produceth Conditions of Peace between Them. Whereupon, Peace was made on these Conditions, That the Danes should leave Murray, and Buchan, and depart; and that as long as Malcolm and Sueno lived, neither of them should wage War with one another any more, nor help one anothers Enemies; That the Field in which the Battel was fought, should be set apart, and Consecrated for the Burial of the Dead. Upon this, the Danes withdrew, and Malcolm took Order for the Interment of the slain.

A while after, he called an Assembly of Estates at Scone; and, that he might reward those who had deserved well of their Country, he divided all the King's Lands between them: On the other side, the Nobility granted to the King, The Originals of Wardships. ‘That when any of them died, their Children should be under the Wardship and Tutelage of the King, till they arrived at the Age of 21 Years; and, that the King should receive all their Revenue, except what was expended for the Education of the Ward; And besides, that he should have the Power to give them in Marriage; Or, otherwise to dispose of them, when they were grown up, and should also receive their Dowry.’ I judge, this Custom came rather from the English and Danes; because it yet continues throughout all England, and in part of Normandy, too. Afterwards, the King bent his Thoughts to repair the Damages sustained by the War; he re-edified many Temples, and Sacred Places, demolished by the Enemy; he built New Castles, or else repaired the Old, in every Town. Having thus restored Peace to the Kingdom by his great Valour, he endeavoured further to adorn it with good Institutions and wholsom Laws; and, in order thereunto, be erected New Names for Magistrates, (I believe, such, as he borrowed from his Neighbours) which served rather for vain Ambition, than for any real Use. For, in former times, there was no Name superior in Honour to that of a Knight, except that of Thane, i. e. Governor, or Sheriff, of a Province or Country; which Custom, as I hear, is yet observed amongst the Danes. But, now a days, Princes keep no Mean, in instituting New Titles of Honour. New Names, or Titles, of Honour; though there be no use at all of those Names, but the bare Sound. Thus Malcolm, having finished his Toilsom Wars, Reigned some Years in great Splendor and Glory. But, in the Progress of his Age, he sullied the Beauty of his former Life with the blot of Covetousness. That Vice, being incident to Old Men, partly grew up in him with his Age, and partly arose from that Want, which his immoderate Largesses had driven him to. So that those Lands, which he had unadvisedly distributed amongst the Nobility, he did as unjustly and wickedly labour to resume; by which means, he put some of them to Death, and reduced others to great Penury. Hereupon, the present [Page] sense of suffering, though sometimes just, drowned the Memory of all former Courtesies; so that, the Injury reaching to a few, but the Fear to many, the Friends and Kindred of those which were slain and impoverished, bent all their Thoughts to revenge Them, and to secure Themselves. And at last, b [...]bing the King's Domesticks at About four Miles South of Forfar. Glammes, in Angus, they were admitted at Night into the King's Bed-Chamber, and King Malcolm Murdered. slew him. When they had committed the Fact, those bribed Domesticks, together with the Parricides, took Horse, which they had ready bridled and saddled for all Events; and, being not able to find the way, in regard the Snow covered all the Track, they were confounded, and arrived at a Lake, by the Town of The Chief Town of Angus. Forfar; where, endeavouring to pass ov [...]r, the Ice being not very firm, they sunk with their Weight, and were all K. Malcolm's Murderers drowned in their Flight. drowned. Their Bodies lay undiscovered for a season, by reason the Ice closed again; but when a Thaw came, they were found, and hung upon Gibbets in the High-ways, there to rot for the Terrour of the Living; and in Reproach to them, after they were dead. This is the common Report about Malcolm's End; though some write, that he was slain by an Ambush, laid by the Kinred of Grimus and Constantinus, the former Kings, after a bloody B [...]ttel joyned and fought betwixt them. Others say, that he was killed by the Friends of a Noble Virgin, whom he had forceably vitiated; but all agree, that he came to a violent Death. Malcolm Reigned so justly above Thirty Years, that, unless Avarice had corrupted his Mind in's Old Age, he might well have been numbered amongst the Best of Princes. The Year, in which he died, was a Prodigious One, for, in the Winter, the Rivers did mightily overflow; and in Spring there were great Inundations of the Sea.Prodigies. And moreover, a few Days after the Summer Solstice, there were very pinching Frosts, and mighty Snows, by which means, the Fruits of the Earth being spoiled, a great Famine did ensue.

The Seventh BOOK.

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I Have declared in the former Book, how eagerly Kennethus, and his Son Malcolm, did strive, to settle the Succession to the Crown in their Families, That the Eldest Son might succeed the Father: But what the Success thereof, was, will appear in the Sequel. This is certain, That that Publick Benefit which was promised to the whole Kingdom, nor yet the private Advantage, alleged to arise to our Kings, thereby, were not at all obtained, by this New Law. An Universal Good to All was pretended, in thus settling the Succession, that Seditions, Murders, and Treacheries, might be prevented amongst Those of the Blood; and also, that Ambition, with the other Mischiefs accompanying it, might be rooted out from amongst the Nobles. But, on the contrary,Descants, by way of Reflection, upon the Law of Kenneth about Hereditary Succession to the Crown. when I enquire into the Causes of Publick Grievances, and compare the Old with the Modern, it seems to me, That all those Mischiefs, which we would have avoided by this New Law, are so far from being extinguished by the Antiquating of the Old, that they rather receive a great Increase therefrom. For, not to speak of the Plots of their Kinred against Those who are actually in the Throne; nor of a present King's Evil Suspitions of those, whom Nature and the Law would have accounted as most dear to him; I say, omitting these things, which, in the Series of our History, will be further explained; all the Miseries of former Ages may seem light and tolerable, if compared with those Calamities, which followed upon the Death of Alexander the Third. Neither will I insist upon the Particulars following, viz. that That Law doth enervate the Force of all Publick Councils, without which no Lawful Government can subsist: That it doth willingly, and, by consent, create those Evils to our selves, which others, who have Interest in Publick Governments, do chiefly, if not only, deprecate; viz. To have Kings, over whom other Governors must be appointed; and so the People are to be universally committed into their Power, who have no Power over themselves: insomuch, That those Persons, who are hardly brought to Obey Wise, Prudent, and Experienced Kings, are now required to yield Obedience, as it were, to the very shadow of a King; by which means, we willingly precipitate our selves into those Punishments, which God threatens to Those, who despise and contemn his Holy Majesty, namely, That Children, Male or Female, may Reign over us, whom the Law of Nations, and even Nature it self, (the Mother of all Laws) hath subjected to the Rule of others. As for the private Benefit, That Kings aim at by this Law, i. e. That they may perpetuate their Name and Stock, how vain and fallacious that Pretence is, the Examples of the Ancients, yea, even Nature it self, might inform them, if they had but considered, by [Page] how many Laws and Rewards, the Romans endeavoured to perennate the mighty Names of their Families; of which yet, no one Footstep remains at this Day, no not in any part of the World, which they had Conquered. Which Disappointment doth deservedly attend those, who fight against even Nature it self, by endeavouring to cloath a fading, frail, Thing, subject to Momentany Alterations, and Blasts of Fortune, with a sort of Perpetuity; and to endow it with a kind of Eternity, which they themselves neither are Partakers of, nor can be; yea, they strive to effect it by those Mediums, which are most cross to their purpose: For, what is less conducive to Perpetuity, than Tyranny? Yet, this New Law makes a great Step thereto; for a Tyrant is, as it were, the White, or Mark, exposed to the Hate of all Men, insomuch that he cannot long subsist, and when he falls, all His fall with him. It seems to me, That God doth sometimes gently chastize and disappoint this endeavour of Foolish Men; and sometimes he doth expose it, even to Publick Scorn, as if it were emulous of his own Power. There can be no clearer, or fitter, Example of Gods Will and Pleasure, than That which we have now under our Hands. For Malcolm, who so much laboured to confirm the Law, (which was, almost, forcibly Enacted by his Father) by common Suffrage and Consent, For the Kings Children to be substituted in the Room of their deceased Parents, even He, left no Male-Child behind him; but he had Two Daughters, One called Beatrix, whom he Married to a Nobleman named Grimus, the Thane of the Western Islands, and the Chief of all other Thanes, and therefore styled in that Age, Abthane, or great Thane, is the Chief above all other Thanes, which receives the King's Revenue, as Lord High Treasurer, from the other Thanes. Abthane; the Other, named Doaca, he Married to the Thane of Angus, by whom he begot Mackbeth, or Macbeda, of whom in his Place.

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Donaldus VII. The Eighty Fourth King.

MALCOLM being slain, as hath been related, Donaldus, his Nephew by his Daughter Beatrix, succeeded him. A Prince of great Courtesy, and of more Indulgence to his own Kindred, than became a King: For he was of a mild and Inclineable Disposition; and, from his Youth, gave forth Omens of his Popularity; For, in the most difficult times, when he was made Governor of Cumberland by his Grandfather, and could not c [...]me to the King (by reason of the Danish Troops, which swarmed over the Country, and stopped all Passages) to Swear to the Laws, yet he faithfully took part with the English, until Canutus, having had the rest of England surrendred to him, made an Expedition against him, and then he submitted himself to the Danes, on the same Conditions, under which he obeyed the English, before.Donald [...]ust Government both to R [...]ch and Poor This also was popular in him, That he administred Justice with great Equity, and every Year he visited the Provinces, to hear the Complaints of the Poor, and, as much as he could, he would not suffer the Great men to oppress Them. But, as these Virtues did endear him to the Good, so they lessen'd his Authority amongst the Lovers of Sedition, so that his Clemency to the Former occasioned the Rage of wicked men against him. The beginning of lessening and despising his Government, hapned in Loch-Abyr, upon the account of one Bancho, Thane of that Country, a strict Lover of impartial Justice; some ill Men, not enduring his Severity in Punishments, made a Conspiracy against him, Plundered him of his Goods, and drove him away, being wounded and almost dead. As soon as ever his Wounds permitted him to endure the jogging of his body, he took a Journy and complained to the King; the King sent a publick Officer to do Justice upon the Offenders, but he was grievously affronted, and afterwards slain by them; so great Security did they fancy to themselves, by reason of the Lenity (but, as they interpreted it, Sloth) of a good King. The chief of the Faction, which raised the Rebellion, was named Mac-duald, who, despairing of Pardon, prepares himself for an open War. He called in the One Mac-duald Rebels against Donald. Or R [...]dshanks. Islanders to his assistance, (who were always prone to Sedition) and also the forwardest of the Irish, in hopes of Prey. He told them, That under an effeminate and slothful King, who was fitter to rule Monks than Warriors, there was no fear of Punishment, but there might be great hopes of Advantage; and that he did not doubt, but the Scots, who were, as it were, fettered with the Chains of a Long Peace under the former King, when an Alarm was sounded to the War, would come in to recover their Ancient Liberty. These Exhortations were seconded with a successfull beginning, which much heartned the Party. There was one Malcolm, of the Prime Nobility, sent by the King against them, with some Forces; but his Army was presently overthrown by them, and he himself, being taken Prisoner, had his head cut off by them. The King, being troubled at this Overthrow, called a Council together, to consult of what was fit to be done. Some were very slow in delivering their Opinions, but Mackbeth, Kinsman to the King, laid the [Page] blame of the Misfortune on the Slugg [...]shness of former times, withal promising, that, if the Command or Generalship were bestowed on him and Bancho, who was well acquainted with that Country, he would quickly subdue all,Mackbeth his Character. and quiet things. This Mackbeth was of a sharp Wit, and of a very lofty Spirit; and, if Moderation had accompanied it, he had been worthy of a Command, tho' an eminent one. But, in punishing Offenders, he was so severe, that having no respect to the Laws, he seemed soon likely to degenerate into Cruelty.M [...]cduald is overthrown by Mackbeth and B [...]n [...]ho. When the chief Command of the Army was conferred upon him, many were so terrified, that, casting aside their Hopes, whch they had conceived by reason of the Kings Slothful Temper, they hid themselves in Holes and Corners. The Islanders and the Irish, their Flight being stopp'd, were driven into great Despair, and in a fierce Fight were every one of them slain; Macduala himself, with a few others flying into a Neighbour Castle, being past all hopes of Pardon, redeemed Himself and His from the Opprobriousness of his Enemies, by a voluntary death. M [...]ckbeth, not content with that punishment, cut off his Head, and sent it to the King at Perth, and hung up the rest of his Body, for all to behold, in a conspicuous place. Those of the Red-shanks, which he took, he caused to be hanged.

This Domestick Sedition being appeased, a far greater Terror succeeded, and seized on him, occasioned by the Danes. For Sueno, the powerful King of the Danes, Swain and his three Sons. dying, left Three Kingdoms to his Three Sons; England to Harold; Norway to Sueno; and Denmark to Canutus. Harold dying soon after, Canutus succeeded him in the Realm of Scotland. Swain King of Norway [...]ands in Scotland. Sueno, (or Swain) King of Norway, being Emulous of his Brothers Glory, crossed the Seas with a great Navy, and Landed in Fif [...]; upon the Bruit of his coming, Machbeth was sent to Levy an Army; Bancho, the other General, staying, in the Interim, with the King. Duncanus, or Donald, as if he had been rouzed from a fit of Sluggishness, was forced to go meet the Enemy. They fought near A Town standing on the Forth in Pert [...]shi [...]e. Culross, with such obstinate Courage, that as One Party was scarce able to fly; so the Other had no heart to pursue. The Scots, who look'd upon themselves as overcome, rather by the Incommodiousness of the Place, than by the Valour of their Enemies, retreated to Perth; and there staid with the Relicts of their conquered Forces, waiting for the Motions of the Enemy. Swain, thinking. That if he pressed eagerly on them, all Scotland would speedily be his Own, made towards Perth, with all his Forces, to besiege Duncan; his Ships he sent about by the Tay, to meet him there: Duncan, tho' he much confided in the present Posture of Affairs, because Mackbeth was very near him with a new supply of Force; yet, being counselled by Bancho, to piece out his Force by Stratagem, he sent Messengers, one to Mackbeth, to desire him to stop where he was; and another to Swain, to treat about the Surrender of the Town. The Scots desired, That, upon the Surrender, They and Theirs might have Liberty to depart in safety; Swain, supposing their Request proceeded from the very bottom of Despair, would hear of nothing but surrendring at Mercy; upon this, he sent other Messengers, with unlimited Instructions, and a Command to delay time in making Conditions; [Page] who, to ingratiate themselves the more, told the Norv [...]gians, That, whilst the Conditions of Peace were propounding and setling, their King would send abundance of Provisions into their Camp; as knowing, That they were not over-plentiful in Victuals; That Gift was acceptable to the Norvegians, not so much on the account of the Scots Bounty, or their own Penury, as, that, they thought it was a Sign, their Spirits were cowed out, and quite broken. Whereupon, a great deal of Bread and Wine was sent, both Wine pressed out of the Grape, and also strong Drink made of Barly-Malt, mixed with the [...]uice of a Poysonous Herb, whereof abundance grows in Scotland, called, Somniferous The Sc [...]t [...], by an ineb [...]ating D [...]ink made of Night-shade, stupifie the Danes. The Herb Night-shade, its Description, and Properties. Night-shade. The Stalk of it is above two F [...]ot Long, and in its upper part spreads into Branches, the Leaves are broadish, acuminated on the outside, and faintly Green. The Berrys are great and of a Black Colour when they are ripe, which proceed out of the Stalk under the bottom of the Leaves. Their Taste is sweetish, and almost insipid. It hath a very small seed, as little as the Grains of a Fig. The Virtue of the Fruit, Root, and especially of the Seed, is Soporiferous; and will make men mad, if they be taken in too great Quantities. With this Herb all the Provision was infected, and they that carried it, to prevent all suspition of Fraud, tasted of it before, and invited the Danes to drink huge Draughts thereof. Swain himself, in token of Good will, did the same, according to the custom of his Nation. But Duncan, knowing that the force of the Potion would reach to their very Vitals, whilst they were asleep, had in great silence admitted Mackbeth, with his Forces into the City, by a Gate which was furthest off from the Enemies Camp; and, understanding by his Spies, that the Enemy was fast asleep and full of Wine, he sent Bancho before, who well knew all the Avenues both of that Place, and of the Enemies Camp too, with the greatest part of the Army; placing the rest in Ambush. He, entring their Camp, and making a great Shout,Danes overthrown. found all things in a greater Posture of Negligence than he imagined, before. There were a few raised up at the Noise, who running up and down, like Mad-men, were slain as they were met; the others were killed, sleeping. Their King, who was almost dead drunk, wanting not only Strength, but Sense also, was snatcht up by some few, who were not so much overcome with Wine as the rest, and laid like a Log, or Beast, upon an Horse, which they casually lighted on, and so carried to the Ships. There, the Case was almost as bad as in the Camp, for almost all the Seamen were slain ashore; so that there could scarce be got together so many of them, as were sufficient to guide one Ship. Yet, by this means, the King escaped to his Country. The rest of the Ships, by stress of Weather, fell foul upon one another, and were sunk; and by the accession of Sand and other Trash, which the Water carries, heaped up together, there was made an Hillock dangerous to Sailers, which the Vulgar call, Dru [...]i [...]a [...]-Sands, [...] North-side of the [...]. Drumilaw-Sands.

While the Scots were joyous for this Victory, obtained without Blood; News was brought, that a Fleet of Danes rod at A Burgh-Ro [...]a [...] on the North [...] King [...]orn, which was sent by Canutus, to help Swain. The Soldiers and Passengers, Landing, did seize upon, and carry away the Goods of the [Page] Fifians, without any Resistance. Bancho was sent with Forces against them; who, assaulting the foremost, made a great Slaughter amongst them.Another Fleet of the Danes overthrown by Bancho. These were the principal Men of the Nation, the rest were easily driven back to their Ships. Bancho is reported to have sold the burying Places for the Slain, for a great deal of Money. Their Sepulchres, they say, are yet to be seen in the Isle Or, Inch-Colm. Aemona.

'Tis Reported, that the The Danes swore neve [...] to invade Scotland any more. Danes, having made so many unlucky Expeditions into Scotland, bound themselves by a Solemn Oath, never to return, as Enemies, thither, any more. When Matters thus prosperously succeeded with the Scots, both at home and abroad, and all things flourished in Peace, Mackbeth, who had always a Disgust at the un-active Slothfulness of his Cousin; and thereupon had conceived a secret Hope of the Kingdom in his Mind, was further encouraged in his Ambitious Thoughts, by a Dream which he had: For one Night, when he was far distant from the King, he seemed to see Three Women, whose Beauty was more August and Surprizing than bare Womens useth to be,Mackbeth's Dream, encouraging him to aspire to the Kingdom. of which, one Saluted him, Thane of Angus; another, Thane of Murray; and a Third, King of Scotland. His Mind, which was before Sick, betwixt Hope and Desire, was mightily encouraged by this Dream, so that he contrived all possible ways, by which he might obtain the Kingdom; in order to which, a just occasion was offered him, as he thought. Duncan begat Two Sons on the Daughter of Sibert, a petty King of Northumberland; Malcolm, Sirnamed Cammorus, (which is as much as Iolt-head,) and Donaldus, Sirnamed Banus, i. e. White: Of these, he made Malcolm, scarce yet out of his Childhood, Governor of Cumberland. Mackbeth took this matter mighty Hainously; in regard, he look'd upon it as Obstacle of Delay to him, in his obtaining the Kingdom; for, having arrived at the Enjoyment of his other Honours, promised him by his Dream; by this means, he thought, that either he should be secluded altogether from the Kingdom; or else, should be much retarded in the Enjoyment thereof; in regard the Government of Cumberland was always look'd upon, as the first step to the Kingdom of Scotland. Besides, his Mind, which was feirce enough of it self, was spurred on, by the daily Importunities of his Wife, (who was Privy to all his Counsels.) Whereupon, communicating the matter to his most intimate Friends, amongst whom Bancho was one, he got a fit opportunity, at Innerness, to way-lay the King, and so slew him in the Seventh year of his Reign; and gathering a Company together, went to Scone, and under the shelter of popular Favour, made himself King.He thereupon sl [...]ys King Donald, or Duncan, (as some call him) and is declared King. Duncan's Children were astonished at this sudden Disaster. They saw their Father was slain, the Author of the Murder in the Throne, and Snares laid for them, to take away their Lives; that so, by their Deaths, the Kingdom might be confirmed to Mackheth: Whereupon, they shifted up and down, and hid themselves, and thus, for a time, escaped his Fury. But perceiving, that no place could long secure them from his Rage; and that, being of a feirce Nature,Donald's Children fly for their Lives. there was no hope of Clemency to be expected from him, they fled several ways; Malcolm, into Cumberland; and Donald, to the Kindred of his Father, in the Aebudae Islands.

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Mackbeth, The Eighty Fifth King.

MAckbeth, to confirm the ill-gotten Kingdom to himself, procured the favour of the Nobles by great Gifts, being secure of the Kings Children because of their Age, and of his Neighbouring Princes, in regard of their mutual Animosities, and Discords. Thus having engaged the great Men, he determined to procure the favour of the Vulgar by Justice and Equity▪ and to retain it by Severity, if nothing else would do. Whereupon, he determined with himself to punish the Free-booters or Thieves,Mackbeth severe against Thieves. who had taken courage from the Lenity of Duncan; but, foreseeing, that this could not be done without great Tumults and much ado, he devised this Project, which was, to sow the Seeds of Discord amongst them, by some fit Men, for that purpose, that thereupon they might challenge one another; and so, some of them might fight in equal and divided Numbers, one with another. All this was to be done on one and the same day, and that in the most remote parts of Scotland, too; when they all met at the time appointed, they were taken by an Ambush, which he had laid for that purpose. Their Punishment strook a Terrour into the rest. Besides, he put to death the Thanes of Caithnes, Ross, Sutherland, and Narn, and some others of the Clans, by whose Fewds the Commonalty were miserably harassed, before. Afterwards, he went into the Aebudae Islands, and used severe Justice there. After his return from thence, he once or twice summoned Macgill or Macgild, the powerfullest Man in all Galway, to appear, but he refused so to do, rather out of fear for being of Malcolm's Faction, than for the guilt of the Crimes objected to him; whereupon, he sent Forces against him, who overthrew him in Battel, and cut off his Head.

The publick Peace being thus restored, he applied his mind to make Laws, (a thing almost wholly neglected by former Kings) and indeed, he Enacted many good and useful ones,He makes Wholesom Laws. which now are either wholly unknown, or else lie unobserved, to the great damage of the Publick. In a word, he so managed the Government for ten years, that, if he had not obtained it by Violence, he might have been accounted inferior to none of the former Kings. But when he had so strengthned himself with the Aid and Favour of the Multitude, that he feared no Force to disturb him; the Murder of the King (as 'tis very probable) hurried his Mind into dangerous Precipices, so that he converted his Government, got by Treachery, into a Cruel Tyranny. He vented the first Shock of his Inhumanity upon But▪ afterward▪ degenerates, & causes Bancho to be treacherously slain. Bancho, who was his Companion in the Kings Parricide. Some ill Men had spread a kind of Prophecie abroad among the Vulgar, That hereafter his Posterity should enjoy the Kingdom; whereupon, fearing lest he, being a powerful and active Man, and also of the Blood Royal, should imitate the Example proposed by himself, he courteously invited him and his Son to Supper, but, in his return, he caused him to be slain, as if a sudden Fray and Tumult had arisen. His Son Fleanchus, being not known in the dark, escaped the Ambush, and, being informed by his Friends, how his Father was treacherously slain by the [Page] King, and that his Life was also sought after, he fled secretly into Wales. Upon that Murder, so cruelly and perfidiously committed, the Nobles were afraid of themselves, insomuch, that they all departed to their own homes, and came but few of them, and those very seldom, to Court. So that the Kings Cruelty being partly discovered by some, and partly vehemently suspected by all, mutual Fear and Hatred sprung up betwixt him and the Nobility. Whereupon, seeing the matter could no longer be concealed, he broke forth into open Tyranny, and the Rich and Powerful for light, frivolous, and, many times, but pretended, Causes, were put to Death. Their Confiscated Goods helped to maintain a Band of Debauchees, which he had about him under the name of a Guard. And yet, he thought, that his Life was not sufficiently secured by them neither, so that he resolved to build a Castle on the top of the Hill Lying Southwest, 3 miles from Cowper in Angus. Dunsinnan, where there was a large Prospect all over the Country; which Work proceeding but slowly on, by reason of the difficulty of Carriage of Materials thither, he commanded in all the Thanes of the whole Kingdom, and so dividing the Task amongst them, They themselves were to oversee, That the Labourers did their Duty. At that time, Mackduff was the Thane of Fife, a very powerful Man in his Country; He, being loth to commit his Life unto the Kings hands, went not himself, but sent thither many Workmen, and some of them his intimate Friends, to press on the Work. The King, either out of a desire (as was pretended) to see how the Building proceeded, or else to apprehend Mackduff, (as he himself feared) came to view the Structure, and by chance spying a Teem of Mackduff's Oxen, not able to draw up their Load against a steep Hill, he took thence a willing occasion to vent his Passion against the Thane, saying, That he knew well enough, before, his disobedient Temper, and therefore, was resolved to punish it; and, to make him an Example, Mackduff, ill resents Mackbeth. he threatened to lay the Yoke upon his own Neck, instead of his Oxen. Maecduff, hearing of it, commended the Care of his Family to his Wife, and, without any delay, fitted up a small Vessel, as well as the streights of Time permitted, and so passed over into Lothian, and from thence into England. The King hearing, that he intended to fly,He flies into England. made haste into Fife, with a strong Band of Men to prevent him; but, he being departed before, the King was presently admitted into his Castle, where he poured out all his Fury upon the Thane's Wife and Children, who were there present. His Goods were confiscated, He himsel was proclaimed Traitor, and a grievous Punishment was threatened to any, who dared to converse with, or entertain, him. He exercised also great Cruelty against others, if they were either Noble or Rich, without distinction. For now the Nobility was despised by him, and he managed the Government by Domestick Counsels. In the mean time, Macduff, arriving in England, found Malcolm there, Royally Treated by King Edward. For Edward, when the Danes Power was broken in England, being recalled from Banishment, did favour Malcolm, who was brought to him by Sibert, (his Grandfather by the Mother side) for many Reasons, as, either, because his Father and Grandfather,And stirs up Malcolm, Duncan's Son, against him. when Governors of Cumberland, had always favoured the Concerns of his Ancestors, as much as the Times [Page] would permit them to do; or else, because the Similitude of Events, and the remembrance of Dangers, did assimilate their Minds, for each King had been unjustly banished by Tyrants; Or, Lastly, because the Affliction of Kings doth conciliate and move the Minds, even of the greatest strangers, to pity and favour them. Whereupon, the Thane, as soon as he had opportunity to speak with Malcolm, in a long Discourse declared to him the Necessity of his unhappy Flight, the Cruelty of Mackbeth against all ranks of Men, with the universal Hatred of the People, conceived against him; so that he advised him, in an accurate Harangue, as he was a Son, so to endeavour the Recovery of his Fathers Kingdom, especially, seeing he could not, without incurring a great deal of Guilt, leave the Murder of his Father, to pass unrevenged; nor, neglect the Miseries of the People, which God had committed to his Charge; nor finally, ought He to shut his Ears, against the just Petitions of his Friends. Besides, he told him, That King Edward was so Gracious a Prince, That he would not be wanting to him, his Friend, and Suppliant; That the People did also favour Him and hated the Tyrant; In fine, That Gods Favour would attend the Good, against the Impious, if he were not wanting to himself. But Malc [...]lm, who had often before been persuaded, and solicited to return, by Messengers secretly sent to him from Mackbeth; That he might not be ensnared, before he committed so great a Concern to Fortune, resolved to try the Faithfulness of Mackduff; and therefore, he framed his Answer, thus, ‘I know (says he) That all what thou hast said is true; but I am afraid That you, who invite Me to undertake the Regal Government, do not throughly know my Disposition; for those Vices, which have already destroyed many Kings, viz. Lust, and Avarice, do almost Reign, even in me, too; and thô now, my private Fortune doth hide and disguise them, yet the Liberty of a Kingdom will let loose the Reins thereunto; And therefore, said he, Pray, have a care, that you invite me not, rather to my Ruin, than to a Throne: When Mackduff had replyed thereto, That the Lust and Desire of many Concubines might be prevented by a lawful Marriage; and that Avarice might be also bounded and forborn, when the fear of Penury (as it must be upon a Throne) is removed: Malcolm subjoyned, That he had rather now make an ingenious Confession to him, as his Friend, than to be found guilty hereafter, to the great damage of them both; For my Self, to deal plainly with you, said he, There is no Truth nor Sincerity in me, I confide in no Body living, but I change my Designs and Counsels, upon every blast of Suspition; and th [...]s, from the Inconstancy of my own Disposition, I use to make a Judgment of other Mens.’ Whereupon, Mackduff replyed, ‘Avant, says he, Thou Disgrace and Prodigy of the Royal Name and Stock, worthier to be sent into the remotest Desert, than to be called to a Throne;’ and, in a great Anger, he was about to fling away. Then Malcolm took him by the hand, and declared the Cause of this his Dissimulation to him, telling him, That he had been so often assaulted by the Wiles of Mackbeth, that he did not dare, lightly, to trust every body. But now he saw no Cause to suspect any Fraud in Macduff, in respect either of his Lineage, his Manners, Fame, nor Fortune.

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[Page]Thus they, plighting their Faith one to another, consulted, concerning the destruction of the Tyrant, and advised their Friends of it, by secret Messages. King Edward assisted him with Ten Thousand Men, over whom Malcolm's Grandfather, by the Mothers side, was made General.Malcolm, by the assistance of Edward, K. of England, recovers the Kingdom from Mackbeth. At the Report of this Armies March, there was a great combustion in Scotland, and many flock'd in daily to the new King; Mackbeth being deserted by almost all his Men, in so suddain a Revolt, not knowing what better course to take, shut up himself in the Castle of Dunsinnan, and sent his Friends into the Aebudae, and into Ireland, with Money to hire Soldiers. Malcolm understanding his Design, makes up directly towards him, the People praying for him all along as he went, and, with joyful Acclamations, wishing him good Success. His Soldiers took this as an Omen of Victory, and thereupon stuck up green Boughs in their Helmets, representing an Army Triumphing, rather than going to Fight▪ Mackbeth being terrified at the Confidence of his Enemy, immediately fled; and his Soldiers forsaken by their Leader, surrendred themselves up to Malcolm; Some of our Writers do here Record many Fables, which are like See Note a p. 77. Milesian Tales, and fitter for the Stage, than an History; and therefore I omit them. Mackbeth Reigned Seventeen Years. In the first Ten, he performed the Duty of a very good King; in the last Seven, he equalled the Cruelty of the worst of Tyrants.

Malcolm, III. The Eighty Sixth King.

MALCOLM, having thus recovered his Fathers Kingdom, was Declared King at Scone, the 25th day of April, in the Year of our Redemption, 1057. At the entrance of his Reign, he convened an Assembly of the Estates at Forsar; where the First thing he did, was, to restore to the Children their Father's Estates, who had been put to death by Mackbeth; He is thought by some to have been the First, that introduced Malcolm, First brought in Foreign Titles of Honour into Scotland. New and Foreign Names, as distinguishments of Degrees in Honour, which he borrowed from his Neighbor-Nations, and are no less Barbarous than the former were: Such as are Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, Riders or Knights. Mackduff, the first Earl in Scotland. Mackduff, the Thane of Fife, was the First who had the Title of Earl, conferred upon him, and many others afterwards, according to their respective Merits, were honoured with New Titles. Some write, That at that time Noblemen began to be Sirnamed by their Lands, which, I think, is false, for that Custom is not yet received amongst the Ancient Scots; and besides, then all Scotland used their Ancient Rights and Customs, but, instead of a Sirname, after the manner of the Greeks, they added their Fathers Name to their own; or else, adjoyned a Word taken from some Event; or, from some Mark of Body, or Mind; and that this Custom did then obtain amongst the Gauls, is plain, by those Royal Sirnames of Crassus, Calvus, Balbus, and also, by the Sirnames of many Noble Families in England, especially, such as followed William the Conqueror, and fixed their Habitations there. For the Custom of taking Sirnames from Lands, was received but lately amongst the other Gauls, as appears by Frossard's History, no mean Author. Mackduff had Three Requests granted to him, as a [Page] ‘Reward for his Services. One, That his Posterity should place the King, who was to be Crowned, in the Chair of State; Another,Three Grand Privileges of the Mackduff [...]. That they should lead the Van of the Kings Armies: And a Third, That, if any of his Family were Guilty of the unpremeditated slaughter of a Nobleman, he should pay Four and Twenty Marks of Silver, as a Fine; if of a Plebeian, Twelve Marks: Which last Law was observed till the days of our Fathers, as long as any of that Family were in being.’

Whilst these things were acted at Forfar; They, who remained of the Faction of Mackbeth, carryed his Son, Luthlac, to Scone, (who was Sirnamed Fatuus, from his Disposition)▪ and there he was Saluted King. Malcolm assaulted him in the Valley Called Stra [...] or S [...]rath-Bo [...]y, Forty Miles North of Aberdeen. Bogian, where he was Luthlac, Mackbeth's Son, slain by Malcolm. slain, three Months after he had Usurped the Name of King; yet, out of respect to his Kingly Race, His, and his Fathers Bodies were buried in the Royal Sepulchres in Or Icolumb [...]l an Isle 2 Miles from the South end of Mul. Ionia. Afterwards, he Reigned four years in Peace. Then word was brought him, that a great Troop of Robbers were Nested in Cockburn-Forest, and that they infested Lothian and Merch, to the great damage of the Husbandman. Patric Dunbar, with some Trouble, overcame them, losing Forty of his own Men in the Onset, and killing 600 of Them. Forty more of them were taken Prisoners, and hanged▪ Patric, for this Exploit, was made Earl of Merch.

The Kingdom was now so settled, that no open Force could hurt the King, yet he was assaulted by Private Malcolm assaulted by private Conspiracies, which he overcomes. Conspiracies. The whole Plot was discovered to him, whereupon he sent for the Head of the Faction, and, after much familiar Discourse, he led him aside into a secret Valley, commanding his Followers to stay behind. There he upbraided him with the former Benefits bestowed on him, and declared to him the Plot he had contrived against his Life; adding further, if Thou hast Courage enough, why dost thou not now set upon me, seeing we are both Armed, that so thou mayst obtain thy desire by Valour, not by Treachery? He, being amazed at this sudden Discovery, fell down on his Knees, and asked Pardon of the King, who being a Merciful, as well as Valiant, Prince, easily forgave him. Matthew Paris makes mention of this Passage.

In the mean time, Edgar, to whom, next to Edward, the Crown of England belonged, being driven by contrary Winds, came into Scotland, with his whole Family. What I am to speak concerning this Person, that it may be the better understood, I shall fetch things a little higher.

The Story of Edmond, K. of England, and Canutus. Edmond, King of England, being slain by the Treachery of his Subjects; Canutus, the Dane, who Reigned over Part of the Island, presently seized upon the Whole. At first, he Nobly treated Edward and Edmond, the Sons of the Deceased Edmond, when they were brought to him. Afterwards, being edged on by wicked Ambition, he, desirous to confirm the Kingdom to his Posterity, by their Destruction, sent them away privately to Valgar, Governour of Swedland, to be Murdered there. Valgar, understanding their Noble stock, and considering also their Age and Innocence, withal taking Compassion of their Condition and Fortune, sent them to Hungary to King Salomon, pretending to Canutus. That he had put them death. [Page] There they were Royally Educated and so much grateful Towardliness appeared in Edward, that Salomon culled him out of all the Young Nobles, to give him his Daughter Agatha to Wife. By her he had Edgar, Margaret, and Christian. In the mean time, Canutus dying, Hardicanute succeeded him. When he was slain, Edward was recalled from Normandy, whither he was before Banished, together with his Brother Alured; Earl Godwyn, a powerful man, of English Blood, but who had Married the Daughter of Canutus, was sent to fetch them home. He, being desirous to transfer the Kingdom into his own Family, caused Alured to be Poysoned; as for Edward, he was preserved, rather by Gods Providence, than by any human Counsel, and Reigned most devoutly in England. But, wanting Children, his Chief care was, to recal his Kinsman out of Hungary to undertake the Government, alleging, That when Edgar returned, he would willingly surrender up All to him; but His Modesty outdid the Kings Piety; for he refused to accept of the Kingdom, as long as he was alive.

At length, upon Edwards death, Harald, Godwyns Son, invaded the Throne, yet he dealt kindly with Agatha, the Hungarian, and her Children. But he being also overthrown by William the Norman; Edgar, to avoid Williams Cruelty, resolved with his Mother and Sisters to return into Hungary; but by a Tempest he was driven into Scotland. There he was Courteously entertained by Malcolm, who made him his Kinsman also by the Marriage of his Sister, Margaret. William the Norman demands Edgar, then in Scotland. William, then Reigning in England, upon every light Occasion, was very cruel against the Nobles either of English or Danish Extraction. But understanding, what was a doing in Scotland, and fearing a Tempest might arise from thence, he sent an Herald to demand Edgar, denouncing War against Scotland, unless he were surrendred up. Whom Malcolm refuses to Surrender. Malcolm looked upon it as a cruel and faithless Thing, to deliver up his Suppliants Guest and Kinsman (and one, against whom his very Enemies could object no Crime) to his Capital Enemy to be put to Death, and therefore resolved to suffer any thing, rather than so to do. And thereupon he not only detained, and harboured, Edgar, but also gave Admission to his Friends, who, in great Numbers, were Banished from their own homes, and gave them Lands to live upon; whose Posteritys were there Propagated into many Rich and Opulent Families. Upon this Occasion, there followed a War betwixt the Scots and English, wherein Sibert, King of Northumberland favouring Edgar, joyned his Forces with the Scots. The Norman, being puff'd up with the good Success of his Affairs, made light of the Scotish War, and thinking to end it in a short time, he sent one Roger, a Nobleman of his own Country, with Forces into Northumberland. But he, being overcome and put to flight, was at last Slain by his own Men.

Then Richard, Earl of Glocester, was sent with a greater Army, but he could do but little good,Whereupon a War [...]. Roger, Richard, Odo, and Robert, Generals for William of England, wor [...]ed in Scotland. neither; for Patrick Dunbar, wearied him out with light Skirmishes, so that his Men could not straggle for to get in Prey; at last, Odo, William's Brother, and Bishop of Bayon, being made Earl of Kent, came down with a much greater strength; he made great spoil in Northumberland, and slew some, who thought [Page] to stop him from plundering; but, as he was returning with a great Booty, Malcolm, and Sibert, set upon him, slew and took many of his Army, and recovered the Prey. When his Army was recruited, Robert, William's Son, was sent down thither, but he made no great Earnings of it neither, only he pitched his Camp at the River Tine, and he rather kept off, than made, or inferred, the War. In the mean time, he repaired Newcastle, Newcastle repaired. which was almost decayed by reason of its Antiquity. William being thus wearied with a War, more tedious than profitable, his Courage being somewhat cooled, applied himself to thoughts of Peace; which was made on these Conditions. That in Stanmore, i. e. a Stony Heath, (a Name imposed on it,A Peace concluded between the Scots and English. for that very Cause,) lying between Richmond-shire and Cumberland, the Bounds of both Kingdoms should be fixed; and in the Boundary a Or, Re-Cros [...], on the North-side, it had the Port [...]aicture of the Scots King, and of the English King on the South. Cross of Stone should be Erected, which should contain the Statues, and Arms, of the Kings of Both Sides: That Cross, as long as it stood, was called, Kings Cross; That Malcolm should enjoy Cumberland, upon the same Terms as his Ancestors had held it. Edgar was also received into William's Favour, and endowed with large Revenues; and that he might prevent all occasion of suspition of his innovating things, he never departed from the Court. Voldiosus also, the Son of Sibert, was to have his Fathers Estate restored to him; and besides, he was admitted into Affinity with the King, by Marrying a Neice of his, born of his Daughter.

Home-bred Seditions against Ma [...] colm que [...]l'd. Intestine Tumults did succeed this External Peace; for the Men of Galway, and of the Aebudae, did Ravage and commit Murders over all their Neighbouring Parts; and the Murray-Men, with those of Ross, Caithness, and their Allies, made a Conspiracy, and assuming their Neighbour Islanders to their Aid, gave an Omen of a greater War. Walter, the Nephew of Bancho, by his Son Fleanchus, who was before received into Favour with the King, was sent against the Galway-Men; and Macduff, against the other Rebels; whilst the King himself was gathering greater Forces. Walter slew the Head of that Faction, and so quell'd the common Souldiers, that the King at his Return, made him Lord Steward of all Scotland, for his Good Service.

This Magistrate was to gather in all the Kings Revenues; also▪ he had a Jurisdiction, such as the Sheriffs of Counties have;The Original of the Family of the Stuarts, afterwards Kings of Scotland. and he is the same with That, which our Ancestors called a Thane. But now a days, the English Speech getting the better of our Country Language, the Thanes of Counties, are in many places, called Stewards; and he, which was anciently called Abthane, is now the Lord High Steward of Scotland: Yet, in some few places, the Name of Thane doth yet remain. From this Walter, the Family of the Steuarts, who have so long Reigned over Scotland, took its Beginning.

But Macduff, warring in another Province, when he came to the Borders of Marr, the Marrians promised him a Sum of Money, if he would not enter into their Province; and he, fearing the Multitude of the Enemy, did protract the time in Proposals and Terms of a pretended Peace, till the King arrived with greater Forces. When they came to the Village Lying on the South-side of the River Dan [...] in Marr ▪ Monimuss, they joined Camps; and the King, being troubled at the bruit of the Enemies Numbers, promised [Page] to devote the Village,Malcolm's Vow to St. Andrew. whither he was going, to St. Andrew the Apostle, the Tutelary Saint of Scotland, if he returned Victor from that Expedition. After a few Removes, he came to the River Spey, the violentest Current in all Scotland, where he beheld a greater number of Soldiers, than, he thought, could have been levied out of those Countries, standing on the other side of the River, to hinder his Passage. Whereupon, the Standard Bearer, making an Halt, and delaying to enter the River, he snatch'd the Standard out of his Hand, and gave it to one Alexander Carron, a Knight of known Valour, whose Posterity had ever afterwards the Honour of carrying the Kings Standard,Alexander Carron, preferred and Sirnamed Scrimger. in the Wars; and in stead of Carron, the Name of Scrimger was given him; because he, being full of true Valour, though ignorant of the Modes and Niceties of War, had out-done One, who was a Master in handling of Arms, and who valued himself highly upon that Account. As the King was entring the River, the Mitred Priests, with their Mitres on their Heads, prevented him; who, by his Permission, having passed over to the Enemy before, had ended the War without Blood.The Seditious quell'd. The Nobles surrendred themselves upon Quarter for Life: Those, who were the most Seditious, and and the Authors of the Rising, were Tryed, had their Goods Confiscated, and themselves Condemned to perpetual Imprisonment.

Peace being thus, by his great Industry, obtained, both at home and abroad; he converted his pains to amend the publick Manners; for, he lived Devoutly and Piously himself, and provoked others, by his Example, to a Modest, Just, and Sober, Life. It is thought, that he was assisted herein, by the Counsel and Monitions of his Wife, a choice Woman, and eminently Pious. She omitted no Office of Humanity towards the Poor, or the Priests; neither did Agatha, the Mother,The Piety of Malcolm's Queen, &c. or Christiana, the Sister, come behind the Queen in any Religious Duty: For, because a Nuns Life was then accounted the great Nourisher and Maintainer of Piety, Both of them leaving the toilsome Cares of the World, shut themselves up in a Monastery appointed for Virgins. Then the King, to the Four former Bishopricks of St. Andrews, Gasgow, Whithorn, and Or, Mortlich. Murthlack, (where the old Discipline, by the Bishops Sloth and Default, was either remitted, or laid quite aside) added Malcolm erects new Bishopricks. That of Murray, and Caithness, procuring Men Pious, and Learned, according to the rate of those times, to fill the Sees. And whereas also Malcolm erects new Bishopricks. Luxury began to abound in those days, in regard many English came in, and great Commerce was had with Foreign Nations; and also many English Exiles were entertained and scatt'red almost all over the Kingdom; he laboured, though to little purpose, to restrain it. But he had the hardest Task of all, with the Nobles, whom he endeavoured to reclaim to the Practice of their ancient Parsimony; for they, having once swallowed the bait of Pleasure, did not only grow worse and worse, but even ran headlong into Debauchery; yea, they laboured to cover that foul Vice, under the false Name of Neatness, Bravery, and Gallantry. Malcolm, forseeing, that such courses would be the Ruin not only of Religion, but also of Military Discipline, did, first of all, Reform his own Family, very exactly; afterwards, he made most severe Sumptuary Laws made by Malcolm. Sumptuary Laws, denouncing great Punishment against the [Page] Violators of them. Yet, by those Remedies he rather stopp'd, than cured, the Disease; nevertheless, as long as he lived, he employed all his endeavours to work a thorough Reform therein. It is also Reported, That his Wife obtained of him, That, whereas the Nobles had gradually obtained a Priviledge, to lye, the first Night, with any Married Bride, by the Law of Eugenius; That Custom should be altered, and the Husband have Liberty to Redeem it by paying half a Mark of Silver, which Payment is yet called Mar [...]heta Mulierum, What? Marcheta Mulierum.

Malcolm builds the Cathedrals of Durham, and Dumferling. Whilst Malcolm was thus busied in reforming the publick Manners, William, King of England, dies: His Son, William Rufus, succeeded him. Peace could not long be continued between two Kings▪ of such [...]ifferent Dispositions. For the King of Scots chose that Time, to Build two Temples, or Cathedrals, in, one at Durham in England; the other, at Dumferling in Scotland; upon Both which Piles he bestowed great Cost, so that he endeavoured to retrieve Church-Affairs, which then began to flag and decay. And withal, he translated Turgot, Abbat of the Monks at Durham, to the Bishoprick of St. Andrews. This he did, whilst Rufus was plucking down Towns and Monasteries, and making Forests, that he might have the more room to hunt in. And when Anselme the Norman, then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, did, with freedom, rebuke him for the same, he Banished him the Land. He also sought for an Occasion of War against the Scots; And thereupon, he surprized the Castle of King William Rufus Wars against Malcolm. Alnwick in Northumberland, having slain the Garison which was therein: Malcolm, having demanded Restitution, but in vain, Besieged the Castle with a great Army: They within, being reduced to great extremity and want, talk'd of surrendring it, and desired the King to come, and receive the Keys with his own Hand; which, as he was a doing, being tendred to him on the point of a Spear, the Soldier run him into the Eye, and killed him. And his Son Malcolm, and his Son Edward, slain by the English. Edward also, being forward to revenge his Fathers Death, and thereupon, more negligent of his own safety, made an unwary assault upon the Enemy, wherein he received a Wound, of which he died soon after; The Scots, being afflicted and troubled at this double Slaughter of Two of their Kings, broke up the Siege, and returned home. Margaret did not long survive her Husband and Son, but died of Grief. The Bodies of the Kings, which, at first, were buried at Tinmouth, (a Monastery at the mouth of Tine) were afterwards brought back to Dumferling: Malcolm held the Kingdom Thirty and three years, being noted for no Vice, but famous to Posterity, for his great and many Virtues; he had six Sons by his Wife Margaret, of whom Edward was slain by the English in the Siege of Alnwick Castle: Edmond and Etheldred were Banished into England, by their Uncle Donald, where they died: The other Three, Edgar, Atheldred, and David, succeeded in the Kingdom, one after another: He also had Two Daughters, the Elder Maud, Sirnamed the Good, Married Henry, King of England; the younger, named Mary, had Eustace, Earl of On the River Lian, on the British Sea, We [...]t of Calice. Bologn, for her Husband. Several Prodigies, viz. The Inundation of the German-Sea, and Men-killing Thunder-bolts. Prodigies hapned in those days, and in particular, there was such a mighty and unusual an Inundation of the German Ocean, that it did not only drown the Fields and Country, and choked them up with Sand; but also, overthrew Villages, Towns, and Castles; [Page] And besides▪ there were great and terrible Thunders, and more were killed with Thunderbolts, than were ever Recorded to have perished, by that Death, in Britain, before.

Donaldus VII. Sirnamed Banus, The Eighty Seventh King.

Donald promises the Islands to Magnus ▪ King of Norway.UPon the Death of Malcolm, Donaldus (Banus) i. e. The White, his Brother, who, for fear of Mackbeth, had fled into the Aebudae, was, with great facility, declared King; for he had promised all the Islands to Magnus, King of Norwey, if, by his Assistance, he might enjoy the Kingdom of Scotland. And in this his Obtaini [...]g of the Kingdom, those were most assistant to him, who did falsely accuse the former King, for corrupting the Discipline of his Ancestors; and withal, who stomached, that the Banished English should enjoy the Estates of Scots, in Scotland: Edgar, in such a suddain Mutation of things, being afraid and solicitous for his Sisters Children, which were yet but young, caused them to be transported to him, into Engl [...]nd. But this Piety of the Good Man was calumniated by some. For Orgarus, an Englishman, seeking to curry favour with King Rufus, accused him, that he had secretly boasted, That he and his Kindred were Lawful Heirs of the Crown. The Accuser was not able to make good his Allegation by any Witnesses; and therefore, the Matter was adjudged to be decided by a Duel, wherein the Accuser was overcome by another Englishman, who offered him the Combate, instead of Edgar, who was now grown old, and also sickly. All good Men, who had a Veneration for the Memory of Malcolm and Margaret, hated Donald, who, by Foreign Aid, in Conjunction with those of his own Faction, had seized on the Kingdom: And he, by his Rashness, did much increase the Hatred conceived against him, and by severe Threats, which he uttered, amongst his Familiars, against the Nobles, who would not Swear Allegiance to him. And therefore they sent for Duncan, a Base-born Son of Malcolm's; who had served long, with Credit, in the Wars under William Rufus, to oppose Donald. At his coming, many revolted from Donald; so that he was diffident of his own State, and therefore Donald flies. fled into the Aebudae, about six months after he had Usurped the Throne.

Duncan, The Eighty Eighth King.

NEither did Duncan Reign long, for he, being a Military Man, and not so Skilful in the Arts of Peace, carried it more Imperiously, than a Peaceable and Civil Government required; so that, he quickly fell into the hatred of the Major part of his Subjects. When Donaldus, who observed all his motions, heard thereof, in his Banishment,Duncan slain, by the procurement of Donald. he corrupted Macpendir, Earl of Mern, and, by him, caused Duncan to be slain in the night in Monteath, a year and six months after he began to Reign. As for Donald, he governed a troublesom Kingdom for about three years; Good Men rather tolerating him, (for want of a better) than approving him. The [Page] English, on the one side, and the Islanders on the other, in his time, much molested Scotland. The Envy also against him was heightned, in that Magnus, King of Norwey, had seized on the Western Islands, which though he seemed to have done by Force, yet all Men smelt out the Cheat, in regard Donald did not so much as stir, at so great an Affront. And, at last, the publick Indignation waxed hotter against him, when the Vulgar understood, That it was done by a Secret Paction and Agreement betwixt him and Magnus.

Edgar, The Eighty Ninth King.

UPon those Disgusts, secret Messengers were dispatched to Edgar, Malcolm's Son. That he would come over, and be General, in order to obtain the Kingdom; and, as soon as he appeared upon the Borders, they promised to flock in to him. And they were as good as their Words. For Edgar, being assisted with a small Force by Rufus, at the instance of Edgar his Uncle, had scarce entred Scotland, before Donald, being forsaken of his Men, fled away; but being pursued and taken, was brought back to Edgar, who committed him to Prison, where he died, soon after. Edgar, having recovered the Kingdom, by the General Suffrage of all the Estates, First of all, he made Peace, with William, King of England, and he dying without Children, he renewed it with Henry his Brother. He gave him Maud, his Sister, to Wife, Sirnamed the Good, from her Virtuous Manners, (as I said before.) By her, he had William, Richard, Eufemia, and Maud. Edgar Reigned Nine Years and Six Months, in great Peace, Reverenced and Beloved by Good Men; and so formidable to the Bad, that, in all his Reign, there were no Civil Tumults or Seditions, nor any fear of a Foreign Enemy. One Monument of his Praise, was, the Monastery of Edgar's Pious Reign. He builds the Monastery of Coldingham. Lying within two Miles of Aymouth in Mers [...], near the Scotish Sea. Coldingham, Dedicated to St. Ebb the Virgin, which he built in the Seventh Year of his Reign; though afterwards, it was transferred into the Name of Cutbert.

Alexander I. The Ninetieth King.

EDGAR dying without Issue, his Brother Alexander, Sirnamed Acer, or the Feirce, succeeded him. In the very beginning of his Reign, some Youngsters, that loved to Fish in troubled Waters, imagining, that he would be a Peaceable (or, as they interpreted it, a Sluggish) King, as his Brother was, Conspired to take away his Life; that so, they might Rob and Plunder, with more Freedom. The Matter being discovered to him, he pursued the Conspirators, unto the furthest part of Ross: When they came to the River Spey, they thought to stop the Kings Pursuit, by reason of the Rapidness of the River; and besides, the Kings Friends would not suffer him to enter the River, because the Tide coming in,Alexanders Valour. they judged it unpassable; yet he set Spurs to his Horse▪ and was about to pass over. The rest, lest they might seem to forsake their King, in a Danger so great, following him. But his own Men (as I said) drew him back, so that he sent over Part of his Army, under the Command of Alexander Carron, the Son of that Alexander, I mentioned before, whose [Page] Miraculous Boldness, in passing the River with his Forces, struck such a Terrour into the Enemy, that they presently betook themselves to their Heels. Many were Slain in the Pursuit; their Leaders were then taken, or else, afterwards brought to the King, and were all Hanged up.

This Expedition procured him Peace, even to the End of his Life. As he was returning through Mern, a He doth Justice to a Poor Woman. Poor Woman met him, grievously complaining, That her Husband had been scourged with a Whip of Thongs, by the Earl of Mern's Son, because he had sued him for a Debt. The King hearing it, presently, in great Disdain, leapt from his Horse, and would not stir from the Place, till the Offender had received Condign Punishment. Then he went to Lying on the East-side of the Carss, or Plain, of Gowry, within two Miles of Dundee. Envergoury, or, as some write, to Lying in the Braes, or, Risings, of the Carss of Gowry, five Miles above Dundee. Balleggary, Edgar's Town; some write, That the Sirname of Acer was given him, for those Exploits; but, others say, it had a more Tragick Original, viz. That some Thieves, having corrupted one of his Bed-Chamber, were privately admitted thereinto, whilst he was asleep; and, their suddain Rushing in awakening him, he first slew his Treacherous Servant; and afterwards, Six of the Thieves. Whereupon, an Hubbub was raised in the Court, and the rest fled, but Alexander pursued them so fiercely, that most of them were slain. Afterwards, he turned his Thoughts to the Works of Peace; he built Michael's Church in Scone, from the very Ground: The College of Priests, which was there, he turned into a Monastery for Monks. Being once carried by Tempest into the Isle Inch-Colm, or St. Columb's Isle, in the Firth of Forth, in Fife, near Aberdeen. Aemona, he was there reduced to great Want and Hunger; for, neither he, nor his Companions, could procure any Food for some Days, but what they got from those that Lived Solitary Lives, vulgarly called Hermits. He built also a Church there, in Memory of St. Columb, supplying it with Canons, as they call them, and Lands to maintain them. He also gave great Guifts and Largesses, and settled Revenues, on St. Andrews, which was Rich enough before. He finished the Church at Dumferling, which his Father had begun, and Endowed it with Revenues.

After these Transactions, in Peace and War, when he had Reigned Seventeen Years, he departed this Life, leaving no Children by Sibyl, his Wife, Daughter of William the Norman.

David I. The Ninety First King.

HIS Brother, David, succeeded him in the Kingdom, in the Year of Christ 1124. He, seeing, that his Brothers Reigned successively, one after another, in Scotland, stayed with his Sister Maud, in England. There he Married Maud, his Niece, a Woman of great Beauty, Wealth and Nobility. For Voldiosus of Northumberland was her Father, and her Mother was Iudith, Niece to William, the Norman. On her, he begot a Son named Henry, in whom both his Father's and Mother's Disposition did presently appear. By this Marriage, his Revenues were much encreased by the Accession of Northumberland and Huntington-shire thereto. Thus, with the [Page] Universal Gratulation of his Subjects, he came into Scotland, to possess the Kingdom: 'Tis true, the Memory of his Parents was of great Force to procure him the Favour of the People; yet his own Virtue was such, that he stood in no need of any adventitious Help: For, as, in other Virtues, he equalled other good Kings; so, in his Condescention to hear the Causes of the Poor, he was much superiour to them. As for the Complaints of the Rich, he heard them himself;David's just Reign. and if a false Judgment had been given, he would not rescind it, but compelled the Judge himself to pay the Damages, awarded. He restrained Luxury, which then begun to spread, according to the Example of his Father. He banished Epicures, and such as studied Arts to provoke the Appetite, out of the Kingdom. He far exceeded the Beneficence of his Parents, and Allies, (which were worthy rather of Pardon, than Praise) in increasing the Revenues of the Church. He repaired Monasteries, whether decayed by Age, or ruined by the Wars; and He also built New Ones from the Ground. To the Six Bishopricks before, he added Four more. He creates new Bishopricks. Ross, Brechin, Dunkelden, and Dunblain. He almost impoverished the succeeding King to Endow them, for he bestowed upon them a great part of the Royal Revenue. Iohannes Major, who, when I was but a Youth, was famous for his Theological Studies, having highly praised this King for his other Actions; yet, he blames his profuse Lavishness in Endowing Monasteries in a solemn (and, I wish, it had been an undeserved) Oration. And I the more wonder at this immoderate Profusion of the Publick Stock and Patrimony; because, in those very Times, St. B [...]rnard sharply reproves the Priests and Monks in his Invective and Severe Sermons, for their excessive Luxury and Expence;He is censured for his Profuseness towards Monasteries. which yet, if compared with That of our Age, seems but moderate: And the Fruits, which followed these Donations, shew, That the Design was not well grounded. For, as in Bodies too Corpulent, the use of all the Members ceases; so, the Sparks of Wit, oppressed by Luxury, did thereby languish in Abbies. The Study of Learning was extinct, Piety degenerated into Superstition, and the Seeds of all Vices sprung up in them, as in an unplowed Field. All the time of his Reign he had but one Commotion, and that was rather a Tumult, than a War. And it was quickly ended in the Slaughter of Aeneas, Earl of Murray, with a great Number of his Followers. Malcolm Mackbeth, endeavouring to raise a new Sedition, was committed Prisoner to the Castle of In Teviotdale. Roxburgh. Other Matters succeeded according to his desire, but yet a twofold Distress, or rather, Calamity, seized him. One, from the untimely Death of his Wife; The Other, of his Son. As for his Wife Maud, she was a Woman of high Descent, of exquisite Beauty, and most accomplished Manners: He loved her passionately whilst she lived; and the loss of her, in the Flower of her Age, did so affect him, That, for Twenty Years after he lived a Widower; neither did he touch any other Woman, all that while: And yet the Greatness of his Sorrow was no hindrance to him, from managing the Publick Offices and Concerns both of Peace and War. Concerning his Son, I will speak in due place.

[Page] David thus addicted himself to the Arts of Peace; but some troublesom Matters, in England, drew him unwillingly into a War. The Occasion, this. All the Off-spring of King Henry of England, besides his Daughter Maud, were drowned in their passage out of France into England; which Misfortune did so grieve him, that (it is reported) he never laughed after.Henry of England never Laughed, after the Drowning of his Children. Maud, who only survived, and escaped, that Calamity, Married the Emperor Henry the Fourth. Her Husband dying without Children, she returned into England to her Father. He was willing to settle the Succession on her; and in Order thereto, because she was a Widow and Childless, if he himself should die, he caused all the K. Henry setles the Succession on his Daughter Maud, the Empress, by causing the Nobility to Swear Fealty to her, in his Life time. Nobility to swear an Oath of Fealty to her; and, in hopes, that she might have Children, he Married her to Geoffry Plantagenet, Earl of Anjou. Five Years after that Marriage, Robert, Duke of Normandy, and King Henry died, and Geoffry of Anjou, falling into a dangerous Disease, lay Bedrid.

In the mean time, Stephen, notwithstanding his Oath, seizes on the Crown of England. Stephen Earl of Bologne, in this want of Royal Issue, took heart to attempt the Crown of England: Neither did he look upon it as a Design of any great Difficulty, both by reason of the Weakness of the adverse Party, and also, because he himself had some Royal Blood running in his Veins: For he was born of a Daughter of William the Norman, which had Married the Earl of Bloys. He himself had also Married Maud, Daughter of the former Earl of Bologne, and Cousin-German to Maud the Empress, and begotten upon Mary, Sister to David, King of Scotland: His Pretensions for so doing. Upon the Confidence of so great Alliances, by reason of the absence of Maud the Queen, and the Sickness of Geoffry, he thought he might easily obtain the Crown of England. And to make his Way clearer, without any Conscience or Regard of his Oath, which he and th'other kindred had taken to Queen Maud, he drew in, by great Promises, the The Bishops of England not True to Maud, according to their Oaths. Bishops of England, who had also taken the same Oath, into his Unlawful design; and, especially, William, Arch-Bishop of York, who was the first that Swore Allegiance to Queen Maud, and Roger Bishop of Salisbury, who had not only taken the Oath himself, but had also read the Words of it to the other Nobles, when they Swore.

Upon this Confidence, even before his Uncle Henry was buried, he stept into the Throne, and the Two First Years reigned peaceably enough: Whereupon, growing insolent, he began to neglect his Agreement made with the English; and also to deal harsly with strangers. After he had compelled all the English, partly by Fear, partly by fair Promises, to take an Oath of Allegiance to him, he sent Embassadors to David, King of Scots, to put him in mind, to take the same Oath, for the Counties of Cumberland, Northumberland, and Huntingdon, which he held of him. David of Scotland maintains the Cause of Maud, his Kinswoman. He lays Perjury to Stephens's Charge. David returned Answer, That he, together with Stephen himself, and the other Nobles of England, had, not long since, bound themselves, by an Oath, to obey Maud, their Lawful Queen; And that he ought not, nor would, acknowledge any other King, as long as she was alive: When this Answer was brought to Stephen, presently a War began. The English entred upon the adjacent Scots; the Scots doing as much for them. The next Year, an Army of Scots, under the Conduct of the Earls of Merch, of Menteith, and of Argus, entred England, and met [Page] the English at the Town of Allerton, whose General was the Earl of Glocester. A sharp Battel was there fought with equal slaughter on both sides, as long as the Army stood to it; at last, the

North Allerton ▪ lying near the River Swale in the North-Riding of Yorkshire.

He Fights the English, and Overthrows them.

English, being overthrown, many perished in the flight, and many of the Nobility were taken Prisoners, amongst whom was the Earl of Glocester, himself; Stephen, being much concerned at this Overthrow, lest the Friends and Kindred of the Captive Nobles might be alienated from him, refused no Conditions of Peace. The Terms were These, ‘That the English Prisoners should be released without Ransom:An Agreement between David and Stephen not observed. That Stephen should quit all the Claim, which, as chief Lord, he pretended to have over Cumberland.’ But Stephen observed those Conditions, no better than he did the Oath, formerly taken, to Maud, his Kinswoman: For, before the Armies were quite Disbanded, and the Prisoners Released, he privately surprized some Castles in Northumberland; and, by driving away Bootys from the Scots Countrys, renewed the War. The Scots, gathering a sudden Army together out of the Neighbour Countrys, and despising the English, whom they had overthrown in Battel, the self same Year, did rashly run on to the Conflict at the River Which hath its Source near Black-Laws in Teesdale. The Scots overthrown by Stephen. Tees; where they paid for their Folly, in undervaluing the Enemy, by receiving a great Overthrow; and were also enforced to quit Northumberland: David, to retrieve this Loss and Ignominy, gathered as great an Army, as ever he could, together, and came to Roxburgh: Thither Turstan, or (as William of Newberry calls him) Trustinus, was sent, by the English, to Treat concerning a Pacification, and, there being some hope of Agreement, a Truce was made for Three Months, upon Condition, ‘That Northumberland should be presently restored to the Scots:’ But this Promise, which was made by Stephen, only to have the Army Disbanded, was not performed; so that David drove away a great Booty, out of that Part of Northumberland, which obeyed Stephen; and Stephen, gathering a great Force together, pierced as far as Roxborough: But, understanding, That the Nobility were averse, and complained, That they were intangled in an Unjust and Unnecessary War, without performing any Memorable Exploit, he retired into the heart of his Kingdom: And, the next Year, fearing some intestine Sedition, he sent his Wife Maud to David, her Uncle, to treat of Peace. Upon her Mediation, it was accorded, That David, from Newcastle, where he commonly aboad; and Stephen, from Durham, should send Arbitrators for composing of Matters, to the Town of Chester in the street, scituate in the Midway, equally distant, from Both Places. David sent the Arch-Bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgoe; Stephen, the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and York: Both Parties were the more inclineable to Peace, because Stephen feared War from abroad, and Seditions at home; and the Scots complained, That they were forced to bear the shock of a War, made in the behalf of another; whereas Maud, for whose sake it was commenced, did nothing at all in it. The Peace was made on These Conditions, ‘That Cumberland, Another Agreement between the Scots and Stephen King of England. as by Ancient Right, should be possessed by David, and that Northumberland unto the River Tees, (as William of Newberry, the Englishman, writes) and Huntingtonshire, should be enjoyed by Henry, Davids Son, upon the account of his Mothers Inheritance; [Page] and, That he should do Homage to Stephen, for the same.’ When things were thus composed, David retired into Cumberland, and Stephen into Kent. This Peace was made in the Year of our Lord 1139. In which Year, Maud, being returned into England, sent her Son Henry, Heir of England, sent to David his Uncle, to be made Knight by him. Henry, afterward King of England, to Carlisle, to David his Great Uncle, that he might be instructed in Feats of Arms, and also be made Knight, by him; who, without doubt was the excellentest Warrior in his time; which Matter, in those days, was performed with a great deal of Ceremony.

At that time, there was so great a Disturbance in England, by reason of Domestique Discords, That no Part of it was free from a Civil War, but That which David the King of Scots held. And, that he alone might not plead Exemption from the publick Calamity; within Three Years after, his Son, the only Heir (in hope) of so much Power and Felicity,King David loses his hopeful Son and Heir. dyed in the flower of his Age, leaving Three Sons, and as many Daughters behind him. He left so great a Love behind for him, both from the Scots and English; that, besides the publick Loss, every one lamented his own private Misfortune also, at his death: For so great a Sincerity, and Moderation of Mind, shined forth in him, even in that Age, wherein Youth is accustomed to wantonize, That every body expected most rare and singular Fruits from his Disposition, when it was ripened by Age. His Fathers Grief was also further increased, by reason of the tender Age of his Nephew, and the Ambition, and restless Disposition, of Stephen, and if he dyed, he was troubled at the Fierceness of Henry's Spirit, then in the fervor of his Youth; who, being the Son of Maud, was to succeed in the Kingdom. When the Thoughts of so many foreseen Mischiefs did assault his diseased and feeble Mind, insomuch, that all Men imagined, he would have sunk under them, yet he bore up so stoutly, that he invited some of the Prime Nobility (who were solicitous for him, lest he should be too much afflicted, as well they might) to Supper, and there he entertained them with a Discourse, rather like a Comforter than a Mourner, He told them. But [...]ears his Affliction Piously and Patiently. ‘That no new thing had hapned to him, or to his Son. That he had long since Learned from the Sermons of Learned and Holy Men; That the World was Governed by the Providence of Almighty God; whom it was a foolish and impious thing to endeavour to resist: That he was not ignorant, his Son was born, on no other Terms, but that he must also dye; and so pay that Debt to Nature, which he owed even at his very Birth: And when Men were always ready to pay that Debt, 'twas no great matter, when God, their Creditor, called upon them for it: That, if only Wicked Men were subject to Death, then a Man might justly grieve at the Decease of his Kindred; but, when we see Good Men also Dye, all Christians (said he) ought to be throughly setled in this persuasion, That no Evil can happen to the Good, (either alive or dead;) and therefore, Why should we be so much troubled at a short Separation, especially from our Kindred, who have not so much left us, as they are gone before us, to our common Country: Whither we also, thô we should live never so long, must yet at last follow? As for my Son, if he hath undertaken this Voyage before us, that so he might visit and enjoy the [Page] Fellowship of my Parents and Brethren, those precious Men, beforehand; if we are troubled at it, let us take heed, That we seem not rather to envy his Happiness, than to Mourn for our own Loss. As for you, Worthy Lords, as I am beholding to you for many Offices of Respect, so, both I and my Son (for I shall undertake also for him) are much obliged for your Loves to me, and your Grateful and Pious Memory of him.’

This Greatness of Mind in the King, as it added much to his own Veneration, so it increased the Sense of the loss of his Son, in the Minds of all; when they considered, What a Prince they and their Children were deprived of. And David, that he might make use of the only way of Consolation, which was left him, caused his Nephews, and his Sons Children, to be brought to him, and to be trained up in Court-discipline, which was then most Pious; In Fine, he provided for their Security, as far as Human Counsel could foresee. He commended Malcolm, the eldest of the Three, to the Care of the whole Nobility, and particularly of Mackduff, Earl of Fife, a very powerful and prudent Man, and he caused him to carry him all over the Land, that so he might be received, as the undoubted Heir of the Kingdom: William, the next Son, he made Earl of Northumberland, and sent him presently to take Possession of that Country: David the Third Son, he made Earl of Huntington, in England, and of Garioch, in Scotland: He made the more haste to prefer them, because, being Sick of a mortal Disease, he foresaw, his Time could not be long in this World. He dyed in the Year of Christ 1553. the May 24. Ninth of the Calends of Iune. He was so well beloved, That all Men thought, they had lost rather a Father in him, yea, the best of Fathers, than a King: For, thô his whole Life was so Devout,Lying on the North-west of Aberdeneshire. as no History records the like;) yet, some few Years before his Death, he Devoted himself to the Preparation for his later End; So that, his Deportment then did much increase Mens Veneration for the former part of his Life. For, thô he equalled former Kings, who were most Praise-worthy, in the Art of War,K. David's extraordinary Character, for Piety and Virtue. and excelled them in the Study of Peace: Yet now, leaving off contending with others, for Superiority in Virtue; He maintained a Combat with himself alone, wherein he advanced so much, That if the Highest, and most Learned Wits should endeavour to give the Idea, or Pattern, of a Good King, they could never comprehend in their Thoughts, such an exemplary Prince, as David shewed himself, in his whole Life, to be: He Reigned 29 Years, 2 Months, and 3 Days.

Malcolm, IV. The Ninety Second King.

HIS Nephew Malcolm succeeded him, who, thô yet Underage, gave great hopes of his future Ingenuity. For, he was so Educated by his Father and Grandfather, that he seemed to resemble them asmuch in the Virtues of his Mind, as in the Lineaments of his Body: In the beginning of his Reign, a great Plague raged all over Scotland, whereby great Numbers of Men, and Cattle also, were destroyed. At that time, one Somerled was Thane of Argyle, A great Pestilen [...]e [...] Scotland. whose Fortune was above his Family, and his Mind above his Fortune. He, [Page] conceiving some hopes to enjoy the Kingdom, by reason of the King's Non-age, and the present Calamity, gathered a Band of his Confidents together, and invaded the adjacent Countries. Yea, the Havock he made was spoken of far and neer, and the fear of him spreading itself further, many Bad Men coming in to him, and some Good good being forced to joyn with him too, in a short time he made up a vast Army. Upon the report of this Tumult, Donald also, the Son of Malcolm Macbeth, made another Bustle; but, being taken at Whithorn in Galway, and sent to the King, he was committed to the same Prison with his Father: But, soon after, the King was reconciled to them,Somerled rises in Arms, but is overthrown. and they were both released. Gilchrist, Earl of Angus, was sent, with an Army, against Somerled, who defeated and killed many of his Men, and caused him, with some few more, to fly into Ireland. This Victory, thus unexpectedly and suddainly obtained, produced Tranquillity at home, but Envy abroad. For Henry, King of England, an Ambitious Prince, and desirous to inlarge his own Dominions, resolved with himself to curb the growing Greatness and Power of Malcolm. But he could not well make open War upon him, out of Conscience of that Pact and Oath, which he had sworn to him. For, when he received the Military Girdle, (as the Custom is) from King David, Malcolm's Grandfather, at Carlisle, he promised, and took his Oath on it, (as William of Newberry, besides our own Writers, say,) That he would never go about, to deprive, either David himself, or any of his Posterity, of any part of those Possessions, which David then held in England. He being somewhat bound up by this Oath,Henry of England designs against Malcolm ▪ That he might find out some colour for his Calumniations, he resolved to try the Kings Patience in a lesser Matter. When Iohn, Bishop of Glascow, was Dedicating Churches, Shaving Priests, and performing the other Parts of his Episcopal Office, (as then they were judged to be) all over Cumberland. Henry, by Trustine, Archbishop of York, sent a new Bishop into that Country, called the Bishop of Carlisle. Iohn was so moved at the Injury, that, seeing no sufficient Safeguard, neither in the King, nor in the Law, he left his Bishoprick, and retired into the Monastery of Tours, in France. Whence he returned not, untill the Pope, at Malcolm his Request, drew him unwillingly out of his Cell, and made him return to his own Country: Malcolm bore the wrong better, than some hoped; so that, not thinking it a sufficient Cause for a War, he went to Chester in the Street, there to quiet Suspicions, and to cut off occasions of Discord. Being arrived there, by the Fraud of Henry, he was Circumvented,And makes him take a Feodatary Oath to him. and made to take an Oath of Fidelity to him; whereas, it was not the King himself, but his Brothers, who had Lands in England, according to an old Agreement, who were to take that Oath. But this was Craftily and Maliciously devised by the English King, to sow the Seed of Discord amongst Brethren: which the following year did more fully appear, when he cokes'd Malcolm out of Northumberland, which was his Brother William's Patrimony. For, he sent for him to London, That, according to the Examples of his Ancestors, he, in a publick Assembly, might acknowledge himself his Feudatary, for the Lands which he held in England. He, under Covert of the Publick Faith, came speedily thither, but without [Page] doing any thing of That, for which his Journey was pretended, he was inforced, against his Will, with that little Retinue, which he had, to accompany Henry into France: Henry's Design herein, was, partly, that the Scots might not attempt any thing against him in his absence; and partly, to alienate the Mind of Lewis, King of France, He carries Malcolm into France. from him. Thus, Malcolm was compelled, for fear of a greater Mischief, to go against his old Friend, and was not suffered to come back to his own Country; till King Henry, having made no great Earnings of the French War, returned home also. Then Malcolm obtained leave to return to Scotland; where, in a Convention of the Nobility, he declared to them the Adventure of his Travels; but, he found a great Part of them very much incensed, that he had joyned with a certain Enemy, against an Old and Trusty Friend; and did not foresee the Artifices, by which Henry had gulled him. The King, on the other side, alleged, That he was haled unwillingly into France, by a King, in whose Power he was, and to whom he dared to deny nothing, at that time; and therefore, he did not despair, but the French would be satisfied and appeased, when they understood, he was hurried thither by Force, and carried none of his Country Forces along with him. This Harangue, with much ado, quieted the Sedition for the present, which was almost ready to break out.

But Henry, who had Spies every where, knew, That the Tumult was rather suspended, than that the Minds of Men were reconciled to him; and therefore, he Summoned Malcolm to come to a Convention at York. There he was accused of a pretended Crime, That the English had been worsted in France, principally by his means; and therefore, it was referred to the Assembly,And at his return, despoils him of his Ancient Patrimony in England. Whether he ought not to lose all the Countries which he held in England. Though he answered all the objected Crimes, and fully cleared himself; yet, he found all their Ears shut against him, as being prepossessed by the Fears or Favour of their King; so that a Decree was made in Favour of Henry: Neither was he contented with this Injury, but he also suborned some Persons, fit for his purpose, to bruit it abroad, ‘That Malcolm had freely, and of his own accord, quitted his Interest in those Countries.’ At which, his Subjects, the Scots, were so incensed, that at his Return home, they besieged him in Perth, and had almost taken him. But, by the Intervention of some great Men, their Anger was somewhat abated, when he had informed the Nobility, how unjustly, and fraudulently, Henry had despoiled him of his Ancient Patrimony. Whereupon, they unanimously agreed upon a The Scots make War upon England. War, that so he might recover by just Arms, what was unlawfully taken from him by Force. Thus a War was Decreed, Denounc'd, and Waged, not without great Inconveniencies to both Nations. At last, both Kings came to a Conference, not far from Carlisle, and after much dispute, Pro and Con, Peace concluded between the English and Scots, wherein Malcolm quits Northumberland. Henry took away Northumberland from Malcolm, leaving him Cumberland, and Huntington-shire; Henry had no other Pretence for his Ambitious Avarice, but This, That he could not suffer so great a Diminution to be made of his Kingdom. But, seeing no respect to Justice, and Right, no Pacts, Covenants, no, nor the Religion of an Oath, could hinder the unsatiable Avarice of Henry; Malcolm, being a Man of a low Spirit, and too desirous [Page] of Peace, upon any Conditions whatever, accepted of his Terms, sore against the Minds of the Scots Nobility; who denied, That the King could alienate any part of his Dominions, without the General Consent of the Estates.

After this, the King began to be despised by his Subjects, as not having Fortitude, or Prudence, enough, to weild the Scepter; neither did any thing bridle their fierce Minds, from Rising in Arms, but a greater Fear from Henry; who (they knew) did aim at the Conquest of the whole Island, being encouraged thereunto, by the Simplicity of Malcolm, and by his Hopes of Foreign Aid. This General Disaffection to the King did much lessen the Reverence of his Government. A Rebellion was first begun by Angus, or rather, Aeneas, of Galway, a Potent Man, but yet more encouraged by the Kings Sloth, than his own Power. Gilchrist was sent against him; who overthrew him in Three Fights, and compelled him to take Sanctuary in the Monastery of White-horn, A Rebellion in Galway quell'd. out of which it was not counted Lawful to pull him by Force; and therefore, after a long Siege, being driven to the want of all Necessaries, he was forced to Capitulate: He was to lose part of his Estate for his Punishment; and his Son was to be given, as an Hostage, for his good Behaviour for the future. But, he being of a lofty Spirit, and not able to endure this abatement of his former Greatness, turn'd Monk, shaved himself, and shut himself up in a Monastery near Edinburgh, to avoid the shame and scorn of Men. Neither was there Peace in other Parts of the Realm;The Murray-Men under Gildominick rise in Arms. for, the Murray-Men, being always given to Mutinying, rose in Arms under Gildo, or rather Gildominick, their Captain; and did not only spoil the circumjacent Counties; but, when Heralds of Arms were sent from the King, they most barbarously slew them. Gilchrist was sent out against them also, with a greater Army, but with unlike Success: For the Valour of an Adversary, which is wont to be a Terrour to other Rebels, drove those wicked Persons▪ conscious of their own Demerits, to Desperation; and therefore, endeavouring to sell their Lives, as dear as they could, they routed the opposite Army, and became Conquerors. Malcolm, upon this overthrow, recruited his old Army, and marched into Murray, and met the Murray-Men, at the Mouth of the River Spey; who, though they knew, that the Kings Forces were encreased, and Theirs diminished in the late Fight; yet, being encouraged by the Opportunity of the Place, and their newly obtained Victory, they resolved to Adventure a Battel. The Fight was carried on with great Resolution, and no less Slaughter: For the Moravians gave not back, till the Kings Forces, being wearied, had new Releif from Reserves, sent them.But are suppressed. Then the Moravians were broken, and there was no more Fighting, but Killing. The Fury of the Soldiers spared no Age, nor Rank of Men. In this Fight, the old Moravians were almost all slain; which Punishment, though Cruel, seemed not to be undeserved; and the Greatness of the Revenge was allayed, and made excuseable, by the Savage Cruelty of that perfidious People, against others. Hereupon, new Co [...]onies were sent into the Lands of the slain.

[Page]Neither did S [...]merled stirs agai [...] but is overthrown and slain. Sumerled, in this hurly burly▪ think it fit to sit still; he, (as I said before) after his overthrow, fled into Ireland; and, from that time forward, exercised Pyracy upon the Coasts of Scotland; but now judging, that a great Part of the Military Men being slain in Battel, he might either get a rich Booty from those who would shun the hazard of Fighting; or else, an easie Victory from them who would stand to it; gathered a great Band of Roysters together, and arriving at the Firth, or Bay, of the River Clyde, there made a Descent; and Fortune, at first, favouring his Design, he penetrated, as far as Renfreu. But there, whilst he was more intent on Plunder, than on the Safety of his Men, he was surprized by a far less Number than his own, and lost all his Soldiers, he himself being saved, and brought alive to the King, for further Scorn and Punishment; though some say, That both he and his Son too were slain in the Battel. These things were acted about the Year of Christ 1165.

The Kingdom being thus quieted from all Tumults, an Assembly of all the Estates was Indicted at Scone, where many things were Decreed for the Confirmation of the State of the Kingdom; and, amongst the rest, the whole Assembly unanimously made it their Request to the King, That he would think of Marriage, in regard he was now fit for it, as being above Twenty Two years of Age, The Estates persuade Malcolm to Marry. and by that means, he might beget Children to succeed him. They told him, It was a publick Debt, due to the Kingdom, as well as a private One to his Family, and that he ought to mind, not only the present time, but to have a prospect to the Tranquillity of future Ages too. His Answer was, That ever since he had been capable to Order and Direct his own Life, His Negative Answer to their Request. he had Solemnly Vowed to God, to live a Continent, and a Batchelor's Life; which Vow, said he, I think, was the more acceptable to God, both because he gave me the strength to perform it; and also, because he hath prepared Heirs already to succeed me; so that I am not compelled to break my Vow, neither by any Weakness of my own Spirit, nor by any other publick Necessity. Thus dismissing the Parliament, having Peace abroad, he applied his Mind to the Arts of his Forefathers, i. e. Building of Churches, and Donations on Monks, wherein he would have exceeded his Ancestors, if God had given him a longer Life. For he died not long after, on the Fifth of the December 9th. Ides of December, in the Twenty Fifth Year of his Age, and a little more than the Twelfth Year of his Reign, and in the Year of our Redemption 1165.

William, The Ninety Third King.

HIS Brother, William, Succeeded him; who, entred upon the Kingdom, Fifteen Days after Malcolm's Death. He would Transact no Publick or Private Business of any weight, till he had craved of Henry of England the Restitution of Northumberland. Henry commanded him to come to London, to do him Homage, for the Counties of Cumberland and Huntingdon, according to custom; which he did, not unwillingly; yet desisted not from pressing to have William solicits Henry of England, for the restitution of Northumberland. Northumberland restored. Henry gave him an Ambiguous Answer, saying, That, in regard Northumberland was taken away from Malcolm, [Page] and given to him by the States of the Kingdom, he could not part from it without their Consent; but he should come to the next Parliament, and there expect Iustice to be done. William, though he expected no Good from the Parliament; yet, to cut off all occasions of Calumny from his Adversary, resolved to wait, in England, for the Convening and Opening of it;He accompanies Henry into France. and, in the mean time, he accompanied Henry, though against his Will, to the War in France. There he profited nothing by his daily Solicitations, and foreseeing, that the King would not speedily return into England, with much ado, he obtained a Convoy, and returned into Scotland. After his Return, the first thing he did, was, to repress the Insolencies of Thieves and Robbers, by punishing and clearing the Country of the Offenders. Then, he erected Castles, and placed Garisons in convenient Places, to prevent suddain Invasions: At last, he sent Ambassadors into England, to demand Northumberland, denouncing War, in case of Refusal. Henry, being intangled in the French War, yielded up to him that Part of Part of N [...]rthumberland restored to the Scots. Northumberland, which William's great Grandfather held. William took It, but on this Condition, That he would not remit his Right in, or Claim to, the rest. The English King took this very heinously, and, being sorry, he had parted with any of Northumberland, before the Controversie was decided, he made Incursions into the Scots Borders, and thus sowed the Seeds of a new War; and by this means, he hoped to have taken away also the other Lands, which he would have brought into dispute. When Right was claimed by the Wardens of the Marches, according to Custom, the English complained, That their Borders were molested by Scotish Robbers; so that the Ambassadors were sent away, without obtaining the thing they came for; yea, almost without an Answer: The Scots, to obtain that by Force, which they could not do by fair means, levied an Army, and entred upon, and wasted, the bordering Lands of the English, with Fire and Sword. This being about Harvest, the English, in the absence of their King, were content only to stand upon the Defensive, what they could; but then levied no Army; yet, the Winter following, some Action passed, and many Incursions were made. The next Summer, William enters England, with an Army. William listed a great Army, and marched into the Enemies Country; the English, having few or no Forces ready to withstand them, send Ambassadors to their Camp, proffering a great Sum of Money for a Truce; which, if they could obtain, they gave Hopes, that all things would be accorded, to Content. William, being a plain-Hearted Man, and willing to preserve Peace, (if obtainable, upon reasonable Conditions) before a War, though a just one, gave Credit to their Fallacious Promises. The English spent all the time of the Cessation, in Preparations for War; but, in the mean time, they plied the Scots with Ambassadors, who made large Promises; though their true Errand, was, to discover their Enemies Camp; and finding the Scots, on Confidence of the Truce, re-miss and negligent, and the greatest Part of their Army scattered to get in Forage; they returned and gave their Army notice, that now was a fair opportunity for Action, which they urged them not to omit; whereupon, placing the greatest Part of their Army in Ambush, about Four Hundred nimble Horsemen, in the [Page] Third Watch, a few hours before Sun-rising, marched directly to Alnwick, where the Scots Camp was pitcht; there, finding all things in greater Security than they expected, they set upon the King, who was riding up and down, (with Sixty Horse only, as if there had been a setled Peace) and before they could well be discerned, whether they were Friends or Enemies,But is overthrown, taken Prisoner by the English, and sent to Henry, then in France. (for they disguised themselves with Scots Arms and Ensigns, that they might pass for Scots) They took him Prisoner in the Nineth Year of his Reign; some few were rouzed up at the hubbub, and pursued scatteringly; divers of them rushed amongst their Enemies, as not being willing to forsake their King, and so were made Prisoners, also. William was carried to Henry, then Warring in France. The English, being elated with this unexpected Success, invaded Cumberland, thinking to carry it, without Blows. But Gilchrist, and Rolland, Two Scot [...] Commanders, did so entertain Them, that, being repuls'd, they made a Truce, and were content to enjoy Northumberland only, as long as the Scots King was a Prisoner, and to leave Cumberland and Huntingtonshire to the free Possession of the Scots.

In the mean time, David, the Brother of William, Earl of Huntington in England, and of Garioch in Scotland, who then fought under the English Banners, received a Convoy, and returned into Scotland; where, having setled things for the present, he sent Embassadors into England about the Redemption of his Brother, who was then kept Prisoner at Falise, a Town in Normandy. The King gave Fifteen Hostages to the English, and surrendred up Four Castles, viz. the Castle of Roxburgh, of Berwick, of Edinburgh, and of Sterling; and then he was permitted to return home in the Calends of August 1 [...]th. February. But then he was called upon by the English, February 1st. to appear at York, with his Nobles and Bishops, on the K. William Ransomed and takes an Oath to K. Henry. 18th of the Calends of September. Being arrived there, he and all his Followers (who were the Chief Nobility) took an Oath of Obedience to King Henry, and gave up the Kingdom of Scotland into his Guardianship and Patronage. These Conditions, thô very hard, yet the Scots were willing to accept of, That so they might have the best of Kings restored to them, as the English Writers say. Thomas Walsingham of England writes, That this Surrender was not made at York, but at Not That Constance in Germany, but That in Normandy, now called Contances. Constance; Yet some say, That this Interview of Both Kings, was not in order to the Surrender of the Kingdom, but for the Payment of certain pecuniary Pensions; and, That the Castles were put into the hands of the English, as Cautionaries only, till the Money was paid. This Opinion seems to me most probable, as appears by the League renewed with Richard, Henrys Son, of which in its due place.

William, at his Return, in a few Months, by Gilchrist his General, quelled the Ianuary [...] Insurrections made in his absence, in Galway. Gilchrist, King Williams General. On the Fourth of the Calends of February, there was an Assembly Indicted at Norham by Tweed. Thither William came, where the English laboured extreamly, That all the Scots Bishops should acknowledge the Bishop of York, for their Metropolitan; The Popes Legate also concurred with them, in their Desire, and earnestly pressed, That it might be so Enacted. After a long Dispute, the Scots Answered, That, at present, few of their Countrymen were there, and that [Page] they could not bind the absent to obey their Decree, if they should consent to any. Hereupon, the matter was deferred to another time; and, shortly after, the Scots Bishops sent Agents to Rome, to justify their Cause before Alexander the Third,The Scots Bishops freed from the Jurisdiction of English Bishops. Gilchrist Kills his Wife for Adultery▪ and flys into England. by whose Decree the Bishops of Scotland were freed from the Yoke of the English; and so the Messengers returned, joyfully, home. Not long after, Gilchrist, whom I have often mentioned before, slew his Wife, who was the King's Sister, because she had Committed Adultery. Whereupon he was summoned to appear on a certain day, but, not coming, was Banished for ever: His Houses were Demolished, and his Goods Confiscate. About the same time, the Castle of Edinburgh was restored to the Scots; one of the Pensions having been paid, and to make the Concord between Both Kings more firm; a Law was made, That neither King should harbour the Enemy of each other. Upon this Law, Gilchrist, who lived Banished in England, was forced to return, and, shifting from place to place,But is Forced to return into his own Country. as a Stranger, amongst Strangers, and unknown, he passed his Miserable Life, in great Penury and Want. In the interim, William prepared for an Expedition into Murray, to suppress the Thieves of the Aebudae, whose Captain was Donald Bane, i.e. the White, who derived his Pedigree from the Kings, and had also assumed the Name of King: He made his Descent from his Ships, in many places, and spoiled not only the Maritime Parts, but, his Boldness increasing, by reason of Impunity, those Places also, which were very remote from the Sea. The King sent out Ships to sail about,Donald Bane rises in Arms, but is quelled. and burn his Fleet, whilst he with a Land Army attacqued them; and, so doing, he put them almost all to the Sword. In his return, as he was near Perth, he found Three Countrymen, which yet seemed to be more than so, had not it been for their shabby and uncouth Habit; who seemed to avoid meeting any Company; but the King caused them to be brought to him, and viewing them intently, was very earnest to know, What manner of Creatures they were. Gilchrist, being the Elder of them, fell down at the King's Feet, and, making a Miserable Complaint of his Misfortunes, tells, Who he was; upon which, the Memory of his former Life, which he had passed with so much Splendour,Distressed Gilchrist Pardon'd and Restored. did so passionately affect all that were present, That they could not chuse but fall a Weeping. Whereupon, the King commanded him to rise from the Ground, and restored him to his Former Dignity, and the same Degree of Favour, he had before.

These things fell out about the Year 1190, at which time, Richard, who, the Year before, had succeeded Henry his Father, in the Realm of England, prepared for an Expedition into To the Holy War, for Recovery of Ierus [...]lem from the Turks. Syria. He restored the Castles to the King of Scots, and sent back the Hostages, freeing him, and his Posterity, from all Pacts, either extorted by Force, or obtained by Fraud, made with the English, and suffered him to enjoy the The English quit their Claim to any part of [...]. Realm of Scotland, by the same Right, and within the same Limits, as Malcolm, or any former Kings had held it: Mathew Par [...]s makes mention of These Conditions; William, on the other side, That he might not be ungrateful to Richard, upon his going to War into a strange Country, gave him 1000 Marks of Silver, and commanded David his Brother, who was Declared Earl of Huntington, [Page] to follow him into Syria. This David, in his Return from thence, had his Navy scattered by Tempest, was taken prisoner by the Aegyptians, redeem'd by the Venetians, and at last, being known at Constantinople by an English Merchant, after Four years time, he returned into Scotland, and was received with the general Gratulation of all Men, especially of his Brother. Boetius thinks, that the Town where this David was landed in Safety, before-named Alectum, was now called William sends David his Brother, to accompany Richard, to the Holy Land. David returns from S [...]ia. Deidonum, but because the Name of Alectum is found in no Author but only in Hector Boetius; I rather think, it was called Taodunum, a Word compounded of Tay and Dun, i. e. Dundee.

Not long after, Richard, after many Hazards and Misfortunes,So doth Richard. returned also from the same Voyage. William and his Brother came to congratulate him upon his Return, and gave him 2000 Marks of Silver, as a Largess, being moved thereunto, either out of Remembrance of his former Bounty to him, or on the Consideration of his present Want. Neither were ever the Scots and English more Gracious, than at that time, as many judge: There William fell very Sick, and a Rumour of his Death being noised abroad, caused new Combustions in Scotland. Harald, Earl of the Orcades, and of Caithnes, hated the Bishop of Caithnes, because (as he alledged) he was the Obstacle, that he could not obtain what he desired of the King; and therefore he took him Prisoner, cut out his Tongue, and also put out his Eyes. The King, returning home, overthrew Harald in several Skirmishes, and destroyed most of his Forces: Lex Ta [...]on [...] executed upon one Harald Earl of the Orcades. Harald himself was taken in his Flight, and brought back to the King, who when his Eyes also were first put out, by way of Retaliation, was afterwards hanged; his whole Male-Stock were Gelded, the rest of his Kinn, and Companions of his Wickedness, were deeply Fined. These things are thus related by Hector Boetius, and common Report confirms them; yea, the Hill receiving its Name from Testicles, gives credit to the Relation, so that it seems truer than what others Write in this matter. These things happened in the Year of our Salvation, 1198. in which Year the King had a Son, named Alexander, Born to him; and Richard of England dying, his Brother Iohn succeeded him.

Whereupon, the King of Scots went into England, to take his Oath to him, for the Lands which he held in England; and in the beginning of Iohn's new Reign, his Coming was not more acceptable, than his Departure displeasing;K. Iohn of England meditates a War against Scotland. because he refused to follow Iohn in his Expedition into France, against Philip his old Friend, So that, as soon as Iohn returned out of France, he sought Occasion for a War with the Scots, and began to build a Fort over against Berwick. William, having, in vain, complained of the Injurie, by his Embassadors, gathered a Company together, and demolished what was built thereof. Upon which, Armies were Levied on both sides, but when their Camps were near to one another, Peace was made, by the Intervention of the Nobles, on these But Matters are accommodated upon Terms between both Kingdoms. Terms ‘That William's Two Daughters should be given in Matrimony to Iohn's Two Sons, assoon as ever they were Marriageable.’ A great Dowry was promised, and Caution made, That no Fort should be built, and Hostages also were given, in the case. William at his return, fell [Page] into an unexpected Danger; The greatest Part of the Town of Berth was swept away in the Night, by an Inundation of the River Tay; Neither was the King's Palace exempted from the Calamity, but his Son, an Infant, with his Nurse, and 14 more, were drowned, the rest hardly escaping. Many also of the Promiscuous Multitude lost their Lives.Berth destroyed and new Built. The King, perceiving, that the Water had overwhelmed the greatest part of the Ground, on which the City stood, and that almost every House in the Town had suffered thereby, caused a new City to be built, a little below, in a more commodious place, on the same River, and, making some small variation of the Name, called it Perth, in Memory (as some say) of one Perth, a Nobleman, who gave the King the Land, on which the City was built. About the same time,Makul a Criminal abstains from all manner of Food. the King took Gothered Makul, Captain of the Rebels in the North, who was betrayed to him by his own Men. When he was Prisoner, he constantly abstained from all Food, to prevent, as 'tis thought, a more heavy Punishment. This was in a manner, the last memorable Fact of William's, which yet, in regard of his unweildy Age, was acted by his Captains. For he Dyed soon after, in the 74th year of his Age, and the 49th year of his Reign, A. D. 1643.

Not long before his Death, Leagues were renewed with Iohn King of England, almost every Year; for he, being a Man desirous to enlarge his Dominions, thô he had War with the French abroad, with the Romanists at home, and moreover, was never on sure Terms of Peace with the Irish or Welsh; yet, did not break off his Inclination to invade Scotland, which had then an old Man for their King, and the next Heir to him, a Child. Frequent Conferences happened on this Occasion, rather to try what might be obtained, than in hopes of any good Issue; at length, the Matter broke out into open Suspicion; And, after many Leagues made between Them, at last William was called to Newcastle upon Tine, Whither he came, but there, falling into a dangerous Disease, he returned without doing any thing. In fine, a little before his Death, he was invited to Norham on the Tweed, and when his Sickness would not permit him to go, his Son was desired to come in his stead, which, yet, by the Advice of the Council, was refused; the Leagues, established in those Interviews, I shall not particularly mention, for they, almost all, contain the same things, having in them nothing New, save that in One of them it was Articled,Several Leagues between Iohn of England, and William of Scotland. That the Scotish Kings should not Swear, nor be Feudataries, to the Kings of England Themselves, for the English Lands they held; but their Children, only. The Mention of these things is wholly omitted by the English Writers, also, I believe, for this very Cause.

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Alexander II. The Ninety Fourth King.

WIlliam was succeeded by Alexander, his Son, begot on Emergard, who was Kinswoman to the King of England, and Daughter to the Earl of Beaumont. A Maritime Town in Normandy [...] France. He was but Sixteen years of age when he began to Reign; entring upon the Government in troublesom Times, he composed and setled things more prudently, than could be expected from one of his years. First of all, he Indicted a Publick Convention of the Estates, and therein, by a Decree he confirmed all the Acts of his Father, that good and prudent Prince. His first Expedition was into England, Alexander enters England with an Army. not out of any private Ambition, but to bridle the Tyranny of Iohn; and it was then said, that he was sent for in by the Ecclesiasticks of that Kingdom. He left Norham, upon certain Conditions, when he had begun to besiege it; and piercing further into the Kingdom, he carried it very severely against all the Royalists. Upon his Return home, Iohn invaded Scotland, quickly after. He made a mighty Devastation in Dunbar, Iohn enters Scotland. Hadington, and all the Neighbouring Parts of Lothian; and, to spread the War and Ruin further, he determined to return another Way. Alexander, being very desirous to decide it by a Battel, pitcht his Tents between the Pentland Hills, and the River Eske, which way, as it was bruited, he would return; but Iohn, to avoid fighting, marched along by the Sea, and burnt the Monastery of Coldingham, he also took and burnt Berwick, which was then but meanly fortified. As he thus marched hastily back, Alexander followed him as fast as he could, and, making great havock all over Northumberland, came as far as Richmond: But Iohn, by speedy marches having retreated into the heart of England, Alexander returned by Westmorland, and laid all waste to the very Gates of Carlisle; The City it self he took by Force, and Fortified it. The next year, Lewis, the Son of Philip, Alexander takes Carlisle ▪ King of France, was sent for, by those who favoured the Ecclesiastical Faction, to London, that so, he, upon the Proscription of Iohn, might possess the Kingdom; and so was King Alexander of Scotland too, who came to aid his Old Friend. But Iohn, King Iohn agrees with the Pope, and becomes his Feudatary. being forsaken by his Subjects, and assaulted also by Foreign Arms, upon the Payment of a great Sum of Money at present, and the Promise of a perpetual Pension; and moreover, transferring the Right of the Kingdom of England to the Pope; so that the Kings of England, for the future, were to be His Feudataries, was received into Favour. So that he obtained Letters from Rome by Cardinal Galo, Cardinal Galo ▪ Ava [...]iti [...]. a Man of known Avarice, wherein the Scots and French were, with great Threats, forbid to meddle with a People, which were Tributaries to the Holy See.

Upon this sudden Change of things, Lewis returned into France, and Alexander into Scotland; but his return home was not so quiet, as his entrance into England was; For the English, pressing upon the Rear of his retiring Army, took many of the Stragglers, Prisoners. And besides, Iohn had broken down all the Bridges on the Trent, and had fastned sharp Pikes, or Palisadoes, in all its Fords, removing away all Ships and Boats, so that it seemed to be so great an Impediment [Page] unto him, that he could not avoid it, but must certainly be destroyed. In the mean time, Iohn was poysoned by an English Monk at King Iohn Poysoned. Others say, at [...] Abby near Bost [...]n in Lincolnshire. Newark, a Town seated on the Trent, and being carried in a Litter, died in two days. That Casualty opened the way for Al [...]xander's March. Then, blaming and punishing his Men for their former Carelessness, he marched on more circumspectly, but not without the great Damage of those, through whose Countrys he passed: For whatsoever could be driven away, or carried, he took with him, and so returned home with a great Booty. Galo, the Popes Legat, when he had setled Henry, the Son of Iohn, in the Throne, mulct the Nobles of England in a great Sum of Money, and then received them into Favour. And to give them some Recompence for their Loss, by the like Calamity of their Enemies; he Excommunicates Lewis of France, The Scots Excommunicated. and Alexander of Scotland, in hopes to obtain some Prey from them, also. The Scots were Interdicted all Divine Offices; for he imagined, that his Thundring Curses would prevail more amongst the simple Vulgar, than with the Kings. But at last, Peace was made between the Two Kings; the Scots were to restore Carlisle, and the English, Berwick; and the Ancient Bounds at A Stone-Cross erected in S [...]anmo [...]e in Cumberl [...]nd, as a Boundary between the Two Kingdoms, of England and S [...]otland. Kings-Cross were to be observed by them Both. Alexander and his Subjects were released from their Censures by the English Bishops, who were Authorized thereunto. Hereupon Galo was much enraged, That so great a Prey should be taken out of his Hands, so that he turned his Anger on the Bishops, and the rest of the Clergy of Scotland, as his own Peculiar, with whom Kings had nothing to do. He summoned them to appear at Alnwick, Whither when they came, the more fearful appeased his Wrath with Money; the more resolute were Cited to Rome. But they, having also received many Letters from some of the English Bishops and Abbats, directed to the Pope, concerning the sordid Spirit of the Ambassador or Legat, made grievous Complaints against him, calling him the Firebrand of all mischief, Cardinal [...] ill Character. because he studied not the Publick Good, but his own Avarice, and did chaffer for, and sell, Peace and War amongst Princes, at his own pleasure. Galo ▪ not being able to acquit himself of the Crimes laid to his charge, was Fined by the Pope in the Loss of the Money he had got; which was to be divided amongst his Accusers. Hereupon, they returned home, loaden with large Promises, but with empty Purses. A few years after, Henry of England, being now grown Ripe both in Years and Judgment, came to York; there he agreed with Alexander, in the presence of Pandulphus, Pandulphus the Popes Legat, a Witness of the Peace between the Two Kings. the Popes Legat, to take Ioan, Henry's Sister, to Wife, by whom yet, because of her untimely Death, he had no Children.

From that time, there was Peace between Both Kings as long as they lived. There he also solemnly Promised and Swore before the same Pandulphus, That he would bestow the Two Sisters of Alexander in Honourable Marriages according to their Dignity, as his Father had promised, before. But one of them returned home unmarried, one only being bestowed in Marriage. The next Year, viz. 1220, the Cardinal of St. Giles, came into England, to fish for Money for the Holy War; and accordingly having scraped together a great Sum, in both Kingdoms, which, by his Impostures, he had gulled Persons, [...] credulous, of, he Luxuriously spent it in his Journy; so that he [Page] came empty to Rome, falsely alleging, That he was robbed by Thieves in the way. Another Legat presently succeeded him; but Men, having been twice cheated by Roman Fraud, by a Publick Decree,Roman Fraud. forbad him to set his foot on Land. Alexander was busied to suppress Vices at home, which sprung up by the Licentiousness of War, and he travelled over the whole Kingdom, with his Queen, to do Justice, whilest Gilespy, a Rossian, spoiled Ross, and the Neighbour Counties; for, passing over the River Ness, he took and burnt the Town of Enverness; He cruelly slew all those, that refused to obey him. Iohn Cumin, Earl of Buchan was sent against him,C [...]min overthrow [...] Gilesp [...], a Free- [...]oo [...]er. who took him and his two Sons, as they were shifting up and down, and changing their Quarters, to secure themselves; and cut off their Heads, and so sent them to the King. About this time, the Caithnesians entred by night into the Bedchamber of Adam their Bishop, and there killed a Monk, who was his usual Companion, (for he had been, before, Abbat of Mulross) and one of his Bedchamber; as for the Bishop himself, they grievously wounded him, and dragging him into the Kitchen,The [...] of the [...]a [...]thnessmen against their Bishop punished. there they burnt him and the House he was in. The Cause of their great Cruelty, was, (as 'tis reported) because the Bishop was more severe than in former times, in exacting his Tithes. The Offenders were diligently sought out, and most severely punished; The Earl of Caithnes, though he were not present at the Fact, yet was somewhat suspected, but afterward being brought privately to the King in the Christmas Holy-days, which the Scots call Saturnalia, Saturnalia. he humbly begg'd Pardon of the King, and obtained it.

About this time, Alane, of Galway, the powerfullest Man in Scotland, departed this Life. He left Three Daughters behind him, of whom I shall speak hereafter. Thomas, his Bastard Son, despising their Age and Sex, sets up for himself, as Lord of the Family, and, not contented herewith, he gathers 10000 Men together,Thomas, the Natural Son of Alan of Galway overthrown. kills all that oppose him, and drives Booties, far and near, from all the Neighbouring-Countries. At last, the King sent an Army against him, who slew 5000 of the Rebels with their General. The same year, Alexander and his Queen Visit King Henry. Alexander, with his Wife, went for England, to allay the Tumults, as much as he could, raised against Henry, and to reconcile him to the Nobility. Whilest he was busie about this, at York, his Wife went with the Queen of England, a Pilgrimage to Canterbury, but at her return, she fell sick, died, and was buried at London. His Queen dies at London. Not long after her Death, the King being Childless, Married Mary, the Daughter of Ingelram, Earl of Coucy in France, in the year of Christ 1239, by whom he had Alexander, He marries to a French Lady. who succeeded his Father in the Kingdom. Two years after, viz. in 1242, whilst the King was hastening to England, to visit that King, newly returned from France, and refreshed himself a while at Hadington, in Lothian, with Horse-Races; the Lodging or Inn of Patrick of Gallway, Earl of Athol, was set on Fire, wherein he, and two of his Servants, were burnt; the Fire speading it self a great way further. It was not thought to have casually happened, because of the Noted Fewds between Patrick, and the Family of the Bizets. And though, William, the Chief of that Family, was at Forfar, above 60 Miles from Hadington, the same night, that the Fire happened, as the Queen could [Page] testify in his behalf; yet, because the adverse Party, being the Kindred of Patrick, pleaded, That many of his Servants and Tenants were seen at Hadington at that time, William was Summoned to appear; He came to Edinburgh at the day prefixed, but, not daring to stand to his Tryal, because of the Potency of his Adversaries, which were the Cumins's, he would have Tryed the matter in a Duel; but That being not accepted,Biz [...] offers to clear himself by a Duel. He flys to Ireland. he, and some of his Sept banished themselves into Ireland, where he left a Noble Family of his Name and House. There was also another Seditious Tumult in Argyle, Raised by Sumerled Son of the former Sumerled, but he was soon suppressed by Patrick Dunbar, and, submitting to the Kings Mercy, obtained Pardon for all his past Offences.Sumerled overthrown in Argyle. The King, not long after, fell sick, and died in the 51 Year of his Age; the 35 of his Reign; and of our Lord, 1249.

Alexander the III. The Ninety Fifth King.

ALexander the Third, His Son, was Crowned King at Scone, the same Year, a Child, not past Eight years Old. The Power of all things was mostly in the Faction of the Cumins's. For they turned the Publick Revenue to the Enrichment of themselves,The Cumins's [...] the Roast in [...], which disgusts the opposite Faction. oppressed the Poor, and, by false Accusations, cut off some of the Nobles, who were averse to their humours and desires, and dared to speak freely of the State of the Kingdom; and being Condemned, their Goods were Confiscated, and brought into the Kings Exchequer, from whence they (who rather Commanded, than Obeyed, the King) received them back again for their Private Emolument. A Convention of the Estates being held, the chief Matter in agitation, was, to pacify the King of England, lest, in such a troublesome time, he should make any Attempt upon Them; and, to do it more easily, an Affinity was proposed. This Way seemed more commodious to the Anti-Cuminian Party, to undermine their Power, than openly to oppugn it.An Embassy to England. Whereupon, Embassadors were sent to England, who were kindly received, and munificently rewarded, by that King, who granted them all their Desires.An Interview between the Two Kings. November 24. The next Year, which was 1251, both Kings met at York, the 8th of the Calends of Alexander of Scotland made Knight by the K. of England. A Contract of Marriage between Him & Margaret, Henry's Daughter. D [...]cember. There, on Christmas day this Alexander was made Knight by the King of England, and, the day after, the Match was concluded betwixt him and Margarite, Henrys Daughter. A Peace was also renewed betwixt them, which as long as Henry lived, was inviolably observed. And because Alexander was yet but a Child, and under Age; it was Decreed, by the advice of his Friends, That he should consult his Father-in-Law, as a Guardian, in all Matters of Weight: Some of the Prime men, being accused by Virtue of this Decree, secretly withdrew themselves. When the King returned home, Robert, Abbat of Dumferling, Chancellor of the Kingdom, was accused, because he had Legitimated the Wife of Alane Durward, who was but the Natural, or Base-born, Daughter of Alexander the Second, That so, if the King dyed without Issue, she might come in, as Heiress Upon this Fear, the Chancellor, as soon as ever he returned home, surrendred up the Seal to the Nobles.The Chancel [...]o [...] of Scotland [...]. Gam [...]lin, afterwards Bishop of St. Andrews, succeeded him in his Office.

[Page]The Three next Years, they, who were the Kings Council, did, almost every one of them, carry themselves, as Kings; whatever they catched, was their own; so that the poor Commonalty was left destitute, and miserably oppressed. The King of England, being made acquainted therewith, out of his paternal Affection to his Son in Law, came to Werk-Castle, scituate on the Borders of Scotland, Work Castle standing [...] above [...] side. and sent for his Son in Law Alexander, and his Nobles, thither. There, by his Advice, many advantageous Alterations were made, especially of those Magistrates, by whose Defaults, Insurrections had been made at home: And also many profitable Statutes were Enacted, for the Future. The King returned to Scotland with his Wife; and having an English Guard to convey him home, he resolved to dwel in the Castle of Edinburgh. Walter Cumins Earl of Monteath kept the Castle, who was disaffected because of the Change of the Publick State, made by the King of England; yet, he was compelled to surrender it, by Patrick Dunbar, with the Assistance of the English Forces. The greatest Part of the Nobility, and of the Ecclesiasticks, were offended, in regard their Power was somewhat abridged, by those New Statutes, which they looked upon as a Yoke imposed upon them by the English, and a Beginning of their Servitude: Yea, they proceeded to that height of Contumacy, that,A Sedition of the Nobles against Alexander. being Summoned to give a Legal Account of their Management of Affairs in former times, they made light of the Summons; The same Persons, who were the Principal Actors in disturbing things before, were now the Chief Incouragers to Disobedience. They were generally the Clans of the Cumins's, Walter Earl of Monteath; Alexander, Earl of Buchan; Iohn Earl of Athol; William Earl of Marr, and other Considerable Men of the same Faction. They dared not to put their Cause on a Legal Tryal, as being conscious to themselves of the many Wrongs done to the Poor, and meaner Sort, yea, to the King himself, and therefore they resolved to out-face Justice, by their Impudent Audacity. For being informed, That the King was but lightly Guarded, and lived securely at Kinross, as in a time of Peace, They immediately gathered a Band of their Vassals about them, Seized him as he was asleep, and carried him to Sterling; and, as if there were no Force in the Case, but they had been rightfully Elected, they discharged and expelled his Servants, took New, and managed all things at their own Will and Pleasure; so that now, the Terror and Consternation was turned upon the Former Counsellors.

But this Sedition was allay'd by the Death of Walter Cumins, who was Poysoned, as it is thought, by his Wife, an English Woman; The Suspicion thereof was encreased on her, because, tho' she were Wooed by many Nobles, yet she Married Iohn Russel her Gallant, a Young English Spark; She was accused of Witchcraft too and cast into Prison, but she bought out her Liberty. Russel and his Wife obtained Letters from the Pope, permitting them to commence an Action of the Case against their Adversaries, for the Wrong done them, before the Popes Legate. But it was to no purpose,An Ancient Privilege of the Scots, not to be cite [...] to R [...]me. because the Scots urged an Ancient Privilege, exempting them from going out of the Kingdom, when they were to plead their Causes.

When the King was of Age, upon the humble Petition of the [Page] Cumins's, he Pardoned, them as if all their offences had been expiated by the Death of Walter. He was induced so to do, (as some say) by reason of the Greatness of their Family; and also, because he feared Foreign Wars, when Matters were so unsetled at home: But that War began not so soon, as Men thought it would.

August 1.In the Year of Christ 1263. in the Calends of Acho King of Norwey, lands with an Army in Scotland. August, Acho, King of Norwey, with a Fleet of 160 Sail, came to Air, a Maritime Town of Coil, where he Landed 20000 Men. The Cause of the War, as he pretended, was, that some Islands, which were promised to his Ancestors by Mackbeth, were not yet put into his Hands, viz. Bote, Aran, and both the Cumbras's, which were never reckoned amongst the Aebudae. But it was enough for him, who sought a pretence for a War, that they were called Islands. Acho took two of the greatest of them, and reduced their Castles, before he could meet with any Opposition; being lifted up by this success, he makes a descent into Cuningham, the next Continent, over against Bote, in that part of it which they call theA Town in Cuningham, standing on the Clyde. But is overthrown by Alexander Stuart. Largs. There he met with Two Misfortunes, almost at one and the same: First, he was overcome in Fight by Alexander Stuart, the Great Grandfather of him, who, first of that Name, was King of Scotland; and being almost taken by the Multitude of his Enemies, he hardly escaped in great Fear, to his Ships. The other was, That his Ships, being tossed in a mighty Tempest, hardly carried him, with a few of his followers, who escaped, into the Orcades. There were slain in that Battel, Sixteen Thousand of the Norwegians, and Five Thousand of the Scots; some Writers say, that King Alexander himself was in this Fight: Yet, they also make Honourable mention of the Name of this Alexander Stuart. Acho, died of Grief, for the Loss of his Army, and of his Kinsman too, a Valiant Youth,And dies of Grief. whose Name is not mentioned by Writers.

His Son Magnus, who was lately come to him, perceiving Things in a desperater Posture, than he ever thought they would be brought to; especially, having no hopes of Recruit from home, before the Spring; and also, finding the Minds of the Islanders alienated from him, and that he was forsaken of the Scots too, in Confidence of whose Aid, his Father had undertaken that War; these things considered, he easily inclined to Terms of Peace: The Spirit of the young Man was quailed, both by the unlucky Fight; and also, by his Fear of the Islanders. For Alexander had then recovered, by sending about some Ships, the Isle of Man, situate almost in the midst between Scotland and Ireland, Isle of Man recovered by the Scots. upon these Conditions, That the King thereof should send in Ten Gallies to the Scots, as oft as there was occasion; and that the Scots should defend him from a Foreign Enemy. When Magnus saw, That the rest of the Islands inclined to follow the Example of the Manks-Men; he sent Ambassadors to treat of Peace, which Alexander refused to make, unless the Aebudae were restored; at last, by the diligence of the Commissioners, it was agreed, that the Scots should have the Aebudae;Magnus, Acho's Son, makes Peace with Alexander. for which, at present, they were to pay 1000 Marks of Silver, and 100 Marks an Year. And moreover, That Margarite, Alexanders Daughter, being then but Four years old, should Marry Hangonan, the Son of Magnus, assoon as she was fit for Marriage.

[Page]About this time, the King of England, being infested with Civil War, had Five Thousand Scots sent him for his Assistance, under the Command of R [...]bert Bruce, and Alexander Cumins, whom the English Writers call Iohn, [...] the greatest part of them were slain in Fight; and Cumins, with the Engl [...]sh King himself, and his Son, and a great part of the English Nobility, of the Kings Party, were taken Prisoners.

Moreover, the Scots King was much troubled at the Arrogance of the Priests and Monks in his Kingdom; who, being enriched by former Kings, began to grow wanton in a continued Peace: Yea, they endeavoured to be equal, if not superior, to the Nobility, whom they excelled in Wealth. The young Nobility, repining at it, and taking it in great disdain, used them coursly; whereupon▪ complaints were made, by them, to the King; who, imagining, either that their Wrongs were not so great, as they represented them; or else, that they suffered them deservedly, neglected their pretended Grievances; whereupon they Excommunicated All, but the King, [...] and in great Wrath, determined to go to Rome. But the King, remembring, what great Commotions, Thomas Becket, the prime promoter of Ecclesiastical Ambition, had lately made in England, called them back from their Journy, and caused the Nobility to satisfie, not only their Avarice, but even their Arrogance, too: And indeed, they were the more inclinable to an Accord with the King, because he had lately undertaken the Patronage of the Ecclesiastical Orders, against the Avarice of the Romanists: For a little before, Ottobon, the Popes Legate, was come into England, to appease the Civil Discords, but not being able to effect the thing he came for, he omitted the publick Care, and studied his own private Gain and Lucre; he Indicted an Ecclesiastical Assembly of the English,Ottobon the Popes Leg [...]e. Procters from Scotland being also called thereunto; in the mean time, he endeavoured to exact Four Marks of Silver, from every Parish in Scotland, and Six from all Cathedrals, for the Expence of Procurations. This Contribution, or Tax, was scarce refused, when News was brought, That another Legate was arrived in England, intending also for Scotland, on pretence to gather up Money, for the Holy War; and besides that procurable by Indulgences, and other Lime-Twigs,Another Legate, [...] Rome. to catch Money, he endeavoured to wrest from all Bishops, Abbats, and Parish Priests (as judging them to be immediately under Papal Jurisdiction) the Tenth part of their yearly Revenues; that so, Edward and Edmond, Sons to the King of England, might go more Nobly and Numerously attended to the War in Syria. The Scots judged this Tax to be very grievous and unjust, especially, because the English seemed to be so forward to have it granted, as if Scotland were not sui Iuris, or, an absolute Kingdom, but Dependent on England. Moreover, they were afraid, lest the Legat should riotously mispend the Money, designed for the War, as was done some Years before; whereupon, they forbad him to enter their Borders, [...] but sent him Word, That they themselves, without his Presence, would gather Money for, and send Souldiers to▪ the Syrian War; and indeed, they sent Souldiers, under the Command of the Earls of Carick and Athol, Two of the Chief Nobility, to L [...]wis King of Fran [...]e ▪ [Page] and to the Pope, lest he might think himself altogether disesteemed, they sent 1000 Marks of Silver.

The Year after, Henry, King of England, died, and his Son Edward the First succeeded him; at whose Coronation, Alexander and his Wife were present; she returning, died soon after; yea, David the Kings Son, and also Alexander, being newly Married to the Daughter of the Earl of Flanders, followed her a little time after, by their continued Funerals; Margarite also, the Kings Daughter departed this Life; who left a Daughter behind her, begot by Hangonanus, King of Norwey. Alexander being thus, in a few years, deprived both of his Wife and Children too,A Town in France. took to Wife Ioleta, the Daughter of the Earl of A Borough over against Leith in Lothian. Dreux; and within a Year, he fell from his Horse, and broke his Neck, not far from Kinghorn in the Year of our Lord 1285. and the Fourteenth of the March the 19th. Calends of April, he lived Forty Five years, and Reigned Thirty Seven.

He was more missed, than any King of Scotland had been before him, not so much for the eminent Virtues of his Mind, and the Accomplishments of his Body; as, that People foresaw, what great Calamities would befal the Kingdom,Alexanders Death, and Commendable Character. upon his Decease. Those wholsome Laws, which he made are antiquated by the Negligence of Men, and the Length of Time, and their Utility is rather celebrated by Report, than experienced by Trial. He divided the Kingdom into Four Parts, and, almost every year, he Travelled them all over, staying well near Three Months in each of them, to do Justice; and to hear the complaints of the Poor, who had free Access to him, all that time. Assoon as he went to an Assize or Sessions, he Commanded the Prefect, or Sheriff, of that Precinct, to meet him with a select number of Men, and also to accompany him at his departure to the end of his Bailywick, till the next Precinct, where he was Guarded by another like Company. By this means, he became acquainted with all the Nobility, and was as well known to them; and the People, as he went, were not burthen'd with a Troop of Courtiers, who are commonly Imperious, and given to Avarice, where they come.Idle Persons punished. He commanded the Magistrates to punish all Idle Persons, who followed no Trade, nor had any Estates to maintain them; for his Opinion was, That Idleness was the Source and Fountain of all Wickedness. He reduced the Horse-Train of the Nobles, when they travelled, to a certain number; because, he thought, that the Multitude of Horses, which were unfit for War, would spend too much Provision. And whereas, by reason of Unskilfulness in Navigation; or else, by Mens Avarice, in committing themselves rashly to Sea, many Shipwracks had happened; and, the Violence of Pyrates making an Accession thereto, the Company of Merchants were almost undone, he commanded they should Traffick no more by Sea. That Order lasted about an Year; but being accounted by many, of a publick Prejudice, at length, so great a Quantity of Foreign Commodities were imported, that, in Scotland, they were never in the Memory of Man, more, or less cheap: In this Case, that he might study the good of the Merchants-Company, he forbad, that any but Merchants should buy what was imported, by whole Sale; but what every Man wanted, he was to buy it at second Hand, or by Retail, from them.

The Eighth BOOK.

[Page]

ALEXANDER, and his whole Lineage (besides one [...] by his Daughter) being extinct, a Convention of the Estates was held at Scone, to Treat about Creating a new King, and setling the State of the Kingdom; whither, when most of the Nobility were come, in the first place they appointed Vicegerents, to govern Matters at present; so dividing the Provinces, That Duncan Mackduff, should preside over Fife, of which he was Earl; Iohn Cumins, Earl of Buchan, over Buchan; William Frazer, Archbishop of St. Andrews, over that Part of the Kingdom, which lay Northward. And that Robert Bishop of Glascow, Another Iohn Cumins, and Iohn Stuart, should Govern the Southern Countries; and that the Boundary in the midst,Edward of England, desires Margarite of Norway, Heiress of Scotland, as a Wife for his Son, which is yielded to. should be the River Forth. Edward King of England, knowing, that his Sisters [...] Daughter of the King of Norway, was the only surviving Person of all the Posterity of Alexander; and that She was the Lawful Heiress of the Kingdom of Scotland, sent Ambassadors into Scotland, to desire Her, as a Wife for his Son.

The Embassadors, in the Session, discoursed much of the publick Utility, like to accrue to both Kingdoms, by this Marriage; neither did they find the Scots averse therefrom. For Edward was a Man of great Courage, and Power, yet he desired to increase it; and his Valour highly appeared in the Holy War, in his Fathers Life time, and, after his Death, in his subduing of Wales; neither were there ever more Endearments passed betwixt the Scots and the English, than under the last Kings; Yea, the Ancient Hatred seemed no way more likely to be abolished, than if both Nations, on Just and Equal Terms, might be united into One.

For these Reasons, the Marriage was easily assented to; other Conditions were also added, by the consent of both Parties; as, That the Scots should use their own Laws and Magistrates, until Children were begot out of that Marriage, which might Govern the Kingdom; or, if no such were begot, or being born, if they dyed, before they came to the Crown; then the Kingdom of Scotland was to pass to the next Kinsman of the Blood-Royal. Matters being thus setled, Embassadors were sent into Norway. Michael, or as others call him, David▪ Weems, and Michael Scot, Two eminent Knights of Fife, and much Famed for their Prudence in those days. But Margarite, But She dyes before their Marriage. (for that was the Name of the young Princess) dyed before they came thither, so that they returned home in a sorrowful posture, without their errand.

By reason of the untimely death of this young Lady, a Controversie arose concerning the Kingdom, which mightily shook England, but almost quite ruined Scotland. The Competitors were Men of great Power, Iohn Baliol, and Robert Bruce, of which Baliol had Lands [Page] in France; Bruce in England, but Both of them, great Possessions and Allies in Scotland. But before I enter upon their Disputes, that all things may be more clear to the Reader, I must fetch them down a little higher.

The Three last Kings of Scotland, William, and the Two Alexanders, The Second and the Third, and their whole Off-spring being extinct,Contests for the Crown of Scotland. there remained none who could lawfully claim the Kingdom, but the Posterity of David, Earl of Huntington. This David was Brother to King William, and Great Uncle to Alexander the Third. He Married Maud in England, Daughter to the Earl of Chester, by whom he had Three Daughters. The Eldest, Named Margarite, Married Alan of Galway, a Man very powerful amongst the Scots. The Second was matched to Robert Bruce, Sirnamed the Noble, of High English Descent, and of a large Estate; The Third was Married to Henry Hastings, an Englishman also, whose Posterity do deservedly enjoy the Earldom of Huntington, at this day. But to let him pass, (because he never put in for the Kingdom) I shall confine my Discourse to the Stock, Cause, and Ancestry of Baliol and Bruce, only. Whilst William was King of Scotland The Original of the Controversie between the Baliols, and the Bruces, in Scotland. Fergus, Prince of Galway, left Two Sons, Gilbert and Ethred; William, to prevent the Seeds of Discord betwixt the Two Brothers, divided their Fathers Inheritance equally betwixt them; Gilbert, the Eldest, took this highly amiss, and thereupon, conceived an Hatred against his Brother, as his Rival, and against the King too, for his unequal Distribution. Thereupon, when the King was Prisoner in England, being then freed from fear of the Law, he discovered his long-concealed Hatred against them both: As for his Brother, he took him unawares, pulled out his Eyes, cut out his Tongue, and so, (not content with a single Death) he put him to grievous and excessive Tortures, before he dyed; and he himself joyned with the English, and preyed upon his Neighbors and Country-men, as if they had been in an Enemies Country,The Story of the Discords between Fergus of Galway his Children, after his Decease. for he wasted all with Fire and Sword. And, except Rolland, the Son of Ethred, had gathered a Band of Countrymen, who remained firm to the King, together, to resist his Attempts, he had either wasted the neighbour Countries; or drawn them all over to his Party. This Rolland was a forward young Man, of great Abilities both of Body and Mind, he not only abated the Fury of his Uncle, but many times fought valiantly, and sometimes successfully, with the English, as he met them, whilst he repressed their Plunderings; or, as he himself spoiled their Lands. At last, when the King was restored, Gilbert, by the Mediation of his Friends, got a Pardon, upon promise of a sum of Money for the Wrongs he had done,Rolland's Valou [...] and Genealogy. and giving Pledges to that purpose; But Gilbert dying a few days after, those who were accustomed to Blood and Prey under him, and who had given up themselves into the Protection of the King of England, either out of the Inconstancy of their Dispositions; or, for fear of Punishment, being stirr'd on by Gripes from an accusing Conscience for what they had formerly done, took up Arms again, under the Command of Gilpatrick, Henry Kennedy, and Samuel; who, before, had been the Assistors and Companions to Gilbert, in his Wickedness▪ Rolland was sent with an Army against them, and after a [Page] great Fight he slew their chief Leaders, and a great Part of the common Soldiers. They, who escaped, fled to one Gilcolumb, a Captain of the Freebooters and Robbers, who had made a great spoil in Lothian, and much endamaged the Nobles and Richer sort, of whom also he killed some. Thence, marching into Galway, he undertook Gilbert's Cause, when all others looked upon it, as desperate. He not only claimed his Lands, as his Own, but carried himself as the Lord of all Galway. At last,October 1. Rolland fought with him in the Calends of October, about Three Months after Gilbert's Forces were defeated, and slew him, with the greatest part of his Army, with very little loss of his own side; amongst the slain, there was found his own Brother, a stout young Man.

The English, being troubled at the overthrow of these Men, who had put themselves under their Protection, the Year before, march'd with an Army to Carlisle; thither also came Rolland ▪ being Reconciled to the King of England, by the Mediation of William, where he refuted the Calumnies of his Enemies, and shewed, That he had done nothing Maliciously or Causelesly, against his own and the Publicks Enemy, upon which he was honourably dismissed by the King. William also returned home, and, calling to Mind the Constancy of his Father Ethred, and how many Noble Exploits he had performed for the Good of the Publick, he gave him all Galway: And besides, he bestowed Carrick on the Son of Gilbert, though his Father had not deserved so well of him. William of Newberry, the English Writer, Records these things, as done Anno 1183. Rolland took to Wife, the Sister of William Morvill, who was Com [...] Stabu [...] ▪ Lord High Constable in Scotland, who dying without Issue, Rolland enjoyed that Office, as Hereditary to him and his Family. He had a Son called Alan; who, for his Assistance, afforded to Iohn, King of England, in his Irish War, was rewarded by him with large Possessions; on which accompt, by the permission of William of Scotland, he was a Feudatary to the English King, and swore Fealty to him: This Alan took to Wife Margarite, the Eldest Daughter of David, Earl of Huntington. By her, he had Three Daughters, the Eldest, Dornadilla, he Married to Iohn Baliol, who was King of Scotland (for some years.) But Robert Bruce, Married Isabella, Davids Second Daughter, he came to be Earl of Carrick, upon this Occasion: Martha, Countess of Carrick, being Marriageable, and the only Heiress of her Father,Martha, Countess of Carrick, falls in Love with Robert Bruce. who died in the Holy War, as she was a Hunting, cast her Eye on Robert Bruce, the Beautifullest Young Man of all her Train; whereupon, she Courteously invited him, and in a manner, compelled him into her Castle, which was near at Hand. Being come thither, his Age, Beauty, Kindred, and Manners, easily procuring mutual Love, they were quickly Married, in a private way. When the King was informed thereof, he was much offended with them Both, because the Right of bestowing the Lady in Marriage, lay in him; yet, by the Mediation of Friends, he was afterwards Reconciled to them. Out of this Marriage, Robert Bruce was Born; who afterwards, was King of Scotland.

Thus having enlarged my self in this Prologue, I come now to the Matter in Hand, and to the Competitors of the Kingdom: They [Page] were, Dornadilla, the Grand-child of David of Huntingdon, by his Eldest Daughter; and Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick, Grand-son of the said David, by his youngest Daughter. Dornadilla's Pretensions were grounded on the Custom of the Country; whereby, he, or she, that was nearer in Degree,The several Pretensions of the Competitors to the Crown. had a better Right: Robert Bruce insisted on the Sex; that, in a like degree of Propinquity, Males ought to be preferred before Females; so that he denied it to be just, that as long as a Grand-son was alive, a Grand-daughter should inherit her Ancestors Estate. And though sometimes the contrary may be practised in the Inheritances of private Men; yet, the matter is far otherwise in those Estates, which are called Feuds, and in the Succession of Kingdoms. And of this, there was urged a late Example in the Controversie, concerning the Dutchess of Burgundy; which, the Earl of Nevers, who Married the Grand-child of the last Duke, by his Eldest Son, Claimed; yet, the Inheritance was adjudged to the Son of the Duke's younger Brother; so that Robert contended, That he was nearer in Degree, as being a Grand-son, than Iohn Baliol, who was but a Great Grand-son: As for Dornadilla, with whom he stood in equal Degree; yet, he was to be preferred before her, as a Male before a Female.

Which difference could not be decided by the Scots.The Scots Nobles could not decide this Controversie at home; for, by reason of the Power of both Parties, the Land was divided into Two Factions. For Baliol, by his Mother, held all Galway, a very large Country; and besides, he was allied to the Cumin's Family, which was the most Powerful, next the Kings; for Mary, the Sister of Dornadilla, had Married Iohn Cumins. Robert, on the other side, in England, possessed Cleveland; in Scotland, Annandale, and Garioch; and by his Son, Earl of Carrick, (who was afterwards King) was related to many Noble Families, and he was also very Gracious with his own People; so that for these Reasons, the Controversie was not able to be decided at home; yea, if it should have been equitably determined, yet, there was not a sufficient Party in Scotland to compel both sides to stand to the Award;But was referred to the Umpirage of Edward of England. and therefore Edward of England, was, almost, unanimously chosen to be the Decider thereof. Neither was there any doubt made of his Fidelity, as being Born of such a Father, as the late King of Scotland had Experienced to be, both a Loving Father in Law, to him, and a just Guardian, too; and on the contrary the English King had received a late and memorable Testimony of the Scots Good-Will towards him, in that they so readily consented to the Marriage of his Son with their Queen.

Whereupon, Edward, as soon as he came to Berwick, sent Letters to the Peers and Governors of Scotland, to come to him, protesting, That he Summoned them to appear before him, not as Subjects before their Lord or Supreme Magistrate, but as Friends before an Arbitrator, chosen by themselves. First of all, he required an Oath of the Competitors, to stand to his Award; in the next place, he required the same Oath of the Nobles and Commissioners to obey Him, as King, whom he, upon his Oath, should declare so to be; and for this, he desired a publick Scrol, or Record, signed by all the States, and each ones Seal affixed thereto, to be given to him. This being [Page] done, he chose, of the most prudent of all the Estates, 12 English, and adjoyned 12 Scots to them, from them also he exacted an Oath, to Judge Rightly and Truly, according to their Consciences, in the Case. These things were managed openly and above board, which, in appearance, were honest and taking with the People, but his private Design was secretly agitated amongst a few, only; how he might bring Scotland under his Subjection; The Thing was thought feasable enough, in regard the Kingdom was divided into Two Factions, but to make the Way more Intricate, and the Fraud more Covert, he raised up Three other Competitors, besides Bruce and Baliol, that, out of so great a Number, he might more easily bring over One, or More, to his Party.

And, lest so great a Matter might seem to be determined unadvisedly, he consulted with Those, who were most eminent in France, for Piety, Prudence, and the Knowledge of the Law. Neither did he doubt, but that (as that sort of Men are never always of One Opinion) he should fish something out of their Answers, which might make for his purpose; The New Competitors, seeing no Grounds for their Pretensions, of their own accord quickly desisted; but to the Lawyers, whom he Governed and Influenced, as he pleased, a false, or made, Case was Stated and Propounded, Thus, A certain King, that was never wont to be Crowned, nor Anointed, The [...] Case as p [...]opounded to Lawyers by K. Edward. but only to be placed in a kind of Seat, and declared King by his Subjects, yet not a King so free, but that he was under the Patronage of another King, whose Homage or Beneficiary he professed himself to be; Such a King died without Children: Two of his Kinsmen begat by Sempronius, Great Vncle of the deceased King, claim the Inheritance, to wit, Titius, Great Grand-son by the Eldest Daughter of Sempronius, and Seius, Grand-son by his Younger Daughter; now Which of These is to be preferred, in [...]n undividable Estate? The Case being propounded well near, in those very Words, They all Generally answered, ‘That, if any Law or Custom did obtain in the Kingdom, which was sued for, they were to be Guided by, and stand to it; if not, then they must be Guided by him, under whose Patronage they were, because, in Judging of Freehold, Custom doth not ascend, i. e. The usage and award of the Superior, is to be a Law to the Inferiour, but not on the contrary.’ It would be too prolix a Task, to reckon up particularly all the Opinions, but, in brief,The Lawyers differ in their Opinions about it. almost all of them answered very doubtfully and uncertainly, as to the Right of the Competitors; but, as the Case was falsely put, they all gave the Supreme Power of Judgment in the Controversie, to Edward. Hereby, the Matter was made more intricate and involved, than before; so that, the next Year, they met again at Norham. There, Edward, by Agents, fit for his purpose, gently tried the Minds of the Scots, Whether they would willingly put Themselves under the Power and Jurisdiction of the English, which (as was alleged) their Ancestors had often done: But, when they all unanimously refused so to do, he called to him the Competitors, whom he himself had set up; and, by great Promises, extorted from them, to Swear Homage to him; and he persuades the rest, to remove the Assembly to Berwick, as a more convenient Place. There he shut up the 24 Judges, Elected as before, in a Church, without [Page] any Body else amongst them, commanding them to give their Judgments in the Case, and till they did so, no Man was to have Access to them. But they, being slow in their Proceedings, he, ever and anon, went in alone to them, and by discoursing sometimes One, and sometimes Another, finding that most were of Opinion, That the Right lay on Baliol's side, tho' he were inferiour in Favour and Popularity; he went to Bruce, who, because he was Legally cast by their Votes, he thought, he might more easily persuade to assent to his Design, and promised him the Crown of Scotland, if he would put himself under the Patronage of the King of England, and be Subject to his Authority. Bruce answered him ingeniously, That he was not so eager of a Crown, Edward decides for Baliol. as to accept of it, by abridging the Liberty, his Ancestors had left him; Hereupon he was dismissed, and he sends for Iohn Baliol, who, being more desirous of a Kingdom, than of honest Methods to come by it, greedily accepted the Condition, offered him by Edward.

John Baliol, The Ninety Sixth King.

WHereupon, Iohn Baliol was declared King of Scotland, 6 Years and 9 Months after the Death of Alexander. The rest of the Scots, being studious of the publick Tranquillity, led him to Scone, and there Crowned him, according to Custom, and all Swore Fealty to him, except Bruce; He, being thus made King by the English, Baliol swears Fealty to Edward. and accepted by the Scots, being now secure of the Kingdom, came to Edward, who was at New-Castle upon Tine, and, according to his Promise,At which many of the Scots Nobles are offended. Swore Fealty to him, so did the Nobles also, who were of his Train, as not daring to contradict Two Kings; especially, they being so far from home: As soon as the rest of the Nobility heard of it, they were grievously offended, but, being conscious of their want of Power, they dissembled their Anger, for the present.

But soon after, an Occasion was offered them to shew it, Mackduff, Earl of Fife, (who, in the Time of the An Interrognum in Scotland, before Baliol was made King. Interregnum, was One of the six Governors of the Land) was slain by the Abernethians, which was then a rich and potent Family, in Scotland; and the Earls Brother, being accused, by them, and brought to his Answer before the Assembly of the States, the King gave Sentence in Favour of the Abernethians. So that Mackduff was dispossessed of the Land, which was in Controversie betwixt them; whereupon he conceived a double Displeasure against the King, One, on the Account of his own Wrong; and Another, because he had not severely punished the Murderers of his Brother. So that he appealed to the King of England; and desired, that Baliol might answer the Matter before Him. Hereupon, the Cause was removed to London;Young Mackduff complains to K. Edward against Baliol. and as Baliol was casually sitting by Edward, in the Parliament House, and, when he was called, would have answered by a Proctor, it was denied him, so that he was enforced to arise from his Seat, and to plead his Cause from a lower Place. He bore the Affront silently for the present, not daring to do otherwise; but as soon as ever he was dispatched from thence, such Flames of Anger burnt in his Breast,Baliol disgusts Edward. that his Thoughts were wholly taken up, how to reconcile his own Subjects, and how to offend [Page] Edward. As he was thus musing; it happened commodiously for him, That a new Discord arose betwixt the French and English, which, presently after, broke out into a War. Whereupon, Embassadors were sent to the Assembly of Estates in Scotland, from Both Kings, The French's Errand, was, to renew the Old League with their New King. And the English, was, upon the Account of their late Oath to Edward, to receive Aid from them in the War he had undertaken; Both Embassys were referred to the Council of the Estates, where the Nobles, prone to Rebellion, were of Opinion, That the Request of the French, was Just; of the English, Unjust; For the League made, by universal Consent, with the French, more than 500 Years before, had been kept Sacred and Inviolable to that very Day, in regard of the Justness and Utility thereof, but this late Subjection and surrendring themselves to the English, was extorted from the King, against his Will; and thô (as they proceeded to allege) he had been willing, yet, it did oblige neither King nor Kingdom; it being made by the King alone, without the Consent of the Estates, whereas the King might not act any Thing, relating to the Publick state of the Kingdom, without, much less, against, the Advice of the States. So a Decree was made, that Embassadors should be sent into France to renew the Ancient League;He sides with the French. and that a Wife should be desired for Edward Baliol, Son to Iohn, out of the Kings Royal stem. Another Embassy was also sent into England, to signify, that the King of Scots did revoke the Reddition of the Kingdom and Himself, which he had forceably and unjustly made; and renouncing his Friendship, both for that Cause, and also for the many and innumerable other Wrongs, which he had done to Him and His,And withdraws his Subjection from England. he was resolved to assert his Ancient Liberty. No man of any Eminencie would carry this Message to Edward, because he was of a fierce Nature, and was rendred more so, by reason of the Indulgence of Fortune, which made him even almost to forget himself; At last, a certain Monk, or, as some say, the Abbat of Aberbrothoc carried Letters, of that Import, to him, who was grievously affronted for his Pains, and had much ado to escape home, being protected more by his, undervalued, Tenuity, than the Reverence of his Embassadorship.

In the mean time, Edward, had made a Truce with the French for some Months, hoping, That, before they were ended, he might subdue the Scots, taking them unprovided; and therefore, he sent his Fleet, designed for France, against Scotland, commanding them to stop all Provisions from being carried into Berwick, wherein,Whereupon Edward War [...] against Scotland. he heard, there was a very strong Garison. The Scots fought with this Fleet in the Mouth of the River, they destroyed and took 18 of their Ships, and put the rest to flight. Edward, out of Fierceness of Mind, by this Loss, was highly enraged to Revenge. He Summons Baliol, once and again, to appear; And he himself Levies a great Army, and comes to New-Castle upon Tine. There also he gave forth an Edict for Iohn to appear, Legally to purge himself from the Crimes objected against him. But neither He nor any for him, appearing ar the day appointed, he added Policy to Force,He sides with Bruce. and sent for Bruce, and promises him the Kingdom, if, he would do his endeavour faithfully to Depose and drive out Baliol. To do which, [Page] (said he) you need be at little Labour or Cost, only write Letters to your Friends, that, either they would desert the Kings Party; or, not be hearty or forward, if it came to a Battel. He, by great Marches, came to Berwick, but not being able to carry it, by reason of the strength of the Garison, he pretended to raise his Siege, and caused a Rumour to be spread abroad by some Scots, of Bruce his Party, that he despaired of Taking it; and that Baliol was coming, with a great Army, to raise the Siege, and was now near at hand, whereupon, all the Chief Men of the Garison made haste out to receive him Honourably, in promiscuous Multitudes, Horse and Foot together;Overthrows the Scots, and takes Berwick. so that Edward sent in some Horse amongst them, some they trod down and killed, others they divided from their Company, and, seizing on the nearest Gate, they entred the Town. Edward followed with his Foot, and made a miserable Slaughter of all sorts of People. Above 7000 of the Scots are reported to have been there slain, amongst Them were the Flower of the Lothian and Fife Nobility.

Though I love not to interrupt the continued Series of my History (as having resolved against it, at first) with any unnecessary Digression, yet I cannot forbear to expose that unbridled Liberty of Evil speaking,Grafton Censured by This Author. which Richard Grafton, who lately compiled the History of England, assumes to himself; that so, they who read what I here write, may judge, what Credit is to be given to him. For, (he says) that Hector Boetius writes in his 14th Book, and ad Chapter, That so much Blood was split there, that Rivers of it running through the City, might have driven a Water-Mill for two days: To which, I say, First, That Boetius never divided his Book into Chapters; and besides, what he affirms is no where found in his Writings; but to leave this unlearned and shameless Relator, I return to Edward; who, by reason of the abounding Multitude of his Army, sent Part of it to besiege Dunbar; and a few days after, the Castle of Berwick, despairing of any Relief, was surrendred to him. Afterwards, he joined all his Forces together at Dunbar, to fight the Scots Army, who came to relieve it; The Battel was fierce; and the Victory inclining to the English, the chief of the Nobility fled into the Castle, but the Castle was soon taken, either by the Perfidiousness of Richard Stuart, the Governor, or else, because he had not Provisions for so great a Multitude, as were shut up in so narrow a Compass: Edward was very cruel to all the Prisoners: Some cast the Blame of this Overthrow upon Robert Bruce the Elder, in that his Friends giving back in the Battel, it strook a Terrour into the rest. But our Writers do constantly affirm, That when Bruce demanded of Edward the Kingdom of Scotland, according to his Promise, (as a Reward of his Pains that day,) That Edward should answer in French, of which Language he was Master, What, have I nothing else to do, but to win Kingdoms, for you? When Dunbar, and some other Castles, near the Borders of England, were taken, the surrender of Edinburgh and Sterlin. Edinburgh and Sterlin followed soon after. Then Edward passing over the Forth, directed his March where Baliol then was. When he was come as far as Montross, without any to oppose him, Baliol, by the Persuasion of Iohn Cumins of Strabogy, came to [Page] him and surrendred to him, Himself and the Kingdom. [...] Baliol was sent into England, by Sea, and Edward, returning to Berwick, sent a strict and severe Summons to all the Scots Nobles, to attend him there; after they came, he compelled them to Swear Fealty to him. But William Douglas, an eminent Man, both on the account of his Family, and also his own famous Exploits, obstinately refusing to do it, was cast into Prison, where, in a few years, he died.

Thus Edward, having succeeded in his Expedition according to his Mind, left Iohn Warren, Earl of Surry, as Proxy behind him; and Hugh Cressingham, Lord Chief Justice, or Treasurer, and so returned to London. There he committed Iohn Baliol to Prison, in the 4th year of his Reign; but, a while after, at the Entreaty of the Pope, and his Promise, that he would raise no Tumults in Scotland, But is released by Mediation of the Pope. he was sent back into France, his Son Edward being retained as an Hostage. Edward, having prepared all things for the French War, (which, by reason of the Commotions in Scotland, he had deferred) now Sails thither, with great Forces; The Scots, by reason of his Absence, being erected to some hopes of their Liberty, chose 12 Men to Govern the State. By whose unanimous Consent, Iohn Cumins, A Duodece [...] virat in Scotland. Earl of Buchan, was sent into England, with a good Force; and in regard the English, who were scattered in Garisons over Scotland, dared not to stir, he spoiled Northumberland without controul, and laid Siege to Carlisle; but to no purpose:Iohn Cumins marches into England. Though this Expedition did somewhat encourage the, before, crest-fallen Scots, and hindred the English from doing them further Mischief, yet it contributed little or nothing to the Main Chance, in regard, that all the Places of Strength were possessed by the Enemies Garisons; But when the Nobility had neither Strength nor Courage to undertake great Matters, there presently started up one William Wallace, The Story of Wallis, Wallas, or Wallace, and his famous Exploits against the English. a Man of an Ancient and Noble Family, but one that had lived poorly and meanly, as having little or no Estate; yet, this Man performed in this War, not only beyond the Expectation, but even the Belief, of all the Common People; For he was bold-spirited, and strong-bodied, and, when he was but a Youth, had slain a young English Nobleman, who proudly domineered over him. For this Fact, he was fain to run away, and to skulk up and down in several places, for some years, to save his Life, and, by this Course of Life his Body was hardned against Wind and Weather, and his Mind also fortified to undergo greater hazards, when time should serve. At length, growing weary of such an Erratick Life, he resolved to attempt something, though never so hazardous; and therefore gathered a Band of Men together, of like Fortune with himself, and did not only assault single Persons, but even greater Companies, though with an inferior Number, and accordingly he slew several Persons, in divers Places. He played his Pranks with as much Celerity as Boldness, and never gave his Enemy opportunity to fight him, so that in a short time, his Fame was spread over Both Nations, by which means many came in to him, moved by the likeness of their Cause, or, with the like Love of their Country; thus he made up a considerable Army. And seeing the Nobles were sluggish in their Management of Affairs, either out of Fear or Dulness, this Wallace was proclaimed Regent, He is made Regent; by the [Page] Tumultuous Band that followed him, and so he managed Things as a Lawful Magistrate, and the Substitute of Baliol. He accepted of this Name, not out of any Ambition, or Desire to Rule, but because it was cast upon him by the Love and Good Will of his Countrymen. With this Army, the first visible Exploit he performed was at The chief Town of Clydsdale. Lanerick, where he slew the Major General of that Precinct, being an Englishman, of good Descent. Afterwards he took and demolished many Castles, which were either slenderly Fortified, or meanly Garisoned; or else, guarded negligently; which petty Attempts so encouraged his Soldiers, that they shunned no Service, no not the most hazardous, under his Conduct, as having experienced, That his Boldness was guided by Counsel; and That Counsel seconded by good Success.

When the Report of these Things was spread abroad, and perhaps, somewhat enlarged, beyond the Bounds of Truth, out of Mens Respect and Favour to him; All that wished well to their Country, or were afraid of their own particular Conditions,And takes many Places from the English. flocked in to him, as judging it fit, to take Opportunity by the Forelock; so that, in a short time, he reduced all the Castles, which the English held on the other side of the Forth, though never so well fortified, and, for fear of him, carefully Guarded. He took and demolished the Castles of Dundee, Forfar, Brechin, and Montross; he seized on Dunoter, unawares, and Garisoned it; he entred Aberdene, (which the Enemy, for fear of his coming, had plundered and burnt) even whilst it was in Flames; but, a Rumour, being scattered abroad, concerning the coming of the English Army, prevented his Taking the Castle; for, he determined to meet them at the Forth, not being willing to hazard a Battel, but in a Place, he himself should choose. Edward of England, when he went into France, (as I said before) put English Garisons into all the Strong Holds of Scotland, and besides, having many of the Scots faithful to him, and unfaithful to their Country, he banished and sent the Scots Nobility, whom he most suspected, into the heart of England, till his return. Amongst which was Iohn Cumins, Or Logan. Lord, or Petty King, of Badenach; and Alan Longan, a Man fit both for Advice and Action; and having setled Matters, after this sort, he was so far from fearing any Insurrection in Scotland, that he carried all his Army over along with him. But, hearing of the many Exploits of Wallace, he thought there was need of a greater Force to suppress him; yet, that the Expedition was not worthy of a King, neither, (as being only against a Roving Thief, for so the English called Wallace) and therefore he writes to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, and William Latimer, That they should speedily Levy what Forces they could out of the Neighbouring Parts, and join themselves with Cressingham, who as yet remained in Scotland, to subdue the Rebellious Scots. Thomas Walsingham writes, that the Earl of Warren was General in this Expedition. But Wallace, who was then besieging the Castle of Cowper in Fife, left his Army, which he had increased against the coming of the English, should be idle, the English being near at hand, marched directly to Sterlin. The River Forth, no where, almost, fordable, may be there passed over by a Bridge of Wood, though it be increased by the Addition of [Page] other Rivers, and by the coming in of the Tide, too. There Cressingham passed over with the greatest part of his Army, but the Bridge, either having its Beams loosned and disjointed, on purpose, by the Skill of the Architect, (as our Writers say, it was) that so it might not be able to bear any great Weight; or else, being overladen with the heavy burden of so many Horse, Foot, and Carriages, as passed over, was broken, and so the March of the rest of the English was precluded, and hindred; The Scots set upon Those,He overthrows Cressingham the English General at Sterlin Bridge. who were passed over, before they could put themselves into a Posture; and, having slain their General, drove the rest back into the River, the Slaughter was so great, that they were all either killed or drowned; Wallace returned, from this Fight, to the besieging of Castles; and, in a short time, he so changed the Scene of Affairs, that he left none of the English in Scotland, but such as were made Prisoners. This Victory (wherein none of any eminency, among the Scots fell, save Andrew Murray, whose Son, some years, was Regent of Scotland) was obtained in the Ides of September, in the year of Christ 1297. Some say, that Wallis was called off to this Fight,September 15. not from the Siege of Cowper, but of Dundee, whither he also returned after the Fight; so Iohn Major, and some Books found in Monasteries, do relate.

By means of these Combustions, the Fields lay untilled, insomuch, that, after that Overthrow, a Famine ensued, and a Pestilence after the Famine; from whence a greater Fear was apprehended, than from the War: Wallis, to prevent this Mischief as much as he could, called together all those, who were fit for Service, to appear at a certain day, with whom he marched into England, thinking with himself, that their Bodies, being exercised with Labour,He enters with an Army into England. would be more healthy; and, that Wintring in an Enemies Country, Provisions might be spared at home; and the Soldiers, who were in much want, might reap some Fruit of their Labours in a rich Country, and flourishing by reason of its continued Peace: When he was entred into England, no Man dared to attack him, so that he staid there from the Calends of November, to the Calends of February, 1 November. 1 February. and having refreshed and inriched his Soldiers, with the Fruits and Spoils of the Enemy, he returned home, with great Renown. This Expedition, as it increased the Fame and Authority of Wallis amongst the Vulgar sort, so it heightned the envy of Nobles against him, mightily. For his Praise seemed a tacite Exprobration to them, who being Men of great Power and Wealth, either out of Slothfulness durst no [...], or out of Perfidiousness would not, attempt, what He, that was a Mean Man, and destitute of all the Advantages of Fortune, had not only valiantly undertook, but also successfully performed. Moreover, the King of England, finding the Business to be greater than could well be managed by his Deputies, made some settlement of things in France, and returned home; and gathering together a great Army,Edward returns from France to subdue Wallace. but hastily levied, (for he brought not back his Veteran Soldiers, from beyond Sea) and, for the most part, raw and unexperienced Men, he marches toward Scotland; supposing he had only to do with a disorderly Band of Robbers.But retreats from the North without Fighting. But when he saw both Armies in Battel array, about 500 Paces, one from another in the Plains of Stanmore, he admired the Discipline, Order, and Confidence of his [Page] Enemies. So that, thô he himself had much the greater Force, yet he durst not put it to the hazard of a Battel, against such a Veteran and Experienced a Captain, and against Soldiers inured to all hardships, but turned his Ensigns, and marched slowly back: Wallace also durst not follow him,The Scots Nobles envy Wallace for his Success. for fear of Ambushes, but kept his Army within their Trenches. Having thus got the Victory, thô Bloodless, over so puissant a King, his Enemies were so much the more enraged against him, and caused Rumours to be scattered up and down, That Or Wallace Wallis did openly affect a Supream or Tyrannical Power; at which, the Nobles, especially Bruce and the Cumin's, of the Royal Stock, did mightily disdain; for they said thus within themselves, That if they must be Slaves, they had rather be so, under a Great and Potent King, than under an Vpstart, whose Domination was like to be not only base, but also dangerous; And therefore they determined, by all means, to undermine the Authority of Wallis. Edward was not ignorant of these Disgusts, and therefore, the next Summer he Levies a Great Army, consisting partly of English, partly of Scots, who had remained Faithful to him, and came to Falkirk, which is a Village built in the very Tract of the Wall of Severus, and is distant from Sterling, little more than 6 Miles. The Scots Army were not far from them, of sufficient strength, for they were 30000. if the Generals and Leaders had agreed amongst themselves; Their Generals were Iohn Cumins, Iohn Stuart, and William Wallace, the most flourishing Persons amongst the Scots; the Two former, for their high Descent and Opulency; the Later, for the glory of his former Exploits.

When the Three Armies were ready to fight, a new Dispute arose, besides their former Envy, Who should lead the Van of the Army; and when all Three stood upon their Terms, the English decided the Controversie, who, with Banners displaid, marched with a swift pace towards them; Cumins and his Forces retreated, without striking a stroke;Edward gives the Scots a great overthrow at Falkirk. Stuart, being beset before and behind, was slain, with all that followed him. Wallace was sorely pressed upon in the Front; and Bruce had fetched a compass about an Hill, and fell on his Reat, yet, he was as little disturbed, as, in such circumstances, he could possibly be, but retreated beyond the River Carront, where, by the Interposal of the River, he had Opportunity to defend himself, and also, to gather up the straggling Run-aways; and Bruce desiring to speak with him,A Conference betwixt Bruce and Wallace in the Field. he assented thereunto. They Two alone stood over against one another, where the River hath the narrowest Chanel, and the highest Banks; And, First Bruce began, and told Wallace, ‘He wondred what was in his Mind, that, being hurried on by the uncertain Favour of the Vulgar, he should expose himself to such assiduous and imminent Danger, against a King, the most potent of that Time, and who was also assisted by a great Number of the Scots; and that to no purpose neither, for, if he overcame Edward, the Scots would never Grant him the Kingdom; and, if himself were overcome, he had no Refuge but in the Mercy of his Enemy. To whom Wallas replyed, I never proposed that Scope to my Designs and Labours, as to obtain the Kingdom, of which my Fortune is not capable, neither doth my Mind aspire thereunto: But when I saw my Countrymen, by your slothfulness (to whom the [Page] Kingdom doth rightly appertain) destitute of Governors, and exposed not to the Slavery only, but even to the Butchery of a cruel Enemy, I had pity on them▪ and undertook the Cause, which you deserted; neither will I forsake the Liberty, Good, and Safety of my Countrymen, till Life forsake me: You, who had rather chuse base Servitude with Security, than honest Liberty with Hazard, follow, and hug, the Fortune, which you so highly esteem; As for me, I will willingly Dye in my Country, which I have often defended; and my Love to it shall remain, as long as my Life continues.’ Thus the Conference was broken off, and each of them retired to their Forces.Iuly 22. This Battel was fought the 11th of the Calends of August, wherein there fell of the Scots 10000, amongst whom, of the Nobles, were Iohn Stuart, Macduff Earl of Fife: and of Wallis his Army, Iohn Grame, the valiantest Person of the Scots, next to Wallis himself. Of the English, were slain Frere Briangy, Wallace dismisses the remainder of his Army. highly Fam'd and Notic'd for Military Skill. After this unhappy Fight, Wallis came to Perth, and dismissed his Army, giving Place to that Envy, which, he knew, he could not resist; and, from that day forward, he never acted as a General; yet he ceased not, with a few of his Friends, who still stuck to him, thô he renounced the Name of a General, as often as a convenient Opportunity was offered, to press upon the English.

Edward also, after he had wasted all the Country beyond the Forth, even unto Perth, receiving into his Obedience all those who durst not, as long as he was present, make any Insurrection, drew back his Army. Those of the Scots, who, after the Enemies departure,The Scots, by the mediation of the King of France, obtain a Truce from Edward. did most study the Liberty of their Country, being a little heartned, made Iohn Cumins, Iunior, their Regent. He, according to the Advice of the Council, sent Embassadors to Philip Valois, King of France, to desire him, that, by the Mediation of his Sister, who was then betrothed to Edward, they might obtain, at least, a Truce. By her Endeavours, a Truce was obtained for Seven Months, which yet was not faithfully observed. For the English detained the Embassadors, which were sent to Boniface the 8th, and committed them to Prison. In the mean time, the Scots, who could neither bear the Tyranny of the English, nor satisfie the cruel Mind of Edward, by their Punishments, nor yet obtain an equal Peace from him; with obstinate Minds, and in despair of Pardon, resolved to Fight it out to the utmost. First of all, they expel all Edward's Governors, who were English, from all Towns and Castles; next, they afflict the Scots of their Faction, as much as ever they could. Things remained in this posture almost Two years, and then Edward sent Ralph Confray, The Scots [...] in Arm [...] again. with great Forces to subdue the Robbers, (as he called them) and to make an end of the War. They met with no Opposition, but Preyed far and near, till they came to Roslin, [...] place in Lothian, about 5 Miles distant from Edinburgh,) and there they divided their Army into Three parts, to make the greater Havock, and so pitched their Tents. Iohn Cumins, with the assistance of Iohn Frazer, the most potent Man in all Tivedale, gathered 8000 Men together, and marched towards the Enemy, thinking to abridge the Limits of their plundering Excursions, or, otherwise, if an happy Opportunity offered [Page] itself for Action, not to be wanting to Fortune. And indeed, he met with a fairer Occasion, than he hoped for. For the English, little expecting an Assault, from an Enemy that they had so often Conquered, and brought so low, lived more stragglingly than they ought to have done in an Enemies Country; so that their first Camp was soon taken, by the suddain coming of the Scots, and a great Slaughter made; They, who escaped, carried the Noise into the next Camp; They in a great Fear, cryed out, Arm, Arm, and they all exhorted one another, to succor their fellow-Soldiers; but perceiving, That the designed Succor was too late, they prepared for Revenge. A fierce Fight was commenced betwixt them, as Men, eager, and desirous of Victory and Revenge; at last, the English were routed, and put to Flight, and the Victory, thô a bloody one, remained to the Scots ▪ In the mean time, the third Camp, who was farther off, came,And overthrow the English at Roslin in Mid-lothian. and occasioned some terror to the Scots. For, in regard, many of them were wounded, and the greatest Part wearied with the toil of a double Fight, they saw, that there was imminent Danger in Fighting, and assured Destruction in flying away. At length, by the Command of their Leaders, they slew all the Prisoners, lest, while they were busied with their Enemies, they should rise up and set upon them in the Rear; and arming their Servants with the Spoils of the Slain, they made a Show of a greater Army than indeed they were. Hereupon, the Battel was begun, and fiercely carried on by both Parties. The Fight being a long time doubtful, the Scots by the encouragement of their Leaders, putting them in mind of their double Victory, took fresh Courage, and charged the Enemy with such Violence, that they broke their Ranks, and put them to flight. This Fight was at Roslin, the 6th of the Calends of March, in the Year 1302.Feb. 24.

As the Victory was the more Famous, being obtained by but One Army, over Three, in one and the same day, so it mightily incensed the Mind of Edward. To blot out the Ignominy, and to put an end, at length, to a long lasting War, he therefore Levies an Army bigger than ever he had before, and assaulted Scotland both by Sea and Land,Edward, in revenge, enters into Scotland with a vast Army, and subdues all the Country. and made spoil of it, even unto the uttermost Borders of Ross, no Man daring to oppose so great a Force. Only Wallis and his Men, sometimes in the Front, sometimes in the Rear, sometimes in the Flanks, would snap, either those that rashly went before, or that loitered after; or, that, in Plundering, straggled too far from their Fellows, neither did he suffer them to Stray, far from their Colours. Edward sought, by great Promises, to bring Wallace courted by King Edward, to come over to his Party, with his stout Answer, in the Negative. Three Miles E [...]st of El [...]in. him over to his Party; but his constant [...]one, was, That he had Devoted his Life to his Country, to which it was due, and if he could do it no other Service, yet he would dye in its Defence. There were some Castles yet remaining, not surrendred to [...] English, as Vrchart in Murray, which was taken by Storm, and all the Defendants put to the Sword; whereupon, the rest surrendred themselves, for fear. After these Exploits, the English King joyned his Son Edward, whom he had left at Perth; and, by the Accession of his Forces, he besieged Sterling, which, after a Months Siege, he took; the Garison therein being reduced to the want of all things; the Conditions were only Life and [Page] Liberty. And yet, William Oliver, against the tenor of his Articles of Surrender, was detain'd, and sent Prisoner into England. When all Scotland was reduced, an Assembly of the States was Indicted, by Edward, to be held at St. Andrews, where all, out of Fear,All the [...] S [...]e [...]r Al [...]e [...] ance to [...] Wallace. took an Oath of Allegiance to him, except Wallis alone; and, fearing he should be given up by the Nobility (who were much disgusted at him,) to Edward his Mortal Enemy, he retired himself into his old Fastnesses, and Lurking holes.

Edward, Edward appoints Magistrates all over Scotland. having appointed Governours and Magistrates over all Scotland, returned into England; but, at his departure, he shewed an evident Demonstration of his great Hatred against the Scotish Race, for he was not content only with the taking with him all those, whom he feared would raise new Seditions, but he endeavoured, as much as he could, to abolish the very Memory of the Nation. For,Edwards Severity Cens [...] red. he repealed their Old Laws, and set up the Ecclesiastical State and Ceremonies, according to the Manner of England: He caused all Histories, Leagues, and Ancient Monuments, either left by the Romans, or, erected by the Scots, to be destroyed: He carried all the Books, and all that were Teachers of Learning, into England: He carries the Marble Stone into England, on which the Scots King [...] u [...]ed to be Crowned. He sent also to London, an un-polished Marble Stone; wherein, it was vulgarly Reported and Believed, that the Fate of the Kingdom was contained; neither did he leave any thing behind him, which, either upon the account of its Memory, might excite Generous Spirits to the Remembrance of their Ancient Fortune, and Condition; or, indeed, which could excite them to any True Greatness of Mind; so that, having broken their Spirits, (as he thought) as well as their Force, and cast them into a servile Dejection; he promised himself a perpetual Peace from Scotland. At his Return, he left Ailmer Valentine, as his Regent, or Vice-King, who was to nip all Seditious Attempts, if any did break forth, in the very Bud. Yet, a new War sprang up against him, from whence he little thought.

There were some of the Prime Nobility in Scotland with Edward, as Robert Bruce, the Son of him, who contended with Baliol for the Kingdom, and Iohn Cumins, Sirnamed Red, from the colour of his Face, Cousin German to Iohn Baliol the last King of Scotland. Seeds of new Troubles in Scotland. Edward called them often to him a-part, and put them severally in a vain hope of the Kingdom, and so he made use of their Assistance in the Conquering of Scotland. But, at the last, they discovered the Mockery and Cheat, so that each of them desired nothing more, than a fit Occasion to Revenge the Perfidiousness of that King. But, in regard, they were Corrivals, their mutual Suspicion kept them back from Communicating their Counsels, one to another. At last,A formal Agreement between Cumins and Bruce. Cumins, perceiving, that Matters, as managed by Edward, were distrastful to Bruce, he spake to him, and, taking his Rise from the Beginning of their Miseries, deplored much the lamentable Condition of their Country, and greatly inveighed against the Fals [...]ness of Edward; withal grievously accusing himself and Bruce too, that they had, by their Labour and Assistance, helped to cast their Country-Men into this Abyss of Misery. After this first Discourse, they proceeded further, and, each of them promising Silence, they agreed, That Bruce should enjoy the Kingdom, and Cumins should wave his Right thereto; [Page] but, instead thereof, that he should enjoy all those large and fruitful Possessions, which Bruce had in Scotland; and, in a Word, that he should be the Second Man in the Kingdom: Those Covenants were Writ down, Sealed and Sworn, betwixt Themselves. Hereupon, Bruce, watching an Opportunity to rise in Arms, left his Wife and Children in Scotland, Which Cumins discovers to K. Edward. and went to the Court in England. After his Departure, Cumins, (as 'tis reported) either repenting himself of his Agreement; or else, endeavouring fraudulently to remove his Corrival, and so obtain an easier Way to the Kingdom, betrayed their secret Combination to Edward; and, in verification thereof, he sent him the Covenants, signed by them Both. Hereupon, Bruce was impleaded, as Guilty of High Treason, he was forbid to depart the Court,B [...]uce like to suffer for Treason, but is informed of his danger by a Wi [...]e, and flies by Night into Scotland. and a Privy Guard set over him, to inspect his Words and Actions. The Kings delay to punish him, in a Crime so manifest, proceeded from a Desire he had to take his Brethren too, before they had heard any bruit of his Execution. In the mean time, Bruce was informed by the Earl of Mountgomery, his Grandfathers old Friend, of his sudden Danger, who dared not to commit his Advice for his Flight to Writing, being discouraged by Bruce his Example, but he sent him a pair of Guilt Spurs, and some Pieces of Gold, as if he had borrowed them of him, the day before. Robert, upon the Receipt of the Gift, as Dangers make Men sagacious, soon smelt out, what his Meaning was, so that he sent for a Smith in the Night, and commanded him to set on Shoos on Three Horses, the backward way,Bruce's Horses shod backward, to secure his Flight. that so his Flight might not be traced by the Mark of the Horses Feet; and, the same Night, he and Two other Companions, began their Journy, and, Man and Horse being extreamly tired, in Seven days he came to his Castle, scituate by L [...]ch Maban: There he joyned David his Brother, and Robert Fleming; to whom he had scarce declared the Cause of his Flight, before he lighted upon a flying Post, who was conveighing Letters from Cumins, to Edward; The Contents were, That Robert should speedily be put to Death; that there was danger in delay, lest a Man so Nobly Descended, and so Popular as He, adding Boldness to his Wisdom too, should raise New Commotions. The Perfidiousness of Cumins being thus (as well as otherwise,) plainly detected, Robert was inflamed with Anger, and rode presently to Dumfreiz, where his Adversary, Iohn Cumins, was, in the Franciscans Church, whom he confronted with his own Letters, which he then shewed him; he very impudently denied them to be His; but Robert, no longer able to bridle his Wrath, run him into the Belly with his Dagger, and so left him for Dead. As he was Mounting his Horse, Iames Lindsay, and Roger Kirkpatrick, one his Kinsman, the other his old Friend, perceiving by his Countenance, that he was troubled, asked him the Cause; he told them in breif the whole Business, adding withal, That, he thought, he had killed Cumins. What, says Lindsay, will you leave a Matter of that Consequence upon an,Bruce kills Cumins, for betraying him. I thought, and assoon as he had spoke the Word, he ran into the Church and dispatched him quite, and also his Kinsman, Robert Cumins, who, endeavoured to save him. This Murder was committed in the Year 1305. on the Febr. 10. Fourth of the Ides of February. About the same time also, Wallis was betrayed [Page] in the County of Glascow, Wallis unworthily betrayed by his Friend, is Hang'd and Quartered by Edward. (where he then hid himself) by his own Familiar Friend Iohn Menteith, whom the English had Corrupted with Money, and so was sent to London; where, by Edwards Command, he was wofully Butchered, and his Limbs, for the terrour of others, Hanged up in the most noted Places of London and Scotland. Such an End had this Person, the famousest Man of his Time, who deserved to be compared with the most Renowned Captains of Ancient Times, both for his Greatness of Mind in undertaking Dangers, and for his Wisdom and Valour in overcoming Them:His Cha [...]act [...]r. For Love to his Country, he was Second to none; who, when others were Slaves, he alone was Free, neither could be induced by Rewards, or Threats, to forsake the Publick Cause, which he had once undertaken: His Death was the more to be Lamented, because he was not conquered by his Enemy, but betrayed by his Friend, who had little Reason so to do.

Bruce, The Ninety Seventh King.

BRVCE stayed so long, till he had obtained Pardon from the Pope, for killing a Man in Holy Church, and then in April following, Anno Domini 1306. he went to Scone and was Crowned King.

The first thing he did, knowing, that he had to do with a Powerful Enemy, was, to levy all the Force he could make; but, in regard, the whole Family of the Cumins's (whose Greatness was never equalled by any in Scotland, either before, or since) was against him, and also the Minds of many were offended with him, for his former assisting of the English; and moreover, most of the Scots were, out of Fear, willing to be quiet under the English Power; yet,Lying upon the River A [...] mon near Perth. he adventured with a small Army, to try his Fortune at Iuly the 2 [...]. Methven, where he was overthrown by Ailmer, Edwards General, but with little Slaughter, because his Men, seeing their own weakness, fled away entire, almost at the first Charge; this was done Bruce overthrown, and retires in a disguise, to save his Life. on the 13th of the Calends of August. And not long after, coming to Athol, and designing for Argyle, his design was discovered by the Cumins's, and he was forced in his very march, at a place called Dalree, i. e. Kings-land, to try his Fortune in a Battel, where he was overthrown also, but lost few, in regard every one fled several ways, as they thought fit: After that time, he had but Two or Three in his Company, for he thought himself more secure with a few, and thus he wandred up and down in secret places, living mostly a Foresters Life, and in despair of any Aid, if he had a mind again to try his Fortune. For the Vulgar, upon his double Discomfiture, drew thence discouraging Omens, and so they all left him, only Two of his old Friends Malcolm Earl of Lennox, and Gilbert Hay, never forsook him, but remained constant to him, in all Misfortunes. The English, not yet satiated with his Miseries, send about through all Parts of the Kingdom, to apprehend his Allies and Kindred; and besides, they Commanded all the Wives and Children of those who were banished, to depart the Kingdom, at a time prefixed. The Wife of Robert himself, was taken by William Earl of Ross, and sent into England; and [Page] Neile, his Brother, with his Wife and Children, came into the Hands and Power of the English; his Castle of Kildrummy being betrayed, by the Governor thereof, to them. Moreover, his Brethren, Thomas and Alexander, endeavouring to pass out of Galway to Carick, were taken at the Loch Ryan, (which Ptolemy calls, the Bay Rerigonius,) and sent into England. These Three were put to Death in several Places; the rest of the Brucian Party were diligently sought after, and put also to Death, and their Estates Confiscate. The King himself, with one or two, and sometimes alone, wandred up and down, through uncouth Places, daily; yea, hourly, changing his Recesses; and yet, even thus, not thinking himself safe enough, from the Cruelty of his Enemies, and the Perfidiousness of his Subjects, he passed over to another Friend of his, into the Aebudae; where he lurked for some Months: And, in regard, he did no where appear, he was thought to be Dead, and so they left searching for him. This Report, as it made for his Safety, so, if it had continued long, it would have taken away all Hopes from his Friends, of his ever obtaining and recovering the Kingdom. Whereupon, he judged it fit to attempt something, and receiving a small Force from his Friends, where he had hid himself, he sailed over into Carick; and, by Means of his sudden coming,Bruce, thought to be Dead, starts out from his Retirement, and takes some Castles. he there surprized a Castle, which was his own Inheritance, but Garisoned by a strong party of English, whom he put all to the Sword; and, lest his Passage might be stopped by the Enemy, he passed over by the Bay of Clyde, and came to the strong Castle of Ennerness, situate on a pretty high Hill, by the River Ness, which, as being in a remote Country, and negligently Guarded, he also happily took.

The Report hereof being divulged, occasioned great Thoughts of Heart all over Scotland. For, besides his Old Friends, who came to him, from all Places, out of their Lurking Holes, the Pride of the English had raised him up many New ones; for They, thinking that he had been dead, began to Lord it more imperiously, and cruelly, than ever they had done, before. So that his Forces being considerably encreased, and that with very good Soldiers, whom either Labour had hardned, or Despair urged to the most desperate Attempts, he took all the Castles in the North of Scotland, and demolished them, as they were taken; partly, That he might not weaken his Forces by dividing them into Garisons; and partly, That the Enemy might have no Harbour there. Thus, overcoming all as he went, he came into the very Heart of the Kingdom: Iohn Cumins, Earl of Bachan, being informed thereof, gathered together a suddain Company of Scots and English, even as many as were able to bear Arms; when he was come to the Forest, through which the River Esk falls down into the Plains of Mern, he overtook him at a Place, called In the Braes of [...]gus, on the Head of the North-Water Esk. Glenesk. Bruce, perceiving that the Narrowness of the Passages was advantageous for his Men, stood ready to Fight, expecting his Enemy. Cumins drew out his Army in length, imagining, that Bruce would be astonished at the sight of such a Multitude. But when he saw, that he stirred not from the Place,Cumins of B [...]chan [...] again [...]t Bru [...]e. But dares not fight him. and being also Conscious of the Weakness of his Men, he durst not draw them forth into a Place of greater Disadvantage. Hereupon, he first sent an Herald to Bruce for a Truce; [Page] wherein, they might Treat of Terms of Peace: The Truce being obtained, Cumins made no more Mention of Peace, but encreas'd his Forces as much as ever he could; neither would he trust the Scots that were with him, (the Favour of many of them inclining to Robert,) but craved Aid from England. In the mean time, Bruce, to remove the Contemptible Opinion, which the English might conceive of him; and to encourage the Spirits of his Friends, was always nibbling at his Enemies Heels; here taking some, there others; and, surprizing their weakest Garisons, he never staid long in a Place, neither gave he Opportunity to the Enemy to fight him.

But about this time, Simon Frazer and Walter Longan, brave Soldiers Both, and Lovers of their Country, were taken by some of the Cuminian Faction, delivered over to the English, and put to Death at London. And almost about the same time, Iames Douglas joined himself with Bruce his Party. He was the Son of William, a young Man,Iames Douglas joyns with Bruce. passing well instructed in all the Liberal Arts; who, when he was studying at Paris, hearing that his Father was cast into Prison, by the English, where he soon after Died, returned home to receive the Advice of his Friends, how he might Order the Residue of his Life: But, being deprived of his Patrimony, and all his Friends variously dispersed, in great Want he repaired to William Lambert, Bishop of St. Andrews; by whom he was admitted, as one of his Family, and kindly entertained, until King Edward came to Besiege Sterlin, after he had Conquered almost all Scotland, besides. Lambert, going thither to Salute the King, carried Douglas along with him, and having gotten a fit Opportunity, he spake to the King to restore his Patrimony, to take him into his Protection, and to make Use of his Faithful Endeavours in his Service; some other things he also added, in Praise of the young Man; the King, hearing of his Name and Family, spake very roughly concerning the stubbornness of William his Father, withal adding, That he intended not to make any use of his Son, nor of any Assistance of his; and, as for his Paternal Estate, he could not restore it, if he would, because he had gratified his Friends with it, who had merited well of him. Iames, being thus dismissed by the King, stayed with Lambert, till Bruce came to Merne. And then, that might he omit no Occasion to prejudice Edward (whose Mind, he found was implacably bent against him) he took away Lamberts Horses, and some Money, not without his Privity, and came to Bruce; and his Service was of great use to him, in many sharp Storms, afterwards.

Not long after, Both Kings, almost in the same Moment of time, fell grievously Sick; Edward, being busie in Preparations for War against Scotland, died within a few days at Lancaster, leaving his Second Son, Edward, for his Heir, who was called Edward of Carnarvon, from the Place where he was Born; he, marching into his Enemies Country, with the Army, which his Father had recruited, sent a Proclamation before to Dumfreiz, That all the Scots should meet him there, but there came in but a Few, and those out of the Neighbouring Parts, and very heavily too. He being also informed, That his Matters beyond Sea went not well on, left a Force, such as he thought sufficient, to quell the Insurrection in Scotland, and settling things as soon as he could, he passed over into France. In the interim, Robert, [Page] hearing of Edward's Death, was somewhat relieved, and began to hope better of his Affairs; and so the strength of his Mind, supported his weak Body. But, not being ignorant, how much the sole Conduct of a General might contribute to a Victory, he so prepared himself for the extreme Push of Fortune, that he expected his Enemy and a Battel. On the other side, the English King coming back more slowly than his Friends hoped; Iohn Cumins, being greedy of the Glory, That the War was ended by him, hoping also, that Robert was dead, by reason of his sore Disease added to his other Hardships; or, at least, that his Sickness would hinder him from being present in the Army, gathered together all the Forces he could make, and marched directly towards his Enemy.Bruce causes himself to be carried, sick, into his Army, and overthrows Iohn Cumins. On the other side, Robert, to encourage his Men, caused himself to be set on Horseback. His very Sight, tho' he was supported by Two Men, and could not stay long, yet gave such Heart to his Men, that they never began any Fight more Courageously, than they did That. Cumins, who had placed the Hope of his Victory in the Sickness of his Enemy, being not able to keep his Men together, neither by Persuasions nor Punishments, was forced to fly away in their Company, many were taken in the pursuit, and all courteously used. This Victory gotten at A Town in Garioch. Ennerury, as it recovered the King from his Disease, so it was the Omen of his future prosperous Proceedings; for, from that day forward, he succeeded in All that he attempted. A while after, he marched into the Country of Argyle, which he pillaged, and forced Alexander, the Lord of it, to a Surrender, who, retiring into England, in a little time, there ended his miserable Life, in great Want. The same Year, the Day before the Calends of Iune 30th. Bruce conquers all Galway. Iuly, Edward Bruce also had prosperous success at a Battel fought at Die, a River of Galway; Rolland, a Noble Knight of Galway was slain in the Fight; Donald, the Islander, was taken Prisoner, as he was flying away; and the whole Country of Galway was wasted, far and near. These Tumults rouz'd up Edward (who was rather desirous to live in Peace) to a War, even against his Will; for, perceiving that his Affairs were ill-managed, he, the next Year,Edward enters Scotland against B [...]uce, but retreats again. with a great Army of English, entred Scotland, and there joyned a numerous Body of Scots, who had not yet revolted from the English. With those Forces he pierced as far as Ranfro [...], and then retreated, having performed no Memorable Act, in his Expedition; either, because he himself was of a dull and unactive Nature; or else, because Robert (besides the scarcity which did then generally afflict all Scotland) had caused all the Provisions to be carried away from those Places, thrô which his Army was to march, and had laid them up, more out of the way. After his Departure, Robert spent the rest of the Year in recovering those Castles which the English yet held, of which Many surrendred before they were Besieged, as despairing of any help from England.

The next Year, which was 1310. Bruce, to cry quits with the English for the damage they had done in Scotland, Bruce invades England. marched twice into England with his Army, and returned back, laden with spoils, without any Encounter at all. The Two next Years, he recovered almost all the strong Garisons, which yet remained in the hands of the English. He took Perth by Storm, and put all the Garison [Page] Soldiers, both English and Scots, promiscuously to the Sword; and, that others might be deterred from the like Obstinacy by their Example, he razed their Walls, and filled up their Trenches. The Terror of that Example caused Dumfriez, Lanerick, Air, and Bote, He takes Perth, Dumfreiz, &c. with E [...]inbur [...]h and the Isle of Man, from the English. and many other weaker Forts to Surrender. At the beginning of the Spring, Roxburgh was taken by Iames Douglas, when the Garison was intent upon their Sports and Pastimes, in those Revels which were wont to be celebrated at the beginning of Lent. And not long after, Thomas Randolph recovered the Strong Castle of Edinburgh; The Isle of Man was also surrendred, and the Castles thereof demolished, that they might not, again, be a Receptacle to the Enemy. In the mean time, Edward Bruce closely besieged the Castle of Sterlin, scituate on a Rock, steep every way but one, where the Passage to it lay. It was defended by Philip Mowbray, a vigilant Commander, who, perceiving the Success of the Brucians in Scotland; and, foreseeing a Siege, had mightily stored and fortified it with Arms and Provisions, before hand. And therefore, when Edward had fruitlessly spent many days in besieging it, and had no hopes to carry it, by force, That he might not seem to be repulsed without doing any thing, he enters into Conditions with Mowbray, ‘That, if he was not relieved in an Year, to commence from that very Day, by the English, Sterlin-Castle capitulates with Edward Bruce. then the Castle was to be surrendred, and the Garison should have Liberty, Bag and Baggage, to march whither they pleased.’ These Conditions did much displease the King, yet, that he might not detract from his Brothers Credit, he resolved to observe them. Yet, in regard he did not doubt, but the English would come at the time appointed, he prepares, as much, as, in so great a scarcity of things, he was able, to manage his last Encounter with his potent Enemy. And indeed, Edward, considering, that he was not only dispossessed of Scotland, whose People his Father had left to him conquered and broken; but that England was also in danger, had a desire to root out so Rebellious, Disobedient and Unquiet a Nation. In order whereunto,Edward of England enters Scotland with a vast Army. he levied an Army, not only of English and such Scots who adhered to them, but he increased it by supplys from his Transmarine Dominions, (which then were many, great, and opulent) so that his Army was bigger, than ever any King of England had, before. Yea, he received also an Accession of Force from his Allyes beyond the Seas, especially from Flanders and Holland, whom his Father had strenuously assisted against Philip, King of France. They say, it consisted of above 100000 Fighting men. There followed also his Army, a Multitude of Baggagers, Attendants, and Sutlers, who carries Provision both by Sea and Land, because they were to come into a Country not very fruitful of it self; and besides, which had, so many years before, been harassed with all the Miseries of War. Moreover, there was a Multitude of Such, as were to set out, or describe, Colonies, and to receive Dividends of Land, who brought their Wives and Children along with them; so that the Force of so Rich, Powerful and Flourishing a Kingdom, as England was, being thus, as it were, abridged and epitomized into one Army, the Consideration thereof produced such a Confidence in them all, That, now, all the Discourse was, not of Fighting, but rather of Dividing the Spoil. Bruce, hearing [Page] of this great Preparation of the Enemy, prepares also his Forces, far inferiour in Number to so great a Multitude, as being Thirty Thousand only, but such, as were inured to Hardships, and the Toyl of a Civil War; and who now carried the Hopes of their Lives, Fortunes, and of all that is dear to Men, as it were, on the Point of their Swords. With this Army, he sate down on the left Bank of the River Bannock. This River hath steep Banks on Both sides, and it had but a few, and those too, narrow, Passages, or Fords; it is about Two Miles from Sterlin; Below the Hills, before it makes its influxe into the Forth, it passeth thrô a little leveller Ground, yet, here and there, it is Marshy. In the Winter it usually runs with a rapid Torrent; but, in that hot Time of the Year, the Water was but Low and Fordable, in many Places. Bruce, by how much the Weaker in Force, was so much the more Circumspect,Bruce his Policy in a Fight. and therefore he used Art and Policy to make the Passage over the River more difficult, to the English, who possessed the right-hand Bank thereof. In order whereunto, he caused deep Trenches to be dug in level Places, wherein he fastened sharp Stakes, or Spikes, and covered them with some light Turffs a top, that so his Stratagem might not be discovered; and moreover, he caused Small Engins, ordinarily round, with sharp Iron Spikes, standing out on each side of Them, so that, throw them which way soever you will upon the Ground, one Spike or other turns upward, and wounds, or pierces, the Horses Foot, that treads upon it, and thus makes him Lame and unfit for Service. Calthrops of Iron to be thrown up and down on the Ground, in Places most convenient.

Wherefore, when Camp was almost joyned to Camp, as being on different Hills, only a small River between them: Edward sent 800 Horse a little before to Sterlin, who marched a little off from the Camp; Robert, imagining, that they were sent to plunder in the Neighbourhood, gave command to Thomas Randolph to follow them, with 500 Horse, either to prevent the stragglers in wasting the Country, or, if a fit Occasion were offered, to fight them. The English, seeing them, desisted from their intended March to Sterlin, and faced about. The Fight was sharp, and continued long, the Victory inclining, for a time, to neither Party, so that Iames Douglas, being concerned for the Scots, who were the fewer in Number, earnestly desired Bruce, That he might go and relieve them. Bruce peremptorily denied him, whereupon, tho', at present, a Spectator only from an Hill, yet he resolved, if the Scots were further distressed, to succour them; but, perceiving the English to give back, and the Scots to get Ground, he stopped his March, that so he might detract nothing from another mans Praise. The English, having lost but those Few out of so numerous an Army, were not discouraged in their Spirits, and also the Scots prepared themselves for the Encounter, the next day, as if they had already received an Omen of a compleat Victory.

The Night, thô very short, (for the Battel was fought on the 9th of the Calends of Iune [...]3. Iuly) yet seemed long to both Parties, for the Eagerness they had to Fight. All the Scots were divided into Three Brigades, The King led the Middle, or Main Battel; His Brother Commanded the Right Wing; and Randolf, the Left. The English, [Page] besides a multitude of Archers, which they placed on the outside of Both their Wings, had also Curiassiers, out of France. They speeding towards Randolf, who stood on the Lower Ground, and endeavouring to fall obliquely on his Flank, fell suddainly into the Di [...]ches made by Bruce, where they tumbled one upon another, with great Slaughter, both of Man and Horse. They that first fell in, were Slain by the pressure of Those that fell upon them, and the last Ranks being discouraged at the loss of the First, retreated back. This Terror did also somewhat retard the Foot, for they were afraid of falling into the like Snares. There also did happen another Accident, which, thô little in itself, yet contributed very much (as such Niceties are wont to do in War) to the main Chance. Robert rode up and down before his Army, to keep them in their Ranks, having a Batoon in his Hand, a certain Englishman knew him, and ran at him with his Spear. The King avoided the blow, and, as the Horse, in his Carrier, ran a little beyond him, struck his Rider dead with his Batoon, and down he tumbled from his Horse, to the ground. The Common Soldiers highly commended the perillous Audacity of the King; and were hardly kept in by their Commanders, but hand over head, would rush upon the Enemy, with such an eagerness of Mind, that they were likely to break their Enemies Ranks, unless the English Archers, who were placed in their Wings, had repulsed them with great Loss; and Bruce also sent in some Troops of Horse, who drove them back; Yet, in this Action, a Mistake did more prejudice to the English, than their Enemy did. The Rabble-Rout, which followed the Camp, caused the Baggage-men to mount their Draught horses and to hang out some Linen Cloth instead of Ensigns, thus they stood on an Hill, where they might easily be seen, and made an Appearance of a new Army. The English, who stood nearest, were surprized with a double Fear, and betook themselves to their Heels. Their Fear disordered the rest of the Army. A Multitude of common Soldiers were slain the pursuit; some of our Writers say, Thi [...] Fifty Thousand English fell at that Fight. Caxton, an Englishman, doth not set down the precise Number, but, he says, it was a mighty Overthrow, an innumerable Multitude being slain; and he did well in not being positive in the Number, for it was hard to compute it, in regard the Flight was so scattered, wherein more perished than in the Battel. This is certain, the Slaughter was so great, that the English, thô they had many Provocations from the Scots, yet did not stir for Two or Three Years, after. Of the English Nobility,The English receive a great overthrow at Banno [...]k, near Sterling. there fell about Two hundred, and almost an equal Number were taken Prisoners. The Prisoners related, That the King himself began to fly first, and if he had not been received into the Castle of Dunbar, by the Earl of March, and so sent in a Skiff by Water to Berwick, he had not escaped the hands of Douglass, who, with 400 Horse, pursued him Forty Miles. Amongst the Prisoners, there was taken a Monk, One of those who are called Carmelites, from Mount Carmel in Syria, he was accounted a good Poet for that Age, and was brought into the Army to celebrate the Victory of the English, in a Poem; but, they being beaten, he Sung their Overthrow in a Canto, (for which he had his Liberty.) His Verse was rude and barbarous, yet, it did not [Page] altogether displease the Ears of the Men of that Age. Neither was the Victory unbloody to the Scots; they lost above Four thousand Men, amongst whom, there were but Two Knights: Hereupon, Sterlin Castle was surrendred, according to Compact, and the Garison sent away.

About these times there happened a Passage, not unworthy to be related, in regard of the variety of Providences, in a narrow compass of time. Iohn Or Menteith Menthet, who betrayed his Friend Wallis to the English, and was therefore worthily hated by the Scots, received, amongst other Rewards, the Government of the Castle of Dumbritton from the English. When other Forts were recovered, That only, or, but very few with it, held out for the English. And because it was naturally impregnable, the King dealt with the Governor, by his Friends and Kindred, to Surrender it. He demanded the Country, or Earldom of Lennox, as the Price of his Treachery, and Surrender. Neither would he ever so much as hear of any other Terms. In this Case, the King did waver and fluctuate in his Mind, what to do; on the One side, he earnestly desired to have the Castle; yet, on the Other, he did not so much prize it, as, for its sake, to disoblige the Earl of Lennox, who had been his Fast, and almost his only, Friend, in all his Calamities. But the Earl of Lennox, hearing of it, and coming in, soon decided the Controversie, and persuaded the King, by all means, to accept the Condition. Hereupon, the Bargain was made, as Iohn Menteith would have it, and Solemnly confirmed; But when the King was going to take Possession of the Castle, a Carpenter, one Rolland, met him in the Wood of Cholcon, about a Mile from it,Or Calhound in the Country of Lennox. and having obtained Liberty to speak with the King, concerning a matter of great importance, he told him, what Treachery the Governor did intend against him; Yea, and had prepared to execute it; It was This, In a Wine-Cellar, concealed, and under Ground, a sufficient number of Englishmen were hid, who, when the rest of the Castle was given up, and the King secure, were to issue forth upon him as he was at Dinner, and either to kill, or take him Prisoner. Hereupon, the King, upon the Surrender of the other Parts of the Castle by Iohn, being kindly invited to a Feast, refused to eat; till, as he had searched all other parts of the Castle, so he had viewed that Wine-Cellar, also. The Governor excused it, pretending, That the Smith, who had the Key, was out of the way; but that he would come again anon; the King, not satisfied therewith,The Treachery of Menteith, who before betrayed Wallace, against the King, discovered. caused the Door to be broken open, and so the Plot was discovered; The English were brought forth in their Armour, and being severally examined, confessed the whole Matter; and they added also another discovery, viz. That a Ship rode ready in the next Bay to carry the King into England. The Complices in this wicked Design were put to death; but Iohn was kept in Prison; because the King was loth to offend his Kindred, and especially his Sons in Law, in so dangerous a time. For he had many Daughters, all of them very beautiful, and Married to Men, rich enough, but Factious. Therefore, in a time of such imminent Danger, the Battel drawing near, wherein All was at stake, lest the Mind of any powerful Man might be rendred averse from him, and thereby inclined to practise against [Page] him, Iohn was released out of Prison, upon this Condition, (for the performance whereof, his Sons in Law undertook) That he should be placed in the Front of the Battel, and there, by his Valour, should wait the Decision of Providence. And indeed, the Man,Menthet Rewarded for his Valour in Bannock Fight. otherwise fraudulent, was, in this, as good as his Word, for he behaved himself so Valiantly, that that days Work procured him, not only Pardon for what was past, but large Rewards for the future.

The Fame of this Victory, being divulged over all Britain, did not only abate the Fierceness of the English, but raised up the Scots even from extream Desperation; supplying them not only with Money, but with Glory, with Arms and other Furniture for War. Neither did they only release their own Men, who were made Prisoners, either in Fight, or upon Surrenders, but also they raised great Sums, by the Redemption of the English, they had taken. And, out of the Spoils, many recompensed and made up the Losses they had received in former Times, yea, and got great Estates too, for the future. For the English came with all their Precious Things about them, not as to a War, but as to an assured Victory. The King, having thus prosperously succeeded in the War, spent the following Winter in settling the State of the Kingdom, which was much weakened by so long a War, and also in bestowing Rewards on the well-deserving. The next Spring, Berwick was taken from the English, Berwick take [...] by Bruce. after they had enjoyed it 20 Years. In the next place, he Convened an Assembly of the Estates at Air, a Town of Kyle. ‘There, in a full Assembly, by the Suffrages of all the Orders, the Kingdom was confirmed to Bruce; and afterwards, because the King had but one only Daughter,The Kingdom confirmed to Bruce. left by his former Wife; The States, remembring what publick Mischiefs had happened by the Dispute, which in former times had been managed concerning the Right of Succession, made a Decree, That if the King left no Issue Male, his Brother Edward should succeed him in the Kingdom, and his Sons, in order, after him. But, if he also should decease without Issue Male, then the Crown was to descend to Mary, the Daughter of Robert, and to her Posterity; yet so, that the Nobility were to provide her an Husband fit for her Royal Estate, and for the Succession in the Kingdom. For it was lookt upon, as far more just, That an Husband should be chosen for the young Lady, than that she should chuse an Husband for her self, and a King for the whole Land. It was also Decreed, That, in the Minority of the King, Thomas Randolfe, or, if he should miscarry, Iames Douglas, should be Tutors to the King, and Governors of the Kingdom.’ The Fame of Robert's noble Exploits, both at home and abroad, excited the Irish to send Ambassadors to him, To put themselves, and their Kingdom, under his Protection. And,Bruce desired, to accept the Crown of Ireland: if his Domestick Affairs should not suffer him to accept of the Kingdom, himself; yet, that he would permit his Brother Edward to do it, that so a Nation, allied to him, might no longer suffer under the cruel, insulting, and intolerable Domination and Servitude of the English. The Irish wrote also to the Pope, to the same purpose; and he, by his Missives, desired the English to forbear wronging and oppressing the Irish; but in vain, so that Edward Bruce went thither with a great Army, and, by universal consent, was saluted, King. In the first [Page] year of his Arrival he drove the Engl [...]sh out of all Vlster, He drives the English out of Vlster. and reduced it to his Obedience; yea, he passed over all the rest of the [...]sland with his Victorious Army. The next year, a new Army was sent over from England; Robert, perceiving, that the War would grow hotter, levied new Forces, and made haste over to his Brother. He suffered much in that Expedition, by his want of Provision, and when he was but about one days March from him,Edward Bruce overthrown in Ireland by the English. October 5. he heard, That he, and all his Men were defeated, the Third of the Nones of October. The report is, That Edward, edged on by too much desire of Glory, did precipitate the Fight, lest his Brother should share with him in the Glory of the Victory.

The King of England, being informed, that the Flower of the Militia of Scotland did attend Bruce in a Foreign Country, and thinking This a fit opportunity offered him to Revenge the Losses of former times, sent a great Army, under select Commanders, into Scotland. Douglas, Governor of the Borders, fought with them thrice in several places, and slew almost all their Commanders, and a great part of the Souldiers.An English Army worsted in Scotland. The English having sped ill with their Land Army, came into the Forth with a Naval Force, and infested all the Sea Coasts by their Excursions: The Earl of Fife sent 500 Horse to restrain the Plunderers; but they, not daring to encounter so great a Multitude, in their Retreat, met with William Sinclare, Bishop of the Caledonians, accompanied with about 60 Horse, who, perceiving the Cause of their Retreat, did most grievously reproach them for their Cowardize,Bishop Sinclar's Valour against the English. and cried out, All you, that wish well to Scotland, follow me; and thereupon, catching up a Lance, they all cheerfully followed him, and he made so brisk an Assault on the scattered Plunderers, that they fled hastily to their Ships; and whilst they all endeavoured to get aboard, one Ship, overladen with Passengers, was sunk, and all, that were in it, drowned. This Attempt of Sinclare's was so grateful to the King, That, ever after, he called him, His Bishop. That Summer, when all the English Counties, bordering on the Scots, lay desolate and unmanured, by reason of want of Provision, (Diseases also abounding amongst all sorts of tame Animals and Cattle) as also by frequent Invasions; To remedy this Inconvenience, Edward came to York, but there he was not able to compleat an Army, by reason of the Paucity of the Inhabitants; so that the Londoners, and the Parts adjoining were fain to supply him with Soldiers, thô many of them had their Passes and Discharges from all Military Services, before. At length he made up an Army, and marches to besiege Berwick, he was scarce arrived there, when Thomas Randolfe passed over the River Solway, and marched another way into England; where he wasted all with Fire and Sword, no Man resisting him; yea, in some Places, he could hardly meet with any Man, at all. For a Plague, which Reigned the former year, had made such a Devastation, that the Face of things seemed very piteous, even to their very Enemies. When the Scots

Edward besieges Berwick.

Randolfe invades England, and overthrows the Arch-Bishop of York.

had marched above 100 Miles, and had fired all, especially about York, the Archbishop thereof, more fo [...] the Indignity of the Thing, than the Confidence in his Force, took Arms. He gathered together an Army numerous enough, but raw and undisciplined, consisting of a promiscuous Company of [Page] Priests, Artificers, and Country-Labourers, whom he led, with more Boldness, than Conduct, against his Invaders; but, being overcome by them, he lost many of his Men, and He, with some few, saved themselves by Flight. There was so great a Slaughter of Priests made there, That the English, for a long time after,The W [...]it [...] Battel, [...]? called that Battel, The White Battel.

Edward, hearing of this Overthrow, lest his Conquering Enemy should make further and greater Attempts, brake up his Siege, and retreats to York, (the Scots having withdrawn themselves) and from thence into the heart of his Kingdom. The English were busied with Domestick Tumults, so that a short Truce was made,Edward retreats upon a Truce with the Scots. rather because both Kings were tired with the War, than, otherwise, any whit desirous of a Pacification. In this Calm, Robert Indicts a Convention of all the Estates and Nobility. And, because the Changes, happening in so long a War, had confounded the Right of Mens Possessions, he commanded every one to produce and shew, By what Title he held his Estate. This Matter was equally grievous to the Old Possessors,Robert calls for the Deeds of Mens Lands. as well as the New. Valiant Men thought, they enjoyed That by a good Right, which they had taken from their Enemies; and they took it much amiss, That what they had got, as the Price of their Military Toil, yea, of their Blood too, should be rent from them, in Times of Peace. As for the old Owners of Estates, seeing there was no one House almost, but had suffered in the War, They had lost their Deeds, (by which, they held their Lands) as well as their other Goods. Whereupon, they all entred upon a Project, valiant in appearance, but bold and temerarious in the event. For when the King, in the Parliament, commanded them to produce their Titles, every one drew his Sword, and cried out,Whereupon he receives an Affront. We carry our Titles in our Right Hands; The King, being amazed at this sudden and surprising Spectacle, though he took the Matter very heinously, yet he stifled his Indignation for the present, until a fit Time of Revenge. And it was not long, before an Occasion was offered him, to shew it; Divers of the Nobles, being conscious to themselves of the Audacity of their late Attempt, and fearing to be punished for it, conspire together to betray the Kingdom to the English. The Fact was discovered to the King, and that so plainly, that the Letters,A Conspiracy against Bruce discovered, and the Acto [...] put to dea [...]. declaring the Manner, Time, and Place, were intercepted, and their Crime made evident. Whereupon they were all taken, and brought to the King, without any Tumult at all raised at their Apprehension. And because it was much feared, That William Souls, Governor of Berwick, would deliver up both Town and Castle to the English, before the Conspiracy was publickly divulged, he made a Journy thither, as it were, by she by. A Convention was made at Perth, to try the Prisoners, where the Letters were produced, and every ones Seal known; being convicted of High-Treason, by their own Confession, they were put to Death. The Chief were David Brechin, and William Lord Souls, of the Nobility; also Gilbert Mayler, Richard Brown, and Iohn Logie; besides, there were many others of all Orders accused, but there being only Suspicion against them, they were dismissed. The Death of David Brechin only, did diversly affect Mens minds; for, besides that he was the Son of the Kings Sister, he was accounted the [Page] Prime young man of his Age, for all Arts both of Peace and War. He had given given evident Proofs of his Valour in Syria, in the Holy War. He, being summoned in by the Popular Conspirators, never gave his Consent to the Treason, only his Crime was, That, being made acquainted with so foul a Machination, he did not Discover it. The Body of Roger Mowbray, who dyed before Conviction, was Condemned to all kind of Ignominy, but the King remitted that Punishment, and caused it to be buried.

Some some few Months before this Process was had, the Popes Legates, who, at the request of the English, came to compose the Dissensions betwixt the Kingdoms, not being able to do any thing therein, lest they might seem to have done nothing for the English in their Legation, Excommunicated the Scots, and forbad them the Use of Publick Divine Service,The Scots Excommunicated (the Popes Thunderbolts being terrible, in Those days.) Bruce, to shew how little he valued the Popes Curses in an unjust Cause, gathered an Army and invaded England, following the Legate at his Departure, almost at his very heels. There he made a foul havock with Fire and Sword,Bruce invades England. and came as far as the Cross at Stanmore. The English, not to suffer so great Ignominy to pass unrevenged, levied so numerous an Army, that they promised themselves an easy Victory, even without Blood. Robert thought it dangerous to run the Hazard of All in a Battel against the mighty Army of so great a King, but rather he resolved to help out the matter with Policy, rather than by Force. He drave all the Cattle into the Mountains, whither Armies could not, but with great Difficulty, ascend; and all other things of use for an Army, he caused, either to be reposited in Fortify'd Places, or to be wholly spoiled.

The English, who came thither in hopes of a speedy Battel, and had not Provisions for a long March; when they perceived, what Devastation was made in their own Country, were inflamed with Anger, Hatred, and Desire of Revenge, and resolved to pierce into the middst of Scotland, Edward enter [...] Scotland, but soon retreats. and to ferret the King out of his boroughs; yea, and force him to a Fight, tho' against his Will. For the Greatness of his Forces did encourage him to hope, that, either he should blot out his former Ignominy by an Eminent Victory, or else, should recompense his Loss lately received, by an enlarged Depopulation; With this Resolution he came in all hast to Edinburgh; he spared Churches only in his March, but the further he was to go, the more scarcity he was like to find; So that, in five days time, he was forced to retreat. At his return, he spoiled all things, both Sacred and Prophane.In Teviotdale. He burnt the Monasteries of Driburgh and Mulross, and killed those old Monks, whom either Weakness, or Confidence in their Old Age, had caused to stay there. As soon as Bruce was informed, that Edward was returned, for want of Provision, and that Diseases did rage in his Army,Bruce follows him and had almost taken him in a Skirmish. so that he had lost more Men than if he had been overcome in Battel, he almost trod upon his Heels, with an Army, noted more for the Goodness, than the Number, of Soldiers, and came as far as York, making grievous havock as he went. He had almost taken the King Himself by an unexpected Assault at the Monastery of Not [...]ar from Malto [...] in Yorkshire. Biland, where Edward, in a tumultuary Battel, was put to Flight, all his Household-stuff, Money, Bag and Baggage being [Page] taken. To blot out the Ignominy of this Infamous Flight, Andrew Berkley, Earl of Carlisle, was a while after accused,And [...]ew B [...]r [...]ly put to Death. as if he had been bribed to betray the English, and so he lost his Life, in Punishment for the Cowardize of another Man.

The next Year, a double Embassy was sent, One to the Pope, to reconcile him to the Scots, from whom he had been alienated by the Calumnies of the English; and Another to renew the Ancient League with the French. They Both easily obtained what they desired: For, when the Pope understood, That the Controversy arose by the Injury and Default of Edward the First, who affirmed, ‘That the King of Scots ought to obey, as a Feudatary, the King of England; and, That the English had nothing to defend their Claim by, but old Fables, and late Injuries; and besides, That, in Prosperity, being Summoned by the Pope, they always avoided an equal Decision of Things, tho, in their Adversity, they were always humble suiters to him for his Aid; and, on the other side, the Scots always were willing to have their Cause heard,The Scots absolved by the Pope. and never shunned the Determination of an Equal Judge, nor the Arbitration of any Good men; and moreover, when they produced many Grants and Summons of Former Popes, which made for them, and against their Enemies, the Scots were always present at the day, and the English, tho' they had Notice given, never came.’ Hereupon, the Pope was easily reconciled to the Scots; and the French as easily induced to renew the Ancient League, only one Article was added to the old Conditions, ‘That if any Controversy did hereafter arise amongst the Scots, And make a League with the French. concerning him who was to succeed in the Kingdom, the same should be decided by the Council of the States; and the French, if there were need, were to assist Him by his Authority, and with his Arms, who, by Lawful Suffrages, was by them declared King.’ Our Writers cast the Rise of the Hamiltons, now a powerful Family in Scotland, upon these Times.

There was a certain Nobleman in the Court of England, who spake Honourably of the Fortune and Valour of Bruce; whereupon, one of the Spencers, Bed-Chamber Man to the King, either thinking, That his Speech was Reproachful to the English; or else,The Rise of the Family of the Hamiltons, with the Occasion thereof. to curry Favour with the looser sort of the Nobility, drew forth his Faucheon, and, making at him, gave him a slight wound in the Body. The Man, being of a great Spirit, was more concerned at the Contumely, than at the Damage; and, being hindered by the coming in of many, to part the Fray, from taking present Revenge; the day after, finding his Enemy in a sit Posture, in the same place, he run him thorough: And fearing the Punishment of the Law, and the great Power of the Spencers at Court, he fled presently into Scotland, to King Robert, by whom he was courteously received, and some Lands, near the River Clyde, were bestowed upon him. His Posterity, not long after, were admitted to the Degree of Noblemen; and the Opulent Family of the Hamiltons was Sirnamed from him, and also the Name of Hamilton was imposed on the Lands, which the King gave him.

Not long after, Edward had great Combustions at home, insomuch, that he put many of the Nobles to Death, and advanced the Spencers, the Authors of all Evil Counsel, higher than his own Kindred could [Page] bear; so that, he was apprehended by his Son, and by his Wife, (who had received a small Force from beyond the Seas,Edw [...]rd of England slain by a strange kind of Death, not without the P [...]ivity of his Relations.) and kept close Prisoner; and not long after, he was slain by a course sort of Death, an hot Iron was thrust into his Fundament, through a Pipe of Horn, by which his Bowels were burnt up, and yet no Sign of so terrible a Fact appeared on the outside of his Body. His Wife and Son were thought Privy to the Parricide, either, because his Keepers would never have dared to commit such a Deed, so openly, unless they had had Great Authors; or else, because they were never called in Question for so Immane a Butchery.

These Disturbances in England, which were followed by the Kings Death, Bruce also growing old and weak in Body, were the Occasions,Bruce settles the Succession in hi [...] Family. that Peace for some Years did intercede between the Two Neighbour Nations. For Bruce, being freed from the Fear of the English, and being also called upon by his Age, converted his Thoughts to settle his Domestick Affairs. And first, he made hast to confirm the Kingdom, (which was not yet quite recovered, nor fully setled, from the Commotions of former Times) to his only Son, yet but a Child, by the Consent and Decree of the Estates. And, if he died without Issue, then he appointed Robert Stuart, his Nephew by his Daughter, to be his Successor: He caused the Nobles to take an Oath, for the Performance of this Decree. But afterwards, fearing. That, after his Death, Baliol would begin his old Dispute, about the Kingdom; especially seeing his Heirs, because of their Minority, might be liable to be injured by others; he sent Iames Douglas to Iohn Baliol, being in France, with large Gifts and Promises, That he would cease his Claim to the Kingdom: This he did, not so much to acquire a new Right, (because, according to the Scotish Custom, The King is made by the Decree of the Estates, who have the Supream Power in their Hands;) but, that he might cut off all Occasion from Wicked Men, to Calumniate his Posterity; and also, that he might Eradicate the very Seeds of Sedition. Douglas found Baliol far more placable, than he, or others, thought, he would be; for he was now surrounded with the Miseries of Extream Old Age.And agrees with Baliol then in France, who consents the [...]eto. He ingenuously Confessed, ‘That his Peccant Exorbitance was justly restrained, and that he was deservedly driven out of the Kingdom, as unworthy to Reign. And therefore, he was very willing, That his Kinsman Robert should enjoy the Crown, by whose high Valour, singular Felicity, and great Pains-taking, 'twas Vindicated into its Ancient Splendour: In one thing, he rejoyced, That they, by whom he was deceived, did not enjoy the Reward of their Perfidiousness.’

When Robert had setled these Matters, according to his own desire, the same Year, which was 1327. our Writers say, That Ambassadors were sent into Scotland, by Edward the Third, for a Pacification; in which Matter, they seemed to act Treacherously, and instead of Peace, they carried home War, but what the particular Fraud, was, is not expressed, and the English say, That the War was openly denounced by Robert, but they describe not the Cause of it; surely, it must needs be some great and mighty One; or else, a valetudinary old Man, when Peace was scarce setled at home; and, who might have been sated with his former Victories, rather than with [Page] War, would not so soon have been provoked to reassume his Arms. This is certain, That the King, by reason of his Age,B [...]uce's Army [...] could not manage the War himself in Person; so that Thomas Randolfe, and Iam [...]s Douglas, the Valiantest and Wisest of all that Age, were sent by him into England, with Twenty Thousand brave nimble Horse, but no Foot at all. The Reason was, That they might fly up and down swiftly, and not abide in one place; nor, be forced to Fight the English, unless they themselves pleased. For they knew, that the English would make Head against them in their first Expedition,Edward makes Head against them. with a far more numerous Army: Neither were they deceived in their Opinions, for the King of England, besides his Domestick Forces, had procured great Assistance of Horse, from Belgium; but, in regard they and the English fell out at York, some English Writers say, That they returned home again. But Frossard, a French Writer of the same Age, says, That they accompanied the English during the whole Expedition; and that, not only for Honours sake, but also for Fear of Sedition, they had the next Place to the Kings Regiment, always assigned to them, in the Camp. The King, having made a Conjunction of all his Forces, (which were clearly above Sixty Thousand Men) marched against the Scots, who had already passed over the Tine. Now, there were Two Fortified Towns on the Tine. One nearer Wales, which was Carlisle; and the other, about Fifty Miles lower, called Newcastle. The English had strongly Garisoned Both of them, to hinder the Enemies Passage over the River; but the Scots, knowing, where the River was fordable, passed over without any noise, and so deceived both the Garisons. When the English were come into the Bishoprick of Durham, from the Tops of the Hills, they might see Fires afar off, and then beginning to understand, how near their Enemy was, they tumultuously cryed, Arm, Arm, as if they were presently to fall to it.

They drew forth their Army into a Threefold Order of Battel, and marched directly to the Place,The Scots flying Army of Horse weary the Eng [...]ish to follow them. where they saw the Smoak of the Fire; the General denouncing a great Penalty on him, that without his leave, should stir from his Colours. Thus they wearied themselves till the Evening, and then mark'd out a Place for their Camp, in a Wood, near a certain River, and there they placed their Baggage and Carriages, which could not so swiftly follow the Flying Army.

The next day, they marched in the same Order, and towards Evening, they were forced to abide in their Tents, which they had pitched, as conveniently as the Place would afford, that so the Draught-Horses, and the Foot, might receive a little Refreshment. There the Nobles came to the King, and deliberated, How they should bring the Scots to a Battel. The most Part were of Opinion, That the English Foot were never able to overtake the flying Horse of the Scots, and if they did, yet they could not compel them to Fight, but in those Places, which they themselves judged most Convenient: But because there was such a general Devastation, that they could not stay long in an Enemies Country; they judged it best, to pass over the Tine, with all their Forces, and to intercept the Enemy in his Return home. And besides, the Country beyond the Tine was plainer [Page] and fitter to draw up an Army in, that so the whole Body of the Army might be put upon Service. This Opinion was approved, and a Command given to refresh Themselves, and to do it as silently as ever they could, That they might more easily hear the word of Command, and the sound of the Trumpets; That so, leaving the Baggage behind, every one should carry a Loaf a piece; and, as if the next day they were to fight the Enemy, they were to await the Event of Fortune; so that their Bodies being refreshed from the weariness of the day before, a little after Midnight, they took up their Arms, and, in good order, begun their March; But the Marishes and Hills, by which they were to pass, quickly made them to break their Ranks, and he, that could, led the Van; the Rest followed their Steps, and their March was in such Disorder, that many Horse, and Carriage-Beasts, did either stick in the Mud, or else, did tumble down from steep Places, and oft times they cryed, To your Arms, and then all of them, in great Trepidation, ran to the Place from whence the Noise and Cry came, without any Order at all. But when they came to those that led the Van,Stags, suddenly rouzed, affright the English. they understood, That the Tumult was occasioned by a Multitude of Stags; who, being rouzed out of the Heath, by the Noise of Men, and afraid to see them, ran up and down in great Confusion, amongst the Brigades. At last, about Evening, the Horse, but without the Foot, came to the Fords of Tine, over which the Scots had passed, and by which, they would return (as they hoped) and, at Sun-set, they Forded over; the round and slippery Stones, which the River roles up and down, much incommoding their Horse. And besides, they were afflicted with another Inconvenience, They had, few or none of them, any Iron Tools to cut down Wood with; so that, after they had marched Twenty Eight Miles, they were fain to lie in their Arms, that Night, on the bare Ground, holding their Horses Bridles, in one of their Hands; for, they could not cut down Wood to make Tents, (having brought none with them) nor Huts, nor so much as Stakes to tye their Horses to. Early in the Morning, assoon as it was light, there fell such mighty showres of Rain,The English Army highly incommoded in their march. that even small Brooks were hardly passable, by Man or Horse; and also, they were inform'd by some Country Men, which they took, That the Neighbouring Country was so Barren and Desolate, That no Provision was to be had, nearer than Newcastle and Carlisle; of which, one was Twenty Four, the other Thirty, Miles off. Thither they sent their Draught-Horses and Servants; in the mean time, they made use of their Swords, to cut down Stakes to tye their Horses to; and some Shrubs and small Trees to build them Huts, with the Leaves whereof they fed their Horses, and so, that Night, they were fain to Fast.

Three Days after, they, that were sent to the Towns, returned with some small Provisions, which they brought along with them; some Sutlers came also with them, with Bread and Wine, to make a Gain of; but it was but little, and also, not Good; yet, such as it was, the Soldiers were ready to fall out, Who should have it, first. Having thus passed Seven days, in great Want, and being also much molested with continual Showres, so that their Horse-Furniture was wet, and their Horses Backs did Ulcerate, and they themselves [Page] stood (many of them) Armed, Day and Night, in their wet Cloaths; neither could they make any Fire, by reason, that the Wood was Green; and besides, it was wetted by the Rain water; The Eighth day, they resolved to repass the River at a more commodious Ford, Seven miles above the Place, where they were; but there also the River was swoln by reason of the Showres, so that they were much incommoded, and some were drowned, in their passage. As soon as they had landed their Army upon the other side, a great Reward was proposed to him, Who could bring the first certain Tidings, Where the Scots were. The Two next Days, their March lying thrô desolate places, and ruined by late Fires, they had Forage enough for their Horses, but little Provision for Themselves. On the Fourth Day, One of the Fifteen young Men, who scouted out to bring News where the Scots lay, returned back, and informed them, That the Scots Army was about Three Miles distance from Theirs; and that, for Eight Days last past, They had been as uncertain what became of the English, as the Engl [...]sh had been what became of Them. This he affirmed for Truth, as having been taken Prisoner by the Scots, and freed without Ransom, upon Condition, he would go tell his King, That, they would wait for his Coming in that Place; and, That they were as willing to Fight, as He.

Upon the Receipt of this Message, the King Commanded the Army to make an Halt, that Man and Horse might take some Refreshment, and so be ready for the last Encounter; and thus, in Three Brigades, he marched slowly towards the Enemy. Assoon as they came in fight one of another, the Scots had so divided their Men into Three Batailions upon an Hill, that the Rocks and Precipices thereof secured them on the Right and Left, from whence, they might cast down Stones on the Enemy, if they endeavoured to come up to them. At the Foot of the Hill, the English had a rapid Torrent to pass, so full of Great and Round Stones, that they could not Ford over to their Enemy; or, if they had so done, they could not Retreat without certain Ruin. The English, perceiving that they could not come at the Enemy, but with great disadvantage, pitched their Tents; and sent an Herald at Arms to the Scots, Reparties between both Armies. advising them to come down into the Champion Country, to Fight for Glory and Empire by true Valour, in an open Plain: The Scots answered, That they would Fight for no bodies pleasure, but their own; That they marched into England, to revenge the Injuries they had received; if they had done any thing which did offend them, they had free Liberty to take their own Revenge. As for Themselves, they resolved to abide There, as long as they pleased; and if their Enemy did attaque them, at his Peril be it. The next Three Days, their Camps being near, and Parties placed at the Fords, some slight Skirmishes passed betwixt them; the Fourth Day, assoon as it was Light, the Watch brought Word, That the Scots had forsaken the Hill, on which they were; whereupon, Scouts were sent out to bring certain News, and to follow them, if they had Retreated; who brought word, That the Scots had pitched their Tents on another Hill by the same River, much more convenient for them than the First, where they had a Wood which secured their Ingress and Egress. The English, who hoped that they should Famish [Page] the Scots, (who avoided Fighting) in a Foreign Soil, being frustrated of their Expectation, followed them, and pitched their Tents on an opposite Hill. After they had abode there some Days, it was observed, That they grew more Negligent than formerly in their Night-watches; either, because they undervalued the Scots, because of their Paucity, or else, because they meditated nothing, but Flight. Douglas took hold of the Opportunity, to attempt something, and passing over the River with 200 Select Horse, he entred the Enemies Camp, where, he saw, it was but slenderly Guarded. He had almost pierced to the King's own Tent,Douglas breaks in upon the English Camp, and does Execution. where, cutting off the Cords, the Alarm being taken, he killed near 300 English in his Retreat, and brought his Men safely off; After this, no Memorable Action happened, save, that the English, instructed by their own Loss, placed more careful Watches, in convenient Places. At last, it was told them by a Scot, whom they had taken Prisoner, That there was a Proclamation in that Camp, That, at the Third Watch, all should be ready to follow Douglas, whither-soever he should lead them. This Relation struck such a Terror into the Engl [...]sh, That, dividing their Army into Three Batailions, at a moderate Distance one from another, they stood all that Night in their Arms; and their Servants held their Horses, Bridled, Sadled, and ready prepared, for whatever should happen in their Camp. And moreover, they placed strong Guards at all the Fords of the River. At last, towards Day, Two Scots Trumpeters were brought to the King, who told him, That the Scots were Commanded to returned home; and if the English had a mind to revenge the Loss they had sustained, they must Follow them. The English Army Retreats. Hereupon, the English called a Council of War, where it was resolved, That it was better to march back with the Army at present, than to follow such flying Stragglers, to the great vexation both of Horse and Man; considering, they had lost more Men in this Expedition by Famine and Sickness, than might have fallen in a Set-Battel. When their Retreat was resolved upon, many of the English, either in hopes of Prey, which might be left behind in their hasty Retreat; or else, desirous to understand something of their Enemies Affairs, went into their Camp, where they found about Five Hundred Deer, and especially Stags, already killed, (of which sort, the English keep many, not only their Kings, but even many private Persons also,) and also great Budgets, made of raw Skins, in which they boiled their Meat, and about Ten Thousand Snapsacks. Moreover,Cruelty to Prisoners. there were Two English Men, whose Legs were broken, but they were yet alive. All these things being Evidences of great Hardiness and Poverty, did confirm the goodness of their Advice, who were for marching the Army back.

This Year, Walter Stuart, and Queen Elizabeth, died, one the Son in Law, the other, Wife to the King: Besides, the Castles of Alnewick and Norham were besieged by the Scots, but▪ without Success: Preys were also driven out of Northumberland. In March, Ambassadors came from England, to treat of a perpetual Peace, and a Truce was made for Three Years. The next Year, which was 1328. the English held a Parliament at Northampton, the Eighth of the Calends of Iuly, Iune, 24. wherein all the Orders of Estates agreed to a Peace [Page] with the Scots upon these Terms;A Peace concluded between the Scots and English, with the Conditions thereof. ‘That the English should renounce all Right, which they, or their Ancestors, pretended to have to the Crown of Scotland; and, That they should leave That Kingdom as Free, as it was at the Death of Alexander the Third; and, That they should be Subject to no External Yoke of Servitude; and, on the other side, the Scots were to surrender up all the Lands, they sometimes held in England, as Feudataries; That Cumberland and Northumberland, as far as Stanmore, should be Boundaries to the Scots; That David, the Son of Robert, should take to Wife Ioan, the Sister of Henry; That the English should faithfully return all Pacts, Bonds, and Writings, or any other Monuments of Subjection, into the Hands of the Scots, and should disanul them, for the future; That the Scots, for the Damage which they had lately done the English King, and for the Lands which his Father and Grandfather had given to his Favourites in Scotland, should pay him Thirty thousand Marks of Silver.’

Both Kings had their proper Reasons, why they consented, so easily, to these Conditions. The English King, having wasted his Treasure, and having been put to an Ignominious Flight, and thereby lessened in the Eyes of his own Subjects, as well as of his Enemies, thereupon was afraid, That some Domestick Sedition would arise, and then a Warlike Enemy, pufft up with his late Success, should come on his Flank, and thereby mightily endamage his Kingdom. And Robert, being broken with Old Age, Toil, and Diseases, (for, a little before his death, he fell into a Leprosy) having also been long exercised with the events of both Fortunes, good and bad, resolved, if he could, to give up himself to his Ease; and not only so, but to provide for the Tranquillity of his Heirs, in regard of their infirm and tender Age. And therefore, having settled Peace abroad, he turned himself wholly to settle Matters at home. When the Marriage of his Son was magnificently celebrated, he, perceiving the end of his Life to be near at hand, composed himself almost into the Habit of a private Man, (for some years before, all the Grand Affairs of State had been managed by Thomas Randolph, and Iames Douglas) and lived in a small House at Cardross, (a place divided from Dumbritton by the River Levin) and kept himself, but in case of great Necessity, from the Concourse of People. Thither he called some of his Friends, a little before his Death, and made his Will.B [...]ce's last Will and Testament. He confirmed those to be his Heirs, which were so declared by the Convention of Estates. First, David his Son, being eight year old; next, Robert his Nephew by his Daughter; he commended them to his Nobles, and especially to Thoma [...] Randolph, his Sisters Son, and Iames Douglas. Afterward, he settled his Houshold Affairs, and exhorted them all to Concord amongst themselves, and to observance of Allegiance to their King; if they did so, he would assure them to be unconquerable by a Foreign Power. Moreover,His Three Advices to his Successors, w [...]th the Reasons upon which they were grounded [...]. he is reported to have added Three Commands, or, if you will, Counsels; First, That they should never make any one Man, Lord of the Aebudae Islands; Next, That they should never fight the English, with all their Force, at one time; and Thirdly, That they should never make with them a Perpetual League. In Explicating his First Advice, he discoursed much concerning [Page] the Number, Bigness, and Power of the Islands, and concerning the Multitude, Fierceness, and Hardiness of their Inhabitants; They, with Ships, Such as they were, yet not inconvenient for those Coasts, coping with Men unskill'd in Marine Affairs, might do a great deal of Mischief to others, but receive little Damage, themselves: And therefore, Governors were Yearly to be sent thither, to administer Justice amongst them, by Officers, who should not be continued long in their Places, neither. His Second Advice concerning the English, stood upon this Foot, Because the English, as inhabiting a better Country, did exceed the Scots in Number of Men, Money, and all other Warlike Preparations; and by reason of these Conveniencies, they were more accustomed to their Ease, and not so patient of Labour or Hardship: On the other side, the Scots were bred in an hardier Soil, and were, by reason of their Parsimony and continual Exercise, of a more healthy Constitution of Body; and, by the very manner of their Education, made more capable to endure all Military Toil; and therefore, That they were fitter for suddain and occasional Assaults, so to weaken and weary out their Enemy, by degrees, than to venture all at once in a pitch'd Battel. His Third Advice was grounded upon this Reason, Because, if the Scots should have a long Peace with the English, (having no other Enemy besides them to exercise their Arms upon) they would grow Lazy, Luxurious, and so easily become Slothful, Voluptuous, Effeminate, and Weak. As for the English, though they had Peace with the Scots, yet France was near them, which kept their Arms in ure; If then, those who are skilful in Warlike Affairs should cope with the Scots, thus grown unskilful and sluggish, they might promise to themselves an assured Victory.Robert Bruce's Vow to assist in the Holy War recommended to Douglas to perform. Moreover, he commended to Iames Douglas the Performance of the Vow, which he had made, which was, to go over into Syria, and to undertake the Cause of Christendom in the Holy War, against the Common Enemy thereof. And, because he himself, by reason of his Home-bred Seditions; or else, being broken with Age and Diseases, could not perform the Vow himself, he earnestly desired,Bruce would have his Heart buried at Ierusalem. That Douglas would carry his Heart, after he was deceased, to Jerusalem, that it might be buried there. Douglas looked upon This as an Honourable Imployment, and as an eminent Testimony of the Kings Favour towards him; and, therefore, the next Year, after the Kings Death, with a good Brigade of Noble young Men, he prepared for his Voyage. But, being upon the Coasts of Spain, he heard, That the King of Arragon managed a fierce War against the same Enemy, with which he was to fight in Syria; and, thinking with himself, that it mattered not in what Place he assisted in the Cause of Christianity, he Landed his Men, and joined himself with the Spaniard;Douglas in his Voyage to Ierusalem assists the Spaniards against the Moors, and was there slain. where, after many prosperous Fights, at last, despising the Enemy as a weak and fugitive one, he thought to attempt something against him with his own Men, and so rushing unadvisedly on the Army of the Sarazens, he was, by them, drawn into an Ambush, wherein he and most part of his Men were slain. His chief Friends that perished with him, were, William Sinclare, and Robert Logan. This happened the next year after the Kings Death, which was 1330.

[Page]To be short, Robert Bruce, was, certainly, a most Illustrious Person, every way, and he can hardly be parallelled for his Virtues and Valour, even in the most Heroick Times; for, as he was very Valiant in War, so, he was most Just and Temperate, in Peace; and,Bruce his high Encomi [...]ms. though his unhoped for Successes, and (after that Fortune was once satiated, or rather wearied, with his Miseries) a continual course of perpetuated Victory did highly Ennoble him; yet, to me, he seemed to have been more Glorious in his Adversities. For, What a strong Heart was That, which was not broken, no, nor yet weakened, by so many Miseries as brake in upon him, all at once? Whose Constancy would it not have tried, to have his Wife a Prisoner, and to have his Four Valiant Brothers, cruelly put to Death? And his Friends, at the same time, vexed with all kind of Calamities; and they, which escaped with their Lives, were Exiled, and lost all their Estates: As for himself, he was outed not only of a large Patrimony, but of a Kingdom too, by the powerfullest King of those Times, and one, who was most ready, both for Advice and Action. Though he were beset with all these Evils, at one time; yea, and brought into the extreamest Want; yet, he never doubted of recovering the Kingdom. Neither did he ever do, or say, any thing, which was unbecoming a Royal Spirit. He did not do, as Cato the Younger, and Marcus Brutus, who laid violent Hands on themselves; neither did he, as Marius, incensed by his Sufferings, let loose the Reins of Hatred and Passion, against his Enemies; but when he had recovered his Ancient State and Kingdom, he so carried it towards them, who had put him to so much Hardship and Trouble, That he seemed rather to Remember, that he was now their King, than that he had been sometimes their Enemy. And even, a little before his Death, though a great Disease made an addition to the Trouble of his Old Age; yet, he was so much Himself, as to confirm the Present State of the Kingdom; yea, and to consult the quiet of his Posterity. So that, when he died, all Men bewailed him, as being deprived, not only of a Just King, but of a Loving Father, too. He departed this Life, the Iuly 9th. Seventh of the Ides of Iuly, in the Year of Christ 1329. and of his Reign the Twenty Fourth.

The Ninth BOOK.

[Page]

THE Nobles of Scotland, having performed the Funeral Obsequies for the late King, assoon as they could conveniently, did Indict a Convention of the Estates, for the Electing of a Regent; where the Inclinations of the Publick easily pitched on Thomas Randolf, Earl of Murray; for, even in the Kings Life Time,Randolf made Regent, or Guardian. he had, for some Years, managed that Office, and the King at his Death had also Recommended him to the People, by his last Will and Testament.

David II. The Ninety Eighth King.

THE Coronation of the King was deferred till the November 24. Eighth of the Calends of December, the next Year following; that so, by the Permission of the Pope, he might be Anointed, and that new Ceremony be performed more Augustly, amongst the Scots. Assoon as the Regent was chosen, he first of all ratified the Peace, made with the English; afterward, he applied his Mind to settle quiet at home, and to suppress publick Robberies. In order whereto, he kept a strong Guard of Armed Men about him, which were ready on all Occasions; so that when News was brought him, as he was going to Situate near the Irish Sea. Wigton, (which is a Town in Galway) that there was a strong Band of Thieves, who beset the Highways, and robbed Travellers in that Country; he sent out his Guard against them, even as he was in his Progress, who took them every Man; whom he caused to be put to Death. He was Inexorable against all Murderers, so that he caused a certain Man to be apprehended, who had obtained the Popes Bull of Pardon for his Offence,He executes a Murderer, though he had the Popes Pardon. and thereupon thought himself secure, to be apprehended, alledging, That the Pope might Pardon the Soul-Guilt, but the Body-Punishment belonged to the King.

To prevent Robberies, which were yet too frequently committed, by reason of the remaining Contagion of the Wars, he made a Law, That the Country Men should leave their Iron Tools, and Plough-Gear, in the Field, A notable Law, made by the Regent, to prevent Theiving. all Night, and that they should not shut their Houses, nor Stalls. If any thing were stollen, the Loss was to be repaired by the Sheriff of the County; and the Sheriff was to be reimbursed by the King; and the King was to be satisfied out of the Estates of the Thieves, when they were taken. There was one Country Man, either over-greedy of Gain; or else, judging that Caution to be Vain and Frivolous, who hid his Plough Iron in the Field, and came to the Sheriff to demand Satisfaction, as if it had been stollen; the Sheriff paid him presently, but inquiring further into the Matter,The Collusive Cheat of a Country Man, punished. and finding, that he was the Author of the Theft, himself; he caused him to be Hanged, and his [...]oods to be Confiscate: He restrained the loose Pack of Drolling [Page] Vagabonds and Minstrellers, from wandring up and down the Country, under most grievous Penalties. If any one assaulted a Travellor,St [...]ict Laws made by the Regent. or any Publick Officer in performing his Office, he made it Lawful for any Body to Kill him. So that when Thirty Assailants had been slain by the Companions of a certain Publick Minister at a Village called In T [...]v [...]otda [...]. Halydon, he pronounced, That the Fact was just, and Indemnified the Committers of it. This Domestick Severi [...]y made him Formidable to flagitious Persons, at home; as his Valour did to his Enemies, abroad. And therefore the English, who, upon Roberts death, watched all Occasions to revenge themselves, perceiving, That they could attempt nothing by open Force, as long as Randolph was living, turned their Thoughts to secret Fraud and Stratagem.

The speediest Way to be rid of their Enemy seemed to be, by Poysoning him; Neither wanted there a fit Minister to attempt it; which was a certain Monk, of that Class, which are idly brought up, and, for want of Masters to teach them better, they do many times pervert Good Wits to Evil Arts and Practices: There were Two Professions joyned in him, viz. Monkship, A Monk Poysons Randolf with a slow-working-dose. and the Profession of Physick; the First seemed proper to gain him Admittance; the Second rendred him fit to perpetrate the Wickedness. Hereupon, he comes into Scotland, giving out in all Places, That, as he had Skil in all other Parts of Physick, so especially in curing the Stone; by which means, he obtained an easy Access to the Regent; and, being employed to cure him, he mixed a Slow-working Poyson with his Medicine; and then, taking a few Days Provision with him, he returned again into England, as if he had gone only to get and prepare more Drugs and Medicines. There he makes a Solemn Asseveration before Edward, That Randolf would dye, by such a certain day. Edward marches for Scotland. In Hopes whereof, Edward levied a great Army, and marching to the Borders, found there as great an Army of Scots, ready to receive him, not far from his Camp; whereupon, he sent a Trumpeter to them, upon Pretence to demand Reparation for Damages; but, he was enjoyned to inquire, Who commanded the Scots Forces? Randolph, his Disease growing on, and the Monk not returning at the Day appointed, suspected all things for the worse, and therefore, dissembling his Grief, as much as he could, he sate in a Chair before his Tent, Royally apparelled, and gave Answer to the Demands of the Herald of Arms, as if he had been a man perfectly Healthy and Sound. The Herald, at his Return acquainted the King with what he had seen and heard; so that the Monk was punished, as a Lying Cheat; and Edward marched back his Army, only leaving a Guard on the Borders, to prevent Incursions. Randolph also was hindred from marching forward, by the Violence of his Disease, but returning he disbanded his Army, and at Musselborough, about Four Miles from Edinburgh, departed this Life, in the year of our Salvation 1331. and the 13th of the Calends of

Edward punishes the Monk, because his Poyson did not kill Randolf as soon as he said it would.

Edward retreats.

Iuly 20. Randolf's death and Character.

August, having managed the Regency Two years after Robert's death. He was a Man no whit Inferiour to any of our Scotish Kings in Valour and Skill in Military Affairs, but far Superiour to them in the Arts and Knacks of Peace. He left Two Sons behind him, Thomas and I [...]hn, Both worthy of so great a Father.

[Page]When Randolf, Guardian of the Kingdom (for so they then called him) was dead, Duncan Earl of Marr was chosen in his Place, the 4th of the Nones of Duncan Earl of Marr, made Guardian in Randolfs Place. August. 2. Iuly 31. August. The King being then Ten year old, on which very Day a sad Message was brought to Court, That the day before the Calends of that Month, Edward Baliol was seen in the Firth of Forth, with a Navy very Numerous. To make all things more plain concerning his coming,Edward Baliol appears on the Scots Coast. I must go a little back. When King Robert died, there was one The Story of Twine, or Tuenam Lores [...]n. Laurence Twine, an English man, of the Number of Those, who, having received Lands in Scotland, as a Reward of their Military Service, dwelt there. He was of a Good Family, but of a Wicked Life: He, conceiving Hope of greater Liberty, upon the Death of One King, and the Immature Age of Another, gave himself up, more licentiously, to unlawful Pleasures; so that, being often found in Adultery, and admonished by the Judge of the Ecclesiastical Court; yet, not desisting, he was at last Excommunicated by the Official (as they call him) of the Bishop of Glasgow. Whereupon, he, as if he had received a grat deal of Wrong, way-laid the Judge, as he was going to Air, and kept him so long a Prisoner, until, upon the Payment of a Sum of Money, he had absolved him. Twine, being informed, That Iames Douglas was extremely angry with him for this Fact, and that he sought for him to have him punished; for Fear of his Power, he fled into France, and there he addressed himself to Edward Baliol, Son to Iohn, (who had been King of Scotland, some few years) informing him of the State of Affairs in Scotland; and withal, advising him, by no means, to omit so fair an Opportunity of recovering his Fathers Kingdom. ‘For,He stirs up Edward Baliol then in France to invade Scotland. (said he) Their King was now but a Child, and he had many Enemies about him, and readier to be Avengers of the hatred towards his Father, than his Friends; The Fathers of some were slain in a publick Convention at Perth, others were banished, and lost their Estates; others were mulct with the Loss of a great part of of their Lands; and besides, many of the English race, who were deprived of the Lands given them by his Father, would be his Companions in the Expedition; yea, that there were Men enough, needy and criminal, who, either for hope of gain, or to avoid the punishment of the Law, being desirous of Change and Innovation, wanted nothing but a Leader to begin a Disturbance. And moreover, Iames Douglas being killed in Spain, and Randolf by reason of his Sickness, being unfit for the Government, there was not a Man besides, to whose Authority the giddy and disagreeing Multitude would as soon submit, as to His.’

Baliol knew, That what he had spoken was, for the most part, true, and hearing also, that Edward of England was sending great Forces into Scotland; Thereupon the crafty Impostor easily persuaded Him, who of himself was desirous of Empire and Glory, to get what Ships he could together, and so to bear a Part in that Expedition. But, before the coming of Baliol into England, Edward had disbanded his Army. Nevertheless, [...]he exiled Scots, and those English, who had been dispossessed of their Lands in Scotland flocked in to him, and so he made up no inconsiderable Army. Some say, That he had but 600 men accompanying him in so great an Attempt,Edward Baliol Lands in Scotland. which [Page] seems not very probable. I rather think, Their Speech is more agreeable to Truth, who write, That the English assisted him with 6000 Foot. And they were all more encouraged in their designed Expedition, when they heard, That Randolf was dead, whilst they were making their Preparations; for that mightily erected their Minds, as a good Omen of their Future Success. With this Navy, he came to A Burgh on the North side of Firth [...]n Fife, over against L [...]th in [...]oth [...]an. August [...]. Kinghorn and there Landed his Naval Forces in the Calends of August. The Land Forces were led by David Cumins, heretofore, Earl of Athol, as also by Mowbray and Beaumont; and the Forces of the English, by Talbot. At the News of the arrival of this Fleet, Alexander Seaton, a Nobleman, who happened to be in those Parts at that time, strove to oppose them, thinking, that,He overthrows Alexander Seaton. upon their disorderly Landing, some Opportunity of Service might be Offered; but, in regard few of the Country came in to him, he and most of his men were cut off. Baliol allowed some Few Days to his Soldiers to refresh themselves after their troublesome Voyage; and then marched directly towards Perth, and pitched his Tents by the Water-Mills, not far from the Water of Earn. The Regent was beyond, and Patrick Dunbar on this side, the River, each of them with Great Forces, their Camps being five miles distant one from another. Baliol, thô, upon the Coming in of Many to him on the bruit of his good Success, he made up an Army of above Ten thousand men; yet, being between Two Armies of his Enemies, and fearing to be crushed in the midst, he thought it best to attack them severally, and that on a sudden, when they least expected any such thing; and he resolved to set upon Marr, the Regent, first; because, it was likely, That he, being most remote from his Enemy, would be less watchful, and so more liable to a surprize. He got Andrew Murray of Tullibardin to be hi [...] Guide, who,In Strathern [...] not daring to joyn himself openly with the English, in the Night, fastned and stuck up a Pole, or Stake, in the River where it was Fordable, to shew Baliol's men the Way over: They, being covered with the Woods, which grew on the other Side the River, came near the Enemy before they were aware; where they understood, That they kept but a thin Watch, and slender Guard, and passed the Night as in no Expectation of an Enemy at all; upon the Account of this their Negligence, they marched by their Camp, in great Silence, thinking to make an Assault on the adverse part thereof, where, they supposed, they should find them more secure. But it happened, That,And afterwards beats the Regent Himself, making great slaughter of his men, and himself being also slain. in that Part where they presumed the greatest negligence was, That Thomas Randolf, Earl of Murray; Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick; Murdo, Earl of Monteath; and Alexander Frazer kept the Guard, and Watch. They, gathering a lusty Band of their Friends together, received the First Charge and Onset of the Enemy very Valiantly, upon the Edge of a Ditch, which the falling down of the Rain-Water had made. In the mean time, a great Noise and Tumult was made in the Camp, each one hastening to his Arms, and running in to the Conflict, but rushing in rashly in no Order, and without their Colours, first they broke the Ranks of their own men, who bore the Brunt of the Baliolans, and so the Last push'd on the First, who falling into the Ditch, they also, in a ruinous manner, foll down upon them; There many were slain by [Page] the Enemy, but more, both of Horse and Men, pressed to death by their [...]all; and the most part were so weakened, that they had hardly strength enough left, either to Fight or Fly. There fell of the Scots 3000; many of those, that escaped, fled to Perth, but they being few, and generally without Arms, or Guides, were easily taken by the pursuing English, together with the City itself.

The next Day, Dumbar, hearing of the overthrow of the other Army, and that Perth was taken, and being informed also, of the Paucity of the English, marched directly towards the Town, with an intent to Besiege it, and destroy the Enemy whilst they were yet in want of all things; but the Matter being debated amongst his Chief Commanders, each one excused himself, and so they departed, without effecting any thing. Baliol, having performed so great Matters in so short a time, even beyond his Hope, was encouraged to attempt the rest of the Scots, either to win them by Favour, or to conquer them by Force. And there being such a mighty concourse of People made to him,Edward Baliol Declared King. he now thought it seasonable to Declare Himself, King. That Advice was safer to him, because the greatest part of the Slaughter had fallen upon the Families, adjoyning to Perth. For there were slain in the Battel, besides the Regent, Robert Keith, with a great number of his Kindred and Tenants. There fell Eighty of the Family of the Lindseys, and amongst them, Alexander the chief of the Sept. The Name of the Hays would have been quite extinguished in this Fight, if William, the Chief of the Family, had not left his Wife big with Child, behind him. Moreover, Thomas Randolfe, Robert Bruce, Murdo, Earl of Monteath, William Sinclare, Bishop of the Caledonians, and Duncan Macduff, Earl of Fife, made Prisoners by him, and being thus in such a desperate Posture, were enforced to take an Oath of Obedience to him.

Baliol, The Eighty Ninth King.

HEreupon Baliol, trusting to his present Fortune, went to the Neighbouring Abby of Scone, and there entred upon the Kingdom,Aug. 25. in the Year of our Lord, 1332. the Eighth of the Calends of September. By this Wound and Loss, the Power of David Bruce was much weakened in Scotland; yet his Friends, not broken in their Spirits,K. David Bruce, in his Minority, to secure him, sent to France. by this Calamity, took care to secure him from the danger of War; he not being yet fit to manage the Government; and therefore they sent him and his Wife to his Fathers Friend, Philip, King of France, to be there out of Harms way; In the mean time, they prepare themselves for all hazards, being resolved to Dye Honourably, or else to restore their Country to its former State. And First of all, they set up Andrew Murray, an Eminent Person, Son of the Sister of Robert Bruce, Murray made Regent by K. David's Party. as Regent, in the place of Duncan, then they sent Messengers into all parts of the Kingdom, partly to confirm and fix their old Friends, and partly to spur up the more Remiss to Thoughts of Revenging their wrongs.A Castle standing on the North Bank of the River Ear in Strathern. The [...]irst, who took Arms, as being excited by their Grief for the loss of their Parents and Kindred at Duplin, were Robert Keith, Iames and Simon Frazer, who, about the Autumnal Aequinox, besieged Perth; the Siege lasted [Page] longer than they expected, yet in Three Months they took it. Macduff, Earl of Fife, who held the Town for Baliol, was sent Prisoner with his Wife and Children to Kildrum, a Castle in Marr; Andrew Murray, of Tullibardin, Built on the side of the River Don. who discovered the Ford over the River Earn to the English, was put to death. The Black Bock of Pasley says, That the Walls of the Town were demolished,Perth Walls demolished. which seems more probable to me, than that it should be made a Garison, as others write, especially, in so great a want of Faithful Friends, and Soldiers.

At the same time, Baliol was at Annandale, very busie in receiving the Homage of the Nobles, who were so much surprized and astonished at the suddain Mutation of Things, That even Alexander Bruce, Lord of Carrick and Galway, despairing of the Retrieve of his Kinsman David's Affairs, came in to him. After this prosperous Success, he despised his Enemy, and grew more negligent and regardless of him. When the Regent heard thereof by his Spyes,A County in the South of Scotland, not far from Northumberland. A Town in the head of Annandale, near the source of the River Annan. he sent Archibald Douglas, Brother to Iames, who was lost in Spain, That, if there were any Opportunity for Action, he should lay hold upon it. He took with him William Douglas, Earl of Liddisdale; Iohn Randolfe, the Son of Thomas, and Simon Frazer, with a Thousand Horse; and so came to Maufet; where having sent out Scouts, to see that the Coast was clear, he marched in the Night, and set upon Baliol, as he was asleep, and put his Army into so great a Fright and Consternation, that Baliol himself, half Naked, was fain to get upon an Horse, neither Bridled nor Sadled, and so fled away;Baliol like to be surprized by Archibald Douglas. many of his Intimate Friends were slain. Alexander Bruce was taken Prisoner, and obtained his Pardon, by the means of his Kinsman, Iohn Randolfe. Henry Baliol got great Credit that day, by his Valour, amongst both Parties, who, in so confused a Flight, defended some of his Men, whom their persuers pressed upon, he wounded many, and killed some of his Enemies, and at last was slain, Fighting valiantly. There fell also the Chief of the English Faction, Iohn Mowbray, Walter Cumins, and Richard Kirke. These Things were acted the Eighth of the Calends of Ianuary, in the Year 1332.Dec. 25.

The Brucian Party were somewhat relieved by these Successes,The Brucian [...] prevail against the Baliolans, and Declare War against England. so that they came in great Numbers to Andrew Murray, the Regent, to consult about the main Chance. They made no doubt, but that Baliol fought the Kingdom, not for himself, but for the English; by whom he was guided and influenced in every thing. Wherefore they resolved to Declare the King of England their Enemy; and accordingly, they prepared all things necessary for the War, with great Diligence, as against a very powerful Enemy. They made the Garison of Berwick very strong, for, they thought, the English would Assault That, first. They made Alexander Seton a worthy Knight, Governour of the Town, and Patrick Dunbar, of the Castle, and the adjoyning Precincts. William Douglas, Earl of Liddisdale,

The Brucian Nobles divide the Provinces they were to Govern.

And Declare War against Fran [...].

whose Valour and Prudence was highly commended in those Times, was sent into Annandale, to defend the Western Coasts: Andrew Murray went to Roxburgh, where Baliol kept himself. Thus their several Governments being distributed at home, Iohn Randolfe was sent into France to visit David, and to make an Address to Philip of France, [Page] informing him of the State of Scotland, and desiring some Aid from him, against the Common Enemy. Murray, at his coming to Roxburgh, had a sharp encounter with Baliol, at a Bridge without the City; and whilst he pressed too eagerly after the English, who were retreating over the Bridge into the Town, he was intercepted from his Men, and taken Prisoner; whereby a Victory, almost quite obtained, slipt out of his hands.

At the same time, in a contrary Province, William Douglas of Liddisdale, in a Fight with the English, was wounded and made Prisoner, whose Disaster so troubled his Men, that they also were put to flight. This Inconstancy and Variableness of Fortune divided Scotland again into Two Factions, even as Love, Hatred, Hope, Fear, or each Man's private Concern, inclined him. The King of England, presuming, That, by reason of these Dissensions, he had a fit opportunity to seize upon Scotland, The King of England espouses Baliol's Cause, and invaded Scotland. received Baliol into his Protection, (for he was too weak to support himself by his own Strength) and took an Oath of Obedience from him; yea, nothing regarding his Right of Affinity with Bruce, nor reverencing the Sanctity of Leagues, nor the Religion of an Oath, so that he might satisfie his immoderate Ambition; he, at once, denounced, and also made, War on the Scots, at that time, destitute of a King, and also at variance amongst themselves.His Pretensions for the War. And to give a colourable Pretence of Justice to his War, he sent Embassadors to demand Berwick, which Town his Father and Grandfather had held many Years, and he presently followed with an Army. The Scots answered the Ambassadors,He claims Berwick. ‘That Berwick always belonged to Scotland, till his Grandfather, Edward, had injuriously seized upon it. At length, when Robert Bruce, their last King, had recovered the rest of Scotland, he took away that Town from Edward, The Scots Answer to the [...]. (Father of him, who now requires the Reddition of it) and reduced it unto its Ancient Rightful Possessor, and Form of Government; yea, not long ago, Edward himself, by the Advice of his Parliament, had renounced all Right, which He or his Ancestors might pretend to have over all Scotland in general, or any of the Towns and Places therein, in particular. From that time, they were not Conscious to themselves, That they had acted any thing against the League so solemnly Sworn to, and confirmed by Alliance of a Marriage; Why then, within the compass of a few Years, were they assaulted by secret Fraud, and by open War? These things being so, they desired the Embassadors to incline the Mind of their King to Equity, and that he would not watch his Opportunity to Injure and Prejudice a young King in his absence, who was both Innocent, and also his own Sisters Husband; As for Themselves, they would refuse no Conditions of Peace, provided, they were Honourable; but, if he threatened them with an unjust Force, then, according to the Tutelage of the King, committed to them, they resolved rather to dye a Noble Death, than to consent to a Peace, prejudicial to Themselves, or the Kingdom.’ This was the Answer of the Council of Scotland.

[Page]But the King of England sought not Peace, but Victory; and, therefore, having encreased his great Army with Foreign Aid also, he besieged Berwick by Sea and Land, neither did he omit any thing, which might Contribute to the Taking of it; for, having a Multitude of Men, he gave his Enemy no rest, Night nor Day: Neither were the Besiegers behind hand with them,The English besieges Berwick but Valorously Sallied out upon them, every day. They threw Fire into their Ships, which Anchored in the River, and burnt many of them. In which Skirmish, William Seaton, the Governors Bastard-Son, was lost, much lamented by all, for his singular Valour. For, whilst he endeavoured to leap into an English Ship, his own being driven too far off by the Waves, he fell into the Sea, neither, in that Exigent, could any Relief come to him. And besides, another Son of Alexanders begot on his Lawful Wife, who, out of eagerness to fight proceeded too far in a Sally, was taken by the English. But the Siege, which was begun in the Ides of April, had now lasted Three Months;Ap [...]i [...] 13. and the Defendants, besides their Toil and Watchings, were also in great want of Provisions;A Capitulation with the English about the surrender of B [...]rwick. Iuly the 30. so that they seemed hardly able to hold out the Town any longer, but made an Agreement with the English, That, unless they were relieved by the Third of the Calends of August, they would surrender up the Place; And for this, Thomas, Alexanders Eldest Son, was given in Hostage.

Whilst these things were acting at Berwick, the Scots Indicted an Assembly, to consult about their Affairs; and, in regard the Regent was Prisoner at Roxburgh, that they might not be without a General,Archibald Do [...] las made Regent by [...] Party. they chose Archibald Douglas, Captain-General; they also Voted, That he should have an Army to march into England, that so, by Foraging the Neighbouring Countrys, he might draw off the King of England from the Siege. Douglas, according to this Order and Decree,He makes inroads into England. And com [...] near the E [...] lish Army [...] Berwi [...] ▪ marched towards England; but hearing of the Agreement, which Alexander had made, he changed his Mind; and, thô against the Advice of his most prudent Commanders, he marched directly towards the English, and on the Eve of Mary Magdalen, came in Sight of them; and was beheld both by Friends and Enemies. The King of England, tho' the Day was not come, wherein it was agreed, That the Town should be surrendred, yet, when he saw the Scots Forces so near, he sent an Herald into the Town, to acquaint the Governor, That unless he presently Surrendred up his Garison, he would put his Son Thomas to Death; The Governor alleging,Alexander Seatons Sons threatned to be put to Death, unless he surrendred Berwick That the Day appointed for the Surrender was not yet come, and that he had given his Faith to stay, till the time allowed by their Paction was expired, but all was in Vain. Hereupon Love, Piety, Fear, and Duty towards his Country did variously exercise his Paternal and Afflicted Mind; and the English, to drive the Terror more home, had set up a Gallows in a Place, easily visible to the Besieged, whither he caused the Governors Two Sons, One the Hostage, the Other a Prisoner of War, to be brought forth to Execution. At this miserable Spectacle, his Fatherly mind was at a great stand; and in this Fluctuation of his Thoughts, his Wife, the Mother of the Young Men, a Woman of a Manly Courage, came to him, and put him in mind of his Faithfulness towards his King, his Love towards his Country, [Page] and the Dignity of his Noble Family, upon all which grounds, she endeavoured to settle his wavering Mind.His Wife incourages him, to part with his Children, rather than the Town. If these Children be put to Death, (said she) you have others remaining alive; and besides, we are neither of us past Age, You to beget, and I to bear, more. If they escape Death, yet it will not be long, but that by some sudden Casualty, or else by maturity of Age, they must yield to Fate; but if any Blot of Infamy should stick upon the Family of the Seatons, it would remain to all Posterity; and be a foul Blur even to their Innocent Offspring; She further told him, That she had often heard those Men much commended, in the Discourses of the Wise, who had given up Themselves and their Children, as a Sacrifice for the safety of their Country; but, if he should give up the Town committed to his Trust, he would betray his Country, and, yet be never the more certain of his Childrens Lives, neither; For, how could he hope, That a Tyrant, who violated his Faith Now, would stand to his Word, for the Future? And therefore, she entreated him not to prefer an Vncertainty, and (if it should be obtained) a Momentany, Convenience, before a certain and perpetual Ignominy. By this Discourse, she somewhat settled his Mind, and that he might not Behold so dismal a Spectacle,Alexanders Children put to Death by a S [...]mmum, jus as some think. she carried him to another Place, from whence it could not be seen. The English King, after this Punishment inflicted, which was not very acceptable neither to some of his own men, removed his Camp to Halidon-Hill, near Berwick, and there waits his Enemies coming.

Douglas, who before would not hearken to the Advice of his Grave Counsellors, as to the Foraging of the English Counties, and, so averting the Siege, now was inflamed with raging Wrath; and withal presuming, That, if after the Perpetration of so horrible a Wickedness, almost before his Eyes, he should draw off without Fighting, it might be said, That he was afraid of his Enemy, was resolved to fight at any rate, and so marched directly towards the Enemy; and, because the English kept their Ground, and would not come down into the Champion, he placed all the Scots Army on a contrary Part of the Hill. This his rash Counsel and Project had the like Event, for, as with great Difficulty they were getting up the Hill, the Enemy with their Darts, and the hurling down of Stones, did wound them very sore, before they came to handy Blows; and when they came near, they rushed upon them in such close Bodies, that they tumbled them headlong over the steep Precipices. There fell that day about Ten,The Scots overthrown near Berwick. some say, Fourteen, Thousand of the Scots; almost all such, who escaped out of the unhappy Battel of Duplin, were lost here. The chief of them, whose Names are recorded, were, Archibald himself, the General, Iames, Iohn ▪ and Alan, Stuarts, Uncles to Robert, who Reigned next after the Brucians. Hugh, Kenneth, and Alexander Bruce, the several and respective Earls of Ross, Sutherland, and Carr [...]ck; B [...]wick Surrendred to the English. Andrew, Iohn, and Simon, three Brothers of the Frazers. This Overthrow of the Scots happened on St. Mary Magdalens Day, in the Year 1333.

After this Fight, all Relief was despaired of; so that Alexander Seaton surrendred up the Town to the English, and Patrick Dunbar the Castle▪ upon Condition, to march out with all their Goods; Both of them were forced to Swear Fealty to the English; and Patrick Dunbar [Page] was further enjoyned to Re-edifie the Castle of Dunbar, at his own Charge, which he had demolished, that it might not be a Receptacle to the English. Edward, having staid there a few days, Commended the Town and the Reliques of the War, to Baliol; and he himself, retired into his own Kingdom, leaving Edward Talbot in Scotland, a Noble Person, and very Prudent, with a few English Forces, to assist Baliol in subduing the rest of Scotland: And indeed, it seemed no great Task so to do, in regard, that almost all the Nobility were Extinct; and of those few that remained, some came in to the Conqueror, others retired either into Desert, or else, Fortified, Places. The Garisons, which remained Faithful to David, were very few; as, on this side the Forth, an Island in a Lough, whence the River Down flows, scarce big enough to bear a moderate Castle; and Dumbritton beyond the Forth, a Castle scituate in Lough Levin; and also Kildrummy and Vrchart.

The next Year, Ambassadors came from the Pope, and from Philip, King of France, to end the disputes between the Kings of Britain. The English were so puft up with the prosperous course of their Affairs,Edward pufft up with hi [...] Success, refuses to hear foreign Ambassadors, who were sent to mediate [...] Peace. that the King would not so much as admit the Ambassadors into his Presence; for, he thought, That, the Hearts of the Scots were so cowed, and their strength so broken, That for the future, they durst not, neither were they able again, to Rebel. But this great Tranquillity was soon changed into a most grievous War, and that, upon a very light Occasion, where it was least expected, viz. Upon a Discord arising amongst the English themselves, at Perth. Iames Mowbray had Lands given to his Ancestors in Scotland, Dissensions between the English in Scotland, occasion a War. by Edward the First; but they being lost by the various Changes of the Times, he recovered them again, when Edward Baliol was King. He dying without Issue Male, Alexander, their Uncle, Commenced a Suit against his Daughters, for those Lands: Those of the English Faction, that maintained the Cause of the Females, were, Henry Beaumont, who had Married one of them; also, Richard Talbot, and David Cumins, Earl of Athol. Baliol took Alexanders part, and decided, or adjudged, the Lands to him, which so offended his Adversaries, that they openly complained of the Injustice of the Decree; and seeing, that Complaints availed nothing, they left the Court, and went every one to his own home. Talbot was going for England; but, being apprehended, was carried to Dunbarton. Beaumont Garisoned Now demolished. Dundury, a strong Castle of Buchan, and took Possession not only of the Lands which were in Controversie, but also of all the Neighbouring Country. Cumins went into Athol, where he fortified some convenient Places, and prepared to defend himself by force, if he were attacked. Baliol, being afraid of this Conspiracy of such Potent Persons, altered his Decree,The Nobles Bandy against Baliol. and gave the Lands in Question to Beaumont; he also reconciled Cumins, by giving him many Fertile Lands, which belonged to Robert Stuart, the next King. Alexander, being concerned at this injurious Affront, joyns himself with Andrew Murray, Regent of the Scots, who had lately Ransomed himself from the English for a great Sum of Money. These things were acted at several times, yet I have put them together, that the whole course of my History might not be interrupted.

[Page]In the mean time, Baliol, in another part of the Country, attacked all the Forts about Renfrew;And Baliol against them. some he took, others he battered down and demolished. Having settled Matters there, according to his own Mind, he Sailed over into the Island Bote, and there fortified the Castle of Rothsay, of which he made Alan Lisle Governour, whom he had before made Chief Iustice, for Matters of Law. He diligently sought after Robert Stuart, his Nephew, or Grandchild, to put him to Death; but he, by the help of William Heriot, and Iohn Gilbert, was wafted over in a small Vessel, into the Continent, on the other side, where Horses stood ready for him, which carried him to Dunbarton, to Malcolm Fleming, Governour of that Castle. Baliol having setled things at Bote, at his return, took Dun [...]oon, a Castle seated in Coval, the Neighbouring Continent; whereupon, the Nobility of the Vicinage were struck with so great Fear, that they almost all submitted to him. Marching from thence, the next Spring, he bent all his care to besiege the Castle of Lough Levin; but this project seeming too slow,Iohn Sterlin besieges the Castle at Loch-Leven. he left Iohn Sterlin, a powerful Knight of his Party, to besiege the Castle, to whom he joyned Michael Arnold, David Weemes, and Richard Melvin, with part of his Army. They built a Fort over against it, where the passage was narrowest, and having in vain tried all ways to subdue it by force, Alan A Veteri po [...]e. Wepont, and Iames Lambin, Inhabitants of St. Andrews, making such a vigorous Resistance, at length, they endeavoured to drown it, by stopping up the passage of the River; for the River Levin goes out from the Lake, or Loch, with a narrow Girt or Neck, and an open Rock. This Place they essayed to stop up, by making a Wall, or Bank of Stones, and Turfs, heaped upon one another; but the Work proceeded on very slowly, because, as the Heat did incommode the Labourers, so the Brooks, which flowed into the Lake, were then almost dry; and the Water being far spread abroad, received an increase by moderate Additions. By this means, the Siege was lengthned out to the Month of Iuly, when there was an Holy Day kept in Remembrance of St. Margaret, heretofore Queen of Scotland, on which day there used to be a great Concourse of Merchants at Dumferlin, where the Body of that Saint is reported to be buried. Thither went Iohn Sterlin, with a great part of his Men; some for Merchandizing, some for Religion, leaving his Camp, and the Wall but slenderly Guarded, for they thought themselves secure from the Enemy; in regard, they knew, that none of the opposite Faction were in all the Neighbouring parts, except those few, which were shut up in the Castle;But the Governor beats him off, and raises the Siege. but the Besieged being made acquainted with the absence of Sterlin, and the weakness of his Camp, assoon as the Evening came, shipt that Furniture, which they had before prepared, to peirce through the Wall; and, whilst the Watch was a Sleep, made many Holes in it, in several Places.

The Water having gotten some small Passages, widened the Orifices of them by degrees, and at last brake forth with such a Violence, that it tumbled down All that was before it; it overflow'd all the Plains, and carried away with it, Tents, Huts, Men half a Sleep, and Horses, with a mighty rushing Noise, into the Sea. And they which were in the Ships, running in with a great shout upon the [Page] affrightned Soldiers, added a second terrour to the first;Edward enters Scotland again, but retreat [...], and [...] with him to [...] General, in Scotland. so that upon such a double surprize, every Man minded nothing, but how to save himself: Thus shifting away, they fled, as every Man could, and left the Prey to their Enemy. Alan, at his leasure, carried into the Castle, not only the spoils of their Camp, but Provisions also, prepared for a long Siege. Moreover, in another Sally, made against the Guards, which were at Kinross, there was as happy Success; the Guards were routed and taken, and the Siege raised.

About the same time, that these things were acting in Fife, the English entred Scotland with great Forces both by Sea and Land. When the Ships came into the Forth, their Admiral struck upon the Rocks, and the rest were grievously turmoiled, so that they returned home with greater Loss, than Booty. But the Land-Forces pierced as far as Glasgoe, where Edward called a Council of his own Faction, and finding, That there was neither General nor Army on foot of the contrary Party, he thought his presence was no longer necessary, so that he returned into England, taking Baliol with him, whom he somewhat distrusted, and leaving David Cumins, Earl of Athole, to Command in Scotland; He first of all seizes upon the large Estates of all the Stuarts, which contained Bote, Arran, the Lands of Renfrow, and a great part of Kyle and Cuningham; He confirms Alan Lisle, Chief Justice of Bote, which some call Sheriff; others, Seneschal; and also commanded the Neighbouring Countreys to obey him. Then he himself marched into another part of the Country, where he reduced the Provinces of Buchan and Murray; and though he were now grown almost beyond the rate of a Private Man, yet he sent forth all his Proclamations and publick Edicts in the Name of both Kings, Edward and Baliol.

At that time, there was not a Man in Scotland, that durst profess, That Bruce was King, only waggish Boys would sometimes do it, as it were, in sport and pastime; yet Robert Stuart, who then lay hid in Dunbarton, judging that something might be attempted in the absence of Cumins, made the Cambels, a Powerful Family in Argyle, Robert Stuart, and Calen Cambel, rise in Arms for Bruce, and make Prosperous Beginnings. acquainted with his Proposal. Calen, the Chief of them, met him at Dunnoon, a Castle in Coval, with about 400 Men, and presently surprizes it; At the Noise whereof, the Islanders of Bote, who were divided but by a narrow Sea, generally rise, and hasten to their old Masters. Alan gathered what united Force he could to stop their march; whereupon, the poor People, being for the most part unarmed, and who had assembled rather in a fit of Passion, than by any solid Advice, being struck with a Panick Fear, ran to the next Hill, where they found a great Company of Stones, which they threw down, like Showres of Hail-stones upon their Enemies, who, in contempt of their paucity, rashly adventured to assault them; the greatest Part of them were thus rudely treated before they came to Blows, but as they retreated, they so pressed upon them, that the Valiantest of their Enemies with Alan Lisl [...] himself, were slain, and Iohn Gilbert, Governor of the Castle of Bote, taken Prisoner; so that they armed many of their own Men with the Spoils of the slain. This, not unbloody, Victory, was followed with the Surrender of the Castle of Bote. When the Rumour of these Things was spread [Page] abroad, Thomas Bruce, Earl of Carrick, with his Neighbours and Allies out of Kyle and Cuningham; as also William Carruder, of Annandale, who always had withstood the Government of the English, with his Friends and Kinsmen, crept out of his Hole, and came in to Stuart. And besides, Iohn Randal, Earl of Murray, being returned out of France, gave some hopes of Foreign Assistance; whereupon, being encouraged, in their Minds, to higher Attempts, they made up an Army, by the Assistance of Godfrey Ross, Sheriff of Air, and in a short time, drew all Carick, Kyle, and Cuningham to their Party. Also the Renfroans came to their old Masters, the Stuarts, uninvited. The Vassals of Andrew Murray, following their Example, drew in the rest of Clydsdale, part willingly, and part against their Wills, into their Cause. Their Confidence being increased by these happy Beginnings; that there might be some Representation of a Publick State among them, they called together the Chief of their Party, and made Two Regents,Robert Stuart and Iohn Randolf made Regents in behalf of David Bruce. viz. Robert Stuart, though a Young Man, yet One, who, in these lesser Expeditions, had given a great Pledge of his Good-will towards his Country; and Iohn Randolfe, a Person worthy of his Father and Brother, Both Eminent Patriots. Randolfe being sent with a strong Party into the Northern Countrys, there flocked in to him all those, who were weary of the Heavy Yoke of the English; So that, David Cumins, being amazed at this Inclination and Change of Mens Minds, fled into Loch Abyr, whither he followed him, and driving up into a Nook, and being also in great want of Provisions, he forced him to yield; but upon his Swearing Fealty to Bruce, he dismissed him, and withal gave so much Credit to his Promises, that, at his Departure, he made him his Deputy; and indeed afterwards, he was not backward in Bruce his Cause. In the mean time, Randolfe returning into Lothian joined his old Friend, William Douglas, who being released, and newly come out of England, did revenge the Noisomness of his long Imprisonment with a great slaughter of his Enemies.In Teviotdale. Andrew Murray returned also, who was taken Prisoner at Roxburgh; so that, there being Commanders enough, the Regent Indicted an Assembly at Perth, to be held in the Calends of April, April 1. where, when Abundance of the Nobility met together, they were not able to effect any thing, by reason of the Great Feud betwixt William Douglas and David Cumins. A Fewd between Douglas and Cumins. The Cause whereof was pretended to be, That Cumins was the Occasion, why Douglas was not sooner released by the English. Stuart favoured Cumins; but, almost all the rest, Douglas; Moreover, Cumins alleged, That he came with a more than ordinary Train unto the Assembly, by reason of that Feud, for he had brought so Many of his Friends, and Tenants, along with him, that he became formidable to all the rest; and besides his Disposition, which was various and mutable, his vast Mind, and the Noyse of the coming of the English, with whom every one knew, that Athol would join, increased their Suspicions of him.Edward invades Scotland. And, indeed, not long after, Edward invaded Scotland, with great Forces, both by Sea and Land, bringing Baliol along with him, his Navy, consisting of 160 Sail, entred the Forth; He himself marched by Land as far as Perth, spoiling the Country as he went along, and there waited for Cumins. In the mean time, Randolfe [Page] went to Iohn, who challenged the Aebudae, as his Own; and not being able to draw him to his Party, he was content, in so troublesome a posture of Affairs, to make a Truce with him for some months; and thereafter, returning to Robert, the other Regent, he found him dangerously sick. So that, it was as bad a time as could be for all the Burden to be cast upon his Own Shoulders, and therefore he durst not Fight the English in a set Battel, but divided his Force, that so he might attack them by Parties. And hearing that a strong Army of Gueldrians were coming through England, to join the English, [...] of the [...] Provinces. in Scotland; he waited for their coming on the Borders; Where also, Patrick, Earl of Merch, and William Douglas of Liddisdale, met him, together with Alexander Ramsay, one of the most experienced Soldiers of that Age; All these waited for the said Gueldrians in the Fields, near Edinburgh. Assoon as ever they came in sight one of another, they fell to it, immediately; and, after a sharp Conflict, the Gueldrians were overcome, and fled to the next Hill, where, there was an old ruinous Castle: The next day, having no Provision, they surrendred themselves, only upon Quarter for Life. Randolfe, out of respect to Philip Valois, who was their singular good Friend, (as was then said,) did not only freely release them,The Gueldrians, Auxiliaries to the English, overthrown by Randolfe. Randolf taken Prisoner. but accommodated them with Provisions for their March; yea, he himself undertook to be their Convoy; in his march, he was taken by an Ambush of the English Party, and so brought to the King, who was then besieging Perth with a powerful Army.

At the same time, David Cumins, who steered all his Counsels according to the Inclinations of Fortune, being glad of the Distress of his Enemy, comes to the King of England, and promises him,Cumin's large Promises to Edward. Perth taken by Edward in a very short time, to drive all the Brucians out of the Kingdom; and the Truth is, he was as active in performing his Promise. For Perth being surrendred, and the Walls thereof demolished, the King prepared to return to England, because Provision for his Army came but slowly in; in regard, That all the Scots, upon notice of his coming, were advised to drive their Cattle into the Mountains: As for their other Provisions, they should either convey them to some Fortified Places far remote; or, if they could not do so, they should spoil them, altogether. Neither did his Fleet, on which he most relied for Bread for his Army, much relieve him. For, as soon as it arrived at the Forth, Edward [...] to England. and had destroyed a Monastery of Monks in the Isle Inch-colm, as it rode at Anchor in the open Sea, it was grievously turmoiled, and suffered great Losses by a Tempestuous Storm, so that part of the Ships could hardly get to Inch-Keith, a desolate Island, near adjoining. Others were carried further by the Winds, but as soon as they could recover themselves, they imputed the Cause of the Tempest to the Anger of St. Columb, because they had avaritiously, and cruelly, destroyed a Monastery of His; and therefore, whatever Prey, or Plunder, they had got, they carried it thither, as an Expiation for their Offence; neither was any memorable Act performed, by that Fleet, the whole Year.

Though these Causes did much incline the King of England to return, yet, that which did most accelerate it, was, his Propension to the French War, which was then most in his thoughts. And therefore, [Page] he marched back his Army, and took Baliol with him, as if the Scotish War had been almost at an end, and left Cumins, as Regent,Cumins left Regent by him in Scotland. to perfect the Remainder thereof. He, to ingratiate himself to Both Kings, and to avenge himself on his Enemy, was extraordinary cruel in his Proceedings, which Severity of his was the more resented, because, that lately he himself obtained his Pardon so easily, when he was reduced to the lowest Ebb, not many Months before. There were scarce above Three of all the Scotish Nobility, whom neither Promises could entice, nor Dangers enforce, to submit to the English Yoke; and Those were, Patrick, Earl of Merch; Andrew Murray, In Marr. and William Douglas. These joined their Forces, and march to Kilblane Forest,On the side of the River Don in Marr. against Cumins, who was besieging Kildrummy Castle; with him they had a sharp Fight. Cumins was more in Number, and a Few might easily be snapt by a great Many; but the coming in of Iohn Craig, Cumin's Army overthrown, and himself slain. Governor of the Castle, with 300 Fresh Men, decided the Controversy, and gave an undisputed Victory to the Brucians. All the Valiantest of Cumins his Army were slain, either in the Fight, or in the Pursuit. Many were saved in a Neighbour Castle, called Cameron, belonging to Robert Meinze; But, seeing there were not Provisions for so great a Multitude, pent up in so narrow a Room, the next day it was surrendred, and the Defendants, upon their Submission, confirmed by an Oath, Pardoned. There fell in this Fight, besides the General himself, Robert Brady, and Walter Cumins, Two of his intimate Friends; Thomas, his Brother, being taken Prisoner, was the next day put to death.

Upon this Victory, in regard Randolfe was a Prisoner, and Stuart was sick,Murray made Regent. the Name and Power of Regent was confirmed on Andrew Murray, by Military Suffrage. For, when Letters came from the King of France concerning a Truce, the Nobles of the Brucian Party, being forced to receive them, did, by unanimous Consent, restore that former Honour to Murray, which his Calamitous Misfortune had deprived him of. He, after the Truce, for a few Months, was ended, laid Siege to the Castle of The English again enter Scotland. Standing on a Rock in the Sea. Lochindores, which was held by the Wife of David Cumins; She, foreseeing, what would happen, had craved Aid of the English, who shortly after landed some Forces in Murray, and raised the Siege. They also pierced as far as Elgin, (a Town situate by the River Lossy,) wasting all as they went, with Fire and Sword. As they were marching to Perth, they burnt Aberdene, and, Garison'd the Castles in all Merss, Dunoter, And upon their Retreat leave Ed [...]. Ba [...]iol, their General. Kinneff, and Laureston. They laid a Command on the six adjoining Monasteries, to repair the Walls of Perth, which were demolished; and then committing the Affairs of Scotland to Edward Baliol, who was returned thither, they went back for England. Upon the Departure of the English, and the low Condition of the Scots, Henry Beaumont thought it a fit Opportunity for him to stir, to revenge the Death of his Son in Law, the Earl of Athole, and therefore he killed all that he could take, without any distinction, who had been in the Fight of Kilblane, in a very cruel manner.A strong Castle in Buchan. Andrew Murray besieged him in D [...]ngarg, and enforced him to a Surrender, and, upon taking his Oath, That he would return no more into Scotland, in an Hostile manner, he was dismissed; Thus, by one continued Course of Victory, he took all the [Page] Strong Holds on the further side of the Forth (besides the Castle of Cowper, and the Town of Perth,) and, casting out their Garisons,M [...]rray's prosperous Succe [...] s [...]s. he wholly demolished Them, Afterwards, he entred England, where he got great Booty, and somewhat relieved the Spirits of his Soldiers, who had suffered much by reason of want, in their own Country. For, in regard, Scotland had been harassed, that Year, by the Injuries of War, and wasted by the daily Incursions of both Parties, the Fields lay untill'd, and there was such a Famine, that the English were enforced to desert the strong Castle of Cowper, for want of Provisions. And a Scotish Seaman, who had been abused by them, [...] Cruelty. being employed to Transport the Garison-Soldiers by Night to Lothian, Landed them upon a Bank of Sand, which was bare, when the Tide was out; they, thinking it had been the Continent, went a little way, and then met with Sea again, which made them call again for the Vessel, but in vain, for they all perished there.

The next Year, which was 1537. the English Besieged the Castle of Dunbar; it was defended by Agnes, the Wife of the Earl of Merch, who was commonly Sirnamed the Black, a Woman of a Manly Spirit. The Besiegers were the Earls of Salisbury and Arundel ▪ the Siege lasted longer than any body thought it would, so that Two divers Supplies were sent into Scotland to relieve Baliol;Salisbury and Aru [...]del Command some English in Scotland. Monfort slain by Preston. the One led by Monfort, the Other by Richard Talbot; Lawrence Preston undertook Monfort, and in a Fight slew him, and routed his Army, but he himself dyed soon after, of the Wounds he there received, which caused his Soldiers to wreck their Fury, for the loss of their General, on the Prisoners, whom they inhumanly slew. Talbot was taken Prisoner by William Keith, and his Army routed; yet the Siege of Dunbar continued, still.A piece of Savage Inhumanity. And the Sea being stopped by the English, the Besieged were driven to so great a want of Victuals, that, without doubt, it must have been surrendred, if Alexander Ramsay, by a seasonable, thô bold, Attempt, had not relieved it. He, in the dead time of the Night, slipp'd by the Watch,Talbot overthrown by Ke [...]th which in Gallies of Genoa, kept the Sea-Coast-side, and came up to the Castle, where he landed Forty choice Men, and a great quantity of Provisions. And then, joyning part of the Garison with his own Men, in the Covert of the Night, he rushed in, with such a noise, on the English Guard, that he made a great slaughter amongst them; for they little expected a Sally from an Enemy, whom they looked upon, as almost Conquered; and so, the next Night, he returned back, as s [...]curely as he came. Thus, after Six Months, the Siege of Dunbar was raised: For Edward called back his Forces to the French War,Dunbar res [...] ved, and the Siege raised. after they had wearied themselves, and tryed all ways to become Masters of the Place.

Andrew Murray, his Country being then almost freed from Foreign Soldiers, attempted to reduce, First Sterling, then Edinburgh; but was fain to depart from them Both, without carrying them; yet, he subdued all Lothian, and brought it under the King's Subjection. In the mean time, to give his wearied Mind a little Relaxation, he went to see his Lands and Possessions beyond the Mountains, where he fell Sick, and Dyed; he was Buried at Rosmark, much Lamented, and Desired, by all Good Men. For, [...] in those Two Years and [Page] an halfe, whilst he sate at Helme, he performed such great Atchievements,Murray the Regent dyes. as might seem sufficient for the whole Life of One of the Greatest Captains in the World.

After him, Stuart was made Regent, till the return of David out of France;Stuart made Regent. he, being yet but young, did, that Year, get the better of the English, in many light Skirmishes, which were managed under the Conduct of William Douglas; yet, not without the great hazard and danger of Douglas himself, who was often wounded: He drove the English out of Teviotdale; He took the Castle of Hermitage in Liddisdale, and, surprizing great store of Provision belonging to the Enemy at Mulross, he fortified it, too. He had such a sharp and obstinate Encounter with Berclay, His prosperous Beginnings. That he himself, with but Three in his Company, hardly escaped, and that by the benefit of the Night, too. He overthrew the Forces of Iohn Sterling, in a bloody Onset, yet He himself was, a while after, like to be taken by him; but recovering himself, after a fierce Encounter, he put Sterling to flight▪ slew Thirty of his Companions, and took Forty of them, Prisoners; he so pressed upon William Abernethy, by whom he had been worsted Five times in one Day, That, before Night, he slew all his Men, and brought him Prisoner along with him. And he had as great Felicity in conquering Lawrence Vaux, He Sa [...]l [...] over to David, then in France. a stout Enemy: At last, he Sailed over to King David in France, to acquaint him with the State of Scotish Affairs. The next Year, which was 1339. Stuart, hoping to follow on his good Fortune, Levied an Army, and divided it into Four Parts, and so attempts to reduce Perth, but the English defended it so valiantly, that he was wounded and beaten off; After the Siege had lasted Three Months, Douglas came to their Assistance, when they almost despaired of Success; he brought with him Five Pyratical Ships,At his return he Levies an Army. which he hired, wherein there were some Soldiers, and warlike Engines. Part of the Soldiers were Landed, but the rest were sent, in their Ships, to keep the Mouth of the River Tay. Douglas himself went to recover the Castle of Cowper; which, being deserted by the English, was seized on by the Scots. And William Bullock, an English Priest, who was Treasurer also, made Governor. Douglas agreed with him, that he should have Lands in Scotland, Bullock turns to the Scots. and so come over to his Party; he was the more easily persuaded to it, because he could expect no Aid from England, and he had not much confidence in the Scots, who were in Garison with him. This Man was afterwards very faithful to the Scots, and of great use to them.

The Siege of Perth had now lasted Four Months, and would have continued much longer, unless the Earl of Ross had drained the Water out of the Trench, by Mines, and subterraneous Passages; so that,Perth taken by the Scots, so is Sterlin. by this means, the Assailants came to the very Walls, and threw the Defendants off their Works, by the Darts sent, principally, from the Engins, so that the English were forced to Surrender, upon Terms, To march out Bag and Baggage, whither they pleased. In a little time after, Sterlin, being Besieged, was also Surrendren on the same Terms▪ and Maurice Murray, the Son of Andrew, was made Governor of the Castle. Baliol was so terrified at this suddain Mutation of Affairs, That he left Galway, where he usually [Page] abode, and went for England. A while after, the Castle of Edinburgh was taken, not by Force, but Stratagem. Walter Curry, a Merchant, who then chanced to have a Ship laden with Provisions, in the Bay, or Firth, of the River Tay, at Dundee, was sent for by William Douglas into the Forth. There, He and Bullock agreed, That Curry should fain himself to be an Engl [...]shman, and should carry Two Bottles of his best Wine, and some other Presents, to the Governor of the Castle; desiring his Leave to sell the rest of his Provision in the Garison; and withal, to inform him, That if He, or the Garison, stood in any need of his Service, he would Gratifie them as far as ever he was able. Hereupon, the Governor commanded him to bring some Hogsheads of Wine, and a certain Number of Biskets, and promised him Free Admittance, whenever he came. He, for Fear of the Scots, (forsooth) who often made Incursions into the neighbouring Parts, promises (happy be lucky) to come betimes, the next Morning.

That Night, Douglas, with Twelve Select Men, accompanying him, clad themselves in Mariners attire, under which their Armour was hid, and so carried Provisions into the Castle; as for his Soldiers, he laid them in Ambush,And Edinburgh Castle by Stratagem. commanding them to wait for the Signal to be given; Douglas and Simon Frazer went before, and commanded the rest to follow Them, at a moderate distance; When they were let, by the Porter, into the Fort, which was made of Beames before the Gate of the Castle, they observed, That the Keys of the Doors hung on his Arms, him therefore they killed, and so opened the Castle-Gate; and then, (as they had before agreed) they gave the Signal to their Fellows, by blowing an Horn; the Noise whereof was a Sign to the One, That the Castle was entred by their Friends; To the Other, That it was surprized by their Enemies. Both Parties made all the haste they could, the Scots cast down their Burdens in the very Passage of the Gate, lest the Doors might be shut, & so they kept out from their Fellows, who could march but slowly up, on so steep an Ascent: Here, there happened a sharp Dispute with Loss of Both sides, at length the Garison-Soldiers had the worst, who were all slain, except the Governor and six more.

It was this self same Year, or, (as some say) the next, That Ramsay (the most Experienced Soldier of all the Scots) made his Expedition into England. A [...]ex. Ramsays House, the School of War. Men had so great an Opinion of his Skil in Military Affairs, That every Body was accounted, but a Fresh-Water Soldier, who had not been disciplin'd under Him. And therefore, all the young Fry came in to him, as the only School where the Art of War was to be taught.His Expedition into England. He having before made many prosperous Expeditions into his Enemies Country, thô but with small Forces, their Affairs being now at a Low-Ebb in Scotland, took heart to attempt greater Matters; so that, gathering together an handsom Army of his Tenants and Friends, he spoiled and harassed Northumberland; and,He harasses Northumberland. upon his Retreat, the English drew fotrh all their Force from the Country and Garisons, and so followed him with a very great Army: What was to be done, in this case? Alexander could not avoid Fighting; and yet, he perceived, That his Soldiers were somewhat Crest-fallen, by reason of the Multitude of the Enemy. In these [Page] Circumstances, he sent away his Booty before, and placed his Foot in Ambush; and commanded his Horse to straggle abroad, as if they were Flying, and when they came to the Place of Ambush, then to rally again at Sound of Trumpet; The English, imagining, That the Horse had fled in good earnest, pursued them as disorderly; and, when the Signal was given to come together again, they, in a moment, turned back upon Them, The Foot also skipping out of their Ambushes; which struck such a Consternation, and Terrour, into the English, That they fled back faster, than before they had pursued.And takes Roxburgh. Many of them were slain, many taken, and the Prey carried home, safe. Amongst the Prisoners, there was the Governor of Roxburgh, who had drawn out almost all his Garison to follow him; so that Alexander, knowing the Town to be empty, assaulted and easily took, It, at the First Onset; and when he had taken the Lower Part of the Castle, the Remainders of the Garison-Soldiers sled up into a strong Tower therein; but, being vigorously assaulted, and having no hopes of Relief, They surrendred up Themselves. Some say, That the The Earl of Salisbury taken Prisoner by the Scots, as some say. Earl of Salisbury was there taken, and exchanged for Iohn Randolf. But most Writers, whom I am rather inclined to follow, affirm, That Salisbury was taken Prisoner in France, and that by French Troops. Randolf, going into Annandale, took his Castle, which was seated by It is 3 Miles in Compass. Loch-Maban, from the English: And the Three Governors of the Borders, Alexander Ramsay of the East, William Douglas of the Mid-Border,Three Governors of the Borders. The English driven out of all Scotland, except Berwick. and Randolf of the West, drove the English beyond their old Bounds, which they had in the Reign of Alexander the Third, and left them no footing at all in Scotland, but only Berwick. Some say, That Roxburgh was taken by Ramsay, in the Night, who set Ladders to the Walls, when the Watch was asleep, in the Year 1342. the 30th Day of March; and the Black Book of Pasley says so, too.

The same Year, on the 4th of the Nones of Iuly 2. K. David returns to Scotland. Iuly, David Bruce, and His Wife, arrived at Ennerbervy, Nine Years after his Departure; His Coming was the more acceptable, because the Affairs of Scotland were then at such a low Ebb. For, Edward, having made a Truce, for Three Years, with Philip, King of France, at Tournay, and so being freed of his French War, determined to invade Scotland, with all his Force.Edward enters Scotland with a great Army. He had then in his Army Forty Thousand Foot, and Six Thousand Horse, and he had also Equipp'd out a Gallant Navy of Ships to carry Provisions for his Foot Soldiers, that there might be no Want, that way; They set Sail in the Month of November, but were encountred by so fierce a Tempest, that, after a long Distress at Sea, they were cast upon the Belgick and German Shores, and so were of no use to him in the present War. In the Interim, Edward and his Land Forces staid about New-Castle upon Tine in great want of Victuals;Embassadors from Scotland obtain a Pacification. Thither Embassadors came to him from Scotland, desiring a Pacification for Four Months, which they obtained upon Condition, That if David came not to them before the Calends of June, all the Scots would become Subjects to Edward; but David, hearing of the Preparation of the English, Iune 1. had set Sail before the coming of Embassadors to him.

Amongst those who flocked in to gratulate the King, at his Return, [Page] (as Many did, from all Parts of the Kingdom) there came Alexander Ramsay, also; who, being eminent both for the splendid Atchievements of his Former Life, and especially for his late, and yet reaking, Conquests, was received with a great deal of Favour,The Scots Nobles stock in to David. and had the Government of Roxburgh bestowed on him; yea, and the Sheriff-wick of all Teviotdale was also added to his Authority. William Douglas took this mighty heinously, that Ramsay was preferred before him in that Honour; For, seeing he had expelled the English from almost all Teviotdale, he had sometimes presided over the Publick Assembly there, thô without the Kings Command; yet, relying upon his Merits towards his Country, the Nobleness of his Stock, and the Power of his Family, he hoped, That no man would have been his Competitor, for that Office. Whereupon, being wholly bent on Revenge, he, at present, dissembled his Anger, but, in Three Months after, he met with his Adversary, holding an Assembly in the Church of Hawick, and unawares assaulted and wounded him,A Town in Teviotdale. Ramsay taken, and starved to Death by Douglas. Bullock put to Death. having also slain Three of his Followers, who endeavoured to rescue him; and so set him upon an Horse, and carried him to the Castle of Hermitage, where he starved him to Death.

About the same time, William Bullock, a Man of singular Loyalty to the King, was put to the same kind of Death, by David Berclay. These Two Savage and Cruel Facts filled almost the whole Kingdom with Seditions, and distracted it into several Parties. These things did mightily exercise the King, who was yet but Young, and not accustomed to Men of Rough and Military Dispositions; yet, though he used great diligence to find out Douglas, to bring him to Condign Punishment; he, by Means of his Friends,Douglas pardoned. (of which he had procured Many, by his Noble Exploits for the Liberty of his Country) and especially of Robert Stuart, the King's Son by his Sister, obtained his Pardon; And, indeed the Magnificent, yet True, Report of his Famous Actions, did much facilitate the Obtaining thereof, together with the present Conjuncture of the Time, wherein, there being but an uncertain Peace abroad, and Seditions at home, Military Men were to be respected, yea, and honoured too. Upon which Account, he was not only pardoned, but preferred also to the Government of Roxburgh and of Teviotdale too; a Clemency, which, perhaps, in the present Circumstances of Things, might be useful; but, certainly, of very ill Example for the Future.

David, having thus settled Matters at Home, the best he could, denounces War against England, the greatest Part of the Nobility dissuading him from that Expedition,David makes several Expeditions into England. by reason of the great Scarcity of Provisions: Yet, he Listed an handsom Army, and made Thomas Randolfe General thereof; he himself accompanied him, but in disguise, that he might not be known to be the King. This Army, having wasted Northumberland for about Two Months time, returned home with great Booty: Within a few Days after, he made another Inrode into the Enemies Country; but then he did not disguise, but openly professed Himself, both King and General. The English, being inferior in Strength, would not venture to give a set Battel, whilst their King was absent in France; but skirmished their Enemies with their Horse, and so kept them from plundering much, by a close March. [Page] Five of the Chief Nobility, whom David had lately raised to that Honour, straggling too far from their Men, were taken Prisoners, their Followers being also killed, or put to Flight. So that, David, to spend no more time there, in vain, returned with his Army. He made also a Third Expedition, with what Force he could privately Levy, that so he might fall upon his Enemy, unawares. But, entring England in a stormy Autumn, the small Brooks were so swollen with large Showres, that they made all the Country unpassable, and also hinder'd the Carriage of Provision, so that, Home he came again; yet, that he might not seem to have taken so much Pains to no purpose, he demolished a few Castles.

Not long after, Embassadors were sent, to and fro, in order to obtain a Truce for Two Years, which the Scots consented to, upon Condition, That Philip, King of France, gave his Consent; for That was one Article in the Treaty between the Scots and French, That neither of them should make Truce, or Peace, with the English, without the Other's Consent.A Truce for two Years betwixt the Scots and English. Calais besieged by the English. For those Two Years, Scotland was quiet. About the Fourth Year, after David's Return, the French were overcome in a great Battel; and Calais, a Town of the M [...]ini, was besieged by them; so that Philip pressed the Scots, by his Ambassadors, to Invade England, and to so draw away some of their Force from Him. Hereupon, an Army was commanded to meet at Perth. Thither they came in a great Abundance, and there David, Earl of Rosse, waylaying Reginald, Lord of the Aebudae, his Old Enemy, fell upon him in the Night,See p. 4. Note i. and slew him with Seven Nobles in his Company. This Murder did much weaken the Army, for the Kindred and Tenants of both Parties, yea, the Neighbouring Inhabitants, fearing a Civil War between Two such Potent Families, returned to their own Homes. And therefore, William Douglas of Liddisdale, earnestly persuaded the King to desist from his present Expedition, and to compose Matters, at Home. His Counsel was refused; and the King (his Friendship to Philip overcoming his Love to his Country) marches forward into England, and destroyed all as he went, by Fire and Sword.David at the solicitation of the French, enters England with an Army. And thus in Sixteen Days he came into the County of Durham, where the English, parly levied by Percy, and partly sent back from the Siege of Calais, made a great Body, and shewed themselves to the Enemy in Battel-array, sooner than ever the Scots could have imagined. David, who feared nothing less than the coming of the Enemy, and therefore had sent abroad Douglas to forage the Neighbouring Country, gave a Signal of Battel to his Souldiers. Douglas fell unawares amongst his Enemies, and having lost Five Hundred of his Men, was put to slight, and returned, in great Fear, to the Camp. And the End of the Conflict was as unhappy, as the Beginning: For, the Fight being sharply begun, Iohn Randolfe's Men were routed at the first Onset, and he himself slain. The main Battel, in which the King was, was assaulted by Two Brigades of the English; One, that had conquered before;Where he receives a great overthrow, and is taken Prisoner by Iohn Capland. and Another, that was intire, and had not yet charged, who shattered it, and cut it off quite; They being resolved to die, and therein almost all the Scotish Nobility were utterly lost; and the King himself, after his Arms were taken away, was taken Prisoner by Iohn Copland, but he struck out Two of his Teeth with [Page] his Fist, though he himself was sorely wounded with two Arrows. The Third Wing, commanded by Robert Stuart and Patrick Dunber,

Upon which, the English regain a great part of Scotland.

A strong Pass on the Sea shore, in that Bourn which divides East-Lothian from the Me [...]s.

perceiving the Slaughter of their fellow-Souldiers, withdrew themselves with little Loss. The Nobility were so destroyed in this Fight, that, immediately after it, Roxburgh, Hermitage, and many other Castles, were surrender'd to the English: And the Scots were enforced to quit their Claim to all the Lands they held in England, and also to Merth, Teviotdale, Liddisdale, and Lauderdale; and the Bounds, and Borders, of the English, were inlarged to Coc [...]burns-Path, as they call it, and Soltra-Hill.

Baliol, not contented to have recovered the Possessions of his Ancestors in Galway, marched over Annandale and Liddisdale, and all the Country lying near the Clyd, and destroyed all by Fire and Sword: He also, by the Assistance of Percy of England, made the like Havock in Lothian; neither could there a sufficient Army be raised against them in Scotland, for some Years. As an Addition to this Misery, there hapned also a grievous Plague,A Plague in Scotland. which swept away almost the Third Part of the People. And yet, in such an afflicted State of Things, Men did not abstain from Domestick Mischiefs. David Berclay, a Noble Knight, who, before, had slain Bullock, was, at this time also, present at the Murder of Iohn Douglas at Dalkeith. William Douglas of Liddisdale (who was taken Prisoner by the English, at the Battel of Durham, Bloody Feude. and was not yet released) caused him to be slain, by the Hands of his Tenants; and after he himself was Released, and returned into Scotland, he did not long survive him: For, as he was a Hunting in the Wood of Attic, he was killed by William Douglas, the Son of Archibald, newly returned from France, in Revenge for his Murder of Alexander Ramsay. Neither did the Clans of the Ancient Scots, as impatient to be quiet, abstain from injuring one another.

In the midst of these Calamities, which pressed in on every side; William Douglas gathered together a Band of his Vassals and Tenants, and recovered Douglas, the Patrimony of his Ancestors, having driven the English out of it; and afterwards, upon this little Success, Mens Minds being more inclined to him,Douglas prevails against the English. he reduced a great part of Teviotdale, also. In the mean time, Iohn King of France, Heir to his Father Philip, both in his Kingdom, and in his Wars, fearing, lest the Scots, being broken by so many Misfortunes, should quite succumb under so Puissant an Enemy, sent Eugenius Garanter to them, with Forty Gallant Cavaleers in his Train, to desire of them, To make no Peace with England, without his Consent. Iohn of France, persuades the Scots to make no Peace with the English, but by his Consent. He brought with him Forty Thousand French Crowns, to press Soldiers; and, besides, by large Promises, he wrought over the Nobility to his Side and Opinion. They received the Money, and divided it among themselves, but levied no Soldiers, only they carried on the War, by light Incursions, as they were wont to do. Assoon as the English heard of this, they almost wasted all Lothian, The English waste Lothian. which had been sorely harassed, before. To Revenge this wrong, Patrick Dunbar, and William Douglas, gathered a good strength together, as privately as they could, and placed themselves in Ambush, but sent out David Ramsay of Dalhouse, a noted and Valiant Soldier, with part of the [Page] Army,Norham burnt by the Scots. to burn Norham, a populous Town upon the Banks of Tweed. When Ramsay had accomplished his design, the English were trained on to the Ambush, where some were surprized and slain; at last, being not able to resist so great a Multitude,The English drawn into an Ambush. the English surrender themselves. This success heartned the Scots, and therefore, the same Commanders uniting their Forces together, Thomas Stuart, Earl of Angus, resolves to attack Berwick: And, to do it privately, he hired Vessels, Ladders, and other Implements used in Scaling the Walls of Towns, wherever he could procure them; he acquaints Patrick with his coming,Berwick Town taken by the Scots, but not the Castle. he meets him at the Hour appointed, and creeping to the Walls, with as little noise as they could; yet, the Sentinels espied them, whom, after a sharp Conflict, they repulsed, and so became Masters of the Town, but not without loss on their own side; the Castle was still kept by the English, which they assaulted, but in vain.

When the King of England heard, how Matters went in Scotland, he gathered together a Puissant Army; and, in swift Marches, hastned thither.Edward enters Scotland. The Scots hearing of his coming, and not being provided with Materials for a long Siege, spoiled and burnt the City, and so returned home; Edward employed all kind of Workmen, and Artificers, to repair what the Flames had Consumed; in the Interim, he himself quartered at Roxburgh. Baliol Surrenders the Kingdom to him. Thither Baliol comes, and Surrenders up the Kingdom of Scotland to him, desiring him earnestly not to forget the Injuries offered him, by the Scots. Edward, as it were in Obsequiousness to his Desires, invades Lothian by Land and Sea, and makes a further Devastation of what was left after the former Ruin. He determined, in that Expedition, so to quell all Scotland, that they should never recover strength to Rebel again. But his Purpose was disappointed, by reason of a most grievous Tempest, which so shattered and tore his Ships, that carried his Provisions, that very Few of them ever met in one Port; so that, he was enforced to return home,Edward retreats, upon which the Scots recover some of their Losses. for want of Provision; only he vented his Spleen upon Edinburgh, Hadington, and other Towns of Lothian. Edward and his Army being gone for England, Douglas drove the English out of Galway; Roger Kirk-Patrick, out of Nithisdale; and Iohn Stuart, Son of the Regent, out of Annandale, so that those Three Countries were recovered by the Scots.

About the same time, Iohn King of France was overthrown by the English, Edward overthrows [...]ohn of France in Aquita [...]n, and hath two Kings his Prisoners at one time. in a great Battel in Poictou, and he himself taken Prisoner. Edward, having Two Kings his Prisoners at once, passed the Winter merrily amongst the Gratulations of his Friends; so that the Scots thinking, that his Mind, being sated with Glory, might be more inclined to Equity, they sent Ambassadors to him, to treat about the Release of their King. Bruce, that the Scots might have easie Access to him, was sent to Berwick; but, in regard they could not agree about the Conditions, he was carried back to London. Not long after, [...] Bruce, [...]eased upon p [...]ying a great Ransom, wherein the Pope assists the S [...]ts. the Popes Legates were sent, who took great Pains to make a Peace, betwixt the English and French; they also transacted the same for Scotland, upon the Promise of the Payment of an Hundred, (as our Writers say,) or, as Frossard, of Five Hundred Thousand Marks of English Money to them; Part of which was to be paid [Page] in Hand, the rest by Parcels. To make up that Sum; the Pope gave the Tenths of all Benefices, for Three Years; in the mean time, a Truce was made, and many young Nobles given for Hostages, who died almost all in England, of the Plague.

Hereupon, David returned, the Eleventh Year after he was taken Prisoner. The first thing he did, was, to punish those who had been the forwardest to fly in the Battel of Durham. From Patrick Dunbar, he took away a great part of his Lands; he cut off all hope from Robert Stuart, his Eldest Sisters Son▪ of succeeding in the Kingdom, and substituted Alexander, Son of the Earl of Sutherland, David settles the Succession, first on Alexander, and then on Robert Stuart. by his Youngest Sister, and made the Nobles to swear Fealty to him. This young Mans Father distributed large and fruitful Lands amongst the Nobles, to engage them more firmly to his Son. But, Alexander dying soon after, he was reconciled to Robert Stuart; and, in a full Assembly of the Estates, he was, by a General Suffrage, named Heir Presumptive of the Crown. But this was done some Years after.

The King spent the next Five Years in appeasing the Discords at home, in which time there happened Two great Calamities: One reached but to a few, by an Inundation of Water; for, the Heavens sent down so much Rain, that Lothian seemed to be all a Float; yea,Great Inundations of Water endammage Lothian. the force of the Water was such, that it carried away Bridges, Water-Mills, Country Houses, with their Owners, and Cattle, into the Sea; it rooted up Trees, and almost quite destroyed the Towns, which stood near the Banks of Rivers. This Misery was seconded by Another, namely, a grievous Pestilence,A Grievous Pestilence. which consumed many of all Ranks and Ages.

In the Year 1363. the state of things grew Calmer, and then,

Eight Prudent Persons, chosen out of all the Orders, to prepare Matters for that High Court.

Davids unacceptable Propositions to the Scots.

in the Assembly of the Estates, the King propounded to the Lords of the Articles, That the King of England, or else his Son, might be sent for into Scotland, to undertake the Kingdom, if he should chance to Die. This he did, either by his weariness of War; or, foreseeing, That it would be for the Good of both Kingdoms; or, (as others think) because of his Oath, which the English had made him to Swear, but his Speech was so Unacceptable and Offensive to them all, that, before every ones Vote could be asked in order, they all confusedly cried out upon it, as an abominable Propose; and it was almost come to That, that they, who had most freely spoken against it, fearing his Displeasure, were meditating a Revolt. But he, understanding their Fears, abated his Anger, and received them into Favour. When he had quieted all things elsewhere, yet the Highlanders continued still in Arms, and did not only commit Outrages upon one another, but also made Havock of the adjacent Countries. The King tried all probable Means to bring them to a mutual Concord; but, being not able to do it, his next Plot was,Davids Policy to subvert the Islanders. To suborn some Crafty Fellows, to foment and heighten their Dissensions; that so, when the feircest of them had destroyed one another, the rest might become more Tractable and Pliant. The King, having performed these Exploits, both at home and abroad, departed this Life in the Castle of Edinburgh, on the Seventh Day of Iune, in the Forty Seventh Year of his Age, about the Thirty Ninth of his Reign, and of our Lord 1370.

[Page]He was certainly, a Man eminent in all kind of Virtue; but especially in Justice and Clemency; and, though he had been exercised with Good and Bad Events,His Death and Character. alternately; yet, still, his Fortune seemed rather to fail him, than his Industry.

Robert II. The Hundredth King.

AFter David's Decease, the Nobles met together at Linlithgo, to Congratulate Robert, at the beginning of his Reign, who had, before, been designed King by his Uncle; but here, the Ambition of William Douglas had almost cast things into a Sedition, and Uproar. For he demanded the Kingdom, as his Hereditary Right, in regard he was descended from Baliol and the Cumins's. But finding, that his Suit was unacceptable to them all; and especially to his most intimate Friends, as the Two Brothers, George, and Iohn, Dunbars, of which one was Earl of Merch, and the other of Murray; as also to Robert Erskin, Robert Douglas, William's Son, Marries Eufemia, the Kings Daughter. Governor of the Three well-fortified Castles of Dunbarton, Sterling, and Edinburgh, he desisted, and promised to obey Robert, as his Liege King; and the King, to oblige him in a more strict Bond of Friendship, espoused his Daughter to Earl William's Son.

This year, the Truce, made for Fourteen years, was broken by the English. There was a great Fair usually kept, the Third of the Ide [...] of August, August 11. whether huge Numbers of both Nations, even from very remote Places, used to resort; thither came the Inhabitants of Merch; and it happened, that one of George Dunbar's Familiar Friends was slain there. George, according to the Law which was observed among the Borderers, sent Heralds to demand the Murderers to be given up to him; or else, That they would Punish them, Themselves; but,New Discord [...] betwixt the Scots and English. perceiving, that Favour did outvy Equity, he dissembles the Affront, and against the next day appointed for the Fair, he secretly prepared a Band of Men, and setting upon the Town unexpectedly, he slew all the Youngsters, burnt the Houses, and returned home, with a great Booty. The English, to revenge this Injury, did with like Cruelty ravage over all the Lands of Iohn Gordon, a Noble Knight; and not long after Gordon entred England, and took away a great Prey of Men and Cattle; but as he was returning home, Iohn Lilburn, Lilburn overthrown. met him with a far greater Force than he had: A terrible Fight began betwixt them, and Victory seemed a long time to flutter over both Parties with doubtful Wings; but, at last, she inclined to the Scots. The Commander of the English Forces was taken Prisoner, with many of his Allies and Tenants.

Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, a Man of a great Spirit, being then Lord Warden,A Town in the Merss, six Miles Northwest from Berwick, Iohn Scotus born at Duns. Percy enters Scotland. or Governour, of the Eastern Marches or Borders, took this Overthrow of his Countrymen in great Disdain; and thereupon, gathered together a Body of above 7000 Men, and encamped at a Village, called Duns, remarkable for being the Birth Place of Iohn Scotus, Sirnamed, Subtilis, rather than for any thing else. There the Countrymen and Shepherds gathered themselves together, having no other Arms, but such Rattles and Gimcracks, wherewith they frighten Stags and other Cattle, which do pasture [Page] there up and down, without any Keeper;They run from the Scots Sea to [...] and divide [...] from Lothian. and so by night they placed themselves on some Risings of the Lamormore Hills, which were near to the said Village of Duns. The Form of the Gimcrack is This; On the top of a long Spear, or Pole, they fasten some Staves or Hoops of Wood, made crooked and bent into a Semicircle; all over them they stretched a Skin, after the same Form as the Lanterns, which the Vulgar Parisians call Falots, are made; into these Lanterns, or Concavities, they put small Stones, but very hard ones, which when they are stirred, and tumbled, up and down, make such a rattling noise, as drives away the Beasts and Cattle from the Corn. With these Rattling Instruments, they made a mighty Noise on the Hills, hanging over Duns, wherewith the English Horse were so affrighted, that they broke the Headstalls they were tied with; and ran up and down the Fields, and so were taken by the Countrymen; And in the whole Army, there was such a Tumultuous Bustle, that they cried out, Arm, Arm; and thinking the Enemy had been at their Heels,Perc [...]'s Horse are affrighted with rattling Instruments, and [...] they passed that night without sleep. But in the morning, perceiving their mistake, in regard they had lost many of their Baggage Horses, as well as those for Service, they retreated six Miles (for that Place is so far distant from England) on Foot, leaving their Baggage behind them, almost in the Posture of such, as Fly away.

The same day, that Percy retired back from Duns, Thomas Musgrave, Governor of Berwick, had issued out of his Garison with some Troops, to join Percy; Iohn Gordon had notice of his March, and laid an Ambush for him, into which he fell; and imagining his Enemy to be more numerous than he was, he sought to Fly, but was taken with his Party in the pursuit, and brought back again.The [...] Moreover, in the Western Borders, Iohn Iohnston carried it so, that he obtained both Honour and Booty, too; for he so exercised his Neighbouring Foes with small, but frequent, Incursions, that he did them as much mischief, as a great Army would have done.

Thus all things succeeded prosperously with Robert, for the First Two Years of his Reign; but in his Third Year, Eufemia, Daughter to Hugh Earl of Ross, dyed. The King had three Children by her, Walter, afterwards made Earl of Strathearn; David, Earl of Athol; and Eufemia, whom Robert Douglas Married, as I said before. Robert, not so much for the Impatience of his Widow'd, and unmarried, Estate, as for the Love of the Children, which he had before begot on the Body of Elizabeth More, took her to Wife. This Woman was exceeding Beautiful, the Daughter of Adam More, an Illustrious Knight; the King fell in Love with her when he was young, and had Three Sons and Two Daughters by her, and he bestowed her in Marriage on one Gifard, a Nobleman in Lothian. It happened, that Eufemia, the Queen, and Gifard, Elizabeth's Husband, died about one and the same time. Whereupon, the King,Robert upon his Queens decease. Marries Elizabeth More, by whom he had Children before, whom he prefers to great [...] either induced by the old Familiarity he had with Her; or else, (as many Writers report) to Legitimate the Children, she had born to him, took their Mother to Wife, and presently advanced her Sons to Riches and Honour. Iohn, the Eldest Son, was made Earl of Carrick; Robert, of M [...]nteith; and Alexander, of Buchan, to which Badenock was adjoined. Neither was he content with this Munificence, but he prevailed upon [Page] the Assembly of Estates, met at Scone, to pass by the Children of Eufemia, and to observe the Order of Age, in making his Son, King after him; which Matter was, in aftertimes, almost the utter Ruin of that numerous Family.

During the next Two years, there was neither assured Peace, nor open War, but light Incursions, or rather Plunderings, on both sides; In the mean time,Edward the Third dies, and his Grandchild Richard the Second succeeds him. Ambassadors from Charles the Fifth, to Scotland, to s [...]i [...] them up to War against England. Berwick Castle surprised by Ramsay, but regain'd by Percy. Edward the Third died, and Richard, the Second, his Grandchild by his Son Edward, born at Bourdeaux, succeeded him, being Eleven years of Age, at which time Ambassadors were sent by Charles the Fifth, King of France, into Scotland. The Cause of their Embassy, was, To renew the ancient League with Robert, and to desire him to invade England with an Army, and so to take off the Stress of the War from France. In the interim, whilst they were treating with the Assembly, Alexander Ramsay, (as the English Writers report out of Frossard) being accompanied with Forty young Fellows, in the middle of the Night, when the Sentinel was asleep, took the Castle of Berwick; all that were in it, being either killed, or made Prisoners. The Townsmen, being amazed at this suddain surprize, send for Percy, who came and laid Siege to the Castle with Ten thousand Men When the News hereof was brought to the Assembly of the Estates at Scone, Archibald Douglas, being concerned for the danger his Kinsman was in, took with him a flying Body of 500 Horse only, and speeded thither; but all Passages to the Besieged were intercluded and stopp'd, so that he was forced to return again, without any Action. And the Castle, after a valiant Defence for some days, was, at length, taken by Storm, and all put to the Sword, except Alexander alone; Thus the English; but, Our Writers say, That the Castle was taken by the help of six Country People of Merch, who, not being able to keep it, were fain to desert it. Not long after the Assembly,Iames, the First Earl of Douglas, enters England with an Army. Iames, the First Earl of Douglas, gathered together an Army of Twenty thousand Men, and entred England, and coming unawares to a Town called

In Cumberland.

A Pestilence in Scotland.

Penrith, on a Fair-Day, he took, plundered, and burnt it, and then marched his Army back again in safety, laden with Spoil; but withal, he brought the Pestilence home with him, which was greater than any before, so that it raged over all Scotland for the space of Two years.

The English, to cry Quits with the Scots, passed over the Solway, and entred Scotland; Talbot, a fierce General, led them, being 15000 Men, with which Number he made a great Desolation far and near; and as his Army was returning back laden with Spoil, he pitch'd his Tents in a narrow Valley, not far from the Borders of England; about 500 Scots came upon them in those Streights, being secure,Talbet overthrown in Scotland. unprovided, and generally without their Arms; and, at the first Assault, they killed all, who were in their way, so that the Tumult, and Fear, diffusing it self, they were wholly put to Flight; many were slain upon the Place, 250 taken Prisoners, and a great Number, in such a sudden Trepidation, taking the River, were drowned; the rest left their Prey behind them, and ran home, the nearest way they could.

[Page]In the mean time, the English carried on a fierce War, both by Sea and Land, against the French; and besides, part of their Forces were sent into Portugal, so that it was resolved by their Parliament, That Iohn Duke of Lancaster, the King's Uncle, should be sent Embassador into Scotland, to Treat about a Peace; that so, they, being engaged in so many Wars, might have Quiet on that side at least,A Truce between the Scots and English for three Years. which lay most exposed, and open. The Scots, being made acquainted with his coming by an Herald, appointed Iames, Earl of Douglas, and Iohn Dunbar Earl of Murray, to Treat with him; a Truce was made for Three Years. But whilst they were Treating about a Peace there, a most grievous Civil War broke out in England. Quatuor nummos Ang [...]co [...]. The First Author of it is said to be one Iohn Ball, a Priest: He, perceiving that the Commonalty was grievously offended, because Poll-Money of Four English Pence an Head was imposed on Them, First of all obliquely, and in private Confessions, Discourses, and Meetings, inflamed the Minds of the Commons against the Nobility; and, perceiving that his Speech was well entertained, then he discoursed it openly; besides this New Occasion, there was also another more Ancient one, viz. That the Greatest Part of the Commons were made little better than Slaves to the Great Ones. A great many Tradesmen and Day-Labourers came in to them, and others also, who, in point of Estate or Credit, had nothing to lose; insomuch, that they raised so great a Tumult and Combustion,A Rising of the Commons in England, at the Instigation of Iohn Ba [...] a Priest. that the Main Chance seemed greatly to be hazarded, and to lie at stake. These things were known at the Meeting of the Embassadors; yet Both of them dissembled the Matter till they had Treated, and made a Pacification. Then Douglas told Iohn of Lancaster, That he knew, from the beginning, in what State the Affairs of England stood, but they were so far from laying hold on the Opportunity either to make a War, or to hinder a good Peace, That they offered him, even then, to stay securely in Scotland, till the Tumults in England were appeased; or, if he would return, that he should have 500 Scots Horse for his Convoy.Lancaster, the English Embassador in Scotland, denied entrance into Berwick. Lancaster gave them Great Thanks, yet he hoped at present, that he had no need to accept of either of the Conditions. But, as he was returning home, the Governor of Berwick shut him out of the Town, so that He, upon the Publick Faith given, returned into Scotland, and there kept himself, till the Sedition of the Commons was quelled in England. When the Three Years Truce was ended, in the Year 1384. Iune the 4th, Archibald Douglas of Galway, with the Assistance of Iames Earl of Douglas, and George Earl of M [...]rch, Loch-Maban Castle taken by the Scots. laid Siege to the Castle of Loch-Maban, situate near a Lake of the same Name, and from whence daily Inroads were made upon the Neighbouring Country. The Governor of the Castle, being affected at this suddain Misfortune, Articled with the Enemy, That unless he were relieved in Eight Days, he would surrender the Castle; whereupon, after the Scots had endured great trouble, by reason of the Winter-Storms, and continual Showres, even from the 4th Day of February, the Castle was surrendred, according to Covenant, on the Ninth Day. They who lived near Roxburgh, fearing lest that Castle might be also taken, took care, That one Grastock, a Noble and Wealthy Person, and much famed for his Warlike Skill, should be made Governour thereof; whereupon, as [Page] he was sending in great Provisions thither,unbar surprizes the Governor of Roxburg. and also, all his own Houshold Goods, imagining, that they could no where be better kept from his Enemies use, or secured for his own. Dunbar, being informed by his Spies of the Day of his March, and the way he was to go, laid his Ambushes in convenient Places, and so suddainly assaulted a long confused Train, made up of Soldiers, Waggoners, and a promiscuous Multitude, and without any Fighting took the Prey, and the Owner of it too,Lancaster enters Scotland. and presently retreated back. The English in revenge of their Losses, and to prevent future Incursions, by some memorable Exploits, send Lancaster into Scotland with great Forces, both by Sea and Land. Lancaster himself came through Merch and Lothian as far as Edinburgh. His Fleet was sent to waste the Maritime parts of Fife.

The Soldiers were desirous to burn down Edinburgh; but he, remembring that, but a few Years before, he had been liberally, and bountifully entertained there, when he was excluded by his own People,He favours the Edinburgers. forbad them so to do. But his Fleet shewed not the same Civility, for, entring into the Isle of Inch-colm, they robbed a Monastery of Monks, and burnt it; using the like Cruelty in all places where they landed, till Nicholas and Thomas Erskins, Alexander Lindsay, and William Cuningham met them, killed many, took some, and forced the rest to fly in such Fear to their Ships,But is put to a Retreat. that, besides the other Loss received by their hasty Flight, they suffered Forty of their own Men, who, being upon one of the Ships Ropes, after the Rope was cut,Douglas prevails in Scotland, he dyes, and his Son William succeeds him. to be Drowned before their Eyes. Lancaster was scarce returned home, before William Douglas trode almost on his Heels, partly sacking, partly demolishing all the Castles, which the English held in Scotland, after the Battel of Durham. He reduced all Teviotdale, except Roxburg, to the Scots Obedience; and restrained Robberies, which the licentiousness of the Wars had multiplied and encouraged; and he himself did not long outlive these Exploits, but dyed of a Feavor in the Castle of Douglas. His Son William Douglas succeeded him; One every way worthy of so Great and Virtuous a Father.

In the mean time, when an Annual Truce was made betwixt the French, Eng [...]ish, and Scots near Bologne, in Belgium, and the French, who were commanded to give the Scots notice thereof, had neglected so to do; the English Nobles, who bordered upon Scotland, thinking now they had a fit Opportunity to give their Enemy some notable and unexpected Overthrow, and not leave them any time for Revenge. They, before the Truce was published, gathered together Ten Thousand Horse,A Truce made for a Year, between French, English, and Scots, which the French were to acquaint the Scots with. The English enter Scotland, before Notice is given them of a Truce made. and Six Thousand Archers; and so entring Scotland, under the Command of the Earls of Northumberland and Nottingham, they made a vast Havock of the Country, especially on the Lands of the Douglasses and Lindsays. The Scots, who upon the noise of a Truce, had laid aside all thoughts of War, were exceedingly offended, both at their own Negligence, and at the Perfidiousness of the Enemy, and resolved upon Revenge, assoon as they could. In the Interim, the noise of the English Invasion of Scotland, did Alarm the French, who were to give notice of the Truce, and put them in mind of their slackness therein. They, endeavouring by a late Festination, to make amends for their former Omission, came [Page] to London, even in the very height of the Invasion, where they were Bountifully and Nobly Entertained, and detained so long, by Kind and Friendly Invitations, till it was known that the English were returned out of the Enemies Country; Then they were dismissed, and came into Scotland, where they declared their Message, as they were commanded. Whereupon, almost all the Nobility, especially Those who had felt the Loss, sustained by the late Inroad, did Murmure, Storm, and Cry out, That this Mockery of the English was not to be endured. Some Scots Nobles also invade England, before the Truce is Proclaimed. The King did in vain endeavour to pacifie them, for he was willing to observe the Truce; but they so long debated on, and delayed the Matter, till their Friends had privately Levied almost 15000 Horse, and then, on an appointed Day, Douglas, Lindsay and Dunbar, depart secretly from the Court, and joyning their Countrymen, invade England with a powerful Army; They wasted Northumberland, even unto Newcastle, and returning th [...]ô the Lands of the Earl of Nottingham, and the Mowbrays, they spoiled all by Fire and Sword, that they could not carry away. Then, and not before, they returned home with a great Booty, and many Prisoners, and presently caused the Truce to be Proclaimed.

About the end of the Truce, in the Year 1385. Monsieur Iohn de V [...]nne, Admiral of the French Navy, was sent over by the King of France, with about 2000 Auxiliaries, of which an hundred were Curiassiers, Armed Cap-a-pee, and 200 which flung Darts out of Engines, called Cross-bows, in after Ages; the rest were Foot, of a promiscous kind; They brought with them Money for Six Months Pay, besides many Gifts and Presents; and amongst the rest, 400 Suits of compleat Armour, to be divided between the most valiant Commanders; Having first waited on the King, he, and Iames Douglas entred Northumberland; and having demolished Three Castles, they would have proceeded further, but there was so much Rain fell that Autumn, that they were forced to return. Moreover, they heard a Report, that Richard the Second of England was coming against them, which hastened their Retreat. His Anger was more enflamed now against the Scots, than ever; because they had not only made a desolating War upon his Kingdom, Themselves; but had also sent for Foreigners to aid them; and that in such a conjuncture of Time, when the French Themselves designed also to Land a vast Army in England; whereupon, he gathered a very puissant Army together, consisting, as the English Writers say, of 60000 Foot, and 8000 Horse; with this Force he resolved so to tame the Scots, Richard II. enter'd Scotland with an Army. that they should not, in many Years after, be able to Levy any considerable Army; Besides, he Rigged out a great Navy, which were to bring Provisions into the Forth. For he knew, That part of Scotland, wherein he was to make his Descent, had been harassed, for many Years, by continual Wars; And if any Provisions were left in it, that the Inhabitants would convey them away into the neighbouring, or other remote, Places. Add hereto, he was secure of the French, for he knew, that they would not put to Sea in a Stormy Winter. With those Forces he entred Scotland, sparing no Place, neither Sacred nor Profane; no, nor any Age, nor Degrees of Men, if they were capable to bear Arms. In the mean time, Monsieur Vien, being more [Page] mindful of his Kings Commands to him, at his parting from him, than of the present posture of Affairs in Scotland, was earnest with Douglas to come to a Battel. He still answered him, That the Scots forbore to engage, not out of any Alienation of Mind from the French, but being Conscious of their own Weakness; and thereupon, he took him up into an high Place, from whence he might safely take a view of the Enemy;Whereupon the Scots enter England. He, then perceiving the long Train of the English in their March, quickly turned to be of his Opinion. Whereupon, they both concluded, That, in the present circumstances, the best and only Way for them to incommode the Enemy, was, to gather together what Force they could, and so to invade England. Thereupon, they entred, far from the Kings Army, into Cumberland, and made a great Havock therein, and in the neighbouring Counties. The English, Winter being now at hand, and the Country of Lothian being spoiled by the War, (for they durst not g [...] [...]ar from their Ships, lest Provisions should fail them) consulted about their Return; Some were of Opinion, that it was best to follow after the Scots in the Rear, and, in their Return, to compel them to Fight, whether they would or no. But those, who knew the Ways better, through which they were to march, replyed on the contrary, That there would be great difficulty in passing over such Marshes and Mountains, and sometimes narrow Places, wherein there was also so much want of all things, that a very few Men, and those nimble ones too, could carry Provisions enough with them, thô but for a few days, to finish the March; and besides, if they should overcome those Difficulties, yet the next Country, which was to receive them, was not overfruitful of itself; and also, it had been wasted by the War. Again, if they should wade through all those Inconveniencies, yet they had to do with a nimble and shifting Enemy, whom it would be more difficult to find, and to bring to a Battel, than to overcome; and, if they could find him out, yet he would not be compelled to Fight, but in his own Places of Advantage: That Edward the Third, his Grandfather, had Experience hereof, to the great Damage of his Own, and little Inconvenience of the Scots Army. Upon Hearing of this, as also casting in their Minds, what Miseries they might suffer in an Enemies Country,They both return home. in a cold Winter; and in the mean time, leave their Wives, Children, and what else was dear to them, desolate at home; they changed their Minds, and marched back directly the same way, that they came. Thus both Armies had a free Time of plundering in their Enemies Country; and each of them returned home again, without seeing any Enemy.

The Scots, well knowing, That the English could not attempt another Expedition till the next Summer, resolved to attack Roxburgh, a Neighbour Town, and the Garison there, which was greatly annoyous to the Country thereabout. When they were [...]ome thither, a dissension arose betwixt the Scots and the French, about the Town, even before it was taken.The French and Scots quarrel [...]bout the Bears Skin, before he was catcht. The French alleging, That, seeing by a large Experience in Wars at home, they were more skilled in the Methods of taking Towns, than the Scots; and moreover, that they had spent a great deal of Mony in the War; They therefore thought it but just, That, if the Town were carried, it should be Theirs, and [Page] remain under the Jurisdiction of France. On the contrary, the Scots urged, That it was very unjust, That Auxiliaries should reap the Reward and Benefit of the whole War; and for what Expences they had been at, it had been spent rather on Themselves than the Scots, it being in order to distract and divide the Forces of England, and so to avert Part of the War from France; and if the Friendly Offices on Both sides were put in the Ballance, the Scots might, upon juster grounds, demand the Charge of the whole War of the French, than the French could challenge any Reward for their Assistance, especially such a Reward, as no History, in the Memory of Man, doth relate either to have been demanded, or given, by Allys one to, or amongst, another: Yea, The Unjustness of their Demand appeared by This, That the Scots might have sate still in Peace, without being prejudiced by the English; and so might have been Spectators only of the Wars betwixt Two potent Kings; but the French could not have Obtained the same Quiet, unless they would have yielded up a good Part of their Country. Neither could they see, of what use that Town would be to the French, if they had it, save only to be as a Bridle; that so the Arbitrement of War or Peace might be at their dispose; and if That were their intent, it were more for the Profit, yea, and for the Credit too, of the Kings of Scotland, to be without the Town, than, on a Trivial occasion, to give up Themselves to a voluntary Servitude: But, if by so unequal a Postulation, they thought to excuse their Return home, which they sometime before attempted, there was no need at all of such a Blind, for as they freely came, so they had Liberty always, at their pleasure, freely to depart; neither was it adviseable in the Scots to stay Them; in regard they might easily foresee, their Service would be but small, if they were detained against their Wills.

Hereupon, They retreated from Roxburgh without attaquing it; and, whereas there had grievous Complaints been made betwixt Both Parties, before; so, (if matters should still continue at that Pass) open Enmity did seem likely to arise.French Soldiers more licentious than Scots, or English, which occasions a disgust betwixt them. The Original of the Dissension arose from the different Custom and Carriage of either Nation, in managing of a War. For the Scots and English Soldiers pay honestly for what they take at their Quarters, and carry it amongst their Countrymen, as moderately and soberly in War, as in Peace. But the French otherwise; where-ever they march, All's their Own, as if they had publick Permission to Rob and Spoil; for, they, having been accustomed to this kind of Life, think, they might lawfully do That, which Custom hath inured them always to do, heretofore: And therefore, before that time, there had often Quarrels, and sometimes Blows, happened betwixt the Scots and French; These endeavouring to practise their wonted Rapacity; and the Other not submitting to such an unaccustomed Servility; so that as One snatcht away what was none of His; the Other laboured to defend his Own. After this Disgust and Alienation of Minds at Roxburgh, the French Commissaries used greater Licentiousness than ever before, in gathering in Provisions, as intending shortly to depart; and the Countrymen, disdaining to be made a Prey to a Few men, and those Strangers, too, many times took away their Baggage and their Horses; [Page] and the Officers and straggling Soldiers, sent out to Forage, were sometimes wounded, sometimes slain outright, by them. When Complaints hereof were brought to the Council; the Countrymen answered with one Consent,The French Army leaves Scotland, but their General is retain'd to satisfy damages. That they were Treated more Coursly, and Robb [...]d, by the French, who called Themselves Friends, than by the English, their Professed Enemies; and therefore they resolved, That they should not depart the Land, till they had made them Recompence for their Losses, neither could this obstinate Humour of theirs be stopt by the Douglasses, thô they were the most Popular men of that Age. Hereupon, the Army was sent back, but the General was detained, till full Payment was made. The French set Sail in the Calends of November;Nov. 1. the Scots, either tired with the Military Toil of the last Year, or satiated with the Spoils of so many Prosperous Expeditions, sate still all that Winter. But the next Spring, William Douglas, the Son of Archibald Earl of Galway, sailed over into Ireland, both to revenge at present the often Descents of the Irish upon the Coasts of Galway, and also to restrain them for the Future.

This William was a Young man, the Eminentest in all Virtues both of Body and Mind, amongst all the Scots. He was a big-bodied Man,Will. Douglas sails into Ireland. and had strength accordingly; and his comely Beauty was accompanied with a Manly and Graceful Dignity of Presence (which seldom happens in Bodies of that Bulk) And moreover, his Successfull Exploits in War, did much recommend him; for he oft-times, with a Few,And takes Dundalk. would assault a greater Number of his Enemies, and come off a Conquerour; Neither was he ever employed in any Expedition, but he gave evident Proofs of his Valour. These Excellencies, which, in some, are matter of Envy; yet, in him, by reason of his Affability, Complaisance and courteous Modesty, were acceptable to All. And upon the account of those Virtues, tho' the King knew him to be Base-born, yet he bestowed his Daughter Aegidia upon him, in Marriage, a Woman of the rarest Beauty in those Times; and one, who had been Courted by many of the Noblest Youngsters of the Court. With Her, he gave Nithisdale, the next Country to Galway, as a Dowry.

He Landed his Men at Carlingford, a rich Town in that County, and the Suddenness of the Thing struck such Terrour into the Townsmen, That they presently sent out to him to Treat about Conditions of Surrender. Douglas entertained them courteously, and, in the mean time, as secure of the Enemy, he sent out Robert Stuart, Laird of A Town on the North side of the Nith, a Mile about Drumlanerick in Nithisdale. Disdeir, with 200 Soldiers to bring in Provisions into his Ships. The Townsmen, having gotten this time for Consultation, send for Aid from A Sea Town in the County of Louth and Province of Vlster, in Ireland. Dundale. Five hundred Horse were sent, with whose help, they divided themselves into Two Bodies, and so drew forth against their Enemy, for, because they were so much Superior to them in Number, they thought presently to kill them all, and so to become Masters of their Ships, too. But both their Bodies were routed, the Town taken, plundered, and burnt; Fifteen Ships, which rode in the Harbour,And returns from thence. were laded with the Spoils of the City; and, in his return home, he plundered the Isle of Man by the way, and so arrived at Lough-Rian, which divides Part of Galway from Carrick. There Douglas heard, That his Father was gone in an Expedition against [Page] England; Whereupon, he hastned after him, as fast as he could. That Expedition was undertaken chiefly upon this Ground; Richard of England, having entred Scotland the Year before,The Scots enter England [...] and spated nothing, either Sacred or Profane, at his return home, met with a Domestick Sedition, which had changed the State of his whole Kingdom. To heal this Mischief, he transfer'd the Government of the Provinces, and the management of Lesser Matters (as is usually done in such Cases) from one to another; and by this means, the Fire of Hatred was not so much quenched, as covered in the Ashes, and likely soon after to break out, again: But, on the the contrary, Scotland enjoyed a Great, but yet uncertain, Tranquillity. For it was full of Young Soldiers, fit for War, and as fruitful and well-stored with good Commanders, as ever before. So that, the Nobility were desirous of a War, and, in all their Assemblys and Meetings, they still muttered, That so gallant an Opportunity to be revenged upon the English for their old Injuries, was not to be neglected, and that the English would never have omitted it, in reference to Scotland, if the Affairs thereof had been in the like Perturbation.

But King Robert, being a Man of a quiet Disposition; and, moreover, by reason of his growing and unweildy Age,Against the mind of Robert and his Son. not so forward for War, seemed not to be sufficiently concerned at the Publick Injuries: And his Eldest Son, Iohn, was naturally Slow, and, besides, Lame with the stroke of an Horse, so that he was not well able to endure the Hardships of a Camp. And therefore the Nobles made their Addresses to Robert, the next Son, Earl of Fife; To whom they complained of the deplorable State of the Publick, and they all presently Concluded, That the wrong, lately received, was to be revenged, and therein every one promised his Chearful Assistance; so that it was agreed, That a Levy of Soldiers should be made against the Nones of Aug. [...]. August next, but so secret, That neither King, either Scots, or English, should know thereof.

But the English were quickly advertised by their Spies, of the Time and Place of Meeting; so that they resolved to prevent their Enemy with the same Surprize. For they advised the rest of the Nobles with all their Followers to be in a readiness, not at any one day, but whenever there was need, that they might draw to their Colours. Matters being thus resolved on, when they heard, That the Scots, to the Number of 30000, or, as Frossard will have it, of 40000, were met together in Teviotdale, nor far from the Borders; they resolved further, that (seeing they were not able to encounter so great a Multitude) they would attempt nothing before the Coming of the Enemy upon them. And in the mean time, to conceal their Project the better, every man was to stay at his own home, till they saw, upon what Country so great a Storm would fall; and then, according to the Enemies Motion, they would steer their Cou [...]se, and (as the Scots had done the Autumn before, in reference to England) so now, they would enter into Scotland another Way, and repay Loss for Loss.

In the interim, they sent a Spy to inform themselves fully of the Enemies advance, who was now so near them; for they counted it highly conduceable to their affairs, to know, not only the Design, [Page] but even the very last Words, Resolves, and Actions, of their Enemies.An English Spy in the Scots Army discovered. He that was sent, differed nothing in Speech, Habit, or Armour from the rest, and so was easily taken for a Scots Man. So that, having found out every thing, which he desired to know, he was going to a Tree, where he had tied his Horse, to fetch him, and so to be gone; but he found, that some Body had stollen and carried him away before; so that he was fain in his Boots, Spurs, and Riding-Apparel, to undertake his Journey on Foot. Hereupon, the Matter began to be suspected, and when he was gone a great way, some Horsemen were sent after, to bring him back, as a Runagate; when they came up to him, and demanded, Who, or What he was, and Why he went from his Colours in that Fashion; he not being able to give a ready Answer, they brought him back to the chief Officers of the Army, to whom, for fear of a greater Punishment, he discovered all the designs of the English. When the Scots heard this, they also changed the Order of their Designs,The Scots Army divide themselves to attack England. they divided their Army so, That the greatest Part of it should march towards Carlisle, and that the Kings Two Sons, the Earls of Fife, and Strathern should command them; to whom were joyned Archibald Douglas of Galway, and the Earls of Marr and Sutherland. The other Part was to enter Northumberland, under the Command of Iames Douglas, and the Two Brethren, Dunbars, George and Iohn; the One Earl of Murray, the Other of Merch. Their Party consisted of 300 Horse, and 2000 Foot, besides Servants and Attendants on the Horse; for every Horseman hath at least one Servant, who, being lightly armed, can run almost as fast as an Horse, and, when occasion is offered, can, with his Fellows, encounter an Enemy.

When their Forces were thus divided, They, who marched towards Cumberland and Carlisle, carried all before them, by reason of the Numerousness of their Army, and met with no Enemy at all. But Douglas in the Devastations which he made, in the other Circuit, had not the same Fortune; for he had so ordered the Course of his Expedition, as to take great, and yet secret, Marches; and so passing over Tine, to pierce as far as Durham, before he gave his Army leave to spoil and plunder. This he did, with such Secrecy and Speed, That the English did not know, where their Enemies were, but by the Smoke of the Fires they had made.Douglas, in Northumberland, encountred by Percy. Percy, the Elder, was the Greatest man in Northumberland and the adjacent Countrys, both for Wealth and Power. When the News was brought to him, he sends Two of his Sons, Henry, and Ralph, very active Young men Both, before to New-Castle, commanding the rest to follow them thither. His Intent was, to stop the Scots in their Retreat, and to keep them from returning. But they, having spoiled the Wealthy County of Durham, returned home with a great Prey, and repass'd the Ti [...] about Three Miles above New-Castle. There, the Commanders, being nobly descended in their own Country, as also desirous of Glory; and besides, lifted up with their present Success, such as it was, thought it an Inglorious thing, in Them, to strike terrour only into Rusticks, and Pl [...]beians, if they did not also affright Cities; Whereupon, they marched to New-Castle, and threatning to besiege it, they endeavoured by Contumelies and Big Words, to draw out the Enemy.

[Page]When they had staid there Two Days, and some light Skirmishes, with various Success, had passed betwixt them; There was one Combat, which, towards the Evening of the Last Day, attracted the Eyes of all the Beholders: And that was,A Duel between Earl Douglas and Earl Percy. a Duel betwixt the Two Generals; for they, being, in a sort, equally matched, in respect of Lineage, Power, Age and Courage, had a mind to encounter each other, in the Sight of both Armies. Hereupon, a Challenge was sent, and they Both, Iames Douglas and Henry Percy, entred the Lists, and ran at one another with their Spears. Percy was unhorsed at first Brush, and Douglas got his Spear, but he could not touch his Person, because the English came in to his Assistance; He shook the Spear, and cryed out aloud, so as he might easily be heard, That he would carry That, as a Trophy, into Scotland. So, the Combat being ended, the Scots kept very diligent Watch, in regard they were near a City, well-Peopled, and full of Enemies. The Day after, they retired towards Scotland, but very slowly, as being laden with Booty. As their Prey moved leisurely on, they themselves assaulted a Neighbour-Castle of the Enemies, carried and demolished it; and from thence they marched to Otterborn, about Three Miles distant from Newcastle. There,The Scots march to Otterborn. they took Counsel concerning the Rest of their March. The Major Part were of Opinion, to March towards Carlisle, to meet the other Army, and so, not to Fight singly, (as was, at first, agreed) but to wait the Conjunction of Both Armies. But Douglas was minded to stay Two or Three Days in that Place, that so he might make a Real Confutation of the Vaunts of Percy, who had boasted, That they should never carry his Lance into Scotland. In the mean time, that they might not be idle, they would attaque the Neighbouring Castle. This Opinion, though it was judged by Many none of the best, yet, for Douglas his sake, they all submitted to it. And therefore they fortified their Camp for the present Occasion, which on one side was sufficiently guarded by Marishes, and and then proceeded on to take the Castle. But Percy being of a fierce Nature, that he might blot out the Ignominy he had received, would have followed him presently upon their Retreat, with those Forces which he had about him; but the Graver Sort detained him, for fear of an Ambush; for they did not think it probable, that so small a Number of Scots would have appeared before so strong a Town, unless they had more Forces, near at hand, hid in some secret Places. That Day and the next, they were busie in making Discoveries; but finding, that there was no Danger of the Greater Army, as being far distant from Douglas his Party, thereupon Percy immediately, with Ten Thousand Fighting Men, put himself upon the March, without staying for the Bishop of Durham, who, that very Night, was expected with some Forces; for, he thought, he had Force enough to overcome his Enemies, who were not half as many, as He. When the English came in Sight, some of the Scots were at Supper; others, being wearied at the Taking of the Castle, had composed themselves to Rest; but presently, an Alarming Word was given, To your Arms. Whilst the rest were arming themselves, the Major Part of the Foot, and many of the Horse-Mens Servants, making use of that slender Fortification they had, bore the Brunt of the English [Page] Assault. But the Horse had a great Advantage, in that they were sensible of the thing, before; for, disputing among themselves, how they should entertain the Enemy when he assaulted them, (for, an Assault they expected) they saw, that a Neighbour Hill would be of great Conveniency to them. Thither therefore they Trooped about, and whilst the English were assaulting the Passage into the Camp, they fell in upon their left Flank, and made a great Slaughter, but a greater Noise: Yet, the English, having Men enough, brought up their Reserves, and quickly made good their Ranks again; yet, that disorder did this good to the Scots, That the Fight before the Camp was managed more remisly, so that they had Liberty to draw out, and Range their Army in order of Battel.

Whilst these things were doing, the Night drew on, but it was a short one, as it useth to be in Iuly, in the Northern Countries especially, and the Weather also chanced to be fair; so that the Moon shining all Night, it was as bright as Day. The Fight was maintained Gallantly,A terrible Fight between the Scots and English, under Percy and Douglas. as between Two Noble Champions, who were more solicitous for their Honour, than for their Lives. Percy endeavoured to redeem his Credit, and Douglas to maintain His, by a New Atchievement; so that there was as much Eagerness on the one side, as on the other, though their Numbers were unequal, and so the Fight continued till it was late at Night. And then the Moon began to be Clouded, that Friend could not be discerned from Foe; whereupon, they rested a while, to take a little breath; and assoon as the Moon brake forth from the Clouds, the English pressed hard upon the Scots, so that they gave Ground, and Douglas his Standard was like to be lost. When the Two Patrick Hepburns, Father and Son, saw this, they hastned from the other Wing, and brake through the Ranks of their own Soldiers, and so pierced to the Front, where the main Danger was; and there they began so fierce an Assault, that they gave and received many Wounds; and in fine, brought back their Men to their former Ground, from whence they had been driven. Neither was Douglas content therewith, but with his Two Friends and Followers, Robert Hart, and Simon Glenduning his Kinsman, he rushed in amongst the midst of his Enemies, and being of a stout Spirit, as well as strong Body, made a great Slaughter wherever he came.Hart slain, And Douglas mortally Wounded. His Friends strove earnestly to come up to him; yet, before they could do so, he was mortally Wounded in Three Places, and lay upon the Ground; Hart lay dead by him having a great many Wounds about him; and the Priest, who had accompanied him in all his Hazards, when he fainted, defended his Body from Injury. In this Condition, Iohn Lindsay, and the Two Sinclares, Iohn and Walter, found him, and asked him, How he did? Very well, said he, for I am a Dying, yet I do not Die like a Sluggard, upon my Bed, but as almost all my Ancestors have done; His Three last dying Requests and I have Three, my last, Requests to make to you: First, That you would conceal my Death, both from Friends and Foes. Secondly, That you would not suffer my Standard to be taken down. Thirdly, That you would Revenge my Death: And if you will do this, I shall bear the rest more contentedly. Whereupon, they in the First place, covered his Body with a Cloak, that it might not be known, and then they set up his Standard, and cried out, (as the [Page] Custom is,) A Douglas, A Douglas. At that Cry, there was such a Concourse made, and they ran in upon the Enemy with such Alacrity and Courage, that they drove him far away from the place of Battel▪ For, at the Name of Douglas, not the Common Soldiers only, but Iohn, Earl of Murray, came in, as thinking things to be there in the greatest Danger. For, they had before routed that part of the Enemies Army they fought with, and taken Percy the Younger,Ralfe P [...]rcy [...]. who was much Wounded, and sent by them into the Camp, to be dressed of his Wounds, so that the Service being not so hot, in other parts of the Army, the Duglassians, which had run in to the Standard, routed the English, who were wearied with their Day-toil, and Night Fight;The English overthrown. and in the brunt, Henry Percy, their General was taken Prisoner▪ When he was lost, the rest betook themselves to a confused Flight. There were slain of the English, in that Battel, 1840, about 1000 wounded, and 1040 taken Prisoners. Of the Scots, there were 100 slain, and 200 taken Prisoners, in regard a Few in pursuit followed a greater Number of their Enemies. Iames Lindsay, perceiving Matthew Redman, Governor of Berwick, Lindsay takes Redman Prisoner, and releases him on his Parol. to be one of the straggling Flyers, judging him by the Goodness of his Army, to be One of the Principal Commanders, made presently after him; when he had fled Three Miles, his Horse being weary, he thought he could not escape by Riding, and so he dismounted, and ran away on Foot. Lindsay did the same; At last, after some Skirmish betwixt them; the Englishman, not being so good at that kind of Weapon, yielded himself to Lindsay, who sent him home, having first taken his Oath, That he would return in 20 days. Courtesy to Prisoners. This was then the Courtesy of the Neighbour Nations towards their Prisoners, which, to this day, is punctually observed amongst the Borderers. And if a Man do not return at the Day appointed, This is his Punishment. In the Meetings which are made for Reparation of mutual Damages, he that complains how he was deceived, holds up the shape of an Hand or Glove, on a long Spear, that it may be seen of all;The ancient punishment of Prisoners not returning upon their Parol. That is counted the highest Brand of Infamy upon any Man; so that He, who hath thus violated his Faith, becomes thereby detestable to his own Friends and Kindred, to such a degree, that no Man of any Quality will eat, or drink, or talk with him, or, so much as harbour him in his House. Lindsay, having dismissed his Prisoner on the forementioned Terms, perceived a great Body of Men before him, and Trooped up to them; he knew them not to be Enemies, till he was so near, that he could not retreat, but was taken Prisoner.The Bishop of Durham comes too late to Assist Percy. These were the Forces of the Bishop of Durham, who, coming late to Newcastle, and not being able to overtake Percy, not thinking that he would engage till the next Day, made an halt to refresh his Men, and, after they had supped, he renewed his March. But he had not gone far from the Town, before those, that run away, informed him of the Loss of the Day. Whereupon he returned into the Town, and advised with his Tenants concerning his Following the Scots. The Resolve was, That before Day-Break, they should all be in Arms; and so, in the morning, there were Ten thousand Horse and Foot from the Neighbouring Places, a promiscuous multitude, which came in. They encouraged the Bishop to march the [Page] nearest way to the Enemy, and to give him Battel, alleging, That He was so wearied with his yesterdays Fight, and so many were wounded, and the rest secure by reason of their late Victory, that he might obtain an easie Conquest over them. The Earl of Murray, upon whom the Eyes of all were fixed, when Douglas was gone, was advertised of his coming by his Scouts, whereupon he consulted with his Chief Commanders about the Prisoners; To kill them, in cold Blood, after they had given them Quarter, seemed cruel; and to save alive a number of Enemies, almost equal with their own, seemed dangerous. The Resolve was, That they should all Swear not to stir, whilst the Battel was fought, and though their Friends might relieve them, yet they should continue and own themselves as Prisoners, still; Upon these Terms, they were left in the Camp with a small Guard, who were commanded to fall upon them all, if any one did stir. This Matter thus setled, the Scots, being full of Courage, by reason of their Former Victory, marched out with their Army, being fortified and secured in the Rear with Marshes, and, on the Right and Left, with Trees which they cut down; and moreover, the Word of Command was given,The Bishops Forces terrified with the Sound of Horns, and Retreat. That as soon as the Enemy drew near, every Man should blow his Horn, which he carried behind him at his Back, which would make such a mighty Noise and Sound as was terrible of it self; but, being multiplied by the Repercussion and Eccho of the Neighbouring Hills, gave forth the Representation of a Greater Force, than indeed they were. The English had marched very fast, and moreover were to fight amongst the dead Bodies of their own Men, being astonished at that horrible Noise, and also at the Alacrity of their Enemies, who stood in good Order over against them; and besides, having no Skilful Commander over so tumultuary a Body, and also the Commander not much confiding on such a Raw Soldiery, they presently turned their Colours, and marched back, as they came.Lindsay's Kindness to Redman requited by him. In the mean time, Lindsay, who, as I have said, was taken Prisoner, and left at Newcastle, being seen and known by Redman, was courteously treated by him, and set at Liberty without Ransom. The Scots, having passed over this sudden Brunt so easily, resolved to return home; but before, they dismissed Ralfe Percy, who was much wounded,Ralfe Percy released on his Parol. so that he could not endure the Jogging of an Horse, and sent him to Newcastle to be healed of his Wounds; upon his Promise, That, as soon as ever he was able to ride, he would wait on the Earl of Murray, where he pleased to appoint; and engaging his Faith thereto, as the manner is, he departed; Seven hundred other Prisoners followed his example, and were released, on their Parol, upon the same Terms. Many of the Common Soldiers, who were like to be more burdensom, than beneficial, was dismissed gratis. Of the Nobler sort, Henry Percy, and almost 400 more, were detained, and carried into Scotland; and shortly after, upon Payment of a Ransom set upon their Heads, they were all set at Liberty;Henry Percy Ransomed. so that in that Age, as Ennius says, Men did not huckster out a War, but fought it out, as contending, mainly, for Liberty and Glory. Three days after, the Bodies of Douglas, and the other Great Commanders that fell, were carried to Douglas buried at Mulross. Mulross, and there magnificently interred. When the Tidings of these Matters were [Page] brought to the other Army, which was wasting Cumberland, it disturbed all their Mirth, so that the Joy conceived for their good Success, was turned into bitter Mourning. The Loss of Douglas did so affect all Military Men, that not only that Army which followed him, but this Other also, returned home in Silence and Sadness,Both the Scots Armies lament Doug [...]a [...]. as if they had not been Conquerors, but Conquered. The Publick Sentiment was also further increased, That he died without Children, and in the Flower of his Age; and that almost He alone was deprived of the Fruit of the Victory, which he had gotten. His Estate fell to Archibald, Earl of Galway, Sirnamed the Austere, who also was a brave Cavalier, in his days. This is that memorable Fight of Otterborn, remarkable not only for the Magnanimity and Hardiness of the Commanders, and Soldiers, therein, and their Modesty in Victory; but also for the various and changeable event of it: That the Conqueror, in the highest expectation of his Glory, was taken off by Death, and could not enjoy the Fruit of his own Labour; And the Conquered General, though then discomfited and made a Prisoner, yet outlived this Battel many years, in great Glory and Splendour. It was Fought the 12th of the Calends of August, in the year of our Lord 1388.Iuly 21.

By this Victory, Matters were more composed and quiet both at home and abroad; but, in regard the King, by Reason of his Age, was not fit to manage Business, and withal, understanding of the Reflection that was made upon him by reason of the late Expedition, which was undertaken without him; and his eldest Son Iohn was of a slow nature, and addicted more to Ease,Robert Earl of Fife made Governor of Scotland. than to difficult Enterprizes; he therefore Indicted an Assembly of the Estates, and made Robert, Earl of Fife, Deputy of the Kingdom, by the name of Governor; yet, they, who managed that Office before him, were usually called Custodes, i. e. Keepers. When Henry Percy, eminent for Stock and Prowess, was Prisoner in Scotland, the Earl of Merch, commonly called Earl Mareschal, a Man fiercer in his Words, than Actions, was put in his Place: He,Earl Marshal vaunts over the Scots. undervaluing the Scots Valour in the Fight of Otterborn, and also grievously blaming the Cowardize of the English, did thereby incur the Hatred of Both Nations. And indeed, Robert, Vice-King of Scotland, was so offended at his boasting Insolence, That he thought it a just Cause to make an Expedition against him. Hereupon he entred the Enemies Country, and with Archibald Douglas, then Earl of Douglas, marches directly towards the Enemy, who was reported to stay for him with a great Army; when he came near him, he gave him opportunity to engage,Whereupon Robert enters England, and returns with a great Booty. which he declining, he sent a Trumpeter to him, to desire him to try it out in a plain Field; but the Mareschal kept himself in his Fastnesses and Places unaccessible; so that Robert, after he had shewed his Army some hours to the Enemy, sent them forth to pillage in the Neighbourhood; and he ransacked those Places especially, which the Mareschal was wont to have his Residence in, and afterwards he marched them back, laden with Booty, without any Fight at all. This Expedition, though undertaken upon slight grounds, yet was very pleasing both to the English and the Scots, who Both rejoyced to see the vanity of the Man so to be confuted; but he, to excuse the Matter, as often as Mention was made of it, did allege, That he [Page] did it for the Love of his Countrymen, as being unwilling to expose them to needless danger. At this very time, a Truce was made; and Hopes of Peace between France and England by the Mediation of the Pope,A Peace between France and England. and the Neighbouring Princes, on This Condition, That the Allies of Both might be comprehended by Name, viz The Portugals of the English side; the Scots and Spanish Castilians, of the French's. King Robert, against the Advice of his Counsel, gave his single Assent thereunto, but upon no solid ground, for he was able to make neither Peace nor War, but by the Publick Advice of the Estates; neither could he promise any firm Truce, Robert assents thereto on his own Head. without their Decree in the Case. Neither could the Nobility conceal any longer that hidden Grief and Disgust, which they had conceived against the French, who had only done them this Courtesie, (the backward way) that when they were to do Service against an Enemy, they would strike the Weapons out of their Hands; and so take away the Fruit of a former Victory, and also the Hopes of a New. At last, after much dispute and quarrelling, the French Ambassador gained this Point, but with much ado, That the Scots should send Ambassadors into France, about the Matter, that so the Hopes of a Peace, so near at hand, might not be hindred by their Obstinacy. Robert the King lived not long after, but departed this Life in his Castle called Lying on the River Irwin. Apr. 19. Dundonald, in the Year of Christ 1390, the 13th of the Calends of May. He lived 74 Years, and Reigned 19 Years and 24 Days. This King managed Wars by his Deputies, and usually with good Success; he was present in few Battels himself,Roberts Death and Character. which some impute to his Age, others to his Cowardize; but all say, That he was a very Good Man, and, in the Arts of Peace, easily comparable with the best of Kings. He administred Justice, diligently and impartially to all; he severely punished Robberies. In his Actions, he was Constant; in his Words, Faithful. He undertook the Kingdom in troublesome times, yet he setled things at home, appeased Discords, and governed with great Equity and Justice, and he got such Conquests over his Enemy, that he reduced all the Castles they had, but Three.

After his Death, Tumults arose, where they were least expected. Alexander, Earl of Buchan, the youngest of the Kings Sons by Elizabeth More, fell into a deadly fewd with the Bishop of Murray, upon a light Occasion; and when he could not come at him to kill him, he wrecked his fury upon the Church of Elgin, Alexander Earl of Buchan, burns Elgin Church. (which was then, one of the fairest in all Scotland) and burnt it down to the Ground. The same Year, William Douglas, Earl of Nithisdale, (who, as I said before, for his Valour, was made the Kings Son in Law,) was slain at William Douglas slain at Dantzick by the procurement of Clifford of England. Dantzick, on the Vistula, by some Ruffians, who were sent to perpetrate the Murder, by Clifford of England. For Douglas, when Matters were quieted at home, that he might not lye lazie and idle, intended for the Holy War; and in Or, Prussias A noted Ma [...]t Town of great Trade on the Wesse [...], acknowledge the King of Poland for Protector. Borussia, he gave such Proof of his Valour, That he was made Admiral of the whole Fleet, which was a Great and Magnificent One, and, withal, well accommodated. But a Quarrel arising between him and Clifford, grounded upon Old Emulations, because he gruded him that Honour, he sent him a Challenge, to Fight with him, Hand to Hand. But the Challenger, perceiving, into what an Hazardous Adventure he had run himself, by that Challenge, before the set time came, caused him to be slain by hired Assassins.

The Tenth BOOK.

[Page]

Robert III. The Hundred and First King.

ROBERT the Second, was Succeeded by his Eldest Son, Iohn, in the Ides of August, and Year of our Lord 1390. He was called Iohn, till that time; but then,August 1 [...]. by the Decree of the Estates, his Name was changed into Robert; whether it were for the Misfortunes and Calamities of Two Kings,Robert the Third, his Name changed from Iohn. called Iohns, one of France, the other of England: Or, for the Eminent Virtues and Felicity of Two Roberts, both in Peace and War, who lately Reigned in Scotland, as Authors are silent in, so I will not determine.

The Excellency of this Robert, was, That he rather wanted Vice, than was Illustrious for any Virtue; so that the Name of King was in him, but the management of all publick Affairs rested on Robert, his Brother. In the Beginning of his Reign, there was Peace abroad, by reason of the Three Years Truce, made with the English; which, a while after, was enlarged for Four Years more. But at home, a Sedition was begun, by Duncan, or Dunach, Stuart. He was the Son of Alexander, Earl of Buchan, the Kings Brother;Duncan Stuart rises in Arms but is suppressed. and was every jot as feirce, as his Father; who, upon the Death of his Grandfather, imagining now, that he had a fit opportunity for Rapine and Pillage, got a Band of Roisters about him, and, descending into Angus, spoiled all, as if it had been an Enemies Country. Walter Ogilby, and Walter Lichton his Brother, endeavouring to oppose him, were slain, with Sixty of their Followers. They being lifted up with this Success, did afflict the Country more grievously than ever; but hearing of the approach of the Earl of Crawford, whom the King had sent to restrain their Insolence, the nimblest of them fled speedily to their lurking Holes; of those who made not so much hast, some were slain, some taken, and afterwards put to Death. Thus the Wickedness of these Unquiet and Turbulent Men, being hindred from breaking in upon the Plain and Champion Countries, they fell out most grievously amongst Themselves, at their own homes. And especially, Two Families of them did exercise great Rage and Cruelty, one upon another. They refused to end their Fewds by course of Law; or, to refer them to indifferent Arbitrators. So that the King sent Two Earls to suppress them, Thomas Earl of Dunbar, and Iames Lindsay, his Father being Dead, now Earl of Crawford: These Commanders, considering they were to engage against a feirce and resolute People, who valued not their Lives, nor the Pleasure thereof; so that they were not likely to subdue them by force, without great Slaughter of their own Men; they therefore resolved to try what they could do by Policy. And thereupon, they accosted the Clans of both Families a part, and represented to them, what danger would [Page] accru to Both, by their mutual Slaughters one of another; and if one Family should extirpate the other; yet, that was not likely to be effected, without the Great Damage, even of the Conquering Side; and if either Party should prevail, yet the Contest would not end so;A notable Policy to divide the Islanders, and make them Instruments to destroy one another, which takes effect accordingly. For then they were to engage the King's Forces, (tho' they were weakned before by their mutual Conflicts) of whose Anger against them Both, they might be justly sensible, because he had sent them with Forces to destroy them Both, even before they had severely, and irrecoverably, engaged against one another. But in regard, they were more desirous of their Preservation than their Ruin, if they would hearken to them, they would shew them a Way, How they might be reconciled, with the King's good Liking, and that on no dishonourable Terms, neither; no, nor unrevenged one upon another, To this Motion they seemed inclinable, so that the Condition was proposed; That 300 of each side should Try it out in Fight before the King, Armed only with their Swords. They that were Conquered, should have an Amnesty for all past Offences, and the Conquerors should be Honoured with the King's Favour, and the Nobles, too. Both sides were well pleased with the Terms; so that a day was fixed for the Combate, and at the time appointed, the Heads of the Families, with their Parties, came to Court, and part of a Field, on the North side of the Town of Perth, which was severed from the rest, by a deep Trench, was appointed for the place of Combate; and Galleries built round for Spectators. Hereupon, an huge Multitude was Assembled together, and sate ready to see the Dispute; but the Fight was delayed awhile, because one of the 300, of the One Party, had hid himself for Fear, and their Fellows were not willing to engage without having just an equal number with their Adversaries; neither was any one found to supply the Place of him who was absent; And of the other Party, not a Man would be drawn out, or exempted from the Fight, lest he might seem less valued, and not so couragious as the rest. After a little pause, an ordinary Tradesman comes forth, and offers to supply the Place of him, that was absent, Provided, That if his Side Conquered, they would pay him halfe a Gold Dollar of France; and also, provide for him afterward, as long as he lived. Thus, the Number being again equalled, the Fight began, and it was carried on with such great Contention, both of Body and Mind, as old Grudges, inflamed by new Losses, could raise up in Men of such fierce Dispositions, as were accustomed to Blood and Cruelty; especially, seeing Honour and Estate was propounded to the Conqueror; Death and Ignominy, to the Conquered: The Spectators were possessed with as much Horror, as the Combatants were with Fury, as detesting to behold the ugly and deformed Mutilations, and Butcheries, of one anothers Bodies; the Detruncation of their Limbs; and, in a word, the Rage of Wild Beasts, under the shape of Men. But all took notice, that none carried himself more valiantly, than that Mercenary and Supposititious Hireling, to whose Valour a great Part of the Victory was to be ascribed: Of that Side that he was of, there were Ten left alive, besides himself, but all of them grievously wounded: Of the contrary Faction, there remained only One, who [Page] was not wounded at all; but, seeing there was so much odds, that he alone must encounter with so many, he cast himself into the River Tay, which was near at hand; and in regard, his Adversaries were not able to follow him, by reason of their Wounds, he escaped to the other Side. By this means, the forwardest of Both Parties being slain, the promiscuous Multitude, being left without Leaders, left off their Trade of Seditioning, for many Years after, and betook themselves to their Husbandry, again. This Fight, or Combat, happened in the Year 1396.

About Two Years after, in an Assembly of the States at Perth, the King made David his Son, being 18 Years before old of Rothes, and Robert his Brother Earl of Menteith, and Fife Dukes of Albany. This vain Title of Honour then was first Celebrated in Scotland, a great increase to Ambition, but none at all to Virtue; neither did it afterwards thrive with any, who enjoyed it. The King would have bestowed the same Title of Honour upon the Earl of Douglas also; but he being a grave and solid Person,Dukes First made in Scotland. absolutely refused that nominal Shadow of empty Honour; and if any Man told thim, that he should be a Duke, he rebuked him sharply for it: Some say, That the Name of Governour, which was given by his Father to Robert the Kings Brother, was this Year confirmed by the King▪ E. Douglas refuses that Title. as also That the Family of the Lindsys had the Earldom of Crawford added to their former Honours: But they do not fully clear, Whether the Name of the First Earl of that Family were, Thomas or David.

The next Year after, Richard the Second, King of England, was enforced to resign the Crown; and Henry the Fourth, succeeded him.Richard the Second of England, resigns his Crown; and Hen. the Fourth succeeds him. In the Beginning of his Reign, before the Truce was quite ended, new Seeds of War with the Scots were sown. George Dunbar, Earl of Merch, had betrothed his Daughter Elizabeth to David, the King's Son, and had already paid a good part of her Dowry. Archibald Earl of Douglas storming, That so powerful a Man, and his Corrival, should be preferred before him, alleging, That the Consent of the Estates was not obtained in the Case, (which no Man ever remembred, but was asked in any of the King's Marriages, before) offered his Daughter Mary, with a larger Dowry; and, by means of Robert the King's Brother, who could do All at Court, He brought it about, that the Condition was accepted, and the Marriage was Consummated by the Decree of the Estates.Difference in Scotland, occasioned by the Marriage of the King's Son. George was much affected at this Injury, as well as Reproach, and made great complaint to the King; but, seeing what was once done, could not be undone, he desired, at least, the repayment of the Dowry. This his just Demand being denied, and perceiving, that he was not like to obtain any Right, in regard the Minds and Ears of all the Court were prepossessed by his Rival, he departed upon very angry, yea, threatening Terms, and so giving up the Castle of Dunbar to Robert Maitland, his Sisters Son, he went for England. Robert presently yielded up the Castle to an Herald, sent by the King to demand it, and Douglas was admitted into it with a Garison, so that when George returned home, he was denied entrance. Hereupon, he took his Wife, Children, and some intimate Friends, and returned into England. Being there, as he was a Man powerful at home, and famous [Page] abroad, he joyned Counsels with Percy, a mortal Enemy to the name of the Douglas's; and in regard, he was well beloved by the bordering Scots, of which, many were either his Tenants, Allies, or otherwise obliged to him,Dunbar joyns with Percy, and infests Scotland. he made an Inroad into the whole Province of Merch, and drove great Preys from the Country, especially from the Lands of the Douglasses. The King of Scots first proclaimed George a Publick Enemy, and confiscated all his Estate; next, he sent an Herald to England, to Demand, That he might be given up as a Fugitive, according to the League made betwixt them; and also to complain of the violation of the Truce. Henry of England gave a peremptory Answer to his Demands, That he had given the Publick Faith to George for his Protection, and that he would not break his Royal Word; as if a private Pact with a Runagate were more Religiously to be observed, than That which had been publickly confirmed by Embassadors and Heralds; for the Days of the Truce made with Richard, were not yet expired. In the mean time, Henry Percy, the Younger, called Hot-Spur, and George Dunbar ceased not to infest the Neighbouring Lands of the Scots with their Incursions. Which when they had often and successfully done, their Boldness encreased with their Success; so that, gathering 2000 Men together, they entred Lothian, and made great havock about Hadington. They besieged Standing upon Tine, 3 Miles below Hadington. Hales-Castle, but in vain. When they came to Linton, (a Village scituate on the Tine, a River of Lothian) they were so disturbed at the sudden Coming of Douglas against them, that they left their Prey, and all their Baggage behind them, and ran away in such Fear, that they never stopp'd, till they came to Berwick. This was done about the beginning of February, in the Year 1400.

The same Year, upon the return of the Herald, War was denounced against England, and then also Archibald Douglas, Sirnamed the Austere, The Death of Archibald Douglas. a man inferiour to none of his Ancestors in all kind of Praise, fell sick and died, in a very bad time for his Country, which had lately lost, by sundry misfortunes, so many brave Generals, before. His Son,August 13. of the same Name, succeeded him. In the Ides of August, the English King, with great Forces, entered Scotland. When he came to Haddington, he stayed there three days, and then marched to Leith; and staying there as many days, he laid Siege to the Castle of Edinburgh. The Governor led an Army against them, but very slowly; so that it easily appeared, that he did not much care, if the Castle of Edinburgh were taken by the English; and in it, David, the Kings Son. For, by this time his wicked Ambition did begin to shew it self:Henry of England Enters Scotland, For, he undervalued his Brother, as an effeminate Person, and sought the Destruction of his Children, as much as he could, that he might enjoy the Kingdom, himself. So that their Loss he counted his Gain. But the King of England, and his Army, on the contrary, did Exercise their Enmity very moderately; as if, by an Ostentation of War,Carries it Moderately, they had only sought for Peace; for, having made some sleight Onset on the Castle, he raised the Siege, and returned home, without doing any considerable damage to the Places, thro' which he marched; insomuch, that, in his Marches both backward and forward, he got the Praise and Commendation of a mild, clement, and moderate Enemy; he was courteous to Those▪ that [Page] surrendred themselves; he offered no violence to consecrated Places; yea, he rewarded those bountifully,And Retreats. who had formerly entertained his Father. All which did more ingratiate Him, and render the Governor more odious; in regard he did not prosecute the War with any Eagerness, as against an Enemy; nor yet, endeavour to make so easy and beneficent a King, his Friend. After Henry was returned for England, George Dunbar did still trouble the Borders rather with frequent, than great, Inroads. To suppress him, there was more need of a diligent, than numerous, Force, and therefore Douglas divided the Forces of each County into small Bands, and appointed Commanders over them; who, by turns, were to stop the Enemy; or, if they saw cause, to Fight him. The First lot sell upon Thomas Halyburton of Birlington, who took a great Booty from the Enemy, out of the Lands near to A Castle over against Holy-Isle, in Northumberland. Bamburgh. But Patrick Hepburne, who wandred further abroad with a greater Band of men, had not the like Success, for trusting too much to the Numbers of his men, and not being very wary in his Retreat with his Prey, he was cut off by the English, and, with him, all the flower of the Lothian Soldiery. Archibald Douglas, to revenge the slaughter of his Friend, by the consent of the Governor, gathered above Ten thousand men together, abundance of the Nobles accompanied him in his March, and amongst them Murdo, the Governors Son;The Scots overthrown by Percy and Dunbar at Homeldon. when they came to Northumberland, at New-Castle upon Tine, they passed the River, and spoiled the Country with Fire and Sword; but there encountring with Henry Percy the Younger, and George Dunbar, in a pitch'd Battel, they were overcome, many of the Nobles were slain, Douglas was taken Prisoner, having lost one of his Eyes; so were also Murdo, Earl of Fife; Thomas, Earl of Murray; and George, Earl of Angus, with many other Noble and Illustrious Persons. And indeed, the strength of Scotland was not so much weakned [...] any one Fight, for many years before, as it was in This. It was fought at Homeldon, May. 7. a Town in Northumberland, in the No [...]es of May, and Year of Christ 1401.

Percy, having obtained so notable a Victory, resolved to subject all the Country, which lay betwixt Northumberland and the Forth, to the English Scepter; and, he thought it would be a work of no great difficulty so to do, in regard most of the Nobility of those Countrys were either slain in the Fight, or held Prisoners by him. Thereupon, beginning with Cocklaw, a Castle in Teviotdale, Co [...]aw-Castle besieged by the English ▪ but they raise the Siege themselves. the Governor agreed, That unless the Castle was relieved by the Scots in forty days, he would surrender it up. When these Conditions was brought to the King, and then to the Governor, some were of Opinion, that the Castle should be surrendred, in regard it was not of That Consequence, as, for the sake thereof, to hazard the strength of the Kingdom, a second time, which had been so sorely shal [...]en and weakned in the late Fight. This Dejection of spirit proceeded, not so much from Fear of the Enemy, as from the Perfidiousness of the Governor, who gaped for the Kingdom. He, on the other side, to avert all Suspicion from himself, in high confident Words affirmed, That this Cow-heartedness and Confession of Publick Fear, would more encourage the Enemy, than the loss of a Battel. And if any one thought, That the English would be contented with the taking in of One Castle, they [Page] were very much mistaken; for, as Fire is more encreased by a light Aspersion of Water, so the desire of the English, upon Surrender of some Places, would not be extinguished, but rather inflamed to the Taking of more, so that What was given up at First, would be but a Step to a further Progress: But, (says he) if all of you refuse to march out, for the relief of the Castle, I my self will go alone; for as long as I live, and am in health, I will never suffer such a Mark of Disgrace to be branded on the Scotish Name. Upon this stout Speech of the Governors, the rest, either extinguishing, or dissembling, their Suspicion, cryed out, That they would follow H [...]m. But Fortune decided the Controversy, and blew off that danger; For Percy was called back to the Civil War in England, and so the Siege was raised without Blows.

Whilst these things were acted abroad, against the Enemie matters stood▪ less prosperously at home; For shortly after the Death of Archibald Douglas, the Year before▪ there immediately followed the Decease of the Queen Annabella, Arch Bishop Tra [...]e an observer of Ancient Discipline. and of Walter Trayle, Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, insomuch, that all mens minds did presage a great Mutation of Affairs. For the splendour of Military Matters was upheld by Douglas; the Ecclesiastical Authority and Resemblance (such as it was) of Ancient Discipline, by Trayle; and the Dignity of the Court, by the Queen; as did soon appear by what happened, after her death. For David, the Kings Son, was a Young man of a fierce Disposition, and enclined to Wantonness and Lust. The Indulgence of his Father encreased those Vices; for, tho' he had not Authority enough to maintain the Reverence due from him to his Father; yet, by the diligent Monitions of Those,David after his Mothers decease, lets loose the reins to Licentiousness. who were appointed to be his Tutors in his Youth, but much more by the Counsel and Advice of his Mother, his Youthful Heats were somewhat blunted and restrained; but, when she was dead, he, as new freed from this Curb, returned to his own Manners and Lustful Courses; for, laying aside all shame and fear, he took away other Mens Wives by Force; yea, and Virgins too, tho' well descended, and Those that he could not persuade by fair means, he ravished by Compulsion; and, if any one endeavoured to stop him in his libidinous ways, he was sure to come off, not without Punishment. Many Complaints were brought to his Father about These his Exorbitancies; so that he wrote to his Brother, the Governour, to keep him with him, and to oversee his Conversation, until his Lustful Spirit did abate: And till he gave some hopes of his Amendment of Life. The Governour had now an Opportunity put into his hands, to effect that, he most desired, which was, [...]o destroy his Brothers Issue; so that, he met David, three Miles from St. Andrews, and carried him into the Castle thereof,David most cruelly starved to Death by his Uncle Robert. which he kept in the nature of a Garison, after the Arch-Bishops death: After a while, he took him out from thence▪ and carried him to his own Castle of Scituate at the North bottom of Loc [...]-Lomond near the Centre of Fife. Falcoland; and there shut him up close Prisoner, intending to starve him. But that miserable death, which his Uncles Cruelty had designed him to, was prorogued and staved off for a few days, by the Compassion of Two of the Female Sex: one was a Maid, and Virgin, whose Father was Governour of the Castle and Garison. She gave him Oate Cakes made so thin, that they would [Page] be folded up together, (as 'tis usual in Scotland, so to make them) and as often as she went into the Garden, near the Prison, she put them under a Linen Vail, or Hood, which she did, as it were, carelesly cast over her Head, to keep her from the Sun, and thrust them into the Prison to him, thro' a small Crany, rather than a Window. The other was, a Country Nurse, who Milked her Breast, and, by a little Canale, conveighed it into his Mouth. By this mean fare, which served rather to encrease, than kill, his hunger, his wretched Life and Punishment was protracted and lengthned out for a little while; till, at length, by the vigilance of the Guards they were discovered and put to Death. The Father mightily abhoring the Perfidiousness of his own Daughter,The Governor of Fa [...]k [...]and's cruelty to his own Daughter. whilst he endeavoured to manifest his Faithfulness to an unfaithful Regent. The Young man, being thus left destitute of all human Support, having, by Force of Hunger, gnawed and torn his own Flesh, died at length more than a single kind of Death. His End was concealed from his Father, thô it were commonly known abroad, because no Man durst to be the Messenger of such sad Tidings to him.

But to return to the Affairs of England, as far as they are intermixed with Ours. When Percy, and a great Number besides of the Nobility, had conspired to make War upon their own King, he agrees with Douglas, whom he still held Prisoner since the Battel of Homeldon, That, if he would improve his Interest, by assisting him against the King, as strenuously and as faithfully as he had before done against him, he would set him at Liberty, without ransom,Douglas joyne with Percy, against the K. of England. which Douglas frankly promised him to do, as being willing to omit no Opportunity of service against the English King. Hereupon, he gathered some of his Friends and Tenants about him, and prepared himself for the Fight, wherein he behaved himself as stoutly, as he promised to Percy; so that, without regard to the Common Soldiers, his Mind, and Eye, was wholly intent upon the King only; and, in regard, there were several Commanders cloathed in Royal attire, which was done on purpose by the English, either to deceive the Enemy, if they should press hard upon him; or else, that the Soldiers, in more places than one, might find him a present witness of their Courageousness or Cowardize: Douglas took notice of One of these, who had Gallant Armour, and rushed in upon him, with all his might, and so unhorsed him. But he, being relieved by those who were next, he did the same to a Second, and a Third, who were all attired as Kings, (thus Edward Hall, the English Writer affirms, as well as Ours) so that he was not taken up so much with the Apprehension of his own danger, as with a wonderment,Having Performed valiantly in a fight he is taken Prisoner, and after ransomed from whence so many Kings should start up, at once. At length, after a terrible and bloody Fight, Fortune turned about, and the King won the day; Douglas was sore wounded and found amongst the Prisoners▪ and whereas many urged to put him to death, the King saved him, and did not only commend his Faithfulness to his Friend, but also rewarded him for his Valour, and, when his Wounds were cured, after he had staid some Months with him, upon the Payment of a great sum of Money he was released.

[Page]In the mean time, the Scotish King heard of the death of David his Eldest Son, by the unnatural Cruelty of his Uncle. The Author was sufficiently pointed at by private whisperings, tho' no man dared publickly to accuse so potent a man. Whereupon, the King sends for his Brother, and makes an Expostulation with him concerning the matter; He had prepared his Tale before-hand, and charges others with the Guilt of the Young Mans death;

Robert accused for Davids Death.

Undergoes a partial Tryal, and is Acquitted.

as for him and his, they were ready, forsooth, whenever the King pleased, to plead and assert their Innocency, in a due course of Law; as for the Murderers, some of them he had taken already, and the others he would diligently look out. Thus the matter being brought to Examination in the Law. The Author of the wickedness Summons a Council, sets up an Accuser, and he who was impleaded as Guilty, was by them acquitted, as Innocent of the Murder.King Robert imprecates God's judgment on the Murderers of his Son. The King imprecated a most dreadful punishment from the God of Heaven above, to be poured down on him and his Posterity, who had committed that horrid Wickedness: And thus being overpressed with Grief and bodily Weakness he returned to Bote, whence he came. The Suspicion was encreased in him, That his Brother had committed the Parricide, tho' he was too powerful to be brought by him to Justice and Punishment, for the same. But he, like a strong dissembler, brings the supposititious Authors of the wickedness out of Prison, and put them to Cruel deaths; 'tis true, they were Lewd Persons, yet Innocent of that Particular Fact, for which they suffered.

In the interim, the King advised with his Friends, how he might preserve Iames, his Youngest Son, for whose safety he was very solicitous, and whom he had left in the custody of Walter Wardiloe, Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, an honest man and faithful to him; They gave their Opinion in the case, that he could not be safe in any part of Scotland, and that therefore it was best to send him over to Charles the IV. King of France, the old Ally, and only Friend, of the Scotish Nation; for he could be Educated no where more safely and honourably, than there: The fresh Example of David Bruce stuck yet in their Minds, who, in dubious and troublesome times at home, had there, for some years, an Honourable retreat and Entertainment. Hereupon a Vessel was prepared, and he put on bord at the Bas [...], a Rock rather than an Island. Henry Sinclare, Earl of the Oreades, was sent with him, as his Guide or Rector; whilst they were compassing the shore, he Landed at the Promontory of Flamburgh, either driven in by Tempest, or else to refresh himself on shore, from his S [...]-Vomit and Nauseation; There he was detained by the English, till they sent to their King, who commanded, that he should be brought up to Court: So that neither the Law of the Truce, which was made a little before, for 8 years, nor the supplicating Letters of his Father did prevail, but he was kept, as a Lawful Prisoner. For his Father,Iames, the K. Son, for security, sent into France, but Landing in England is detained There. at his departure, had sent Letters by him to the King of England, (if possibly he should be necessitated to land there) wherein he made complaining, and lamentable discourses, both of his own, and also of the common fortune of all Mankind. But, tho' the King of England were not ignorant of the Inconstancy of human affairs; yet the old grudge against the Nation of the Scots more prevailed with [Page] him, than either the respect of the Youth's Innocent Age, or the Tears of his grieved Father, or the dignity of the Kingly Name, or the Faith of the Pacification and Truce. For having referred the matter to his Council, how he should treat the Son of the King of Scots being arrived in his Dominions, Those, who had any regard to Equity, and were weary of the present War, inclined to the milder Opinion, viz. That the Royal Youth, who fled from the Cruelty of his own Countrymen, and was now their Suppliant, should be hospitably and Friendly Entertained, That so a feirce Nation,Dispute [...] King [...], concerning the Detention, o [...] Di [...] mission, o [...] Iames. and unconquer'd by the War of so many Ages, might be won and wrought over to a Reconciliation, by Courtesie. For this, they thought, was the most solid and firm victory, not when Liberty was taken away by force, but when Minds are united by the indissoluble bond of Amity. Others were of contrary Opinion, That he might be lawfully detained as a Prisoner; either, because many of the Scots Nobility had Personally assisted Percy in the Insurrection, which he made against the King; or, because his Father had Entertained and Relieved Percy the Elder, when he was Banished and Condemned, as a Traitor in England.

This Opinion (as commonly the worst things do) prevailed, th [...] they that were present at the Consult knew well enough, that those Scots who fought against the English King in Percy's Insurrection, were not sent by any Publick Commission from the King, but came out of their private Affection to Douglas, who was then also in Percy's Power. They might also have remembred, what Henry himself had answered to the Scots, a few Years before, when they demanded George Dunbar to be given up; yet notwithstanding, they stuck to this last Opinion, as commonly in the Courts of Princes, a false pre [...]ence of Advantage doth weigh down Honest and Righteous Counsels; Yet, in one thing Henry dealt Nobly and Royally with his Captive, That he caused him to be Educated in Learning,Iames well Educated in England, yet his Captivity breaks his Fathers Heart. and Good Discipline: This Calamity of the Son was brought to his Fathers Ears, whilst he was at Supper, and did so overwhelm him with Grief, that he was almost ready to give up the Ghost in the Hands of his Servants, that attended him: but, being carried to his Bed-chamber, he abstained from all Food, and in 3 Days dyed for Hunger and Grief at Rothesay, which is a Town in the Island Bote, in the 16th Year of his Reign, in the Calends of April, and Year of Christ, 1406. He was Buried at the Abby of Pasley. This Robert, April 1. for tallness of Stature, and for the Beauty and Composition of his whole Body, was inferior to none of his Contemporaries. His Life was very harmless,Robert's Death and Character and there was no Virtuous Accomplishment, fit for a private Man, wanting in him, so that it may be truly said of him, That he was a better Man than a King.

After the King's death,Robert, his Brother, made Regent. the Government of the Kingdom was setled upon Robert his Brother, by the Decree of all the Estates; who had many things in him worthy of that Office and Dignity, if, out of a blind Ambition to Rule, he had not used unjust Courses to hasten to the Throne. He was Valiant in War, Prudent in Counsel, Just in Judgment, Liberal to the Nobles, and Tender in Levying Taxes on the Commons. The same Year, Percy the Elder again entred [Page] into a Conspiracy against the King,Percy overthrown, and flies to Scotland. to revenge upon him the deaths of his Brother and Two Sons, who had been slain; but his Design was discovered, many of his Accomplices taken and put to death, and he himself, for fear, fled into Scotland, that from thence he might pals over into Flanders and France, to procure Auxiliaries to renew the War. In the mean time, Henry, the King of Englands Son, made great Incursions into Scotland, both by Land and Sea; when he was returned home with a great Boo [...]y, the Castle of Iedburgh which the Enemy had kept from the Fight in Darham to that day,Henry of England invades Scotland. was taken by the Commons of Teviotdale, Pillaged, and then, by the Governors Order, wholly demolished: And George Earl of Merch, who had done much damage to his Countrymen, in behalfe of the English, being not able to procure from them Aid to recover his Own, nor an honest Maintenance amongst them neither, pacified the Governor by his Friends, and so returned home, yet he lost part of his Patrimony,Dunbar returns to Scotland. viz. his Castles in the Loch-Maban, and Annandale, which were given to Douglas, for the Losses he had sustained: and thus all Offences were forgiven on both sides, and he passed the rest of his Life, in great Concord with his Neighbours, and faithful Subjection to his King.

The next Year, Percy, after he had made a vain and fruitless Peregrination over France and Flanders, returned into Scotland, to his old Friend the Earl of Merch; by whom he was courteously Entertained, and Accommodated, according to his Estate: There he Transacted by private Messengers, about returning into his own Country, and, amongst the rest, he wrot to Ralph Rokesby, his Ancient and Faithful Friend, as he thought, That he did not want Force, both of Scots and English, Percy betrayed by Rokesby his pretended Friend, and put to Death. who were ready to assist him to recover his Ancient Patrimony; provided, that he would joyn in his assistance with them. This Ralfe was, at that time, Sheriff of Yorkshire, so they there call the Officer which presides in Chief over Juridical Assemblies. He enticed Percy to him, upon pretence of giving him Aid, and then discovered the Conspiracy to the King. Thus his Friend was betrayed by him, his Head cut off, and sent to the King at London.

There was also, at that time, a certain Englishman in Scotland, who called himself Richard the Second,A Supposititious Prince. but, I judge, falsly. For when Percy, the Elder, did often and earnestly desire to speak with him, he would not, by any persuasion, be induced thereunto, fearing, as may be guessed, left his Imposture might be detected by a Man, who so well knew his King. Yet he was, for some Yearss, Treated, as one of the Blood-Royal: and that he might live more securely, he feigned himself most averse from any desire of enjoying the Kingdom. But at last he was Buried in the Church of the Franciscan-Fryers at Sterlin. Standing on a Rock above the Firth, of Forth, near St. Eb [...]s Head, in the Merss The Title of the King of England being inserted in his Epitaph: [...]ot long after, Fastcastle, a very Strong Castle (as the Name intimates) in Merch, was taken from the English by Patrick Dunbar, Son to George, and therein Thomas Holden Governor thereof, who had infested all the Neighboring Places of Lothian, with his continual Thievery. And moreover, in Teviotdale, William Douglas, and Gawin Dunbar, youngest Son to the Earl of Merch, had broken down [Page] the Bridge of Roxburgh, and burnt the Town; but they attempted not the Castle, because they were destitute, and unprovided, of all things, necessary for a Siege: But the next Year after, which was 1411. Donald the Islander, Lord of the Aebudae, claiming Ross as the next Heir (for so indeed he was, [...]) as unjustly taken away from him by the Governor, when he could get no Right, he Levied 1000 Islanders, and made a Descent on the Continent, and so easily seized on Ross, the whole Country being willing to return to the Subjection of their own just Master: But this Facility of the Rossians, in submitting to him, gave him (whose Mind was greedy of Prey) Encouragement to attempt greater Matters. For, he passed over into Murray, and there being no Force to defend it, he reduced it to his Obedience,A County lying on [...] River St [...]a [...]-Bogy, 40 [...] A [...]rdeen. and then passed further in his Depredations into Strath-Bogy, and did threaten Aberdeen: Against this suddain and unexpected Enemy, The Governour gathered Forces, but, in regard, the Greatness and Propinquity of the Danger did not admit the expectancy of slow-paced Aid, Alexander Earl of Marr, the Son of Alexander, the Governours Brother, and almost all the Nobility, beyond the Tay, at a Village called In Murray. Harlaw, set themselves and their Men in Battel-array against him. The Fight was Cruel and Bloody, for the Valour of many Nobles did then contend for Estate and Glory against the Savage Cruelty of the opposite Party; At last the Night parted them, and it may be rather said, That they were Both weary with Fighting, than that either Party had the better; so that the event of the Fight was so uncertain, that when Both sides had reckoned up, how many they had lost,A Cruel Fight between Donald and the Governour. each counted himself the Conqueror. In this Fight there fell so many Eminent and Noble Personages, as scarce ever perished in one Battel against a Foreign Enemy, for many Years before: And therefore the Village, which was obscure before, grew Famous therefrom, even to Posterity.

This Year also, Publick Schools began first to be opened at St. Andrews, which was effected, rather by the consent of Learned Men,The Erection of St. Andrews University who made an overture at the Profession of Science, than by the Occasion of any Private or Publick Assistance. The next 10 Years, there was hardly any Memorable thing acted betwixt the Scots and English, either, because there was a Truce made, which yet Authors are silent in; or,March 21. because Henry the 4th Dying on the 12th of the Calends of April, and his Son Henry, the 5th, Henry the 4th Dyes, and Henry the 5th [...]ceeds [...] presently succeeding him, being all the rest of his Life, intent on the Affairs of France, the English abstained from offering any Injury to the Scots. And besides, the Governour of Scotland did not dare to stir on his side, for fear, lest the English should bring back upon them the true Heir of the Crown, whom, he knew, many of the Scots would close with, out of the Commiseration of his Misfortunes. Therefore, what Inroads were made, at that time, were rather like Robberies than Wars. For both Penrith in England was burnt by Archibald Douglas, and Dunfrize in Scotland, by the English: And also there was an Exchange of Prisoners made, Murdo, the Governours Son, taken at Homildon Fight, was exchanged for Percy, who, when his Grandfather's Party was subdued in England, was brought into Scotland, and left with the Governor; But upon the New King's coming to [Page] the Crown, he was restored to the Dignity of his Ancestors. He, though he were not properly a Prisoner by the Law of Arms; yet the unjust detention of Iames, Son to the King of Scots, stopt the mouths of the English, Percys Posterity restored to their Dignity. that they could not justly complain of any injury, in the Case: As for Percy himself, he was so far from resenting it, that as long as he lived, he acknowledged the Civility and great Friendship of the Scots to him, in all kind of mutual Service.

Moreover, the same Year, another Embassy came from the Council of Constance, Council of Constance send Ambassadors to Scotland, so doth Peter Lune, Anti-Pope. the Head whereof was the Abbat of Pontiniack; and another from Peter Lune, who had seized on the Papacy, and as pertinaciously kept it. He, by Henry Harding, an English Franciscan, had wrought over the Governor to his Party, but in vain, for the whole Body of the Priesthood was against him; for they, having assented to the Council of Constance, had subscribed to the Election of Martin the Fifth. In the mean time, the King of France, by means of a violent Disease, fell besides himself, and his Distemper was encreased by the Monks, who pretended to Cure him. By which means, France was divided into Two Factions. The Head of the One, was the Duke of Burgundy, who having slain the Kings Brother, drew him to the English Party. The Head of the Other, was, the Kings Son, who being disinherited by his distracted Father, was called by his Enemies in a jeer, the King of

The King of France distracted.

Divisions in France.

A County of France, lying on the River Carus.

Berry, because he usually kept himself at Burges in Berry, a Town of the Bernois. He being forsaken by a great part of his own Country Men, and destitute also of Foreign Aid, in the Year 1419. sent the Earl of Vendosme, his Ambassador to the Scots, The French King craves Aid of the Scots, which is sent him under the Command of the Earl of Buchan. to demand Aid of them, according to the League made betwixt the Two Nations: The Assembly of the Estates ordered him Seven Thousand Men, and indeed, at that time, in regard the Soldiers were increased by reason of the long Peace with England; it was no hard matter, to make up such a Number of Men, being only Voluntiers. Iohn, Earl of Buchan, the Governours Son, was made General of the Forces, and many eminent Persons followed him; but Archibald Earl of Wigton, the Son of Archibald the Second, Earl of Douglas, was far more eminent than all the rest. When they came into France, they were sent by the Dolphin, (so they call the Eldest Son of the King of France) into Turein, a Country very plentiful in all sorts of Provision,The Scots Auxiliaries Land in France. and near to the Enemy: For the Duke of Clarence, Brother to the King of England, was then in France, instead of the King himself, and made great Havock of the Country of Anjou, whose Inhabitants remained in their Obedience to the French King. And it was thought, he would have come as far as the Town of Beujeu. This was done Two Days before Easter; whereupon the Scots, thinking, that the General would cease from any Military Action those few days of that Feast, (as the custom is) and apply himself to Ecclesiastical Duties; or, (as others say) presuming upon an Eight Days Truce, which was made, carried themselves more securely, than otherwise they were wont to do. The Duke of Clarence was informed thereof, either by Andrew Fregose, an Italian; or else, by some Scots Foragers, whom his Horse had taken Prisoners, and having gotten a fair opportunity for Action, (as he thought) he rose up [Page] presently from Dinner; and, [...] with his Horse only marched toward the Enemy, he himself, besides his other Gallant Furniture and Armour, had a Royal Diadam on his Head, beset with many Jewels. Some few French, who were quartered nearest the Enemy, in a Village called Little Beaujou, being terrified with his sudden coming, fled into the Tower of a Church adjoyning; whilst he was assaulting of these, the Alarum was given to the rest of the Army, and presently, in great dismay, they all cryed out, To your Arms. The Earl of Buchan, whilst the rest were sitting themselves, sent out 30 Archers, to take possession of a Bridge, which was the only Passage over a Neighbour River. There a Skirmish begun, and Hugh Kennedy, who quartered in a Church hard by, came in to them, with One hundred Men, who in so sudden a Fright were but half-armed. This Party with their Arrows hindred the Horse from passing over; whereupon Clarence, with the forwardest of his Men, leapt from his Horse, and maintained the Combat on foot; so that, in a Lusty Charge, they repelled the Scots, who were some unarmed, and some but half-armed, from the Bridge, and this opened the Passage for his Men. In the mean time, whilst Clarence was mounting his Horse, and his Men were passing the narrow Bridge, a few at a time; the Earl of Buchan, was at hand with 200 Horse;Is overthrow [...] by them, who being very earnest to shew themselves on Both sides, a sharp Fight began, with equal courage and hatred: For the Scots were glad, that they had gotten an Opportunity, to give the first Proof of their Valour, and so to refute the Reproaches of the French, who were wont to upbraid them, as Men given more to Eating and Drinking, than Fighting. The like Reproach do the same French use to cast upon the Britains; The Spaniards, on the French; and the Africans, on the Spaniards: On the other side, the English took it in great disdain, That they should be attack'd by such an implacable Enemy, not only at home, but even beyond the Seas; and so they fought stoutly, but none more fiercely than Clarence himself; He was known by his Armour, Iohn Swinton ran at him, and, with his Lance, grievously wounded him in the Face; and the Count of Buchan also smote him with a Truncheon, and struck him from his Horse; when he was fallen, the English ran away, and were slain in the pursuit, even until night. This Battel was fought the day before Easter, when the days are short in cold Countries, a little after the Vernal Equinox. There fell of the English in the Fight, above 2000,And slain. amongst which were 26 of eminent Rank. Many Prisoners were taken of good Accompt in their own Country; and, especially, some of the Dukes Allies: Few of the Scots or French were lost, and those of no great Note, neither: This is the most common report concerning the Death of Clarence, but the Pluscarty Book says, that he was slain by Alexander Maccasland, a Knight of Lennox, who took off the aforesaid Diadem from his Head, and sold it to Iohn Stuart of Derneley, for 1000 Angels of Gold; and he again pawned it to Robert Huston, to whom he owed 5000 Angels; This, he says, was the Vulgar Opinion: The chief Praise of this Victory was ascribed to the Scots, Buchan made Lord High Constable of France. neither could their greatest Detractors deny it. Whereupon Charles, the Dolphin, created the Earl of Buchan Lord High Constable, which is the highest Office in [Page] France, next the King: The rest of the Commanders had also Honours bestowed on them, according to their Rank, and Valour.

Whilst these Things were acted in France, in the year 1420, Robert, Governor of Scotland, September 3. died the same year, in the Third of the Nones of September, Robert dies, and his Son Murdo made Governor of Scotland. and Fifteen years after the Death of King Robert, the Third: His Son Murdo succeeded in his place, a Man of a sluggish disposition, and scarce fit to govern his private Family, much less the Common-wealth: So that either by his Slothfulness; or else, his too much Indulgence, he so spoiled his Children, (for he had Three) that, in a short time, he brought both them and himself into great Calamity, and, at last, Destruction. This change of Domestick Affairs caused the Earls of Buchan and Wigton, with many of their Kindred, to return from France: But Matters being soon setled at Home,Buchan returns to Scotland, but is recalled to France. the Dolphin recalled the Earl of Buchan, who, with his Son in Law Archibald, Iames his Son, and the Flower of the Scotish Soldiers, sailed into France, leaving his other Son, the Earl of Wigton, behind him, who, being grievously sick, could not follow him: They landed with 5000 Soldiers at Rochel, Douglas made Duke of Turein. and so came to the Dolphin at Po [...]ctou, where they were joyfully received, and Douglas was made Duke of Turein.

When Henry of England heard of the Death of Clarence, he substituted Iohn Earl of Bedford, Earl of Bedford sent by Henry into France, who carries with him Iames I. King of Scotland. his other Brother, in his place, and sent him before into France with 4000 Horse and 10000 Foot. He himself followed soon after, and took with him Iames, King of Scots, in the Expedition: thinking, by that means, either to insinuate himself with the Scots, who fought against him in France; or else, to render them suspected to the French: But he obtained neither of his Ends, nor could he prevail with them, at the desire of their own King, so much as to return home, and to be Newters and Spectators only, of the War: For, addressing to all the Garisons held there by the Scots, They made him one General Answer, That they could not acknowledge him for their King, who was under the Power of another Man: Henry, being offended at their Peremptoriness and Constancy, having taken the Town of A Chief Town of the County o [...] B [...]e in France, situated near the Matrona. A Town in, or near Normandy. Meaux, by Storm, hanged up 20 Scots, which he found there, alleging, That they bore Arms against their own King. Soon after, He and Charles the Sixth, King of France, died, immediately one after another. About Two years after, the English prevailed in a Battel at A Chief Town of the County o [...] B [...]e in France, situated near the Matrona. A Town in, or near Normandy. Vernevil, where there were slain of the Prime Scots, the Earl of Buchan and Douglas, one Duke of Turein, the other Master of the Horse to the French King; and also Iames Douglas, his Son; Alexander Lindsay, Robert Stuart, and Thomas Swinton; and, of Common Soldiers above 2000. And about three years after, the Auxiliary Scots received another great Overthrow at

A large Country about Orlean [...], on the [...].

The Sc [...]ts overthrown in F [...]ance [...] English, and their Chief [...].

Beaux, when they were carrying Provisions to Orleans. They set upon the English in the way, in which Fight there were slain of Scots of note, William Stuart with his Brother, and two eminent Knights of the Family of the Douglas's, whose Posterities do yet enjoy two Castles, and large Possessions about them, in Scotland, viz. one of them, the Castle of Drumlanerick, and the other the Castle of Lough Levin in Fife. Thus have I briefly touched at the Actions of the Scots, performed in a few years in [Page] France, as External and Foreign Occurences, the farther Explication of them is to be had in the French Annals, which though they be not quite alien from the Affairs of Scotland, yet I had not stepped out of my way to mention them, if the calumny of some English Writers had not compelled me so to do: For they endeavour to undervalue and speak evil of what they do not deny; if Histories did not mention their Atchievements, yet the Munificence of the Kings, the Decrees of the Cities, and the Honourable Monument at Orleance and Turein do sufficiently declare them; What, I pray,Reflections on some English Writers. can they here object? The Scots, say they, are too poor to maintain so great a Force in a Foreign Country: I answer, First, That if they be Poor, it is the fault of the Soil, not of the Men; neither would I have taken this for a Reproach, if it did not appear by their Writings, That the English intended it for Such; and therefore, I shall only answer them with this: That these Poor and Indigent Scots (as they call them) have got many great and famous Victories over the Opulent and Wealthy English: And if they do not believe me herein, let them consult their own Histories; and, if they suspend their Belief of them also, let them not require of us, to receive them for True in other things. But to return to the Affairs of Scotland.

Murdo being set up, as I said but now, in the place of his Father, he maintained a very loose Discipline in his own House, his Children (whose Names were Walter, Alexander, and Iames) did despise their Inferiors, and consequently oppress them with many Injuries, and they infected the Youth, with those Vices, to which they themselves were addicted;Fond Indulgence to Children, justly punished in a Father. and seeing their Father did not curb nor restrain them, at last he was punished himself for giving them such bad Education. The old Man did highly prize a certain Bird he had, of that sort of Hawks, which they call Falcons: Walter had often begg'd him of his Father, and was as often denied; so that upon a time, he catched it out of his Fathers Hand, and wrung off his Neck. To whom his Father replied, Because thou can'st not find in thy Heart to obey me, I will bring in another, That both thou and I too shall be forced to obey. And, from that time forward, he bent his Thoughts to restore his Kinsman Iames; and there was an Eminent Man of Argile, chief of the Country, named Calen Cambel, whom, before, Walter had affronted and wronged, who approved of his Design herein; so that, he assembled the Estates at Perth, and a Consultation being had concerning the Revocation of their King; They all, either out of Favour to the true Heir of the Kingdom, or out of Weariness of the present posture of Affairs, willingly agreed to send an Embassy about his Restitution:The Scots send for King Iames the First, out of England. Some Nobles were chosen Embassadors, who coming into England, found the English more inclinable to it, than they expected: For the Duke of Gloucester, who, in the Kings Minority, governed the Affairs of England, called the Council together, and easily persuaded them, That Iames, Son to the King of Scotland, should be sent back, at the desire of his People, into his own Country; seeing, he was not, in his present posture, of so great Authority amongst them, as to be able to recal the Scots Auxiliaries out of France, or to draw any Part of the Kingdom to an Alliance with England. And besides, he thought to make another [Page] advantage of him, That he would not only be his sure and fast Friend, but would always be under the power and influence of England, for he had Married Ioan, the Earl of Salisbury's Daughter, the Beautifullest Woman of her Time, (which he then was mightily in Love with) he persuaded himself, that, by her means, the League with France might be easily undermined; and, if he were freed, either he would be obliged by that Courtesy; or else, whilst he was busie in revenging the Wrongs his Kindred had done him, he would intangle his Country in a grievous intestine War; and, by this means, it would come to pass, That either the English would be made stronger by the Accession of such a Friend; or, if their Scotish Enemies disagreed amongst themselves; yet, they should be more disingaged, and readier for a Foreign War. And, indeed, these were no imprudent Considerations, if they themselves, by the Narrowness of their Spirits, had not marred their own Market. For seeing they demanded a greater Sum of Money, for his Redemption, than the Scots, in their present Circumstances, either durst promise, or were able to pay,Who returns upon a Ransom. a Compremize was made, That the Dowry of his Wife should be retained, as for One half, and that the Sons of some Noblemen should be given in Hostage, for the payment of the Other. Iames, being set at Liberty upon these Terms, returned home, 18 years after he had been a Prisoner, in the year of our Lord 1423.

Amidst the great Concourse of People, which flocked in, to see him, and to Congratulate his Return, he was soon entertained with the Complaint of those who grievously lamented, what Wrongs they had sustained since the last Kings Death, partly by the Negligence, and partly by the Injuries of the late Governors: Walter, the Son of Murdo, Malcolm Fleming, and Thomas Boyd, were highly accused, who, to pacifie the Commons for the present, were committed to several Prisons, until the next Convention of the Estates, which was appointed to be the Sixth of the Calends of Iune. May 27. But Fleming and Boyd upon payment of Damages, and some kind of Compensation; and also upon laying down a round Sum, which they were Fined at, into the Kings Exchequer, were set at Liberty.

James I. The Hundred and Second King.

IN the mean time, the King, with the Queen, was Crowned on the Eleventh of the Calends of May;April 20. he being placed in the Chair of State, by his Cousin Murdo, (an Office belonging to the Earl of Fife.) A while after, many profitable Laws were enacted for the Good of the Publick, but especially to restrain Robberies; which, by the Licentiousness of former times, had grown to such an heighth, that Laws and Magistrates were despised, as if Right had been only in Arms. Afterwards, they consulted how to raise the Kings Ransom, for, seeing the Publick Treasure was very low, by reason of so many Wars, the Governours having pardoned the Offendors, and bestowed Rewards on good Patriots, so that the Kings Revenue being Mortgaged, and Money taken up thereupon, he could not pay it of his Own, but was forced to crave Aid of his Subject [...]; And indeed, the Nobles, [Page] whose Sons were left Hostages, easily obtained, That an Act should pass to that purpose; but, in the payment of the Money, there was not so ready an Obedience. For, upon a Valuation of all Moveables, a Twentieth part was imposed, which, in so great a want of Money; [...] Scotl [...]nd, [...] bout [...] yet Plenty, and consequently, Cheapness of other things, seemed intolerable to Men, who were not accustomed to Taxes: And who also were more concerned at the Example for the future, than for the present Damage: And moreover, the higher Sort were calumniated by the Vulgar, as if they had cast too much of the Burden upon the Shoulders of the Poor. But that which troubled the Commons most, was, the short Day appointed for the payment of the Tax, for it was Commanded to be brought in within 15 Days; and if any one did not pay, his Cattel were to be seized upon, either by the Lord of the Mannor, or the Sheriff of the County. And if any one alleged his being in Debt, or in Arrears of Rent to his Landlord, the Exception did not avail to abate his Contribution: And the Mischief was increased by the Severity and Harshness of the Collectors, who did not only thus vex the People; but, by false Reckonings; or, upon the accompt of Charges, they deducted a great part of the Money, which was Collected for the Publick Use: Besides, the Imposition seemed more Grievous, because the former Governours had been very remiss and moderate in their Levies and Cessments, that so they might insinuate themselves into the Love of the Commons, and thereby keep them off from designing the Restitution of their Lawful King: And for that cause, it was, that when the Assembly had given Liberty to Robert, the King's Uncle, to Levy a Tax, he, to ingratiate himself with the Commonalty, refused to let it pass into an Act, affirming,The King remits one halfe of his Ransom-Tax. That he had rather pay down so much Money of his own, than that the Commons should be burdened on such an account. When the King had exacted the First Payment, which came in very hardly, and with the Ill-will of the People, who complained, That besides the burden of the Wars, they had these new Taxes imposed upon them, he forgave the rest.

In this Assembly, Murdo, Duke of Albany, Walter and Alexander his Sons; Dunac Earl of Lennox, his Son in Law, and Robert Grame, who some Years before had killed the King, were taken,Several Scots Nobles imprisoned. and committed to Prison; so were 24 more of the Cheif Nobility, but the rest were not long after set at liberty; Murdo only with his Son, and Son-in-law, being retained in Custody. The same day that Murdo was taken, the King seized upon all his Castles, as Falcoland in Fife, and Down in Menteith, out of which, his Wife was carried to the Castle of Tintallon in Lothian. Iames his youngest Son, hearing of the Havock of his Family, gathered a Band of Men together, and burnt the Town of Dunbarton, and slew Iohn Howard (the King's Uncle) Sirnamed Rufus, and 32 of his Followers; and then he fled into Ireland, where he dyed shortly after. And also Finlaw, Bishop of Lismore, one of the Dominican Order, who fled with him, and was his Counsellor in all his Affairs, departed this Life there. The Wife also of Walter, with her Two Sons, Andrew, Alexander, Others [...] to [...] and Arthur a Baseborn Son, fled into Ireland also, who, in the Reign of Iames the Third, returned again, and were Endowed with great Honour. The [Page] same Year,Murdo brought to his Trial. in an Assembly of the Estates at Sterlin, Murdo, with his Two Sons, and Son-in-law were had out of Prison to be Tryed, according to Law; the Procee, dings were after the Custom of the Country, which was This. Some Man, Eminent for Wisdom and Authority, is chosen out, to be President of the Court, and he hath at least Twelve Assessors joyned with him, who are to hear the Crimes Objected, and to pass Sentence on the Prisoner, or Party accused,The Ancient manner of Trying Nobles in Scotland. according to their Oaths. These Judges are usually of the same Quality with the Party accused: Or, at least, of the next Condition to him, as near as may be: The Prisoner hath Power to except against his Judges, till the number of 12, and sometimes more, be compleated; and when the Crimes are weighed, the Sentence is Pronounced, according to the Majority of Voices. In this Case, Judges were chosen after the same manner, it is not much material to mention their Names,Murdo, &c. found Guilty, and Beheaded. (but certainly, they were Persons of Repute, and some of them nearly related to the Accused) but the Prisoners were condemned by them of High Treason. The Two young Men were put to death the same Day; Their Father and Grandfather by the Mothers's side, the Day after, on a little Rising Hill, over against the Castle of Sterlin: There is a constant Report, tho' I find it not mentioned in History. That the King sent to Isabella, Wife of his Cousin-German, the Heads of the Father, Husband, and Son, to try, whether so fierce a Woman, out of impatience of Grief (as it sometimes comes to pass) would not reveal the Secrets of her Mind: But tho' She was much disturbed at the suddain Spectacle, yet She gave no intemperate Language, onely Answered, That if the Crimes Objected were True; That the King had done Iustly, and according to Law.

When the Assembly was ended, Iohn Montgomery, and Humphry Cuningham, were sent by the King to take a Castle, which was held in the Name of Iames Stuart, the Fugitive, and they reduced it accordingly. And not long after, Iohn Stuart of Dernely, (who, when the Scots Commanders in France were destroyed, several ways, was made General of the Horse amongst them) together,Embassadors from France to Scotland, about Peace and a Marriage. with the Arch-bishop of Rhemes, came into Scotland, to renew the Antient League with the French, and to contract a Marriage between Lewis the Son of Charles the Seventh, and Margarite, Daughter of Iames, Both of them yet but Children. Which Matters being Accomplished the next Year, which was, 1426. All Scotland was subdued within the Mount Grampius: And the King took heart to proceed further in his Conquests. And First, he caused the Castle of Inverness to be Repaired, which is situate in a convenient place, in the furthest part of Murray. K. Iames the First, his prosperous Beginnings. Two Years after, he went thither to Administer Justice, and Suppress Robberies; thither he sent for the Chief of all the Families, especially of those who were wont to issue out with great Troops, and fetch in Booties from the Neighbouring Countries: And when he had subdued them, he laid Taxes on them, and made the Commonalty provide Victuals for them which were Idle, themselves; Some of those Robbers had 1000, some 2000, some more Pattizans, at their Command, whereby Good People were kept under for fear of Danger: And the Bad, who found a sure Refuge amongst them, were made more bold to commit all [Page] manner of Wickedness: The King had persuaded most of them, some by Threatnings, others by Flatteries, but he committed about 40 of the chief of them to Prison, and, upon Tryal, Two of the most Eminent, Alexander Macrory, and Iohn Macarthur were hanged up,Free [...] punished by the King. also Iames Cambel was put to death for the Murther of Iohn the Islander, one of Note in his Country; The rest were divided into several prisons, of which some afterward suffred, and others were freely set at Liberty. Thus the Heads of the Faction, being either Slain or kept Prisoners; the King judged the Common sort, being deprived of their Leaders, would not stir, and therefore he persuaded them by kind and gentle words, to do that which was just, and to place the hopes of their safety upon no other Basis, as firm and secure, but Innocency of Life. If they would do so, he would be always ready to honour and reward them; if not, they might take Example by the Punishment of others, and, most certainly, expect the like Themselves.

When other Matters were thus composed; yet the King had still with Him, Alexander the Islander, one of the most potent Persons in the Land, next the King himself; for he Commanded over all the Aebudae; and besides, he had an Accession of the fertile County of Ross, by means of his Mother, who was Daughter to Walter Lesly, Earl of Ross. He having committed many cruel and flagitious Acts, was thereupon in great Fear of the King, whom yet he found very exorable, by the Mediation of his Friends; insomuch that he was courteously invited to Court, kindly entertained there;Alexander the Islander, [...]ise [...] in Arm [...] and having obtained an Amnesty for what was past, great Hopes of Favour were propounded to him, if he would inure himself to a more quiet and obedient Carriage and Deportment for the time to come, and so he was sent home. But he was so far from being thankful to the King for his Pardon, and afterwards for his Liberty, that, he thought, he had Great wrong done him, that he was kept some days in Prison. And therefore, as soon as he was returned to his old Comrades, he gathered a Company of Them together, who were accustomed to live upon the Spoil, and went to Innerness, in a seemingly peaceable manner; where being hospitably entertained, he suffered his Followers to pillage the Town, and after he had set fire to the Houses, he laid Siege to the Castle; but, hearing of a Force coming against him, was compelled to raise his Siege, and march in great haste to Loch-Abyr. There, by reason of the opportunity of the Place, he resolves to put himself upon the Fortune of a Battel, with that Army which he had with him, which were 10000 men, hardned to the Wars. But Two Tribes or Clans of Those, who followed him chearfully to the Plunder, when they heard of the Kings Preparations made against them, deserted him; to wit, The Catans and the Camerons, called vulgarly, Clan-Chattan, and Clan-Cameron.

Being thus deprived of Part of his strength, and having no great Confidence in the Fidelity of the rest, he began to think of hiding himself again, and so, dismissing his Army, he retired, with some few into the Aebudae, But is suppressed. and there consulted concerning his Flight into Ireland. But, presuming, that even there he could not be safe from [Page] the wrath of the King, he thought it best to fly to his last Refuge, viz. the Kings Mercy and Clemency; which, before, he had so large experience of: But here his Thoughts were at a loss betwixt Hope and Fear; when he considered, what Mischiefs he had done at his first Revolt; and, after the King had graciously pardoned him, with what perfidiousness and cruelty he had again broke forth, and so had cut off all hopes of further Indemnity; and, therefore was in great Doubt and Perplexity, whether he would commit himself, his Life and Fortunes to the Kings Anger, so justly conceived against him. In these Circumstances, he resolved to take a middle Course, between Flight and Surrendring himself, which was, to send Agents to Court, to beg Pardon for his Offences; and to incline the Kings Heart to Lenity towards him. And, for this Service, he chose quiet, moderate, Men, and not at all infected with the same contagious Villanies, whereof he himself was Guilty; and on that account, not unacceptable to the King; yet notwithstanding, they could obtain no other Answer from him, but That he would hear nothing unless he would put himself into his hands; neither would he Treat with him, as long as he was absent. Alexander cast up all his dangers in his mind, and foreseeing, that he could be safe no where from the Kings Fury, resolved to choose a fit Time and Place, and so to cast himself upon him; for, he thought, he would count it a shame to injure, or punish, an humble Supplicant. Whereupon he comes privately to Edinburgh, where the King then was, and on the day wherein our Easter. Lord's Resurrection is celebrated with great Solemnity, he threw himself at the Kings Feet, having a Linen Cloak, or Plad, about him, wherewith he was rather covered than cloth'd, and in a Speech composed to procure pity,And submits to the Kings Mercy. put himself into his hands, and begg'd his Life and Estate. His Habit, the Place and Time, and so great and sudden a Change of Fortune, did much affect the By-standers. The Queen and the Nobles, who were present, interceded with the King for him, and did so far incline and affect his Mind, That they were commanded to stay, till their Devotions were ended. In the Interim, the King pondered every thing with himself, and thought it not safe to dismiss so perfidious, potent, and Factious a Person, without any Punishment at all; and yet, on the other side, to make some Gratification to the Request of the Queen, he thought it best to keep him alive, in safe Custody; for, by this means, he might gain an Opinion of Clemency; and also prevent his opportunity to do further Mischief; provide for the security of the Common People; and withal terrify others by his Example. Hereupon he was sent Prisoner to Tintallon-Castle, and his Mother, a fierce Woman, was Banished into the Isle of Inch-colm. For it was thought, That she would have excited him to new Attempts.

The Licentiousness of Alexander being thus repressed, yet all things were not quiet in the Northern Countrys. For the men of Caithnes and Cameron, who, the Year before, had deserted Alexander, fell out grievously amongst themselves; and fought one another with so great eagerness. That many of Caithnes were slain, but the Cameronians almost all lost. Also in the Aebudae, where 'twas thought Things would be quiet by reason of Alexander's Exile, yet new Commotions [Page] were raised by Donald Balock, Cosin-German to Alexander, on pretence to revenge the wrong done to his Kinsman.Donald B [...]l [...]ck makes an Insurrection. To quell this Insurrection, Alexander and Alan, both Stuarts; One Earl of Caithnes, the Other of Marr, gathered some of their Countrymen together, and went into Loch-Abyr to meet Donald, (for the Report was, that he would make his descent there) where they waited his Coming. He, perceiving that they kept no Order, but were without Tents or Guard, in the Fourth Watch landed his men without any Noise, and so set upon them unexpectedly whilst they were half a sleep, and made a great slaughter amongst them. Alan, with almost all his Brigade, was lost there; and Alexander, with a Few, saved his Life by Flight. Donald was exalted with this Success, and so wasted all Loch-Abyr, with Fire and Sword, no man daring to oppose him; but, at length, hearing, That the King was making towards him with a greater Force, he trussed up his large bundles of Pillage, sent them a Shipboard, and returned into the Aebudae. The King marched as far as Dunstafnage after him, and there saw the ruin and fearful devastation which had been made; whereupon he conceived great wrath in his Breast, and was about to pass over into the Islands; but the Chiefs of their Families came with their humble Supplications to him, alleging, That there was no general guilt in the Case,But is quelled. because nothing had been acted by publick Advice, but all the fault lay at Alexanders own door, and of some indigent and lewd Persons besides, that sided with him. The King answered, he would not admit of their Excuse, unless they would apprehend the Authors of those wicked Pranks, and deliver them up to him to be punished; when they had promised to do their endeavour therein, the King let some of them go, to find out the Thieves; the rest he kept in the nature of Hostages: Those, who were dismissed slew many of the Thieves, and brought 300 of them Prisoners to the King, (Donald himself, for fear of Punishment, being fled away) who caused them all to be hanged.

This punishment of the Robbers, tho' for the present, it made things a little more quiet in the Aebudae, and the Neighbouring Parts; yet, the unquiet dispositions of some wicked and turbulent Persons would not suffer that Calm to be long-lived. The King, at the desire of his Nobles, had released Two of the Augus's, Duffus, and Murdo, Commanders of the Thieves. These turned their Fury upon one another,Tories fall out among themselves. meeting in equal Numbers (for each of them maintained about 1500 Partisans, out of the Rapines of the People.) They fought so obstinately, that there was scarce any one left, on either side, to be Messengers of the Slaughter made; for 'tis said, that, on the one side there were but Twelve, on the other but Nine left alive; so that the King, who was equally Angry with Both, had scarce any left of them to inflict Punishment upon.

And yet their Calamity did not restrain one Macdonald from his wonted Fierceness. He was a noted Robber, born in Ross, whose wicked Disposition was excited by the Impunity of the Former Times; so that he, (as we say) play'd Rex, along time,Mackdonald a Free-booter. among his Neighbours. Amongst the rest, they say, he committed one Fact, superlatively Cruel. A Widow-woman being robbed by him, [Page] grievously bemoaned her Case, and ever and anon cryed out, that she would complain to the King; Wilt thou so, says he? Then to the intent thou mayst better compass thy Journy, I my self will assist thee,His Cruelty to a Woman, and so calling a Smith, he caused him to nail Horse-shoes to the Soles of her Feet, and, not contented with that wrong, he added also contumelious and jeering words, telling her, now that she was more fenced against the roughness of the ways, and, in a mockery, he shewed her thus shod to those that passed by. The Woman being of a fierce and stern disposition, and rather enraged than terrified by his Reproaches, as soon as she was able to go, went to the King, and declared to him the Matter of Fact. The King had heard of the same, before, by others; and he having then the Authors in Prison, bid the Woman be of good chear; for she should speedily see the same Punishment inflicted on the Inventors of it; and hereupon, he caused Mackdonald, Retaliated on himself and his Followers. and Twelve of his Complices, to be brought out of Prison, and to have their Feet shod with Iron-Nails, and so to be carried Three days about the City, a Cryer going before, and declaring the Cause of this new Punishment; then the Captain was beheaded, and his Twelve Associates hanged, all their Bodies being set upon Gibbets in the High-ways.

These new Crimes, which a Pardon, once obtained, had not prevented, made the King more eager to find out Donald the Islander. And therefore, being informed that he lay concealed in a Noblemans House in Ireland, he sent Messengers to him to give him up to Punishment, the Nobleman fearing, that if he should send him away alive, thro' so long a Tract both by Land and Sea, he might possibly make an escape, and then his Maligners might allege, that it was done by his Connivence,Donald's Head sent to the K. from Ireland. caused him to be slain, and sent his Head to the King by his own Messenger. Open Robberies being thus diligently suppressed, the King endeavoured to extirpate some hidden Crimes and evil Customs;The King reforms Publick Manners. and to accomplish this Work; he made choice of eminent Persons, much commended for their Prudence and Sanctity, giving them Power to Travel all over the Kingdom, to hear Complaints; and if their were any Offences complained of to them, which ordinary Judges, either for Fear durst not, or for Favour and Affection would not,He also rectifies Weights and Measures. intermeddle with, then They themselves should hear the Case, and determine it. And moreover, he added to them, One, who was to correct and rectify Weights and Measures, a Thing very necessary; seeing, then, not only every City, but almost every House, used a different kind of measure; In a Parliament he made wholesome Laws to this purpose, and caused Iron Measures to be set up in certain Places, and sent out one to all Markets and Fairs, who was to regulate all the Measures according to that Standard, and a grievous Punishment was denounced on him, who used any other Measure, than That which was publickly thus Signed and Marked.

Whilst he was Transacting these things for the Publick Good, in the year 1430. the Fourteenth day of October, his Queen was brought a Bed of Twins;His Queen brings forth Twins. and thereupon a publick Rejoycing was made, and the King, to add something to the Popular Mirth, forgave former Offences to some Noblemen, the Chief whereof, were, Archibald [Page]Douglas, and Iohn Kennedy, who,Do [...]gla [...] and Kennedy released from Prison. because they had spoken too rashly and unadvisedly concerning the State and Government of the Realm, were made Prisoners, Douglas in the Castle of Loch-Levin, and Kennedy in the Castle of Sterlin. And, as a farther Testimony of his Reconciliation to Douglas, he made him Godfather (as we call him) at the Baptizing of his Children, which is wont to be accounted a matter of great Honour, and a Testimony of intimate Friendship; and moreover, he made his Son, one of the Knights, which were created in Testification of the publick Joy, on this occasion. The other parts of his Kingdom being thus purged and amended; he next bent himself to reform the Ecclesiastical State;He reforms the Ecclesiastica [...] Estate; but the Priests could not be corrected by the Civil Magistrate, for the Kings of Europe having been long engaged in mutual Wars, the Ecclesiast [...]cal Order had, by little and little, withdrawn themselves from their Obedience, and obeyed only the Pope of Rome; and he indulged their Vices, partly because he gained thereby,Which was Wofully degenerated and corrupted. and partly because he might make Kings more obnoxious to him, by reason of the great power of the Clergy in their Kingdoms. Whereupon he resolved to prevent their Tyranny the Best and Onely way he was able; for, seeing it was not in his power to amend what was past; nor to Out unworthy Men of those Preferments which they once enjoyed; he thought to provide the best he could for the Future, which was, to set up publick Schools for Learning, and liberally to endow them;He Erects Publick Schools, and is present himself at their Disputations▪ because these would be Seminaries for all Orders of Men; and whatsoever was eminent or noble in any Commonwealth, issued out from them, as from a Fountain. Hereupon, he drew Learned Men to him by Rewards; yea, himself would be sometimes present at their Disputations, and when he had any Vacation from Civil Affairs, he delighted to hear the Collations of the Learned, thereby endeavouring to eradicate the False Opinion which many Nobles had imbibed, viz. That Learning drew Men off from Action to Sloth and Idleness, and did soften Military Spirits, either breaking, or, at least, weakening all their Vigorous Efforts; so that the Study of Letters was only fit for Monks, who were shut up, as in a Prison, and good for no other use. But alas, the Monks, as they had degenerated from the Simplicity and Parsimony of their Ancestors, so they had turned themselves wholly from the Culture of their Minds, to the Care of their Bodies; and Learning was as much neglected by the rest of the Priesthood, also; and especially for this Cause, That Benefices were bestowed on the most slothful and worst Persons of Noblemens Families, Parish Priests and Begging Friers the Causes of the Decay of Ecclesiastical Discipline, with the Manner, how. which were unfit for other Employments; or else they were intercepted by the Fraud of the Romanists; so that a Parsonage was nothing else but a Reward for some piece of Service, and that ordinarily none of the Best. And besides, there was another Mischief which added much to the Corrupting of Ecclesiastical Discipline; and That was, the Orders of Begging-Friers. These Friers at the beginning pretended greater Sanctity of Life, and so easily imposed upon the People, to hear Them rather than their Parish-Priests, who were commonly gross-bodied and dull-witted. Yea, those Parish-Curates, or Priests, as they grew Rich, did scorn to do their own Work themselves, but would hire These Fryars, (for so they called Themselves) for a [Page] small yearly Stipend, to Preach a Few Sermons, in the year, to the People; In the interim, they withdrew into Cities, and there chaunted out their idle Songs, as it were, after a Magical manner, not knowing what they said; and there was none of them, that ever hardly looked towards his own Parish, but when Tithes were to be gathered. Yea, and by degrees, they withdrew themselves from this Office of Singing at certain hours in Cathedrals and Churches, too; which, though it were but a light, was yet a daily, Service; and hired poor Shavelings to supply their Places in Singing and Massifying; and so by muttering and mumbling out a certain Task and Jargon of Psalms, which was appointed every day, they made a collusive kind of a Tragedy, sometimes contending in alternate Verses and Responses; otherwhiles making a Chorus between the Acts, which at last closed with the Image, or Representation, of Christs Death. And the Friers, their Hirelings, on the one side, did not dare to offend their Masters, on whom their Livelihood depended; neither yet, on the other, could they bear their Insolence, conjoined with so much Avarice; so that they pitched upon a middle way, that they might engage them to make easier Payment of their Pensions; they oftentimes bitterly inveighed against their Lust and Avarice before the People, who gave ear to their Doctrine; and, when they had raved enough in their Sermons to keep them in Fear; and also, to conciliate the minds of the Vulgar, they took up, and consulted for themselves also in time, seeing they were also in Ecclesiastical Orders. They told them, that whatever Disorders were, yet the Order of Priesthood was a Sacred thing, and that the Temporal, or Civil, Magistrate, had no Power to punish them; they were only responsible to God and to the Pope, (who had almost equal Power with God) and because, their Avarice encreasing with their Luxury, they thought they should not squeez Gain enough from the People; therefore these Friers set up a new kind of Tyranny, holding forth, in their Sermons, the Merit of Works. Hence arose Purgatory, and the Lustration of Souls (which the Pope was pleased to detain there) by the Sacrifices (forsooth) of the Mass, by the sprinkling of Holy Water, by Alms and Pensions given or offered, by Indulgences, Pilgrimages, and Worshipping of Reliques; The Friers being exercised in this kind of Bartering Trade and Chaffer, in a little time, claimed the Power to themselves, both over the Living and the Dead, too.

In this ill Condition, Iames, the First, found Church-Affairs in Scotland; and therefore he thought it the most Compendious Way to restore the Old Discipline,King Iames aims to prefer only Worthy Persons to Benefices and Church Preferments. if Good and Learned Men were admitted to Benefices. And to Increase the Emulations of Young Scholars, he told the Masters and Governors of Universities and Schools, that, because he himself was hindred by the Publick Affairs of State, so that he could not consider every Students particular Merit, they should therefore be very careful to Commend Learned and Virtuous Young Scholars to him, that he might gratifie them with Church-Preferments; who being thus advanced, might not only be Useful to the People by their Doctrine and Example, but also might assist the Meaner and Poorer sort of those that were designed for Churchmen, with their Substance; and so far to Relieve their Tenuity, [Page] that Good Wits might not be compelled, for Want, to break off their Studies and Course of Learning, and betake themselves to Mechanical, Sordid, or Mercenary, Trades, and Employments. And to the intent, that good Men might, with more diligence, apply themselves to Learning, and the Slothful might know, that their only Way to Preferment was by Virtue, he distinguish't Degrees of Studies, that so he might know who were fit for such or such Promotions; Which Course, if succeeding Kings had followed, certainly we had never fallen into these times, wherein the People cannot endure the Vices of the Priests; nor, the Priests, the Remedy of those Vices. Neither was the King ignorant, that the Church was incumber'd with those great mischiefs, under which it then labour'd, by reason of the Immoderate Opulency thereof, and therefore he did not approve the Prodigality of Former Kings in exhausting their Treasury to inrich Monasteries, so that he often said, That though David was otherwise the Best of Kings, yet his profuse Piety, so praised by many, was prejudicial to the Kingdom; yet notwithstanding, He himself, as if he had been carry'd away by the Rapid Torrent of Evil Custom, could not withhold his hand from building a Monastery, for the Carthusians, near Perth, nor from endowing it with large Revenues. One thing in him was very admirable, that, amidst the greatest Cares for the high Affairs of the Publick, he thought the most inferior and private Matters not unworthy of his Diligence, provided some benefit came to the Publick by them. For whereas Scotland had been exercised with continual Wars, after the death of Alexander the Third, for almost 150 years, wherein her Cities had been so often spoil'd, and burnt, and her Youth generally made Soldiers, so that other Trades were much neglected, he invited Tradesmen of all sorts to come out of Flanders, proposing great Rewards and Immunities to them;He invites Tradesmen out of Flanders. by which means he filled his Cities, (almost empty before, in regard the Nobility did usually keep themselves in the Country) with this sort of Artificers, neither did he only restore the appearance of ancient Populousness to the Towns hereby; but also ingag'd a great number of Idlers to fall to honest Labour; and hereby it came to pass, that what was with small cost made at home, need not with far greater, be fetch't from abroad.

Yet, whiles he was thus strengthning all the weak parts of his Kingdom, by proper Remedies, he ran into the great dislike and offence of his Subjects, especially for Two Reasons. The one, seem'd light in appearance, yet 'was That, which is the beginning of almost all Calamity to a People. For when Peace was universally setled; Idleness, Luxury, and Lust, to the destruction, first of ones self, then of others, followed thereupon. Hence arose sumptuous Feastings,Luxury and Prodigality, the trust of Idleness. Drinking Caresses, by day and night, personated Masks, Delight in strange Apparel, Stateliness of Houses, not for necessary Use, but to please the Eye; A corruption of Manners, falsely called Neatness, and, in all things, a general neglect of the Country Customs; so that nothing, forsooth, was accounted handsom or comely enough, but that which was New-fangled and Strange. The Commonalty did willingly cast off the fault of these things from themselves, and laid it on the English Courtiers, who followed the King, and yet they did [Page] not inveigh against such wanton and pleasurable Courses, more bitterly in their Words, than they studiously practis'd them in their Lives. But the King obviated this Mischief, as much as he could, both by good Laws, and also by his own good Example, for he kept himself in his Apparel and Frugality, within the rate of the Richer sort of private Men, and if he saw any thing of Immoderation in any part of a Man's Life, he shew'd by his Countenance, and sometimes by his Words, that 'twas displeasing to him. By this means, the course of increasing Luxury was somewhat restrain'd, rather than the new Intemperance extinguisht, and the old Parsimony reduc'd. His other Fault was bruited abroad by his Enemies, and afterwards broke forth into a Publick Mischief. Robert, the King's Uncle, and Murdo his Cosin-German, who had the Regency of the Kingdom for many Years,Robert and Murdo affect the Throne. seeing they themselves aspir'd to the Throne, and yet knew not how to remove Iames out of the way, they did what was next to it i. e. Engage the Affections of Men so to them, that the better sort might have no extraordinary miss of a King; nor any ardent Desires after him, so that they us'd such great Moderation in the management of Affairs,, that their Government seem'd to many, not only tolerable, but very desireable, if Walter, M [...]rdo's Son, had carried it with a semblable Popularity and Moderation. For they so engaged the Nobles to them, by their Liberality and Munificence, that some injoyed the Lands, belonging to the King, by Connivence. To others they gave them, and, in favour of some particular Men, they Cancell'd Proceedings and Judgments in Law, and restor'd some, who had been banish'd, and, amongst them, one Eminent and Potent Person, George Dunbar, Earl of Merch; who, during his Exile, had done much mischief to his Country; and by this means, they hop'd so to ingage the Nobility, that they would never so much as think of calling home the King; and then, if Iames Dy'd without Issue, the Kingdom would come to them, without any Competitor; but if he should chance to return from his Banishment, yet their Faction would be so powerful, that if the King bore them a Grudge, yet they were able to defend themselves by force against him; but when the King did actually return, the old Favour and Respect born to the Uncle, seem'd to be quite extinguish'd by the new Injury and Flagitiousness of Murdo, so that, it plainly appear'd, that nothing was more popular than Iustice. And therefore the People were not only consenting, but also contributed their assistance, to the Execution of Murdo, Murdo and his Sons put to Death. the Father, and his Two Sons; and to the Banishment of of a 3d. So that the King's Revenue was Augmented by the Confiscation of their Estates: and also by the Access [...]on of the Estates of Iohn Earl of Buchan, who Dyed Childless in France, and of Alexder Earl of Merch, who was also Childless, and a Bastard, who Dy'd at home, concerning whom I shall speak a few Words, by way of Digression.

This Alexander was the Son of Alexander, Son to King Robert; In his Youth, by the ill Advice of some bad Men, he turn'd to be a Commander amongst Th [...]eves▪ but when he came to [...]an's Estate, he was so Reform'd, that he seem'd plainly to be quite another Man, so that his Vices gradually decreasing, by the benefit of wholsom Counsel, [Page] he so manag'd things, both at home and abroad,The [...] of [...] and his Exploits. that he left a Memory behind him, precious to Posterity. For at home, he quell'd the Insurrectio [...] of the Islanders at Harlaw, making great Slaughter of them. And so he extinguisht a dangerous War, in the very Rise and Bud, and thô he had great Wealth well gotten, and had bought [...] stately S [...]ts, insomuch, that he much exceeded his Neighbour [...] ▪ yet he addicted not himself to Idleness or Pleasure, but went with [...] good Party of his Country-men into Flanders, where he follow' [...] Charles D. of Burgundy, against the Luick-landers; in which War he got both Estate and Honour, and besides, he Married richly in Holland, and Island of the Batavians, but the Hollanders not being able to bear the Government of a Stranger, he return'd back, and provided a stately Fleet, with great Cost, yet no great Benefit, because it was against Men, who were very well provided, both with Land and Sea-Forces. At length, he set upon their numerous Fleet, returning from Dantzic, which he took and pillaged, and slew the Mariners, and burnt the Ships, so that he repaid the Enemy for the Loss he receiv'd from them, many times over; yea, he so subdued the Fierceness of their Minds, that they desired a Truce for an Hundred Years, and obtain'd it; He also caus'd a Breed of brave Mares to be brought from as far as Hungary, into Scotland, whose Race continu'd there for many Years after.

These Rich Earls Dying without Issue, Buchan and Marr, their Patrimonial [...]nheritances, descended Rightfully to the King. And moreover, he alone injoy'd all the Possessions of the Three Brothers, Sons to King Robert the 2d, by his last Wife; but not without the Grudges of the Nobility (who had been accustomed to Largesses,) that he alone should enjoy all the Prey, without sharing any Part of it amongst them. Further, they conceiv'd another, and fresher Cause of Offence,Exceptions taken against Iames. That the King had revok'd some Grants made by Robert and Murdo, the last Regents, as unjust. Amongst those Grants, There were Two noted ones, George Dunbar, who was Declared a Publick Enemy, was afterwards recall'd by Robert, and part of his Estate restor'd to him. His Son George succeeded him therein, to the Joy of many; who were well pleas'd, that so Ancient and Noble a Family, which had so often deserv'd well of their Country, were restor'd to their Ancient Dignity. But the King, who look'd narrowly (and perhaps, too pryingly) into his Revenue, was of Opinion, that the Power to restore Incapacities, to recal Exiles, and to give back their Goods forfeited for Treason, and so brought into the King's Exchequer, was too great for One that was but a Guardian of another Man's Kingdom, and chosen but as a Tutor only, to Claim and Use; especially, since Largesses made in the Minority of Princes, by the Old Laws of Scotland, might be recalled; if not confirm'd by their respective Kings, when they came to be of Age. And therefore Iames, that he might reduce the Merch-men into his Power, without noise, in regard they were a Martial People, and Borderers upon England, detains George with him, and sends Letters to the Governour of the Castle of Dunbar, Commanding him, on receipt thereof,A Castle standing upon the T [...]ne, 3 Miles below Hadington. he should immediately Surrender it up to William Douglas, Earl of Angus, and Alexander Hepborn of Hales, whom he had sent to receive it. Hereupon, [Page] George complain'd, that he was wrongfully dispossest of his Ancient Patrimony, for anothers Fault; and such a Fault too, as was forgiven by him, who then had the Supreme Power. The King, to pacifie him, and to proclaim his Clemency amongst the Vulgar, bestowed Buchan upon him. This Fact of the King's was variously spoken of, as every ones Humour and Disposition led him. And moreover, there was also another Action, which much hastned his End, the Beginning whereof is to be fetcht a little higher.

I said before, that King Robert the 2d. had Three Sons by his Concubine, he had also Two by his Wife Eufemia, Walter Earl of Athole, and David Earl of Stratherne, The Dispute between K. Robert's Legitimate, and Natural Children, occasion great Troubles. yet when their Mother the Queen was Dead, he Married the Concubine afore-spoken of, that so he might, by that Marriage, Legitimate the Children he had by her, and leave them Heirs to the Crown; and accordingly, at his Death, he left the Kingdom to the Eldest of them. To the 2d. he gave great Wealth, and the Regency also. The 3d. was made Earl of several Counties. In this Matter, tho' his other Wif's Children thought themselves wrong'd, yet being younger, and not so powerful as they, they smothered their Anger for the present. And besides, their Power was somewhat abated, by the Death of the Earl of Strathern, who left but only one Daughter behind him, afterwards Marry'd to Patrick Graham, a Noble young Man, and one of a potent Family in that Age, on whom he begat Meliss Graham; His Parents liv'd not long after, and the Child, after a few Years, being yet a Stripling, was sent as an Hostage into England, till the Money for the King's Ransom was paid.The Earl of Athol's Ambition. But the Earl of Athole, tho' every way too weak for the adverse Faction, yet never gave over his Project to cut off his Kindred, nor cast away his Hopes to recover the Kingdom; and because he was inferior in open Force, he craftily fomented their Divisions and Discords, and invidiously made use of their Dangers, to promote his own Ends, so that by his Advice that large Family was reduc'd to a few. For many were of Opinion, that he gave the Counsel to take off David, King Robert's Son; and Iames had not escap'd him neither, unless he had past a good part of his Life in England, far from home; for he gave Advice to the Earl of Fife, that seeing his Brother was a Drone, he Himself should seize on the Kingdom. When the King lost all his Children, and was obnoxious to his Brothers Will, and not long after, dyed of Grief himself; There was only the Regent of the Kingdom, with his Children, that hindred his hopes, in regard, he was an active Man, of great Wealth, Power, and Authority, and moreover, very Popular, and full of Children. These Considerations did somewhat retard his Counsels, but when Robert Dyed of a Natural Death, and his Son Iohn was slain in the Battel of Vernevil, A Town of Normandy in France. then he resum'd his former Project with greater earnestness, and bent all his Mind and Endeavour how to free Iames, and set him at variance with Murdo, and his Children. And seeing they could not, all of them, stand safe together, which soever of them fell, he foresaw, that his Hope would be advanced one step higher, to the Kingdom. And when Iames was returned into his Country, he turn'd every Stone to hasten Murdo's Destruction, he suborn'd Men fit for the turn, to forge Crimes [Page] against him, and he himself sate Judge upon Him and his Sons. And when they were cut off, there was only Iames left, and one little Son, a Child, not yet 6 Years old. And if he were slain by the Conspiracy of the Nobles, he did not doubt, but himself, who was then the only remaining Branch of the Royal Stock, should be advanc'd to the Throne. Athole was in these Thoughts Night and Day, yet he conceal'd his Secret Purposes, and made a great shew of Loyalty to the King, in helping to rid his Allies out of the way; for that was his only Contrivance, that, by the Offences of Others, he might increase his own Power, and diminish his Enemies.

In the mean time, Meliss Graham (who, as I said before, was given in Hostage to the English) was depriv'd of Strathern: because the King making a diligent Enquiry into his Revenue, found, that 'twas given to his Grandfather, by the Mothers-side, upon condition, That if the Male-Line fail'd, it should return to the King, in regard 'twas a Male-Feo, as Lawyers now speak. This Young Man's Loss, who was absent, and also an Hostage, did move many to Commiserate his Case; but Robert his Tutor took it so heinously, that it made him almost Mad. For he,Plots against Iames. taking the Case of his Kinsman more impatiently, than others, did not cease to accuse the King openly of Injustice, and being Summon'd to Answer for it in Law, he appear'd not, and thereupon was banish'd the Land. This made his fierce mind more enrag'd for revenge, as being irritated by a new Injury; So that he joyn'd secret Counsels with those, who had also their Estates confiscated; or, who took the punishments of their Friends, tho' justly inflicted, in great disdain; or, who accus'd the King as a Covetous man, because he was so intent upon his gain, that he had not rewarded them, according to their Expectations: And besides, he bewailed, That not only many noble Families were brought to ruin, but that the Wardships of Young Nobles, which were wont to be the Rewards of Valiant Men, were now altogether in the Kings hands, so that all the wealth of the Kingdom was almost in one hand, and others might starve for misery and want, under such an unjust Valuer of their labours.

Now that which he upbraided him, concerning Wardships, with, is This, 'Tis the Custom in Scotland, England, & some Countrys of France, that Young Gentlemen or Nobles, when their Parents dye, should remain in the Tutelage of those, whose Feudatarys they are, till they arrive at the age of 21 Years, and all the Profits of their Estates, (besides the Charges necessary for their Education) and also the Dowry given with their Wives, comes to such their Tutors and Guardians. Now these Tutelages, or, (as they are commonly call'd) Wardships, were wont to be Sold to the next of kin, for a great Sum of Money; or sometimes, well deserving men were gratify'd with them;Upon the Account of Wardships &c. So that they expected Benefit upon the Sale of such Wardships or Incomes, for a reward by their keeping of them. But now, they were much vex'd, that the King took them all to himself, neither did they conceal their vexation and displeasure. When the King heard of these Murmurings and Complaints, he excus'd the thing, as done by Necessity, because the publick Revenue had been so lessen'd by former Kings and Governors, that the King could not maintain his [Page] Family, like himself, nor be decently guarded and attended, nor yet give Magnificent Entertainment to Ambassadors, without them. Besides, he alleged, that this Parsimony and Care of the King in providing Money in all just and honest Ways, was not unprofitable to the Nobility, themselves; whose greatest damage was, to have the Kings Exchequer low. For then Kings were wont to extort by Force from the Rich, what they could not be without; yea sometimes, they were forced to burden and vex the Commons too, by exacting Taxes and Payments from them, and that, the Parsimony of the King was far less prejudicial to the Publick, by imposing a Mean to immoderate Donations, than his Profuseness was wont to be, for then he was still forc'd to seize on other Mens Estates, when his Own was consum'd. This answer satisfy'd all those who were Moderate, but those who were more Violent, and who rather sought after occasions of complaint, than were willing to hear any just Compurgation of an imputed Crime, were more vehemently enraged by it.

This was the State of Scotland, when Embassadors arrived out of France to fetch Margarit, Iames his Daughter, who had before been betrothed to Lewis, Son of Charles the 7th, home to her Husband; That Embassy brought on another from the English;Embassadors from France and England, to Scotland. For seeing that the Duke of Burgundy was alienated from their Friendship, and meditated a revolt, and that Paris, and other transmarine Provinces were up in a Tumult, lest, when all the strength of the Kingdom was drawn out to the French War, the Scots should invade them, on the other side; The English sent Embassadors into Scotland, to hinder the Renovation of the League with France, and the Consummation of the Marriage, but rather to persuade a perpetual League with them, who were born in the same Island, and us'd the same Language. And if they would do so, and solemnly Swear, That they would have the same Friends and Enemies with the English, then they promis'd that their King would quit his claim to Berwick, Roxburgh and other Places and Countrys, which were, before, in Controversy betwixt the Nations.

Iames referr'd the Desire of the English to the Assembly of the Estates,The Scots joyn with the French against England. then met at Perth; where, after a long debate upon it, the Ecclesiasticks were divided into two Factions; but the Nobility cry'd out, That they knew well enough the Fraud of the English; who, by this new League, sought to break their old Band of Alliance with the French, that so when the Scots had lost their Ancient Friend, they might be more obnoxious to them, if, at any time, they were freed from other Cares, and could wholly intend a War with Scotland; and that the liberal Promises of the English were for no other End; but as for themselves, they would stand to their old League, and not violate their Faith, once given. The English, being thus repuls'd, turn from Petitions to Threats, and seeing they refus'd to embrace their Friendships, they denounc'd War; telling the Scots, that if their King sent over his betroth'd Daughter into France, one that was an Enemy to the English; The English would hinder their Passage, if they could; yea, and take them Prisoners, and their Retinue too, having a Fleet ready fitted for that purpose. This Commination of the Embassadors was so far from terrifying [Page] Iames, that he rigg'd his Navy,Iames Marries his Daug [...] [...] to [...] o [...] France, and sends her thither. and Shipped a great Company of Noblemen, and Ladies, for her Train, and so caus'd his Daughter to set Sail sooner than he had determin'd, that he might prevent the designs of the Engl [...]sh. And yet notwithstanding all this precaution, it was God's Providence, rather than Man's Care, that she came not into the Enemies hand; for, when they were not far from the Place, where the English, concealing themselves, waited for their Coming; behold! upon a sudden, a Fleet of Hollanders appear'd, laden with Wine from Rochel to Flanders. The English Fleet made after them, with all their Sail, (because the Burgundian, being a little before reconciled to the French, did oppose their Enemies with all his might) and being nimble Ships, they quietly fetcht them up, being heavy laden and unarm'd, and as easily took them; but before they could bring them into Port, the Spaniards set upon them unawares, and took away their Prey, and sent the Flandrians safe home. Amidst such changeable Fortune betwixt Three Nations, the Scots landed at Rochel, without seeing any Enemy: They were met with many Nobles of the French Court, and were brought to A Stately City on the L [...]r. Tours, where the Marriage was Celebrated, to the great Joy and mutual Gratulation of Both Nations.

Upon this Occasion, the English Writers, especially Edward Hall, and he, that pilfers from him, Grafton, The English Writers imputing Perfidiousness to Iames, are blamed by this Author, and their Reflections upon him Wiped off. inveigh mightily against Iames, as Ungrateful, Perfidious, and forgetful of Ancient Courtesys, who, being Nobly entertain'd among the English for so many Years, honoured with a Royal Match, and large Dowry; and besides, restor'd to Liberty, from a long Imprisonment, suffer'd all these Obligations to be post-pon'd, and preferr'd the Alliance with France, before That with England; But the thing it self doth easily refute their Slanders. For, First, their Detaining of him, when he landed on their Coast, being against their League, and also the Law of Nations, 'twas a Wrong, not a Courtesy; Next, as to their not killing him, but putting him to a ransom for Money, rather than imbrue their hands in the Blood, not of an Enemy, but of a Guest, That was attributable not so much to their Love or Mercy toward Him, as to their Covetous and avaritious Minds; and grant, there were any Courtesy in it, yet what was it other, but like that of Thieves, who would seem to give the Life, which they took not away? and, if he were ingag'd to the English on that account, 'twas a private, not publick, debt. As for their bestowing Education upon him, who was Innocent, by reason of his Age, a Suppliant by his Fortune, and a King by Descent, tho' most unrighteously detain'd, it bears, indeed, some shew of Humanity, which, if they had neglected, they might have been justly blamed; and indeed it had been a commendable piece of Kindness, if the Injury going before, and the Covetousness following after, had not marr'd it; unless you will say, that if you purposely wound a Man, you may require him to give you thanks for his Cure, and so you imagin a light Compensation for a great Loss, is to be esteem'd as a Courtesy; or, because you have done some Part of your duty, that, therefore you should expect the Reward, in full, of a benefit, bestowed on another. For, he that takes Care that his Captive should be Educated in Learning, either for his [Page] own pleasure; or that he may yield him a better Price, thô some advantage accrue hereby to the Party educated, yet the Master doth not aim at the Good of the Slave, in his Institution, but at his Own. But (says he) the King honoured him with the Marriage of his Kinswoman, and thus the Royal Young Man was as Royally b [...]st [...]wed. But, what if that Affinity were as honourable to the Father, as the Son in Law? He would else have Marry'd her to a private Man, but now he made her a Queen, and ingrafted her by Marriage into that Family, on which the Famousest of the English Kings had often before bestowed their Children, and from whom so many Former Kings had descended. But, he gave a very large Dowry with her; To whom, I pray, was it given, but to the English themselves, who took it away, before it was paid, and made a shew of it in Words to the Husband, but, indeed, kept it for their own use? so that the Dowry was only spoken of, not given; and so spoken of, That they would have the Young Man, whom they also had otherwise grievously wrong'd, much indebted to them, that he carried his Wife away with him, without a Dowry. But, they sent him home a Freeman, say they; Yes, as a Pyrate doth Discharge his Captive, when his Ransom is paid: But how free, I pray? Even if we may believe the English Writers themselves, under the inforc'd Obligation of an Oath, always to obey the English King, as his Lord, and so to bring a Kingdom, which he did yet injoy, into a perpetual Servitude, which if he had actually injoyed he could not alienate; and yet he must mancipate it, forsooth, before he received it. This is not to set one free, but to turn him loose with a longer Chain, and that, not as a King, but as a Steward only, or Vicegerent of another man's Kingdom. I forbear to urge, that they compell'd a man in Captivity, and as yet under the Power of another, to make a Promise; yea a promise of That, which he could not perform; neither could he compel those to perform it, who had Power so to do. This is that high piece of Liberality, which, they say, Iames was unmindful of: But let us suffer these unskilful Writers, and forgetful of all Moderation and Modesty in their Stories, to account Profits receiv'd as Courtesys given; How great must we think, That Liberty of falsifying, or else Desire of evil Speaking, to be, which they use against the Daughter of the aforesaid King? For (whereas such men, otherwise impudent enough, had nothing to allege against her Manners) they write, that she was unacceptable to her Husband, because of her stinking Breath? Whereas Monstrelet, a Contemporary Writer of those days, doth affirm, that she was very faithful and beautiful, and he who wrote the Pluscartin Book, who accompanied that Queen, both at Sea, and at her Death, hath left it on Record, that as long as she lived, she was very dear to her Father and Mother in Law, and to her Husband, too; as appeared by the Inscription and Epitaph,In Champaign in France. in French Verses at Chalons, by the River, Matrona, where she dyed, which sound much to her Praise, 'twas then published, and afterwards turned into the Scotish Lingue, which some of our Country men have by them, to this day. But I will leave these Men, who do so calumniate other mens Credits, and neglect their Own, that they care little, what they say of others, or what others think of them, and return to the Matter.

[Page]When the King, having been at Charge to rig out his Navy, had try'd to exact a Tax from the People, and the greatest Part plainly refused to pay a Penny, a Few paid a small matter, and that grudgingly too, he commanded his Collectors, to desist from levying the rest, and to restore what they had already received. And yet he did not hereby shun the clamours of the People, for some malevolent Persons, who were angry for some private loss, did daily incite seditious Persons and Innovators against him. At the same time, the English began to prey upon Scotland, both by Land and Sea, under the Command of Percy, Earl of Northumberland; A Fight between the S [...]ts and Eng [...]ish. William Douglas, Earl of Angus was sent to encounter him, with near an Equal number of men, for they were about 4000. on either side; of the Scots, there fell Alexander Iohnston of Lothian, a Noble Person, and of known Valour, some Write that 200. others, that only 40 were slain of both Armies, and about 1500 English taken Prisoners.

Iames having been twice provoked by the English, First, by their Fleet, which lay in wait to intercept his Daughter; and Next, by the late spoiling of his Country, resolves to proclaim open War against them; whereupon he listed as great an Army as he could, and made a fierce assault on Roxburgh, and, in a short time, he expected the Surrender thereof, when, behold,Iames enters England, but retires upon notice of a Conspiracy formed against him by his own Kindred. the Queen came posting to him in as long Journys, as ever she was able to make, to inform him of a sad Message, which was, that there was a grievous Conspiracy form'd against his Life, and unless he took special Care, his Destruction was at hand. The King, being dismay'd at this sudden news, Disbanded his Army, and return'd home, but was very ill spoken of amongst the Vulgar, because, just upon the point of Surrender, at the beck of a Woman, he retir'd after the Kingdom had been at so much charge and trouble; so that, he seem'd to have sought for nothing by his Arms, but Disgrace. After he return'd, he went to the Monast'ry of the Dominicans, near the Walls of Perth, to make a private enquiry into the Conspiracy, as well as he was able; but his design was smelt out, by Men, that Watcht all opportunities to do mischief; for one of the Kings Domesticks, who was in the Plot, (Historians call him Iohn, but his Sirname is not mentioned) discovered to his Complices, what was doing at Court, so that, they hastned the matter, lest their secret Caballs should be discovered, and Remedies apply'd against them. Walter, Earl of Athole, the Kings Uncle, tho' he were the Ring-leader of the Conspiracy, yet did what he could to avert all Suspicion from himself; He sent for his Kinsman, Robert Graham, (of whom I have spoken before) as fit for Execution, but rash in Counsel, and who bore an old grudge to the King, because of his former Imprisonment and Banishment, and also upon the account of his Brothers Son, (to whom he was Guardian, in his hope) who had Strathern taken from him; he joyns with him Robert his Nephew by his Son, an active Young Man, he informs them, what he would have them to do, and that when the Deed was done, he should be in high Authority, and then he would provide for their Safety well enough; they freely promise to do their Endeavour, and accordingly hasten to perpetrate the Fact, before the whole Series of the Plot was made known to the King. [Page] Hereupon they privately gathered their Company together, that so, knowing the King had but a few about him in the Monast'ry of the Dominicans, he might with as little noise as might be cut him off; and that they might surprize him unawares, they advise Iohn his Servant, above-mentioned, whom they had drawn to their Party, to be assistant to them; according to his promise, he brings the Conspirators in the midst of the Night into the Court, and placed them privately near the Kings Bed-Chamber, and shews them the Door, which they might easily break, in regard he had taken away the Bar thereof; Some think, that they were received into the Palace by Robert, Nephew of the Earl of Athole.

In the mean time, whilst they waited there, being solicitous how to break the Door, which they thought would be their greatest Obstacle, Fortune did the Work without their Helps, for Walter Straton, who, a little before, had carried in Wine, coming forth, and perceiving Men in Arms, endeavour'd to get in again, and cry'd out with as loud a Voice as he could, Traitors, Traitors. Whilst the Conspirators were dispatching him, a noble young Damsel, of the Family of the Douglas's, as most say, tho' some write She was a Lovel, shut the Door, and not finding the Bar, which was fraudulently laid aside by the Servant, She thrust her Arm into the Hole or Staple, instead of a Bolt, but they quickly brake that, and so rusht in upon the King. The Queen threw herself upon his Body, to defend him;K. Iames Cruelly Assassinated. and when He was thrown down, She spread Herself over him, and after She had receiv'd Two Wounds, She could hardly be pluckt off. And then, when he was left of all, they gave him 28 Wounds, and some of them just in his Heart, and so kill'd him. Thus this Good King came to his End, (and that a most Cruel one too, and much lamented by all Good Men) by the Conspiracy of most wicked Assassins and Robbers; when his Death was divulg'd by the Noise and Lamentation which was made, a great Concourse of People came presently into the Court, and there spent the rest of the Night (for the Paricides had made their Escape in the dark) in Bewailings and Complaints. There, every one spake variously according to their several Dispositions, either bitterly, to raise a greater Odium against the Parricides; or, lamentably, to increase the Grief of their Friends; each Man reckon'd up what Prosperities, or Adversities, he had undergone. In his Childhood, he was expos'd to the Treacheries of his Uncle; and endeavouring to escape them, he was precipitated into his Enemies hands▪ Afterwards, his Father died, and the rest of his Youth was spent in Exile among his Enemies. Then Fortune chang'd, and he had an unlook'd for Restoration; and after his Return, in a few Years, he Govern'd so, that the turbulent State of the Kingdom was chang'd in a Calm and Serene One. And again, having a suddain Mutation of Affairs. He, whom his Enemies had spar'd abroad, was now slain by the Treachery of his Kindred at home;His Death highly lamented, with his Laudable Character. and that in the Flower of his Age, and in the midst of his intended Course, to settle good Laws and Customs, in his Kingdom. And besides, they gave him his deserved Elogies for all his Virtues, both of Body and Mind, for Mens Envy was extinguish'd towards him, now he was dead. For tho his Bodily Stature [Page] was scarce of a full size, yet he was robust and strong; so that he exceeded all his Equals in those Exercises, wherein Agility and Manhood use to be shewn; and as to his Mind, he was endued with that quickness and vigor of Wit, that he was ignorant o [...] no Art, worthy the Knowledge of an Ingenious Person; yea, he could make plain Latin Verses, according to that Age, Ex tempore; Some Poems of his, written in the English Tongue, are yet extant, in which there appears excellency of Wit, tho' perhaps, some more polite Learning be wanting in them; he was excellently well skill'd in Musick more than was meet or expedient for a King; for there was no Musical, or Singing, Instrument, but he could readily Play thereon, and Tune his Voice so, that he might have been compar'd with the best Masters of that Art, in those Days. But, perhaps, some will say, These are but the Flowers of his Studies, where is the Fruit? These are more for Ornament, than Instruction or Use, to strengthen a Man for doing of Business: Know then, that, after he had Learn'd other Parts of Philosophy, he was also skill'd in Politicks, concerning the Regulation of Kingdoms, and of Mens Manners. How Great, and how Ripe, Civil Abilities were in him, doth sufficiently appear, by the order of the Matters perform'd by him, and by the Laws which he made; whereby he exceedingly benefited, not only his own Age, but even Posterity also. And his Death declar'd, that there is nothing more Popular than Justice; for they who were wont to detract from him, whilst he was alive; now he was dead, had most flagrant Desires after him. Insomuch, that the Nobles, as soon as they heard he was Murder'd, came in of their own accord, from their respective Countries, and, before a Tryal was appointed, they voluntarily sent out into all Parts, to apprehend the Murderers, and bring them to Justice; very many of them were taken. The Principal of them were put to new and exquisite kinds of Death. The rest were hang'd. The Chief Heads in perpetrating the Wickedness, were reckon'd to be, Walter, Earl of Athole, Robert his Nephew by his Son, and their Kinsman Robert Graham;Earl of [...] ▪ and other of K. Iames's Murderers Tortured and Executed. the Punishment of Walter (because he was the Chief Author, and Instigator, of the who [...]e Plot) was divided into Three Days Suffering. In the 1st, he was put on a Cart, wherein a Stork-like Swipe or Engine was erected, and by Ropes, let through Pullies, was hoisted up on high, and then the Ropes being suddainly loos'd, he was let down again, almost to the Ground, with grievous pains, by reason of the Luxation of the Joints of his Body. Then he was set on a Pillory that all might see him, and a Red-hot-Iron-Crown set on his Head, with this Inscription, that he should be called King of all Traitors. They say, the cause of this punishment, was, that Walter had been sometimes told, by some Female Witches, (as Athole was always noted to have such) That he should be Crown'd King in a mighty Concourse of People; for, by this means that Prophecy was either fulfill'd or eluded, as indeed, such kind of Predictions do commonly meet with no other Events. The Day after, he was bound upon a Hurdle, and drawn at an Horse-Tail thro' the greatest Street in Edinburgh. The 3d Day, he was laid along upon a Plank in a conspicuous Place, and his Bowels were cut out, whilst he was alive, cast into the Fire, and burnt before [Page] his Face, afterwards, his Heart was pulled out, and cast into the same Fire, then his Head was cut off, and expos'd to the view of all, being set upon a Poll in the highest Place of the City. His Body was divided into Four Quarters, and sent to be hang'd up in the most noted Places of the best Cities of the Kingdom. After him, his Nephew was brought forth to suffer, but, because of his Age, they would not put him to so much pain; and besides, he was not the Author, but only an Accomplice in another Man's wicked Design, as having Obey'd his Grandfather therein; so that, he was only Hang'd, and Quarter'd. But Robert Graham, who did the Deed with his own Hand, was carried in a Cart thro' the City, and his Right Hand was nail'd to a Gallows, which was set up in the Cart, and then came Executioners, which did continually run Red-hot-Iron Spikes into his Thighs, Shoulders, and those Parts of his Body, which were most remote from the Vitals; and then he was Quarter'd, as the former. After this manner was the Death of Iames vindicated, 'tis true, 'twas a cruel one, but 'twas reveng'd by Punishments so Cruel, that they seem'd to exceed the very bounds of Humanity;Descants upon such severe Executions. for such extreme kinds of Punishment do not so much restrain the Minds of the Vulgar, by the fear of Severity, as they do make them wild to do, or suffer, any thing; neither do they so much deter wicked Men from committing Offences by their Acerbity, as they lessen their Terror, by often beholding them; especially, if the Spirits of the Criminals be so hardened, that they flinch not at their Punishment. For among the unskilful Vulgar, a stubborn Confidence is sometimes prais'd for a firm and stable Constancy. Iames departed this Life on the Beginning of the Year 1437. the 12th day of February, when he had Reign'd 13 Years, and in the 44th year of his Age: So great diligence was us'd in revenging his Death, that within 40 Days, all the Conspirators were taken and put to Death. He left one Son, the younger of the Twins, halfe of whose Face was Red, as if it had been Blood-shotten.

The Eleventh BOOK.

[Page]

James II. The Hundred and Third King.

AFTER the Punishment of the Parricides, Iames the only Son of the Deceased King, as yet scarce arriv'd at the Seventh Year of his Age, entred upon the Kingdom the Sixth of the Calends of April, March [...]7. in the Abby of Holy-Rood-House at Edinburgh. The King being as yet not fit for Government, there was a dispute among the Nobles, who should be Elected Vice King, or Regent. Archibald Earl of Douglas did exceed all the Scots at that time, in Wealth and Power; but Alexander Levingstone, and William Creighton, Both of them of worthy Families, did bear away the Bell in point of Authority and Opinion of Prudence, in the managing of many Affairs under the former King. To them therefore the consent of the Nobles did most incline,Alexander Levingston made Regent. because they had some Suspicion of Douglas's Power, (which even a King could hardly bear:) Whereupon, Alexander Levingston was made Regent, and William Creighton, Chancellor, which Office he had born under the former King. The Nobility was scarce gone from the Assembly, but presently Factions arose. For the Chancellor kept himself with the King in the Castle of Edinburgh; and the Regent with the Queen, at Sterlin; and Douglas, fretting, that he was put by in the last Assembly, not knowing which Faction he hated most, was well pleas'd to see all things in Disorder;William Creigton made Chancellor. Douglas labours to imbroil things. so that rather by his Connivance, than Consent, the Men of Annandale, who were always accustom'd to Theiveries and Rapin, did infest all the Neighbouring Parts, and drove Preys out of them, as if it had been an Enemies Country. When complaint hereof was made to the Governors, they sent Letters to Douglas to suppress them, (knowing that the Annandians were under his Regulation and Power) but these not prevailing, they wrote others in a sharper Style, to put him in Mind of his Duty, but he was so far from punishing past Offences, that, through his neglect, by impunity, the growing Mischief was increast; for he likewise gave forth a Command, that none of them should obey the Kings Officers, if they Summoned them into the Courts of Justice, or perform'd any other Act of Magistracy; in regard, (as he alleged,) That was a Priviledge granted to him (they commonly call it a Regale, or Royalty,) by former Kings, and he that should go about to infringe it, it should cost him his Life.

The Regent, and the Chancellor, did bewail this State of Things, but they could not Rectifie it; so that this Gangreen spread further and further, till it had soon infected all those parts of Scotland, which lay within the Forth. The other Two Factions did also disagree amongst themselves, insomuch, that Proclamations were publickly made in Market Towns and Villages, by Alexander, that no Man [Page] should yield Obedience to the Chancellor; and by the Chancellor, that none should obey Alexander. The R [...]gent and Chancellor dis [...]gree. And if a Man addrest himself to either of them, to complain of his wrongs, at his return, he was sure to be Evil intreated by the Men of the contrary Faction; yea, sometimes his Mansion Houses and Farms would be burnt, and he utterly undone. So that both Parties, with a more than Hostile Enmity, destroyed one another, by mutual Slaughters. But the good Men, who had join'd themselves to neither Faction, not well knowing what to do, kept themselves at home, privately bewailing the deplorable State of their Country. Thus, whilst every Party sought to strengthen it self, the Publick was neglected, and stood as 'twere in the midst, forsaken of them all.

The Queen, who was with the Regent at Sterlin, that she might seem to make a considerable Accession to her Party, perform'd an attempt both Bold and Manly. For she undertook a Journey to Edinburgh, on pretence to visit her Son, and so was admitted into the Castle by the Chancellor. There she was Courteously entertained, and after some Complements had past, she turn'd her Disc [...]urse to bewail the present State of the Kingdom, making a long Oration, how many and great Mischiefs would flow from this publick Discord, as from a Fountain; for her Part, she had always endeavour'd, that the Differences might be composed, that so they might have, at least, some tolerable, if not a fully peaceable, State of a Kingdom: But seeing she could not prevail either by her Authority or Counsel, to do any good abroad, she was no come to try, what she could do privately, for she was resolved to do her utmost, that her Son might be liberally, and piously, educated in hopes of the Kingdom; that so, in time, he might be able to apply some Remedy to these spreading Evils.The Queen, by Policie, get the Kings Person out of the Chancellors Power. And, seeing this her Motherly Care was given her by Nature, she hop'd, that no Man would Envy her therein; as for other Parts of the Government, let them take it, who thought themselves fit to manage, and undergo, so great a Burden; yet, they should manage it so, as to Remember, that they were to give an account to the King, when he came to be of Age.

This Harangue she made with a Countenance so compos'd, that the Chancellor was easily persuaded of her Sincerity; neither did he discover any thing in her Train of Followers, which gave him the least hint to suspect either Fraud or Force; so that hereupon, he gave her free Admission to her Son, when she pleased; and they were often alone together, and sometimes she staid with him all Night, in the Castle: In the mean time, the Crafty Woman did oft entertain the Governour with Discourse, concerning peicing up of Matters between the Parties; and she called also some of the contrary Faction to the Conferences; and thus she insinuated her self so far into the Man, that he made her acquainted with almost all his Designs: When she had thus chous'd and gull'd the Chancellor, she easily persuades the young King to follow her, as the Author of his Liberty, out of the Prison, and so to deliver himself out of the Hands of a Person, who pretended the Kings Name for all his Wickedness, and who had drawn all Publick Offices to himself; and thus neglecting the Good of the Publick, had highly advanced his own particular [Page] Fortune. To effect this, there wanted only a Will in him to hearken to the good Counsel of his Friends, for other Matters, let him leave Them to her Care. By such kind of Glozing Speeches, she, being his Mother, and crafty too, easily persuaded him, who was her Son, and but a Youth, to cast himself wholly upon her; especially, seeing a fre [...]r Condition of Life was proposed to him. Whereupon, she prepared all things for their Flight, and then goes to the Chancellor, and told him, that she would stay that night in the Castle, but early in the morning she was to go to Situate below [...]anton Bridge, on the Ti ne, in [...]-Lothian. White Kirk, (that was the name of the Place) to perform a Vow which she had made, for the Safety of her Son, and she commended him to his Care, until she return'd. He suspected no deceit in her Words, but wisht her a good Journy, and a safe Return, and so parted from her. Hereupon, (as 'was agreed before) the King was put into a Chest, wherein she was wont to put her Womans Furniture, and, the day after, carried by faithful Servants out of the Castle to the Sea-side at L [...]ith. The Queen followed after only with a few Attendants, to prevent all suspicion. There was a Ship there ready to receive them, into which they entred, and, with a Fair Gale, made for Sterlin. The Kings Servants waited late in the morning, expecting still, when he would awake, and arise out of his Bed; so that, before the Fraud was detected, the Ship was quite out of danger, and the Wind was so favourable, that, before the Evening, they landed at Sterlin. There the King and Queen were received with great Joy and mighty Acclamations of the Regent, and of all the promiscuous Multitude. The Craft of the Queen was commended by all, and the old Opinion of Wisdom which the Chancellor had obtained, became now to be a Ridicule, even to the Vulgar. This Jovialty and immoderate Joy of the Commons lasted (as is usual) Two days, and was celebrated by them all.

The Third day, those of Alexanders Faction came in, some out of new Hopes; others, invited by the Authority of the Kings Name, to whom, when the Series of the Project was declared in order; the Courage of the Queen in undertaking the Matter; her Wisdom in carrying it on; and her Happiness in effecting it, were extolled to the Skies. The Avarice, and Universal Cruelty, of the Chancellor, and especially, his Ingratitude to the Queen, and the Regent, were highly inveighed against. He was accused, as the only Author of all the Disorders, and consequently of all the Mischiefs arising therefrom; Moreover, That he had diverted the Publick Revenue to his own use; That he had violently seized on the Estates of Private Persons, and what he could not carry away, he spoil'd;The Chancellor highly accused, That he alone had all the Wealth, Honour, and Riches, when others were pining in Ignominy, Solitude, and Want; Those Grievances, though great, yet were like to be seconded with more oppressive Ones, unless, by Gods Aid and Counsel, the Queen had, no less valiantly, than happily, freed the King out of Prison, and so deliver'd others from the Chancellor's Tyranny▪ for, if he kept his own King in Prison, it was evident, what private Men might fear and expect from him? What hope could there ever be, that he would be reconciled to his Adversaries, who had so perfidiously circumvented his Friends? And how could the inferior sort expect [Page] Relief from him, whose unsatiable Avarice all their Estates were not able to satisfie and fill up? And therefore, seeing, by Gods help in the first place, and then by the Queens Sagacity, they were freed from his Tyranny, all Courses were to be taken, that this Joy might be perpetual: And to make it so, there was but One way, which was to pull the Man, as it were, by the Ears, out of his Castle, that Nest of Tyranny; and either to kill him, or so to disarm him, that for the future, he might do them no more Mischief; though (said they) his disarming was not very safe, in regard such a Beast as he, who had been accustomed to Blood and Rapin, would never be at quiet, so long as the Breath was in his Body.

This was Alexander's Discourse in Council, to whom all did assent, so that an Order was made, that every one should go home, and levy what Force they could to besiege the Castle of Edinburgh, And besieged in Edinburgh Castle. from which they were not to depart, till they had taken it. And that this might be done with greater Facility, the Queen promised to send thither a great Quantity of Provision, which she had in her Store-houses in Fife; but Haste was to be used, whiles their Counsels were yet private, and the Enemy had no Warning to provide things, fit and necessary for a Siege: And in the interim, they need not fear Douglas, who, they knew, was a mortal Enemy to the Chancellor, so that now, seeing they had all the Power, Treasure enough, and withal the Authority of the Kings Name, That being now taken from Him, he could have no Hope, but to fly to their Mercy.

Thus, the Assembly being Dissolved, all things were speedily provided for the Expedition, and a close Siege laid to the Castle. The Chancellor was acquainted well enough with their Designs, but he placed the greatest Hope of his Safety, and of maintaining his Dignity,The Chancellor craves Aid of Douglas, in Douglas his Concurrence with him. Whereupon, he sent humble Suppliants to him, to acquaint him, ‘That he would always be at his Devotion, if he would aid him in his present Extremity; urging, that he was deceiv'd, if he thought, that their Cruelty would rest in the Destruction of himself alone; but that they would make his Overthrow as a step to destroy Douglas, too. Douglas answer'd his Message, with more Freedom, than Advantage; viz. That both Alexander and William were equally guilty of Perfidiousness and Avarice, and that their falling out was not for any point of Virtue, or for the good of the Publick, but for their own private Advantages,But receives an affronting Answer from him. Animosities, and Feuds; and that it was no great matter, which of them had the better in the Dispute; yea, if they fell Both in the Contest, the Publick would be a great Gainer thereby; and that no good Man would desire to see an happier sight, than two such Fencers to hack and hew one another. This Answer, being noised abroad in Both Armies, (for the Castle was already besieged) was the Occasion, That a Peace was sooner clapt up, than any one thought it would.’ There was a Truce made for Two days, wherein Alexander and William had a Meeting, where they discours'd one with another, how dangerous it would be, both for the Publick and their private Estates, too, if they should persist in their Hatred, even to a Battel;Whereupon he agrees with the Regent, seeing Douglas did but watch the event of the Combate, that he might come fresh, and fall upon the Conqueror, [Page] and so attract all the Power of the Kingdom to himself; when either One of them was slain, or Both weakn'd and broken; and therefore, the H [...]pes of Both their Safeties were plac'd in their common and mutual Agreement, so that the present Dangers easily reconciled those Two, who were, upon other accounts also, otherwise prudent enough. William, according to Agreement,And s [...]rren [...]ers up Edinburgh Castle. gave up the Keys of the Castle to the King, professing, that both Himself, and [...]t, were at his Service; and that he never entertain'd any other Thought, than to be obedient to the Kings Will; Hereupon, he was received into Favour with the universal Assent of all that were present. The King supped that night in the Castle, thus surrendred to him, and the next day, the Government of the Castle was bestowed on William, and the Regency on Alexander. Thus, after a deadly hatred between them, it was hoped, that for ever after, the Foresight of their mutual Advantage, and the Fear of their Common Enemy, had tied a firm and indissoluble Knot of Friendship betwixt them.

After these Civil Broils between the Factions were composed; besides Robberies, and the Murders of some of the common sort, which were committed in many places, without punishment, there were some remaining Feuds, which broke out between some Noble Families. The year after the Kings Death,September 29. in the Third of the Calends of October, Thomas Boyd, of Kilmarnock, had treacherously slain Alan Stuart of Darnly in a Truce,Lying on the River [...] in Cuningham. Iuly 9. Deadly [...]ewds. as he met him between Linlithgoe and Falkirk. The next year after, on the 7th of the Ides of Iuly, Alexander, Alan's Brother, with his Party, fought Thomas, where many were slain on both sides, their Numbers being almost equal; and, amongst the rest, Thomas himself fell.

The Death of Archibald Douglas fell out opportunely at this time, because, in his Life time, his Power was formidable to all. He died of a Fever, the next year, after the Death of Iames the First. His Son William succeeded him, being the Sixth Earl of that Family, he was then Fourteen years of Age, a young Man of great hopes, if his Education had been answerable to his Ingenuity. But, Flattery, The [...] of Archiba [...]d Doug [...]as which is the perpetual Pest of great Families, did corrupt his tender Age, which grew a little more insolent by the premature liberty in entring on his Estate; for such Men, as were accustomed to Idleness, and who made a Gain of the Folly and Indiscretion of the Rich, did magnifie his Fathers Magnificence, Power, and, almost more than, Royal Retinue; and, by this means, they easily persuaded a plain, simple Disposition, and unarmed against such Temptations, to maintain a great Family, and to ride abroad with a Train, beyond the State of any other Nobleman; so that he kept his old Vassals about him, in their former Offices, by his Respects to them; and obtained also new Clans by his profuse Largesses;With the Profuseness of his young Heir. he also made Knights and Senators, and so distinguisht the Order and Degrees of his Attendants, as to imitate the publick Conventions of the Kingdom; in fine, he omitted nothing, which might equal the Majesty of the King himself. Such Carriages were enough to create Suspicions, of themselves, but good Men were also much troubled for him, upon another account, that he would often go abroad with 2000 Horse in his Train, amongst whom some were notorious Thieves, and many of them worthy of [Page] Death, for the Murders they had committed; yet, with these, he would come to Court, and even to the Kings Presence, not only to shew his Power, but even to strike Terrour to the Hearts of others. This his Insolence was further heightned, by his sending some Eminent Persons as his Ambassadors into France, viz. Malcolm Fleming, and Iohn Lauder, Or L [...]ther, a great and ancient Family in Lothian. who were to declare the Merits of his Ancestors from the Crown of France, and to desire, that the Title of Duke of Tours might be bestow'd upon him; which he easily obtained, for his Grandfather had that Honour conferr'd upon him by Charles the Seventh, for his great Service performed in the Wars; and his Father also had enjoy'd it, after him. Being lifted up with this Accession of Honour, he undervalued the Regent and the Chancellor too, being, as he alledged, his Fathers Enemies, neither did he much fear the King himself. For these causes, the Power of the Douglasses seem'd too excessive; yet, a further cause of Suspicion was added.

William Stuart had a large Patrimony in Lorne; His Brother Iames, after the Kings Death, had Marry'd the Queen, and had Children by her, but disdaining and repining, that he was admitted to no part of the publick Government; to the end he might more easily obtain what he desired, and revenge his concealed Grief, he seemed not much averse from Douglas his Faction, and, it was thought, that the Queen was not ignorant of his Design,The Queen, with her Husband, Iames Stuart, and others, committed to Prison. for she also took it amiss, that the Regent had not rewarded her Services, as she expected: By reason of these Suspicions, the Queen, her Husband, and her Husbands Brother were committed to Prison the Fourth of the Nones of August, in the year of our Lord .... The Queen was shut up in a Chamber narrow enough of it self,August 2. yet there she was diligently and watchfully guarded; for the rest were laid in Irons in the Common Prison; and they were not freed, before, in an Assembly of the Nobles held the day before the Calends of September; the Queen had clear'd her self from being any way privy to these new Plots;August 31. But she is Releast again. and Iames and his Brother had given in Sureties, that they would act nothing against the Regent; neither would they undertake any Office in the Government▪ without his Consent.

In this Uncertainty of Affairs, the Aebudians made a Descent upon the Continent,The Aebudians ravage the Continent. and wasted all with Fire and Sword, without distinction of Age or Sex, so that their Avarice and Cruelty was not to be parallell'd by any Example; Neither were they contented to Prey only upon the Sea-Coast, but they also slew Iohn Colchon, a Noble Person in Lennox, having call'd him out from Inch-Merin in the Loch-Lomond, to a Conference, and given him their Faith for his Security; This was done the 23d of September: Many Foul Offences of this Nature were committed, so that partly on the account of want of Tillage, and partly of Unseasonable Weather, Provision came to be very dear; and moreover, there was a Pestilence for Two years, so dreadful and fierce,A Two years Pestilence in Scotland. that they who were visited with it, died within the space of a day. The Vulgar ascribed the cause of all these Calamities to the Regent; for Matters succeeding prosperously with him, he despised the Chancellor, and the Nobles of that Faction, and drew the Administration of all things into his own Power.The R [...]gent and C [...]cellor again Disagree. Complaints were made against him, that he cast Noble and Eminent [Page] Persons into Prison, upon light and ungrounded Suspicions, and afterward most grievously punished them, and that he gave Indemnity to those who were really guilty, merely by his own Arbitrary Will and Pleasure, and that he held Secret Correspondence with Do [...]glas. The Chancellor could not bear these Things in silence, neither was he able to prevent them by Force, and therefore he supprest his Anger for the present, and resolved to depart from the Court. And accordingly, upon the First Opportunity, he left the King and the Regent at Sterlin, and with a great Train of Followers came to Edinburgh; and there he fixt himself in that Strong Castle, being intent, and Vigilant in all Occasions of Change, which might evene.

When this matter was noised abroad, it rais'd up Envy on the Regent, because of his Power, and procur'd favour to the Chancellor, because of his Retirement; neither did William neglect his opportunity amongst their Feuds; for, he resolved, by some bold Attempt, to curb the Insolence of his Adversary, and to remove the Undervalue, he had set upon him And therefore, having understood, by his Spys, that the King went every day a hunting, and was but Slightly guarded, watching the Season when Alexander was absent, and having made sufficient Enquiry into the Conveniency of the Country, the Fitness of the Time, and the due Number of the Undertakers, he chose out a Place not far from Sterlin, where the Faithfullest of his Friends, with what Force they could make, should meet and wait for his Coming. And he, with a few Horse, lodg'd himself in a Wood near the Castle of Sterlin, before day, and there waited for the Kings coming; neither did Providence deceive him, in this bold Attempt. The King came forth into the Wood,The Chancellor surpr [...]zes the Kings Person. early in the Morning, with a smal Train, and those unarm'd, too, and so he fell amongst the arm'd Troops of the Chancellor, they saluted him, as King, according to Custom, and bid him to be of good Cheer and take Courage. The Chancellor, in a few Words, as the Time would permit, advis'd him to provide for himself and the Kingdom, and to deliver himself out of Alexanders Prison, that so he might live, hereafter, at Liberty, and as a King; and might not accustom himself to fulfil the Lusts and Dictates of Other men, but might, himself, lay those Commands, which were just and equal upon Others; and so might free all his Subjects from their present Misery, which they had been plung'd into by the Ambition and Lust of their Subordinate Governors, and that so deeply, that there could be no Remedy found for them, unless the King himself would undertake the Government; and This be might easily do without Peril or Pain, for he himself had provided a good Body of Horse near at hand, who would attend him to what fit Place soever, he would go. The King seem'd by his Countenance to approve of what he had said, either that he really thought so; or else, that he dissembled his Fear. Whereupon, the Chancellor took his Horses Bridle in's hand, and led him to his own Men; They which were with him, being few, and unarm'd, not able to Encounter so many Men, return'd back, in great sadness. Thus the King came to Edinburgh, guarded with 4000 Horse, well accoutred, where he was received, by the Commonalty, with great demonstrations of Joy.

[Page]After the Regent heard of what was done, his Mind was confounded betwixt Anger and Shame,The Regent being out-Witted by the Chancellor, inwardly frets. insomuch, that he return'd to Sterlin, to consider of what was most advisable in the case. His great Spirit was mightily troubled to see himself so Childishly deluded by his own Negligence; he suspected, it was done by the Fraud and Connivance of his own Followers, and thus he stood long wavering whom to trust, and whom to fear; Shame, Anger, and Suspicion bustling together in his mind. At length, he took a little heart, and began to think with himself, what Remedy to apply to his present Malady; He knew, that his own Strength was not sufficient against the Chancellor, a Man politick in Counsel and strong in Force; and besides, he had the Favour of the People, and the Authority of the Kings Name, as Buttresses to support him; as for the Queen, he had so offended her by her close Imprisonment, that she was hardly ever like to be reconciled to him; and if she were, He had no great confidence in her Assistance.And Meditates a Reconciliation with him. And for Douglas, 'tis true, he had Strength enough, but no Prudence; his Age was tender; his Mind infirm; he was corrupted by Flatteries, and carried about by the Persuasions of others; and (as in such Circumstances it usually falls out) the worst of Men could do most with him, and therefore he thought it below his Dignity to have any thing to do with such a Raskality of men; But the Chancellor, tho' he were of a Contrary Faction to him, yet was a Wise man, and his Age and Disposition might more safely be trusted; neither was the Cause of Offence, between them, so great, but that it was superable by their ancient offices of Respect one to another; but the greatest likelihood of their Reconciliation was grounded upon the Similitude of their Danger, and their joynt Consent to maintain the Safety of the Commonwealth. And besides, the Enmity of the Chancellor was most of all to be fear'd by him, for if he joyn'd himself to other Factions, he had Power in his hands either to reduce, or banish, him. Having pondered upon these things, for some days, in his Mind, and communicated them to some of his most familiar Friends, Good men and Lovers of their Country, by their Advice, he took a smal ordinary Train of Attendants, and went to Edinburgh. It happen'd, that the Bishops of Aberdene and Murray were then there; Men, according to the rate of those times, of Learning and Virtue. By their Means and Intercession, the Regent and Chancellor had a Meeting in St. Giles's Church, with some few of their Friends on each Side. The Regent First began to speak; ‘I think it not necessary (says he) to make a long Discourse, in bewailing those things, which are too well known to all, or in reckoning up the Mischiefs arising from intestine Discords,His Condescending Ha [...]angue to the Chancellor. and the Good issueable from Concord; I wish, we might experience those Miseries rather by Foreign than Domestick Examples; I will then come to those things, which concern the Publick Safety of all the People; and, next to theirs, our Own, most of all. This Disagreement betwixt us ariseth, neither from Covetousness, nor from Ambition to rule, but because, in the Administration of Publick affairs, which Both of us wish well to, we are not of one Mind, but take different Measures; yet, we are to take great Care, lest this our Dissension should be publickly Prejudicial [Page] to the Kingdom, or privately Injurious to our Selves. The Eyes of all men are upon us Two: Wicked Persons propose to themselves a Licentiousness to do any thing, when we are destroy'd; and Ambitious ones think then, also, to obtain an Opportunity to get Wealth and Power; and besides, we have a great many Maligners and Envyers, as usually Men, raised up from a low Estate to the highest Dignity, are wont to have. All These, as they grieve at our Successes, and calumniate our Prosperity; so they willingly receive the News of our Adversity, as thereby hoping, and wishing for our Ruin, and therefore it will be worth Both our labours, to consult our Own Safety, which is conjoyn'd and twisted with That of the Publick, and so to revenge our selves on our Enemies and Detractors, to our great Glory and Praise. And the only Way to accomplish those Ends, is This, That we forget our private Injuries, and contribute all our Thoughts and Counsels for the Good of the Publick; let us remember, that the Kings safety is committed to our Cares, and so is also the Safety of the Kingdom; yet so, that we are Both lyable to an Account. And therefore, as, heretofore, we have been to blame in contending, which of us should be the greater in Honour and Authority; so, for the Future, let our contest be, which shall exceed other in Moderation and Justice: And, by this means, we shall bring it to pass, that the Commonalty, who now hate us, and impute all their Calamities to us, will be reconciled to, and revere, us, again. And the Nobility, who, upon our disunion, have broke forth into unbridled Licentiousness, may be reduc'd to Moderation; and the Great Men, who slight us, as weakned by Division, may fear us, when united and reconciled, and so carry themselves with greater Sobriety toward us, than ever. As for me, I willingly give up the tender Age of the King to be modell'd and govern'd by you, as his Father, in his Life time, appointed; for, as often as I seriously think of that Function and Service, I judge my self rather to be eas'd of a Burden, than despoil'd of an Honour, thereby; If I have received any private Injury from you, I freely forgive it for the sake of the Publick; and if I have done you any Wrong, let honest Arbitrators adjust the damage, and I will make you Satisfaction to the full; and hereafter, I will so carry it, that neither my Losses, nor my Advantages, shall be the least stop to the Publick Prosperity. And if you also be of the same Mind, we may Both of us rest Secure for the present, and also leave our Memorys more grateful to Posterity; but if you think otherwise, I call all men to Witness, both present and to come, that 'tis not my Fault, that the Evils, under which we now labour, are not, either fully cur'd, or, at least, in some sort reliev'd and mitigated.’

To This the Chancellor replied, ‘As I unwillingly enter'd upon this Stage of Contention, so, [...] I am very willing to hear any mention made of an honest Agreement: for, as I did not take up Arm [...], before the Injuries, I suffer'd, provoked me thereunto; so your Modesty hath urg'd me, not to suffer the Publick to be indamag'd by my Pertinaciousness. For, I see as well as you, by this our Discord, That Good Men are expos'd to the Injuries of the Bad; The minds [Page] of the Seditious are excited to hopes of Innovation; Our Country is left for a Prey▪ The Kingly Dignity is lessen'd; Publick Safety betray'd; Authority bearded and ridicul'd, even by the mean'st of the People. And whilst we thus betray the Safety of the Publick, our private Affairs are in no better a Posture. In the mean time, Men, who are given to Sedition, make advantage of our Discords; and our Enemies behold them, as a pleasant Sight, (for they hate us Both alike) and if the loss fall on either of us, yet they count themselves to gain, what either of us doth lose: And therefore I shall not repeat the Causes of our Feuds; lest I make old sores to bleed afresh, but, in short, I declare, that I forgive all my private Wrongs and Injuries upon the Score of my Country, for there never was, nor shall be, any thing more preferrable with me before the Safety of the People, and the Good of the Common-wealth.’

Those, who were present, did highly commend both their Resolutions;A New Knot of Amity between the Regent, and the Chancellor. and so, by joynt Consent, Arbiters were chosen, to compose Differences; and, to the great joy of all, old Discords were pluckt up by the roots, and new Foundations of Amity laid; and thus they, by joynt Counsel, again undertake the Management of the Kingdom. After this Concord, an Assembly of the Estates was held at Edinburgh. Thither came not a Few Persons, as is usual, but even whole Clans and Tenantrys, (as if they had remov'd their Habitations) to complain of the Wrongs they had sustain'd; and indeed, the Sight of such a miserable Company could not be entertain'd without deep Affliction of Spirit, every one making his woful moan, according to his Circumstance; that Robbers had despoiled Fathers of their Children;The Miseries of the Commons, Children of their Fathers; Widows of their Husbands, and all in general of their Estates; Whereupon, after Commiseration of the Sufferers; The Envy (as is usual) and Reflection was carry'd to, and fix'd upon, the Captains of those Thieves; whose Offences were so impudent, that they could, in no wise, be suffer'd; and their Faction was so far diffus'd, that no man was able to defend his Life or Fortune, unless he were of their Party; yea, their Power was so great, that the Authority of the Magistrate could afford little help to the poorer and weaker Sort against their Violence and Force: Whereupon the Wiser sort of Counsellors were of Opinion, That, seeing their Power was insuperable by plain Force, 'twas best to undermine it by degrees; They all knew well enough, that the Earl of Douglas was the Fountain of all those Calamities,Occasioned Principally by the Earl of Douglas. yet no Man durst name him publickly; whereupon the Regent, dissembling his Anger for the present, persuaded the whole Assembly, That it was more adviseable for them to cajole Douglas by Flatteries, than to irritate him by Suspicions; for he was of so great Power, that he alone, if he remain'd refractary, was able to hinder the Execution of the Decrees of All the Estates; but if he joyn'd himself with the Assembly, then he might easily heal the present Mischiefs.

Semblable to this Advice, a Decree was made, that Letters of Complement, in the Name of the Estates, should be sent to him, to put him in Mind of the Place which he held; and of the great and Illustrious Merits of his Ancestors, for the Advantage of their Country; [Page] and withal to desire him to come to the Publick Assembly of the Estates, which could not be well Celebrated, without the presence of him and his Friends. If he had any Complaint to make in the Assembly, they would give him all the Satisfaction they were able to do; and if he or his Friends had done any thing prejudicial to the Publick; in respect to his Noble Family, which had so often well deserv'd of their Country, they were ready to remit many things upon the account of his Age; of the Time; of himself, and the great Hopes conceiv'd of him. And therefore they desired, he would come and undertake what part of the Publick Government, he pleas'd; for, seeing Scotland had often been deliver'd from great Dangers by the Arms of the Douglas's, they hop'd, that, by his Presence, he would now strengthen and relieve his Country which labour'd under Intestine Evils.

The Young Man, who, by his Age and Disposition, was desirous of Glory, was taken with the Bait; and his Friends also persuaded him, for they were all blinded by their particular Hopes; so that their Minds were turn'd, from all Apprehension of Danger, to the sole Consideration of their particular Advantages. When the Chancellor heard, that he was on his Journey, he went out several Miles to meet him, and gave him a Friendly Invitation to his Castle, which was near the Road, (it was called Creighton) where he was Magnificently entertain'd, for the space of Two Days, in which time, the Chancellor shew'd him all imaginable Respect, that he might the more easily intrap the unwary Young Man: For, to shew that his Mind was no way alienated from him, he began, in a familiar manner, to persuade him to be mindful of the Kings Dignity, and of his own Duty; that he should own him for his Leidge Lord, whom his Birth, the Laws of the Country, and the Decree of the Estates had advanc'd to be King; that he should transmit the great Estate, which his Ancestors had got by their Blood and Valour, to his Posterity, in like manner as he had receiv'd it; that so the Name of the Douglasses, which was Illustrious for their Loyalty and Atchievements, might be freed from the foul Blot of Treason; yea, and from all Suspicion of the same; that he and his Tenants should forbear oppressing the poor Commons; that he should put all Robbers out of his Train; and for the future, he should so addict himself to the maintenance of Justice, that if he had offended heretofore, it might be thought attributable to the ill Counsel of Bad Men, and not to the Wickednese of his own Nature; for, in that tender and infirm Age, his Repentance would pass for Innocence. By these and the like Speeches, he persuaded the young Man, that he was his entire Friend, and so drew him on to Edinburgh, with David his Brother, who was privy to all his Projects and Designs. But his Followers smelt out some suspicion of Deceit, by reason of the frequent Messages that past betwixt Alexander and the Regent; for almost every Moment, Posts ran betwixt them; and besides, the Chancellors Speech seem'd to some more glozing and kind, than was usual for one of his Place and Dignity. His Train did secretly mutter this, and some freely told him ‘That if he were resolv'd to go on, yet he should send back David his Brother, and (according to his Fathers advice to him, on [Page] his Death Bed,) not give up his whole Family to one stroke of Fortune.’ But the improvident Youth was Angry with his Friends, that had thus advis'd him; and caus'd a Word to be given forth to all his Followers; to surcease all such private Whisperings: And to his Friends he made Answer, ‘That he knew well enough, that 'twas the common Plague of great Families, to be troubled with Men, who loved not to be quiet, and who made a gain of the Dangers and Miseries of their Patrons: And that such Men, because in time of Peace, they were bound up by Laws, were the Authors and Advisers to Sedition, that so they might Fish the better in troubled Waters; but for his part, he had rather cast himself on the known Prudence of the Regent and Chancellor, than give Ear to the Temerity and Madness of Seditious Persons.’ Having spoken these Words, to cut off any occasion of further advice in the Case, he set Spurs to his Horse, and with his Brother, and a few more of his Confidents, hastned to the Castle, with more speed than at the rate of an ordinary March; and so, Fate drawing him on, he precipitated himself into the Snares of his Enemies.

In that very Moment of time, the Regent came in too, for so it was agreed, that the whole weight of so great Envy might not lye on one Mans Shoulders only.Where he and his Brother David were slain. Douglas was kindly received, and admitted to the Kings Table; but in the midst of the Feast, some Armed Men beset him, being Weaponless, and put a Bulls Head upon him, which, in those Times, was a Messenger and Sign of Death. When the young Man saw that, he was troubled and sought to arise, but the Armed Men laid hold on, and carry'd him to a Court near the Castle; where, by the loss of his Head, he paid for the Intemperance of his Youth. David his Brother, and Malcolm Fleming, whom, next to his Brother, he trusted most of all, were also put to Death with him. 'Tis said, that the King, who was now fully entring on his being of Age, wept for his Death; and that the Chancellor did greatly Rebuke him for his unseasonable Tears, at the Destruction of an Enemy; whereas the Publick Peace was never like to be settled, as long as he was alive. William dying thus without Children, Iames (Sirnamed Crassus, or the Gross, from his Disposition,) succeeded him in the Earldom, (for 'twas a Male-Feo, as Lawyers speak) the rest of his Patrimony, which was very great, fell to his only Sister Beatrix, a very beautiful Person in her Days. This Iames, the Gross, though he were no bad Man, yet was no less suspected by the King, and hated by the Commons, than the former Earl; because, though he did not maintain Robbers, as the former Earl had done; yet he was not very Zealous in subduing them; but he was substracted from this Envy, by his Death, which happen'd Two Years after.

William, the Eldest of his Seven Sons, Succeeded him, he being Emulous of the ancient Power of the Family, that he might restore it unto its Pristine Splendor, resolv'd to Marry his Uncles Daughter, who was the Heiress of many Countries: Many of his Kindred did not approve of the Match,William Douglas Marries Beatrix his Uncles Daughter. partly because 'twas an unusual, and by consequence, an unlawful thing; and partly because, by the Accession of so much Wealth, he would be envy'd by the People, and [Page] also formidable to the King. For a Rumor was spread abroad, and that not without ground, that the King himself would do his utmost, to hinder the Match. This made William to hasten the Consummation of the Marriage, even in the time when Marriages were forbidden, that he might prevent the Kings endeavours, to the contrary. Thus having obtained great Wealth, he grew insolent, and envy follow'd his Insolence,The high [...] o [...] Thieves. in regard Troops of Robbers did swarm every where, whose Captains were thought to be no Strangers to Douglas his Design. Amongst them there was one George Gorm, of Athole, who pillag'd all the Country about him, and set upon William Ruthven, Sheriff of Perth, because he was leading a Thief of Athole to the Gallows, and fought with him, as it were, in a set Battel. At last Gorm the Captain, and 30 of his Followers, were slain, and the rest sled to the Mountains. This Bustling Fight was in the year of Christ 1443.

A few days after, the Castle of Dunbarton, impregnable by Force, was twice taken in a little time: Robert Semple was Commander of the Lower Castle; and Patrick Galbreth of the Higher, and their Government was so divided, that each had a peculiar entrance into his own Part. These Two were not free from Factions, amongst themselves. For Patrick was thought secretly to favour the Douglasses; whereupon Semple, Dunbarton Castle twice surprized. perceiving that his Part was but negligently guarded, seiz'd upon him, and commanded him to remove his Goods. The day after, Patrick entred with four Companions attending him, without Arms, to fetch out his Goods; where, first, he light upon the Porter alone, and then, catching up Arms, drave him and the rest out of the Upper Castle, and thus, sending for Aid out of the Neighbouring Town, he beat them out of the Lower Castle also, and so reduc'd the whole Fort into his own hands.

About that time, there were very many Murders committed upon the inferior Sort, which were partly perpetrated by the Douglassians, and partly charg'd upon them, by their Enemies. The King was now of Age, and manag'd the Government himself, so that Douglas, being unable to stand against the Envy of the Nobles,King Iames, being of Age▪ enters on the Government. and the Complaints of the Commons, too, resolves to become a New Man, to satisfie the People, and, by all means possible, to atone the Heart of the King, which was alienated from him; and, in order thereunto, he came with a great Train to Sterlin. And when he had Intelligence by some Courtiers, whom he had greas'd in the Fist, and made his Own, that the Kings Anger was appeas'd towards him, then, and not before, he came into his Presence, and threw down his Life▪ and Fortune, and all his Concerns, at his Feet, and to his Dispose; he partly excused the Crimes of his former Life, and pa [...]ly, (because That seemed the readier way to Reconciliation,) he ingenuously confest Them, withal affirming, that whatever Fortune he should have hereafter,Douglas throws himself at the Kings Feet, acknowledges his Offences, is Pardoned, and Received into Favour. he would ascribe it solely to the Clemency of the King, not to his Own Innocency; but if the King were pleas'd to receive Satisfaction from him, by his Services and Obsequiousness, he would do his utmost endeavour for the future, that no Man should be more Loyal and observant of his Duty, than himself, and that in restraining and punishing all those exorbitant Offences which his Enemies cast [Page] upon him, none should be more sharp and severe than he; in regard he was descended from that Family, which was not raised by opp [...] sing the Poor, but by defending the Commons of Scotland, by the [...] Arms: By this Oration of the Earls, and the secret Commendation of the Courtiers, the King was so chang'd, that he forgave him all the Crimes of his former Life, and received him into the Number of his Privadoes, and communicated all his secret Designs to him.

And indeed the Earl, in a very little time, had so obliged the King to him by his Obsequious Carriage; and had won so much on his Ministers by his Liberality; yea, had so ingratiated himself into all Men, by his modest and courteous Condescension, that the ordinary sort of People conceiv'd great Hope of his gentle and pliable Deportment;The Regent and Chancellor lay down their Offices. but the Wiser were somewhat afraid, whither so sudden a change of Manners would tend: And especially Alexander Levingston, and William Creighton, imagining, that all his Counsels would tend to their Destruction, having laid down their publick Offices in the Government, went away, severally; Alexander, to his own Estate; and William into the Castle of Edinburgh, there to watch and observe, where the Simulation of Douglas would terminate and end; Neither did their preconceiv'd Opinion deceive such Wise Men, as they were: For Douglas having gotten the King alone, and destitute of graver Counsel, and who was somewhat unwary too, by reason of the Greenness of his years, thought now, that he had a fit Opportunity to revenge the Deaths of his Kinsmen,Douglas by his Power at Court, summons them to Appear. and so easily persuaded the King to send for William Creighton, and Alexander Levingston, with his two Sons, Alexander and Iames, to give him a Legal Account of [...] Administration of their former Offices. His Design herein, [...] if they came to the Court, he might either destroy them, or [...] bring them under, by the power of his Faction; but if they refused to come, then to declare them publick Enemies; and so having the Authority of the Kings Name, as a pretence for his Power, to despoil, and out them, of all their Estates. Hereupon, they were summoned to appear, but return'd Answer, by Letters, ‘That they had never any thing more prevalent and superior in their Thoughts, than the Good of the King and Kingdom, and that they had so managed their Offices, that they desired nothing more than to give up a full Account;They excusing themselves, are declared publick Enemies. provided, it were before equal Judges, but, for the present, they desir'd to be excus'd in regard they perceiv'd, that the Minds of those, who were to be their Judges, were preposses'd in Favour, and by the Largesses, of their Enemies; and besides, all Passages were beset with Armed Men▪ not that they shunn'd a Legal Hearing, but only withdrew from the Violence of their Mortal Enemies at the present, and reserv'd their Lives for better Times, till the Commanders of Thieves being driven from the Kings Presence, as they had often done in doubtful times before, they might then justify and asse [...]t their Innocency to the King and all Good Men.’

When this Answer was receiv'd, an Assembly was Indicted to be held at Sterlin the Fourth day of November, wherein Douglas so carry'd the Matter, that they were declared Publick Enemies, and their Goods Confiscate. And then he sends out Iohn O [...] Forester. Froster of Gorstorphin, [Page] his Confident, with Forces to spoil their Country,In Mid-Lothian, two [...] West of Edinburgh. and bring their Goods into the Kings Exchequer: He took in their Castles by Surrender, part of them he demolisht, and part he put new Garisons into, and thus making a vast spoil, without any resistance, he carried off a great Booty; The Douglassians had scarce retired, before Creighton had gathered an Army of his Friends and Vassals, sooner than Men thought; and with them, he ran over the Lands of the Foresters, and of the Douglasses, even as far as Corstorphin, S [...]rabrock,

A Town on the River [...] West-Lothian.

A Castle standing on a Rock, lying near the Firth of For [...]h, above Abercorn. Creighton, late Chancelor, defends himself by force.

Abercorn, and Blackness, he burnt their Houses, spoil'd their Corn, and brought away as much Prey, as he was able, and amongst the rest, a stately Breed of Mares; and thus he did his Enemy much more Mischief, than he receiv'd. Douglas, knowing that Creighton had done this, by the assistance of Others, rather than his own Force, turns his Anger upon his Friends, who (he was inform'd) had sent him Aid privately (for few durst do it openly.) The Chief of them were Iames Kennedy Archbishop of St. Andrews, George Earl of Angus, Iohn Earl of Morton, Both the later of Douglas's his own Family; but One Born of the King's Aunt, the Mother of Iames Kennedy; the Other had Marry'd the King's Sister. These Persons did always prefer the Publick Safety, and their Duty for the Conservation thereof, before the private Respect to their own Family: But Kennedy exceeded the rest, in Age, Counsel, and consequently in Authority; and therefore his Wrath was, principally, incensed against him: Whereupon, the Earl of Craford, and Alexander Ogilby gather'd a reasonable Army together, and spoil'd his Lands in Fife; and following the Prey, rather than the Cause, they plunder'd the Neighbor Farms also, with a great devastation; and then, without any Opposition, return'd into Angus, laden with Spoil. In this case, Kennedy betook himself to his proper Church-Arms of Defence; and, in regard Craford avoided the Decision of these Disputes by Law,Douglas incensed against Creighton's Friends. he prosecuted him with Ecclesiastical Censures; which when he despis'd, according to his wonted Contumacy, a little while after, he was justly punish'd for his contempt of all Divine and Human Laws. For, the same Year, wherein these things were acted, the Colledge of the Benedictins at Aberbrothock, (in regard, Monks might not intermeddle to judge in Civil Causes) had made Alexander Lindsy, Eldest Son of the Earl of Craford, their Chief Judge in Civils, or, as they call him, Sheriff, or Bayliff. He, with his huge Train of Followers, became burdensome to the Monast'ry; and besides, he carried himself as their Master, rather than their Servant, so that they dispossest him of his Offices, and put Alexander Ogilby, in his Place; Lindsy lookt upon This as a Wrong to him, in his Opinion, so that each of them gather'd together what Force they could, as if a War had been denounc'd between them; when Both Armies stood in a readiness to Fight, the Earl of Craford having notice of it, made all the haste he could, and rode in betwixt Them Both, thinking, that the sole Authority of his Name had been Armour of proof to him; and whilst he was hindring his Son from ingaging, and calling out Ogilby to a Conference,The Clans of the Lindsys and Ogilbys Fight. a Soldier darted a Spear into his Mouth; it was not known, Who he was, nor What he aim'd at, and struck him down dead from his Horse; His Death [Page] was as an Alarm to Both Armies, and after a sharp Conflict, many being wounded on Both sides, the Victory fell to the Lindsys: They say, the Cause thereof was, that, whilst Both Armies stood with their Spears upright, representing the fashion of a Wood, a certain Man cry'd out, Why do you bring those Goads with you, as if you had to do with Oxen? Pray, cast them away, and let us fight it out with our Swords, hand to hand, by true Valour, as becomes Men? Upon which Words, they all cast away their Pikes, on both sides, except 100 Clydesdale Men, whom Douglas had sent in to Aid the Lindsyst These held the Tops, or Points, of their Pikes in their Hands; and drew the rest of them behind their Backs; but when they came to Handy-blows, then they held them out as a thick Fence, before them, and their Enemies, being terrified with the sudden Spectacle, had their Ranks broken thereby. The Conquering side lost 100; the Conquer'd 500, and amongst them, some Men of Note; Alexander Ogilby was taken prisoner, and Dyed a few Days after, either of his Wounds, or for Grief; Gordon, Earl of Huntly, was put upon a Horse by a Friend of his own, and so escap'd. The Slaughter had been much greater,Ian. 24. if the Night had not cover'd the Flyers away, for the Battel began a few hours before Night, on the 9th of the Calends of February.

The Lindsys prevail.The Lindsys manag'd their Victory with great Cruelty, they pillaged and demolisht Houses, and utterly spoil'd the Country. The War was as hotly carried on between the Factions in other Parts; Douglas had besieg'd William Creighton, some Months in the Castle of Edinburgh; and to make a more close Siege, he remov'd the Assembly of the Estates, which was summoned to be held on the Ides of Iuly, Iuly 15. and was already begun at Perth, to Edinburgh; when the Siege had lasted 9 Months, both the Besiegers, and the Besieged, grew equally weary,Creighton received into Favour, and is made Chancellor again. and so a Surrender was made on these Conditions, That, William should be Indemnify'd for whatsoever he had done against the King, and He and His should march safely off. Thus in every Dispute, he, who is most powerful, would seem to be most innocent. And not long after, Creighton was received into the King's Favour, and was made Chancellor again, by the general Consent of all, but he refrain'd the Court, and all Publick Business, as much as ever his Office would suffer him to do. Douglas, having thus rather terrified, than overthrown, Creighton, turn'd the rest of his fury upon the Levingstons. But before I come to that Part of my History, I will touch upon the Slaughter of some of these Noble Persons, (for 'twould be infinite to name the Deaths of all,) who were put to Death in those Days.

Iames Stuart, a Noble Knight, was slain by Alexander Lisle, and Robert Boyd, at Kirk-Patrick, about Two Miles from Dunbarton; neither was their Cruelty satisfy'd with his Death, but they endeavour'd to get his Wife also,Deadly Fewds betwixt particular Persons and Families. who was then great with Child, and almost ready to lye down, into their Power; In order whereto, they sent a Priest to her, as in great hast, to tell her, That all the Roads were full of Horse and Foot, and that there was no Way for her to escape the present Danger, but to go a Shipboard, and fly to Robert Boyd at Dunbarton, who had solemnly promis'd to return her safe [Page] home; The credulous Woman, who did not know, that Robert was present at the perpetration of the Murder, being carried from Cardros into the Castle, perceiving,An Abby in Lenn [...]x. that She was circumvented by the Fraud of her Enemies, being overcome by the Greatness of her Grief, Fear, and Indignation, brought forth an Abortive Birth, which, with the Mother, Dyed a few hours after.

About the same time, Patrick Hepburn, Earl of Hales, A Castle standing upon Tine, near Hardington. kept the Castle of Dunbar, and had with him Ioan the Wife of Iames the I. who in those tumultuous times, had fled thither for refuge; Archibald Dunbar, thinking this to be a just Cause for a Quarrel, set upon Hales, Hepburn's Castle, in the Night, kill'd the Garison Soldiers on the First Onset, and took it; yet, in a few Hours, for fear, he gave it up to the Earl of Douglas, upon condition, That He and His should march safely off. Not long after, Queen Ioan Dyed, leaving these Children by her later Husband, Iohn Earl of Athole, Iames Earl of Buchan, and Andrew, afterwards Bishop of Murray. After She was Dead, Hepburn deliver'd up the Castle of Dunbar, un-Garison'd, and empty, to the King.

In Angus, Alexander, Earl of Craford, put Iohn Lyons to death in the Market-place at Dundee, because he had been rais'd up to great Wealth, and Honour, even to a Match in the Royal Family, by his Father; yet he prov'd ungrateful, and forgot the Courtesies he had received.

Amidst these Discords, the Men of Annandale did vex the adjoyning Countries with all sorts of Calamities. The Cause of all these Mischiefs was cast upon the Earl of Douglas, who yet did all he could to conceal these Facts of his Clans, for he openly Studied nothing more than to afflict the Men of different Parties, in regard, he was grown to that height of Power, that 'twas a Capital Offence to question any of his Doings. He caus'd Iames Stuart the King's Uncle to fly the Land, because he spoke something freely concerning the State of the Kingdom, but his Ship being taken by the Flemings, he liv'd not long after.

Now, he thought, it was high time to attempt the Levingstons, Douglas attempts the Levingstons ▪ of whom, Iames is put to Death. &c. whereupon, he caus'd Alexander, the Head of the Family, and his Son Iames, and also Robert the King's Treasurer, and David, to be summon'd to an Assembly at Edinburgh; and, of his Friends, Robert Bruce, Iames and Robert Dundasses; of these, Alexander, and the Two Dundasses, were sent back to prison to Dunbarton; the rest were put to Death; of what Crime they were guilty, meriting so great a Punishment, the Historians of those Times do not mention, neither will I interpose my own Conjectures, in a business so remote from our Memory; only I will relate what I have heard, That Iames Levingston, when he came to the place of Execution, complain'd heavily, and expresly, of the Inconstancy of Fortune ‘That his Father, who was Honour'd with a Power next to the Kings, did yet freely give up the invidious Title of Regent, and went to his own Estate far from Court, and out of his Enemies sight, whose Cruelty wa [...] never satiated with his Miseries, and therefore he was forc'd to take Arms to preserve his Life, which he again laid down at the Kings Command; if there were any fault, in that; he had long ago obtain'd [Page] his Pardon; and since that time, he had liv'd remote, and free from all suspicion of any Crime, of which, this was an evident Token, That the Nobility thought them innocent, and did solicitously deprecate their Punishments, and yet notwithstanding, the severe Cruelty of their Enemies prevailed more, than the former Demerits and good Offices of their Family; or, than the Kings Pardon obtain'd, or, than the interceding Supplications of the Nobility. And therefore he intreated all, who were there present, to look upon those lofty Titles of Empire and Dominion, to be nothing else but the Glosing Complements of Fortune, who then intended to do most Mischief; and that they were rather flowry Embelishments for ones Funeral, than Safeguards to a Man's Life; especially since Bad men can always do more to destroy the Good, than the Consent of the Good can do to save them.’ And having thus spoken, to the great grief of all the Spectators, he submitted his Neck to the Executioner.

Amidst these Combustions, Creighton was sent into France, partly to renew the Ancient League,Creighton sent Embassador to France. and partly to obtain from thence a Royal Bride; Douglas took his Absence very well, tho' in an Honourable Employment, because, tho' he was a prudent and potent person, yet, out of the Relicks of their former discords, he was not over-fond of him. In this troublesome state of the Kingdom, the same Disease which vext others, did also infect the Ecclesiastical Order: Iames Cameron, Bishop of Glasco, had, himself, committed many acts of Cruelty and Avarice, upon the Husbandmen of his Diocess, (which was very large) and he had also given Encouragement to Those who were in power, to do the like, that so, when the Owners were unjustly condemn'd, their Estates might be Confiscated to him; so that, he was believ'd to be the Author, or the Favourer, of all the Mischiefs which were acted abroad. 'Tis reported, that the Man came to an End worthy of his wicked Life; The Day before the Nativity of Christ, as he was asleep in a Farm of his own, about 7 Miles from Glasco, he seem'd to hear a loud Voice calling him to the Tribunal of Christ, to plead his Cause. That sudden Fright wakened him out of his Sleep,The Bishop of Glasco frightned by a Voice from Heaven for his wicked Life, which does him to Death. he call'd up his Servants to bring a Candle, and sit down by him; he took a Book in his hand, and began to read, but presently the same Voice was heard louder than before, which struck all, there present, into a Great horror. Afterwards, when it sounded again more terribly and frightfully, than before, The Bishop gave a great groan, put out his Tongue, and was found Dead in his Bed. This so evident an Example of God's Vengeance, as I shall not rashly credit, so I have no mind to refute; yet, it being deliver'd by others, and constantly affirmed to be true, I thought good not to omit it.

Iames Kennedy retires from a Corrupt Court.At the same time, Iames Kennedy, One of a far different Life and Manners, as referring all his Counsels to the Good of the Publick; when, neither by his Authority, nor Counsel, he could resist the daily new-springing Evils of his Country; and seeing likewise, That the Kings Power was not able to oppose the Conspiracies of Wicked men, he left all his Estate for a Prey, and shifted for himself. Neither, in these Domestick Miseries, were Matters much quieter abroad; When the Truce made with the English was expir'd, the Scots made [Page] an Inrode into England, and the English into Scotland; and whereever they went, they wasted all with Fire and Sword; in England, [...] Al [...]wick was taken and burnt by Iames, Brother to the Earl of Douglas: In Scotland, the Earl of Salisbury did the like to Dunfreiz, and the Earl of Northumberland to Dunbar; great Booties of Men and Cattel were driven away, on Both sides. But the Commanders agreed amongst themselves, that the Prisoners should be exchang'd, for they were in a manner equal, both for Number and Degree. By these Incursions, the Country was depopulated, and yet the main chance of the War not concerned; so that a Truce was again accorded for 7 Years.

In this state of Affairs, Iames Dunbar, Earl of Murray, departed this Life, he left two Daughters his Heiresses, the Eldest of them was Marry'd, by her Father before his Death, to Iames Creighton;Dunbar, E. of Murray Dies, and Archibald Douglas succeed [...] [...]. The Younger, after her Fathers decease, marry'd Archibald, Brother to the Earl of Douglas. He, against the Laws and the Custom of his Ancestors, was called Earl of Murray; so superlative was Douglas's Power then at Court; neither was he contented with this Accession of Honour; but, that he might further propagate the Dignity of his Family, he caus'd his Brother George to be made Earl of Ormond; his Brother Iohn had many fair and fruitful Farms and Lands bestowed upon him, and was also made Baron of Balvany, A Barony [...] ing on the [...] Spey. against the mind of many of his Friends, who had in Suspicion the Power of that Family, too great before, that it would be at last formidable, even to the King himself; yea, they imagined that these immoderate Accessions & Frolicks of Fortune would not be long-lived. But his Enemies did, as invidiously as they could, inveigh against This unsatiable Ambition;The immoderate Power of the Douglas's, e [...]poses them to Envy. ‘for who (say they) could safely live under the Exorbitant rule of such a Tyrant, for whose Avarice nothing was enough, and against whose Power there was no Safeguard; who, right or wrong, invaded the Patrimony of the Nobles, and expos'd the Countrymen to be a Prey to his Tenants; and those who oppos'd his Lust, he caus'd them, by Thieves and Cut-Throats, either to lose all they had, or else to be put to death; that he advanced Upstar [...]s to high Honours, whom he grafted on the ruin of Noble Families; so that, all the Power of the Kingdom was now brought into one House; besides many Knights and Barons, there were five Opulent Earls of the Family, insomuch that the King himself did but Reign precariously, and men were like to suffer all Extremities under the Cruel Bondage of the Douglas's, and he that utter'd the least word tending to Liberty, must pay his Life for his Boldness.’ These, and other discourses of this kind, some true, others to create greater Envy, stretcht beyond the Lines of Truth, were spread abroad amongst the Vulgar; which made Those; who were of neither▪ Faction, to fit loose from the Care of the Publick, and every one to mind his own private Concerns: The wiser sort of his Enemies were glad to hear, that a man of such Power, against which there was no making Head, should thus voluntarily run headlong to his own Destruction. Neither did they presage amiss, [...] for his Mind was grown so proud and insolent, by reason of his Great Successes, that [...] his Ears against the free Advices of his Friends; yea, many [...] [Page] not, with any safety, dissemble and cover, by their silence, what they did dislike, because he had Parasites, which did not only lie at catch for Words, but observ'd mens very Countenances; As for his old Enemies, many of them were hal'd to Judgment, before him, who was both their Adversary and Judge too, so that some of them were outed of their Estates, some depriv'd of their Lives, and others, to avoid his unrighteous and partial Judgment, fled out of their Country.

The men also of Douglas's Faction lived in no Fear, at all, of the Law, (for no man durst implead them) but letting the Reins loose to all Licentiousness, they invaded and made havock of things Sacred, as well as Profane; Those which were obnoxious to them they slew, and kill'd out of the way, neither was there any End of their Wickedness;The Miserable Estate of the Commons under Douglas. sometimes, when they had no sufficient Cause to do a man a Mischief, they then did it unprovok'd, and gratuitously, as it were, lest thro' disuse of offending any honest and tender Thoughts should arise in their Minds, so as to allay their Brutish Cruelty; Every one thought himself the noblest and bravest Fellow, that could cast the greatest Contumely on the Commons. When such great Miseries were diffus'd into so many Parts of the Kingdom, Scotland had certainly sunk under the Burden, unless England, at the same time, had been as much embarassed with civil Combustions; which, at last, being somewhat allay'd, the English violated their Truce and invaded Scotland; When they had runover a great Circuit of Ground, and pillaged many Villages; They drove away a Vast Number of Cattle, and return'd home; neither was it long before the Scots cry'd quits with them; for they also entred England with a good Force, and did the Enemy more Damage than they receiv'd. Thus, the Minds of Both were irritated by these alternate Plunderings,Mutual Incursions betwixt the Scots and English. so that a mighty Desolation was made in the Territories of either Kingdom; but the greatest share of the Calamity fell upon C [...]mberland, which had been the Rise of the Injury and Wrong, for that Province was so harassed by the War, that it was almost quite destroy'd. When this war related at London, it occasion'd the English to levy a far greater Army against the Scots, for thereby, they thought easily to reduce the Country into their Power, they being poor, and also weakned by Civil Discords. Hereupon an Army was rais'd of the Better sort of People, and the Earl of Northumberland made their General, in regard he knew the Country well; and besides, his Name and Power was great, in those Parts. To him they joyn'd one Main, of a Knightly Family, but who had long serv'd in France, and was commended for his Industry and Valour. 'Tis said, that he, out of his Mortal hatred against the Scots, had bargain'd with the King of England, that what Lands he took from the Scots, either by killing, or driving away, the Inhabitants, he, and his Posterity after him, should enjoy. On the other side, the Scots, hearing of the Preparation of their Enemies, were not negligent in gathering Forces, on their Part. George Dunbar, Earl of Ormond, was made Captain General, who presently marcht into Annandale, whither his Intelligence inform'd him, that the Enemy would come. And indeed, the English had prevented him, and entred Scotland before. They had [Page] past over the Rivers Solway and Annand, and pitch'd their Tents by the River Sarc, from whence they sent out Parties on every side,Or Sa [...]s. to pillage; but hearing of the coming of the Scots, they recall'd them all, by Sound of Trumpet, and contracted all their Force into One Body. As soon as ever they came in sight one of another, they fell to it without delay, Main commanded the Left Wing of the English, and Iohn Penington, the Right, he had the Welsh, the Relicks of the Ancient Britains, for his Assistants, the Earl himself commanded the Main Battel. George Douglas appointed Walter, Laird of Craig, to fight Main; and Maxwel and Iohnston, each with their Troops to attack Penington; he himself took Care of the Main Body, he gave them a short Exhortation, to conceive a good Hope of Victory, because they had taken up Arms in their own Defence, as provoked by the Injuries of their Enemies; and that a prosperous Issue must needs attend so just a Cause; and if they could abate the Pride of their Enemy, by some Notable overthrow, they would reap a lasting Fruit of their short Labour: The English, who abounded in the number of Archers, wounded many of the Scots, with their Darts, at a distance: Whereupon Wallace, who commanded the Left Wing, cryed out aloud, so as to be heard of most of his men, Why they [...]rifled so, and Skirmish'd at a distance, they should follow him, and rush in, upon the Enemy, hand to hand, and then their Valour would truly appear, for that was the Fighting, fit for Men. Having thus spoken,The English overthrown by the Scots. he drew the whole Wing after him; And presently with their long Spears, wherewith the Scots, both Foot and Horse, were furnish'd, they drove the Enemy back, routed, and put them to Flight; Main perceiving his Wing to give back, being more mindful of the just Glory of his former Life, than of his present Danger, rushes, with great Violence, upon Wallace, that so, by his Boldness, he might either renew the Fight; or else, breath out his last, in the Glory of some Illustrious Attempt; but unwarily Charging, he was intercepted from his own Men, and, with those few that follow'd him, was slain. When Both Armies heard, that he was slain, the Scots prest on more chearfully, so that the English Army did not stand long; as they fled home straggingly and in great haste, more were slain in the Pursuit than Fight; but the chiefest Slaughter was upon the Banks of the Solway; for there the Tide had swollen up the River, so that they could not pass. About 3000 of the English were slain in this Fight, and 600 of the Scots. There were many Prisoners taken, the Chief were Iohn Penington and Robert Huntington. The Earl of Northumberland's Son might have escap'd, but, whilst he was helping his Father to Horse, he himself was taken Prisoner. The Booty was greater than had been ever known, in any Battel betwixt the Scots and English, before. For the English, trusting to the Number and Goodness of their Soldiers, and depending also on the discord of the Scots, came on so securely, as if it had been to a Shew, not to a Fight; so great was their Confidence and Undervaluing of their Enemy: Wallace was wounded, carried home in a Litter, and in 3 Months after died of his Wounds.

[Page] Ormond, being thus a Conqueror, took a view of the Prisoners, the chief Commanders he sent Prisoners to the Castle in Loch Ma [...]an, he himself return'd to Court, where every Body went out to meet him, and he was received with all kind of Honour. The King did highly extol his Military Services, but withal, advis'd him and his Brother, That as they had often given a Proof of their Courage abroad, and had defended the State of Scotland, by their Labour and Valour, even in Perillous Times; so, at home, that they would accustom themselves to a modest Deportment, and that they themselves should refrain from Injuring the Poorer sort; and also, inhibit their Clans from doing it; and that they should shew their Puissance and Grandeur, which their Ancestors had obtain'd by their many Merits, both of King and Subjects, rather in restraining of Robbers, than in cherishing them; that This was the only thing which was wanting to compleat their Praise, and make it absolute; and if they would do this thing, they should certainly find, that he would esteem the Honour of the Douglas's, and their Family, before any thing else whatsoever. They answer'd the King submissively, and so took their leave, and went Joyfully home.

After this Fight at Sarc, as the Borders of Scotland were quieter from the wrongs of their Enemies; so, when the matter was reported at London, it did rather irritate the English, than deject them: For, a Council being call'd about a War with Scotland, A Truce between the Scots and English. a new Army was order'd to be rais'd, to blot out the former Ignominy. Whilst they were all intent hereupon, presently Civil Wars arose amongst themselves, and a strong Conspiracy of the Commons, made against the King, took off their Thoughts from a Foreign War; so that Embassadors were sent into Scotland, to treat of a Peace, which were so much the more welcome, because their own Affairs were not well settled at home. Yet they could not well agree on Terms of Peace, but only made a Truce for Three Years, and so returned home: These things were acted in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Four Hundred Forty Eight.

This Publick Joy was soon after increast by a Message, sent out of Flanders, from the Chancellor, who went Ambassador to Charles the Seventh,Iames Married to Mary of Gelderland. about contracting a Marriage. By his endeavours, Mary the Daughter of Arnold, Duke of Gelderland, was betroth'd to Iames; she was of the Kingly Race by her Mothers side, who was a Sister of the Duke of Burgundy. The Year after, she came with a great Train of Noble Persons into Scotland, and, in Iuly, was Crowned in the Abby of Holy-Rood-House, near Edinburgh.

This Universal Joy, for the Victory, for the Peace, and for the Marriage, was soon disturbed by the Death of Richard Colvill, a Man of Note; which, though perhaps, in it self, not undeserv'd, yet was of very bad Example to the Common-Wealth. This Colvil having receiv'd many and great wrongs, from one Iohn Afflech, a Friend of Douglas's; and, after many complaints, could get no Remedy in Law nor Equity, he fought with and slew him, and some of his Followers. Douglas took the Fact so hainously, that he made a Solemn Oath never to rest,Colvil put to Death by Douglas. till he had expiated the Murder by Colvil's Death▪ Neither were his Threatnings in vain, for he Storm'd his Castle, [Page] took and plunder'd it, and killed all therein, that were able to bear Arms. This Fact, though 'twas performed against Law and Custom, yet some did excuse, and, in effect, commend, as proceeding from Indignation, a Passion not unbeseeming a Generous Mind. Thus, as it commonly happens in degenerate Times, Flattery, the perpetual Companion of Greatness, did clothe the highest Offences with Honest and Plausible Names. Moreover, Douglas was so lifted up with the Flatteries of Fortune, which did now incline to his Destruction, that he had a great Ambition to make an Ostentation of his Power, even to Foreign Nations; as if the splendor of so great a Family o [...]ht not to be straitned within the narrow Theatre of one Island on [...]; so that he had a Mind to go to Rome; he pretended Religion,Douglas goes vain-gloriously in a year o [...] Iubilee to Rome. but the principal design of his Journy, was, Ambition; the Church of Rome had adopted the old Rites of the Iewish; for, as the Iewish Church, every Fiftieth year, was to forgive all the Debts of what kind soever, to their Country Men, and to restore all Pledges, Gratis; and also to set their Hebrew Servants at Liberty: So the Pope, taking an Example therefrom, as Gods Vicar on Earth, did arrogate the Power of forgiving all Offences. For, whereas at other times he trucked out his Pardons by Peice-Meal; every Fiftieth Year, he open'd his full Garners thereof, and pour'd out whole Bushels full of them publickly to all; yet, I will not say Gratis.

Douglas, with a great Train of Nobles, who were desirous, partly to see Novelties, and partly allur'd by hopes of Reward, sail'd over into Flanders. From thence he Travelled by Land to Paris, and took with him his Brother, appointed Bishop of Caledonia; who, afterwards, seeing Douglas had no Children, was, by the Kings Permission, put in hopes to be his Heir. In France, he was highly caressed, partly upon the account of their Publick League with the Scots, and partly in Memory of his Ancestors Demerits, from that Crown; hereupon all Rome was filled with the Expectation of his coming.

About Two Months after his departure from Scotland, his Enemies and Rivals began to lift up their Heads; they durst not, for Fear, complain of him, when he was present; but now they laid open all the Injuries they had received from him. And when it was once noised abroad, that the Access to the King was easie, and that his Ear was open to all just Complaints. The Troop of Complainants, lamenting their Sufferings, did daily increase, so that all the ways to the Palace were almost stopt by them. The King could not well either reject the Petitions of the Sufferers,In his absence, his Enemies sue him, and [...] Damages for wrong [...] received. nor yet condemn the Earl, in his absence, without hearing of him; so that he gave a middle Answer, which satisfi'd their Importunity for the present, viz. That he would Command the Earls Proctor, or Attorney, to appear; that so, in his own Presence, a fair Tryal might be had. Whereupon, the Proctor was summon'd, but did not appear, so that the Kings Officers were sent out to bring him in by force; when he was brought to Court, some alledged, that he ought to be immediately punisht for disobeying the Kings Command; in regard, that, by too much Patience, the Kings Authority would be despis'd and run low, even amongst the meaner sort; for, under the pretence of Lenity, [Page] the Audaciousness of the Bad would increase, and the Impunity of Offendors would open the way for more Crimes. The King was not mov'd by those Instigations, but remain'd constant to his Resolution, which was, rather to satisfie his greatest Accusers, by the Compensation of their Losses, than to satiate their Vindicative Minds, with the spilling of his Blood. Hereupon he caus'd the Earls Proctor to be brought out of Prison, and to plead in his Masters behalf, telling him, That if he had any thing to allege in Purgation of the Crimes objected, he should freely declare it, without any fear at all. When he was cast in many Suits, and the King Commanded him immediately to pay the Damages; The Proctor answer'd, He would defer the whole matter, till the return of the Earl, who was expected in a few Months. This he spake, as 'twas thought, by the advice of Ormond and Murray, the Earl's Brothers: When the King was inform'd of his Resolution,Which are answered out of his Estate. he sent William Sinclare, Earl of the Orcades, who was then Chancellor, first into Galway, and then into Douglasdale; he appointed Sequestrators to gather up the Rents of Douglas's Estate, and so to pay the Damages adjudg'd by Law. But in regard, Sinclare had not Power enough to inforce his Order, some eluded, others Contumeliously abus'd him, so that he return'd without effecting his Business.

The King, being provokt by this Contempt of his Authority, Commands all the Favourers of Douglas his Faction to be Summon'd to appear, which they refusing to do, were declared Publick Enemies; an Army was Levy'd against them, which marcht into Galway. At their first coming, the Commanders were driven into their Castles, but a small Party of the Kings Forces, pursuing after the rest through Craggy Places, were repuls'd, and not without Ignominy driven back to the King. The King, taking it in great Indignation, that a few Vagabond Thieves should dare to make such Attempts, resolv'd to redeem their slighting of him, by attempting their Strongs Holds; he took the Castle of Maban, with no great difficulty; but his Soldiers were so much toil'd and weary'd in the taking of Douglas Castle, that therefore he wholly demolisht it. As for the Vassals and Tenants who had submitted themselves, and their Fortunes to him, he Commanded them to pay their Rents to his Treasurers, till Douglas's Estate had fully satisfi'd what was awarded against him by Law. And when this was almost done, he dismist his Army, having obtain'd a good Report for his Lenity and Moderation, even amongst his very Enemies.

When these Matters were related to the Earl at Rome, his great Spirit was mightily mov'd; yea, his Esteem did then abate amongst his own Attendants, so that a great Part of them deserted him, and he enter'd upon his Journy homewards, with but a few Followers. He came through England, Douglas at his return from Rome, received into Favour. and drawing near to the Borders of Scotland, he sent his Brother Iames, to feel the Kings Pulse, how he stood affected towards him. And when the King was appeasable, he return'd home, and was kindly receiv'd, only he was admonisht to abandon and subdue all Robbers, especially those of Annandale, who had plaid many Cruel and Avaritious Pranks in his absence; Douglas undertook to do so, and confirm'd his Promise by an Oath. [Page] Whereupon, he was not only restor'd into his former Grace and Favour, but also made Regent over all Scotland, And made Regent. so that every one was injoin'd to obey his Commands.

But his vast Mind, which was always hankering after Supremacy and Height, was not content with this Honour, which was the greatest he could be advanced to, under the King; but, by his Temerity, he gave the State new Occasions of Suspicion: For he undertook a Journy, very privately, into England, and after his Address to that King, he told him, that the cause of his coming was, That his Estate, Douglas gives Iames new occasion of Suspicion. though Claimed by him, was not yet restor'd. But this seem'd to Iames, a light, and no way probable, cause of his Journey; and therefore the King conceiv'd a greater Suspicion in his Mind, which before was not well Reconcil'd, against him; neither did he conceal his Anger, as supposing that there was a deeper Design hid under that his Discourse with the English King; Douglas, having now an offended King to deal with, fled presently to his wonted Refuge, the Kings known Clemency, and cast himself at his Feet. The Queen also, and many of the Nobles, interceded for him; and after a Solemn Oath, that, for the future, he would never act any thing which might justly offend the King, his Fault was forgiven; only he was deprived of his Office. Whereupon the Earl of the Orcades, and William Creighton, who had always remained Loyal, were advanc'd again, to sit at the Helm.

Douglas was very angry with all the Courtiers for this Disgrace, (for so he interpreted it) but he was most of all incens'd against William Creighton, for, he thought, that 'twas by his Prudence, that all his Projects were disappointed, and therefore he was resolv'd to dispatch him out of the World, either by some Treachery; or, if that succeeded not, by any other way, whatsoever. And that he might do it with the less Odium, he suborn'd one of his Friends to Witness, that he heard Creighton say, That Scotland would never be [...] quiet, Douglas design against Creighton's Life. so long as any of the Family of the Douglas's were left alive; and that the safety of the King and Kingdom, the Concord of the Estates, and the Publick Peace, did depend upon the Death of that one Man: For, he being of a Turbulent Nature, and supported by many and great Assinities, and Irreconcileable by any Offices of Respect, and Advancements to Honour; 'twere better to have him taken out of the way, that so the publick Peace might be confirm'd and settled. This Tale, when nois'd abroad, and believed by many, by reason of the Probability thereof, rais'd up a great deal of Ill-Will against Creighton. Douglas, being inform'd by his Spies, when he was to depart from Edinburgh ▪ lays an Ambush for him, late in the Night, as secretly as he could; and when he and his Train came to it, the liers in wait set upon them with a great shout; they, who were first assaulted, were so astonisht at the suddenness of the Danger, that they could not lift up an Hand to defend themselves. But William, being a Man of great Courage and Conduct, assoon as he had a little recover'd himself from his Fright, slew the first Man that Assaulted him, and Wounded another; and so he, and his Attendants, brake through the midst of their Enemies, having only received some Wounds. He fled to Creighton Castle, [...] de [...]ends himself [...]. and there staid some days, to cure his Wounds; and soon after, he got a [Page] great Number of his Friends and Tenants about him;Douglas joyns with Craford and Ross. and in great silence came to Edinburgh: His speed did so prevent the Noise of his coming, that he had almost surpriz'd his Enemy unawares.

Douglas, being thus freed from an unlook'd for Danger, either out of Fear, Shame, or Both, when he saw the Power of the Adverse Faction to increase with the good liking of the People, endeavour'd also to strengthen his own Party, as much as ever he could, and therefore he joins himself in League with the Earls of Craford and Ross, which were the most Noted and Potent Families in Scotland, next to the Douglas's; a mutual Oath was entred into betwixt them; That each of them should be aiding and assisting to the Friends, and Confederates, one of another. And, in Confidence of this Combination, they slighted the Forces of their opposite Faction; yea, and the Kings, too. The King took this in great Indignation; and besides, he had other fresh Causes of Provocation against him, which hastned his Destruction. Iohn Herris, a Knight, of a Noble Family in Galway, He provokes the King, being averse from the ill Practices of the Douglas's, ordinarily kept himself within the Walls of his own House; but the Annandians were sent in upon him, which did him much mischief; he often complain'd hereof to Douglas, but in vain; so that, at length, he determin'd to revenge himself, and to repel Force by Force. And accordingly, he gather'd a Company of his Friends together; and, entring Annandale, he, and all his Followers, were there taken Prisoners by those Bandity, and being brought to Douglas, he hang'd him up as a Thief; though the King had earnestly interceded for him, by his Letters. That matter seem'd very hainous, as indeed it was; so that Speeches were given out, That Douglas, by evil Practices, did endeavour, and that not obscurely, to make his Way to the Crown; for-now there was nothing else remaining, In the Case of Herris, which could satisfie his vast and aspiring Mind; Which Suspicion was soon after increast by another Fact, which he committed, as foul, as the former. There was a certain Family of the Macklan's in Galway, one of the best and chiefest, there: The prime Person of that Family had slain one of Douglas his Attendants, from whom he had received continual Wrongs and Affronts, whereupon, he and his Brother were, by Douglas, cast into Prison: The King being made acquainted with it, was very much importun'd by the Friends of the Prisoners, not to suffer so Noble, and otherwise a very honest Man, to be hal'd forth, not to a Legal Tryal, but to an undoubted Destruction, the same Man being both his Capital Enemy and his Judge too;And Macklan. and that it was not his present Crimes, which did prejudice him so much, as that he had always been of the Honest or Royal Party. Hereupon, the King sent Patrick Gray, Macklan's Uncle, a worthy Knight, and Kin also to Douglas, to Command him to send the Pris'ner to Court, that the Matter might be Tryed there, in due course of Law. The Earl receiv'd Gray very courteously, but, in the mean time, he caused Execution to be done upon the Pris'ner, and intreated Gray to excuse him to the King, as if it had been done by his Officers, without his Knowledge: But he, perceiving how manifestly he was deluded, was in such a Rage, that he told Douglas, That from that Day forward, he would renounce all Alliance, Friendship, or any other Obligation to him, and [Page] was resolv'd to be his perpetual Enemy, and do him all the Mischief he could; when the news hereof was brought to Court, the Fact seem'd so unworthy to all that heard it, that Speeches were openly scatter'd, That now Douglas did exceed the bounds of a Subject, and plainly carry'd himself as a King; For, to what other purpose else did his Combinations with the Earls of Craford, Ross, Murray, and Ormond tend? And moreover, his private Discourse with the King of England, his putting Good Men to Death, and his allow'd Licentiousness in pillaging the People, were Indications of the same Design: Now, Innocency was accounted Cowardize, and Loyalty to the King punish'd as Perfidiousness; that the Enemys of the Common-wealth grew insolent, by the overmuch Indulgence of the King; That 'twas time for him now to take the Reins of Government into his own Hand, and to act as a King, himself; and then it would appear, who were his Friends, and who were his Enemies; or, if he did not dare to do it openly, by reason of the Powerfulness of some Men; yet, by some private way or other, he should punish Treachery; but, if he were so fearful, as not to do so, neither; what remain'd, but that they, who had hitherto been constant in their Loyalty to him, should now at length provide for themselves? These Discourses, thô the Life of the Douglas's, and the Credulity of the King, (prone to Suspicion) did confirm to be true: Yet the King, out of his innate Clemency, or else, having, before, laid his Design, se [...]ds for Douglas to Court; He, being conscious of so many mischievous pranks he had plaid, and calling to remembrance, how often he had been pardon'd; and withal, understanding, how distastful his new League with Craford was to the King, tho' he put great confidence in the King's Clemency; yet, being more inclin'd to Fear, refus'd to come; alleging, that he had many powerful Enemies at Court, and some of them had lately lain in wait to take away his Life. Hereupon, to remove this his Fear, many of the Nobles about the King sent him a Schedule with their Hands and Seals to it, promising upon Oath, that if the King himself should meditate any thing against his Life, yet they would dismiss him in safety; so that Douglas, Douglas, on safe Conduct, comes to Court. encourag'd by the King's Clemency, and by the Publick Faith, testify'd by the Subscriptions of so many Noble Persons, with a Train of Followers came to Sterlin, where he was courteously Treated by the King, and invited into the Castle. After Supper, with great hilarity, was ended, the King took him aside into his Bed-chamber, with but a few of his Confidents, he did not so much as admit Those, to whom he was wont to communicate his most secret Counsels. There, he ript up, from the very beginning, the Loyalty and Valour of his Ancestors, and his own Indulgence towards their Family; and especially towards himself; who, having committed many hainous Offences, either by the Greenness of his Years, or by the Persuasions of wicked Men, he had freely pardon'd; always hoping, that either by his courteous Clemency toward him, or else by the Maturity of his Age he would be Reform'd; and as yet, says he, I despair not, but it may be so; and, if you repent of what you have impiously committed, the door of my Clemency shall never be shut against you. This last League (proceeded he) with Craford and Ross, as it is not Creditable for [Page] you; so it is ignominious to me, and therefore, tho' I take it much amiss, that you entred into it, yet I put it into your Power, and, as yet give you liberty to cancel and break it off; which tho', by my Prerogative, I may command, yet I had rather, by fair means, persuade you so to do; that seeing all Mens Eyes are upon you, you may avert all cause of Suspicion with greater Diligence: Douglas answer'd submissively enough to all other Points; but when he came to the Mention of the League, he was somewhat perplext, and did not clearly declare, what he would do; but that he would advise with his Associats, neither did he see any Cause, why the King at present should tye him to a Breach of it, seeing there was nothing contain'd therein, which might justly offend him. The King, either having resolv'd upon the Fact before, or e [...]se provok'd by his contumacious Answer (as the Courtiers say) replyed, If thou wilt not break it, Where the King Stabs him with his own Hand. I will; and immediately struck his Dagger into his Br [...]ast. Those that stood at the Door, hearing the Noise, rusht in, and destroy'd him quite with many Wounds; Some say, that next after the King, Patrick Grey, of whom mention was made before, struck him into the Head with a Bill; and the rest that came in, to shew their Duty to the King, every one gave him a Blow. He was slain in the Month of February, in the Year 1452. according to the Roman Account.

He had then 4 Brothers in Sterlin, whom a great number of the Nobility had accompany'd thither; they, as soon as [...]ver they heard of what was done, ran in great amazement to the [...] Arms (as in such suddain Hurly-burlies it uses to happen,) and filled the Town with Noise and Clamour; but when the Tumult was appeas'd by the Nobles, they were Commanded to go, each Man to his respective Lodging. The next Day they met to consult, and First of all, Iames was call'd Earl, in the room of his Brother, who was slain; he mightily inveigh'd against the Perfidiousness of the King and the Courtiers, and advises to Besiege the Castle with what Force they then had, and with all speed, to Levy more; and so to pull out those Men out of their lurking holes, who were valiant only to commit perfidious Mischiefs, whilst they were yet in some Fear and Trepidation for the Guilt of their Offence. The Company commended the Piety of Iames, and the Couragiousness of his Spirit, but were averse from his advice to a Siege, because they were not prepar'd with any Materials for so great an Enterprize; so that they all departed home, and after Consultation with the Chief of their Friends,M [...]rch 27. the 6th of the Calends of April, they return'd again, and tyed a Cord to an Horse Tail, on which they fastned the Schedule of the King and Nobles, promising the Publick Faith to Douglas for his Security; This they drew through the Streets, abstaining from no manner of Reproach, either against the King or Council; when they came to the Market-place, they Proclaim'd the King, and Those that were with him,Whereupon, the rest of the [...] rise in Arms. Truce-breakers, Perjur'd Persons, and Enemies to all Good Men. Moreover, they were angry with the Town, tho' that had committed no Offence, and after they had pillaged it, they sent Iames Hamilton back to Burn it; yea, their Fury continued for some Days, so that they rang'd all over the Country, and made Havock [Page] of the Lands of all those, who were Loyal to the King; they besieg'd the Castle of Dalkeith, and took an Oath not to depart from it, till they had taken it; for they were very Angry with Iohn, the Owner of it, because he, and the Earl of Angus, had separated themselves from the Counsels of the rest of the Douglasses; The Siege lasted longer than they expected, for Patrick Cockburn, Commander of the Garison, made a strenuous Resistance against all the Efforts of the Enemy; So that, after they had lost a great many men, they were worn out with Toils and Watchings, and so broke up the Siege. In the mean time, the King levied an Army, to relieve his distressed Friends, but seeing he had not Strength enough to encounter the Douglasses, he resolv'd to wait the coming in of Alexander Gordon, to his assistance, who had levy'd a good Force in the Northern Parts, and was marching towards him; but as he was coming thro Angus, Craford, with a considerable Body, met and oppos'd him at Brechin, where a sharp Battel was fought, betwixt them; when the King's main Battel was giving ground, as not able to indure the shock of the Angusians, Iohn Colace, who commanded the Left Wing, forsook Craford; having born him a Grudge, and so left the main Body of the Army naked. Hereupon, those who were almost Conquerors, being struck with terrour, turn'd their Backs and sled away. Thus Gordon unexpectedly got the Victory, yet with much loss on his side, his two Brothers, and a great Number of his Friends and Followers being Slain; of the Angusians also, there fell several men of Note; and, amongst the rest, the Earl's own Brother. As for the Earl himself, he turn'd his Wrath from the Enemy to those who had deserted him, he storm'd their Castles, and spoil'd their Lands with Fire and Sword; and he had the better Opportunity so to do, because that Gordon made a speedy Return into his own Country, when he heard, that the Earl of Murray was exercising all manner of Cruelty against his own Territories; so that, he was forced to march back with his Victorious Army, where he not only revenged his Loss upon his Enemy, but also quite expell'd him out of his Country of Murray. These things were acted toward the End of the Spring.

In the interim, the King, by the advice, chiefly of Iames Kennedy, caus'd an Assembly of the Estates to meet at Edinburgh, to which he Summon'd, by an Herald, the Earl of Douglas, The Douglas [...] proclaimed publick Enemies. and the Nobles of his Party, to come. But he was so far from obeying him, that, the next Night, he caus'd a Libel to be hung on the Church doors, That he would not trust the King with his Life, nor yield Obedience to him, for the future, any more, who had sent for his Kinsman to Edinburgh, and his Brothers to Sterlin, under the Protection of the Publick Faith, and there had perfidiously slain them, without Hearing their Cause. In this Assembly, the Four Brothers of the late Earl which was slain, Iames, Archibald, George and Iohn, with Beatri [...] the Earls late Wife, and Alexander, Earl of Craford, were declar'd Publick Enemies to the Common-wealth. Many persons were advanc'd to be Noble men, and Rewards were assign'd them out of the Rebels Estates; An Army was levy'd to pursue the Enemy, which, after some devastation of the Country, driving of Bootys, and burning Corn in the Granarys, was again dismist in Winter, because the [Page] Soldiers could not then keep the Field, and an Expedition was appointed against the Spring.

In the mean time, Iames Douglas, left the wealth of his Family, which was mightily increas'd,Iames Douglas Marries his Brothers Wife. by rich Matches, should pass away to others, took Beatrix, the Relict of his Brother to Wife, and treats with the Pope to confirm the Marriage; But the King, by his Letters, interpos'd and hindred him from giving his Ratification to it. This Year, and the next following, there was Bandying between the Parties, Lands were pillag'd, some Castles overthrown; but they came not to decide the main Controversy in a Set Battel; the greatest Part of the damage fell on the Countys of Annandale, Foress, and the Neighbouring Countys of the Douglasses: After this Devastation of the Lands,A Famine and Pestilence in Scotland. there follow'd a Famine, and after the Famine, a Pestilence; yet the Wisest of Douglas's his Friends sought, many times, to persuade him to endeavour a Reconciliation with the King, and so to lay himself and all his Concerns at his Feet, whom his Ancestors had before found very merciful; Especially, since he had a King, who was easily exorable in his own Nature; and moreover, might be made more reconcilable by the Mediation of his Friends, and that he would not suffer so noble a Family,Douglas persuaded to a Reconciliation with the King. as His was, to be extirpated by his Obstinacy; nor betray the Lives of so many brave Men, who follow'd his Party; neither yet bring them to that Point of Necessity, that, after having suffer'd so many Calamities, they should be forc'd to make Terms for themselves: Whilst he was in a good Condition, he might make an easy Pacification; but, if once his Friends deserted him, there would then be no Hope for him to obtain his Pardon. The Man, being in his Youthful Age, and of a Fierce Disposition too,Which he refuses. made Answer, That he would never submit himself to their Power, who were restrain'd by no Bonds of Modesty, nor by any divine or human Law; who under fair Promises had inticed his Cosins, and his Brother to come to them, and then, perfidiously and cruelly. Slew them: In a Word, he would suffer the height of all Extremities before he would ever put himself into their hands.

This his Answer was either approv'd, or dislik'd, according to every Man's Humour; Those who were Violent, or who made a Gain of the publick Miseries, commended the Greatness of his Courage; but the Wiser sort persuaded him to take Opportunity by the Forelock, lest, after his Friends had forsaken him, he might complain, that he had neglected the Time for a Pacification, when 'twas not to be redeem'd, which is usually the end of Headlong Counsels. But the Earl of Craford, being weary'd out with so long a War, and withal, considering with himself the very Unjustness of his Cause, together with the common Mutations of human Life, as also knowing that Pardon might easily be Obtain'd, if he did preoccupy the Kings Favour; but very difficultly, if he stood it out; and besides, being forsaken by some of his Friends, and suspecting the Fidelity of the rest, put himself into such an Habit, as might most move Pity, and thus bare-headed & bare-footed, in most humble manner, he came to the King, as he was passing thro' Angus; he ingeniously confest the offences of his former Life; he cast himself and all his concerns upon the King's Mercy, having first prefaced something concerning [Page] the Fidelity and good Services which his Ancestors had performed to their Kings; he was conscious,Craford forsakes Douglas, and is pardoned by the King. that his fault had deserv'd the Extremity of Punishment, but whatsoever hereafter he had either of Life or Fortune, it would be a Debt wholly due to the Kings Clemency. Having spoken these, and other words, of the same import not without Fear, all the Spectators were much moved and affected, especially some of the Nobility of Angus, and tho' they themselves had, in former times, followed the Kings Party, yet they were unwilling, that so eminent and ancient a Family should be destroy'd. Iames Kennedy carry'd himself, at the same time, like a good Bishop and a Friendly Patriot, for he not only forgave the Earl the many grievous Injuries he had done him, but further commended his Suit, and spake in his Favour, to the King, for he foresaw, as it after hapned, That, by this Accession, the Kings Party, would be strengthen'd, and his Enemies weaken'd daily, for the future; in regard many were likely to follow the Example of this Great Man. And besides, the King thinking, that his former Fierceness was tam'd, and that he was really penitent for what he had done, was not hard to be intreated, but gave him his Pardon, restor'd him to his former Estate and Honour, only advis'd him, for the future, to keep within the Bounds of his Duty: And indeed, Craford, being thus ingag'd by the Lenity and Facileness of the King, did afterwards endeavour to perform him all the Service he possibly could, he followed him with his Forces in his March to the furthest Parts of the Kingdom, and having setled Things there for the present, he entertained him nobly at his House, in his return, and when he march'd to make a full end of the Civil War, he promis'd him all the Force, he could make; and, indeed, the whole course of his Life was so chang'd, that, laying down his former Savageness, he liv'd courteously, and in Complaisance, with the Neighbouring Nobility; so that his Death, which followed soon after, brought the greater Grief to the King and to all the People.

The King thus weakning Douglas's Party by degrees, his remaining Hopes were from England, if possibly he might obtain Aid from thence. Hereupon, he sent Hamilton to London, who brought him back Word,Douglas applys to England for Aid, but in vain. that the King of England would undertake a War against Scotland, on no other Terms, but that Douglas must submit himself and all his Concerns to that King, and acknowledge himself a Subject of England; So that, his Hopes thence were cut off; and, on the Other side, the King of Scotland prest hard upon him by his Edicts, Proscriptions and Arms; yea, by all the Miseries, which accompany Rebellious Insurrections; So that, Hamilton advis'd the Earl, not to suffer the King to nim away his Forces by piece-meal; and, by catching a Part, to weaken, and in time, overthrow the Whole; he should rather march out with his Army, trust Fortune, put it to a Battel, there to dye Valiantly, or conquer Honourably. This Resolution (said he) is worthy of the name of the Douglass [...]s, and the only Way to end the present Miseries. Being alarum'd with this Speech, he gather'd as great an Army as he could, of his Friends and Dependants, and marched out to raise the Siege of the Castle of Abercorn; for the King, after he had demolish'd many Castles of the [Page] Douglasses, had at last besieged That. It was a very strong Hold, se [...]tuate almost in the Mid-way between Sterlin and Edinburgh. When Douglas came so near, that he saw, and was seen by, the Enemy, his Friends advis'd him to push at all, and either to make himself renown'd by some Eminent Victory; or, by a Noble Death, to free himself from Reproach and Misery; but when all his Party were ready for the Onset, he daunted all their Spirits by his own Delay, for he retreated with his Army again into his Camp, and determin'd to draw and eke out the War, at length: His Commanders dislik'd his Design; and Hamilton, not enduring his Cowardize, and despairing of the Success of his Arms,H [...]milton [...] Douglas. that very Night revolted to the Kings Party. Upon this his Defection, the King gave him his Pardon, but not putting any great Confidence in him, because of his Subtilty, he sent him Prisoner to Standing upon N [...]th-Esk in Mid-L [...] thi [...]n, 4 Miles above Da [...]keith Rosseline, a Castle belonging to the Earl of the Orcades, but afterwards, by the Mediation of his Friends, he was releas'd, and receiv'd into Favour, and that unbloody Victory ascribed to him, as the main Occasion thereof.

The rest of the Douglassians follow'd Hamilton's Example, and slipt away from him, every one, whither he thought most convenient for himself; so that, at length, the Castle, after much Loss on both sides, was taken, the Garison put to the Sword, and after 'twas half demolished, it was left as a Monument of the Victory. Douglas, being thus deserted by, almost, all his Friends, with a few of his Familiars fled into England, from thence, not long after, he made an Inrode with a smal Party into Annandale, which was then possest by the Kings Garisons; but, being worsted in a Skirmish, He, and his Brother Iohn escap'd; Archibald, Earl of Murray, was slain; George was much wounded and taken Prisoner, and after his Wounds were cur'd, was brought to the King, and put to Death. In an Assembly of the Estates held at Edinburgh, Iune 5. in the Nones of Iune, in the Year 1455. Iames, Iohn, and Beatrix, all Douglasses, were again proscrib'd: The Publick Acts do make Beatrix their Mother, which seems not very probable to me, unless, perhaps, they might be called her Sons, by Adoption. Earl Iames having thus lost his Brothers, being deserted by his Friends, and distrusting the English, that he might leave no Stone unturn'd,Douglas joyns with the Enlish, and then with Donald the Islander. apply'd himself to Donald, King of the Aebudae, a man bad enough in his own Nature: They met at Dunstafnage, where he easily persuaded him to joyn with him, in the War; whereupon, they committed great Outrages on the Kings Provinces, near adjoyning, without distinction either of Age or Sex; there was nothing spar'd which could be violated by Fire or Sword; the like Cruelty was us'd in Argyle and Arran, and then being laden with Booty, he return'd home; and afterward, having wasted Loch-Abyr and Murray, he turn'd to Innerness, he took the Castle, pillag'd and burnt the Town.

Neither were the English quiet all this while, but, watching their Opportunity, they made Incursions into Merch, where they slew some men of Note, who endeavoured to oppose their furious Ravaging, and so returned home without Loss, but full of Plunder, from that opulent Country.Douglas's Wife forsakes him, and [...] to the King. The next Year after, Beatrix, Wife to the former Earl of Douglas, and also living for some years with Iames, [Page] his Brother, as his Wife, came in to the King; She laid all the Fault of her former Miscarriages upon Iames, that she being a Woman, and helpless, was inforc'd to that Wicked Marriage; but at the first Opportunity, as soon as Iames was absent, she was fled from that Servitude; that now she laid her self, and all her Concerns, at the Kings Feet, and whatever Order he should please to make concerning her, or her Estate, she would willingly obey it. The King receiv'd her into his Protection, gave her an Estate in Balvany, Lying on the River Sp [...]. and Married her to his Brother, the Earl of Athole, by the same Mother; The Wife of Donald, the Islander, followed her Example, she was the Daughter of Iames Levingston, and was Married to Donald, So doth Donald's Wi [...]e▪ too. by her Grandfather, the Regent, by the persuasion also of the King, that so He might a little soften the rugged disposition of the man, and keep him firm to the Kings Party: But then, her Kinsman being restor'd to the Favours and Graces they formerly had, and her Husband having joyned himself to the Douglassian Faction, she was every day more and more slighted and despis'd by him, so that she implor'd the Kings Assistance against his barbarous Cruelty. There was no need of her making such an Apology, in regard, the King himself had been the Author of the Match, so that she was nobly treated, and had a large Revenue setled upon her for her Life.

About the same time, Patrick Thornton, who had followed the Court a great while, yet was secretly of Douglas's Faction, slew Iohn Sanderland of In Mid-Lothian. Caldar, a Young man of about 20. years of Age, [...]nd Alan Stuart, of Noble Families, Both, and of eminent Faithfulness to the King, having got a convenient Opportunity so to do at Dunbarton, Thornton put to death for Murder. and soon after he himself was taken by the Clans of the Adverse Party, and Executed for the same▪

This Year was remarkable for the Death of many Noble Personages, but especially of William Creighton. He,The death of Will. Creighto [...] tho' born of an Equestrian Family, yet, by reason of his great Prudence, Fortitude, and his Singular Loyalty to the King, even to the last day of his Life, left a great Loss behind him to all Good men. The next Year, the English, being incouraged by their Impunity for former Injuries made great spoil in Merch, under the command of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, and Iames Douglas, the Exile; to hinder their devastations, George Douglas, Earl of Angus, gathered a Party of his Countrymen together, and made an Assault on the Plunderers, and drave that Part of them, which he assaulted, in great Confusion, back to their own Standards; the English, being mov'd at this Indignity, marched on their Army, before the rest had recover'd their Colours, and the Scots were as ready to receive them.

The Fight was manag'd on both sides, with greater Courage than Force, a great while, neither did any odds appear, till the English, who were scatter'd up and down the Country by the Noise and Temult, perceiving that the Enemy was come, for fear of losing the rich Booty they had gotten, hasted directly home;A Party of English wor [...]ed in Scotland. their departure gave an easier, but yet not unbloody, Victory to the Scots, there being almost an equal number slain on Both Sides, but many of the English taken in the pursuit: The News of this Victory, being brought to the King, did something relieve his Mind, which was [Page] opprest with Thoughtfulness between the Arms of his own Subjects; and of the English; afterwards, Donald the Islander, perceiving the ill success of his Affairs, was inforc'd to send Agents to the King, to intercede for a Peace;Donald the Islander submits to the King. They, in an humble Oration, commemorated the King's Clemency shew'd to Craford, and the rest of his Partisans, in the same Cause; as for their own Crimes, they laid them on the Fatality of the Times; but, for the future they made large Promises, how Loyal and Obsequious Donald would be. The King seem'd to be somewhat affected with their Speech, yet gave them but a middle Answer; neither quite pardoning Donald, nor utterly excluding all hopes of his Pardon; he told them, ‘That his many Crimes were very evident, but he had discover'd no Specimen of a chang'd Mind in him; if they would have the Penitence, which they pretended in Words, to be believ'd as really True and Hearty, he should make Restitution for the Loss, he had formerly caus'd; and restore their Estates to such, as he had outed of them; and thus to cancel the Memory of his former Mischiefs, by some Eminent and Loyal Service. 'Tis true (said he) no Virtue becomes a King more than Clemency, but Care must be had, lest the Reins of Government be not let loose by too much Lenity; and so Evil Men rather made more insolent, than Good Men excited to their Duty, thereby; that he would give Time to Donald, and his Party to manifest by some Tokens, that they repented of their Miscarriages, and that they should always find him towards them, such as their Actions and their Words did Declare them to be. In the mean time, they need not fear, for Now it was put into their own Power, whether they would every Man be Happy or Miserable, for the future.’

By this means, intestine Discords were either compos'd, or else laid asleep, so that the King now bends all his Care against England; whilst he was consulting concerning a War with them, and concerning their frequent violations of Truces;The English Nobles crave Aid of Iames, against Henry their King. behold! Embassadors came from the English Nobility, to Desire Aid against Henry, their King; For Henry had slighted the Nobles, and advanc'd Upstarts; by whose Advice, his Wife, a Woman of a Manly Spirit and Courage, Ruled the Roast. And, besides, the King had incurr'd the Displeasure and Contempt of his Friends, because things had not succeeded well in Aqui [...]ane and Normandy; for they, having lost so many Provinces, and being now pent up within the Ancient Bounds of their own Island, did mutter and grumble, that the Kings Sluggishness, and the Queens Pride were no longer to be endur'd. The Heads of the Conspiracy, were, Richard Duke of York, with the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick; when the English Embassadors had discours'd much concerning the Justness of their Cause to begin a War; and also concerning their own Power, and the Cowardly Temper of their King, they crav'd Aid against him, as against a Common Enemy, who was fearful in War, fordid in Peace; and who had nourish'd Civil Discords amongst the Scots, and had assisted their Exiles; withal, they promis'd, if they got the Victory, to restore the Castles and Countries which were taken in former Wars from the Scots. The King, by Advice of his Council, made Answer, That he, before, knew the State of the English Affairs, and that he was not ignorant of the [Page] Right or Demands of either side; but that he would not, intetpose Himself an Arbiter in another Mans Kingdom, unless he were chosen by both Parties to that Office. As to the War, he had long since determin'd to revenge the Injuries of the former Times, and [...]f he could not otherwise obtain the Places he had lost, on the Occasion of these Discords, he would recover them by Force; But if the Duke of York, and his Party, would promise to restore Them, then he would assist him against Henry. The Embassadors agreed to the Terms, and so return'd home. The King prepar'd his Forces, and was about to enter England, when, behold! an English Impostor▪ sent by Henry, met him, he had been a long time at Rome, and was well acquainted with the Speech and the Customs of the Italians; his Habit and Train was all Outlandish, and he had counterfeit Letters, as from the Pope; whereby he was easily believ'd by Men, suspecting nothing, but to be a Legate sent from him;He marches to their Assistance, but is diverted by a Counte [...]feit Le [...]at from Rome. and to gain the greater Credit to his Impostures, he had a Monk with him, whose fained Sanctity made the Fraud less suspected; they were brought to the King, and in the Popes Name, Commanded him to proceed no further with his Army; if he did, they threatned to Excommunicate him with Bell, Book, and Candle. For the Pope (said they) is wholly intent upon a War against the Common Enemy of Christendom, and so would have the differences compos'd all over Europe, that they might be free for that War; and that they were sent before to give him Notice hereof; but there was a more Solemn Embassy, which would shortly arrive, and which, they believ'd, was already come as far as France, to decide the Civil Discords of England, and to give satisfaction to the Scots, for the Wrongs they had sustain'd. The King did not imagine any Fraud in the Case, and desiring nothing more than an Honourable Peace, in regard, things at home were not quite setled to his Mind, Obey'd the Legate, and Disbanded his Army. He had scarce dismist it, but he was advis'd from England, that this suppos'd Embassador was a Cheat, so that he gather'd again some Forces; and because he could not joyn the Duke of York, that he might keep off some of the King's Force from him, and also revenge his own Wrongs, he march'd directly to Roxborough; the Town he took, and destroy'd it at his first coming; but whilst he was laying Siege to the Castle, Embassadors came from York, and his Associats, informing him, that their King was overcome,Iames takes Roxborough Town. and the War ended in England; They gave him Thanks for his Good-Will, and his Desire to assist them in the maintenance of their Lives and Honours, and that they would, in time, be mindful to requite the Courtesie; but, at present, they desir'd him to raise the Siege, and draw off from the Castle, and likewise to forbear any other Act of Hostility against England. For otherwise, they should be laden with great Envy amongst the People, who could hardly be contain'd, or satisfy'd, but that an Army must presently march against the Scots. Iames congratulated their Victory, but ask'd the Embassadors, Whether the Duke of York, and his Allies, had given them nothing in Command concerning restoring the Places promis'd. He Answer'd, Nothing: Then, (said he) before your last Embassy came to me, I was determin'd to pull down that Castle, which is built upon my Land; neither, since [Page] that time, am I so much obliged by the Courtesies of that Faction, as to give over an Enterprize, which is begun, and almost finisht: As for the Threatnings made, either by the People, or by Them, let them look to it, goe you and tell them, that, I will not be remov'd hence by Words, but Blows. Thus the Embassadors were dismist without their Errand, and whilst he did press upon the Besieg'd, by all the hardships of War; Donald, the Islander, came into his Camp with a great Band of his Country-men. He, to obtain the easier Pardon for his past Offences, and fully to Atone and Reconcile the King, promis'd him, that if he would march forward into the Enemies Countries, as long as he was there, he would march a Mile before his Army, and endure the sharpest, and first, of all Brunts and Hazards: But he was Commanded to be near the King, yet some of his Troops was sent out to prey upon the Country.And besieges the Castle. It happen'd also, that, at the same time, Alexander Gordon Earl of Huntly brought in new Forces to the King. This Accession of Strength made the King more resolute to continue the Siege, tho' a strong Defence was made by Those within; So that, whereas before it was a Blockade only, a well-laid and close Siege was now made; when he had Soldiers enough, some presently succeeded in the Places of others, insomuch, that the Garison Soldiers (of whom many were Slain, many Wounded, and unfit for Service, the rest tired out with continual Toil and Labour) were not so eager to run into the Places of most Danger, as before; and to strike the more Terror into them, the King gave Command to batter part of the Wall with Iron pieces of Ordnance, which were then much us'd, and were very terrible: And whilst the King was busie about one of them, to press on the work, the Fire catcht within it, and with its force drove out a wooden Wedg,Where he is casually slain. or Plug, which immediately fell'd the King to the Earth, and slew him, without hurting any body else. Those Courtiers who stood next him, tho' they were terrify'd at this sudden Accident, yet they cover'd his Body, left, if his Death were divulg'd, the Common Soldiers should run away. The Queen, who that very Day came to the Camp, did not give up her Mind to Womanish Lamentations,The Queen shews Herself a virago, immediately after her Husbands Death. bur call'd the Nobles together, and exhorted them to be of good Courage, and that so many valiant Men should not be so dismayed at the Loss of One, as counting it dishonourable to desert a Business, that was almost ended; She told them, She her Self would speedily bring them another King in the place of him that was slain; in the mean time, they should press with might and main, upon the Enemy, lest he might grow more resolute, upon News of their Generals Death, and so imagin, that all the Courage of so many valiant Men was extinguisht in in the Fate of one Person only: The Officers were asham'd to be exceeded in Courage by a Woman. Whereupon, they assaulted the Castle with such Violence, that neither Party was sensible that the King was lost. In the mean time, Iames the King's Son, being about 7 Years of Age, was brought into the Camp, and Saluted King. And 'twas not long after,Roxburgh Castle Surrendred and Demolisht. before the English, being tired out with Watching, and continued Service, surrendred up the Castle to the new King, upon Condition, to march away with Bag and Baggage. The [Page] Castle, that it might be the Occasion of no new War, was levell'd to the Ground. This End had Iames the 2d, in the Year of Christ, 1460. a few Days before the Autumnal Equinox,Iames II. his Character. in the 29th Year of his Age, and the 23d of his Reign; he had been exercis'd always, even from his Youth, with Domestick or Foreign Wars; he bore Both Estates of Life, the Prosperous and Adverse, with great Moderation of Mind, he shew'd such Valour against his Enemies, and such Clemency to those that submitted themselves, that All Estates were much afflicted for his Loss; and his Death was the more lamented, because 'twas sudden, and that in the Flower of of his Youth, too; after he had escap'd so many Dangers, and when the Expectation of his Virtues was at the highest: And he was the more miss'd, because his Son was yet immature for the Government; whilst Men consider'd, what Miseries they had suffer'd for the last 20 Years, the Ashes of which Fire were hardly yet rak'd up; so that from a reflective Remembrance of what was Past, they seemed to Divine the Estate of future Things.

The Twelfth BOOK.

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James III. The Hundred and Fourth King.

JAMES II. as I have related, being slain in his Camp, to prevent all Controversy concerning the Right of Succession, (which had happen'd at other times) his Son Iames a Child of about 7 Years Old,Iames III. begins his Reign about 7 years of Age. who was the younger of the Twins, and surviv'd his Brother, enter'd upon the Government in the Town of Kelsoe. Afterwards, when the Nobles, according to Custom, had taken their Oaths of Allegiance to him, 8 Days after he began his Reign, he left his Army, and retir'd home [...]o the Castle of Edinburgh, to be under the Tutelage of his Mother, till an Assembly of the Estates were Celebrated, to determin of the Grand Affairs of the Kingdom. The Assembly was Indicted later than ordinary, because Matters was not compos'd in England, and yet quiet in Scotland: So that, the Nobility were of Opinion, That War was first of all to be thought on, that so they might revenge old Injuries, and punish their Enemies by some notable Loss, who did always lye at catch, to take Advantage of the Distresses of Others. Hereupon, they marched into the Enemies Country, without any resistance, where they committed much spoil, and demolished many Castles, from whence the Enemy was wont to make suddain Incursions, the Chief of which was W [...]rk, situate on the Banks of the River Tweed, formerly very injurious to the Country of Merch. The Army ravaged over the Enemies Country, as far as they could, for the time of the Year, and, at the very beginning of Winter, returned home.

This Year, Henry King of England was Taken by the Duke of York, and brought to London; there a Form of Peace was concluded betwixt them, for Henry durst not deny any thing; That He, as long as he lived, should bear the Name, and Ensigns or Badges, of a King, but the Power of Government should be in York, under the Name of a Protector.Henry of Enggland, taken Prisoner by the Duke of York. And when Henry Died, Then the Name also of King was to be transferred to Edward, and his Posterity. Whilst these Things were acted at London, News was brought. That the Queen was marching up with a great Army, to Redeem her Husband out of Prison. York went out to Engage her with about 5000 Men with him,York overthrown by the Queen. leaving the Earl of Warwick, and King Henry behind; he marched as far as Yorkshire, and, lest He, who, in France, had Defended himself against great Armies, not with Walls, but with Arms, should now shun a Battel with a Woman; He Fought against a far greater Number than his Own; and, in the Fight, He, his youngest Son, and a great many Nobles were slain. The Heads of the Commanders were set up as a Spectacle, upon the Gates at York. The Queen, thus Victorious, and marching on further to Deliver the King; the Earl of Warwick met her, bringing the King along with [Page] him, as if he would Defend the Pact made concerning the Kingdom, under his good Omen. Both Armies met at St. Albans, which is thought to be the Old Verulam, So is Warwick where the Queen was again Victorious; She slew the Commanders of the adverse Army, released her Husband, and marched directly up for London; but considering, that the Earl of Pembroke was sent by Her to gather Forces, as was also York's Son by his Father, and that these Two had had a Fight in their March; wherein Edward the Son of her Enemy was Victorious; and withal, knowing, what cruel Hatred the Londoners bore against Her, She withdrew towards Northumberland, because She looked on that Part of England, as the Seminary, or Source, of Her Strength. There She was also Overcome in a Bloody Fight,The Queen overthrown, and flies wit [...] her Husband into Scotland. more than 36000 valiant Men being reported to be slain, and the Enemy pressing upon Her, and giving Her no Time to recollect Her Forces, She, her Husband and Son, fled into Scotland.

The Conqueror call'd himself Edward the Fourth, King of England; Henry desired Aid in his Distress, and, by means of Iames Kennedye, Archbishop of St. Andrews, who then surpassed all in Scotland in point of Authority, and Opinion of his Prudence, he was Entertain'd with a great deal of Honour and Respect; so that he was erected to some Hope of recovering his former Dignity; and to nourish that Hope,Berwick surrendred to the Scots by King Henry. by all the actual good Offices which he could, he restored the Town of Berwick to the Scots, (which the English had held ever since the Days of Edward I.) The Scots, upon this Obligation, did assist Henry's Faction in all things, not only in piecing up the Relicks of his former Misfortunes, but promising him more Aid, in time, to recover his Own. And, that the Friendship now begun might be the more firmly established; the Two Queens, Both of Them of French Descent, began to Treat concerning a Marriage between Iames his Sister, and Henry's Son, whom they called Prince of Wales, tho' neither of them, as yet, were above Seven Years old. Philip of Burgundy, Uncle to the Queen of Scots, but a Mortal Enemy to the Queen of England, endeavoured by all means possible to hinder this Marriage; For he sent Grathusius a Nobleman, his Embassador for that purpose: For Philip was at such deadly odds with Renatus, Grandfather to the Lady by the Mother's side,Henry's Queen sues for Foreign Aid. that he sought all Occasions to hinder his Stock from increasing; so that in Favour of him the Matter was, at that time, rather delayed, than broke off. But the Fortune of Henry kept off the Event, which Philip of Burgundy feared. For, being something encouraged by the Kindness of the Scots towards him, and also by some comfortable Letters sent from his Friends out of England, he sent his Wife beyond Sea to Or Renny. Renatus her Father, to procure what Aid she could from her Foreign Friends; She prevailed so much in France, that her Faction were to have a safe Place of Retreat there, but her Adversaries were excluded; and, moreover, she obtained 2000 Men, as Monstrelet says, under Warren their General; but as Ours, and the English, Writers,Which having obtained, [...] enters Scotland and England again. (to whom I rather assent) 500, Commanded by Peter Brice, or, as some call him, Brace, a Britton, rather as Companions for her Journy, than as any Auxiliary Aid; With this small Band she returned into Scotland, and thought fit to attempt something, not doubting, but at [Page] the Noise of Foreign Assistance, her Countrymen would rise and joi [...] with her, whereupon she made a Descent at Tinmouth; but this small Company, being dismayed at the report of a great Force coming against them, without the performance of any thing remarkable, returned to their Ships; where also, as if Fortune had crossed them on all hands, they were encounter'd with a grievous Tempest, which drove the greatest Part of them, who followed the Queen to Scotland, into Berwick; bu [...] some few of them were cast upon the Isle Lindisfarm, Holy-Isle, seven miles South-East of Berwick, on the Coast of Northumberland. where they were taken by the Enemy and slain.

But the Manly spirited Queen was nothing discouraged at this Misfortune, but levied a great number of Scots to join with her own Soldiers, and resolves to try her Fortune, once again. Whereupon she left her Son at Berwick, and she and her Husband entred Northumberland, where she made great Devastation, by Fire and Sword, in all the adjacent Parts. At the report of this new Army, some of the Nobles, as the Duke of Somerset, and Ralph Percy, and many of Henry's old Friends besides, who, for fear of the Times, had retired to King Edward, came into Them; but there was a far greater Confluence from the adjacent Parts of England, of such Persons as had lived Rapacious Lives, in hopes of some new Prey. To appease this Commotion, Edward makes great Military Preparation both by Land and Sea; he commanded the Lord Mountague, with a great part of the Nobility, to march against the Enemy, and he himself would follow with his whole Army. Both Armies pitched their Tents not far from Hexham; but the Common Soldiery who came in for Booty, beginning to slip away,Henry's Army overthrown at Hexham. Henry thought it best, in such a desperate Case, to put it to a Push, and accordingly a Fight begun, wherein he was overthrown, his chief Friends were either slain, or taken Prisoners, and he himself made an hasty Retreat to Berwick; of the Prisoners, some had their Heads cut off presently; and some, a while after. Edward having thus got the Day, by the Generals of his Forces, came himself to Durham, that so he might prevent the Incursions of the Scots by the Terrour of his Neighbouring Army; and also, that, by his Presence, he might quell any Domestick Insurrections, if any such should happen. Whilst he was there, he sent out part of his Army under several Commanders to take in the Places possessed by his Enemies, of which having taken many by Storm, or by Surrender,Alnwick Castle besieged, and Douglas's gallantry in bringing off the Garison. at last he laid Siege to the Castle of Alnwick, which was greater, and better fortified, than the rest, and which was maintained by a Garison of French, who defended the Castle very well, in hopes of Relief from Scotland, which was so near at hand. But the Scots having lately had ill success in England, an Army could not be so soon levyed, as the present Exigent required, for the raising of the Siege; insomuch, that whilst others were backward, and delayed to give in their Opinion, George, Earl of Angus, undertook, with great Audacity, the Matter, which was so full of hazard. He collected about 10000 Horse, of his Friends, Vassals, and the Neighbouring Province, of which he was Governor; He came to the Castle, and Horsed the French, that were in Garison, upon some empty Horses he had brought for that purpose, and so brought them off safe, even to a Man, into Scotland, whilst the English stood and looked on, as amazed at the Boldness of his Miraculous Enterprize; [Page] or, thinking that Douglas had help near at hand; or rather, hoping to have the Castle given up without a Battel, and so they would not put the Whole to an hazard, by joining in Fight with that small, though select, Party. Edward settled Guards at all convenient Places, that so, no Rebellious Troops might march to and again; and then, as if he had quieted the whole Kingdom, he returned to London.

In the mean time, Exiled Henry, either on the Accompt of some Hopes cast in by his Friends, or else weary of his tedious Exile, determines to shelter himself privately amongst his Friends in England. Henry of England taken Prisoner, and his Queen [...]. But Fortunes Malice followed him to the last; he was there known, taken, brought to London, and committed Prisoner to the Tower. And his Wife Margaret, distrusting her present Affairs, with her Son and a Few Followers left Scotland, and Sailed over to her Father Renat, into France.

To return then to the Affairs of Scotland: The time for the Assembly, which was Indicted to be held at Edinburgh, was come: where there was a Full Appearance, but the Body of them was divided into Two Factions; Part of the Nobles followed the Queen; but the Major Part, by far, stuck to Iames Kennedy, and George Douglas, Earl of Angus, the Heads of the contrary Faction. The Queen lodged in the Castle; the Bishop and the Earl lay in the Abby of Holy-Road-House, at the furthest part of the Suburbs, towards the East. The Cause of the Dissension, was, That the Queen thought it equal and just for her to have the Tutelage, or Guardianship,Disputes in the Assembly of Estates about the Regency. of her Son; the other Party judged it most fit, that One should be chosen out of the whole Assembly, for that careful Work. The Queen alleged the Maternal Name, her Interest, and Propinquity; the Adverse Party insisted on the old Law, confirmed by perpetuated Custom. In the Third day of the Assembly, the Queen comes down from the Castle with her Followers, and caused her self to be Decreed Tutrix of the King, and Governess of the Kingdom, by her own Faction, Which the Queen claim [...]. and so returns into the Castle, again. When Kennedy heard of this, he hastned, with his Party, into the Market-place, and there, in a long Speech, he told the Multitude, which was thick about him, ‘That he and his Associates did aim at nothing, but the Publick Good, and the Observation of their Ancient Laws;But Kennedy and Douglas oppose. but their Adversaries were [...]d, each one, by his private advantage; And That he would eviden [...]y make appear, if he might have a Place Free to dispute the Poin [...]’ Having thus spoken, he retired with his Followers to his Lodgi [...] ▪ but was not gone far from the Market-place, before he heard That the other Party was coming down Armed from the Castle. Douglas looked upon This as an intolerable Thing, That Valiant Men should yield to the Threats of a Few and That their Retirement should be looked upon, as a Flight; and therefore was hardly kept in by Kennedy, from assaulting the adjoining Gate of the City; and, Weaponless, as he was, to encounter Armed Men; and unless the Three Bishops of Glasgo, Galway, and Dumblane, upon Noise of the Uproar had come in, his Indignation would not have been stopp'd, till they had come to Blows. But, by the Mediation of those Bishops,A Truce for a Month betwixt the Parties. the Matter was so far composed, That a Truce was agreed upon, for one Month.

[Page]Though the Chief of the Faction were thus quieted, yet the Multitude could not be restrained from expressing their Wrath and Indignation,The Commonalty dislike the Queens Regency. in rough and cutting Language; as, that the Desire of the Queen was Dishonourable to the Kingdom, and Undecent for Herself. ‘What (said they) is the Valour of the old Scots at so low an Ebb, That, amongst so many Thousand Men, there is none worthy to Govern the Affairs of Scotland, but a Woman must do it? What, was there no Man, that could Rule over the Nation? And That would live the greatest part of his Life in Arms? What likelihood was there, That those who had not been altogether Tractable to their King, when weak, should now yield Obedience to a Woman, and that a Stranger, too? What, had they undergone so much Labour, and lost so much Blood, these many years, by Sea and Land, That Men, born and brought up in Arms, should freely give up themselves to the Servitude of a Woman? What, if the English should invade them, as they had often done at other times, in revenge of their Losses, with a great Army? Who could (in that case) Give, or Accept, Terms of Peace or War?’ These were the Discourses of the Commonalty in all their Clubs.

But when the Month was expired, their Minds were a little calmer; and, the Truce ended, there was another Convention, where the Queen alleged This for her self, in Justification of her Cause, ‘That, seeing she had not entred upon the Government the Year before by Force, or against the minds of the Nobility, but was chosen to that Dignity by th [...]ir Unanimous Consent,The Queens Plea for the Regency. she had but used her own Right, and therefore she took it amiss to be degraded, and no Crime at all imputed, as to her Mal-Administration. If, (said she) as it is usual, Degrees of Affinity be regarded in Pupillages, there is none nearer than a Mother; if the Safety of the King were Ey'd, none could be more Faithful; for if the King should die, other men may have their various and distinct Hopes, but she could hope for, or expect, nothing but Orbity, Solitariness, and Tears. And, if they had respect to the Good of the Publick, she was a stranger, and concerned in no Interest of Feuds or Friendships, and That was especially to be eyed in such who sate at the Helm of Government; That so their own Lives might not only be free from actual Vice; but also, that they might have as few Temptations, and Incitements as may be, to those Lusts, which do disturb and hurry the Mind, and pervert righteous Judgment. Some had Assistance of Parents, Kinsmen, Allies, by whose aid they might hope for an Excuse for their Offences, or, at least, an easier Pardon. Yea, sometimes the Rulers were compelled to square and accommodate their Actions to such mens Wills and Humours. As for Her self, her Hope of Defence was in Innocency alone; She had but one Son to eye, and both their Benefits and Advantages were combined and twisted together. And unless she had respect to these Things, she would choose much rather to live a quiet and happy Life in Retirement with the good Liking of all, than to u [...]dergo the Enmity of Evil men, by punishing all their Crimes; yea, and sometimes to incur the Displeasure of the Good, too.’ ‘Neither was it a New Thing for a Woman, to desire the Regency of another's Kingdom, [Page] sithence, not only in Britain, but even in the Greatest and most Puissant Kingdoms of the Continent, Women have had the Supreme Power, and their Reigns have been Such, that their Subjects never repented of their Government.’

When she had thus spoken, Many assented to her; Some to prepossess a Place in in her future Grace and Favour; Others, in Hopes, that the Fruits of another's Envy would redound to their advantage; Yea, there were some, who had an evil jealousy, That, if the Election should be made out of All, they themselves might be passed by, as less fit; and therefore, they rather desired, that the Queen should be preferred over them all, than that Others, of the same Order with themselves, or even of a Superiour one, should be preferred before Them.

Nowithstanding, the more uncorrupted Part of the Nobility did, both by their Countenance and Speeches, highly disgust the Queens Oration; but that which did most Vehemently affect the whole Assembly, was, the Authority and the Speech of Iames Kennedy, who, as 'tis reported, spake in this manner.

IT is my chief Desire, Noble Peers, That they whose aims are at the Good of all, in general,Kennedys Grave and Prolix Oration, in Answer thereunto. might freely declare their minds without offence to any one particular Person. But, in our present Circumstances, when things spoke for publick Advantage are distorted to the Reproach of those private persons, who speak them, it is a very difficult thing to observe such a Mean between disagreeing heats, and different opinions, as not to incur the offence of one of the Parties. As for me, I will so temper and moderate my Discourse, That no man shall complain of me, without first confessing his own Guilt. Yet, I shall use the Liberty of Speech, received from our Ancestors, so modestly, that, as, on the One side, I desire to prejudice no man; so, on the Other, neither for Fear nor Favour, will I pretermit any thing, which is of use in the Debate before us; I see▪ That there are Two Opinions which do retard and impede our Concord; The One, is, of Those, who judge, That in a matter relating to the Good of All, an Election out of All is to be made; and as we all meet to give our Suffrages in a business concerning the safety of the whole Kingdom; so, it is equal and fit, that no man should be Excluded from the Hopes of that Honour, who seeks after it by Honest and Virtuous Ways. The Other, is, of such, who count it a great Injury done to the Queen, who is so noble a Princess, and so choice a Woman, if she be not preferred before all others in the Tutelage of her Son, and the Administration of the Government of the Kingdom.

Of these Two Opinions, I like the Former best, and I will shew you my Reasons for it, by and by: In the mean time, I so far approve the design of the Later, That they think it below the Queen's Grandeur, That any Single Person should Vye with her for this point of Honour, lest her Authority, which ought to be, as it indeed is, accounted Venerable, should be lessned by coping with Inferiours. And, indeed, I would be quickly of their mind, if the Dispute lay here, about the Honour of One, and not the Safety of All. But, seeing [Page] that, this day, we are to make a Determination about That which concerns the Lives & Fortunes of all private men, and the Safety of the whole Kingdom, too; it is fit, that all Single Interests, and Concerns, should stoop and truckle under That: And therefore, I earnestly advise Those, that are of this Opinion, so to consult the Dignity of the Queen, That, in the interim, they forget not the Reverence they owe to the Laws, to the old Customs, and, to the Universal Good of their Country; if they can shew, by any Statute, That it is Lawful and Publickly expedient, That the Guardianship of the King, and the Regency of the Kingdom, ought to be in the Queens Hands, I will pass over into their Opinion. But if their Orations be pernicious to the Publick, I hope the Queen, first; and next, all Good men will pardon me, if (always saving the Majesty of the Queen, as Sacred, so far as, by Law, and the Custom of our Ancestors, I may) I do not conceal my Opinion, or, rather, if I speak out That, with Freedom, which it were the greatest Impiety in me to conceal. To begin then with the Laws; There is a Law made 500 year ago, by King Kenneth, a Prince no less eminent for his Wisdom and Prudence, than for his military Performances; and it was assented and yielded to by All the Orders of the Kingdom; and approved of, even to this very day, by the Constant Observance of so many Ages, That, when the King was in his Minority, the Estates, or Parliament, of the Kingdom should Assemble and choose some one Man, eminent for Wisdom and Power, to be his Guardian, and to Govern the Kingdom, whilst he was yet unable to weild the Scepter, with his Own hands. Tho' this Law be referred to Kenneth, as the Author of it; yet, it seems to me, That he did not so much Enact it first, as, thereby, revive and confirm the Ancient Custom of the Scots, by a New Sanction. For, Our Ancestors were so far from Committing the Supreme Power into the Hands of a Woman, That, if you look over all our Chronicles, you shall not find so much as the Name of a Woman Regent, recorded therein; for, why, pray, should they mention such a Name, of which, they thought, they had no need, at present; & hoped, they should never have any for the Future? For those Females which other Countrys call Queens, we only call Wives (or Consorts) of our Kings; neither do we entitle Them to any Higher Name; for, I judge, our Wise Ancestors had This in their Eye, That, as often as they heard their Names mentioned with the Adjunct of Husband, they might remember, That they were obnoxious and Subject to men. And therefore, to this very day, a Woman was never admitted to the Regency, or the Administration of Publick Affairs. The same Course hath been also constantly observed in lesser Magistracys, both as to their Appointments and Executions. For, tho' many Honours and some Seigniorys amongst them have come by Inheritance to some Women, by reason of their Great deserts from their Country; and have also been allotted to them, as Dowrys; yet it was never known, since the memory of man, That any Woman did ever preside in any Publick Council, or in any Court of Judicature, or to have taken upon her any of those Offices, which are appropriated to men. Which Custom, seeing our Ancestors, tho' not bound by Law thereunto, did constantly observe, only by the Impulse [Page] of Nature, if we their Posterity should cast the Common-wealth into an apparent Danger, by opposing a Law, received by the Votes of all, and approved by so long an Usage, Who will free us from the Brand (I will not say, of Tomerity, but) even of Madness it self? Especially, since we have been warned by Examples near at hand; For the Saxons, by reason of the Wickedness of one Woman, viz. Ethelburga ▪ made a Law, That, after that time, no Woman should be called Queen, nor should fit in Publick, next the King, in any Seat of Honour. I beseech you therefore, consider seriously, how much they degenerate from Their Prudence, who against a Law so Ancient, and as advantageous to Women, as honourable to Men, would put the Reins of Government into Their hands, to whom our Ancestors never gave so much as a Royal Name; and from whom our Neighbours, after they had given it, took it away. Other Nations, I grant, have been of another Opinion; with what Success I shall declare, after I have first answered Those, who dare not calumniate this Law, openly; but, in the Carpet-Conventicles of Women, do implead it, as unjust. But whosoever he be, that finds Fault with it, he seems to reprehend, not some Sanction only, approved by the suffrages of Men, but even Nature it self, i. e. That Primary Law, imprinted in our hearts by God himself; I say, Nature it self, whom our Law-maker had, as a Guide, and Directress of all his Counsels, when he proposed and enacted this Law. For Nature, from the beginning, hath not only distinguished Men from Women by the strength of Mind and Body, but hath also appropriated distinct Offices and Virtues to each Sex, the same indeed for Kind, but far different in Degree; For, how is it less uncomely for a Woman to pronounce Judgment, to levy Forces, to Conduct an Army, to give a Signal to the Battel, than for a Man to teiz Wool, to handle the Distaff, to Spin or Card, and to perform the other Services of the weaker Sex: That which is Liberality, Fortitude, and Severity in Men, is Profusion, Madness and Cruelty in a Woman. And again, That which is Elegant, Comely, and Ornamental in a Woman, is Mean, Sordid, and Effeminate in a Man: They that endeavour to confound and mix these things, which Nature, of her own accord, hath distinguished, do they not seem to you, not only to disturb, but also to overthrow, the State of the Kingdom, which is founded upon so good Laws and Customs? This they do, when they would obtrude on us the Government of a Woman, which our Ancestors did not so much as once Name. For the Maker of that Law (as I told you before) doth not seem so much to induce a new Sanction in the Enacting thereof, as only to commit to Writing the perpetual Usage of our Ancestors, that it might be transmitted to Posterity; and, That which hath been always observed by the Guidance of Nature, in the making a King, to have consecrated the same Thing to be observed by Publick Authority, in choosing a Guardian for a King, under age. They which go about to undermine and infringe this one Law, what do they thereby but endeavour to overthrow all the other Laws, Rites and Customs of our Ancestors? I speak this, (that I may prevent all Calum [...]y) not that I think all Laws are immutable, as if they were enacted to last for ever; No, Laws [Page] are of different Sorts and Kinds: Those which are accommodated to the Vicissitude of Times, are subject to the Inconstancy of Fortune, and are wont to last so long, as the Necessity doth, which imposed them; and Those which are obtruded on men by the Wills of Tyrants, are commonly disannulled and abrogated, with their Authors. But as for that Instinct or Impress of Nature, which is, as it were, a Living Law, ordained by God, and deeply imprinted and engraven in Mens hearts, That, the Consent of no Multitudes, nor no mens Decrees, can abolish. For (as an excellent Poet is reported to have said) it was not born yesterday or to day, but it grew up together with Dame Nature it self, and lives and dies together with it. And seeing the Law, of which we now speak, is of [...]hat sort, and a Principal one, too, he doth not oppose the Dignity of the Queen, who desires, That she of her own accord would prescribe to her self those Bounds, which Nature it self hath appointed, her Sex requires, Custom allows, and the Laws, made by the consent of almost all Nations, do approve: But they, who would have her forget her Sex and Station, do persuade her to break thro' all Bonds of Law, and to disturb the Order of things appointed by God, received by use, and allowed in all Cities and Countrys, well-governed: And, certainly, whosoever slights that Order will be grievously punished, not by Men only, but by God himself, who will revenge his own Law. For, if good Laws threaten a Man with Death, who shall cloath himself with a Womans Apparel; and a Woman, if she wear the Habit of a Man, what Punishment can be inflicted on them, too great for their Offence, who, by a preposterous Flattery, would overthrow the whole Force of Nature, and the everlasting Constitution of God himself? Will you understand, how these Flatterers do not speak what they cordially mean? In a publick Assembly, to give a Vote, to be President in a Court of Law, to enact or abrogate a Law: These are Great Things in themselves, yet they are but a small Portion of the Government. Why do they not bring their Wives hither to us, to consult? Why do not these also preside in Judicatures? Why do they not persuade, or dissuade, Laws? Why do not they themselves look after their Domestick Affairs, at home? And, Why do they not send their Wives abroad to the War? But if they would impose Those Regents upon us, whom they themselves dare scarcely trust in the Management of their own Houshold Affairs, much less think them fit for the least Part of any Publick Business: Consider, I pray, how they contradict themselves; but if they themselves are conscious of their own Infirmity, if they speak as they think, and so are restrain'd by Modesty rather than Judgment; yet, let them hope well of others, who both can, and will, perform their own, i. e. the Services proper for Men, But if (as I rather judge) They think, by this kind of Complyance, to gratify the Queen, I advise and admonish them, to lay aside that false Opinion of a Princess of so great Prudence, as she is, nor, that they would believe her to be so ignorant of Things, as to account, That to be an Increase and Accession of Dignity, (to her) which would be the foulest thing imaginable, in other Women. I enter upon this Part of my Discourse very unwillingly; For, seeing our Noble Princess hath so well deserved of [Page] the whole Kingdom, that it is fit she should hear nothing, which might justly offend her Ears and Spirit. I will not mention those things, which ill Men do commonly allege in contemning and undervaluing of that Sex, I shall rather insist on those Virtues, which are proper to the Queen: And tho' these are Many and eminently Illustrious; yet none of them have procur'd greater Praise and Commendation to her, than her Modesty. For, That is esteemed so proper to her Sex, that, even in a private person, it doth either cover, or, at least, much extenuate, other Faults. But, in our Princess, none of whose Words or Deeds, in regard of the Eminency of her Stock and Condition, can be concealed, it doth shine out so illustriously, that her other Virtues come much more acceptable, and commended, upon the Account thereof. And therefore I shall need to say but a few words in reference to her, save only to warn and encourage her, to persist in That way to Glory and Honour, which she hath already entred upon; and that she would not give Ear to the Flatteries of any, so as to be forgetful of Her self; but that she would rather tread the sure and experienced way to immortal Renown, than by running on unsafe and craggy Precipices, to hazard the Splendor of her former glorious Life.

But my great Business, is, with you (My Lords,) who, either out of Envy, are afraid that your Betters should be preferr'd before you; or else, by wicked Ambition, do lay the Foundation of your future Favour with a good Princess. I will therefore, most Noble Queen, under the shelter of your Prudence, speak, and speak freely, my Thoughts, in this case. Such Persons do not Accost, or Court You, but your Fortune: And whilst they think upon the Queen, they forget, that the same Person is a Woman. When I name the Word Woman, (I do not use it reproachfully) but I mean a Person to whom Nature hath given many Blandishments, and eminent Endowments; but withal, hath mingled them (as She usually doth, in the most beautiful and preciousest things) with some allay of Infirmity; and therefore would have her to be under the Guardianship of Another; as not sufficiently able to protect Herself: So that, She is so far from having an Empire over others allotted to her; That the Laws, in Imitation of Nature, do Command Women to be under the perpetual Tutelage of their Parents, Brothers, or Husbands. Neither doth this tend to their Reproach, but is a Relief to their Frailty. For, that it keeps them off from those Affairs, for which they are unfit; it is a Courtesie which consults, or makes Provision for, their Modesty; not a Scandal, detracting from their Honour. I will not call to remembrance, how difficultly they are restrained by the Diligence of Husbands, and the Authority of Parents; neither will I mention, how far the Licentiousness of some Women hath proceeded, when the Reins have been loosed on their Necks. I shall confine my Speech only to what the present Case offers; yea, what it doth exact and require, and which, without Damage to the Publick, cannot be concealed: If there be any thing of private Inconvenience in the Sex, let their Husbands and Kin lock to that, I shall only briefly touch, what may be Publickly prejudicial. Greatness of Mind was never required in this Sex; it is true, Women have [Page] other proper Virtues, but as for This, it was always reckoned amongst Virile, not Female, Endowments; besides, by how much the more they are obnoxious to Commotions, Passions, and other efforts of Mind, by reason of the Imbecillity of their Nature, by so much, doth their Extravagancy, having once broke thro' the restraints of the Law, straggle further away, and is hardly ever reduced, and brought back again within its due Bounds; in regard, Women are alike impatient, both of Diseases, and Remedies, too: But if any of them seem more valiant and couragious, they are so much the more dangerous, as being lyable to more impetuous and vehement Passions: For they, who, out of tediousness of their Sex, have put off the Woman, are very willing to extend their Liberty, even beyond the Precincts of Manly Cares, too; If you once exceed, and pass over the Mound, and Limits, set by Nature, whatsoever is beyond is infinite, and there is no Boundary left either for Desire or Action: Moreover, there is a further Accession to this Infirmity of Nature, by how much the less Confidence one hath in himself, so much the more easily he interprets the Words and Actions of others to his own Reproach; he is more vehemently Angry, and more hardly appeased. Such a Party doth also execute Revenge more immoderately, and doth punish his Despisers, with greater Hate: Now that all those things are unfit for, yea, contrary to, Magistracy, there is none of you are ignorant of. And if any Man think, that I devise these things of my own Head, let him consider, What great Disturbances there were not long ago, when Ioan of Naples Reigned. Look over the Histories of Ancient Times. I will not mention Semiramis of Assyria, nor Laodice of Cappadocia; Those were Monsters, not Women.Queen of Palmira, a City in Syria, now called Faid. I shall only mention, That Zenobia Palmirena so much spoken of, the subduer of the Parthians, and Defender of the Roman Empire, was at last Overcome, Taken, and Triumphed over: And so She herself, and her Kingdom, which was enlarged, and increased by her Husband Odenatus, was lost in a moment.

Neither may I pass over in silence, what is principally to be regarded, in the management of other Mens Affairs; That the Chief Command is not to be intrusted to such sort of Persons, who are not accountable for their Mal-Administration: I do not at all distrust the Disposition, Faithfulness, nor Care of the Queen; but if any thing be acted amiss (as it often happens) by the Fraud of others; and Matters be carried otherwise, than the Publick Good, or the Dignity of Her Place doth Require, What Mulct can we exact from the Kings Mother? What Punishment can we require? Who shall give an account for Miscarriages? The Highest Matters will then be managed in the Meetings of Women; in the Nursery or Dressing Room: You must There, either each Man in particular subscribe to Decrees; or All in General Make them; and She, whom you scarce now restrain, tho' She be without Arms, and obnoxious to you by Laws and Customs, when you have, by your Authority, put Power into Her hands, you will certainly feel Her Womanish Wilfulness and Extravagance? Neither do I speak this, as if I did fear any such thing from our Queen, who is the Choicest and Modestest of all Women; but because, I think it base and unseemly for us, who have [Page] all things, yet, in our own Hands and Power, to place the Hope of our Safety, which we may owe to our Selves, only in anothers Power, especially, since both Divine and Human Laws, the Custom of our Ancestors, yea, and the Consent of all Nations, throughout the whole World, make for us. 'Tis true, some Nations have endured Women to be their Chief Magistrates, but they were not elected to that Dignity, by their Judgment and Suffrage, but were cast upon them by the Lot of their Birth and Nativity; but never any People, who had freedom of Vote, when there was plenty of able Men to chuse, did ever prefer Women before Them. And therefore, most Eminent Patriots, I advise, and earnestly intreat, you, That, according to the Laws of our Country, and the Customs of our Ancestors, we chuse One; or, if you think fit, More, the Best out of the Noblest and Best, who may undertake the Regency, till the King arrive at that strength both of Body and Mind, as to be able to manage the Government, Himself. And I pray God to Bless your Proceedings herein.

Kennedy spake thus with the Approbation of the, undoubtedly, major part of the Assembly; and the rest, perceiving that it was in vain to oppose, passed over to their Opinion. The Matter was thus composed, That neither Party seemed to have the Better of the other. Two of each Faction were chosen for the Guardianship for the King, who were to manage all Publick Affairs, with Fidelity; to Collect,The Parliament Gra [...]ity neither Party fully, but chuse Regents, of which the Queens Friends are an equal Number with the rest. and Expend, the King's Revenue; and to undertake the Charge of the Royal Family: Of the Queens side, William Graham and Robert Boyd, then Chancellor: Of the Other, Robert Earl of the Orcades, and Iohn Kennedy, All, on both sides, the Chief of their Families. To these were added the Two Bishops of Glasgo and Caledonia. The Queen was allowed to be present at the King's Education, but She was not to touch any part of the Publick Government; As for the other Children, which were Four, viz. Alexander Duke of Albany, and Iohn Earl of Mar, and Two young Females, She had the Charge of their Educations, Herself.

Matters being thus composed at home, Embassadors from England had their Audience, who desired a Truce, which was granted for Fifteen Years; The next Year, which was 1463.A Truce with England for 1 [...] Years. The Queen Mothers Death. The King's Mother Died, being not well spoken of in point of Chastity: The same Year, Alexander, the King's Brother, returning from his Grandfather, by the Mothers-side, out of France, was taken Prisoner by the English, but freed soon after, in regard the Scots urged it as a Breach of the Truce, and threatned a War thereupon.

Peace being obtained abroad, it was not long,Intestine Commotions in Scotland. before Intestine Commotions arose at home; for, when the Disputes and Controversies betwixt the Nobility, concerning ordering the State of the Kingdom, were bruited abroad, and magnified by vulgar Rumors. And Moreover, the King's Minority, together with the fresh Remembrance of the Licentiousness of the late Times, were brought upon the Stage, all these Temptations put together did easily let loose the Reins to Men, who were turbulent enough in their own Nature. Alan of Lorn, a Seditious Person, had a mind to enjoy the [Page] Estate of Iohn, By Alan of Lo [...]n, his Elder Brother; and therefore, kept him Prisoner, intending there to detain him so long alive, till the hatred of his cruel Practise did, with time, abate, and so he yield to his Will and Pleasure; when Calen Cambel, Earl of Argyle, heard of it, he gather'd a Band of his Tenants together, freed Iohn, and cast Alan into Prison, in his room; resolving to carry him to Court, that he might suffer Punishment for That, as well as for his other noted Robberies; but he prevented his Punishment by Death, whether voluntary, or fortuitous, is not known.

And Donald the Islander.In another part of the Country, Donald, the Islander, as being a more powerful Person, began to make a far greater Commotion; for, after the Kings Death, as free from Fear, and judging, That turbulent state of things to be a fit Opportunity for him to injure his Inferiors, and to increase his own power, he came to Enverness, with no great Train, and was kindly invited into the Castle, by the Governor thereof; who had no Thoughts, or so much as the least Fear, of any Hostility from him; when he was entred, he turned out the Garison, seized upon the Castle, and gathering his Or, Redshanks. Islanders about him, proclaim'd himself, King of the Islands: He sent forth Edicts into the Neighbour Countries, That the Inhabitants should pay Tribute to none, but himself; and that they should acknowledge no other Lord or Master, denouncing a great Penalty to those that did otherwise. The News hereof caus'd Debauch'd Persons to flock to him from all Parts; so that having made up an Army great enough, he entred Athole, with such celerity, that he took the Earl thereof, who was the Kings Uncle, and his Wife, Prisoners, before they suspected any such thing. For the Earl,Donald takes the Earl of Athol Prisoner; pillages and burns St. Brides Church. hearing the sudden Tumult of a War, distrusted the strength of his Castle of Blare, and went into the Church of St. Brides near adjoining, to defend himself there as in a Sanctuary, by the Religion of the Place; many also of his Vassals and Countrymen, being surprized at the sudden danger, carried, and laid up their best Goods there. That Church was venerated in those Parts with great Ceremony, and it had remain'd inviolate, to that very day, by reason of the great Opinion of its Sanctity; but the consideration of Gain was more prevalent with that Savage and Avaritious Person, than any sense of Religion. For he violently pull'd out the Earl and his Wife from thence, and a great Number of Prisoners, besides; and after he had pillag'd the Church, he burnt it with Fire; and when the Priests spake to him, to deter him from that Sacriledge, some of them he slew, others he sent away, evilly enough intreated. Then having wasted the adjacent Countries, up and down, with Fire and Sword, he was returning home, with a great Booty, but a sudden Tempest arose, which sunk many of his Ships, and grievously distrest the rest; so that he, and a Few only of his Followers were rather cast up, than landed, on the Island of Ila; they, which superviv'd this Shipwrack, thought, That this Calamity happened to them by the manifest Anger of the Deity, because they had violated the Church of St. Bride; and therefore they went bare-footed, and cover'd only with a little Linen Garment, in an humble manner to carry Gifts to her, whom, a few days before, they had so contumeliously abus'd: 'Tis reported, That, from that day forward, Donald, their Commander, [Page] fell out of his Wits, either for Grief,He is Shipwrack [...]d, and the [...]eupon fal [...]s distr [...]cted. that he had lost his Army and the Spoil; or, because his Mind, though brutish, was at length gaul'd with the Conscience of his Irreligious Sacriledge, and Contempt of Divine Worship. This Misfortune of their Commander occasion'd his Kindred to set the Earl of Athole, and his Children, at liberty, and to come to atone St. Bride with many Large and Expiatory Gifts.

When the News hereof was brought to Court, it broke off their Consultations, of making any Expedition against the Islanders. The first Tumults being thus appeas'd, the Administration of Scotish Affairs was carried on with so much Equity and Tranquillity, that the oldest Man, then alive, never remembred more secure, quiet, and halcyon, days; such was the Prudence and Gravity of Iames Kennedy, (on whose Authority the Court did then principally depend,Iames Kennedy his commendation.) and such the Modesty of the rest of the Nobility, who did not grudge to yield Obedience to the Wiser sort. For, this Iames Kennedy had obtained such Credit by his many Merits and Services to his Country, and by his good Offices towards the former King; yea, he had procured such a real Opinion of his Fidelity in all Matters, by reason of the Composedness of his Manners, and his near Alliance to the King, That the rest of the Kings Guardians, which were to succeed one another, Two and Two by turns, did willingly admit and suffer him, when ever he came to Court, to be the sole Censor and Supervisor of their Pains and Diligence, in that Service. By this their Concord, the Kings Education was carried on very smoothly, and his own Towardliness and Ingenuity making an accession to their Industry, all Men conceiv'd great Hopes of him.

Thus Matters were carried on, till about the Sixth year of the Kings Reign; There was then at Court Robert Boyd, the Chief of his Family, who, besides his Personal Estate, was ally'd to many other Great and Noble Families,The Boyds c [...]eep into Favour at Court. he had also a Flourishing Stock of Children of his own, as Thomas and Robert; he had a Brother too, named Alexander, who was well instructed and vers'd in all good Letters: This Alexander, at the desire of Iohn Kennedy, his Kinsman, (who, by reason of his declining Age, was not so fit for Youthful Services) and with the consent of the rest of the Kings Tutors, or Guardians, was preferr'd to the King, to teach him the Rudiments of the Art Military, in the Knowledge whereof he was esteem'd to exceed all his Equals. The Boyds, upon the account of these Advantages, were not content with that Place and Authority, though it were very great and Honourable, which they had at Court, but further sought to transfer all Publick Offices into their own Family; to accomplish which, Alexander was desired by them, to incline the Kings Favour towards them; He, having got the King in the Tenderness and Ductility of his Age, did so insinuate into him by his Flattering Complaisance, that he could do all things with him. Being admitted into such private Intimacy and Converse, he would oft scatter words before the King, that he was now fit to govern, himself; and that 'was time for him to be emancipated from the servivitude of old Grey-Beards; and to maintain a Company of Noble [...] You [...]hs about him, that so he might enter on those Studies, [Page] betimes, wherein, whether he would or no, he was likely to pass the remaining part of his Life. Discourses of this kind were easily entertain'd by a Youth, unskilful in Matters, and in the slippery Part of his Age, too; which was prone to liberty, so that he began to be a little Stubborn and Headstrong against his Governors; Some things he would do, without their advice, and Many against it, as seeking an opportunity to be delivered from the severity of those Seniors, as from a kind of Bondage and Captivity. Whereupon, being at Linlithgoe, when he went out a Hunting, unknown to Kennedy, whose turn it was then to wait, the old Man, being informed thereof, went forth to overtake him not far from the Town; and having done so, he took his Horse by the Bridle, and endeavour'd to stop and bring him back, alleging, that 'twas no convenient Time, nor was his Company fitting for such an Exercise;Alexander Boyd abuses Kennedy. hereupon Alexander ran in, and with the Bow, which he had in his Hand, struck the old Man a Blow on his Head, though he deserv'd better things at his hands; Kennedy, being thus beat off, as a troublesom Hinderer of their Sport, they proceed on to the Place, they intended they go to; Kennedy, being wounded, returned into the Town. And when Robert Boyd came again to Court, he did not disapprove, what his Brother Alexander had done; By this means, the Seeds of Enmity were sown between the Two Factions, which grew up to the great Detriment of the Kingdom, and at length to the total Destruction of One of them.

The Fewd was first discover'd upon This Occasion; The Boyds would have the King remov'd from that place to Edinburgh, but Kennedy and his Party would have Sterlin to be the Place of his Residence. The Boyds could then do most at Court, and so, without publick Consent,The Boyds carry the King to Edinburgh. they carry'd the King to Edinburgh, there to enter upon the Regal Government. The Attendants of the Journy, were, besides their own Kindred, Adam Hepburn, Iohn Somerval, and Andrew Car, all Heads of their respective Families. This was acted about the 10th of Iuly in the year 1466. The Kennedies, having lost the day in the Dispute, departed severally to their own Homes, Iohn into Carrick, Whereupon the Kennedies depart from the Court. Boyd's Sarcasm to Iohn Kennedy. Iames into Fife, their minds swelling with Anger, and resolving to omit no Opportunity of Revenge. The Boyds, thus Conquerors, not contented with the Wrong they had done, sent Iohn an Ape, in a jeer, for the old Man to play and sport himself with at home, thereby upbraiding him, as if he had doted for Age.

Not long after, Iames Kennedy departed this Life, maturely enough for himself, if we respect his Age; but his Death was so lamented by all good Men,Iames Kennedy's Death, and Character. as if, in him, they had lost a publick Father. For, in that Man, besides the Virtues above- mention'd, there was an high degree of Frugality and Continence at home, yet great Splendor and Magnificence abroad: He exceeded all former Bishops, yea, and all those which have sat after him in that See, to this very day, in Liberality towards the Publick; and yet notwithstanding, his own Ecclesiastical Revenues were not very great, for as yet the Scots had not arrived at that ill Custom of heaping up Steeples upon Steeples; nor had learned to spend that worse upon Luxury, which was before ill gotten by Avarice: He left one Eminent Monument of his Munificence [Page] behind him; and That was the Publick Schools at St. Andrews, which he built with great Expence, and endow'd with large Revenues, but issuing out of Church Incoms; he took order, that a Magnificent Monument should be erected for himself therein, which yet the Malignity of Men envy'd him for, though he had deserv'd so well privately of most Men, and publickly of all Men: They alleg'd, 'twas a thing of too much vanity, to bestow so much Cost upon a Structure of no Use. His Death made his Virtues more illustrious, and increas'd Mens desire after him; for when he, who was a perpetual Censor, and Corrector, of Manners, was once remov'd out of the way, the publick Discipline began, by degrees, to grow weak and remiss, and, at last, to be so corrupt, as to bring almost all things, with it self, to ruin.

The Boyds made use of pretences in Law, to increase the Domestick Power of their Family, and to abate the Potency of their Enemies, and first

Patrick Graham Elected Bishop of St. Andrews, in the room of Iames Kennedy, and Confirmed by the Pope.

But the Boyds obstruct his Admission.

Patrick Graham seem'd most pat for their purpose; he was the Brother of Iames Kennedy, by the same Mother, and was also Cousin by the Mothers-side, to Robert Boyd. He, as the Manner was in those days, was Elected Bishop by the Canons, in the Room of his Brother Iames, but was hinder'd by the Court-Faction, from having the Kings leave to go to Rome, so that he went privately to the Pope, without any Train, and so was easily admitted into his Brothers Place; for besides the Nobleness of his Stock, and the great Recommendation of his high Virtues, he was also well Learned, as for those times. And therefore whilst he staid at Rome, fearing the Power of the Adverse Faction; The old Controversy concerning the Liberty of the Church of Scotland, began to be revived. For the Archbishop of York pretended, That the Bishops of Scotland were under his Jurisdiction, so that he endeavour'd to retain That Power in time of Peace, which had been usurped in the Licentious Times of War. But a Decree was made at Rome, in Favour of the Scots; and Graham was not only made Primate of Scotland, Scots Bishops freed from the Jurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop of York, by the Popes Decree. but also was Constituted the Popes Legat there for Three years, to inquire into the dangerous Manners and Conversations of Priests; and to restore decayed Ecclesiastical Discipline to its pristine Integrity and State; and yet, this great Man, though so illustrious for Indowments of Mind and Fortune, and having also the superadded Authority of the Pope to back him, durst not return home, till the Power of the Boyds did somewhat decline at Court.

The Boyds perceiving,The Boyds strengthen their Faction, and procure Pardon for their Mis [...]a [...]iage [...], by Publick Instruments, to which the King assents. That the Concourse of the Nobility to them was not so great as they hop'd; to avert the Accusations of their Enemies, and provide for their own Security for the future, cause a publick Assembly, or Parliament, to be Indicted against the 13th Day of October. There Robert Boyd, the Elder, fell down on his Knees before the King and his Counsellors of State, complaining, That his Service to the King in bringing him to Edinburgh, was ill interpreted and traduc'd by the Malign Speeches of his Adversaries, who gave out threatning Words, That the Advisers to that Journy should, one Day, suffer Punishment for the same; and therefore he humbly besought the King, That, if he had conceiv'd any ill will, or disgust in his Mind against him for that Journy, That he would openly declare [Page] it; that so the Calumnies of his Detractors might be either prevented, or allay'd. The King, having advis'd a litt [...]e with the Lords of the Articles, made answer, That Robert was not the Adviser of him to that Journy, but rather his Companion in it; and therefore, that he was more worthy of a Reward for his Courtesie, than of Punishment for his Obsequiousness and Compliance therein; and this he was willing to declare in a publick Decree of the Estates, that so all invidious Discourse might be stopt; and, in the same Decree, Provision should be made, That that Matter should never be prejudicial to Robert, nor his Companions: Boyd desired, that This Decree might be Registred amongst the Acts of the Assembly; and that the same should be confirm'd also by Letters Patents, under the Great Seal; and accordingly the Decree was presently Registred amongst the Acts, and the Letters Patents were deliver'd to him soon after, viz. the 25th Day of the same Month. The same Day also, the King, by advice of his Council, gave him other Letters Patents, wherein he was Constituted Regent, and had the Safety of the King, his Brothers,Robert Boyd made Regent. Sisters, Towns, Castles, and all the Jurisdiction over his Subjects, committed to him, till he himself came to 21 Years of Age; and he dealt so with the Nobles, then present, that they solemnly promis'd to be assistant to the Boyds in all their publick Actions; and that they would be obnoxious to Punishment, if they did not carefully, and with Faithfulness, perform, what they now promis'd: To this Stipulation, or Promise, the King also subscrib'd.

By this means, when the King was their Friend, Part of the Nobility in League with them, and also the Administration of the whole Government put into their Hands, they thought themselves sufficiently secur'd for a long time;

Thomas Boyd Marries the Kings Eldest Sister.

The Greatness of the Boyds occasions their Ruin.

yea, and to lay a Foundation also for the future Greatness of their Posterity, they brought it about, that Thomas Boyd, the Son of Robert, should Marry the King's Eldest Sister. That Marriage, as it was opulent, and seem'd a Prop and Establishment of their Power, so it increas'd the Hatred of their Enemies; and gave Occasion to variety of Discourse, amongst the Vulgar. For, though, by this means, all passage to the King's Ear seem'd to be precluded, and they alone made the sole Arbiters of his Words and Actions; yet, they did not flourish so much in Favour at Court, as they were prosecuted with publick Hatred abroad; which, after Four Years Concealment, did, at last, break out to the Destruction of their whole Family; and the wiser sort of the adverse Party did not much dislike this their sudden Increase of Honour, for, they hoped, (as 'tis usual) That Arrogance would be the Companion thereof, which would not indure a Superior, and despise an Equal, yea and trample upon an Inferior; and when the Bounds of a Subjects Condition are exceeded, it also awakens Kings, who are impatient of Corrivals, to overthrow such suspected Persons. The Noise of this Discord betwixt such Potent Factions, let loose the Reins to Popular Licentiousness. For the People, accustom'd to Robberies, did, by Intervals, more eagerly return to their former Trade. The Seeds of Hatred, which were supprest for a time, did now bud forth again with greater Vigour; and the Seditious did willingly lay hold on these Occasions for Disturbances, so that, there was a general Liberty taken to do what Men listed, in hopes of Impunity.

[Page]Neither were the Kennedys wanting to the Occasion, who partly did spread abroad Rumors to inflame the People, and to cast all the Cause of their Disturbance and Miseries upon the Boyds; and partly also, (as some thought) they were not much averse from the Design of the Seditious, but did privily cast Fewel into the Fire. This was plain and evident by their very Countenanc [...]s, That this troublesom State of Affairs was not unpleasant or unacceptable to them. There seem'd but only One thing wanting, utterly to subvert the flourishing Power of their Enemies, and That was, to make the King of their Party: For they had Strength enough, or too much; they knew, that the Commonalty, who affect Innovations, and love every thing more than what is present, would crowd in to their Party; hereupon they agreed to try the King's Mind, by some crafty Persons who should pretend themselves to be Lovers of the Boydian Faction.

In the interim, Embassadors were appointed to pass over into Denmark, to desire Margarite, the Daughter of that King,James by his Ambassadors desires Margarite Daughter of the King of Denmark for a Wife. as a Wife for Iames; and that they should take all the care they could, that the Old Controversie concerning the Orcades and the Isles of Shetland, which had cost both Nations so much Blood, might be accorded: The Chief of the Embassie, was, Andrew Stuart, Son to Walter, who was then Chancellor of Scotland. The Danes easily assented to the Marriage,The King of Denmark resigns up the Orcades and Sche [...]land to the Scots, as a Dowry. and they quitted all their Right which their Ancestors claim'd over all the Islands about Scotland, in the Name of a Dowry; only the private Owners of Estates, in those Islands, were to enjoy them upon the same Terms, as they had formerly done. Some write, that they were passed over in Mortgage, till the Dowry was paid, but that afterward, the King of Denmark gave up all his Right thereto for ever to his Nephew Iames, who was newly born by his Daughter.

When the Chancellor had inform'd the King, that all things were finish'd according to his desire, the next Consult was, to send an handsom Train of Nobles to bring over the New Queen. And here, by the Fraud of his Enemies, and Inadvertency of his Friends, Thomas Boyd, Son of Robert Earl of Arran, was chosen Embassador,Thomas Boyd, sent Ambassador to bring the new Queen from Norwey. his very Maligners and Envyers purposely commending his Aptness for that Imployment, by reason of his Valour, Splendor and Estate, fit for such a Magnificent Errand: He judging all things safe at Home, in regard his Father was Regent, willingly undertook the Imployment; and at the beginning of Autumn, with a good Train of Friends and Followers, he went a Ship-board.

In the mean time, the Kennedy's had loosened the Kings Affection to the Boyds; and whereas they thought to retain his Good Will, by Pleasures and Vacation from Publick Cares: Those very Baits they imputed as Crimes to them, and by magnifying their Wealth, though Great in it self, yet as too Bulky, and even dangerous to the King himself; and withal alleging, what a great Advance would accru to his Exchequer, by the Confiscation of their Estates, upon their Conviction, they did variously agitate the infirm Mind of the King, who was inclin'd to Suspicions and Avarice.The Boyds undermined in the absence of Thomas. And the Boyds on the other side, though they endeavour'd by their Obsequious Flatteries, and their hiding the publick Miseries from him, to [Page] banish all Melancholly Thoughts out of his Mind; yet, the Complaints of the Vulgar, and the Solitariness of the Court, Both which were, of set purpose, contriv'd and increast by their Enemies, could not be hid. And besides, there were some, who when the King was alone, did discourse him freely, concerning the Publick Calamities, and the Way to Remedy them; yea, the King himself, as if he were somewhat awakned to Manly Cares, declar'd, That what was sometimes Acted abroad, did not please him. But the Boyds, though they perceiv'd that the King was every Day less and less Tractable to them, than formerly; and withal, that popular Envy rose higher and higher against them, yet remitted nothing of their former Licentiousness, as trusting to the Kings former Lenity, and to the Amnesty, which they had for what was past.

Whereupon the contrary Faction, having secretly wrought over the King to their Party, and Thomas, Earl of Arran, being sent packing Ambassador into Denmark, from whence he was not expected to return, till late in the Spring, because those Northern Seas are Tempestuous and Unpassable, for a great part of the Year; upon these accounts, they thought it a fit season, to attempt the Boyds, who were Old and Diseased, and therefore came seldom to Court; and besides, were destitute of the Aid of many of their Friends; who were go [...] away in the Train of the Embassy. The First thing t [...]y did, was, to persuade the King to call a Parliament, which had been much long'd for a great while, to meet at Edinburgh on the Twenty Second Day of November, in the Year 1469. Thither the Boyds, Two Brothers, were Summoned to come, and make their Appearance; where Matters were variously carried towards them, as every ones Hatred of them, or Favour to them, did dictate and direct. But they were so astonisht at this sudden Blow, as having made no great Provision against so imminent a Danger, that their Minds were quite dejected, not so much for the Power of the adverse Faction, as for the sudden Alienation of the Kings Mind from them; so that Robert, in Despair of his safety, fled into England;Robert Boyd flies into England. but Alexander, who by reason of his Sickness could not fly, was call'd to his Answer. The Crime objected to both the Brothers, was, That they had laid Hands on the King, and by private Advice had carried him to Edinburgh. Alexander Boyd Beheaded. Alexander alleg'd, That he had obtain'd his Pardon for that Offence in a publick Convention, and therefore he humbly desired, That a Copy of that Pardon might be Transcrib'd out of the Parliament Rolls, but this was denied him: What his Accusers did object against that Pardon, the Writers of those Times do not Record; and I, though a Conjecture be not very difficult to be made in the case, yet had rather leave the whole Matter to the Readers Thoughts, than to affirm Uncertainties for Truths. Alexander was Condemn'd on his Tryal, and had his Head cut off. Robert, a few years after, dy'd at Alnwick in England, the Grief of Banishment being added to the pains of his old Age. His Son, though absent, and that upon a publick Business, was declar'd a publick Enemy, without Hearing; and all their Estates were Confiscate. Thus stood the matter of Fact, but I shall not conceal, what I have heard some Good Men,A Critical or Ambiguous Pardon. and not Ignorant of the History of those Times, affirm; They say, That the Amnesty given to the Boyds, [Page] was thus Worded in the Records, That the King forgave them all the Prejudice and Rancour of Mind, (as they then Phras'd it) which he might have conceiv'd against them; which they, who were willing to Gratifie the King,Thomas Boyd declared a publick Enemy in his [...]bsence. did Interpret (according to the Distinction then Celebrated, amongst Divines, concerning the Remission of the Fault, and of the Punishment) after this manner, That though the King forgave them his Personal Resentment, yet they were not exempted from the Punishment of the Law. Thomas Boyd, when he heard of the Calamity of his Family, though some put him in hopes of Pardon, in a time of publick Rejoycing, yet durst not come ashore; but being inform'd by his Wife, who upon the first News of the approach of the Danish Fleet, made immediately to him, that there was no Hopes of Re-admission to the Kings Favour, his Enemies having stopt all Passages thereunto, sail'd back into Denmark, whence he came, and so Travelled through Germany into France, where he, in vain, indeavour'd to obtain the Mediation of Lewis the Eleventh, (who then had turn'd the Legitimate Empire of the French into a Tyranny) for his Reconciliation; and thereupon he went to Charles of Burgundy, Who thereupon retires into Burgundy. where he carry'd himself Valiantly, and did him much Faithful Service in the Wars, for which he was well rewarded by him with Honours and Largesses. There he lived a Private, yet Honourable, Life; and his Wife bore him a Son, called Iames, and a Daughter called Grekin, of which, in their place.

The Marriage of Iames the Third, and Queen Margarite, King Iames Married to Margarite of Norwey. was Celebrated with a great Concourse of the Nobility, on the Tenth Day of Iuly, in the Year of our Lord 1470. There was born out of that Marriage, Three Years after, on Saint Patricks Day in March, Iames, who Succeeded his Father in the Kingdom.

In the interim, the King, not yet satisfi'd with the Misery of the Boyds, writes over into Flanders, to recal his Sister home; but knowing that she bore so great a Love to her Husband, that she would hardly be induc'd to part from him; he caus'd others to write to her, giving her some Hopes, that the Kings Anger might, in time, be appeas'd towards her Husband; and that no doubt was to be made, but that she her self might prevail much with her Brother, for his Relief; but that she must come to plead for him in Presence, and not commit his Apology to others; upon these Hopes, she return'd, and was no sooner arriv'd in Scotland, but the King transacts with her about a Divorce; and thereupon he affixt publick Libels and Citations, attested by many Witnesses, at A Town on the River Irwyn in Cuningham. Kilmarnock, (which was the Chief House of the Boyds, before their Fall,) wherein Thomas was Commanded to appear in Sixty Days, though all Men knew, that, though the publick Faith had been given him; yet he would hardly have return'd; he not appearing at the Day, the former Marriage was pronounc'd Null, and a Divorce made, though the Husband were absent and unheard; and so Mary, the Kings Sister was, compell'd, against her Will, to Marry Iames Hamilton, a Man rais'd but a little before, and much inferiour to her former Husband,Thomas Boyd's Wife divorced f [...]om him, and Married to Iames Hamilton. in Estate and Dignity; yet, she bore him a Son, named Iames, and a Daughter called Margarite. The Children she had, by her former Husband, were also recall'd by the King. And he himself lived not long after. [Page] He died at Antwerp, Thomas Boyd's Death. and having no Kinsmen there to claim his Estate, Charles of Burgundy caus'd a Magnificent Monument to be erected for him, with the Mony, which he had munificently bestow'd upon him in the Church of ...... wherein an Honourable Epitaph was inscribed. Thus the Family of the Boyds, which then was the most flourishing one in all Scotland, within a few Years, grew up and was cut down, to the great Document of Posterity, What slippery things the Favours of young Kings are.

Their Ruin did not only amaze their Friends, but it also kept off, and damp'd, their very Enemies, so that none would adventure to Aspire to that Dignity, from whence they were cast down; partly, upon the account of the Instability of Human Affairs; and partly, in Consideration of the Kings sudden Repentance, for bestowing of his Graces and Favours, and his continu'd Perseverance in his Hatred, when once began. This is certain, that they which were erected to great Hopes of Preferment, by this change of Publick Affairs, found themselves much mistaken: For the King, who, before that time, had used himself to Domestick Ease, and seldom appear'd in Publick, being now also newly Married, spent a great part of his Time in the Pleasures of his Palace; he excluded the Nobility, and was wholly govern'd by a few of his Servants; for, being of an eager and fervid Disposition, he could not well bear the being contradicted in his Opinion, so that he avoided the Liberty which Nobles would take, in advising him, and had only those about him, who would not reprehend, but rather approve of, what he did; that so by avoiding any occasion of Offence, by their Flattery, they might curry his Favour. Amidst these Manners of the Court, the Ecclesiastical State was not much better; for though the Ministers of the Church had been given, for many years, to Luxury and Avarice, yet there was still some shadow of ancient Gravity remaining; so that some encouragement was given to Learning, and Advantage to such as were good Proficients therein. For the Bishops were chosen by the Colleges of Canons,Bishops anciently chosen by their Canons, and Abbats by their Monks. and the Abbats by their respective Sodalities; but then the Parasite Courtiers persuaded the King, (for it was they only, who had his Heart and Ear) that it would be very gainful to him; and those with whom he was to deal, were not able to hinder his Design, if he recalled and assumed the Designation of such Offices to himself, and not suffer a Matter of so great Advantage to rest in the Hands of such a dronish Generation of People, and unfit for any publick Business, as Ecclesiasticks were. The King was easily persuaded thereunto, in regard, they alleg'd, That, by this means, besides other Advantages, he might have Opportunity to curb the Contumacious, to oblige Neuters, and to reward the well deserving; but, (said they) in our present Circumstances, Promotions and Honours are in the Hands of the Dregs of the Vulgar, who are as Parsimonious in case of publick Necessities, as they are profuse in their private Pleasures; but it was fit, that, in such Cases, all Men should depend upon the King alone, that so he might have the sole Power of Punishing, Pardoning, and Rewarding.

[Page]By these and the like Flattering Arguments, they persuaded the King to their Opinion,B [...]t King Iames assumes the naming of [...] to himse [...]. for his Mind was not yet confirm'd by Ripeness of Years; besides, 'twas weaken'd by ill Custom, and not fortifi'd against the Temptations of Money-Matters: And moreover, he was naturally Prone to Liberty. Hereupon, a new Face of things presently appeared throughout the whole Kingdom, and all Matters both Sacred and Profane, were brought to Court, to be huckster'd and sold, as in a Publick Fair. But Patrick Graham was the only Man, who endeavour'd to stop the precipitous Ruin of the Church; when his Enemies sway'd all at home, he staid at Rome some years, but being there inform'd by his Friends, in what State things were,Which Patrick Grah [...]m labo [...]rs to withstand▪ he, trusting in his Alliance to the King, being the Son of his Great Aunt, resolv'd to return home; but that he might make some Essay of the Minds of Men, before; he sent the Bull, which he had obtain'd from the Pope, for his Legantine Power, and caus'd it to be Proclaim'd and Publish'd in the Month of September, and the Year of our Lord 1472. which rais'd up much Envy against him. For they that had bought Ecclesiastical Honours at Court, were afraid to lose both their Prey and Money too; and they, who thought to make advantage by this Court Nundination, were griev'd to be thus disappointed; yea, that Faction did no less Storm, that had obtain'd Ecclesiastical Preferments from the King, for Mercenary Gain, that so they might sell them to others. Their Fear was, that this gainful Practice would be taken out of their Hands. All these made a Conspiracy against Patrick, and in his absence, loaded him with Reproaches; they came to Court, and complain'd, that their Ancient Laws, as well as the Kings late Decrees, were Violated, and that the Romanists were carrying on many Matters, very prejudicial to the Kingdom; and unless the King did speedily oppose their Exorbitance, they would quickly bring all things under their Power; yea, and make the King himself truckle under them.

To prevent this Danger, there were some sent, by Order of Council, to Patrick, before he had scarce set his Foot on Shoar, to forbid him to execute any part of his Office, until the King had heard the Complaints made against him; and a Day was appointed him to appear, the First of November at Edinburgh, in order to an Hearing.

In the mean time, when his Friends and Kinsfolk did assure him, that the King would do what was Equitable in so just a Cause: The adverse Faction, hearing of it, did so ingage the King and his Courtiers, by the Promises of great Sums of Money, that Patrick could never have a Fair Hearing afterwards: When he was come to the Assembly, he produc'd the Popes Bull and Grant, wherein he was Constituted Archbishop of St. Andrews, Primate of Scotland, But the Court-brokers [...]ppose him. and the Popes Legate for Three Years, to order Ecclesiastical Affairs. The Inferiour sort of Priests were glad of the thing, that an Office so necessary was put into the Hands of so Pious and Learn'd a Man, but they did not dare to speak it out, for Fear of some powerful Persons, who had got the Ear of the King and his Counsellors. His Adversaries made their Appeal to the Pope, who alone could be judge in the Case; which they did on purpose to create delay, that so the Favour of the People towards Patrick, might in time abate. [Page] He himself was sent back by the King to his Church, but forbid to wear the Ensigns and Habiliments of an Archbishop, till the Cause was determin'd; neither was he to perform any Office, but what the former Bishops had done before him.

Whilst these things were acting, William Sivez rose up, a new Enemy, against Patrick, but the bitterest of all the rest, and that upon a light Occasion. He was a young Man of a prompt Wit, and had lived some Years at Lovain under the Institution of Iohn Sperinc, a Man well-skill'd in the Study of Physick and Astrology; in both which Faculties he was very Famous; and returning home, he quickly insinuated himself into the Favour of the Courtiers;The Story of William Sivez, and his worming of Graham out of the Archbishop [...]ick of St. Andrews. partly, upon the account of his other Accomplishments; and partly, because of his noted Skill in Astrology. This Endowment won him great Respect from the Court, which was then addicted to all sorts of Divinations, even to a Madness; so that this Sivez, being of a Fluid Wit, and in great favour at Court, was soon made Arch-Deacon of St. Andrews. But the Bishop would not admit him to that Office; whereupon he communicated Counsel with Iohn Locc, Rector of the Publick Schools there, and a back Friend of Patricks, and they Two plotted together, to overthrow him. The Rector, having a Grant from the Pope, whereby he was Privileg'd and Exempted from Patricks Jurisdiction,Patrick Graham Excommunicated, and his Rents gathered into the Kings Exchequer. pronounced the Sentence of Excommunication against him. But he so slighted this Commination of one of an Inferiour Order to himself, that though it were Twice or Thrice serv'd upon him, yet he remitted nothing of the ordinary Course of his former Life; whereupon his Enemies (as is usual in such Cases, wherein Ecclesiastical Censures are contemn'd) implore the Assistance of the King, and cause Patrick to be shut out of all Churches. Officers of the Exchequer were sent to Inventory his Goods; his Retinue was Commanded, under an heavy Penalty, to depart; and a Guard was set upon him, to observe that he did nothing contrary to the Edict. The rest of the Bishops, that they might not seem ungrateful towards so Benevolent a King, levied a great Sum of Mony, which they had violently extorted out of small Benefices, and presented him with it. The King being Master of such a Sum, seem'd to deal more mildly with Patrick, as if he took pity on him, and accordingly he sent the Abbat of Holy-Rood, and Sivez, to him. Whereupon, the Bishop was reconcil'd to the King, and also Sivez and the Bishop were made Friends; but his Mony was gather'd up before, and carried to the King. Now Patrick seem'd to be freed out of all his Troubles, and so he retir'd to his Mannor House of Monimul, and prepar'd himself for the Execution of his Office both Publickly and Privately;Situate upon the Head of Monks-Moor Five Miles North of Falkland. when, behold! the Roman Mony-Mongers were sent in upon him, by his Adversaries; and because he had not paid his Fees for the Popes Grant, (or Bull, as they call it) they also Excommunicated him: The Man was reduced to extream Poverty; for his Revenues, both before and after his return, were for the most part gather'd up by the Kings Collectors, and brought into his Exchequer; and what ever his Friends could make up, was given to the King and his Courtiers. And when the Kings Officers were again sent to take Possession of his Estate, Guards [Page] were set upon him by the King; his Houshold Servants were discharg'd, and he was kept pris'ner in his Castle, and thereby was depriv'd of the Advice of his Friends, also; William Sivez, his Capital Enemy was First impos'd upon him by the King, as his Coadjutor, as they call him, as if he had been besides himself. The Pope also afterwards approving of the Man for that Service; and also, [...] of his B [...]shoprick imprisoned till [...] Death, and hi [...] Adversary Sivez succeeds him. the aforesaid Sivez was made Inquisitor by the Power of the Adverse Faction, to inquire into his Life and Conversation; many trifling, many ridiculous, and incredible things were Objected against him, and amongst the rest, this was One, That he had said Mass Thrice in one Day; whereas, in that Age, there was hardly a Bishop who did the same in Three Months; Hereupon, his Enemy being Judge, and Witnesses being hired against him, he was Ejected out of his Bishoprick. And Sivez, who carried the Decree to the Pope, was made Bishop in his room. Neither were his Enemies contented with this Mischief they had done him; but, perceiving, that he bore all their Contumelies with much Greatness of Spirit; They took order, that he should be shut up in some desolate Monast'ry, under Four Keepers; Inch Colm was chosen to be the Place, a Rock, rather than an Island, from whence,A Town four Miles above Queens-Ferry in Fife. Three Years after, he was remov'd to Dunferlin, for fear of the English Fleet, betwixt whom and the Scots a War had then broke forth, and from thence he was again carried to the Castle, which lies in Loch Leven, where, being worn out with Age and Miseries, he departed this Life; He was a Man guilty of no known Vice, and, in Learning and Virtue, inferior to none of his Age. The other Good Men, being terrify'd by his Calamity, and perceiving no hopes of any Church-Reformation, went all about their own private Affairs; In the Court, Church-Preferments were either Sold, or else given away to Flatterers, and Panders, as a Reward for their filthy Service.

Tho' these things were acted at several times, yet I have put them altogether in my Discourse, that so the Thread of my History might not be too often interrupted; and also, that by one memorable Example, we might have an entire View of the Miseries of those Times; For one may easily imagin, how vitious the ordinary sort of Men were, seeing a Man that was so Eminent for all kind of Virtue; and besides, had the Advantage to be Allyed to the King, and to many Noble Families besides, was, by a few Scoundrels of the Lowest-sort, expos'd to the Reproach and Cruelty of his Enemies. But to return to the other Occurrences of those Times.

In the Year 1476. there was a Publick Decree made against Iohn Lord of the Islands, who had seiz'd upon some Provinces,Iohn the Islander rises in Arms, but quickly submits himself. and had done great spoil on the Maritime Coasts; insomuch, that the King resolv'd to march against him by Land, and Commanded the Earl of Craford his Admiral, to meet him by Sea; Hereupon, Iohn perceiving, that he was too weak to withstand such great Preparations, by the Advice of the Earl of Athole, the King's Uncle, came, in an Humble manner, to Court, and surrendred up himself to the King's Mercy. The Provinces which he had forcibly enter'd upon, were taken from him, as Ross, Kintire, Cnapdale, but the Command of the Islands was still permitted to him. The same Year, the Controversie with the English, which was just about to break forth into a [Page] War,Iames Kennedy built a vast Ship, which is rifled by the English; but upon a Peace made by Embassadors, he receives satisfaction. was ended and decided. The Occasion was this, Iames Kennedy had built a Ship, the biggest that ever Sailed on the Ocean, at that time; She, being at Sea, was, by a Tempest, cast upon the English Shore, and her Lading rifled by the English; Restitution was often sought for, but in vain. This bred a disgust betwixt the Nations for some Years; at last, the English sent Embassadors into Scotland; The Chief of which, were, the Bishop of Durham, and Scroop a Nobleman; by whom Edward, having been tost by the Inconstancy of Fortune, and his Exchequer drain'd by continual Wars, desir'd a Pacification, which was easily renew'd, upon Condition, That the value of the Ship rifled, and its Lading, might be estimated, by indifferent Persons, and just Satisfaction made.

Embassadors to Charles of Burgundy,The same Year, Embassadors were sent to Charles Duke of Burgundy, in behalf of the Merchants, who were disturb'd in their Trades: When they came into Flanders, they were Honourably receiv'd by him. But one Andrews a Physician, and a great Astrologer too, being occasionally invited by them to Supper, understanding the Cause of their coming, took them aside, and told them, That they should not make too much haste in their Embassy; for, in a very few Days, they should hear other News of the Duke. And accordingly, his Prediction was fulfilled, for within Three Days after, his Army was overthrown by the Switzers, who soon after was slain at Nants by the Switzers. at the City of Nants in Lorain, where he was slain: Hereupon, the Embassadors return'd without effecting their Business; and when they came to the King, and told him, how highly skilled that Andrews was, in Predicting Things to come, they persuaded him, who of himself was inclinable to those Arts, to send for the Man, upon promises of a good Reward; and accordingly he came, was well receiv'd, and gratify'd with a rich Parsonage, and other Boons. He, (as 'tis reported) told the King, That he should speedily be Destroy'd by his own Subjects, and that Speech agreed with the Vaticinations of some wizardly Women, (to which the King was immoderately addicted) who had Prophecy'd, That a Lyon should be killed by his Whelps; Hereupon, from a Prince, at first, of great Ingenuity,One Andrews an Astrologer and Physician, and good Hopes, and as yet not wholly depraved; he degenerated into a fierce and cruel Tyrant; for when his Mind had entertain'd, and was stuft with, Suspicions, he accounted even his nearest Kindred, and all the Best of the Nobility, as his Enemies; and the Nobles were also disgusted at him, partly, by reason of his Familiarity with that Rascally sort of People; but chiefly▪ because he slighted the Nobility, and chose mean Persons to be his Counsellors and Advisers. The Chief of them, were, Thomas Preston, One of a good Family,foretels K. Iames's Death. K. Iames degenerates into Tyranny. but who was resolv'd to humor the King in all things; Robert Cockrain, a Man endued with great strength of Body, and equal Audacity of Mind; he came to be known by the King, by a Duel which he fought with another; and presently, of a Tradesman was made a Courtier, and that in a fair way of rising to some greater Advancement; for having perform'd some lighter Matters, intrusted to him, with Diligence; and also applying himself to the King's Humor, he was soon admitted to advise concerning the Grand Affairs of the Kingdom; insomuch, that Preston chose him out to be his Son-in-law. The Third, was, William Rogers, an English Singing Man, [Page] or Musician; who, coming into Scotland with the English Embassadors, after the King had heard him once or twice in a cast of his Offence, he was so taken with him, That he would not suffer him to return, but advanced him to wealth and honour, soon after making him a Knight. The rest of his Intimates were the most despicable sort of the meanest Tradesmen, who were only known by their Improbity and Audaciousness. Whereupon, the Nobility had a Meeting, wherein the Kings Brothers were the Chief, to purge the Court from this sort of Cattle; and some notice of it being divulg'd abroad, Iohn the Youngest of the Brothers,Iohn, the Kings Brothe [...], put to Death. more unwary than the rest, speaking a little too boldly, and rashly, concerning the State of the Kingdom, was seiz'd upon by the Courtiers, cast into P [...]ison, condemn'd by the King's privy domestick Council, and put to Death, by having a Vein Opened, till he expired his last. The Cause of his Death was given out amongst the Vulgar, to be, because, he had conspir'd, with Witches, against the King's Life; and to make the matter more plausible, twelve of the Witches of the lowest condition were Try'd and Burnt. The Death of Iohn did rather stifle than dissipate the Conspiracy, which seem'd almost ready to break forth.

Alexander, the next, as in Blood, so in Danger, tho' he indeavour'd to avert all Suspicion from himself, as much as he could; yet the Kings Officers thought, they should never be Secure, as long as he was alive,And A [...]exander impri [...]oned. and therefore they presently clapt him up Prisoner in the Castle of Edinburgh, where he was strictly kept by those who judg'd his Power would be their Destruction; and seeing he could not appease the Kings Wrath by the Mediation of his Friends, he began to think of making an Escape; he had but one of his own Servants left t [...] wait upon him in his Chamber, him, and none else, he acquainted with his Design; who hired a Vessel for him, to be ready fitted in the adjoining Road, then he suborn'd Messengers to make frequent Errands to him from the Court, who should tell him Stories before his Keepers, (for he was forbid to speak with any Body, but in their presence) that the King was now more reconcileable to him, than formerly; and that he would speedily be set at Liberty. When the day appointed for his Escape approach'd, he compos'd his Countenance to as much Mirth, as, in that calamitous Condition, he was able to do, and told his Keepers, that, now, he believ'd the Messages sent him by the King, that he was reconcil'd to him; and that, he hop'd he should not be held much longer in Durance; hereupon▪ he invited them to a noble Supper, and himself drank freely with them, till late at Night, then they departed; and, being all full of Wine, fell into the Sounder sleep; being thus alone, he made a Rope of the Linen-Blankets of his Bed, long enough, as he thought,But he make [...] his Escape to Dunbar, and then to France. for the height of the Wall, and First, to make a Tryal, he caus'd his Servant to slide down by it; but perceiving, by his Fall, that 'twas too short, he lengthned it out, as well as he could, in those Circumstances, and himself Slid down too, and took up his Servant, who had broke his Leg by his Fall, upon his Shoulders, and, carry'd him about a Mile to the Vessel, where they went aboard, and having a Fair Wind, failed to Dunbar; there he fortify'd the Castle against any forcible [Page] Assault, and, with a smal Retinue, passed over into France. In his absence,Dunbar Castle deserted, and taken by the Scots. Andrew Stuart, the Chancellor, was sent with an Army to take in the Castle, they besieg'd it closely some Months, and 'twas defended as bravely; but, at last, the Garison, for want of Necessaries, were forced to get Vessels, and, in the Night, to depart privately for England, so that in the Morning the Empty Castle was taken by the Besiegers; some men of Note, of the Besiegers, were slain there.

About these Times it was, that the Kings both of England and Scotland, Peace between the Scots and English; wherein it was agreed, That Cecily, Edwards Daughter, should Marry Iames's Young Son. being weary'd out with Domestick Troubles, had each of them a desire to make Peace, and an Embassy was appointed to compleat it, which was kindly received, and the Peace was not only agreed upon, but an Affinity accorded to confirm it, that Cecilia, the Daughter of Edward, should be Married to Iames his Son, as soon as they were Both Marrigeable. Part also of the Dowry was paid, on this Condition, That, if when they came to Years, the Marriage were not Consummated, the Dowry should be paid back to the English, and, Hostages were given for performance of Conditions, which were some Burgers of Towns. But this Peace lasted not long, for, by reason of the old grudges remaining since the last Wars, Incursions were made, Preys driven, and Villages burnt: So that, by reason of these mutual Injuries, the matter broke forth into an open War. And besides, each King had other peculiar Provocations. Douglas, the Old Exile,But the Peace is soon broken, and an Army Marches into England. and Alexander the Kings Brother, the new One, excited Edward thereunto. For Alexander, as I said before, going into France, Married the Daughter of the Earl of Bulloign, but not being able to procure Aid from Lewis the II. then King of France, for the Recovery of his own, he Sailed over into England, hoping from thence to make some Attempt upon Scotland. As for Iames of Scotland, Lewis of Fran [...]e edg'd him on to a War, having sent Robert Ireland, a Scots man, and Dr. of the Sorbon, with Two French Knights to him, on that Errand. Hereupon, the Peace was violated, and altho' the Scotish Affairs, in regard some of the Country was wasted, were in none of the best State and Condition; yea, an Army also was decreed, to be sent against Scotland, by the English, under the Command of the Duke of Glocester; yet the King, and those which were about him, did levy Forces, tho' very unwillingly. For the Upstarts, (such they lately were, and very poor too,) whose Greatness was founded on the Calamities of others, and who had been the Authors of such desperate Counsels to the King, fear'd nothing more than the frequent Assembly of the Nobility; when he came to In Lauderdale. Lauder, a Town near the Borders of Merch and Teviotdale, Countrys either wasted by the Enemy, or else, by Force, necessitated to submit to him, the King yet proceeded on in his wonted Course of Exactions from them; he distrusted the Nobility, and manag'd all by his Cabinet-Council. The Nobles would indure the Indignity no longer, and therefore, in the third Watch, they met in a Church in the Town, where, in a Full Assembly, Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus, is reported to have declar'd the Cause of their Meeting, in this wise.

‘I think it not necessary, Noble Peers, to make a long Oration concerning the state of Scotish Affairs, you your selves Partly remember [Page] it, and Partly you see it with your Eyes;Douglasses Oration to the Nobles in the Camp, against the King's Evil Counsellors. the Chief of the Nobility, are either banished, or else compelled to suffer intolerable, and to act nefarious, things; and you, in whom the strength of the Kingdom doth reside, are left without an Head, as a Ship without a Steers-man, subject to all the Storms and Tempests of Fortune; Your Lands are burnt, your Estates plunder'd, the Husbandman, either slain, or else, perceiving no other Remedy, or relief, hath submitted to the Enemy. And the King, if he were Himself a man of a generous Spirit and rare Prudence, yet being carried away by poysonous Insinuations, refers all things, perta [...]ning to the Good of the Common-wealth, as to Peace, War and the like, not to an Assembly of the Nobles, but to inferior Underlings; these men do consult South-sayers and Wizards, and so carry their Answers to the King, whose mind is Sick, and easily taken with such vain Superstitions; and thus Decrees are made, under the Influence of such Authors, concerning the Safety of us all; for they, knowing, that they are deservedly hated by all, do persecute all by as alternate an hatred; and their endeavour is, not only to undermine your Authority, but to cut you all off, by all the possible Arts and Practices, they can; they have remov'd some of us by Death, others by Banishment; neither do they ascend gradually to play their Pranks, as inferiour Persons, when they are promoted, are wont to do, but these do immediately pitch upon the Royal Blood, to exercise the Tryals of their Cruelty and Avarice upon: One of the King's Brothers they have most inhumanly put to death; the Other they have robb'd his Country of, by banishing him, and so have given him as a General to our Enemies; they, being thus taken out of the way, their next work, is, to deal with the Nobility, for, being of low Estate and Condition themselves, they would have nothing of Excellency and Sublimity to survive them. All those, that have either Riches to satisfy their Avarice, or Power to resist their Audaciousness, Them they account as their Enemies; and yet, in the mean time, we manage a War against the English, as our Publick Enemy, as if any Enemy were more deadly than That▪ who is never satisfy'd, in point of Covetousness, with your Estates, nor, in point of Cruelty, with your Blood. Now to make it clear to you, that this intestine Plague is more dreadful than That Foreign one, suppose, (which God forbid) that the King of England should conquer us, doubtless he would remember old Grudges, and, in pursuance of that Conquest, what End of his Successes would he propound to himself? or, what Reward of his Victory? Would he aim at the Life of the King, his Enemy, or, at your Lives? I think, at Neither. For the Dispute between us, is, not for Life, but for Glory and Empire; and a generous Mind, as 'tis vehement and eager against those that resist it, so 'tis easily mitigated & inclin'd to Lenity by Submission and Obsequiousness, even upon the account of remembring the Instability of all human Affairs. But suppose, that the Enemies rage should aim at the Kings Life and Destruction, I pray, Which of the Two do act more mercifully, either he that, together with Life takes away all Sense of Misery; or they, that reserve him, whom they ought principally to love and reverence, next to God, to a dayly Butchery [Page] and Execution? Who arm his Mind, already prepossest with Witch-crafts, to the Destruction of his Friends; who keep the King, now almost encompast by the Arms of his Enemies, in the nature of a Prisoner, and do not suffer him to see the Faces of his Friends, that he may understand their Affection to him, and experience their Loyalty: They are not so much Enemies, who pitch Camp against Camp, and so openly profess their Hostility, as they, who, at home, do treacherously contrive our Destruction. They alienate the Kings mind from his Friends, and betray him to his Enemies; and thus they deprive us of our Commander, and expose us as a Prey to our Enemies Arms, by whom if your Lives are given you, after you are conquer'd, yet you will fall into Shame and Servitude; and if you overcome them, yet you will not procure Quiet to your selves, Strength to your Country, nor Glory to your King, but a greater Liberty to your Enemies, to play their Pranks at present, and that in security, for the future; and thus we shall bring a Plague and Misery on our selves, and a stricter Servitude on our King, [...]o that Victory will not free us from Foreign Miseries, but will increase our Domestick Ones. And therefore, in short, my Opinion is, That we shake off the Yoke at home, before we venture to [...]ngage the Enemy; For, otherwise, we shall all be made Slaves to the Lusts of a few men, we shall strengthen the Enemy, and betray the Common-wealth: God bless your Consultations, in this matter.’

After Douglas had ended his Speech, there followed, not a Debate, but a confus'd Noise, over the whole Assembly, crying out, To your Arms against the Publick Enemy; for the Minds of all present were so inflam'd, That though they had none to lead them, yet they were about to break in upon the Kings Quarters. But the graver Sort, who, by reason of their Honour and Authority had a great Interest in the rest, appeas'd the Tumult; for they fear'd, lest, in an impetuous assault of the People, the King himself should come to some harm: And therefore they agreed, That the prime Commanders should take a smal number of their chiefest Confidents, and, without any general remove of the whole Army, should go the Kings Pavilion, and so lay hold on the Offenders, who had the Management of things, and bring them forth to be judged before the whole Army, that so they might suffer condign Punishment, according to the Laws.

Whilst these things were in agitation, News was brought to the Court, that the Nobles were assembled, before day, in the Church; for What, 'twas not known; but it must certainly be some great Matter, which ingag'd such Persons to assemble▪ unknown to the King and his Counsellors. The King was awakned, and rose in great fear out of his Bed, and ask'd those about him, What was best to be done? Cockran and the Rest of the Evil Counsellors dragg'd out by an Incensed Army to their Deaths. In the mean while, he sends Cockran before, to observe, what was a doing, and to bring him certain word; when he was coming to the Church with a small Retinue, he meets with the Chief of the Nobility coming to Court, Douglas presently laid hands upon him, and took him by a Massy-Gold-Chain, which he wore about his Neck, whereby he somewhat strain'd his throat, and gave [Page] him up a Prisoner to the Marshal, and then he goes directly to the Kings Bed-Chamber. They, which were there, made no Opposition, either because they were astonished at his sudden Coming; or else, out of Reverence to the Man, so that there the rest were seiz'd upon, who were thought to have corrupted the King by their wicked Counsels, only one Young man hung about the Kings Neck, and he desired them to pardon him, his name was Iohn Ramsy, of a good Family; who, being excus'd, upon the account of his Age, was dismist. Whilst the rest were led on to their Tryals, there was a Tumult and Noise rais'd over the whole Army, crying out, Hang them, Rogues, whereupon they were presently hurry'd away, and ended their Lives in an Halter; yea, the Army in general was so intent upon their Execution, that when they wanted Ropes, upon such a sudden, they all offer'd the Reins of their Horse-Bridles and their Baggage-Horse Tackle, for that Use; and they strove much, Who should have the honour to offer his own, first.

This Court-Faction had committed many Injuries against private Persons, but their Wrongs to the Publick lay chiefly here,Their Crimes Objected, were, They had been the Authors of Coining new Brass-Money, which the common People did call by the invidious Name of Black-Money: Upon this Project, there first ensued a Dearth of all things, and afterwards a Famine; for the Sellers had rather suffer their Commodities to be spoil'd at Home, than, under a pretence of Sale,Brass-Money Coyned, to give them away to the Buyers. But that all Commerce might not wholly cease amongst the People, this one Remedy was found out for Bargainers and Chapmen, That they should mention in their Contracts, in what sort of Money the Payment should be made. 'Tis true, some of our former Kings had Coin'd that kind of Money, but 'twas more for the necessary use of the Poor, than for their own Gain; and also Provision was made by a Law, beyond what Sum, Sellers might not be compell'd to take it in payment. And thus the Buyers of small Commodities had a Benefit,Their Ali [...]nating the King's Heart from the Nobility, with [...] Incouraging of him in Magical A [...]ts, and Exciting him to Cruelty against his own Flesh and Blood. and also it seem'd sufficiently caution'd by the Law, that the Richer Sort should have no Damage by this way of Change▪ or Sale. It was also objected against them, That they had alienated the King's Heart from the Nobility, and had set him a-gog upon Magick, and had hurried him on to the Destruction of his own Kindred. But that which made Cockran most envy'd, was, his Earldom of Merch, which Country and Title the King had given to him; or else, had committed to his Trust, upon the Death of the Youngest Brother.

When those Evil Counsellors were remov'd out of the way; The King had no great Confidence in the Souldiery, nor the Souldiery in him; so that the Army was dismist, and return'd Home; and the King, though, for the present, he supprest his Anger,The Scots Army disbanded. and made many large and fair Promises to the Nobility, yet his Heart inwardly boiled with Blood, Slaughter, and Revenge. And therefore, as soon as he thought himself at Liberty, he retired, with some few of his Confidents, into the Castle of Edinburgh; and the Nobility, not knowing what to think of it, had also their Consultations, apart. The King of England gather'd Forces in the Winter-Season, by the persuasion of Al [...]xander chiefly, who inform'd him of the Dissension betwixt [Page] the King and his Nobles in Scotland; and also assur'd him, That, as soon as ever he entred Scotland, great Numbers of Horse and Foot would come in to him; whereupon he made Richard, his Brother, Duke of Glocester, An English Army under the Duke of Glocester, and Alexander the Kings Brother, enters Scotland. General, and commanded him to march into Scotland. He began his March, when it was about Midsummer; and understanding in what Condition the Scotish Affairs were, he turn'd aside to Berwick: He was receiv'd immediately into the Town, and left 4000 Men to besiege the Castle; and, with the rest of his Army, he march'd directly to Edinburgh, making a foul Devastation in all Places, where he came. But Alexander leading them on, they entred the City without committing any Rapine; and, by a Publick Proclamation made in the Market-Place, he advis'd Iames, (seeing he could not come to speak with him) First, to perform what he had promis'd to Edward; and then, that he would cause Satisfaction to be made for all the Wrongs and Injuries he had offered to the English; and, unless he would so do, Richard, Duke of Glocester, would persecute him and his Country with Fire and Sword. But Iames perceiving at present that he was not able to perform what was requir'd, and, on the other side, that he was as unable to withstand the Power of the Enemy, return'd no Answer at all, either by Writing or Message. But the Nobles of Scotland, being thus forsaken of their King, that they might not be wholly wanting to the Publick Safety, Levy'd another Army,The S [...]ots Nob [...]ty raise an Army; and form'd a Camp at Hadington; and that they might somewhat alleviate the imminent Danger and Pressure, and stop the Enemy in his Career of Victory, they sent Agents to the Duke of Glocester, to desire, That the Marriage, so long promis'd, might be consummate; they were also to declare, That it should not be their Fault, if the Agreements made between the Nations, were not punctually perform'd. The English General knew, That the Scots would not put things to the Hazard of a Battel,Yet, mediate a Peace by their Agents. in regard part of their Strength was with him upon the account of Alexander, a popular Man, and that the rest were divided into several Factions, and therefore he made this Answer, That he did not know, what his King did resolve, in reference to that Marriage; but he thought it fit, that the Money paid to Iames upon the account of the Dowry,Reparties between both Armies. should be presently repaid to him; and if they would have Peace, they should promise to surrender up the Castle of Berwick; or, if they could not do that, then to make a solemn Promise, That they would not attempt to relieve the Besieged, nor to hinder the Besiegers, until it was either taken by Storm, or surrendred upon Conditions. The Scots return'd Answer by their Embassadors, That 'twas not their Fault, the Marriage was not consummated, but it happen'd because both Bride and Bridegroom were under Age; That the Money was not yet due, because the Day of Payment was not come; and if there were not sufficient Security given for the payment thereof, they would give more; but the Castle of Berwick, as being built by the Scots, and that in the Scotish Soil; and was, and, for many Ages, had been under their Jurisdiction, they could not part with; and though the English had possest it sometimes by Force, yet their Injury did not prejudice the Scots ancient Right; but Glocester, who was Superior in Strength, resolv'd to carry the Point, and to admit of no legal Dispute in the [Page] case. The same Day, Calen Cambel, Earl of Argyle, Andrew Stuart, and the Bishops of St. Andrews and Dunblane, sent to Alexander, who was in the English Camp at Near Hadington in [...]-Lothian. Lethington, a Chart sign'd with their Hands and Seals, promising him, if he would be Loyal to the King in the next Assembly, they would take care that his Estate should be restor'd▪ and an Amnesty given for what was past; for the performance whereof, they solemnly interpos'd their Faith. Alexander acquainted Glocester with the thing, who was very friendly,Alexander is reconciled to the King, returns into his own Country and is made Regent. and did dismiss him thereupon, and so he return'd into his own Country; where, in the next Assembly of Estates, he was made Regent, by an unanimous Consent, and presently a Proposition was made concerning raising the Siege of Berwick. The wiser sort were of Opinion, that in so dangerous a time, when things were thus unsetled by reason of Domestick Seditions, that if the Enemy were quiet, yet Storms would rise amongst themselves, that it was best to clap up a Peace upon any Terms; for they saw plainly, that if they should have the better of so powerful an Enemy, yet it would rather provoke, than dishearten, him; but if they themselves were overcome, it was uncertain, how an Enemy, fierce by Nature, and further elevated by Success, would use his Victory; Some that were more hot-spirited than they had then any Reason for, did oppose this Opinion, yet it was carry'd in the Parliament. After many Conditions were canvast to and fro, at length 'twas agreed,Be [...]wick Cast [...]e surrendered to the Eng [...]ish. That on the 26th of August 1482. the Castle of Berwick should be surrendred up to the English, and a Truce was made for a few Months, till they could have more time to Treat of a Peace. Thus Berwick was lost, after it had been enjoy'd by the Scots 21 Years, since they last recovered it. Then the Duke of Glocester ▪ having made a prosperous Expedition, return'd in Triumph Home.

Edward, by the Advice of his Council,The intended Marriage be-Iames's Son, and Edward's Daughter, Null'd, and the Dowry repaid. judg'd it more for the advantage of England, to nullifie the Marriage, for he fear'd that the Intestine Discords of the Scots were so great, that possibly the Issue of Iames might lose the Crown; and if Alexander were made King, be hoped to have a Constant and Faithful Ally of him, in regard of the great Kindness he had receiv'd at his Hands. Hereupon, an Herauld was sent to Edinburgh, to renounce the Affinity, and to demand the Repayment of the Dowry; when he had declar'd his Errand publickly on the Twenty Fifth of October, the Scots obtained a Day for the Payment thereof, and restor'd it to a Penny; and withal, they sent some to convoy the Herald, as far as Berwick. Alexander, that he might extinguish the Remainders of the Old Hatred of his Brother against him, and so obtain new Favour by a new Courtesie, brought him out of the Castle, and restor'd him to the free Possession of his Kingdom. But the memory of old Offences prevail'd more with his Proud Huffing Spirit, than This of his late Courtesie: Moreover, besides the Kings own Jealousies, there were Those who did daily calumniate him, and buzz into the Kings Ear his too great Popularity, as if now 'twas very Evident, that he affected the Kingdom; he,Alexander disgusted, condemned, and flees to England. being advis'd by his Friends, that Mischief was hatching against him at Court, fled privately into England, and gave up the Castle of Dunbar to Edward. In his absence, he was Condemn'd. The Crimes objected [Page] against him, were, First, That he had often sent Messengers into England, and then, that he had retir'd thither himself, without obtaining a Pass-port from the King, and that there he joined in Counsel against his Country, and his Kings Life. All the other of his Partizans were pardon'd, and amongst the rest, William Creighton, who was accus'd not only to have been an Abettor of his designs against his Country, but also the chief Author and Instigator of him, thereunto. But after he had obtain'd Pardon for what was past, he was again accus'd, that he did incourage Alexander, by his Advice and Counsel; after he was Condemned, frequent Letters passing between them, by the means of Thomas Dickson a Priest; and that he had caus'd his Castle of Creighton to be Fortified against the King, and commanded the Garison Soldiers not to surrender it up to the King's Forces.Creighton condemned, with the Reasons, why? Hereupon, he was summoned to appear the 13th Day of February, in the Year 1484. but he, not appearing, was outlawed, and his Goods Confiscate. These were the Causes of his Punishment, mentioned in our publick Records. But, 'tis thought, that the Hatred the King had conceiv'd against him, upon a private Occasion, did him the most Mischief of all. It was this, William had a very beautiful Wife, of the Noble Family of the Dunbars; when her Husband found, that the King had had the use of her Body, he undertook a Project, which was rash enough in it self, but yet not unproper for a Mind sick of Love, and also provok'd by such an Injury, as his was; for he himself lay with the King's young Sister, a beautiful Woman, but ill spoken of for her too great Familiarity with her Brother, and on her he begot Margarite Creighton, who died not long since. In the interim, Creighton's Wife died at his own House; and the King's Sister, whom, as I said, the King had vitiated, was so much in Love with William, that she seem'd sometimes to be out of her Wits, for him. The King, partly by the Mediation of William's Friends, and partly being mindful of the Wrong he himself had done him, of the like sort, and being willing also to cover the Infamy of his Sister, under a pretext of Marriage, permitted William to return Home again to Court, upon Condition, that he would Marry her: William was persuaded by his Friends; and, for want of better Counsel, especially since Richard of England was dead, came to E [...]verness, where he had Conference with the King, not long before Both their Deaths, and great Hopes were there given of his Return. His Sepulchre is yet there to be seen. These things were done, at several times, but I have put them together, that so the Thread of my History might not be discontinued and broken off. Let us now return to what was omitted before.

Edward of England died in the Month of April, next after Dunbar was delivered to him, in the Year 1483. leaving his Brother Richard Guardian to his Sons.Edward of England dies, and his Brother Richard made, first Protector, and then King. He was first content with the Name of Protector, and, under that Title, Govern'd England for two Months: but afterwards, having, by several Practises, engaged a great part of the Nobility and Commonalty to his side, he put his Brothers Two Sons in Prison, the Queen and her Two Daughters being forced to retire into a Sanctuary near London; but the next Iune he took upon him the Name and Ornaments of a King.

[Page] Alexander of Albany, and Iames Douglas, being willing to try, how their Countrymen stood affected towards them, came with 500 select Horse to Loch-Maban on Maudlins-day, because a great Fair used, that day, to be there held. There a Skirmish began between the Parties, with inraged Minds on Both sides, and the Success was various, as Aid came in out of the Neighbouring District, either to This, or That, Party. They fought from Noon till Night, and the issue was doubtful, but at last the Victory inclined to the Scots, A Scuffle in Scotland. though it were a Bloody one, as having lost many of their Men; Douglass was there taken Prisoner,On the Northside of Fife, upon the Rive [...] Tay. and sent away by the King to the Monastery of Lindors. Alexander was set on a Horse and escap'd, but staid not in England, long after that. In the mean time, many Incursions were made to the greater Loss of the English, than Benefit of the Scots. Richard was uncertain of the Event of things at home, and withal fear'd his Enemy abroad, for many of the English did favour the Earl of Richmond, who was then an Exile in France, and had sent for him over to undertake the Kingdom, so that Richard was mightily troubled; neither was he less vext with the Guilt of his own Wickedness; and because he saw he could not quell Domestick Seditions, as soon as he hoped, therefore he thought it best to Oblige Foreigners by any Conditions whatsoever, that so, by their Authority and Power, he might be safer at home, and more formidable to his Enemies. For this cause, he sent Embassadors into Scotland, to make Peace, or, at least, a Truce for some years, there he found all things more facile than he could have hoped for. For Iames, who, for his many and notable Crimes, was grievously hated by his own People▪ as well as Richard was by His, willingly gave ear to his Ambassadors; for he hoped, That, if once he had Peace with England, that he could revenge his Wrongs at home at leisure, when England could not be a Refuge to his Opposers. For these Reasons, especially, Both Kings sent some of their Confidents to the Borders, where, after many and long Disputes concerning Compensation for Losses, seeing Peace could not be made,A Truce between Richard of England, and the Scots. by Reason of the Multitudes of Complainants, and the Weakness of their Proofs, they made a Truce for Three Years.

And because Matters could not then be adjusted, for the Difficulties above-mentioned, and also the Straitness of Time; Arbiters were appointed on Both sides, who, together with the Commanders of the Borders, should see all things done according to Equity. One Condition, in the Truce, was set down very intricately, about the Castle of Dunbar to be restor'd to the Scots, for the English interpreted it, that they might keep it; and the Scots, Richard of England [...], and Henry the 7th [...] him. that they might reduce it by Force, notwithstanding the Truce. For when the Scots, after the Expiration of the Six [...]Months allotted, sent Embassadors to Demand the Castle; Richard, by his Letters made them Promises of his Good Will, but he delay'd the Reddition (alleging sometimes This, and sometimes Other things, as an Obstacle in the way) till his Death, which follow'd not long after. He was slain by his Countrymen, and Henry the 7th not yet fully setled in the Throne, when [...]ames laid Siege to the Castle, in a very sharp Winter: The Garison Soldiers, seeing,Dunbar-Castle surrendred to the Scots. that they were not like to have Relief from England, in regard of the [Page] present Distractions, surrendred it up. But Henry being troubled with many Cares, that he might cut off the Occasion of Foreign Wars, and extirpate the Seeds of old Hatred, came to Newcastle upon Tine, from thence he sent Embassadors to Scotland, either to make a perpetual League, or, at least, a long Truce with them; for he being a Man of great Prudence, and having experienc'd many Vicissitudes of things in his Life, did judge it highly conducing to the Establishment of his Kingdom, to make Peace with his Neighbors, and especially with the Scots, because that, ordinarily, those Two Kingdoms did lye at catch for Advantages against each other, and did also nourish Rebels flying thither; yea, and entertain those which were exiled; and maintain Sedition, by giving their Authors hope of Refuge and Supply. And as for Iames, he desir'd nothing more, than to be free from the fear of Strangers, that so he might punish his own disobedient Subjects, as he pleased. And therefore, he kindly receiv'd the Embassadors, and told them, that he desir'd nothing more than a Peace; but his Opinion was, that his Subjects would not yield to it, that either there should be a perpetual Peace, or any long Truce betwixt them; partly, because it was forbid by an Ancient Law, lest, when all Fear of an Enemy was removed, their Minds might languish in Idleness, and the Sinews of their Industry be remitted; and partly, because they could not so suddainly lay down that fierceness of Spirit, which they had acquir'd, by so long Use of Arms. But if they could be brought to This, to yield to a Truce for 6 or 7 Years, he would not have them refuse it. But as for himself,A Truce between the English and Scots for 7 Years. he was willing to maintain a firm and inviolate Peace with them, as long as he liv'd, and he would also take care, that the Truce should be renewed, before the Date of it was quite expired; but he earnestly desired the Embassadors, not to divulge abroad the Discourse, which they had in secret with him, lest his Nobilitie should be more backward to a Pacification, if they saw him to be partial in the Case. When this was told Henry, who knew, in what a tumultuous Case the Affairs of Scotland were,The Death of the Queen of Scots, and how convenient it was for that King to have a Peace; imagining likewise, that he spoke really, and from his Heart, he accepted of the Truce for 7 Years, and so retir'd back to York. In the mean time, the Queen of Scots dyed, a Woman of a singular Beauty and Probity too, and, by her good Graces, she was thought sometimes to have moderated the unbridled Appetites and Efforts of her Husband: Alexander also, the King's Brother, Dyed in France, and of Alexander the King's Brother, who left Two Sons behind them. leaving Two Sons behind him, Alexander, by his First Wife, the Daughter of the Earl of the Orcades, and Iohn by his Second, who was afterward the Regent King of Scotland for some Years.

Iames, having thus setled Peace abroad, and at home being freed from Two troublesome Interrupters of his Designs, return'd to his own Nature; he excluded almost all the Nobility, and had none but Upstarts about him, upon them he bestowed great Honors and Preferments; the Care of all Publick Affairs, and the Ways of getting Money, were Both cast upon them, whilst he himself did wholly immerge him [...]f in Voluptuousness. The Chief of this Court Faction; was, Iohn Ramsy, who was preserv'd at La [...]der, by the King's Request, and then escap'd Punishment. He was grown so insolently [Page] proud, that, not content with the Stewardship of the Houshold, The King again addicts himself to Evil Counsellors, Iohn Ramsy; &c. (which is a Place of prime Honor amongst the Scots) which the King had given him, and many rich Lordships besides, he obtained an Edict, That none but he, and his Retinue, should wear a Sword, or other weapon in those places, where the King Lodg'd, that so, by this means, they might strengthen themselves, and their Retinue, against the Nobility, who kept their distinct and frequent Meetings, by themselves, and walk'd up and down guarded, by reason of the Terror of their Arms. But that Edict made People to hate Ramsy more than fear him, for now, nothing but the Image of perfect Slavery was represented to their Eye. In the mean time, the King meditated nothing more, than how to satisfy himself with the Blood of those Men, who were believ'd to be the Authors of Rebellion against them. And seeing he could not do it by open Force, he thought to effect it by Subtilty, and therefore he fain'd himself to be reconcil'd to This, and to the Other Man, and entertain'd them so courteously, that 'twas even below the Dignity of a Prince so to do; Others, who were eminent in Power, he gave Honors and Largesses to. He made David Lindsy Earl of Craford, Duke of Montross, endeavouring to win him by that means, being so powerful a Man in his Country.The King labours to cajole some of the Nobles, by Honors. As for George Earl of Angus, he had him frequently about him, and, as if he had been wholly receiv'd into his Favour, he acquainted him with his private Designs, yet none of his Rewards and Flatteries could persuade Men, that he was sincere. For They, that knew his Disposition, did not at all doubt, that his Simulation of Benevolence and Respect, tended to no other end, but that he might either apprehend the Nobility, One by One, apart; or else, might set them together by the Ears, one with another; which his Assembling the Chief of the Nobility at Edinburgh made more plainly to appear. For he called Douglas to him into the Castle, and told him, that he had now an Eminent Opportunity to revenge himself, for if the Leaders of the Faction were apprehended, and put to Death, the rest would be quiet; but if he omitted this Opportunity, which was so fairly put into his hands, he could never expect the like again.

Douglas, who knew,He discovers his Design against the Nobles to Douglas. that the Kings Mind was no more reconcil'd to himself than to others, did craftily reason with him, concerning so cruel and so ruinous a Design, alleging, that all Men would judge it to be a base and flagitious Act, [...]f he should hurry so many Noble Persons to Death, without any Hearing or Tryal, to whom he had pardon'd their former Misdoings, and now they also rested secure, in that they had the Publick Faith given them for their Safety.Who dissuades him from such Cruelty. For the fierce Minds of his Enemies would not be broken by the Death of a Few; but rather, if his Faith were once violated, all Hopes of Concord would be cut off; and if once Men despair of Pardon, their Anger will be turn'd into Rage, and from thence a greater Obstinacy and Contempt both of the Kings Authority, and of their own Lives, too, will ensue. But if you will hearken to my Counsel, (said he) I will sh [...]w you a Way, whereby you may salve the Dignity of a King, and yet revenge yourself, too. For I will gather my Friends and Clans together, and so openly, and in the day time, I will lay hold upon them, and then you may try them where you will, and [Page] inflict what Punishment, you please; upon them. This Way will be more creditable, and also much more safe, than if you should set upon them secretly and by night, for then 'twould look, as if they were murder'd by Thieves. The King thought the Earl had been real in what he spake, (for he knew, that he was able to perform what he had promised) and therefore he gave him many Thanks, and more Promises of great Rewards, and so dismist him. He presently acquainted the Nobility with their imminent Danger, and advis'd them to withdraw themselves, as he himself also did. The King, perceiving that his secret Projects were discover'd, from that day forward would trust no Body; but after he had staid a while in the Castle of Edinburgh, he sailed over into the Countries beyond the Forth, for they, as yet, remain'd firm in their Obedience to him, and there levy'd a considerable Force. And the Nobles, who, before,The Nobles Arm against the King, and chuse the Kings Son for their General. had sought his Amendment, not his Destruction, now seeing all Hopes of any Agreement or Concord were cut off, managed all their Counsels for his utter Overthrow and Ruin. Only there was one difficulty which troubled them, and That was, Who should be their General, that, after the King was subdued, might be Regent, or Vice-King, who might be acceptable to the People; and, on the account of the Honour of his Family, would load the Faction with as little Envy, as might be; after many Consultations in the case, at last they pitcht upon the King's Son; He was entised thereunto by the Supervisors and Tutors of his Childhood, and he did it out of this Fear, that, if he refus'd, the Government and Command would pass over to the English, the perpetual Enemies of their Family.

The King, by this time, had past over the Forth, and pitcht his Tents by the Castle of Blackenes, and his Sons Army was not far off, ready for the Encounter,A Temporary Agreement. when, loe! the matter was compos'd by the Intervention of the Earl of Athole, the Kings Uncle; and Athole himself was given up as an Hostage for the Peace to Adam Hepburn, Earl of Bothwel, with whom he remain'd till the Kings Death; But Suspicions increasing on Both sides, the Concord lasted not long; however intercourse of Messengers passed between them, and, at last, the Nobility gave this Answer, ‘That seeing the King did act nothing sincerely,The Nobles insist on the Kings resigning of the Crown. therefore a certain War was better than a treacherous Peace, there was but one Medium left, upon which they could agree: And that was, that the King should resign the Government, and his Son be set up in his Place; and if he would not assent to This, 'twas in vain for him to give himself the Trouble of any more Messages or Disputes.’ The King communicated this Answer to his Embassadors which he sent to the French and to the English, making it his Desire to them, that they would assist him against the Fury of a Few of his Rebellious Subjects,The King sends Embassadors for Foreign Aid. by their Authority; and, if need were, by some Auxiliary Forces, that so they might be reduc'd to their Obedience; for they ought to look upon it as a Common Fortune, and that the Contagion, by this Example, would quickly creep to the Neighbour-Nations: There were also Embassadors sent to Eugenius the Eighth, Pope of Rome, to desire him, that, out of his Fatherly Affection to the Scotish Name, he would send a Legat into Scotland with full Power, by Ecclesiastical Censures, [Page] to compel his Rebellious Subjects to lay down Arms, and obey their King. The Pope writ to Adrian of Castell, then his Legat in England, a Man of great Learning and Prudence, to do his endeavour for the composing the Scotish Affair; but these Remedies were too late. For the Nobles, who were not ignorant, What the King was a doing, and knew, that he was implacable toward them, resolv'd to put it to a Battel, before any more Forces came in to him. And though they had the Kings Son with them, both to countenance their Matters with the greater Grace amongst the Vulgar, and also to shew, that they were not Enemies to their Country, but to their Misled King, only; yet, lest the Hearts of the People might be weakned by the Approach of Foreign Ambassadors, they were solicitous, night and day, how to decide it by a Battel. But the Kings Fearfulness was an hindrance to their hasty Design, who, having levied a great Strength in the Northern Parts of the Kingdom, resolved to keep himself within the Castle of Edinburgh, till those Aids came to him. But he was taken off from that Counsel and Advice, though it seem'd the safest for him, by the Fraud, or, at least, the Simplicity of those about him; for, in regard of the frequent Washes and Firths, which gave delay to those who were coming in to him, they persuaded him to go to Sterlin, the only Place of the Kingdom fit to receive Aids, coming from all Parts thereof. And there he might be as safe, as he was in the Castle of Edinburgh, seeing his Enemies were unprovided of all Materials, requisite for the Storming of Castles; and also he might have his Fleet, which he had rigg'd out against all hazards, to ride in some convenient Harbour, near adjoining. This Counsel seem'd both faithful and also safe, if Iames Shaw, Governor of the Castle,A Battel between the King and the Nobles, where the King is slain. being corrupted by the contrary Faction, had not refus'd to give him entrance, so that the Enemy was almost at his Heels, and, before he knew whither to betake himself, he was forc't, with that Strength which he had, to run the hazard of a Fight. At the beginning, they fought stoutly, and the first Ranks of the Nobility's Army began to give ground, but the Men of Annandale and the Neighbouring Parts, inhabiting the West of Scotland, came boldly up, and having longer Spears than their Adverse Party, they presently routed the Kings Main Battel, he himself was weakned by the Fall of his Horse, and fled to some Water-Mills near the place, where the Battel was fought; his Intent was (as is suppos'd) to get to his Ships, which lay not far off; there he was taken, and a few more with him, and slain; there were Three that persued close after him in his Flight, i. e. Patrick Grey, the Head of his Family, Sterlin Car, and a Priest named Borthwick; 'tis not well known, Which of them gave him his Deaths Wound. When the News of his Death, though as yet not fully certain, was divulg'd through Both Armies, it occasion'd the Conquerors to press less violently upon those who fled away, so that there were the Fewer of them slain. For the Nobles manag'd the War against the King, not against their Fellow Subjects. There was slain of the Kings Party Alexander Cuningham Earl of Glencarn, with some Few of his Vassals and Kindred; but there were many wounded, of Both sides. Thus Iames the Third came to his end, a Man not so much of a bad Disposition by Nature, [Page] as corrupted by ill Custom and Acquaintance.The Character of james III, For, having at first given forth a Specimen of great and notable Ingenuity, and of a Mind truly Royal, he degenerated by degrees, the Boyds being the first Occasion thereof, into all manner of Licentiousness. When the Boyds were taken off, then Persons of the Lowest Sort were his Advisers to all kind of Wickedness; and besides, the Corruption of the Times, and the evil Examples of his Neighbour Kings contributed not a little to his Overthrow and Ruin.And of the Foreign Princes his Contemporaries. For Edward the Fourth in England, Charles in Burgundy, Lewis the Eleventh in France, Iohn the Second in Portugal, had all laid the Foundations of Tyranny, in their respective Kingdoms also. And Richard the Third exercised it most highly, and cruelly, in England. His Death was also branded with this Ignominy, that, in the next Assembly, the whole Parliament voted, that he was justly slain, and Provision was made for all that had born Arms against him, that neither They, nor their Posterity, should be prejudic'd thereby. He died in the Year of our Lord 1488, in the Twenty Eighth Year of his Reign, and the Thirty Fifth of his Age.

The Thirteenth BOOK.

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JAmes the Third being thus slain, near Sterlin, in or about the Month of Iune, they, who were his Contrariants, being as yet uncertain what was become of Him, retreated to Linlithgo. There, Word was brought them, that some Boats had passed to and fro, from the Ships to the Land; and that they had carried off the Wounded Men. Whereupon, a Suspicion arose amongst them that the King himself also was gone a Shipboard; which occasioned them to remove their Camp to Leith: From thence the Prince (for that's the Title of the King of Scot's eldest Son) sent some Agents, to require the Admiral of the Fleet to come ashore to him. His Name was Andrew Wood, he was a Knight,Andrew Wood's Constancy to King Iames the 3d. and being mindful of the King's Kindness towards him, remained constant in his Affection to him, even after he was dead; but he refused to come ashore, unless Hostages were given for his safe Return. Seaton and Flemming, two Noblemen, were appointed as Hostages: When he landed▪ the King's Council asked him, if he knew where the King was? and who were they that he carried off to his Ships after the Fight? As for the King, he told them, he knew nothing of him, but that he and his Brothers had landed out of their Boats, that so they might assist the King and all his good Subjects; but, having endeavoured, in vain, to preserve him, they then returned to the Fleet: He added, if the King were alive, they resolved to obey none but him; but if he were slain, they were ready to revenge his Death: He uttered also many reproachful Speeches against the Rebels; yet nevertheless they sent him away in Safety to his Ships, that so their Hostages might not suffer. When the Hostages were returned, the Inhabitants of Leith were called up to the Council, and pressed by Promises of great Reward, to rig out their Ships, and subdue Andrew Wood. They all in general made answer, that he had two Ships so fitted with all Things for a Fight, and so well furnished with valiant Seamen; and withal, that he himself was so skilful in Naval Affairs, that no ten Ships in all Scotland were able to cope with his Two: So that that Consultation was put off, and they went to Edinburgh. On the Northside of Forth, 2 Miles below Sterlin. There they were fully informed of the King's Death, and appointed a magnificent Funeral to be made for him, at Kambus-Kenneth, a Monastery near Sterlin, on the 25th day of the Month of Iune.

IAMES the IVth, the CV'th King.

IN the Interim, an Assembly was summoned about creating a new King. There were few which came together to perform this Service, and those were mostly of the Party that had conspired against the former King. The new King, at his first entrance sent an Herauld to the Governour of Edinburgh-Castle, for him to surrender [Page] it, which he did, and then he passed over to Sterlin, and that Castle was also delivered up to him by the Garison-Souldiers. When the Vogue was up in England, how troublesom Matters were in Scotland, five Ships were chosen out of that King's Fleet, who entred into the Firth of Forth, and there made havock of the Goods of all Merchants, making many descents on both Shores, they mightily infesting the Maritime Parts; for they expected greater Disturbances on Land, by the sidings of the Scots one against another. For seeing the adverse Party were rather shattered than broken in the late Fight, in regard they were not all there, and of those that were, there were but few slain, they thought a feircer Tempest would have arisen from Minds which yet continued to be inflamed with Hatred and Envy, and which were elevated by confidence in their own Strength. And it encreased the Indignation, that now the power over so many Noble and Eminent Persons was so easily fallen not into the King's, but to a few particular Mens Hands; for, tho the King might retain the Name and Title of a King, yet, being but a Youth of 15 Years old, he did not govern, but was himself governed by those that killed his Father: For the whole management of Matters would reside in Douglas, Hepburne, and Hume; and their Confidence was the more encreased, because all the Shores were infested with the two Fleets, the Scottish and the English. To obviate this Difficulty, first of all, the new King endeavoured to reconcile the Naval Forces to himself, lest when he was absent in the further parts of the Kingdom, to settle Matters there, they should make some stir, or at least should make an entrance for the English, to penetrate far into the Land, and so spoil the Mid-land Countries. Whereupon, when the old King's Death was now publickly divulged abroad, the new One thought, that Andrew Wood would now be more flexible, and therefore he sent for him, giving him the publick Faith for his Security. When he was ashoar he told him, what a great Dishonour, Loss, and publick Shame it was to the whole Nation, that a few English Ships should, in despite of them, ride under their very Noses; and thereupon he drew over Andrew to his Party,Andrew Wood reconciled to K. Iames the 4th. and set him forth, in good Equipage, against the English: Many did advise him, that he would sail an equal number of Ships, at least, against the Enemy, whose Vessels were more and bigger than his. No, says he, I'le have only my own Two. And as soon as the Wind served, he made directly toward the English, who rode before Dunbar. He fought them bravely, took, and brought them all into Leith, and presented their Commanders to the King. Andrew was liberally rewarded by the King,He fights the English Fleet, & overthrows them. and his skill in Sea-fight, with the singular Valour of his Souldiers and Seamen, was highly magnified. And yet there were not wanting some of those sort of Creatures, who do always admire the Atchievments of Kings, whatsoever they be, and if they be Great, yet they view them in a multiplying Glass, who foretold that this Victory did but presage a greater. Mean while the adverse part of the Nobility, sent Messages into all parts of the Kingdom, to persuade the Countrey to rise, and not to endure the present state of Things, nor to suffer so many valiant Men to be illuded by such publick Parricides, who had murdered [Page] one King and held Another in Bondage; yea, who accused the Defenders of the King's Life, as Traitors, whereas they,Some of the Scots Nobility combine against the new King's Party, who were indeed violaters of all divine and human Laws, gave out themselves to be the only Assertors of the Rights of their Country, and Maintainers of its Liberty: Amongst whom the King himself was not a Freeman, in regard he was enforced by them to take Arms against his Father, and his King too, and after he was impiously slain, then to prosecute, by a nefarious War, those who were his Father's Friends, and Defenders of his Life. Many such Discourses they spread abroad amongst the Vulgar, and, to excite a greater Flame of Indignation and Hate, Alexander Forbes, Chief of a Noble Family, carried the King's Shirt upon a Spear (all over bloody, and torn, with the Marks of the Wounds he received) through Aberdeen, and all the chief Towns of the adjacent Country; and, as if it had been by a publick Proclamation, he excited all Men, by the Voice of an Herauld, to rise in Arms to revenge so nefarious a Fact. And Matthew Stewart, Earl of Lennox, a Man of great Wealth and Power, and who by an honest kind of popularity, was equally dear to high and low, was as active in the Countries on this side the Forth; for he raised up the Earls that were his Neighbours, and with a good Force, endeavoured to pass over the Bridge at Sterlin, to join his Associates; but that Bridg being possessed by the King's Forces, he sought to pass over at a Ford, not far from the Rise of the River, at the Foot of Mount Grampias. His Design was discovered to Iohn Drummond, by Alexander Mac-alpin, his Vassal, who had joined himself to the Enemy, by whom also Information was given, that all things were secure and ill-guarded in the Enemies Camp; that every one stragled up and down, as they pleased; that they had no Watch set in convenient places, nor used any Military Discipline at all: Hereupon Drummond, with some Courtiers, and a few Volunteers, who purposely came in to assist him, set upon them as they were asleep; many were killed in their sleep,But are overthrown. the rest run headlong away, without their Arms, and so returned from whence they came; many were taken Prisoners, but by their Friends that knew them, a great part of them were dismissed; they only were severely dealt with, who had either written or spoke more contumeliously than others.

The Joy for this Victory was encreased by the News of another, at the same time, wherein Andrew Wood had prevailed in a Sea-fight against Stephen Bull. For Edward King of England, hearing that five of his Ships were taken by two of the Scots, and those much lesser also than his, was willing to blot out the Infamy of the Thing, and yet could find out no just pretence for a War; yet he called his ablest Sea-Commanders together, he offered them what Ships, and Warlike Furniture they pleased, and so he persuaded them to revenge the Ignominy cast on the English Name, promising them great Rewards, if they could bring Wood to him, alive or dead: But when those, that knew the Valour of the Man, and his prosperous Successes, made some delay in the Case, Stephen Bull, a Knight of known Courage, undertook the Expedition; and Opportunity seemed to favour his Design, because he knew that Wood was shortly [Page] to return out of Flanders, and he thought it would be a matter of no great difficulty to attaque him unawares in his Passage; thereupon he chose out three Ships of the Royal Navy, and equipped them well in all points, and so stood for the Isle of May, an Island uninhabited in the Off the Point of Fife. Bay of Forth, choosing that place for the conveniency of it, because in every side of the Island there is safe riding, and Harbour for Ships; and there the Sea also grows so narrow, that no little Vessel could pass by, without being discovered. Whilst he rode there, he continually kept some of his skilfullest Mariners abroad in Fisher-boats, to watch, and to discover to him his Enemies Ships; he had not rode at Anchor there many days, when lo! Wood's Ships appeared with full Sail making towards him. Bull knew them, and presently weighed Anchor, and as Victor already in his Mind, he prepared himself for the Fight: Wood staid no longer but till his Men had armed themselves, and so made up to him. Thus did these two valiant Commanders engage, as if they had had the Courage of mighty Armies, and they fought so obstinately, till the Night parted the Fray, the Victory inclining to neither side: The next Morning each of them incouraged their Party, and with renewed Strength, went to it again;The manner of the Fight between Andr. Wood and the English Admiral. they cast Iron Hooks (called Grapling Irons) into one anothers Ships, and so fought hand to hand, as if they had been at a Land Fight, and that with so great eagerness, that neither of them took notice of the falling back of the Tide, till they came to the heaps of Sand at the mouth of the River Tay; there the Water being shallower, the great Ships of the English could not be so easily managed, but were forced to a Surrender,Wood's second Victory over the English. and so they were tow'd up against the Stream of the Tay to Dundee, where they staid till the dead were buried, and the wounded were distributed abroad to Chirurgeons for their Cure. This Battel was fought the 10th day of August, in the Year of our Redemption 1490.

A few days after Wood went to the King, and carried with him Stephen Bull, with the other Commanders of the Ships, and the notedst of his Souldiers, which he presented to him: Wood was highly commended by the King for this Exploit, and honourably rewarded. The King freely dismissed the Prisoners and their Ships, and sent them back to their King with an high commendation of their Valour. For in regard they fought for Honour, not for Booty, he therefore would shew, that Valour was to be honoured even in an Enemy.

King Henry, tho he was much aggrieved for the loss of his Men in this unhappy Fight, yet he gave the King of Scots Thanks, and told him that he gratefully accepted his Kindness, and the Greatness of his Mind.

About this time a new kind of Monster was born in Scotland; in the lower part of its Body it resembled a Male Child, not much differing from the ordinary shape of a humane Body newly born;A strange Monster. but above the Navel, the Trunk of the Body and all the other Members were double, representing both Sexes male and female. The King gave special Order for its careful education, especially in Musick, [Page] wherein it arrived to admirable Skill; and moreover it learned several Tongues; and sometimes the two Bodies did discover several Appetites, disagreeing one with another, and so they would quarrel, one liking this, another that; and yet sometimes again they would agree and consult (as it were) in common, for the good of both: This was also memorable in it, that when the Legs and Loins were hurt below, both Bodies were sensible of the Pain in common; but when it was pricked, or otherwise hurt above, the sense of the pain did affect one Body only; which difference was also more perspicuous in its Death; for one of the Bodies died many days before the other; and that which survived, being half putrified, pined away by degrees. This Monster lived twenty eight years, and then died, when Iohn was Regent of Scotland. I am the more confident in relating this Story, because there are many honest and creditable Persons yet alive, who saw this Prodigy with their Eyes.

When the People of the North of Scotland heard of this Naval Victory, they gave over all thoughts of War, and return'd each to his own home. This Tumult and Broil being so easily quieted, the King applied his Mind, not only to quell all Seditions for the present, but also to prevent all occasions of them for the future; he summoned his First Parliament to be held at Edinburgh, K. Iames the 4th his first Parliament. the 6th day of November; there many wholesom Laws were made for the Establishing of publick Concord; and to the end that Peoples minds might the better agree in the general, the Fault was cast but upon a few particular Persons, and the punishments were either very easy, or else wholly remitted. When a Dispute arose concerning the lawfulness of the War, Iohn Lyon, Lord A Castle lying 4 miles South off F [...]r [...]ar in Angus. Glames, rose up, and shewed several Heads of Articles, which the Nobles had formerly sent to the King in order to a Pacification, to which Iames the third had often both assented and subscribed; and that indeed he had struck up a Peace with his Nobles upon those Terms, unless some evil Counsellors had drawn away his Mind therefrom, and so perswaded him to call in the old Enemy to fight against his own Subjects. And by reason of this his Inconstancy, the Earls of Huntly, Arrol, Earl of Marshal, and Lyons himself, with many other noble Persons, had forsaken him at that time, and had set up Iames the 4th his Son, as being a great Lover of the publick Peace and Welfare. After a long dispute, at last they all consented to a Decree, wherein those that were slain in the Battel of Sterlin, were affirmed to have been cut off by their own Default, and that their Slaughter was just; and that they who had took up Arms against the Enemies of the Publick, though covering their hidden Fraud under honest pretences, were guilty of no Crime, nor consequently liable to any Punishment. All who had Votes in the Assembly, subscribed to this Decree, that so they might give a better account of the Fact to Foreign Embassadors, who they heard were a coming. Many other Statutes were then also made, to restore to the Poor what had been taken violently from them; to inflict light Mulcts on the Rich, and to indemnify both Parties: That their taking up of Arms at that time might never turn to the Prejudice of them or their Posterity. The Commendation of Iames the 4th. This Moderation of Spirit [Page] was highly commended in a young King, of but fifteen Years old, and who was also a Conqueror, and had the Command of all; but it was further heightned by his Benignity and Faithfulness in performing his Promises; to which may be added (which the Vulgar do most admire) that he was of a graceful well-set Body, and also of a vivid and quick Apprehension; so that by his using this Victory, neither with Avarice nor Cruelty, and by his real pardoning of Offendors, in a short time there grew up a great Concord amongst both Factions, both of them equally striving to shew their Love and Duty to the King. A few only, who were most obstinate, were mulct with a small Fine, or with the loss of part of their Estates, but none at all were deprived of their whole Patrimony; neither were the Fines brought into the King's Exchequer, but expended on the Charges of the War. This his Royal Clemency was the more grateful,His Clemency. because Men did yet retain fresh in their Memories, upon what slight occasions in the former King's Reign, many eminent Men were outed of All; and how much inferior to them those were, who came in their places. Moreover, to engage the chief Leaders of the contrary Faction to a greater Fidelity, he joyned them in Bonds of Affinity to himself; for whereas his Aunt had two Daughters, begot by several Husbands, he married Gracina Boyd to Alexander Forbes, and Margaret Hamilton to Matthew Stuart. Thus in a short time the Minds of all were reconciled, and a pleasant Peace and Tranquillity did ensue; yea, as if Fortune had submitted her self to be an Handmaid to the King's Virtues, there was so great an encrease of Grain and Fruits of the Earth, as if a Golden Spring had suddenly started up, out of a more than Iron Age. Thus, after the King had suppressed Robberies by Arms,His sorrowful Resentment for his Fathers Death. and other Vices by the Severity of the Laws; lest he might seem a sharp Avenger of others, but indulgent to himself; and withal, to make it appear, that his Father was slain against his Will, he wore an Iron Chain about his Waste as long as he lived, and every Year he added one Link thereunto; and tho this Practice might seem formidable to those that were the Causers of his Father's Death; yet they had such Confidence, either in the Gentleness of the King's Disposition, or in their own Power, that it occasioned no Insurrection at all.

Amidst this publick Jubilee, and also the private Rejoycings of particular Persons, about the seventh Year of the King's Reign, Peter Warbeck came into Scotland: Peter Warbeck (some call him Perkin) comes into Scotland. But before I declare the Cause of his coming, I must fetch things something further back.

Margaret the Sister of Edward the fourth King of England, having married Charles Duke of Burgundy, she endeavoured all the ways she could,His Story. if not to overthrow, yet at least to vex Henry the Seventh, the Leader of the contrary Faction; In order whereunto she raised up one Peter Warbeck, as a Competitor for the Kingdom; he was a Youth born of mean Parentage at A Town in Flanders, standing on the Bank of the S [...]ld. Tornay, a City of the A Gallo-Belgick People possessing [...]. Nervii, but of such Beauty, Ingenuity, Stature of Body, and Manliness of Countenance, that he might easily be believed to have been descended of a Royal Stock. And by reason of his Poverty, he had travelled up and down in several [Page] Countries, (so that he was known but by very few of his own Relations) and there he had learned several Languages, and had hardened himself to all kind of bold and impudent Carriage; when Margarite (who was intent on all occasions to disturb the Peace of England) had got this Youth, she kept him a while privately by her, till she had informed him with what Factions England laboured at that time, what Friends and what Enemies she had there; in a word, she made him acquainted with the whole Genealogy of the Royal Progeny, and what Happinesses or Misfortunes had attended each of them. When things seemed thus to be somewhat ripe, she was resolved to try Fortune, and took private order, that he should be sent, in a decent Equipage, first into Portugal, then into Ireland; there he had a great Concourse of People flock'd about him, and was received with huge Applause, as the Son of King Edward of England, either because his own Disposition, assisted also by Art, was inclined to Dissimulation; or because being there amongst wild Kerns, he was soon likely to raise great Stirs and Tumults. When a War brake forth suddenly betwixt the French and the English, he was called for out of Ireland by Charles the Eighth, and had great Promises made him; so that coming to Paris, he was there honourably received in the Garb and Equipage of a Prince, and had a Guard appointed him; yea, the English Exiles, who were numerous at that Court, put him in a sure hope of the Kingdom. But that Tumult being quieted, upon Terms, he departed privately out of the Court of France, for fear lest he should have been delivered up, and so retired to Flanders, there he was highly caressed by Margaret, as if it were the first time that ever she had seen him,Warbeck set up by Margaret Dutchess of Burgundy. and was diligently shewed to all the Courtiers, and several times in the hearing of many of them, he was desired to relate the Story of all his Adventures. Margarite, as if this were the first time she had ever heard it, did so accommodate her dissembled Affections in compliance with each part of his Discourse, both when he related his Successes and also his Misfortunes, that every body thought, she believed what he had spoken to be certainly true.

After a day or two, Peter was desired to go abroad in the habit of a Prince, and had thirty Men to be his Guard, wearing a white Rose, (which is the Badg of the York-Faction amongst the English) and so was every where declared as the undoubted Heir of the Crown of England. When these things were divulged, first in Flanders, afterward in England, the Minds of Men were so stirred up, that a great concourse of People flock'd in to him, not only of those who lurked in Holes and Sanctuaries for fear of the Laws, but even of some Noble-men, whom their present State did not please, or who desired Innovations. But when a longer delay, which Peter hoped would bring in more Force to him, was likely to abate his present Strength, if he were discovered to be a Counterfeit, therefore he determined to try his Fortune in a Fight; so that, having gotten a pretty great Party together, he landed some few of them in Kent, to try the Affections of the Kentish-men, but in vain. [Page] All those, who landed, were taken, so that he was forced to steer his course for Ireland; and there also he met not with the entertainment he hoped for; so that he sailed over into Scotland, well knowing, that Peace betwixt Scotland and England never used to continue very long. He being admitted into the King's Presence, made a lamentable complaint of the Ruin of the York-Family, and what miserable Calamities he himself had suffered; and therefore he earnestly besought him, to vindicate Royal Blood from such contumely and shame. The King bid him be of good chear, and promised he should shortly find, That he had not desired his help, in his Distresses, in vain. A few days after a Council was called, where Peter made a sad Story of his Misfortunes, That he being born of a King, the most Flourishing of his Time, and that of the highest hopes too, was left destitute, by the untimely death of his Father,Warbeck's feigned Harangue of himself. and so was like to have fallen into the Tyrannical Hands of his Uncle Richard, before he was sensible almost what Misery was. That his Elder Brother was cruelly murdered by him, but that he himself was stolen away by his Father's Friends, so that now he durst not live, no not a poor and precarious Life, even in that Kingdom of which he was the lawful Heir. That he had so miserably lived amongst Foreign Nations, that he preferred the Condition of his deceased Brother before his own, in regard he was snatch'd away from all further Calamity by a suddain and violent Death: That he himself was reserved, as the ridicule of Fortune, and that his Sorrow had not that alleviation, that he durst bewail his miserable State amongst Strangers, to incline them to pity him; for after he had begun openly to profess what he was, Fortune had assaulted him with all her Darts; and, to his former Miseries, had added a daily fear of Treachery, for his crafty Enemy had sometimes tampered with those who entertained him, to take away his Life; and sometimes he had privily suborned his Subjects, under the name of Friends, to discover his secret Designs, to corrupt his true Friends, and to find out his secret ones, and to calumniate his Stock and Pedigree, by false Accusations amongst the Vulgar; to reproach his Aunt Margaret, and those English Nobles that owned him; and yet notwithstanding, that she, being supported by a good Conscience against the revilings of Enemies, and also out of compassion to her own Blood, had supported him in his low Estate with her Assistance. But at last, when he perceived that he could not have Aid enough from her to recover his Kingdom, (being a Widow, and old too) he had solicited Neighbour-Kings and Nations, desiring them to respect the common Chances of Man's Life, and not to suffer Royal Blood to be oppressed by Tyrannical Violence, and so himself to pine away with Grief, Fear, and Misery; and that he, though so the present, afflicted with great Evils, yet was not so dejected in his Mind, but that he hoped the time would come, that being restored to his Kingdom by the Aid of his Friends, (of whom he had many both in England and Scotland) he should be able to consider every particular Man's Service, and reward him accordingly; especially if the Scots would join their Forces with His, and if ever he was restored [Page] to his Kingdom by their Arms, they should soon understand, that they had won a fast Friend, and that at such a time too, when the trial of true Friendship is wont to be made; for he and his Posterity would be so gratefully mindful of the Obligation, that they would ever acknowledg, that the accession of his better Fortune was due to them alone. Besides, he added many things in praise of the King, part of them true, and part accommodated to their present Condition.

Having thus said, he held his Peace: but the King called him up to him, and bid him, Take Heart, for he would refer his Demands to the Council, whose Advice, in Grand Affairs, he must needs have; yet, however they did determine, he promised him faithfully, That he should not repent that he made His Court his Sanctuary. Upon this Peter quitted the Assembly, and the Matter being put to a debate, the wiser sort,The Scots Council cajol'd by Warbeck. who had most experience in State-Affairs, thought it best to reject the whole Business, either because they judg'd he was a Counterfeit, or else, that they foresaw there would be more Danger by the War, than Advantage by the Victory, tho' they were sure of it. But the major part, either through unskilfulness in Affairs, or inconstancy of Spirit, or else to gratify the King, argued that Peter's Cause was most just, and that they greatly pittied the Man: they added also, That now Matters were in some confusion in England, and Mens Minds were yet fluctuating, after the Civil War, and therefore it was good to lay hold of this Opportunity; and that which the English were wont to do to them, they themselves ought to try for once, to make use of the Enemies Distractions for their own Advantage; yea, they foretold a Victory, preconceived in their Minds, before they had put on their Armour; especially, if great Forces of the English came in to join them; nay, if they should not come in in such Numbers as they hoped, yet one of these two things must necessarily follow, That either they should conquer Henry, and so settle this new King on his Throne; who, in recompence for so great a Benefit, must needs grant them all that they desired: Or, if they could end the Matter without Blows, yet Henry, upon the quelling Domestick Tumults, not being yet fully settled in his Throne, would submit to what Conditions they pleased: But if he refused so to do, when War was once begun, many advantages might offer themselves, which now were unforeseen.

This was the Opinion of the major part, and the King himself inclined to them, and his Vote drew in the rest. And after this, he treated Peter more honourably than before, gave him the Title of Duke of York; and, as such, shewed him to the People.K. Iames marries Katherine Gordon, his Kinswoman, to Warbeck, and assists him with an Army against England. And not contented herewith, he gave him Katharine Gordon, Daughter to the Earl of Huntly, to Wife, a Woman of as great Beauty as Nobility of Stock, by this Affinity erecting him to hopes of thriving, and bettering his Condition. And therefore by Advice of his Council, he levied an Army, and marched for England; first of all carrying it warily, and having his Troops ready to engage, if any suddain Assault should be made upon him. But afterwards, when he understood by his Spies, that the Enemy had no Army in the Field, he [Page] sent out Parties to Plunder, and in a short time wasted almost all Northumberland, and the Countries thereabout. He staid some days in those Parts, and not an English-Man stirred, in behalf of Peter: And it being told him, that an Army was levying against him in the adjacent Counties, he thought it dangerous to venture his Souldiers, who were loaden with Booty, against the new and fresh Forces of the English, and therefore he resolved to return into Scotland, and there to leave their Booty; and as soon as the time of the Year would permit, to undertake a new Expedition. Neither did he fear that the English would follow him in his retreat, for he knew that new-raised Souldiers would not be long kept together, neither would they make after him, if they could, through a Country so lately harassed and desolated by the Wars; especially, having no Provisions prepared before-hand. And besides, Peter was afraid, that in regard none of the English came in to him, as he hoped, that if he staid any longer in his Enemies Country, his Cheat would be discovered, so that he himself seemed to approve of the King's Resolution, came cunningly to him, and composing his Speech and Countenance so, as might best move Compassion, he humbly besought him, That he would not make such Havock in a Kingdom that was his own by Right; and that he would not so cruelly shed so much Blood of his Subjects, for no Kingdom in the World was of so much worth to him, as for its sake to have his Peoples Blood so largely spilt, and his Country so wasted with Fire and Sword, to procure it. The King began now to smell out and understand,K. Iames begins to smell out Warbeck's Cheat. whither this unseasonable Clemency did tend, and therefore told him, That he feared he would preserve that Kingdom, in which not a Man did own him as a Subject, much less as a King, not for himself, but for his Capital Enemy; and so by common consent they returned Home, and the Army was disbanded.

Henry being made acquainted with the Invasion, and also the Retreat of the Scots, appointed an Expedition against them the Year after, and in the mean time levied a great Army; and that he might not be idle in the Winter-time, he summons a Parliament, who approved of his Design to make War on Scotland, and granted a small Subsidy upon the People for that end.Henry of England prepares an Army against Scotland. That Tax raised up a greater flame of War upon him at Home, than that which he designed to quench Abroad. For the Commonalty complained that their Youth and Souldiery were exhausted by so many Wars, and Impressments, which had been made within these few Years, that their Estates were impaired, and ran very low: But the Nobles and Counsellors to the King, were so far from being moved with these Calamities,An Insurrection in England, prevents K. Henry's Design against Scotland at that time. that they sought to create new Wars in a time of Peace, that so they might impose new Taxes on them, who were already in great Want and Necessity; and thus, whom the Sword had not consumed, Famine and Poverty would. These were the publick Complaints of all the Commons: but the Cornish were more enraged than all the rest, for they, inhabiting a Country which is in great part barren, are wont rather to gain than lose by Wars: And therefore, that warlike People, having been accustomed rather to encrease their Estates by Military Spoils, than to lessen them by paying [Page] Taxes and Rates, first of all rose against the King's Officers and Collectors, and slew them; and then, being conscious that they had engaged themselves in so bold an Attempt, that there was no retreat, nor hopes of Mercy, the Multitude flocking in daily more and more to them with Arms in their hands, they began their march towards London. But 'tis not my Business to prosecute the Story of this Insurrection, it is enough for my purpose to tell you, that the King was so busied this whole Year by the Cornish, that the Army which he had designed against Scotland, he was enforced to employ against them.

In the mean time, Iames, foreseeing, That Henry would not let the Injuries of the former Year pass unrevenged, and being also informed by his Intelligencers, That he was raising great Forces against him, He, on the other side, levied an Army, to the intent, That if the English invaded him first,K. Iames invades England, but to little purpose. he might be in a posture to defend himself; if not, then he himself would make an inroad into his Enemies Country, and there so waste and destroy the bordering Counties, that the Soil (poor enough of it self) should not afford sufficient Necessaries, even for the very Husbandman. And hearing of the Cornish Insurrection, he presently began his march, and entered England with a great Army, dividing his Forces into two parts; one went towards Durham to ravage that Country, and with the rest he besieged Norham, a strong Castle scituated on a very high Hill, by the River Tweed. But neither here nor there was there any thing considerable done: For Richard Fox, Bishop of Durham, a very prudent Person, foreseeing, that the Scots would not omit the Opportunity of attempting somewhat during the civil Broils in England, had fortified some Castles with strong Garisons, and had taken care that the Cattle, and all other driveable and portable things should be conveyed unto places, either safe by Nature, or made so by the vicinity of Moors & Rivers. And moreover he sent for the Earl of Surry, who had great Forces in Yorkshire, to assist him; and therefore the Scots only burnt the Country, and not being able to take Norham, which was stoutly defended by those within, raised the Siege, and without any considerable Action returned Home. The English followed them not long after, and demolished In the Mers on the River Aye, a mile above Aymouth. Aytown, a small Castle, seated almost in the very Borders, and he returned out of their Enemies Country, without any memorable performance also.

Amidst these Commotions, both foreign and domestick, Peter Hialas, a Man of great Wisdom, and, as those Times were, not unlearned, arrived in England; he was sent by Ferdinand and Isabel, King and Queen of Spain. The purport of his Embassy was,An Embassador form Spain to England. That Katharine, their Daughter, might marry Arthur King Henry's Son, and so a new Affinity and Friendship might be contracted betwixt them. The English did willingly embrace the Affinity, and therefore were desirous to finish the War with Scotland; and because Henry thought it was below his Dignity to seek Peace at the Scots Hands, he was willing to use him as a Mediator.Who mediates a Peace between Scotland and England. Peter willingly undertook the Business, and came into Scotland; there he plied Iames with several Arguments, and at last made him inclinable [Page] to a Peace; and then he wrote to Henry, That he hoped a good Peace would be agreed without any great difficulty, if he pleased to send down some Eminent Person of his Council, to accord the Conditions. Henry, as one that had often tried the inconstancy of Fortune, and that the Minds of his Subjects were grown fierce by these late Tumults, as being rather irritated than wholly suppressed, commanded Richard Fox, who resided in his Castle at Norham, to join Counsels with Hialas. These Two had many Disputes about the Matter with the Embassadors of Scotland, at The chief Town in Tividale, standing on the West of the River Ied. Iedburgh, and after many Conditions had been mutually proposed, they could agree upon nothing. The chiefest Impediment was, The demand of Henry, that Peter Warbeck should be given up to him, for he judged it to be a very reasonable Proposition, in regard he was but a Counterfeit, and had been already the Occasion of so much Mischief. Iames peremptorily refused so to do, alledging, That it was not honourable in him to surrender up a Man of the Royal Progeny, who came to him as a Suppliant; whom he had also made his Kinsman by Marriage, against his Faith given to him, to be made a Laughing-stock by his Enemies. And thus the Conference broke off; yet the hopes of an Agreement were not altogether cast off, for a Truce was made for some months, till Iames could dismiss Warbeck, upon Honourable Terms, according to his Promise.

For now, by the Conference with the English, and other evident Indications, it plainly appeared, that the Tale concerning Peter's State and Kindred was a mere Falsity, and therefore the King sent for him, and told him, what singular good Will he had born him, and how many Courtesies he had bestowed upon him, of which he himself was the best Witness; as first, That he had undertaken a War against a Potent King for his sake; and had now managed it a second Year, to the great Inconvenience of his Enemy, and the Prejudice of his own Subjects. That he had refused an Honourable Peace, which was freely offered him, merely because he would not surrender him up to the English; and thereby he had given great Offence, both to his Subjects and his Enemy too; so that now, he neither could, nor would, any longer withstand their Desires. And therefore, whatever might ensue, whether Peace or War, he desired him to seek out some other and fitter Place for his Banishment, for he was resolved to make Peace with the English; and when it was once solemnly made, to observe it as religiously; and to remove from him whatsoever might be an Impediment or Disturbance thereto: Neither ought he to complain, That the Scots had forsaken him, seeing the English had done so first, in confidence of whose Assistance the Scots had begun the War: And yet, notwithstanding all these Circumstances, he was resolved to accommodate him with Provisions, and other Necessaries, to put to Sea.

Warbeck was mightily troubled at his unexpected dismission; yet he remitted nothing of his dissimulated height of Spirit, but in a few days,Warbeck dismist out of Scotland. sailed over into Ireland with his Wife and Family: From whence soon after he passed into England, and there joined [Page] himself with the Reliques of the Cornish Rebels: but after many Attempts, being able to do no good, he was taken;Taken and hanged in England. and having confessed all the Pageantry of his former Life, he ended his days in an Halter.

The Seminary of War between England and Scotland being almost extinguished, and a great likelihood of Peace appearing, behold, there arose a great Ebullition of Spirit, upon a very light occasion, which had almost broken out into a fierce War. Some Scottish Youths went over to the Town of Norham, which was near to the Castle, (as they were oft wont to do in Times of Peace) there to recreate themselves in Sports and Pastimes, and to junket together with their Neighbours, as if they had been at Home, for there was but a small River, which divided them.A War like to arise on a small Occasion betwixt England & Scotland; but accommodated by Fox Bp. of Durham. The Garison in the Castle, out of the Rancour, yet lodging in their Breasts since the former War, and being also provoked by some passionate words, accused those Scots, as Spies, and so from Words they came to Blows; many were wounded on both sides, and the Scots being fewer in number, were forced to return Home with the loss of some of their Company. This Business was often canvassed in the Meetings, between the Lords of the Marches; and at last Iames was very angry, and sent an Herald to Henry, to complain of Breach of Truce, and how unconstant the English were in keeping Covenant; and unless Satisfaction were given, according to the just Laws, which were made by general Consent, about restitution betwixt the Borderers, he commanded him to denounce War against him. Henry had been exercised by the Violence of Fortune, even from his Cradle, and therefore was more inclined to Peace: his Answer was, That whatever was done of that kind, was against his Will, and without his Knowledg; and if the Garison-Souldiers had offended in the Case, by their Temerity, he would take order, That Examination should be made, and that, the Leagues being kept inviolate, the Guilty should be punished. But this was slowly done, and Iames looked upon the Answer, as dilatory, that so Punishment might be deferred, and the Sentiment thereof worn out with Time; and therefore it rather provoked than satisfied Iames. But Richard Fox, Bishop of Durham, who was owner of the Castle, being much troubled, that an occasion of breaking the League should be administred by any of his Tenants; to prevent it, sent several Letters to Iames, full of great submission, modesty, and civility, which so inclined the Mind of Iames, that he wrote him word back, that he would willingly speak with him, not only about the late Wrongs done, but also about other Matters which might be advantagious to both Kingdoms. Fox acquainted his King herewith, and, by his Consent, he waited upon Iames at Mulross in Tiviot-dale on a bare Promon [...]ory on Tweed side, three Miles below its confluence with Gala. Mulross, where he then was. There Iames made a grievous Complaint of the Injury acted at Norham; yet by the prudent and grave discourse of Fox, he was so pacified, that for Peace-sake, of which he shewed himself very desirous, he remitted the Offence. Other things were acted privately betwixt them; but it appeared afterward, that the Sum of them was this, That Iames did not only desire a Peace, but (both before, and also [Page] now) an Affinity with Henry, and a stricter Bond of Union: And if Henry would bestow his Daughter Margaret upon him in Marriage,A Conference between King Iames and R. Fox Bp of Durham, concerning the Marriage of King Henry's Daughter Margaret to Iames. he hoped that the thing would be for the benefit of both Kingdoms; and if Fox, whose Authority he knew to be great at home, would but do his Endeavour to accomplish the Affinity, he did not doubt but it would be soon effected. He freely promised his Endeavour, and coming to the Court of England, acquainted the King with the Proposition, and thereupon gave hopes to the Scots Embassadors, that a Peace would easily be accorded betwixt the two Kings. Thus at length, three Years after, which was An. 1500, even about one and the same time Margaret, Henry's Eldest Daughter,Which took Effect. was betrothed to Iames the IVth, and also Katharine, Daughter to Ferdinand of Spain, to Arthur, Henry's Eldest Son, and their Marriages were celebrated with great Pomp the next Year after.

After the Marriage all things were quiet, and the Court turned from the Study of Arms to Sports and Pastimes, so that there was nothing but Masks, Shews, Feastings, Dancings, and Balls; it was as a continued Jubilee, and, upon that account, every day was as an Holy-day: There were also Horse-Tiltings, frequently made, mostly according to the French Mode, betwixt which (as Tragical Acts) there intervened the Challenges of Moss-Troopers one of another, who were wont to live upon Spoil; which Sport the King was well pleased to behold, because he judged that the killing of them was a Gain to him. When the noise of these Tourneaments came to Foreign Nations, many Strangers, and especially from France, came daily over to shew their Prowess, who were all liberally entertained by the King, and as bountifully d [...]smissed. Neither did he rest in these ludicrous Exercises, but he laid out a great deal of Mony upon Building, at Sterlin, Falkland, and sundry other places, and especially in building of Monasteries; but his Cost about Ships was greatest of all, for he built three stately ones of a great Bulk, and many also of a middle Rate; one of his great ones was to admiration, the biggest that ever any Man had seen sail on the Ocean,A vast Ship built by King Iames. it being also furnished with all manner of costly Accommodations; our Writers have given a Description of it (which I pass over) and the Measure of it is kept in some places: but the Greatness of it appeared by this, That the News thereof stirred up Francis King of France, and Henry the 8th King of England, each of them to build a Ship in imitation thereof, and each endeavouring to out-vie the other; when their Ships were finished and fitted with all necessaries for sailing, and brought to Sea, they were so big, that they stood there like unmoveable Rocks, unfit for any use.

These Works being very expensive, did exhaust Iames his Treasure, so that he was forced to devise some new ways to get Mony, and amongst the rest, he pitched upon one, by the Perswasion, as it was thought, of William Elphinstone, Bishop of Aberdeen, which was very displeasing to all the Nobility. Amongst the Tenures of Land in Scotland, this is one kind, by which the Owner holds what he buys, or else is given him, on these Terms, That if he [Page] dye and leave his Son and Heir under Age,Wardship a Badg of Slavery. The Wardship of him should belong to the King, or to some other Superior Lord; yea and all the Revenue is to be received by him, till the Heir come to the age of 21 Years. There is also another Badg of Slavery annexed to this Hold, that if an Owner do sell above half his Estate, without the consent of the chief Lord, then he is to forfeit the whole to him. This Law was introduced by Court-Parasites, to advance the King's Exchequer: but being looked upon as unjust, had lain dormant a long time; but the King, being informed that Money might be got out of the Violators of it, commanded it to be put in Execution: that Process, they call Recognition. Recognition, what? This way of raising Money by the King, tho it outed no Man of his whole Estate, yet was a greater Grievance to the Country, than his Father's Covetousness had been, for the Wrong redounded to very many, and to the worthiest People most; because under the two last Kings, by reason of their Forreign, and also of their Civil Wars, the Memory of that Law was almost quite abolished; and thereupon,Wardship disused. by reason of this new Project, they were enforced either to redeem their Lands from the Officers of the King's Exchequer, or else to relinquish part of them. And yet the love of the Subjects towards their King was so great, that, tho they suffered great Inconvenience thereby, his other Vertues gave him such a Reverence amongst them, that their Indignation did not proceed to an actual Rising in Arms.

But when the King set no bounds to his Expences, neither were there some Flatterers (a perpetual mischief to Courts) wanting;K. Iames's resolution [...] Ierusalem. who covered this vitious Excess under the plausible Names of Splendour and Magnificence: Hereupon he determined to undertake a Voyage into Syria, that so he might put an end to his vast Expence, (which he could not continue without Ruin, nor yet give over without Shame) and so, by his Absence, to abridg it. He made an honest Pretence for his Journey, that it was to expiate the Fault he had committed in bearing Arms against his Father. And indeed he had given some evidence of his Penitence (whether true, or pretended) upon this account, from the very beginning of his Reign, (as I said before) and he would often speak of it in his common Discourse. He had rigged a Navy for this Voyage, and had nominated the chief of his Retinue; and had acquainted his Neighbour-Kings, by his Ambassadours, of his Intent; and many of his Followers, as if they had obliged themselves by the same Vow, suffered the Hairs of their Heads and Beards to grow at length; and, it was thought he would immediately have taken Ship, if some Hinderances had not intervened, even whilst he was most intent on his Journey: For, at that time,The execution of it prevented, and how. there arose a vehement Suspicion of a War like to ensue betwixt France and England, for Henry did not like the Successes of the French in Italy; and, besides, he was solicited by Iulius the 2d, then Pope, and by Ferdinand of Spain, his Father-in-Law, to join with them; and with the Venetians, Swiss, and Maximilian too (tho he did regulate his Councils ordinarily according to Events): for it was likely, that the Conjunctions [Page] of so many Nations against France, would almost swallow it up.

The King of England, being in the prime of his Age, and elevated much in the sense of the Power of his Kingdoms, and also being very willing to be in Action, was desirous to enter into this Confederacy, but wanted a fair Pretence to fall out with France. But both of them knew one anothers Designs, by their Spies, and when France could not be persuaded to desist from warring against the Pope, who was Henry's Friend, at length an Herauld was sent into France, to demand Normandy, Aquitain, and Anjou, (as the old Possessions of the English) in France. But in regard France was not moved by these Threats neither, to intermit the War in Italy, hereupon Henry denounced War against him, and sent an Army into

On the North-west of Spain, in the Cantabrian Ocean.

Henry of England wars against France.

Biscay, to join his Father-in-Law Ferdinand, and he himself prepared for an Expedition into France.

Now Iames of Scotland, tho he resolved to side with neither of them, yet, as more inclinable to the French, he sent his Navy aforementioned, as a Present to Ann Queen of France, that so it might seem rather as a mark of his Friendship, than any real Assistance, for Military Action. And moreover, the Scots Clergy, who were used to French Largesses, were willing to shew themselves in behalf of Lewis of France; and seeing they durst not openly do it, they sought out occasions to alienate the King's Mind from the English.

In order hereto, Andrew Forman, then Bishop of Murray, one of their Faction,Andrew Forman sent into England by Iames to pick a Quarrel. and a Friend to Lewis, was sent into England to demand a vast Sum of Gold and Silver, the greatest part thereof consisted in Womens Jewels and Ornaments, which were reported to be given, by Will, by Arthur, Henry the 8ths Elder Brother, to his Sister Margaret, now married to Iames, as I related before. Henry (as 'tis probable) looked upon this Demand only as a Pretence for a Quarrel, and therefore he answered Iames very mildly; That if any thing were due to him, he would not only pay it; but if he wanted a greater Sum, or any other Assistance, he would not fail to supply him. When Iames received this Answer, he resolved to assist Lewis in any other way,And from thence into France. but by no means to invade England; and he sent over the same Forman into France, to acquaint Lewis therewith. Meanwhile, because he had heard that great Naval Preparations were making on both sides, he resolved to send the Fleet aforementioned to Ann immediately, that so it might arrive there before the War did actually break forth; he made Iames Hamilton, Earl of Arran, Admiral of it, and caused him to set sail with the first Opportunity. But Hamilton, tho a Man good enough, yet was more skilled in the Arts of Peace than War,Hamilton sent with a Fleet to France, but turns to Knockfergus in Ireland. and therefore either out of fear of Danger, or else out of his habitual backwardness, left his Voyage for France, and turned to Knockfergus, a Town in Ireland, scituate over against Galway in Scotland, which place he pillaged and burnt; and afterward, as if he had been a mighty Conqueror, he hoisted sail for Air (in Scotland) a Port-Town in Kyle. When the King heard of his Return, he was very outragious against him, and could not forbear to express his menacing Reproaches against the Man; and he was the more inraged against [Page] him, because he had received a Letter from Queen Ann out of France, which did endeavour to flatter him into a War against England; and he had also other Letters from Andrew Forman, which informed him, That he was generally upbraided with the Promise of sending the Fleet, which they now looked upon as vain, in regard no such thing was done. The King was willing to obviate this mischief as well as he could, and therefore seeing Hamilton had broke off the Course, he was commanded to run, and had destroyed a Town, that had never been an Enemy to the Scots, and was then also in Alliance with them, and so had made War upon his Friends, without denouncing it beforehand, therefore he cashiered him the Admiralship, and caused him to be summoned to appear before him. Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus was designed to succeed him in that Command, and Andrew Wood was sent with him to take the Fleet into his Charge. But Hamilton had notice, by his Friends before their coming, of the King's Displeasure against him, and therefore presently hoised Sail, resolving rather to commit himself to the wide Sea, than to an enraged King;Hamilton, at last arrives in France. he was a long time sailing for France, his Ship being tossed with contrary Winds and sore Storms in the Way, so that he arrived not there till the French had laid aside the Thoughts of any Naval Preparations, and then he landed in Little Britain lying in the Chanel on the Northwest of France. Base-Britaine, where the Ship, which cost so much Money and Labour to build, had her Tackle taken out, and so rotted in the Harbour of Brest.

In the interim, other causes of Discord arose at Home, which wholly alienated Iames from Henry. In the Reign of Henry the 7th, there was one Robert Carr, a worthy Knight, so much beloved of Iames, for his excellent Virtues, that he made him his chief Cupbearer, Master of his Ordnance, and Lord-Warden of the middle-Borders or Marches. He was a severe punisher of all Robbers, which procured him great Favour with the King,Robert Car severe against Moss-Troopers. but increased the Hatred of the Borderers against him. So that both English and Scots, whose Licentiousness he restrained, by putting the Laws in Execution against them, jointly sought all occasions to take away his Life; and, at length, at a solemn meeting of Scots and English, which used to be kept, to adjust and recompense Damages received, a Quarrel arose, and three English-men, bold Fellows, Iohn Hern, Lilburn, and one Starhed, set upon him, one came behind and ran him through his Back with a Lance, and, when he was wounded, the other two dispatched him quite. This Business was likely to create a War; but Henry, as he was just in other Things,He is slain. so in this was as angry as Iames at the foulness of the Fact, and therefore he caused Iohn Hern, the Brother of th'other Iohn, Lord of Standing on a Rock above the Firth of Forth. Foord, and Governour of the English Borders, to be delivered up to the Scots, In Northumberland. with Lilburne, for the other Two had made their escape. They were shut up in Prison in Fast-Castle, and there Lilburne died. And for the expiation of so manifest a Crime, it was decreed, That in future Assemblings of that kind, the English should first crave the publick Faith for their Security, and so enter Scotland, and have their Meetings there; and the Ambassadors of England, by many solemn Protestations and Ceremony of Words, should declare, [Page] That the Publick was not concerned, as guilty of that particular Murder. The other two Murderers lurked in the inland Parts of England, till the Reign of Henry the 8th; and yet they went not unpunished, for when they had got a Young King, fierce, potent, and saw, that he was willing to shew the greatness of his Strength, they crept out of their Dens. Hern, by the mediation of his Kindred, lived openly at his own House, and privately sent in Robbers to Scotland, to disturb the Publick Peace, hoping, that if a War were once begun, he should obtain Indemnity for his old Offences, and Impunity even with freedom to commit new. The Murderers of Robert Carr escape not unpunished. But Starhed got a Place to live in, about 90 Miles from the Borders, thinking to be safe by reason of the remoteness of his Habitation; but Andrew Carr, the Son of Robert, who saw, that the Seeds of Hatred, which would soon break out into a War, were then sown, and fearing that if once they entred into Arms, he should lose the avengement of his Father's Blood, persuades two of his Tenants, of the Family of the Tates, to disguise themselves, and to kill Starhed. They undertook to do it, and so entred his House securely in the Night; for living so far from the Borders, he thought he needed no Watch; where they killed him, cut off his Head, and brought it to Andrew; he, in testimony of his desired Revenge, sends it to Edinburgh, and sets it up there upon an high and conspicuous Place. Of Hern I shall speak in due time.

A new Fact trod on the Heels of this old Injury, which awakened the Anger of the King of Scots, that was rather asleep than extinguished, before. At that time, there was one Andrew Breton, a Scots Merchant, his Father had a Ship rifled by the Portugals, and himself cruelly slain: Andrew had the Cause heard in Flanders, (because there the Murder was committed) where the Portugals were cast;The Story of Andrew Breton. but they, not paying what was adjudged, neither did their King, tho' Iames sent an Herald to him for that end, compel them so to do. Andrew hereupon obtained Letters of Mart from Iames, to satisfy himself for the Damages and Murder; and it was directed to all Princes and Cities lying near the Sea, That they should not account him as a Pirate, or Robber, if, by open Force, he revenged himself on the Portugals, who were such Violaters of common Right and Equity: so that in a few Months he did much mischief to the Portugals. Their Ambassadors, in the height of the War the French made against Pope Iulius the Second, and which was soon like to break out against the English, as siding with Iulius, came to Henry, and told him, That this bold and impudent Fellow, Andrew, which had done them so much Mischief, who were the Ancient Allies of the English, would assuredly be his Enemy, when he warred against France; but now he was secure, and might easily be subdued and cut off; and if the Fact were evil spoken of, it might be excused, under a pretence of his exercising Piracy. This, if he would do, he might prevent the Losses of his own Subjects, and also gratify their King, his Friend and Ally, very much. Henry was thus easily persuaded by the Portugals to entrap Andrew: In order whereto, he sent his Admiral, Thomas Howard, with two strong Ships of the Navy Royal, well-appointed, [Page] to way-lay▪ him in the Downs, (so they call the Heaps of Sand, which appear aloft when the Tide is out) in his return from Flanders. It was not long before they espied him coming in a small Vessel, with a lesser one in his Company, and set upon him;A sharp Fight between the English Admiral and Breton, where Breton was slain. Howard himself attaqued Andrew, between-whom there was a sharp Fight, and altho' Howard had all the Advantage imaginable against him, yet he had much ado to take the Ship; neither could he do that, till Andrew and many of his Men were slain. This is certain, That Andrew was a Man of that Courage, even when his Case was desperate, that, tho' he had several Wounds, and one of his Legs was broken with a Cannon Bullet, yet he took a Drum and beat an Alarm, and a Charge to his Men, to incourage them to fight valiantly; this he did, till his Breath and Life failed him together. The lesser Ship, seeing that she was no way able to cope with the Enemy, endeavoured to save her self by flight, but was taken with a great deal less opposition; They which were not killed in the Fight, were cast into Prison at London; from whence they were brought to the King, and humbly begging their Lives of him, as they were instructed to do by the English, he, in a proud ostentation of his Mercifulness, dismissed and sent the poor innocent Souls away. Hereupon, Embassadors were sent into England by Iames, to complain,K. Iames complains to Henry of Breton's Death. That his Subjects Ships were taken in a time of Peace, and the Passengers slain. They were answered, That the killing of Pirats was no violation of Leagues, neither was it a justifiable Cause for a War. This Answer shewed the spight of one, that was willing to excuse a plain Murder, and seemed as if he had sought an occasion for a War: Whereupon the English, which inhabited the Borders, by that which was acted above-board, guessed at their King's Mind; and being also accustomed to sow the Seeds of Dissention, in the times of the firmest Peace; and besides, being much given to Innovation, began to prey upon the adjacent Countries of the Scots.

At that time, there was one Alexander Hume, who had the sole command of all the Scots Borders, which was wont to be distributed into three Mens Hands; he was mightily beloved by Iames, but his Disposition was more fierce than was expedient for the Good of those Times. The King was intent upon War, and very solicitous how to blot out the Ignominy received by those Incursions; and Hume promised him, That he, and some of his Kindred and Vassals, would, in a little time, make the English repent of the Loss and Damage they had done, as being resolved to turn their Mirth into Sadness. To make good his Word, he gathered together about 3000 Horse, entred England, Alexander Hume marches with a Party into England; and spoiled the Neighbouring Villages, before any Relief could come in; but, as he was returning, his Men, being accustomed to pillaging, and then also laden with a great deal of Booty, being impatient to stay there any longer, divided their Spoil, even in their Enemy's Country, and went their ways severally Home. Alexander, with a few, brought up the Rear, to see that no assault might be made upon them in their Retreat; but perceiving none to follow, he was the more careless, and so fell into an Ambush of 300 English, who,But is worsted in his Retreat. taking [Page] the opportunity, set upon them, and struck such a suddain Terror into them, that they routed and put them to flight. In this Conflict, a great many of the Scots were slain, and 200 taken Prisoners, amongst whom was George Hume, Alexander's Brother, who was exchanged for the Lord Hern of Foord, who had been kept Prisoner many Years in Scotland, for the Murder of Robert Carr: But all the Booty came safe into Scotland, because they, who drove it, were marched on before.

This new Offence, coming upon the King's Mind, which was not easy before, upon the account of what I formerly related, made him unruly and headstrong; and thereupon he called a Convention to consult concerning the War.K. Iames resolves a War against England. The wiser sort were against it; but L'amot, the Embassador of France, earnestly pressed it, by Entreaties and Promises: And also frequent Letters from Andrew Forman urged the same thing; yea, the King himself inclined thereto, so that many, to gratify him, fell in with his Opinion; the rest, being the minor part, lest by a fruitless Opposition they might incur the King's Displeasure, gave also their assent; so that a War was voted to be made against England, both by Land and Sea; ('tis doubtful, whether the Counsel or the Event was the worst), a set day was appointed for the Army to meet together. An Herald was sent into France to Henry, who was then besieging Tournay, to denounce War upon him.The pretended Causes of the War. The Causes of it were rendred to be, That Satisfaction for Losses had been required, but not given. That Iohn Hume, the Murderer of Robert Carr, did openly shew himself; That Andrew Breton, in violation of the Leagues betwixt the two Crowns, had been pillaged and slain, by the King's own Command: And though he did not mention any of those Wrongs, yet he should never endure, That the Territories of Lewis, King of France, his Ancient Ally; nor of Charles, Duke of Gelderland, his Kinsman, should be so miserably harrassed with all the Calamities of War; and therefore, unless he desisted therefrom, he bid him Defiance. Henry being young, and having a flourishing and puissant Kingdom; and besides, a general Combination of almost all Europe against France alone; these things kindled a desire in his Mind, which was otherwise ambitious enough of Glory, to continue his Arms; and therefore he gave the Herald an Answer more fierce than suted with his youthful Age; That he heard nothing from him, but what he long before had expected from such a Violator of all Divine and Human Laws, K. Henry's Answer to King Iames's Herald. and therefore he should do as he thought fit; for his part, he was resolved not to be threatned out of his Procedure in a War, wherein he had so well prospered hitherto; and besides, he did not value his Friendship, as having already had sufficient proof of his Levity.

This Denunciation of War being brought into Scotland, as the King was going to his Army,A strange Apparition, of an old Man forbidding K. Iames to proceed in his War with England. at Linlithgo whilst he was at Vespers in the Church (as the manner then was); There entred an old Man, the Hair of his Head being Red, inclining to Yellow, and hanging down on his Shoulders; his Forehead sleek thro' baldness, bare-headed, in a long Coat of a russet Colour, girt with a linen Girdle about his Loins; in the rest of his Aspect, he was [Page] very venerable: He pressed thro' the Crowd to come to the King: When he came to him, he leaned upon the Chair on which the King sat, with a kind of rustick simplicity, and bespoke him thus; O King, said he, I am sent to warn thee, not to proceed in thy intended Design; which Monition if thou neglect, neither Thou nor thy Followers shall prosper. I am also commanded to tell thee, That thou shouldest not use the Familiarity, Intimacy, and Counsel of Women; which if thou dost, it will redound to thy Ignominy and Loss. Having thus spoken, he withdrew himself into the Crowd; and when the King enquired for him, after Prayers were ended, he could not be found; which Matter seemed more strange, because none of those who stood next, and observed him, as being desirous to put many Questions to him, were sensible how he disappeared; Amongst them, there was David Lindsy of A place near Cowper, in Fife. Mont, a Man of approved Worth and Honesty, (and a great Scholar too); for in the whole course of his Life, he abhorred Lying; and if I had not received this Story from him as a certain Truth, I had omitted it as a Romance of the Vulgar.

But the King, notwithstanding, went forward in his March,Yet he proceeds and enters England below Ouler in Northumberland. and near Edinburgh mustered his Army, and a while after entred England, took the Castles of Norham, Werk, Etel, Foord, and some others near to the Borders of Scotland, by Storm, and demolished them, and spoiled all the adjoining part of Northumberland; mean while, the King falls in Love with one of the Ladies he had taken Prisoner, (she was Hern's Wife of Foord) and neglected his present business, insomuch that, Provision beginning to grow scarce, in a not very plentiful Country, and it being very difficult to fetch it from far, the greatest part of his Army stole away, and left their Colours very thin; only the Nobles, with a few of their Friends, Clients and Vassals, and those not very well pleased neither, abode in the Camp: The major part advised him, that he should no longer punish himself and his Men by abiding in a Country that was wasted by War, and if it had not been so, yet was poor of it self, but rather that he would retreat and attempt Berwick; the taking of which one Place would turn more to account, than of all the Towns and Castles thereabouts; neither, said they, would it be very difficult to take it in, because both Town and Castle were unprovided for Defence. But the King thought that nothing was too hard for his Arms, especially since the English were intangled in the War with France, so that, some Court-Parasites soothing him up in his Vanity, he judg'd, that he might easily reduce that Town, in his Retreat.

Whilst he thus lay encamped at Foord, The English challenge him to give them Battel. there came Heraulds from the English, desiring him to appoint a Place and Time for the Battel. Hereupon he called a Council of War, wherein the major part were of opinion, That it was best to return home, and not to hazard the State of the whole Kingdom with so small a Force, especially, since he had abundantly satisfied his Credit, his Renown, and the Laws of Friendship; neither was there any just Cause, why he should venture his small Army, and which had been also wearied out with the taking of so many Castles, against the [Page] more numerous Forces of the English, who had also newly received an Addition of fresh Men; for it was reported, That at that very time Thomas Howard arrived in the Camp with 6000 Men, sent back out of France. Besides, if he retreated, the English Army must of necessity disband, and then they could not bring together Another, to be levied so far off, till the next Year. But if he would needs fight, it were better so to do in his own Country, where Place, Time, and Provision were more at his Command. But the French Embassador,The French Embassador presses Iames on to a Battel. and some Courtiers whom French Largesses had wrought over to him, were of another Mind, and easily persuaded Iames, who longed to fight, to abide the Enemy in that place: In the mean time, the English came not at the Day appointed by the Herauld, and then the Scots Nobles took that opportunity to go again to the King, and told him, that it was the Craft of the Enemy to protract the time from one day to another, whilst their own Force encreased, and the Scots were diminished, and that therefore he should use the same Art against them. That it was now no Dishonour for the Scots to retreat, (since the English had not kept the designed Time) without fighting; or else, not to fight, but when they themselves thought fit: The first of these Advices was in many respects the more safe; but, if that did not please him, he had a fair opportunity offered him to comply with the other. For seeing the In Northumberland. Till had very high Banks, and was almost no where fordable, there was no passing for an Army over it within many Miles, but by one Bridg, where a few Men might keep back a great Multitude; yea, if part of the English should get over, he might so place his Ordnance as to cut off the Bridg, and so they, who had passed over, might be destroyed, before they could be relieved by those on the contrary side. The King approved of neither Advice,K. Iames resolved to fight. but answered resolutely, That if the English were 100000 strong, he would fight them. All the Nobility were offended at this temerarious Answer; and Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus, who was far superior to all the rest in Age and Authority,Which Earl Douglas disswaded him from in an Oration. endeavoured to appease the King's Fury by a mild Oration, and to open the Nature and Reason of the two former Advices; ‘You have (said he) sufficiently satisfied your Alliance with France, in that you have called off a great part of their Enemy's Army from them; for, by this means, they cannot run over all France, as, by the multitude of their Forces, they hoped to do; neither can they do any great damage to Scotland, because they cannot long keep their Army together in a cold Country, already wasted by War, and otherwise not very fruitful; and moreover, the Winter now approaching, which in the Northern Parts useth to begin betimes. As for the French Embassador (said he) I do not wonder, that he is so earnest to press us to a Battel, for he, being a Stranger, studies not the common good of our whole Party, but the private Advantage of their own Nation, and therefore it is no News, if he push us on to fight, and so be prodigal of other Mens Blood. Besides, his Demand is shameless, for he requires that of us, which his own King, tho highly wise and prudent, doth not think fit to do, for the maintenance of his whole Kingdom and [Page] Dignity. Neither ought the loss of this Army to be accounted small, because we are but few in number: For that which is any ways eminent for Valour, Authority, or Counsel in the whole Kingdom of Scotland, is here summ'd up in a Body: If these are lost, the rest of the Commonalty will be but an easy Prey to the Conqueror. Besides, to lengthen out the War, is at present more safe, and more conducive to the main Chance. For if L'amot's Opinion be, that the English are to be either exhausted by Expences, or wearied out by Delays, what can be more adviseable, in the present Posture of Affairs, than to compel the Enemy to divide his Force; so that part of them must attend us, as if we were continually likely to invade them; and the fear thereof would take off a great stress of the War from the French, tho with no small Toil of ours. Besides, we have consulted sufficiently for the Glory and Splendor of our Arms, which these Men (who, I am afraid, are more forward in Words than Actions) pretend, as a Disguise and Vail for their Temerity: For what can be more splendid, than for the King to demolish so many Castles, to destroy the Country with Fire and Sword, and, from so large Devastations, to bring home so much Booty, that many Years Peace will not restore a Country, so desolated, to its former hue? And what greater Advantage can we expect in a War, than that, in so mighty an hurry of Arms, to our great Honour and Renown, but the Shame and Disgrace of our Enemies, we give our Souldiers leave to refresh themselves,Repartees between the King and Douglas concerning a present Fight. having gotten Estates and Glory to boot? And this kind of Victory, which is obtained rather by Wisdom than by Arms, is most proper for a Man, especially for a General, in regard the common Souldiers can challeng no part thereof.’

All that were present assented to what he spoke, as appeared by their Countenances: but the King had taken a solemn Oath, that he would fight the English, and therefore he entertained his whole Discourse with great Disgust, and bid him, Get him home again, if he were afraid. He thereupon fell a weeping, as foreseeing the ruin of Affairs, and of the King himself, by his Rashness; but as soon as he was able to speak, he uttered these few words; ‘If my former Life have not sufficiently vindicated me from any suspicion of Cowardize and Fear, I know not what will; as long as my Body was able to undergo Hardship, I never spared it for the Good of my Country, and to maintain the Honour of my King. But seeing now I am useful only for Advice, and the King's Ears are shut against it, I will leave my two Sons, which, next to my Country, are most dear to me, with my other Kinsmen and Friends, as sure Pledges of my Fidelity to You and my Country; and I pray God, that my Fears do prove vain, and that I be rather accounted a false Prophet, than what I dread, and do as it were foresee in my Mind, should come to pass.’

Having thus spoken, he took his Convoy and Retinue,Earl Douglass in discontent retires. and so departed. The rest of the Nobles, because they could not work over the King to their Opinion, endeavoured to secure Things the best they could, and that was, in regard they were inferior in number, (for they had Intelligence by their Spies, that the English [Page] were 26000 fighting Men) to advantage themselves by the opportunity of the Ground and Place, and so to encamp upon an Hill that was near them; It was where Cheviot-Hills do gently decline into a Plain, a small Spot, with a narrow Entrance into it, gradually sloping downwards: This Passage they defended with their Brass-Guns; behind them were the Mountains, at the foot of them there was a moorish piece of Ground, which secured their left Wing; on the right, ran the River Till, whose Banks were very high, over which there was a Bridg for passage, not far from the Camp: When the English had intelligence, by their Scouts, that they could not attaque the Scots Camp, without great damage, or rather certain ruin, they marched off from the River, and made a shew, as if they intended to leave the Enemy and retire towards Berwick, and so directly into the neighbouring Parts of Scotland, which was the best part of the Country, there to damage the Scots more, than They had done the English before. And Iames was most inclinable to believe, they would do so, because there was a Rumour spread abroad, either by uncertain Report, or else devised on purpose, by the English, that their Design lay that way, that so they might draw the Enemy down into the plain and Champion Country. Iames would not endure that, and therefore set Fire to the Straw and Huts, and removed his Camp too. The Smoke, occasion'd by the Fire, covered all the River, so that the Scots, by means thereof, could not see the English; They marched farther from the River, thro' places more unpassable; but the Scots had a level and open march thereunto; till they both came at last to Or Floddonhill, lying between the Town of Ouler and the River of Tweed. Fluidon, or Floddon, a very high Hill, almost unknown one to another. There the Ground was more level, and stretched it self out into a Campagn; and the River was also passable by a Bridg at In Northumberland, on the North side of the River Blico, three miles above Stannington-Bridg. Tuisil; and there was a Ford also at Or Milfeild. Milford. The English commanded their Forlorn, first to draw their Brass-Pieces over the Bridg, the rest marched thro' the Ford, and, by the opportunity of the Place, they set themselves in Battel Array, to stop the Enemy in their passage. Their Numbers were so great, that they divided themselves, as it were, into two Armies, distinct from one another, either of which did well-nigh equal the whole Army of the Scots. In their first Brigade, Admiral Thomas Howard, who a little before was come in with some of his Sea-Forces,Flodden Fight, and the Manner of it described. commanded the Main Battel; Edward Howard led on the Right Wing; and Marmaduke Constable, the Left: Behind them, the rest were placed, as Reserves, being divided into three Bodies; Dacres commanded the Wing in the Right; Edward Stanly, That on the Left; and the Earl of Surry, General of the whole Army, the Main Body. The Scots had not Men enow to divide their Army into so many Parties, unless they would extreamly weaken their Front; and therefore they divided their Army into four Bodies, at a moderate distance one from another; of which, three were to charge first, and the fourth was for a Reserve. The King led on the Main Body; Alexander Gordon commanded the Right Wing, to whom Alexander Hume and the Merch-Men were joined; Matthew Stewart Earl of Lennox, and Gillespy Cambel Earl of Argyle, led on the third Body; Adam [Page]Hepburne with his Clans, and the rest of the Nobility of Lothian, were in the Reserves. The Gordons began a very sharp Fight, and soon routed the left Wing of the English; but when they returned from the Pursuit, they found almost all the rest of their Brigades defeated; for One of them, in which was Lennox and Argyle, being encouraged by the Success of their Fellows, brake their Ranks, and fell upon the Enemy, in very great disorder, leaving their Colours far in their Rear. Tho' L'amot, the French Resident, cried out much against it, and told them, they would run head-long to their own destruction; for they were charged, not only by the English, standing in Array before them, but were also set upon by another Party in the Rear, and so almost all cut off. The King's Body, and Hepburn's Brigade with the Lothianers, fought it out stoutly. There was a great slaughter on both Sides, and the Dispute continued till Night; by which time both Sides were weary. There were a great many slain of the King's main Body; they, who reckon'd the full number of the Slain, as their Names were taken, according to the several Parish-Registers, out of which they were pressed, say, That there were slain above 5000 of the Scots; the loss was most of the Nobility, and of the forwardest of them too, who chose rather to die upon the Spot, than to supervive the slaughter of their Men. 'Tis reported, that the English lost as many, but that they were most Common Souldiers. This is the famous Fight of Floddon, amongst the few Overthrows which the Scots have received from the English, one of the most memorable, not so much for the number of the Slain, (for they had lost more than double that Number, in former Battels,) but for the Quality of the Persons, the King and Prime of the Nobility falling there, so that few were left to govern the Rabble, who were fierce by Nature, and lawless also in hope of Impunity.

And yet there were Two sorts of Men, that gained Advantage by this Calamity of others. For the richer sort of Church-men grew so insolent thereby, that, not contented with their own Function, they sought to draw all the Offices of the Kingdom into their own Hands: And the Mendicant Fryars (for that sort of Monks were then counted most superstitiously religious) had received much Mony of those that were slain, to keep for them; but it being delivered without Witness, they were mightily enriched by this Booty, and thereupon omitted the severity of their Ancient Discipline; yea, there were some amongst them, who counted That Gain, as a Pious and Holy Fraud, alleging, That the Mony could never be better bestowed, than to be given to Devout Persons, that they might pray (forsooth) for the Redemption of their Souls out of Purgatory.

The Fight was carried on so obstinately, that, towards Night, both Parties were weary, and withdrew, almost Ignorant of one anothers Condition; so that Alexander Hume, and his Souldiers, who remained untouched, gathered up a great part of the Spoil at their pleasure. But the next day, in the Morning, Dacres being sent out with a Party of Horse, to make discovery, when he came to the place of Fight, and saw the Scots Brass-Guns without [Page] a Guard, and also a great part of the Dead unstripp'd, he sent for Howard, and so gathered up the Spoil at leasure, and celebrated the Victory with great Mirth.

Concerning the King of Scotland, there goes a double Report; The English say,Various Reports concerning K. Iames's Death. he was slain in the Battel. But the Scots affirm, That, in the Day of Battel, there were several others cloathed in the like Coat of Armour, and the Habit of the King; which was done on purpose, on a double account; partly, that the Enemy might principally aim at one Man, as their chief Opponent, on whose Life the safeguard of the Army, and total ruin of the Enemy, did depend; and partly also, if the King hapned to be slain, that the Souldiers might not be discouraged, nor sensible of his loss, as long as they saw any Man armed and clothed like him, in the Field, and riding up and down as a Witness of their Cowardise or Valour. And that one of these was Alexander Elphinston, who, in Countenance and Stature, was very like the King; and many of the Nobility, perceiving him armed in Kingly Habiliments, followed him, in a Mistake, and so died resolutely with him; but that the King himself repassed the Tweed, and was slain by some of Humes his Men, near the Town of Kelsoe; but it is uncertain, whether it were done by his Command, or else by the forwardness of his Souldiers, who were willing to gratify their Commander; for they, being desirous of Innovation, thought, that they should escape Punishment, if he were taken off; but if he were alive, they should be punished for their Cowardise in the Fight. Some Conjectures are also added, as, that, the same Night, after this unhappy Fight, the Monastery of Kelsoe was seized upon by Car, an Intimate of Hume's, and the Abbat thereof ejected; which it was not likely he would dare to have done, unless the King were slain; and moreover, David Galbreth, one of the Family of the Hume's, some Years after, when Iohn the Regent questioned the Hume's, and was troublesome to their Family, is said to have blamed the sluggish Cowardise of his Allys, who would suffer that Stranger to rule so arbitrarily and imperiously over them, whereas he himself had been one of the Six, that had put an end to the like Insolency of the King, at Kelsoe. But these Things were so uncertain, that when Humes was afterward tried for his Life, by Iames Earl of Murray, the King's Natural Son, they did not much prejudice his Cause.

However the Truth of this Matter stands, yet I shall not conceal what I have heard Lawrence Talifer, an Honest and a Learned Man, to report more than once. He was then one of the King's Servants, and was a Spectator of the Fight; he saw the King, when the Day was lost, set upon an Horse, and pass the Tweed; many others affirmed the same thing: So that the Report went currant, for many Years after, That the King was alive, and was gone to Ierusalem, to perform a Religious Vow he had made, but would return again in due Time: But that Rumor was found as vain, as another of the same Batch, which was heretofore spread abroad by the Brittons, concerning their Arthur: And, but a few Years since, by the Burgundians, concerning Charles. This is [Page] certain, That the English found the Body of the King, or of Alexander Elphinston, and carried it into England, and, retaining an inexpiable Hatred against the Dead, they left it unburied, in a Lead Coffin, (I know not, whether their Cruelty therein were more foolish, or more barbarous,) because he had born sacrilegious Arms against Pope Iulius the Second, whom the English then sought to curry favour with; or else, as some say, because he was perjured, as having contrary to the Oath and League between them, taken up Arms against Henry the Eighth: Neither of which Exprobrations ought to have been laid to his Charge; especially by such a King, who, during his Life was not constant or tight in any one Religion; nor, by such a People, who had took up Arms, so often, against the Bishop of Rome. Not to speak of many of the Kings of England, whom their own Writers do accuse as guilty of Perjury, as William Rufus, who is charged with That Crime by Polydore and Grafton; Henry the First, by Thomas Walsingham, in his Description of Normandy. King Stephen hath the like Brand inured upon him, by Neobrigensis, Grafton, and Polydore: Henry the Eighth, by the same Newberry, Grafton, and Polydore. Richard the First, by Walsingham, in his Hypodigma Neustriae. Richard the Third, by Grafton, and Walsingham: Edward the First, by Walsingham. I cull out these few, for Example-sake, not of the First Kings of the Saxon Race, of which I might instance in a great Many, but in Those of the Norman Family, whose Posterity enjoy the Kingdom to this Day, and who lived in the most flourishing Times of England's Glory; to put them in mind, not to be so bitter against Strangers, who, with so much Indulgence, bore the Perjuries of their own Kings; especially, since the guilt of the Crime objected lies principally on those, who were the first Violaters of the Truce. But to return to the Matter.

Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, Howard Earl of Surrey, General against the Scots at Flodden, falls afterwards into Disgrace. had gone off with great Renown for That Victory over the Scots, if he had used his Success with Moderation; but being a Man, almost drunk with the Happiness of his prosperous Success, and little mindful of the Instability of Human Affairs, he made his Houshold Servants (as the English custom is) to wear a Badg on their left Arms, which was a White Lyon (his own Arms) on the top of a Red one, and rending him with his Paws: God Almighty did seem to punish this his insolent Ambition, for there were, in a manner, none of his Posterity, of either side, but dyed in great Disgrace and Ignominy.

But King Iames, as he was dear to all whilst living,The Character of K. Iames the Fourth. so he was mightily lamented at his Death; and the Remembrance of him stuck so fast in the Minds of Men, as the like was not known of any other King, that we have heard or read of. 'Tis probable, that it hapned, by making a Comparison with the bad Kings, who preceded his Reign; or else, were likely speedily to follow after It; considering also, his eminent Virtues; yea, his popular Vices did easily deceive vulgar Minds, under a specious Resemblance and Affinity to Virtue. For he was of a strong Body, just Stature, a Majestick Countenance, of a quick Wit, but, by the default of the Times, not cultivated by Learning. He did greedily imbibe one [Page] ancient Custom of the Nation,Scots Nobility, all anciently had Skill in Chirurgery. for he was skilful in curing of Wounds; for, in old Times, that kind of Knowledg was common to all the Nobility, as Men continually accustomed to Arms. The Access to his Presence was easy, his Answers were mild, he was just in Judgment and moderate in Punishment, so that he seemed to be drawn to it against his Will. He bore the malevolent Speeches of his Enemies, and the Monitions of his Friends, with a Greatness of Mind, which arose in him from the Tranquillity of a good Conscience, and the Confidence of his own Innocency; insomuch, that he was so far from being angry, that he never returned them an harsh Word. There were also some Vices, which crept in among these Virtues, by reason of his two great affectation of Popularity. For, by endeavouring to avoid the Name of a covetous Prince, which his Father had incurred, he laboured to insinuate himself into the Good will of the Vulgar, by sumptuous Buildings, by costly Pageants, and immoderate Largesses, so that his Exchequer was very low, and his want of Money such, that, if he had lived longer, the Merits of his former Reign would have been extinguished, or, at least, out-ballanced by his Imposition of new Taxes; so that his Death seemed to have hapned rather commodiously, than immaturely, to him.

IAMES the Vth, the CVIth King.

WHen Iames the Fourth was slain, he left his Wife Margaret and Two Sons behind him; the Eldest of which was not yet full two Years old.Iames the 5th, of about 2 years old, proclaimed King. The Parliament, assembled at Sterlin, proclaimed him King, according to the Custom of the Country, on the 24th day of February, and then they addressed themselves to settle the publick Affairs, in doing whereof they first perceived the greatness of their Loss. For those of the Nobility, who bore any thing of Authority and Wisdom before them, being slain, the major part of those, who survived, by reason of their youthful Age, or incapacity of Mind, were unfit to meddle with Matters of State, especially in so troublesom a time; and they who were left alive, of the better sort, who had any thing of Prudence in them, by reason of their Ambitions and Covetousness, abhorred all Counsels tending to Peace. Alexander Hume, Lord Warden of all the Marches, had got a great Name, and a large Estate, in the King's Life-time; but when he was dead, he obtained an (almost) Regal Authority in the Countries bordering upon England. The Ambition of Alexander Hume. He, out of a wicked Ambition, did not restrain Robbers, that so he might more engage those bold and lewd Persons to him, thinking, thereby, to make way for his greater Puissance: but that Design was unhappy to him, and, in the end, pernicious. The Command of the Country, on this side the Forth, was committed to him; the Parts beyond, to Alexander Gordon, to keep those Seditious Provinces within the Bounds of their Duty: But the Name of Regent was in the Queen her self. For the King had left, in his Will, which he made before he went to fight, that, if he miscarried, as long as she remained a Widow, she should have [Page] the Q. Margaret the first Female Regent, in Scotland. Supream Power. This was contrary to the Law of the Land, and the first Example of any Woman, who ever had the Supream Rule in Scotland; yet the want of Men made it seem tolerable, especially to them, who were desirous of Peace and Quietness. But her Office continued not long; for before the end of the Spring she married Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus, She loses her Regency by her Marriage. one of the prime young Men of Scotland for Lineage, Beauty, and Accomplishments in all good Arts; and before the end of that Year, the Seeds of Discord were sown. They took their Rise from the Ecclesiastical Order; for, after the Nobles were slain, in all publick Assemblies, a great part were of that sort of Men, and many of them did their own business amidst the publick Calamity, and got such Estates, that nothing did more hasten their Ruin, than that inordinate Power, which they afterwards as arrogantly used.

Alexander Stuart, Archbishop of St. Andrews, Three Competitors for the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews, Douglas, Hepburn and Forman. was slain at Flodden, and there were Three which strove for that Preferment, but upon different Interests. Gawin Douglas, upon the account of the Splendor of his Family, and his own Personal Worth and Learning, was nominated to the place by the Queen, and accordingly took Possession of the Castle of St. Andrews. Andrew Hepburn, Abbat of St. Andrews, before any Archbishop was nominated, gathered up the Revenues of the place, as a Sequestrator; and he, being a potent, factious, and subtile Man, was chosen by his Monks to the Vacancy (for he alleged, that the Power of electing an Archbishop, by ancient Custom, was in Them) so that he drove out the Officers of Gawin, and placed a strong Garison in the Castle. Andrew Forman had obtained great Favour in the Courts both of Rome and France, by his former Services; so that, besides the Bishoprick of Murray in Scotland, which he held from the beginning, Lewis the 12th of France, gave him the Archbishoprick of Bourges: And Pope Iulius had also dismissed him, loaden with many rich Preferments, for he bestowed on him the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews, the two rich Abbies of Dumfermling, and Aberbrothock, and made him his Legate (à Latere, as they call him,) besides. But so great was the Power of the Hepburns at that time, that the Hume's being yet at Concord with them, no Man could be found that durst proclaim the Popes Bull, for the Election of Forman to that Dignity; until, at last, Alexander Humes was induced by great Promises, and, besides other Gifts, with the actual Donation of the Abby of Lying within two Miles of Aymouth in the Merss, near the Scotish Sea. Coldingham to David his younger Brother, to undertake the Cause, which seemed to be honest and just; and especially, because the Family of the Formans was in the Clanship, or Protection, of the Hume's; so that he caused the Popes Bull to be published at Edinburgh: And that was the Original of many Mischiefs which ensued; for Hepburn, being a Man of a lofty Spirit, from that day forward, studied day and night how to destroy the Family of the Hume's.

The Queen, whilst she sat at Helm, did this one thing Worthy to be remembred, that she wrote to her Brother, that he would not make War upon Scotland, in respect to her, and her young Children; and that he would not infest the Dominions of his Cousin by his Foreign Arms, which, of its own accord, was divided [Page] into so many Domestick Factions; but that he would rather defend them against the Wrongs of others, upon the account of his Age, and the Affinity betwixt them. Henry answered very Nobly and Prince-like, That if the Scots desired Peace, they should have it; if War, he would make it upon them.

When the Queen, by reason of her Marriage, fell from her Regency,The Nobility divided about choosing a Regent, in the room of Q. Margaret. the Nobility was manifestly divided into two Factions; the Douglassian Party endeavoured, that the chief Power might reside in the Queen, and that This was the way to have Peace with England, which was not only advantagious, but even necessary, for them. The other Party, headed by Humes, pretended an Umbrage of the Publick Good, and that it was against the old Laws of the Land, to choose a Woman to be Regent; as for the Queen, they would be studious of her Honour as far as they might so do by the Law, and as far as the Publick Safety would permit, and that a sufficient Proof had been given thereof, in regard that they hitherto submitted to her Government, (tho it were against the Law of their fore-Fathers) not by any legal Compulsion, but of mere good Will, and that they were ready to endure it longer, if any honest and equitable Pretence could be alleged for it. But seeing she, by her Marriage, had voluntarily deposed her self from that Dignity, she ought not to take it amiss, if they substituted another to enjoy that Office, which she had left; and which indeed, by the Law, she could not hold; for the Laws of Scotland do not permit Women to have the Supream Power, no not in times of Peace, much more in such troublesome days as Ours, wherein the powerfullest and the prudentest Man alive could hardly find Remedies for the many growing Evils of the Times.

Thus whilst each Faction strove pertinaciously about the Choice of a Regent, either out of wicked Ambition, or occult Envy, they passed over All there present, and inclined to choose Iohn, Duke of Albany, then living with good Repute in France; whereupon William Elphinston, Bishop of Aberdeen, is reported to have burst forth into Tears, in bewailing the publick Misfortune; and his Speech affected many, especially when he came to that Point of reckoning up what Men were slain in the last Fight, and how few, like Them, were left behind, of whom none was thought fit to sit at the Helm of Government: He also told them, how empty the Exchequer was, and how it had been exhausted by the late King, and how great a Portion thereof was the Queen's Joynture, and how much necessarily must be expended on the Education of the King, and then how little part would remain to maintain publick Charges; and that, tho none were more fit for the place of Regency than the Queen, yet seeing Concord could not be had on other terms, she was forced to yeild to that Party, who were for calling Iohn, Duke of Albany, out of France, to take the Regency upon him, tho he thought, that the publick Misery would be rather deferred than fully healed thereby. Alexander Hume was so violent for Albany, that he professed openly in the Assembly, that if they all refused, yet he himself would go alone, and bring him over into Scotland, to undertake the Government. It is [Page] thought, he did this, not for the Love of his Country, or for any private Advantage to himself, but merely out of This respect, that, being an ambitious Man, and knowing that his Interest in the People was more upon the account of his Power, than out of any real Love, therefore, himself despairing of the place, he was afraid if the Queen should have it, the Douglasses, his Neighbours, would grow too great, and his Power would abate; for the Men of Liddisdale and Annandale had already withdrawn themselves, and had, by little and little, betook themselves to the Clanship of the Douglasses: And besides, he considered, that the Queen, by Assistanc [...] from England, was easily able to obviate all his Designs; so that most Voices carried it for Iohn Duke of Albany, then in France, chosen Regent. Iohn, and an Embassy was appointed (the chief whereof was Andrew Wood of the A little Town in Cuningham, standing on the Firth of Clyd. Largs, (a famous Cavaleer in those days) to call him into Scotland for the Government, both upon the account of his own Virtue, and also by reason of his near Consanguinity with the King, for he was the Son of Alexander, Brother to Iames the Third. He being thus called to the supream Government by the Scots; Francis, King of France, did not think that Office unsutable to his Interest, and therefore he furnished him with Mony and a Retinue at his Departure. Before his Arrival, in regard there was no one Person to administer the Publick Government, there were many Murders and Rapines committed; and whilst the richer sort made up their private Clans and Factions, the poor desolate Vulgar were afflicted with all kind of Miseries. The chief Robber of those times was MacRobert Stran, who committed Outrages all over Athol, and the Neighbouring Parts, at his Pleasure, having 800 Men, and sometimes more, under his Command. At length, when he was at his Uncles Iohn Creighton's, he was way-laid, apprehended, and put to Death: But there was more Mischief like to arise from the Fewd between Andrew Forman and Iohn Hepburn; yet, the Nature of them both, and the Discord, rather of their Manners than Minds, deferred the Mischief for a season, which then was just a breaking out. Iohn was profoundly covetous; and Andrew was as great a Despiser of Mony, and profuse in his Largesses. The Designs and Purposes of Andrew were open and manifest to the view of all; neither was there any need that he should conceal them, because his Vices were accounted Virtues by the Vulgar, and the simplicity of his Nature did Him as much Kindness among them, as the occult Craft of Hepburn, together with his malicious Dissimulation, his implacable remembrance of Injuries, and his desire of Revenge, did Him. And therefore Forman, hearing as yet no certainty of the coming of the Duke of Albany, neither could he be put into Possession by Hume, seeing Hepburn resided at his Castle and Monastery, which he had strongly garison'd, which were at a great distance from those places in which the Power of the Hume's might be formidable, he determined, by his Friends, to try, whether he could, with Mony, either satisfy, or at least, in some degree, abate the Avarice of the Man; so that at last they came to an Agreement upon these Terms, That Forman should remit and forgive the Revenues of the last Year, which Iohn had gathered [Page] in, as a Sequestrator; that he should surrender up to him the Bishoprick of Murray, and that he should pay him yearly 3000 French Crowns out of his Ecclesiastical Revenues, to be divided amongst his Friends. And thus the Man's implacable Hate was a little abated, and Matters settled on that side.

The Fourteenth BOOK.

Iohn Duke of Albany, the new Regent, arrives in Scotland.THIS was the State of Affairs in Scotland, when Iohn Duke of Albany arrived at Dunbarton, on the 20th day of May, in the Year of our Salvation 1515, with the exceeding gratulation of all good Men. For, under his Government, they hoped for more quiet Times, and an equal distribution of Justice. In a full Assembly of the Nobility, called in his Name, he had a large Revenue settled upon him; he was made Duke of Albany, Earl of March, and Regent, till the King came to be of Age.

Moreover, Iames, the Natural Son of the late King, was made Earl of Murray, a young Man of such virtuous Endowments, that he far exceeded all the hopes Men had conceived of him. There was also one Fact, which much enhaunsed the estimation of Iohn, and it was done almost in the Face of the Assembly, and that was the punishment of Peter Muffat. Peter Muffat, a noted Robber, punished. He was a notable Thief, who, after many cruel & nefarious Pranks, plaid by him, in the Two last licentious Years, arrived at length to that audaciousness, that he appeared openly at Court: His unexpected Punishment made such a suddain change of Things, that Criminals began to withdraw for shelter: The Minds of the Good were erected, and the Face of Things began soon to be changed, from a stormy Tempest to a suddain Tranquillity.

In the mean time, Hepburn insinuates himself into the new Regent. Iohn Hepburn had so insinuated himself into the Regent, by the help of his Friends, whom he had privately greased in the Fist; and afterwards by his obsequiousness, and pretence of knowing the old Customs of the Country, he got his Ear, who of himself was ignorant of Scotish Affairs, insomuch that none was credited, in Matters of great Moment, but He alone; He was sent abroad with Commission, by the Regent, all over Scotland, to inquire into Their Offences, who oppressed the Vulgar, and made them as their Slaves. He obtained that Office principally upon these Grounds; First of all, he acquainted the Regent, What new Discords and old Fewds there were in every County; and also, what Factions there were, and who were their respective Heads: Hitherto his Relations were true, for the Things were known to all. But if any Occasion were offered to speak of Hume, he stirr'd up some to complain of his Enormity; so that by the Imputation, partly of True, and partly of Feigned, Crimes, the Regent's Ears [Page] were shut against all Defence, he could make. But when he had almost gone over the whole Kingdom, and expresly declared the Alliances, Affinities, and Leagues which had interceded between each several Family; and had persuaded the Regent, That no Man of Power, tho' a Criminal, could be punished without the Offence of his Clans; and that, not so much for the Enmity and Conspiracies of their Kindred, as, that the Punishment reaching to a few, yet the Example would extend to a great many more; whom a similitude of Faults, and a like fear of Punishments, out of Enemies would make Friends; so that these great and large spreading Factions were not able to be punished by the Force of Scotland, only; and therefore it was adviseable to desire an Auxiliary Strength from the King of France, to break this Knot of Contumacious Offenders; and that this would be of use to France, as much as to Scotland. In the mean time, the Heads of the Factions were to be kept under, and (if it were possible) taken off, yet with that prudence, that they might not think too many of them to be aimed at at once. The Heads of the Factions at present were Three; of them,Douglas, Hume, and Forman, accused by Hepburn, as the Three [...]eads of the then Factions. Archibald Douglas was wonderfully popular, insomuch that the Vulgar doted on him: His Name was much adored, by reason of the great Merits of his Ancestors; besides, he was in the flower of his Youth, and relied so much on his Affinity with England, that he bore a Spirit too big for a private Man. As for Hume, he was formidable of himself, and yet rendred more so, because he was confirmed in his Power by length of Time. Neither did he stop here, but made an invidious commemoration of what the Hume's had acted against the Regent's Father and Uncle; of all which, tho' the Hepburns were partakers, yet he cast the Odium upon the Hume's only: He often mentioned his Cowardise in the last Battel against the English; and the Talk abroad about the King's Death reflecting upon him, together with the repairing of Norham Castle, which was done by his connivance; these things he repeated with great earnestness before the Regent. As for Forman, (says he) 'tis true, he was not to be feared upon the account of his Kindred, or any Nobleness of Descent, yet he would make a great accession of strength to what Party soever he inclined, because all the Wealth of the whole Kingdom was gathered together (as it were) into one House, for he was able to supply the present Want of the Party he sided with, with Mony; or else, by his Promises, (all Things being then in his Power) he could draw many into the Partnership of the same Design with himself. This was Hepburn's Speech to the Regent.

The noted Fewds, that had passed between Hepburne and Forman, were the Cause, that Hepburne was not so much believed, in that part: And besides, his Estate was not so much to be envied, for he rather loved to lay it out, than hord it up; neither was he so munificent to any, as to the French that waited on the Regent; and besides, his desire was more to join all Parties in an universal Concord, than to addict himself to any one Faction. But the suspicion of the Hume. Lord of the Marches sunk deeper into the Regent's Mind, which was manifest by the aversion of his Mind from [Page] him; and because his Countenance was not so friendly to him, as before: So that after a few Months, Hume, in discontent, applies himself to the Queen and Douglas. Alexander Hume, perceiving that he was not entertained by the Regent answerable to his hope, began to have secret Meetings with the Queen and her Husband: In those Congresses, Hume grievously lamented the State of the Publick, that the King, in that Age wherein he could not understand his own Misery, was fallen into the Hands of an Exile, one born and brought up in that Condition; who, by a wicked Ambition, had endeavoured to rob his Elder Brother of the Kingdom: And, He being the next Heir, Who did not see that all his Endeavours were, to settle other Things according to his Mind, and then to pack the innocent Child out of the World, that He might translate the Kingdom to himself; that so, what his Father had impiously designed, he himself might as wickedly accomplish? There was but one Remedy in the Case, and that was, for the Queen to retire with her Son into England, and there to put her Self and Concerns into the Protection of her Brother.

These things being brought to the Regent's Ears, were easily believed by him; but, being a Man of an active Spirit, and of quick dispatch in Business,Hume's Design disappointed. with those Forces which he had ready about him, he prevented their Design, for he took the Castle of Sterlin, and the Queen in it; He took the Oath of Allegiance to the King publickly, by the Decree of the Nobles; the Queen and the Douglasses were removed,Three Governors over the young King, the Queen and Douglas being displaced. and Three of the Nobility, of great estimation for their Faithfulness & Integrity, were joined with Iohn Erskin Governor of the Castle, to preside over the Education of the Young King; they were to succeed one another by turns, and he allowed them a Guard for their Security; upon this, Hume, the Queen, and Douglas, fly into England; Hume and his Brother William fled into England. And Douglas and his Wife staid no longer behind them, but till they knew Henry's Mind, who commanded them to stay at Harbottle in Northumberland, till his Pleasure was further known.

Iohn, the Regent, was very much concern'd at all their departures, and therefore he presently sent Embassadors into England, to acquit himself before Henry, that he had done nothing, why the Queen should fear him, or be in the least disaffected towards him; neither had he acted any thing against those, who accompanied her in her Flight and Departure, but that they might enjoy their Country, their Freedom, and, if they pleased, their Estates. Thus publickly he wrote to the King: But besides that, he did not omit secretly to promote the return of the Hume's and Douglas, by the mediation of their Friends; he made them many large Promises, till he had brought them over to his Will.But, upon Reconciliation with the Regent, return home again. Whereupon, the rest returned Home; but the Queen being big, and near the Time of her Delivery, was constrained to stay there, where she brought forth a Daughter named Margaret, of whom in due place: But as soon as she was able to travel, she had a Royal Accommodation and Retinue sent from London to bring her up thither, where she was honourably and nobly received by Henry, her Brother, and Mary, her Sister, (who upon the death of her Husband, Lewis of France, had a little before returned into her own Country.

[Page]And yet the Suspicions before raised in Scotland, were not much abated, either by the departure of the Queen, or by the return of some of her Retinue: For Gawin Douglas, Uncle to the Earl of Angus, Patrick Pantar, Secretary of State to the former King, and Iohn Drummond chief of his Family, were sent to several Prisons and banished. And Alexander Hume raises an Insurrection, Alexander Hume was summon'd to appear before the Assembly of Estates, on the 12th day of Iuly, in the Year of Christ 1516; but he, not appearing, was condemned, and his Goods confiscate. He was inraged at this contumelious Wrong, (for so it was in his Eye) and to drive out one Fear by another, he either sent in, or else incouraged, Tories, to commit great Outrages upon the Neighbourhood: Whereupon the States order'd the Regent to raise Ten thousand Horse and Foot, to repress those Insolencies, and either to take Hume, or else drive him out of the Country. But before it came to Blows, Hume, But submits, and is made Prisoner. by the persuasion of his Friends, surrendred himself to the Regent, and so was conveyed to Edinburgh, to be a Prisoner under Iames Hamilton Earl of Arran, his Sister's Husband, who was to be esteemed as a Traitor, if he suffer'd him to escape; but the Issue of that Matter fell out otherwise than any Body expected,He escapes, and creates further Disturbances, for Hume persuaded Hamilton to escape away with him, and to make a Party, and so to enter on the Government Himself, he being the next Heir after the former King's Children, in regard he was born of a Sister of Iames the Third; and therefore it was more equitable, that he should enjoy the next Place to the King, than Iohn, who, 'tis true, was also the Son of a Brother, but born in his Banishment; and in all other things a perfect Foreigner, one who could not so much as speak the Scotish Language.

When the Regent heard of this, he went to take in Hamilton's Castle, and, placing his Brass-Guns against it, had it surrendred in two Days. In the mean time Hume made Excursions out of Merch, and pillaged the Country about, and at length burnt down a great part of the Town of Dunbar. These were the Transactions of that Year.

At the beginning of the Spring, Iohn Stuart, Earl of Lennox, whose Mother was Hamilton's Sister, join'd himself, with a great many of his Friends and Vassals, to the Rebels. These seiz'd upon the Castle of Glasgoe, and there they staid with Hamilton himself, expecting the Regents coming. The Regent had called a Council of the Nobles of his Party at Edinburgh, and there rais'd a suddain Force, and entred Glasgoe Castle; one Gunner, a French-Man, was punish'd as a Deserter; the rest were pardon'd by the intercession of Andrew Forman, who was then a Mediator for Peace between them. The Earl of Lennox, a few days after, was receiv'd into Favour, and from that day forward carry'd it with great Faithfulness and Observance towards the Regent. And not long after, first Hamilton, and then the Hume's, return'd to Court, and had an Amnesty for what was past; it was granted to Hume with greater difficulty than to the rest, because he had rebelled so often;But is quelled, with his Party. and an express Condition was added, that if he offended another time after that, the memory of his old Crimes should be again revived, [Page] and charged upon him. Peace being thus setled, the Regent retired to Falkland, where he staid some Months; but hearing of great Suspicions against Hume, he returned to Edinburgh. And on the 24th day of September held a Council of the Nobility, where he endeavoured, by his Friends, to draw Hume to Court. Large Promises were made to intice him so to do; but many of his Party dissuaded him; or, if he himself were resolved to go, yet he should leave his Brother William (who by his Valour and Munificence had almost obtained as great, or a greater Authority than himself) at Home, in regard the Regent would be afraid to use any high Severity against him, as long as his Brother was alive; but he being, as it were, hurried on by a Fatal Necessity, slighted the advice of his Friends;Both the Hume's come to Court, and, with his Brother William, and Andrew Car of Farnihurst, came to Court, where presently they were all clapt up in several Prisons. And, by the advice of the Council, a few days after, were tried,Are imprison'd, for their Lives, after the Country Custom. And yet there was no new Fact urged against them, Prince Iames, Earl of Murray, accused him for the Death of his Father, who came alive off the Field, as many Witnesses did prove. This Fact was strongly urged, but the Proofs were weak, so that they gave it over, and insisted only on his private Crimes, and the many former Rebellions were objected, of all which Alexander was either the Author, or at least Partaker in them; and moreover, 'twas alleged, that he did not do his Duty in the Battel of Flodden.

Hereupon, the Hume's were condemn'd, Alexander had his Head struck off the 11th of October, Tryed and Executed; and his Brother, the Day after; both of their Heads were set up on an high place, as a Terror to others, and their Estates were confiscate. This was the end of Alexander Hume, the powerfullest Man in Scotland of his Time. He, in his Life-time, had raised up the Hatred and Envy of a great many Men against him; yet, those Prejudices in time abating, his Death was variously spoke of, and so much the more, because he fell not, for the perpetration of any new Crime, but merely by the Calumnies (as 'twas thought) of Chiefly by the Instigation of Iohn Hepburn. Iohn Hepburn, the Abbat. For he, being a Factious Man, and eager of Revenge, bore an implacable Hatred against Hume; because, by his Means alone, he was disappointed of the Arch-Bishoprick of St. Andrews: So that, tho he had stifled his old Hatred for a Time, yet, 'twas believ'd, he push'd on the Regent (who of himself was suspicious enough of, and disaffected to, the Hume's) to the greater Severity against him, by telling him, how dangerous it would be to the King and all Scotland, if he, at his going into France, should leave so fierce an Enemy alive behind him. For, what would he not attempt in his Absence, who had despised his Authority when present? So that the Contumacy of the Man, which could not be lenified by Rewards, Honours, nor by frequent Pardons, had need be conquered by the Axe, if he would ever keep Scotland in quiet. These and such like Insinuations, upon pretence of consulting the publick Safety, being buzz'd into the Ears of a Man disaffected to them before, contributed more to the Destruction of the Hume's, (in the Judgment of many) than any of their Crimes. When the Hume's were put to Death, Andrew Car escapes out of Prison. Andrew Car [Page] obtained the Respite of one Night, to provide for his Souls Health; but, by means of his Friends, and especially a French-man his Keeper, it was suspected, upon the payment of a good Sum of Money down upon the Nail, he made his Escape.

Alexander Hume left three Brothers behind him, who all met with various Misfortunes in those Days; George, for a Murder he had committed, lay private, as an Exile, in England: Iohn, Abbat of Iedburgh, was banished beyond the Tay: David, the youngest, Prior of Coldingham, about two Years after the Execution of his Brothers, being called forth by Iames Hepburn, his Sisters Husband, upon pretence of a Conference, fell into an Ambush, laid purposely for him, and was slain, being much pityed by all; that an innocent young Man, of so great hopes, should be betrayed so unworthily by one, who had little reason so to do. When Severities and Punishments had thus ranged over the whole Family of the Hume's, at last it fell to their Enemies share, and especially to Iohn Hepburn's, who had been so severe an Exactor of the unjust Punishment of others; yet the Destruction of one Family, once so powerful, brought such a Pannick Fear upon all the rest, that Matters were the quieter a great while after. The next December, the Regent brought the King from Sterlin to Edinburgh, The Regent desires leave to pass over into France. and then he desired leave of the Nobility of Scotland to return into France; every one, almost, was against the Motion, so that he was forced to stay, till late in the Spring, and then took Shipping, promising speedily to return, in case any more than ordinary Commotion should arise, which required his Presence. For the Government of the Kingdom, in his Absence, He appoints seven Deputies to govern, in his absence. he left the Earls of Angus, Arran, Argyle, and Huntly, the Arch-Bishops of St. Andrew's and Glasgoe, to whom he added Anthony Darcy, a French-man, Governour of Dunbar, who was injoined to correspond with him, and to inform him of all Passages in his Absence. And that no Discord might arise, out of an ambitious Principle, between such Great and Noble Personages, by reason of their Parity in the Government, he allotted to each of them their several Provinces. Darcy, the French-man, the rest condescending thereunto, had the chief Place amongst them, Merch and Lothian being appointed to be under his Government. The other Provinces were distributed to the rest, according to each Man's particular Conveniency. Mean while, the Queen,Q. Margaret returns to Scotland. about a Year after she had been in England, near the end of May, returned to Scotland, and was attended by her Husband from Berwick: But they lived not together, so lovingly, as before.

The Regent, at his Departure, to prevent the budding and growth of Sedition in his Absence, had carryed along with him, either the Heads of the noblest Families, or else their Sons and Kindred, (upon a pretence of doing them Honour, but, indeed, as Pledges) into France: And he had sent others of them into different and remote parts of the Kingdom, where they had as 'twere but a larger Prison. He had also placed French Governors in the Castles of Dunbar, Dunbarton, and Or Inse-Garvy, a fortify'd Rock lying in the middle of the Forth, or Scotish Sea. Garvy, yet a Commotion arose, upon a slight occasion, whence it was least feared, or dreamt of.

[Page] Anthony Darcy had carried it with a great deal of Equity and Prudence in his Government, especially in restraining of Robberies. The first Tumult in his Province, which tended to any thing of a War, was made by William Cockburn, Uncle to the Lord of A Town in the Merss, a mile west of Duns. Langton; he had driven away the Guardians of the young Ward, and had seized upon the Castle of Langton, relying principally on the power of David Hume of Wederburn in the Merss. Wederburn, whose Sister Cockburn had married. Thither Darcy marched with a sufficient Guard, but they Within refused to surrender the Castle; and moreover, David Hume, with some few nimble Horse, riding up to him, upbraided him with the cruel Death of his Kinsman Alexander; the Darcy slain by David Hunt. French-man, partly distrusting his Men, and partly confiding in the Swiftness of the Horse he rode upon, fled towards Dunbar; but, his Horse falling under him, his Enemy overtook and slew him, and set up his Head in an eminent place on Hume-Castle; he was slain the 20th of September, in the Year 1517.

Whereupon, the other Governours had a Meeting, and fearing a greater Combustion, after this terrible beginning, they made the Earl of Arran, their President, and committed George Douglas (Brother to the Earl of Angus, upon Suspicion of his being privy to the Murder newly committed) Prisoner to Inse Garvy-Castle: They also sent to the Regent in France to call him back into Scotland, as soon as ever he could. About the same time, some Seeds of Discord were sown, between the Earl of Discord between Douglas Earl of Angus, and Andrew Car. Angus, and Andrew Car of Farnihurst, by reason of the Jurisdiction over some Lands which did belong to the Earl, but Andrew alleged, he had Power to keep Courts in them: The rest of the Family of the Car's sided with the Earl, but the Hamilton's took part with Andrew, which they did, more out of hate to the Douglas's, than for any Justice Car had, for his Pretensions; so that both Parties provided themselves against the Court-day, to run a greater hazard than the matter they strove about was worth. And Iohn Somerval, a noble and high-spirited young Man, of the Douglas's Faction, set upon Iames, the Natural Son of the Earl of Arran, on the Way, and slew five of his Retinue, putting the rest to flight, he also took above thirty of their Horses.

When an Assembly was summoned to be held at Edinburgh, April the 29th, 1520. The Hamiltons alleged, that they could not be safe in that City, where Archibald Douglas was Governour; whereupon, Archibald Douglas surrenders up his Government. Douglas, that he might not impede publick Business, about the end of March, resigned up his Government, of his own accord; and Robert Long, a Citizen of Edinburgh, was substituted in his Place. The Nobility of the The Western Nobles conspire to apprehend the Earl of Angus. West part of Scotland, of which there were very many, had frequent Meetings in the House of Iames Beton, the Chancellor; their Design was, to apprehend the Earl of Angus, for they alleged, that his Power was too great and formidable to the Publick; that, as long as he was at Liberty, they should have no freedom for Debate, or Resolution. And Opportunity seemed to favour their Design; for he, having now but a few of his Vassals about him, might be easily surprized, before his Kindred came in to his Assistance. When he perceived what was agitated [Page] against him, he sent his Uncle Gawin, Bishop of Dunkelden, to them, to pacify them, whom, he said, he had provoked with no Injury, and to desire them to manage the Dispute without force of Arms; for, if they could make out any just Complaint against him, he was willing, in Equity, to give them all due Satisfaction. But his Speech profited not, or being made to Men prepossessed, fierce, puissant, and greedy of Revenge. And therefore Gawin could obtain no good Terms from them, but returned to Angus, and acquainted him with the Arrogance of his Enemy, and then caused his whole Family to follow the Earl; He himself, being a Priest, and infirm too, by reason of Age, retired to his own Lodging. Some think, he did this to upbraid the unseasonable Pride of the Chancellor, who, when he ought to have been a Promoter of Peace, flew armed up and down, like a Fire-brand of Sedition. But he defends himself by force, and worsts them. Douglas, seeing there was no hopes of Agreement, exhorted his Men rather to die valiantly, than, like Dastards, to hide themselves in their Lodgings, from whence (to be sure) they would soon be pluck'd out by the Ears, to their Deaths; for their Enemies had stopp'd all Avenues and Passages, so that not a Man of them could get out of the City: All that were there present, assented to what he had spoken; and thereupon he and his Party, being clad in their Armour, seized upon the broadest Street in all the Town. He had about fourscore in his Train, but all stout resolute Men and of known Valour. They divided themselves into the most convenient places, and so set upon their Enemies as they came out of several narrow Alleys, at once; the first they slew, and drove the rest back, tumbling one upon another with a witness. The Earl of Arran, who commanded the opposite Party, with his Son Iames, got to a Ford and made their escape by the North-Lough; the rest ran several ways for shelter to the Convent of the Dominicans. Whilst these things were acting, there was a mighty Combustion all over the Town; and, in the midst of the Bustle, William, Angus's Brother, enters the City, with a great Party of his Clan-ship. When Douglas had got this Accession to his former Strength, tho there were abundance of his Enemies in the Town, yet he made a Proclamation, by a Trumpeter, that none should dare to appear in the Streets, with Arms about them, but his Friends and Party. Those that desired Passes to depart quietly, had them easily granted; there went out, in one Company, about 800 Horse, (besides those who had taken their Flight, before) with greater Ignominy than Loss. For there fell not above 72, but amongst them, were Men of Note, as the Brother of the Earl of Arran and Eglington's Son. This was done the 30th day of April, 1520. To revenge this Disgrace, the Hamilton's besieged Kilmarnock (a Castle in Cuningham); Robert Boyd, a Friend of the Douglas's, commanded it, but they soon left it, without effecting any thing. The next Year, Douglas came to Edinburgh, on the 20th of Iuly, bringing with him the Hume's, which had been banished, and there he took down the Heads of Alexander and William Hume, which had been set up on Poles. The whole five The Regent, after 5 Years absence, returns from France. Years, that the Regent was absent, were very full of Tumults, there was no end of pillaging and killing, till his Return, which was Octob. 30. 1521. Upon his Arrival, he [Page] resolved to abate the Power of the Douglas's, in order to the quieting of those Seditions, which had hapned in his absence. The Earl of Angus, Head of that Family, he sent into France; he caused the Pope, to call over his Uncle, the Bishop of Dunkelden, to Rome, to purge himself there from some imputed Crimes; who, the Year after in his Journy to Rome, fell sick of the Plague in London, and died: His Virtues were such, that he was very much lamented; for, besides the splendor of his Ancestry, and the comliness of his Personage, he was Master of a great deal of Learning, (as for those Times) and being also a Man of high prudence, and singular Moderation, even in troublesome Times, he was much esteem'd, in point of Faithfulness and Authority, even by contrary Factions; he left behind him considerable Monuments of his Ingenuity and Learning, written in his Mother-Tongue The next Year after the return of the Regent, a Parliament was held, and an Army levyed, appointed to rendevouz at Edinburgh, on a set day; whither they came accordingly, and pitch'd their Tents in the Fields, near In Mid-Lothian. Rosselin, none knowing upon what Service they were to be put; but at last an Herauld proclaim'd,The Regent raise an Army against England; that they were to march towards Annandale; a great Punishment being denounced on those, who refused so to do. The rest of the Army marched, obediently enough, to the River Solway, the Boundary of Scotland, only Alexander Gordon, and his Party, staid behind three Miles, backward, further from England: When the Regent heard of it, he came back to him the next Day, and brought him up to the Camp: There he called the Nobles and chief Commanders together, and shewed them many great and weighty Reasons, why he invaded England, on that side. But a great part of the Nobility, by the Instigation of Gordon, who was their Senior,But the Nobility oppose his Design. and of greater Authority than them all, wholly refused to set Foot on English Ground; whether out of Disaffection to the Regent; or else, (as they pretended) that 'twas not for the Interest of Scotland, so to do. The specious Pretences, cast abroad amongst the Soldiers, pleased them well enough; for if they had levyed an Army in favour of the French, lest the English might bring their whole Strength upon them, it was sufficient for that purpose, only to make a shew of War; but, if the Interest of Scotland were considered, Matters were not well setled at home, and their King was but a Child; so that, 'twas most adviseable for them, at that time, only to be on the Defensive, and to keep their own Country in quiet; for, if they should march forward, the blame, even of fortuitous Miscarriages, might be laid to their charge, and an account of such their Misfortunes might be required at their Hands, in a very short time. Lastly, tho they were never so willing to march forward against the Enemy, and so to slight the common Danger, as well as to overlook their own Concerns at Home; yet they were afraid the Scots would not be obedient to Command in an Enemies Country; great heed therefore was to be taken, lest, by Emulation, Envy, or late Disgusts, some notable Affront, or shameful Loss, might be received. The Regent, perceiving it in vain to oppose, was fain to yield; yet, that he might not seem to have acted a Pageantry only, with such vast Preparations [Page] in marching his Army, as far as the Solway, he suborned a fit Person, who used to traffick into England, to acquaint Dacres, then Lord Warden of the English Marches, that some good might be done, if he did treat with Iohn the Regent. He willingly hearkned to the Proposal, because he was unprovided for Defence, never imagining, that the Scots would have made an Irruption into England on that side; nor, indeed, scarce believing, that they would have made any such Attempt at all. Whereupon he sent an Herauld of Arms, and had a Passport to come and go, with safety, into the Camp. The next Day, Thomas Dacres and Thomas Musgrave, with about twenty more brave Cavaliers, came to the Regent's Tent; where they had private Discourse together, all alone, each having their Interpreters. Dacres, being taken unprovided,Whereupon he claps up a Truce with the English, and r [...] treats. was not averse from a Peace; and the Regent, not being able to effect any thing, without the Consent of his Army, clapt up a Truce; and thus an hopeful Introduction to a Peace was made, and so they parted. Those of the Scots, who were the greatest Hinderances of the Action, to avert the blame from themselves, spread abroad Reports, that Dacres had bought a Peace from the Regent, for a Sum of Money, of which, Part was in Hand paid, the rest promised, but never paid. Thus they endeavoured to disparage the Conference, amongst the Vulgar.

The Regent went again, on the 25th of October into France, The Regent, a second time, goes into France. but promised to return before August the First, next ensuing; yet, he kept not his Day, because he was informed, that the English had a Fleet to intercept his Passage; however he sent 500 Foot in the Month of Iune, both to incourage the Scots, and also, as an Earnest of his speedy return; they never saw the Face of an Enemy, in all their Voyage, till they came near the Isle of May, which is scituate in the Firth of Forth, there they fell among the English Ships, who lay in wait, in those Straits, to stop their Passage. There they had a sharp Fight, and the French boarded their Enemies Ships, but with the loss of their Admiral. When he was slain,A Skirmish between the French and English Flee [...]. the Sea-men would not obey the Captains of the Foot, and the Land-Souldiers, being ignorant of Sea-Affairs, could not command the Mariners; so that, after a great slaughter of the English, they could scarce be forced back into their own Ships.

In the absence of the Regent, Thomas Howard, Earl of Surry, The Earl of Surry with an Army ravages over part of Scotland. was sent, with ten thousand Men, and a great many Voluntiers, into Scotland: His Advantage was, that the Scots were at Discord amongst themselves, their chief Magistrates were absent, and they were under no certain Command, so that he march'd over Merch and Teviotdale, and took the Castles of both Shires, to the great loss of the Nobles, yea, and of the Commons too (who used upon sudden Invasions to secure themselves, and their Goods, in those Forts.) But Scotland did then labour with such intestine Discords, that no Man thought his Neighbours Calamity did at all belong to him; the English march'd up and down, for several Months, where they listed, without any Opposition; and when, at length, they retreated, the adjacent Scots endeavoured, in some sort, to revenge themselves for their Losses received, and thereupon daily Incursions [Page] were made by them into Northumberland, and great Booties gained from thence; so that Howard was sent against them a second time, who took Iedburgh (a Town unfortified, as the Scots Custom is,) but it cost him some toil,

Iedburgh taken by the English.

A strange Fright among the Horses of the English Army.

and loss of Men. Whilst these Things were acting in Teviotdale, the Horses of the English Army were so terrified in the Night, ('tis not known, upon what occasion) that about 500 of them broke their Bridles, running up and down the Camp, and overturning all that were in the way; some of the Soldiers they trampled down and trod upon; and then ran out into the open Field, as if they had been mad, and so became a Prey to such of the Country Scots, as could take them up. Hereupon, there was a great Consternation in the whole Camp, all crying out Arm, Arm, neither could the Tumult be appeased, till the next Morning. Three days after, the English, without making any further Attempt,The English Army retreats. disbanded their Army, and returned Home.

The Duke of Albany, knowing, that all the Ports on the French Shore were way-laid, by the English, to intercept him in his Return; being inferior in Strength, resolv'd to piece it out by Stratagem; whereupon, he kept not his Navy together in any one Port, but so dispersed them into several Harbours, (here one Ship, there another) that there was no appearance at all of any Warlike Preparation: And besides, he quartered his Soldiers in the Inland-Country, that no Body could imagin, he designed to ship them; so that the Admiral of the English Fleet, who waited to disturb his Passage, till the 13th of August, was weary to rove up and down in the Sea any longer, to no purpose; and, understanding by his Spies, that there was neither Fleet, nor Army, on all the French Coasts, he withdrew his Fleet, as supposing, Iohn would not wag, till the next Spring. The Duke of Albany, being informed of the Departure of the English, presently drew together his Navy of 50 Ships, aboard of which were 3000 Foot,The Regent arrives in Scotland from France, a second time. and an 100 Curiasiers; and so, after the Autumnal Aequinox, he set sail from France, and by the 24th of September made the Isle of Arran in Scotland, which hapned to be the same day, wherein the English burnt Iedburgh.

I shew'd before, how miserable the State of Affairs in Scotland was, the last Summer. The Nobles were at variance one with another; the English wasted all the Countries near them; they were Masters of the Sea, and thereby all hopes of Foreign Aid were cut off. The Design of the Enemy herein, was, to take down the Pride of the Scot, and, by Sufferings, to incline him to a Pacification; neither were those Scots that were adverse to the French Faction, less addicted thereto, for they earnestly desired a perpetual Peace with England; of which Faction, the Queen was the Chief. For when Hume was taken off,Q. Margaret, with her Brother Henry the 8th of England, persuade the Scots to break with the French, with their Arguments to inforce it. Douglas pack'd away, and the other Nobles were judg'd rather fit to follow, than to lead, in the Management of Matters; all those that were not Favourers of the French Interest, applyed themselves to the Queen. She, on the other side, to gratify her Brother, and also to draw the Power into her own Hands, dissembled her private Ambition, and exhorted them, saying, that now was the time to free their young King, who was almost of Age, from the Bondage of a Stranger; and also, to [Page] deliver themselves from the same Yoke; for the Queen now laboured to strengthen her Party against her Husband, whom she long before began to disgust: Besides, the King of England sent frequent Letters, stuft with large Promises, to the Nobles of Scotland, desiring them, to promote his Sisters Designs: He told them, it was not his Fault, that there was not a perpetual Amity between the two neighbouring Kingdoms; and that he, with others, did much desire it at this time; not for any private end of his own, but to make it appear, that he bore a respect to his Sister's Son, whom he was resolved to support, and gratify, as much as ever he was able. And if the Scots would be persuaded to break their League with France, and to strike in with England, they should quickly find, his aim was not Ambition, but Love and Concord only. That Mary, his only Daughter, being married to Iames, by that Affinity, the Scots would not come over to the Government of the English, but the English to That of the Scots. That Enmities as great as theirs, had intervened betwixt Nations, heretofore, which, yet, by Alliances, mutual Commerce, and interchangeable Kindnesses, had been wholly abolish'd and extinct. Moreover, he reckon'd up the Advantages, or Inconveniencies, which might accrue to either Nation, by this Union with each other, rather than with the French; as, that they were one People, born in the same Island, brought up under the same Climate, agreeable one to another in their Language, Manners, Laws, Customs, Countenance, Colour, and in the very Lineaments of their Bodies; so that they seemed rather to be one Nation than two: But as for the French, they differed from them, not only in Climate and Soil, but also in the whole course of their Conversations. Besides, if France were an Enemy, she could do no great damage to Scotland; and, if a Friend, yet she could not be highly advantageous; as for the Assistance of England, That was near at Hand; but French Aid, was much more remote, there was no Passage for it, but by Sea; and therefore, it might be prevented by Enemies, or else hindered by Storms. They were therfore desired to consider, how inconvenient it was for the management of Affairs, and how unsafe for the Publick, to hang the hopes of their, and the Kingdoms, Safety, upon so unconstant and variable a thing, as a blast of Wind. How much they might expect from absent Friends, against present Dangers, may be easily perceived by the Actions of the last Summer, wherein the Scots not only felt, but even saw with their Eyes, how the English did baffle them, being forsaken by their Friends, and came upon them with all their Strength, ready to devour them; but the French Aid, so long looked for, was kept back by the English Navy, in their own Harbours.

These were the Allegations for a Peace with England: And not a few, being convinced thereby, inclined thereunto; but Others argued to the contrary, for there were Many in that Assembly,But the French Faction in Scotland oppose in, with their Reasons. whom the French had brib'd; and some, who had got great Estates out of the publick Losses, for fear they should lose them, did abhor the thoughts of Peace. There were others, who suspected the readiness and facility of the English, in making such large Promises, especially since matters in England were manag'd, for the most part, at the [Page] will and pleasure of Thomas Woolsey, Cardinal Woolsy a self-ended and ambitious Statesman. a Cardinal, a Man wicked and ambitious, who referr'd all his Designs to his own private Advantage, and the inlargement of his Power and Authority; and therefore he accommodated them to every turn of the Wheel of Fortune, as men say. All these did equally favour a League with France, tho induced thereunto on different Grounds. They alleged, that the sudden Liberality of the English was not free and gratuitous, but done out of Design; and that This was not the first time, that they had us'd such Arts to intrap the unwary Scots. For Edward the First, (said they) when he had sworn and obliged himself, by all the Bonds of Law and Equity, to decide the thing in Dispute, and therefore was chosen Arbitrator by the Scots, had, most injuriously, made himself King of Scotland; and of late Edward the 4th had betrothed his Daughter Cicely to the Son of Iames the 3d; but when the young Lady grew up to be marriageable, and the day of Consummation thereof almost appointed, he took the opportunity of a War, which arose upon the account of our private Discords, and so broke off the Match: And that the English King aim'd at nothing else now, but to cast the tempting bait of Rule before them, that so he might make them really Slaves; and, when they were destitute of Foreign Aid, might subdue them at his Pleasure, and unawares, with all his force. Neither was that Position a true one, wherein the contrary party did pride themselves, That an Allyance near at hand was better than one farther off; For causes of Dissension would never be wanting among those which were near; which were oftentimes produc'd, even by sudden chances; and sometimes, great Men would promote them, upon every light occasion; and then the Laws of Concord will be prescrib'd by him, who hath the longest Sword. That there was never such a firm and sacred Bond of Friendship, between Neighbouring Kingdoms, which, upon occasions offer'd, or fought for, was not often violated; neither could we hope, that the English would more refrain now from violating such a League, than they formerly did, against so many Kings of their own Blood; 'tis true, the Sanctity of Leagues, and the Religion of an Oath for the faithful Performance of Pacts and Agreements are firm Bonds and Ingagements to good Men; but amongst those which are bad, they are but as so many Snares and Gins, and give only opportunity to deceive; and such an Opportunity is most visible in a Propinquity of Borders and Habitations, in the Sameness of a Language, and in a Similitude of Conversation. But if all these things were otherwise, yet, (proceeded they) there are Two things to be regarded and provided for: First, that we reject not our old Friends, even without an hearing, who have so oft well deserv'd of us. The other, that we do not here spend our time in Quarrels and Disputes, especially about a Business, wherein nothing can be determin'd, but in an Assembly of all the Estates of the Kingdom. Thus stood the Inclinations of those of the French Faction; and so they obtain'd, that no Determination should be made, till they receiv'd certain News of the French Supplies.

When the return of the Regent was made known, it mightily rejoiced his Friends, strengthned the wavering, and kept back [Page] many, who favour'd the League with England, from complying with it. He sent his Warlike Provisions up the River Clyde to Glasgoe, and there muster'd his Army; He also publish'd a Proclamation, that the Nobility should attend him at Edinburgh, where he made an elegant Speech to them, commending their Constancy in maintaining their ancient League, and their Prudence in rejecting the perfidious Promises of the English: He highly extolled the Goodwill, Love, and Liberality of Francis, the French King, towards the Scots; and exhorted them, to lay aside their private Animosities and Fewds; and, seeing foreign Aid was come into them, to revenge their Wrongs, and to repress the Insolence of their Enemy, by some notable blow. Hereupon, after his Souldiers had refresh'd themselves, and the Scots Forces had joined them, he marched towards the The Regent again marches with an Army into England, Borders, whither he came the 22d of Octob. But being about to enter England, and having already sent part of his Forces over a Wooden Bridg, which was at Mulross, the Scots made the same Pretences, as they did in the former Expedition at Solway; and refus'd to enter England, so that he was forc'd to recal that party, which he had commanded over; and pitching his Tents a little below, on the left side of the Tweed, endeavour'd to storm the Castle of Besieges Werke-Castle, is repulsed and retreats. Werke, scituated over against him, on the right side of the River. In the mean time, the Horse that had pass'd over the River, beset all Passages, that no Relief could come to the Besieged, they als [...] [...]aged with Fire and Sword against all the Country thereabou [...] [...] [...] he Description of Werke-Castle described. Werke Castle is this: In the inner Cour [...] [...], there is a very high Tower, well fortifi'd, it is compass'd with a double Wall; the outward Wall incloses a large space of Groun [...] (whither the Country-People were wont to fly in time of War, and to bring their Corn and Cattle, with them, for Safeguard) the inner Wall is narrower, but trench'd round about, and better fort [...]fi'd with Towers built thereon. The French took the outward Co [...]rt by Storm, but the English set Fire to the Barns, and the Straw [...] was in them, which made such a Smoke and Flame, that they [...] them out again. For the next two days, they batter'd the inner Wall with their great Guns; and after they had made a Brea [...]h wide enough for Entrance, the French again attempted the matter, and valiantly storm'd at the Breach they had made; but they in the inner Castle, being yet safe, darted down all sorts of Weapons upon them, and they lay expos'd to every Blow; so that having lost some few of their Men, they were beat back to their Army, and so returned over the River. The Regent perceiving that the Minds of the Scots were averse from Action; and also [...]earing for certain, that the English were coming against them with a numerous Army; their own Writers say, no less than 40000 fighting Men; and besides, that 6000 more were left to defend Berwick, a Neighbour-town: The 11th of Novemb. he removed his Camp to a Nunnery, called In the [...] near [...]-Castle. Eccles, about six Miles distant from his present Encampment; thence at the 3d Watch he marched by N [...]ght to Lauder; both Horse and Man were much incommoded in their March, by the sudden Fall of a great Snow. The same Storm occasion'd the English also to disband, and return home, without [Page] effecting any thing. The rest of the Winter was quiet enough.

At Spring, the The Regent undertakes his third Voyage into France. Regent, in an Assembly of the Nobles, told them the Causes, why he must needs go again into France, but he promised them to return, before the 1st of September next following. And moreover, he desired them, that, during his Absence, the King might remain at Sterlin, and that they would make no Peace or Truce with the English, before his Return; as also, that they would innovate nothing in the Government. They promised him faithfully to obey his Commands; and thus on the 14th of May, He, and his Retinue set Sail for France. In his absence, the Reins were let loose, every Man's Will was his Law, and a great deal of havock was made, and Mischief done, without any Punishment at all; whereupon the King, though but a Child, by the advice of his Mother, and the Earls of Arran, Lennox, Crawford, and many other of the prime Nobility, came from Sterlin to Edinburgh, and on the 29th of Iuly, by the Counsel of his Nobles, whom he had convened at his Palace of Holy-rood-house, he took upon him the In his absence the young King enters upon the Government; Government of the Kingdom; and the next day, caused them all to swear Fealty to him, a second time; and, to shew that he had actually assumed the Administration of matters into his own Hands, he discharged all publick Officers; but a few days after he restored them to their places again.

There was a great Assembly of the Nobles held on the 20th Day of August, that so he might And vacates the Regents Power. vacate the Power of the Regent, which he had now taken upon himself; and so went in great Pomp (as the manner is) into the publick Hall of the Town; only the Bishops of St. Andrews and Aberdene dissented, alleging, That they ought to stay till the first of September, at which time the Regent had promis'd to return; whereupon they were imprison'd. But they reveng'd themselves with their own Church-weapons, and excommunicated all of their Diocesses. However, in about a Month or two after, they were reconcil'd to the King, and restor'd to the same place in his Favour, which they held before.

About the same time Archibald Douglas, Margarite's Husband, returns from France, through England, into Scotland. Archibald Douglas, who, as I said before, was sent into France, sent Simon Penning, an active Man, and much trusted by him, to the King of England, to persuade him to give him the liberty of returning home through his Dominions, which was granted. For Henry was well enough pleased at the Diminution of the Authority of so active a Person, as the Duke of Albany; and at the Change which was made in Scotland, so that he entertained the Earl courteously, and dismiss'd him very honourably. But his Return did variously affect the Minds of the Scots: For seeing all publick Business was transacted under the Conduct of the Queen, and the Earl of Arran; a great part of the Nobility, the Heads whereof were Iohn Stuart Earl of Lennox, and Calen Cambel Earl of Argyle, taking it in great Distaste, that they were not admitted to any part of the publick Administration, received Douglas with high Expressions of Joy, as hoping, by his Aid, either to gain over the Power of the adverse Faction to themselves, or, at least, to abate their Pride. On the other side, the Queen, who, as I said before, was disaffected towards her Husband, was much [Page] troubled at his coming, and sought by all means to undermine him. And moreover Hamilton, out of the Relicks of his old Hatred, was none of his Friend; besides, he fear'd, lest Douglas, who he knew would not be content with a second place, should mount the Saddle, and make him truckle under; so that he strove to maintain his own Dignity, and opposed him with all his Might. They kept themselves within the Castle of Edinburgh, and tho they knew very well, that many of the Nobility affected Alterations; yet, trusting to the Strength of the Place, and the Authority of the Kingly Name, (tho it were but a sorry Defence, in those Circumstances) they thought themselves secure from Force. He, with his Partisans, seize on the young King, and manage the Government. The adverse Party had a great meeting of the Nobles, where they chose Three of their own Party to be Guardians of King and Kingdom, Three Moderators of the Kingdom, Douglas, Stuart and Cambel. Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus; Iohn Stuart, Earl of Lennox; and Calen Cambel, Earl of Argyle; they made great haste in their business: First, they passed the Forth, and caused Iames Beton, a prudent Man, to join with them, who, perceiving the Strength of the Party, durst not resist. From thence they went to Sterlin, and conferr'd all publick Offices and Employments on the Men of their own Faction, only; and from thence they came to Edinburgh, which they entred without Force, for it was not fortified at all. They cast up a small Trench against the Castle, and besiedg'd it. The Defendants had made no Provision for a Siege, and therefore soon surrendred up both It and Themselves. All but the King were sent away, so that now the whole weight of the Government lay upon the Shoulders of those Three Associates; who agreed among themselves, That they would manage it by turns, each of them attending four Months apiece on the King. But this Conjunction was not hearty, neither did it last long. Douglas attended the first four Months, who brought the King into the Archbishop of St. Andrews House, and made use of all the Bishop's Houshold stuff, and other Accommodations, as if they had been his own; (for he had a little before revolted from their Faction) and to engage the King to him the more, he suffer'd him to wallow in all kind of Pleasure; and yet he obtain'd not his End neither, in regard the King's Domesticks were corrupted by the adverse Faction, headed by the Queen and Hamilton.

The first Grudges at Court brake forth, upon the account of distributing Ecclesiastical Preferments; for the But Douglas soon ou [...] the other Two. Douglasses drew all to themselves; George Creighton was translated to the Bishoprick of Dunkelden: The Abby of Holy Rood in the Suburbs, which was left by him, Douglas gave to his Brother William, who had now for 5 years forcibly held That of Coldingham, about six Miles from Berwick, after the Murder of Robert Blacketer, the former Abbat: For Robert Blacketer, Robert's Cousin-german, had the Abby bestowed on him by the Pope, with the Consent of Iohn, the Regent. He had also commenced a Suit against Iohn Hume, an Intimate of the Earl of Angus's, and Husband to his Sister's Daughter, about the whole ancient Estate of the Blacketers. And therefore Patrick being unable to cope with the Douglasses, suffer'd his Estate to be made a Prey to his Enemies, and reserv'd himself for better times amongst his [Page] Mother's Kindred, far from those Counties, which were obnoxious to the Faction of the Douglasses. They, on the other side, though they did not much value Patrick, yet having the Supreme Power in their Hands, and being unwilling to incur the Blot of invading other Mens Rights by mere Force, made use of Friends, to proffer him some kind of Amends and Satisfaction; he, shewing himself inclinable to an Agreement, even tho he remitted part of his Right, had thereupon a Pass, and the publick Faith given him by Douglas, to come to Edinburgh, which he did, only with a small Retinue, and unarm'd; and not far from the Gates of the City he was set upon by Iohn Hume, who lay in Ambush for that purpose, and slain. As soon as the Noise of the Fact was spread over the City, many mounted their Horses, and pursued the Murderers some Miles, in order to their apprehension; but, understanding that George Douglas, Brother to the Earl, was in their Company, and many more of Douglas's Faction, with the Kindred of Hume, not knowing with what intent they came out, whether to catch, or to defend, the Murderers, they desisted from their Pursuit; whereupon strange Reports were divulged abroad concerning the Douglasses.

As for Calen Cambel, he had already withdrawn himself from the Triumvirate; and the Earl of Lennox, though he followed the King, yet, in regard the Douglasses drew all Offices of publick Advantage to themselves, he gave many Testimonies of his Dislike, and that his Mind was quite alienated from them. But they, being confident of their Power, slighted the Reports and ill-will of others; mean while, the King, though he were us'd more indulgently than was fit, that so his infirm Spirit might be the longer in Subjection to them; yet notwithstanding, by little and little, grew weary of their Government, being also alienated from them by his Domesticks, who laid to their charge Actions, some true, some false, and interpreted the doubtful in the worst sense; whereupon, he held secret Cabals with such as he could trust, concerning vindicating himself into his Freedom and Liberty: Neither was he afraid to open the Secrets of his Heart to Iohn Earl of Lennox, one of his Nobles; for, besides his other Virtues of Mind and Body, he was an honest and fine-spoken Man, and excellently compos'd to conciliate and win upon Men, by a natural Sweetness of Manners and Deportment: Him he made privy to his Designs; and whilst they were consulting concerning the Time, Place, and Manner of it's Accomplishment,At which, the Nobility is much discontented, and endeavour to take the King, by Force, out of his Hands. Douglas was making many Expeditions against the Banditty, but with no great Success; at length, about the end of Iuly, he resolv'd to carry the King into Teviotdale, as supposing, that his presence would be advantageous, by striking a Terror into the Licentious. Thus an Assembly being held at Iedburgh, the King call'd together all the Heads of the chief Families round about, and commanded them to apprehend those Criminals, every one within his own Precinct, of which he then gave them a List: They willingly and industriously obey'd this Command, so that, the Heads of the Thieves were many of them put to Death, and Others were spared in hopes of Amendment. Thus, whilst the Minds of all were very merry and jocund; they, who had a design [Page] to free the King from the Pupillage of the Douglasses, thought that a good opportunity to effect it, because one Walter Scot overthrown by the Douglasses, in his Endeavours to free the King. Walter Scot, living not far from Iedburgh, had great Clanships in the Counties thereabouts. The manner of the accomplishing their Project was thus laid; Walter was to invite the King to his House, and there he was to remain with his own good liking, till greater Forces came in, at the Noise of the thing: But their Design seem'd to be discovered, either by Chance, or upon some private Intimation. Whereupon the King was carried back to Mulross. Yet Walter was not discouraged, but proceeded on strait in his Journy to the King: when he was but a little way off, frightful News were brought to the Douglasses, that Walter was at hand, well-arm'd, and a great Troop of arm'd Men accompanying him. So that there was no doubt to be made, but he, being a factious Man, and withal, good at his Weapon, did intend some Mischief; insomuch that they all presently ran to their Arms. Douglas, tho inferior in number, yet knowing that the Men he had of his own, were choice ones; and besides that, he had several valiant Persons of the Family of the Carrs and Humes's in his Train, with Iohn Hume and Andrew Carr their Principals, resolv'd to put it to a Battel: In the very nick of time, George Hume had almost spoil'd all, who, when Douglas commanded him to alight from his Horse, and manage his part in the Fight; answered, He would not so do; no, not if the King himself commanded him. They fought eagerly and couragiously on both sides, as Men who had their King (the price of the Combat) their Spectator. Iohn Stuart stood near the King, without striking a Stroke, only as a Spectator of the Fight.

After a sharp Encounter, Walter was wounded, and then his Men gave ground: but the Joy of the Douglasses Victory was much allayed by the Loss of Andrew Carr, who for his singular Virtues was, equally lamented by both Parties. Upon the account of his being slain, there ensued a perpetual Feud between the Families of the Carrs and the Scots, which was not ended without Blood. From that time forward, Iohn Stuart, who carried himself as a Neuter in the Fight, being afore suspected by the Douglasses, was now accounted their open Enemy, so that he departed from the Court. These things were acted Iuly 23. in the Year 1521.

The Douglassians, perceiving themselves subject to the Envy of many, sought to strengthen their Faction by new Acquists; and therefore they made up the old Breach betwixt them and the Hamiltons, a Family much abounding in Wealth, Power and Number, but remote from Court. Them he admitted into part of the Government. On the other side, Iohn Stua [...]t, Earl of Lennox, with the King's Privity, renews the Design of redeeming the King from the Douglasses. Iohn Stuart had the advantage of being highly favoured by most People; and having also privately obtain'd the King's Letter to the chief of the Nobility, who, he thought, would have kept his Counsel, he mightily strengthened his Party. And therefore in a Convention of his Faction at Sterlin, where were also present Iames Beton, some other Bishops, and many Heads of the noblest Families; he openly propounded to them the Design of asserting the King to his Liberty. This was unanimously agreed to, and tho the Day for mustering their Forces was not yet [Page] come; yet, hearing that the Hamiltons were gathered together at Linlithgow to intercept their March, it was judged adviseable to attack them, before they join'd with the Douglasses; and accordingly with the present Force which he had, he marched directly towards them: But the Hamiltons having Intelligence that Iohn would march out of Sterlin that Day, early in the Morning had called the Douglassians out of Edinburgh, to their Assistance, before. But the King, besides other Obstacles, did somewhat retard them, by pretending himself not well; so that he rose later out of his Bed that day, than ordinary; and besides, he march'd very slowly; and upon the way would often turn aside to ease Nature, as if he had been troubled with a Lask. And when George Douglas had in vain flattered him, to make more haste, at last he brake forth into this menacing Expression, Sir, said he, Rather than our Enemies should take you from us, we will lay hold on your Body; and if it be rent in pieces, we will be sure to retain one part thereof. Those Words struck a deeper Impression on the King's Mind, than is usual in one of his Age; insomuch, that when the Douglasses were banish'd many Years after, and he had some Inclination to recal the rest of them, he could not endure to hear any body speak of a Reconciliation with George. The Hamiltons, betwixt fear of their Enemy approaching, and hope of Aid at hand, had set themselves in Array at the Bridg of the River Aven, which is about a Mile from Linlithgoe, they plac'd a small Guard at the Bridg, and the rest of their Forces on the Brow of the Hills, which they knew the Enemy must pass. Lennox, seeing that his Passage over the Bridg was stopp'd, commanded his Men to pass over a small River, a little above, by a Nunnery (call'd A Mile above the Bridg near Linlithgo. Manuel) and so to beat the Hamiltonians from the Hills, before Douglas's Forces had join'd them. The Lennoxians made towards their Enemies thorough thick and thin, as we say; but by casting down of Stones from the Hills, they were much prejudiced; and when they came to handy Blows, the Word was given, that the Douglasses were at hand; and indeed they, from their March, ran in hastily into the Fight, and soon carry'd the Day; so that Lennox fights with the Douglassians and Hamiltonians, is worsted and slain. Lennox's Men were grievously wounded and put to flight. The Hamiltonians, especially Iames the Bastard, used their Victory with a great deal of Cruelty; William Cuningham, Son to the Earl of Glencarn, receiv'd many Wounds, but his Life was saved by the Douglasses his Kinsmen. Iohn Stuart was slain, much lamented by the Earl of Arran, his Uncle; and also by Douglas himself, but most of all, by the King; For he had sent Andrew Wood of the Largs, his Favourite, before, (as soon as ever as he had heard of the Fight, by the clashing of the Armour) to save Lennox's Life, if possible, but he came, as we say, a day after the Fair.

After this Victory, the Douglasses, to keep down the Faction of their Enemies,Great Severity used by the Douglasses against Lennox's Party. and make them subject to their Will, proceeded in the Law against those who had taken up Arms against their King, as they phrased it; so that, for fear of a Trial, many were forc'd to compound with them for Mony; some put themselves into the Clanship of the Hamiltons; others, into that of the Douglasses; but the most obstinate were called to the Bar: Amongst whom was [Page] Gilbert Earl of Cassils, who, when he was press'd by Iames Hamilton the Bastard, to shrewd himself under the Protection of the Hamiltons, out of the Greatness of his Spirit made this Answer, That there was an old League of Friendship made between both their Grandfathers; in which his Grandfather was always named First, as the more honourable. And now he would not so far degenerate from the Dignity of his Family, or the Glory of his Ancestors, as to put himself under the Patronage (which was but one degree below plain Slavery) of that Family, whose Chief, in an equal Alliance, was always content with the Second Place. So that when Gilbert was call'd to his Answer at a Day appointed, The couragious Answer of Hugh Kennedy, in behalf of Gilbert Earl of Cassils. Hugh Kennedy, his Kinsman, made Answer for him, That he had not taken up Arms against the King, but for him, for he was commanded by the King to be at that Fight, and, if it were needful, he proffered to produce the King's Letters to that purpose. The Hamiltons were much troubled at his Boldness: For indeed, the King had wrote to Gilbert, when he went from Court, as well as to others, That he should take part with Iohn Stuart. But seeing the Battel was at hand, insomuch that he could have no time to call together his Clanship and Kindred, as he was upon the way, he turn'd aside, with those of his Family that were with him, to Sterlin.

The Violence of the Hamiltons was somewhat abated by this Trial, but Iames, the Bastard, burnt with a mortal Hatred against Kennedy; and a few days after, as he was returning home he caus'd him to be murther'd upon the way, by means of Hugh Cambel Laird of Air. This Hugh, the same day the Murder was committed, (which he had commanded his Vassals to execute, that so he might avert all Suspition of so horrid a fact from himself) went to Iohn Erskin's House, whose Wife was Sister to Gilbert Kennedy's Wife; She, as soon as ever she heard of this cruel Murther, did not cease to upbraid him most grievously therewith, to his very face. Thus the noble Family of the Kennedy's was almost quite extinguished; the Son of the Earl, after his Father was slain, being but a Child, fled to his Kinsman Archibald Douglas, who was then Lord Treasurer, and put himself and his Family under his Protection; he lovingly receiv'd him, and such was the great Ingenuity of his promising Years, that he designed him for his Son-in-law. Hugh Cambel was summon'd to appear, but his Crime being manifest, he fled out of the Land Neither did the Douglasses exercise their Revenge and Hatred less fiercely upon Iames Beton, for they led their Forces to St. Andrews, seized upon, pillaged and ruined his Castle, because they counted him the Author of all the Projects the Earl of Lennox had undertaken; but he himself went under frequent Disguises, because no Man durst entertain him openly, and so escaped. And with the like kind of Dissimulation and Solitude the Queen Herself made her Retirement, that so She might not fall into the Hands of her Husband, whom she hated.

At the beginning of the next Spring, Douglas made an Expedition into Liddisdale, where he slew many of the Thieves, falling upon them unawares in their Hutts, before they could gather themselves together for defence; twelve of them he hang'd up, and [Page] twelve more he kept as Hostages; but because their Fellows did not forbear their old trade of robbing, a few Months after, he put them to Death also. At his Entrance on that Expedition, there hapned a matter very memorable, which, for the Novelty of the thing,The bold Attempt of an Under-Groom, to destroy Iames Hamilton, in Revenge of his Master's, the Earl of Lennox his Death. I shall not pretermit: There was an Under-Groom, or Helper, belonging to the Stables of Iohn Stuart, of mean Descent, and therefore used in a mean Employment, to dress Horses; when his Lord and Master was kill'd by the Hamiltons, he wander'd up and down for a time, not knowing what course to take; at last he took Heart and resolved to attempt a Fact, far superior to the rank and condition, he had been born and brought up in. For he undertook a Journey to Edinburgh, with an intent to revenge the Death of his Lord who was slain; and there he casually lighted upon a Man of the same Family and Fortune with himself; he demanded of him, whether he had seen Iames Hamilton the Bastard, in the City; who answer'd him, he had; What, said he, Thou ungratefullest of Men, hast thou seen him, and would'st thou not kill him, who slew so good a Master as we Both had; get thee gone with a witness; all Misery betide thee. And thereupon he presently hastned on in his designed Voyage, and came directly to Court. There were then in a large Court, which is before the Palace in the Suburbs, about 2000 arm'd Men of Douglasses and Hamilton's Dependants, ready prepared for the Expedition, I spake of before; he, seeing them, past by all the rest, and fix'd his Eye and Mind on Hamilton only, who was then coming out of the Court-yard in his Cloak without his Armor, when he saw him in a pretty long Gallery, (and somewhat dark) which is over the Gate, he flew at him, and gave him six Wounds, one of them almost pierc'd to his Vitals, others of them he pretty well avoided by the Flexure of his Body, and by warding them off with his Cloak which he held before him; and then the Groom presently mixt himself among the Croud; immediately a great hubbub was raised, and some of the Hamiltons suspected, that the Douglasses had done so horrid a Fact, out of the relicks of their old Feuds; so that those two Factions had almost like to go together by the Ears; at last, when their Fear and Surprise was allay'd, they were all commanded to stand in single ranks, by the Walls which were round about the Court-yard; there the Murderer was discovered, as yet holding the bloody Knife in his hand. Being demanded, what he was, and whence and for what he came thither? he made no ready Answer; upon which he was dragg'd to Prison, and put to the Rack, and then he confess'd immediately,The Groom apprehended and tortured, yet dies very resolutely. that he had undertaken the Fact, in revenge of his good Lord and Master, and that he was sorry for nothing, but that so famous an Attempt did not take effect; he was tortur'd a long time, but discover'd no Body, as privy to his Design; at, last he was condemned and carried up and down the City, and every part of his naked Body was nipp'd with Iron Pinchers red hot; and yet, neither in his Speech, nor in his Countenance, did he discover the least sense of Pain; when his right Hand was cut off, he said, that it was punish'd less than it had deserved, for not sufficiently seconding the Dictates of so stout a Spirit. Moreover the same [Page] Year, Patrick Hamilton, Son to a Sister of Iohn Duke of Albany, Patrick Hamilton, nobly descended, put to Death upon the account of Religion. and of a Brother of the Earl of Arran's, her Husband, a young Man of great Judgment and singular Learning, by a Conspiracy of the Priests, was burnt at St. Andrews: And not long after his Suffering, Men were much terrified at the Death of Alexander Cambel, he was of the Order of the Dominicans; a Man also of good Ingenuity, and accounted one of the most learn'd of all those, who follow'd the Sect of Thomas Aquinas; Patrick had often Conference with him concerning the meaning of the Holy Scripture, and at last he brought the Man to confess and acknowledg, that almost all the Articles, which were then counted Heterodox, were really true. And yet this Alexander, being more desirous to save his Life, than to hazard it for Truths sake, was persuaded by his Friends to prefer a publick Accusation and Charge against him; Patrick, being a Man of a zealous Spirit, could not brook this Desire of Vainglory in the ambitious Man, but brake forth into this Expression openly: O thou vilest of Men, says he, who art convinc'd, that the Tenents which thou now condemneth are most certainly true, and not long since didst confess to me that they were so; I do therefore cite thee to the Tribunal of the living God. The strange Death of Alexander Cambel, the self-condemned Persecutor of Patrick Hamilton. Alexander was so astonished at that word, that he was never himself from that day forward, and not long after he died in a Fit of Madness.

All this time, and for a great part of the Year ensuing, the Douglasses, being severally intent upon other Matters and Concerns, were secure, as to the King's Departure from them; because they believed, that now his Mind was fully reconciled to them by those Blandishments and immoderate Pleasures they had indulg'd him in. And besides, they thought, if he had a mind to remove, there was no Faction strong enough to oppose them, neither was there any strong Garison, whither to retire, but only Sterlin Castle, which was allotted to the Queen for her Habitation; but then it was deserted for a time, by the Queen's Officers, when she hid her self for fear of the Douglasses; and when the Tumult was a little appeased, 'twas somewhat fortified, but rather for a Shew, than for any real Defence. The King frees himself from the Douglasses. The King having obtained some small Relaxation, saw that this must be his only refuge, and therefore he bargain'd with his Mother privately to exchange that Castle, and the Land adjoyning, for other Lands as convenient for her; and providing all other Requisites as secretly as he could, the Douglasses not being so intent, as formerly, in their Watch over him, he retired by Night with a few in his Company from Or Falcoland, about the middle of Fife. Falkland to Sterlin; whither he soon sent for some of the Nobles to come to him, and others hearing the News, came in of their own accord; so that now he seemed sufficiently secured against all Force: There, by the Advice of his Nobles, he published a Proclamation,The Douglasses forbidden, by Proclamation, to intermeddle in the Government. that the Douglasses should abstain from all Administration of publick Affairs. And moreover, that none of their Kin, by Blood or Marriage, or of their Dependants, should come within twelve Miles of the Court; he that did otherwise, was to lose his Life. When the Edict was served upon the Douglasses, as they were coming to Sterlin, many were of opinion, that they should go on in their [Page] Journey, but the Earl and his Brother George thought it best to obey the Edict. Thus they went back to Linlithgo, resolving to stay there, till they heard some more News from the Court. In the mean time, the King, with great Diligence, sent Messengers, even to the furthest parts of the Kingdom, to call in all the Nobles, who had a Priviledg of voting, to an Assembly at Edinburgh, to be celebrated Septemb. the 3d. next ensuing. In the Interim, He at Sterlin, and the Douglasses at Edinburgh, gathered Forces about them, but it was rather to defend themselves, than offend one another. At length Iuly the 2d. the Douglasses departed out of the City, and the King, with his Forces and Banners display'd, enter'd in; but by the Mediation of Friends, deprecating the King, on their Behalf, Conditions were offer'd to them, which were, That the Earl of Angus should be banished beyond the Spey; That George his Brother, and Archibald his Uncle, should be kept in hold in the Castle of Edinburgh: If they submitted to these Terms, then there was hopes of the King's Mercy, otherwise not. These Terms being rejected by them, they were commanded, by an Herauld, to attend the Parliament, that was to be held at Edinburgh the 3d. of Septemb. In the mean time, their publick Offices were taken from them, and Gawin Dunbar, the King's Tutor, was made Chancellor instead of the Earl; He was a good and a learned Man, but some thought him a little defective in Politicks: and Robert Carncross was made Treasurer in the place of Archibald, New Officers at Court. one more known for his Wealth than his Virtue. The Douglasses being now driven to their last shifts, endeavoured to seize upon Edinburgh, which was void by the King's Departure, and accordingly they sent Archibald thither, with some Troops of Horse; their Design was to keep out the King, and so to dissolve the Parliament: But (on the 7th of the August 26. Calends of September) Robert Maxwell, with his Vassals, had, by the King's Command, prevented them, and kept them from entring the City; yea, the Guards and Sentinels were mounted, and disposed, so carefully in all convenient places, that things were kept there in great Tranquillity, till the Parliament's time of Meeting. Douglas, being disappointed of this hope, retired to his Castle of In East-Lothian, opposite to the Bass-Isle. Tantallon, about fourteen Miles distant from the City. The same day that the King came out of Sterlin, there fell such mighty Showers of Rain from the Heavens, and the Brooks and Rivers did so overflow their Banks, that the King's Retinue was scatter'd into many parties, so that they came much harassed, and late in the Night, to Edinburgh: They were so mightily batter'd with the Violence of the Storm, that a very few Horse, if they had charged them, might have done them a great deal of Mischief. In that Parliament, the Earl of Angus, George his Brother, Archibald his Uncle, and Alexander Drummond of In Sterlingshire, not far from To [...] wood. Carnock (their intimate Friend) were out-lawed, and their Goods confiscate. This Edict or Clause was also added to their Condemnation, that whosoever did harbor them in their Houses, or give them any other Assistance, should incur the same Punishment. That which most of all moved the Court to condemn them, was this, because the King had affirmed upon Oath, That as long as he was in [Page] the Power of the Douglasses, he was afraid of his Life; he also profess'd, that his Fear was heightned, and made a deeper Impression on him, after George had given him such cutting Menaces, before mention'd. There was only one Man found in this Assembly, by name Iohn Bannatine, a Vassal of the Douglasses, who was so bold as to make a publick Protestation against all that was acted against the Earl, because (as he alleged) his Non-appearance at the day limitted was occasion'd by his just Fear.

A few days after, William, another Brother of the Earl's, Abbat of the Monastery of Holy Rood, died of Sickness, trouble of Mind and Grief, for the present Posture of Affairs. Robert Carncross, one meanly descended, but well monyed, bought that Preferment of the King, who then wanted Mony; eluding the Law against Simony, by a new kind of Fraud. The Law was, that Ecclesiastical Preferments should not be sold, but he laid a great Wager with the King, that he would not bestow upon him the next Preferment, of that kind, that fell; and by that means, lost his Wager, but got the Abbacy. Thus the The Douglasses arm in desperation. Douglasses, seeing that all hope of Pardon was cut off, betook themselves to open force, and to the only Comfort they had left, which was in Revenge, for they used great Extremity, and committed all sorts of Outrages upon the Lands of their Enemies; they burnt In Lothian. Cousland and About four Miles South of Dalkeith. Cranston, and every day skirted by the Gates of Edinburgh, with their Horse; so that the City was almost besieged, and the Poor were made to suffer for the Offences of the great Ones. During these Hurly Burlies, on the 11th of the Calends of November 21. December. A Ship called the Marina, a brave Vessel in those days and richly laden, by stress of Weather, was forc'd upon the Shore of A Town lying in the Firth or Forth in East-Lothian, four Miles South of Dunbar. Enverwick; part of the Lading was pillaged by Douglasses Horse, who rang'd up and down in those parts; the rest was taken away by the Country-men, who were so ignorant of the price of it, that they thought the Cinnamon therein, to be but a low priz'd Bark, and so sold it to make Fire with, yet the whole Envy of the matter fell upon the Douglasses. Upon this change of Affairs, the Tories, who had a long time refrain'd their Depredations, for fear of Punishment, came forth out of their lurking holes, and grievously infested all the circumjacent Countries. And though many Pranks were plaid by others, up and down; yet all the Murders and Robberies, every where committed, were charg'd upon the score of the Douglasses, by those Courtiers, who thought they humour'd the King by so doing; that so they might make the name of that Family, otherwise popular, invidious to the vulgar. And in the beginning of Winter, the King march'd to Tantallon-Castle besieged by the King. Tantallon, a Castle of the Douglasses, by the Sea side, to take it in, that so no Refuge might be left for the Exiles; and that he might take the place with less Labour and Cost, he was supplied with Brass-Guns and Powder from Dunbar. That Castle was distant from In the Author it is Tantallon, but, I judg it to be a Mistake of the Transcriber for Du [...]bar. Dunbar six Miles, and it was garison'd by the Souldiers of Iohn the Regent, because it was part of his Patrimony; he continued the Siege for some days, wherein some of the Besiegers were slain, others wounded; and some blown up with Gun-Powder; but none at all of the Besieged [Page] were lost, so that he raised his Siege, and The Siege of Tantallon raised. retreated. In his return, David Falkner, who was left behind, with some Foot-Souldiers, to carry back the Brass-Ordnance, was set upon by Douglasses Horse, (who were sent out to snap up the Stragglers in the Rear) and slain; his Death did so inrage the young King, who was incens'd enough before, that he solemnly swore in his Passion, that, as long as he liv'd, the Douglasses should never have the Sentence of their Banishment revoked: And as soon as he came to Edinburgh, to straiten them the more, by the Advice of his Council, he order'd, that a party of Souldiers should be continually kept at Within two Miles of Eymouth, in the Moss. Coldingham, which was to be rather an active, or flying, than a numerous one, to prevent the pillaging of the Country by them. The charge of doing it was commended by the King to Bothwel, one of the greatest Persons, for Authority and Puissance, in Lothian: but he refused the Imployment, either out of Fear of the Power of the Douglasses, which, not long since, all the rest of Scotland was not able to cope with; or else, because he would not have the Disposition of the young King, who was eager and over-violent of his own accord, to be inur'd to such Cruelty, as totally to destroy so noble a Family: And whereas the King had no great Confidence in the Hamiltons, as being Friends to his Enemies; and he did also disgust them upon the account of the Slaughter of Iohn Stuart Earl of Lennox; and besides there being none of the Nobility of the adjacent parts, that had Power or Interest enough for that Service, at last he resolved to send Calen Cambel, with an Army, against the Rebels, a Person living in the furthest parts of the Kingdom, but a prudent Man, of approv'd Valour; and upon the account of his Justice, very popular. The Douglasses forced to fly into England. The Douglassians, when the Hamiltons and the rest of their Friends failed them, were reduced to great straits, so that they were compell'd by Calen and by George chief of the Humes, to retire, like Exiles, into England.

Embassadors from England to piece up an Accommodation between King Iames and the Douglasses.In the Month of October, two eminent Persons came Embassadors from the King of England about a Peace; which tho earnestly desir'd by both Kings, yet they could scarce find out the way to make it up. For Henry, being about to make War upon Charles the Emperor, was willing to leave all safe behind his back; and with the same labour to procure the Restitution of the Douglasses. As for Iames, he did much desire to have Tantallon Castle in his Power, but his Mind was very averse to restore the Douglasses; and for that Reason, the Matter was canvassed to and fro, for some Days, and no Temper for Accommodation could be found out; but at last, they came to this, That Tantallon Castle should be surrendred to Iames, and a Truce be granted for five Years; and their other Demands the King was to promise the granting of, under his Signet. The Castle was surrendred accordingly, but the other Demands were not as punctually performed, save only, that Alexander Drummond had leave given him to return home, for Robert Brittain's sake: For, some Months before, Iames Colvill, and Robert Carncross, upon suspicion of their favouring the Douglasses, were removed from Court, and their Offices bestowed on Robert Brittain, who then was in high Favour at Court, and had great Command there. After [Page] this, tho Matters were not quite settled abroad, (for the English had burnt Arn, a Town in Teviotdale, before their Embassadors return'd) yet the rest of the Year was more quiet; but the Insolence of the Banditti was not quite suppressed; whereupon the King caus'd William Cockburn of In Twidale. Henderland, and Adam Scot, noted Robbers, to be apprehended at Edinburgh, and for a Terror to the rest, he put them to Death. The next Year, in the Month of March, the King sent Iames Earl of Murray, and the Earl of Northumberland, meet to settle Matters betwixt the Borderers. Iames Earl of Murray, whom he had made Deputy-Governour of the whole Kingdom, to the Borders, there to have a Meeting with the Earl of Northumberland, in order to settle a Peace, and to treat about mutual Satisfaction for Losses. But a Contention arose betwixt them, about expiating the Murder of Robert Car. The One pleaded, that the Process ought to be form'd in Scotland, according to the Law. The Other would have it in England. In the Interim, each of them sent Messengers to their several Kings, to know their Minds in the Case.

On the 17th of the Calends of April 15. May, there was held a Council of the Nobility, where, after a long Debate, which lasted till Night, 'twas concluded, That the Earl of Bothwel, Robert Maxwel, Walter Scot, and Mark Carr should be committed Prisoners to Edinburgh Castle. And that the Earls, and chief Men of Merch and Teviotdale, should be sent Prisoners to other Places; it being supposed, That they privately scatter'd abroad the Seeds of a War against England. And in Iuly, the King levied about 8000 Men, and marched out against the Robbers; and that with so much speed, that he quickly pitch'd his Tents by the River In Teviotdale. Ewse. Not far from thence, lived one Iohn Armstrong chief of one Faction of the Thieves, who had struck such a Fear to all the neighbouring Parts, that even the English themselves for many Miles about, bought their Peace, by paying him a certain Tribute; yea, Maxwel was also afraid of his Power; and therefore endeavoured his Destruction by all possible ways. This Iohn was enticed by the King's Officers to make his Repair to the King, which he did, unarm'd,Iohn Armstrong with many of his Followers hanged. with about fifty Horse in his Company; but having forgot to obtain the King's Pass and safe Conduct for his Security, he fell into an Ambush, who brought him to the King, as if he had been taken Prisoner by them; so that he, and most of his Followers, were trussed up. They, who were the Causers of his Death, gave forth, That he had promised to bring that part of Scotland for some Miles, under the Obedience of the English, if he himself might be well considered for that Service: But, on the other side, the English were glad of his Death, for they were thereby freed of a dangerous Enemy. Six of his surviving Companions, the King kept as Hostages; but, in regard their Fellows were no way deterred thereby, from committing the like Insolencies, in a few Months they were hanged also. And the King took new Hostages of those who staid at home; for the Liddisdale Men left their homes, and passed over in Troops to England, making daily Incursions, and great Spoil in the neighbouring Parts.

Not long after, the King restor'd the noble Men to their Liberty, having first taken Hostages from them; Of these, Walter Scot, to gratify the King, killed Robert Iohnston, a noted Tory amongst [Page] the Thieves, which bred a deadly Feud between the two Families, to the great loss and prejudice of them both.

The next Year, which was 1531, there happened a matter very memorable, neither did the Obscurity of the Author, nor the Curiosity of the Time, which made a strict Enquiry thereinto, abate any thing of Mens Admiration of the Novelty thereof. One The strange, and (seemingly) miraculous Fast of one Iohn Scot, for many weeks together, with his Story. Iohn Scot, a Man of no Learning, nor of any great Experience in Business, neither had he a subtil Wit of his own to impose Tricks upon Men, being overthrown in a Law-suit, and not having Ability to pay Damages, hid himself some days in the Sanctuary of the Monastery of Holy-Rood-House, without eating or drinking any thing at all. When the thing was known and related to the King, he commanded that his Apparel should be chang'd and diligently search'd, and so caus'd him to be kept apart from all Company in the Castle of Edinburgh, where every Day Bread and Water was set before him, but he voluntarily abstained from all human Food for thirty two days. After that time, as if he had been sufficiently tried, he was brought forth naked into publick view, where, the People flocking about him, he made them a long, but sorry, Speech, in which there was nothing memorable, but that he affirm'd, he was assisted by the Virgin Mary to fast as long as he himself pleased. This Answer, savouring of Simplicity, rather than Craft, he was released from his Imprisonment, and went to Rome, where he was also imprison'd by Pope Clement, until he had fasted long enough to convince him of the Truth of the Miracle: Then they clothed him with the Habit that Priests say Mass in, and bestowed many Presents on him, and gave him a Testimonial under the Leaden-Seal, which is of great Authority amongst the Papists: Whereupon he went to Venice, where he also confirm'd their Belief by his miraculous Fasting; and, alleging, That he was obliged by a Vow he had made, to visit Ierusalem, he receiv'd of them fifty Ducats of Gold for his Charges on the way. At his Return, he brought back some Leaves of Palm-trees, and a Bag full of Stones, which, he said, were taken out of the Pillar, which Christ was tied to, when he was scourg'd. In his Return, he past through London, and mounted the Pulpit in Paul's Church-yard, and, in a great Audience of People, preached much about the Divorce of King Henry from his Queen, and of his Defection from the See of Rome; his Words were bitter, and if he had been looked upon of any Repute for Wisdom, he must have eaten them again; but, being imprisoned for some time, and having wholly abstained from Food for almost fifty days together, he was dismiss'd. When he came back to Scotland, he would have joined himself to one Thomas Doughty, Thomas Doughty a great Cheat. who about that time came from Italy, and had built a Church dedicated to the Virgin Mary, out of the Alms the People had given him, and had got great Gain by his feigned Miracles. But the Life of this Thomas was sufficiently known to be very wicked; and the Cheats of his pretended Miracles were discovered, yet no Man durst openly gainsay him, for fear of the Bishops, who, by this their new Atlas, sought to prop up the Pile of their Purgatory, then a tottering; and he, to requite them for their Courtesy, when [Page] any of the richer sort of Priests came to the Place, where he was to say Mass, had still one Beggar or other ready at hand, to counterfeit himself mad, or diseased in Body, that so (forsooth) by his Massing, he might be recovered and healed. But Thomas rejected Iohn Scot, because he was not willing to admit any other into the Society of his Gain, and thereupon he hired an obscure Cell in the Suburbs of Edinburgh; and there, having erected an Altar, and furnished it according to his Ability, he set up his own Daughter, who was young, but very beautiful, with Wax-Tapers lighted about her, to be adored, instead of the Virgin Mary. But that way of Gain not answering his Expectation, he returned to his old course of Life, having gain'd nothing by all his preposterous Dissimulation of Sanctity, but to let all Men know, that he wanted not a Will, but Ability rather, to become an errand Cheat.

At the beginning of the following Year, which was 1532, the Earl of Bothwel was committed Prisoner to Edinburgh-Castle, Ianuary 16, because he had taken a private Journy into England, and there had secret Conference with the Earl of Northumberland. Iohn Sunderland, a Knight, by reason of the great Prudence, Integrity and Authority, which he had amongst all good Men, even beyond his State and Degree, was sent to Hermitage (a Castle of Liddisdale) to restrain the Incursions of Thieves and Robbers.

Of ancient time, there had been no fix'd Days, nor any set Place, appointed for Matters of Nisi Prius, to be handled by the Judges, until Iohn Duke of Albany had obtained of the Pope, that a yearly Sum of Mony, as much as was sufficient to pay a Salary to a few Fifteen Judges with Salary, appointed to decide Controversal Matters in Scotland; Judges, should be charged on the Ecclesiastical Order, and 'twas to be levied on every one, according to the value of his Benefice: Gawin Dunbar, Bishop of Aberdene, hereupon made his Appeal to the Pope, in the behalf of himself and other Priests. The Controversy held from the 11th of March to the 24th of April; and then there was a College of Judges settled at Edinburgh. At their first Sitting,But quickly disused. they devised many advantageous Projects for the equal distribution of Justice, yet the hoped Event did not follow. For seeing in Scotland there are almost no Laws, but Decrees of the Estates, and many of them too made not for perpetuity, but temporary; and the Judges hinder the enacting of Laws what they can: The Estates of all the Subjects were committed to the Pleasure of fifteen Men, who were to have a perpetual Power, and even a Tyrannical Government, for their Wills were their Laws. In favour of the Pope, they were very severe against the Lutherans; and the Pope, on the contrary, to gratify a King so well deserving at his Hands, gave him the Tithes of all Parsonages, for the next Year following.

This Year, the The English make War upon Scotland. English perceived that the State of Affairs in Scotland grew every day more quiet than other; but yet, that they were destitute of foreign Aid, because they themselves had joined with the French against Charles the Emperor. Hereupon they sought out an occasion for a War. In April they made an Expedition out of Berwick, and spoiled Coldingham, Douglas, and many other neighbouring Towns, and drove away great Booty. They had no [Page] apparent Provocation, neither did they denounce War before-hand. How eager they were upon War, appears by that King's Proclamation soon after publish'd, wherein 'twas said, that the Garison of Berwick was provoked by some licentious and contumelious Words, which the Scots had let fall. But the Words mentioned in the Proclamation carry no Contumely in them at all. But, this Cause not seeming just enough for a War, they demanded Upon the River Esk. Canabie, a small Village in the Borders, with a poor Monastery in it, as if it belonged to them, which they never pretended to, before; and likewise, that the Douglasses might be restor'd. For the King of England perceiving, that his Aid was absolutely necessary to the French King, so that he could by no means want it; and also knowing, that he had him fast in a League, wherein the Interest of Scotland was not considered; hereupon, he thought it no hard Matter to bring the Scots to what Conditions he pleased: Moreover, because the Emperor was alienated from him by the Peace with France, and the Divorce with his Aunt; and the Pope of Rome did raise up Wars amongst all Christian Princes, he thought he should omit a great opportunity at home for innovating of things, if he neglected That: The King of Scots, that he might not be unprovided against this Storm, by a publick Proclamation, made all over the Kingdom, appointed his Brother, the Earl of Murray, to be his Vicegerent; and because the Borderers of themselves were not able to cope with the English, who had also a great number of Auxiliaries with them, he divided the Kingdom into four Parts, and commanded each of them to send out the ablest Men amongst them with their Clans, and Provision for fourty Days. These Forces, thus succeeding one another by turns, made great Havock in the Towns and Castles in those Parts; so that the King of England was frustrated in his Expectation, seeing the War was likely to be drawn out in length; and other Concerns were also to be cared for by him, and therefore he was willing to hearken to a Peace, but would have it fought for at his Hands; for he thought, it was not for his Honour, either to offer it, or to seek it of himself. And therefore it seem'd most convenient to transact the Matter by the King of France, the common Friend to both Nations. Whereupon the French King sent his Embassador, The French Ambassador mediates a Peace between the English and Scotish Kings. Stephen D'Aix, into Scotland, to enquire, by whose Default such a War was commenced between the two Neighbour-Kings. The King of Scots clearly acquitted himself from being any Cause of the War; he also made a Complaint to him, how long his Ambassadors had been detained in France, without Hearing: And, at the Ambassador's Departure, he sent Letters by him to his Master, desiring him to observe the ancient League, which was renewed by Iohn the Regent at Roan; he also sent David Beton into France, to answer the Calumnies of the English, and, besides, to treat concerning the keeping of the old League, and to contract a new Affinity between France and Scotland. He also sent Letters, by him, to the Parliament of Paris, very bitter and full of Complaints, concerning those matters, which had been transacted and agreed between Francis their King, and Iohn, Regent of Scotland; how that ancient Friendships, Pacts and [Page] Agreements were slighted in behalf of Those, who were once their common Enemies. His Ambassador Beton was commanded, if he saw that the things, he had in Command, did not succeed well in France, to deliver those Letters to the Council of the Judges, and presently to withdraw himself into Flanders, with an Intent (as it might be conjectured) to make a League, Agreement and Affinity, with the Emperor.

In the mean time, War was waged in Britain, and Disputes were manag'd at New-castle, concerning the Lawfulness thereof; when the Embassadors sent from both Nations, could not agree on terms of Peace, Monsieur Guy Flower was sent over by the King of France to compose matters: The Scotish King told him, that he would gratify his Master, as far as ever he was able, and also he had some Communication with him, as much as was seasonable at that time, concerning the conjugal Affinity, about which he had sent Embassadors before, which were then in France. Flory, or Flower, being thus the Umpire for Peace; the Garisons were withdrawn on both sides from the Borders, and a Truce was made, which was afterwards followed with a Peace: When the Peace was settled, the King having for some Years last past, transacted Business with the King of France, and with the Iames transacts with the French King, and afterwards with the Emperour, about a Match; Emperor by his Embassadors, about a matrimonial Contract, now being freed from other cares, his Thoughts were more intent that way, than ever. For, besides the common causes which might incline him to some potent Alliance, he was thoughtful how to perpetuate his Family by Issue of his Body, he himself being the last Male that was left alive; insomuch that his next Heirs had already conceived a firm hope in their Minds of the Kingdom, which did not a little trouble Him, who was otherwise suspicious enough of himself: And indeed, things did very much concur to raise them up to that hope; as for instance, their own domestick Power, the Kings being a Batchelor, his Venturousness in slighting all Danger, so that he would not only stoutly undergo all Hazards, but often court and invite Them; for with a small party, he would march against the fiercest Thieves, and tho they were superior in number, yet he would either prevent them by his Speed, or else fright them by the Reverence of his Name, and so force them to a Surrender; he would sit Night and Day on Horse-back in this Employment, and if he did take any Refreshment or Food, 'twas that which he lighted on by chance, and but little of that neither.

These Circumstances made the Which the Hamiltons labour to hinder. Hamiltons almost confident of the Succession, yet it seem'd to them a long way about to stay for either fortuitous or natural Dangers, and therefore they studied to hasten his Death by Treachery. A fair Opportunity was offer'd them to effect it by his Night-Walkings to his Misses, having but one or two in his Company. But all these things not answering their Expectation, they resolved to cut off the hope of lawful Issue, by hindring his Marriage, what they could; although Iohn Duke of Albany, when he was Regent, seemed to have made sufficient Provision against that Inconvenience, for when he renewed the ancient League between the French and Scots at The chief City of Normandy. Roan, he had inserted [Page] one Article, that Iames should marry Francis's eldest Daughter. But there were two Impediments in the way, which almost broke off, and cut this League asunder. For Francis, being freed out of the Hand of the Spaniard, by the Industry and Diligence principally of Henry the 8th, had entred into so strict a League with the English, that the Scotish League was much intrenched upon thereby; and besides, the eldest Daughter of Francis was deceas'd a while before, and therefore Iames desired Magdalen, his next Daughter, to Wife, and sent Embassadors over to that purpose; but her Father excused the matter, alleging, that his Daughter was of so weak a Constitution of Body, that there was little hopes of Children by her; no, nor hardly any Likelihood of her Life it self, for any long time.

About the same time, there was an Affinity treated of with Charles the Emperor by Embassadors, and at length the 24th day of April, 1534. The Emperor sent Godscalk Ericus, that the matter might be carry'd with greater Secrecy, from Toledo in Spain, through Ireland, to Iames. After he had declared the Commands, he had in charge from the Emperor, concerning the Wrongs offer'd to his Aunt Catharine and her Daughter, by King Henry; concerning the calling a general Council; concerning the rooting out the Sect of the Lutherans; and concerning contracting an Affinity. The Emperor, by his Letters, gave the King his choice of three Marys, all of them of his Blood; they were, Mary Sister to Charles, a Widow,Three Maries offered by Charles the Emperor, to King Iames, out of which to chuse a Consort. ever since the Death of her Husband Lewis of Hungary, who was slain in Battel by the Turks; Mary of Portugal the Daughter of his Sister Leonora; and Mary of England, his Niece by his Aunt Catharine: And because Charles knew, that King Iames was more inclinable to this last Match, he also shewed a greater Propension thereunto, that so he might take off Iames from his valuing of, and adhering to, the League with Francis, and at the same time might set him at ods with Henry. Iames made answer, that the Marriage with England was indeed, in many respects, most advantageous, if it could be obtained, but 'twas a Business of uncertain Hope, but of great Danger and Toil, and would be encumber'd with so many Delays, that his single Life, he being the last of his Family, could hardly bear it; and therefore of all Caesar's Neices, he told Him, that the Daughter of Christiern King of Denmark was most convenient for him, who was begotten upon Isabel, the Sister of Charles. A while after, Charles answered this his Demand from Madrid, that she was already promised to another, and though Caesar by offering Conditions seem'd rather to prolong the matter, than really to bring it to pass, yet the Treaty was not wholly laid aside. Matters being quiet at home, Iames resolved to go a Ship-board to take a View of all his Dominions round about, and to curb the stubborn Spirits of the Islanders, and make them more obedient.King Iames visits the Orcades, and other Isles of Scotland. First, he sailed to the Orcades, where he quieted all Disorders, by apprehending and imprisoning a few of the Nobility, he garison'd two Castles there, his Own and the Bishops; afterwards he visited the rest of the Islands, and sent for the chief Men to come to him; those that refus'd, he seiz'd by force; he laid a [Page] Tax on them, took Hostages, and carried away with him, those who were most likely to be Incendiaries, and clapping some of his own Train into their Castles, he sent the leading Men of them, some to Edinburgh, and some to Dunbar, Prisoners: For about that time, Iohn Duke of Albany had surrendred up Dunbar to the King, which till then had been kept by a French Garison. In the next Month of August, great Severity was used against the Lutherans severely dealt with. Lutherans, some were compelled to make a publick Recantation; others, refusing to appear upon Summons, were banished. Two were burnt, of which one named David Straiton was free enough from Lutheranism, but he was accused thereof, because he was somewhat refractary in Payment of Tithes to the Collectors of them, and so was put to Death only for a supposed Crime. In an Assembly which the King caused to be convened at Iedburgh, in order to the suppressing of the Robbers thereabouts; Walter Scot was condemned of high Treason, and sent Prisoner to Edinburgh Castle, where he remained, as long as the King lived. The same Month of August, when Francis (as I said before) had excused his Daughters Marriage on account of her Health, but withal had offer'd him any other of the Blood Royal: The King sent Embassadors into France, Iames Earl of Murray, Vice-roy of the Kingdom, and William Stuart Bishop of Aberdene (those Two went by Sea) and Iohn Erskin by Land, because he had some Commands to deliver to Henry of England by the way. To them be added a Fourth, i. e. Robert Reed, a good Man, and highly prudent. There Mary of Bourbon offered by Francis as a Wife to Iames. Mary of Bourbon, the Daughter of Charles Duke of Vendosme, a Lady of the Blood was offer'd to them, as a fit Wife for their King: Other points were accorded easily enough, but the Embassadors, fearing, that this Marriage would not please their Master, would make no Espousal, till they had acquainted him therewith. In the mean time, Henry of England, to trouble a matter which was upon the point of concluding, in November, sent the Bishop of St. Davids into Scotland, who brought Iames some English Books, containing the Theses's of the Christian Religion, desiring Iames to read them, and diligently to weigh what was written therein; but he gave them to some of his Courtiers, who were most addicted to the Sacerdotal Order, to inspect: They, before ever they had scarce look'd on them, condemn'd them as Heretical; and moreover, they highly gratulated the King, that he had not polluted his Eye (so they phrased it) with reading such pestiferous Henry of England sends Controversal Books of Divinity to Iames, by his Ambassadors. Books. This was the cause of their Embassy, according to common Vogue, yet, some say, that they brought some other secret Messages to Iames: Afterward, the same Bishop (together with William Howard, Brother to the Duke of Norfolk,) came so unexpectedly to Sterlin, that they almost surprized the King, before he heard any News of their coming; their Errand was, that Henry desir'd Iames to appoint a day of Interview, wherein they might confer together, for he had at that meeting things of high Concernment, and of mighty Advantage to both Nations to propound to him: In that Message, he gave great hope, if other matters could be well accorded, that he would bestow his Daughter in Marriage upon him, and leave him [Page] King of all Britain after his Decease; and that he might give more credit to his Promises, he would make him for the present, Duke of York, and Vice-roy of the Kingdom of England. Iames willingly assented to such large and alluring Promises, and accordingly fixt a day for the Interview: But there were two Factions, which resolved to oppose his Journy for England. Ambassadors sent by Henry to Iames, desiring an Interview, which was agreed to; First, the Hamiltons, who secretly laboured to keep the King from marrying, that so they being the next Heirs, he might have no Children to exclude them from the Succession. And next, the Priests also were mightily against it; and their Pretences were seemingly just and honest, as first, the danger he would run, if with a small Retinue he should put himself into the Power of his old Enemy,Tho afterwards disappointed upon several pretences. for then he must comply with his Will, though it were never so much against his Own: They also recited the Examples of his Ancestors, who, either by their own Credulity; or else by the Perfidiousness of the Enemy, were drawn into a Nouse; and from flattering Promises of Friendship, had brought home nothing but Ignominy and Loss: They also urg'd the unhappy Mistake of Iames the First, who, in a time of Truce, landing, as he thought, in his Friends Country, was there kept Prisoner eighteen Years; and, at last, had such Conditions imposed upon him, which he neither lawfully could, nor ought to have accepted; and then, said they, he was avariciously sold to his own Subjects. Moreover, first Malcolm, after him his Brother William, Kings of Scotland, were brought on the Stage, who were inticed to London by Henry the 2d. and then carried over into France, to make a shew of assisting in a War there, against the French King, their old Ally. But (say they) if it be objected, Henry the 8th will do none of these things; they answered first, How shall we be assured of that? next, Is it not a point of high Imprudence, to venture ones Fortune, Life and Dignity, which are now in ones own Power, into the Hands of another? Besides, the Priests saw, that all their Concerns were now at stake, and therefore they must, now or never, stand up for them; in order whereto, they caused Iames Beton, Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, and George Creighton, Bishop of Dunkelden, two old decrepit Men, to come to Court, there to baul it out, That Religion would be betrayed by this Meeting and Interview, even, That Religion, (said they) which had been observed so many Ages by their Ancestors; and which had all along preserved its Defenders, till now; The Ruin of which would be attended with the total Destruction of the Kingdom, also; to forsake that Religion, upon every light Grounds, especially in such a time, wherein the whole World doth conspire together, with Arms in their Hands, for its Preservation, could not be done without great Danger at present, and Infamy for future; yea, it would be a thing of great Wickedness and Impiety also. With these Engines they battered Iames's Mind, which, of it self, was inclined enough to Superstition; and moreover, they corrupted those Courtiers, who could do most with him, desiring them, in their Names, to promise him a great Sum of Mony; so that hereby, they wholly turned away his Mind from the Thoughts of an Interview. Henry takes the disappointment of the Interview in great disdain. Henry took this Disappointment in great Disdain, [Page] (as indeed he had reason so to do) and thus the Seeds of Dissension were again sown between the two Kings.

In the mean time, the King was weary of his single Life, and by reason of foreign Embassies, and his Court-Distractions at home, was variously agitated in his Thoughts; all pretended the publick Good, but some aimed at their own private Advantage under that Vail, and though many persuaded him to an Affinity with Charles, in regard of the flourishing Estate of the Empire at that time, yet he rather inclined to an Alliance with France. And therefore, seeing the matter could not be ended by Embassadors,King Iames sails over into France, he himself resolved to sail over into France, and accordingly, rigging out a small Navy, the best he could fit in so short a time, on the 26th of Iuly he set Sail from Leith, none knowing whither he would go; many were of opinion, that his Design was for England, to visit his Uncle, and to ask him pardon for disappointing the Interview, agreed on the Year before. But a Tempest arising, and being also toss'd with contrary Winds, the Pilot ask'd him, what course he should steer? If there be a necessity, said he, Land me any where but in England: Then his Mind was understood. He might have return'd home, but he was willing rather to sail round Scotland, and to try the Western Ocean; there also he had very bad Weather, and by the advice of a few of his Domesticks as he was asleep, he was carried back again; when he was awake, he took the matter in such great Indignation, that for ever after he bore an implacable Hatred against Iames Hamilton, (whom he also disgusted before, upon the account of the killing the Earl of Lennox) neither was he well pleased with the rest of the Authors of that Counsel, ever after; and there were some, who, in compliance with the King's angry Humour, buzz'd him in the Ears, That the Hamiltons under a pretence of a serviceable Attendance and Duty, had accompany'd him on purpose to undermine his Voyage. However he put to Sea again with a great Train of Nobles, September the 1st, and in ten days arrived at Diep in Normandy; from thence, that he might prevent the News of his Arrival, he went disguis'd, and in great speed to the Town of Vendosme, where the Duke then was, and saw his Daughter, which pleased him not, so that he presently made haste to Court; he came unexpectedly upon Francis and the whole Court, and yet was honourably receiv'd by him; and on the 26th of November, almost against his Will,And marries Magdalene, that King's Daughter; he bestow'd in Marriage his Daughter Magdalene upon him; For her Father (as I related before) judging his eldest Daughter, by reason of her sickly temper, unfit to bear Children, offer'd him his youngest, or any other Woman of the French Nobility, for a Wife: but Iames and Magdalene had contracted a Friendship by Messengers, which was confirmed by the mutual Sight, Meeting and Discourse one with another, so that neither of them could be diverted from their purpose. The Marriage was celebrated Ianuary the 1st, in the Year 1537, to the great Joy of all: and they both arrived in Scotland the 28th of May, being attended by a French Navy. She lived not long after, but died of an Hectick Feaver Iuly the 7th, Who died soo [...] after. to the great Grief of all, except the Priests, for they feared, that her Life [Page] would have put an end to their Luxury and Ambition, because they knew, she was educated under the Discipline of her Aunt the Queen of Navar. As for others, they conceiv'd such a Grief for her Death,

Mourning-garments when, and upon what occasion, first used in Scotland.

Ambassadors sent over into France to fetch Mary of the House of Guise. Earl of Bothwel banished.

that then (as I think) Mourning Garments began first to be used in Scotland, which yet after forty Years do scarce continue to be worn, though the publick Manners do decline, and seem to require it. Ambassadors were presently sent into France, Cardinal David Beton, and Robert Maxwel, to bring over Mary of the House of Guise, Widow to the Duke of Longoville; for the King, presaging the Loss of his Wife, had cast his Eye upon her. This same Year, the Earl of Bothwel, because he had past over secretly into England, and also had held private Cabals with the English in Scotland, was banish'd out of England, Scotland and France. Moreover, about the same time, many Persons were accused and condemned for high Treason; Iohn Forbes, an active young Man, the Head of a great Family and Faction, was brought to his end, it was thought, by the Emulation of the H [...]ntly's; for there was one Straughan, a Man fit for any flagitious Enterprize, who was many Years very familiar with Forbes ▪ and was either privy to, or else Partaker or Author of, all his bad Actions: He, being not as much respected by him, as he thought he deserv'd, deserted him, and apply'd himself to his Enemy,Iohn Forbes condemn'd for Treason; Huntly; and before him, accused Forbes of Treason, or (as many think) he there plotted the Accusation, with Huntly himself, against him) viz. That Forbes, many Years before, had a Design to kill the King. The Crime was not sufficiently prov'd against him,'Twas thought unjustly. nor by fit and unexceptionable Witnesses, neither was the Plot of his Adversaries the Huntlys against his Life, hid in the Process; yet, on the 14th of Iuly, the Judges, who were most of Huntly's Faction, condemn'd him, and he had his Head struck off. His Punishment was the less lamented, because, though Men believed him guiltless, as to the Crime he suffered for; yet, they counted him worthy of Death, for the Flagitiousness of his former Life. Straughan, the Discoverer, because he had concealed so foul an Offence so long; was banish'd Scotland, and liv'd many Years after in France, so deboistly and filthily, that Men thought him a fit Instrument for any wicked Prank whatsoever. The King, not long after, as if he had repented of his Severity against Forbes, took another Brother of the Forbes's into his Family, and another he advanced to a rich Match, restoring to them their Estate, which had been confiscate.

A few Days after, there was another Trial, which, on the account of the Family of the accused Parties, the Novelty of the Wickedness charged on them, and the heinousness of the Punishment was very lamentable. Ioan Douglas, Sister to the Earl of Angus, The Lady Ioan Douglas, &c. accused for conspiring to poison the King, and Wife to Iohn Lyons, Lord of Glames; also her Son, and later Husband, Gilespy Cambel; Iohn Lyons, Kinsman to her former Husband, and an old Priest, were accused for endeavouring to poison the King. All these, tho they lived continually in the Country, far from Court, and their Friends and Servants could not be brought to witness any thing against them, yet were put on the Rack, to make them confess, and so were condemn'd, and shut [Page] up in Edinburgh-Castle. The fifth day after Forbes was executed, Ioan Douglas was burnt alive,For which she suffers Death, being burnt alive. with the great Commiseration of all the Spectators: The Nobleness, both of her self and Husband, did much affect the Beholders; besides, she was in the vigour of her Youth, much commended for her rare Beauty, and, in her very Punishment, she shewed a manlike Fortitude. But that which People were most concern'd for, was, That they thought the Enmity against her Brother, who was banish'd, did her more prejudice than her own (objected) Crime: Her Husband endeavoured to escape out of the Castle of Edinburgh, but the Rope being too short, to let him down to the Foot of the Rock, he brake almost all the Bones of his Body in the Fall, and so ended his Days. Their Son, a young Man, and of greater innocent Simplicity, than to have the Suspicion of such a Wickedness justly charged upon him, was shut up Prisoner in the Castle; and, after the King's Death, was released, and recovered the Estate, which had been taken away from his Parents. Their Accuser was William Lyons; he afterwards perceiving, that so eminent a Family was like to be ruined by his false Information, repented when it was too late, and confess'd his Offence to the King; and yet he could not prevail, to prevent the Punishment of the Condemned, or to hinder their Estates from being confiscate.

The next Year following, on the 12th of Iune, Mary of the House of Guise, arrives in Scotland, and is married to K. Iames. Mary of the House of Guise, arrived at In the East-corner of Fife. Balcomy, a Castle belonging to Iames Laird of Lermont; from whence she was conveyed by Land to St. Andrews; and there, in a great Assembly of the Nobility, she was married to the King. In the beginning of the Year following, which was 1539, many Persons were apprehended, as suspected of Troubles in Scotland about Religion. Lutheranism: And about the End of February, five were burnt, nine recanted, but many more were banish'd; amongst the Sufferers of this Class, was George Buchanan, the Author of this History, imprisoned for the same cause, but makes his Escape. George Buchanan, who, when his Keepers were asleep, made his Escape out of the Window of the Prison, to which he was committed. This Year the Queen brought forth a Queen Mary brings forth a Son, and the next year another. Son at St. Andrews; and the next Year, another in the same Place. Also this Year, and the former, Matters were rather somewhat hushed than fully composed; some Men wanting rather a Leader, than an Occasion, to rebel: For, tho many desired it, yet no Man durst openly avow himself Head of any Insurrection. And now the King having Heirs to succeed him, and thereby becoming more confident of his Settledness and Establishment, began to slight the Nobility, as a sluggish and unwarlike Generation, and not likely to attempt any thing against him, whose Family was now rivetted and confirmed by Issue-Male: So that he applied his Mind to sumptuous and unnecessary Buildings; he stood in need of Mony for that Work; and, in regard he was as Covetous as he was Indigent, both Factions of Nobles and Priests were equally afraid, and each of them indeavoured to avert the Tempest from falling upon them, that it might light on the Other. And therefore, whenever the King complain'd of the Lowness of his Exchequer amongst his Friends, One Party would extol the Riches of the Other, as if it were a Prey ready for the Seisure; and the King hearkned sometimes to the One, and sometimes to the Other, [Page] and so kept both in Suspence, between hope and fear: So that when Ambassadors from England, to desire an Interview at York. Ambassadors came at that time out of England, to Court, to desire the King to give his Uncle a Meeting at York, promising some mighty Advantages by that Interview, and making a large Harangue concerning the Love and Good-will of their King towards him: The Faction, which was adverse to the Priests, persuaded him, by all means, to meet at the Time and Place appointed: When the Sacerdotal Party heard of this, they thought their Order would be quite undone, if they did not hinder the Meeting; and so disturb the Concord, by casting in Seeds of Discord betwixt the King and his Nobles. And, considering of all ways how to effect it, no Remedy seemed more ready at hand for the present Malady, than to attempt the King's Mind, which was not able to resist Offers of Mony, by the Promises of large Subsidies; whereupon,Which the Faction of the Ecclesiasticks prevent. they set before his Eyes the Greatness of the Danger, the doubtful and uncertain Credit of an Enemies Promise; that he might have a great Sum of Mony at home, and more easily procurable. First of all, They promised to give him of their own, 30000 Ducats of Gold, year by year; and all the rest of their Estates also should be at his Service; besides, enough to obviate future Emergencies, if any hapned; and as for those, who rebelled against the Authority of the Pope, and the King's, and so endeavoured to trouble the Peace of the Church, by new and wicked Errors; and thereby would subvert all Piety, overthrow the Rights of Magistracy, and cancel Laws of so long standing; out of their Estates he might get above an hundred thousand Ducats more, yearly, into his Exchequer, by way of Confiscation, if he would permit them to nominate a Lord-Chief-Justice in the Case, because they themselves could not, by Law, sit in Capital Causes to condemn any Man. And that, in the managing the Process against them, there would be no danger, nor any Delay in passing Sentence, seeing so many thousand Men were not afraid to take the Books of the Old and New Testament into their Hands; to discourse concerning the Power of the Pope; to contemn the ancient Ceremonies of the Church; and to detract from that Reverence and Observance, which was due to Religious Persons, consecrated to God's Service. This they urged upon him with such Vehemency, that he appointed them a Judg, according to their own Hearts, and that was Iames Hamilton set up for a Judge against Lutherans; Iames Hamilton, base Brother to the Earl of Arran; him they had oblig'd by great Gratuities before; and besides, he was resolv'd to conciliate the King's Favour, (who long since had been offended with him) with the Perpetration of some atoning Fact, though never so cruel.

About the same time, there came into Scotland, Iames Hamilton, Sheriff of Linlithgoe, and Cousin-German to the former Iames: He, after a long Banishment, when he had commenced a Suit against Iames the Bastard, and had obtained leave to return, for a time, to his own Country; understanding in what Danger he and the rest of the Favourers of the Reformed Doctrine, were in, sent his Son in a Message to the King, as he was about to pass over into Fife; and having gotten him opportunely, before he went aboard, he [Page] filled his Head, which was naturally suspicious, with fearful Presages, That this Commission granted to Hamilton, would be a Capital Matter, and pernicious to the whole Kingdom, unless he did prevent this Sophistry by another Wile. The King, who was then hastning into Fife, sent the young Man back to Edinburgh to the Court, called the Exchequer-Court, where he also commanded to assemble Iames Lermont, Iames Kircaldy, and Thomas Erskin, of whom one was the Master of the Houshold, the other Lord High Treasurer, neither of them averse from the Reformed Religion; the Third was highly of the Popish Faction, and his Secretary. These were all ordered to meet: And the King commanded them to give the same Credit to the Messenger, as they would do to himself, if he were present; and so took the Ring off his Finger, and sent it them as a known Token between them: They laid their Heads together, and apprehended Iames just after he had dined, and had fitted himself for his Journy, and committed him Prisoner to the Castle. But having Intelligence by their Spies at Court, that the King was pacified, and that he would be released, besides the publick Danger, they were afraid also for their particular selves, lest a Man, factious and potent, being released, after he had been provoked by so great an Affront and Ignominy,But prevented from executing his Commission; should afterwards study a cruel and bitter Revenge against them: Whereupon they speedily hastned to Court, and inform'd the King of the Imminency of the Danger, of the naughty Disposition, Fierceness and Power of the Man, all which they augmented, to raise the greater suspicion upon him;Imprisoned, so that they persuaded the King not to suffer so crafty, and withal so puissant, a Person, being also provoked by this late Disgrace, to be set at Liberty, without a legal Trial. Whereupon the King came to Edinburgh, and from thence to Seton, where he caused Iames to be brought to his Trial,Tried, and in a Court legally constituted, according to the Custom of the Country, he was condemned, and had his Head struck off,Condemned, and put to Death. his Body was cut up after his Execution, and his Quarters hanged up in the publick Places of the City. The Crimes objected against him, in behalf of the King, were, That on a certain Day he had broke open the King's Bed-Chamber, and had designed to kill him, and that he had driven on secret Designs with the Douglasses, who were declared publick Enemies. Few were grieved for his Death, (because of the Wickedness of his former Life) save only his own Kindred, and the Sacerdotal Order, who had placed all the Hopes of their Fortunes, in a manner, upon his Life only.

From that time forward, the King increased in his Suspicions against the Nobility; and besides, he was exercised with sundry distracting Cares, insomuch that his unquiet Mind was much troubled with Dreams in the Night.King Iames presaging Dream. There was One more remarkable than the rest, which was much talked of, That in his Sleep, he saw Iames Hamilton, running at him with his drawn Sword, and that he, first, cut off his Right Arm, then his Left, and threatned him shortly to come, and take away his Life, and then disappeared; when he awoke in a Fright, and pondering many things about the Event of his Dream, at last Word was brought him, that [Page] His two Sons depart this Life. both of his Sons departed this Life, almost at one and the same moment of Time, one at St. Andrews, and the other at Sterlin.

In the mean while, there was not a certain Peace, nor yet an open War, with the King of England, who was alienated, and offended afore; insomuch, that, without any denunciation of a War, Preys were driven from the Borders of Scotland. Neither would the English, when called upon to make Restitution, give any favourable answer: So that all Men saw, That Henry was in an high Indignation,Henry of England, being affronted about the Interview, prepares War against Iames; because of the frustration of the Interview at York. And Iames, tho he knew that War was certainly at hand, and therefore had made Levies for that purpose, and had appointed his Brother the Earl of Murray, to be General of all his Forces, and had also made all necessary Preparation for a Defence, yet he sent an Ambassador to the Enemy, if 'twere possible, to compose Matters without Blows: In the mean time, George Gordon was sent to the Borders, with a small Force,And sends an Army against him, commanded by Howard, his General. to prevent the pillaging Incursions of the Enemy. The English despised the paucity of the Gordonians, and therefore hasten'd to burn Iedburgh. But George Hume, with 500 Horse, interpos'd and charg'd them briskly; and, after a short Fight, when they saw the Gordons a coming, they were put into a Fright, and so fled away scatteringly, to escape their Enemies; there were not many slain, but several taken Prisoners. Iames Lermont, who was treating about a Peace at New-Castle, had scarce received his answer; but, that the War might be carry'd on the more cunningly, he was commanded to return, in company of the English Army: Moreover,The Nobility of Scotland refuse to fight against England; which moves Iames's Passion against them. Iohn Erskin, and .... were sent Ambassadors from Scotland to meet the said Army at York, where they were detained by Howard, the General, and never dismissed, till they came to Berwick. Iames, being assured by his Spies, before the return of his Ambassadors, of the marching on of the English Army, formed his Camp at Falkirk, about 14 Miles from the Borders, but sent George Gordon before, with ten thousand Men, to prevent the plunderings of the English; yet, he did nothing considerable, and had not so much as a light Skirmish with the Enemy. The King of Scotland was mighty earnest to give Battel, but the Nobility would not hear of it, by any means; so that he was full of Wrath, and brake forth in a Rage against them, calling them Cowards, and unworthy of their Ancestors, ever and anon telling them, That seeing he was betrayed by them, he himself and his own Family would do that, which they had cowardly refused to do; neither could he be appeased, tho they came about him and told him, That he had done enough for his Honour, That he had not only kept the English Army, which was so long time a levying, and that had assaulted Scotland on a sudden, (and that, with Threats to do great Matters) from wandring up and down for depredation, but also, for the space of 8 Days, that it remained in Scotland, had so pent them up, that they never marched above a Mile from the Borders; for after they drew out of Berwick they went as far asStanding upon the Tweed, 14 Miles above Berwick. Kelso up against the Stream; and there being informed of the march of the Scotish Army, they pass'd over the Ford, being so fearful to ingage, that they rush'd into the River scatteringly, and in no order at all▪ and as every one pass'd over, [Page] they left their Colours and hastn'd home, the nearest way they could; Gordon, in the mean time, who saw this afar off, not stirring at all, nor making any attempt upon them, in their Rear. For which, the King conceived against him an implacable hatred. Maxwel, to appease the King's Anger, as much as he could, promised, if he might have ten thousand Men, to march into England by the Solwa [...], and to do some considerable Service; and he would have been as good as his Word, unless the King, being angry with his Nobles, had given secret Letters, and a Commission, to Oliver Sinclare, Brother to the Laird of Rosselin, K. Iames sends an Army into England, which he was not to open till such a prefixt time. The Contents were, That the whole Army should acknowledg him for their General; Iames's Design therein was, That, if his Army had the better, the Glory of the Victory might not redound to the Nobles. When they were come into their Enemies Countrey, and about 500 English Horse appeared on the Neighbour-Hills,Which is defeated. Oliver Sinclare was lifted up on high by those of his Faction, and, leaning upon two Spears, caused the King's Commission to be read; at which, the whole Army was so offended, and especially Maxwel, that they broke their Ranks and ran in, higly piggly, one among another: Their Enemies, tho accustomed to Wars, yet never hoped for so great an Advantage, when, from the upper Ground, they beheld all things in such a Confusion amongst them, ran in upon them with a great Shout, (as their manner is) and so assaulted them as they were in a Fright, and hovering between the design of Flying or Fighting; and thus Horse, Foot and Baggage were all driven confusedly into the next Marshes, where many were taken by the English, more by the Scotish Moss-Troopers, and sold to the English. When this loss of his Army was brought to the King, who was not far off, he was moved, beyond measure, with Indignation, Anger and Grief, insomuch, that his Mind was distracted Two ways; sometimes, to take Revenge of the perfidiousness of his own People, (as he called it) and sometimes to make Preparation for a new War, and Retrieval of his Affairs. But in that almost desperate state of things, it seemed the best way to make a Truce with the English, and to call back Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus, on the best Conditions he could. But his Body being worn out with Watching and Fasting, and his Mind overwhelmed with Cares, he dyed, a few Days after, on the 13th of December, The overthrow of his Army breaks his Heart. leaving his Daughter, his Heiress, a Child of about five Days old; he was buried the 19 of Ianuary in the Monastery of Holyrood, near his first Wife Magdalene. In his life-time, his Countenance and the Make of his Body were very Comly, his Stature indifferent Tall, but his Strength, above the Proportion of his Body; his Wit was sharp, but not sufficiently cultivated with Learning,K. Iames the 5th his Character. through the fault of the Times. His Diet was sparing, he seldom drank Wine, he was most patient of Labour, Cold, Heat and Hunger; he would often sit on Horse-back, Night and Day, in the coldest Winter, that so he might catch the Thieves unawares; and his Nimbleness struck such fear into them, that they abstained from their ill Pranks, as if he had always been present amongst them: He was so well acquainted with the Customs of his Country, that he would give just Answers [Page] concerning weighty Matters, even on the High-way, as he rode on a Journy, with a great deal of Readiness and Prudence: He was of easy Access, even to the poorest. But his great Virtues were almost equalled by as many Vices, yet they had this Alleviation, That they seemed imputable rather to the Time he lived in, than to his own Disposition and Nature. For such an universal Licentiousness had over-run All, that Publick Discipline could not be retrieved, but with a great deal of Severity and Strictness. That which made him so covetous of Money, was, That, when he was under the Tutelage of others, he was educated in great Parsimony, and as soon as ever he came to be of Age, he entered into an empty Palace; for all his Houshold-Stuff was embezill'd: So that, all the Rooms of his House were to be new-furnish'd, at once; and his Guardians had expended his own proper Patrimony on those uses, which he wholly disapproved; besides, the Instructors of him in his Youth, made him more inclinable to Women, because, by that means, they hoped to have him longer under their Tuition. A great part of the Nobility did not much lament his Death, because he had banished some of them, and kept many others in Prison, and many, for fear of his Severity (a fresh Disgust being now added to their former Contempt) chose rather to surrender themselves to the English King, their Enemy, than to commit themselves to the Anger of their own King.

The Fifteenth BOOK. Mary and Henry Stuart, the CVIIth Queen and King.

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THE King dying in the Flower of his Age, rather of Grief than any Disease; the Tumults of the former Times were rather hush'd asleep than compos'd, so that wise Men foresaw so great a Tempest impending over Scotland, as they had never heard of the like in ancient Records, nor had themselves seen any like: The King had not so much as ordered his own Domestick Affairs, but had left a Daughter, born about 8 Days before his Death, Heiress to the Crown; as for those of the Nobility, who had born any sway, either they were kill'd in Battel, or else were banish'd, or taken Prisoners by the Enemy. And if they had been at home, yet, by reason of private Animosities, or of Dissension on the account of Religion, which were stifled out of fear, during the King's Life; but now, that Restraint being taken off, were likely to break forth, they were at Discord amongst themselves, so that they were not likely to act like sober Men.

And besides, they had War abroad against a most Puissant King, and how he would use his Victory, every one spoke severally according to his Hope or Fear. He that was the second Heir, and next to the Crown, as he was not commonly reported to have much of Virtue, even for the management of his private Life, so he was as little noted for Counsel or Valour to manage a Kingdom. As for the Cardinal Beton suborns a false Will of King Iames, therein nominating himself with three Assessors to he Vice-geren [...]s of the Kingdom. Cardinal, he thinking that, in these publick Calamities, he might have an Opportunity to greaten himself, that he might shew himself Some body, both to his own Order, and also to the French Faction, undertook an Attempt both bold and impudent. For he hired Henry Balfore, a Mercenary Priest, to suborn a false Will of the Kings, wherein he himself was nominated to the Supream Authority, with Three of the Potentest of the Nobility, to be his Assessors. He conceived an hope, that his Project would succeed, from the Disposition of the Earl of Arran, which was not turbulent, but rather inclinable to quietness and rest. And besides, he was near of Kin to him, for he was Son to the Cardinal's Aunt: And further, he was one of those Three Persons, who was assum'd into a Partnership in the Government. Moreover, the Opportunity to invade the Supream Power seem'd to require haste, that he might prevent the return of the Prisoners, and of those that were banished, out of England, That so they might have no Hand in conferring of this Honour upon him, for he was afraid of their Power and Popularity; neither did he doubt, but that their Minds were alienated from him upon the score of a different Religion: That was the Cause, that presently after the King's Death he published the Edict, concerning [Page] the chusing of four Governours for the Kingdom. He also bribed some of the Nobles by Promises and Gifts to ingage them to his Faction, and especially the Queen, who was somewhat disaffected to the adverse Party. But Hamilton, the Head of the contrary Faction, was a Man not ambitious,Hamilton opposes the Cardinal. but rather willing to live in quiet, (as was offer'd him) if his Kindred would have suffer'd him, but they studying their own Humour and Interest, rather than his Honour, Night and Day puffed up the Mind of the young Gentleman, with strange Hopes, and advised him by no means to let slip so fair an Opportunity put into his Hands, for they had rather have Things all in a Combustion, than to live in a fix'd and private condition of Life. And besides, the Hatred of the Cardinal got them some Friends, and the Indignity of their Bondage under a Mercenary Priest. They had also some appearance of hope, which, tho uncertain in it self, yet was not inefficacious to stir up Mens Endeavours, That seeing Hamilton was the next Heir, many of them entertained such Thoughts as these, That a Female, so few days old, and which was the only Person betwixt him and the Crown, might meet with many Mischances, either casually, or by the fraud of her Supervisors, before she came to be Marriageable. Thus they laid the Foundation of the Greatness of the Hamilton's for a long time after, yet so that it seemed most adviseable to them, not to neglect the Advantage which the present State of Things did offer, and thus to cherish an hope of the future Advancement of the Hamilton's, and if that hope did deceive them, yet it would not be difficult for them to regain the Favour, or at least the Pardon, of a new Princess, who in the beginning of her Reign would study to win the Respects of all Men.

Whilst Things were at this pass in Scotland, the King of England, out of his extraordinary Joy for so unexpected a Victory, sent for the chief of the Scotish Prisoners up to London, where after they had been imprison'd in the Tower, two Days; on St. Thomas day, which was the 20th of December, they were brought all through the City, where it was the longest, as if they were to be shown as a publick Spectacle to the People, and coming to Whitehal, the King's Court, they were sharply reprov'd by the Chancellor, as Violators of the League; and after he had made a large Discourse concerning the Goodness and Clemency of his King, who had remitted much of that Rigour of Justice, he might have used towards them, they were distributed into several Families, as to a larger Prison. There were seven of the Nobility, and twenty four of the Gentry, besides. But when the News came three days after, That the King of Scots was dead, and had left one only Daughter, his Heiress. Henry thought it a fit opportunity to conciliate and unite the Minds both of Scots and English in a Band of Concord, by espousing his Son to their Queen. Upon this, he recalled the Prisoners to Court, and imployed some fit Persons to feel their Pulses in the Case, where being kindly entertained, and promising to afford their Assistance towards the Match, as far as they might, without detriment to the Publick, or their own Dishonour; on the First of Ianuary, at the beginning of the Year 1543, they were all released and sent back [Page] towards Scotland: When they came to Newcastle, and had given Hostages to Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk, as to other matters,Scotish Prisoners and Exile. released, and dismissed at London, and the Reason, why▪ they were free, and so returned home. There returned also with them the Douglas's, two Brothers, being restored to their Country, now fifteen Years after their Banishment. They were all received with the Gratulation of the major part of the People. The Cardinal, who saw that this Storm gathered against him, as making no doubt, but the Prisoners and the Exiles would be both his Contrariants in the Parliament, had taken care to be chosen Regent before their coming, but he injoy'd not that Honour long; for within a few days, his Fraud, in counterfeiting the King's Will and Testament, being discovered, he was thrown out of his Place, and The Cardinal's Cheat discovered, and thereupon Iames Hamilton, Earl of Arran, chosen Regent. Iames Hamilton Earl of Arran made Regent: That which occasioned his setting up, was, because some were willing to curry favour with him, as the next Heir of the Crown; Others foresaw, so long before, the Cruelty of the Cardinal in matters of Religion, and therefore provided against it, by lessening his Power. Their Fear was increas'd upon this ground, that there was found amongst the King's Papers, after his Death, a List, wherein the Names of above 300 of the Nobility were contained as Criminals, and amongst them, He, now chosen Regent, was first to have been questioned. Whereupon, his Election was very grateful to the most, because it seem'd the most probable Medium to ease the Grievances of many, and to curb the Pride of the Priests. Besides, he himself did willingly read the Books, that contained Controversies about Religion; and the Quietness and Retirement of his former Life, far remote from Court-Ambition, made many hope, that he would be sober and moderate in his Government. Besides, being out of the Magistracy, he had not yet discovered any Unactiveness or Sluggishness of Mind.

In a Parliament which was held in May, Sir Ralph Sadler sent Ambassador to Scotland, to treat about a Match for the young Queen with King Henry's Son; Sir Ralph Sadler came Embassador from England, in order to a Marriage, and setling a Peace; Some of the Nobility he put in Mind of their Promise; Others, as Report goes, he tempted with Mony. The Queen, Cardinal, and the whole Faction of Priests, were not only ag [...]inst this Peace, but, by disturbing some Members and Counsellors, and corrupting others, they would not suffer it so much as to be put to the Vote; so that, by the general consent of almost the whole Parliament, the Cardinal was confin'd to his Chamber till the Question was put; when he was removed out of the way, the Agreement was easily made as to the Queen's Marriage, and other Articles and Hostages were promised to Henry, to ratify the Agreement: The Cardinal, at the Instance of the Queen-Mother, was kept in a loose kind of Custody by Seton, who was persuaded, for a certain Sum of Mony, a while after, to let him go. When Peace seemed thus to be setled, to the great Advantage of both Kingdoms, after so great a fear of an imminent War, every Body thought it would be a lasting One; and therefore the Merchants, who, for some Years before, had been hindred from trading, went thick and threefold to Sea, and laded very many Ships with the best Commodities they could procure, for the time allotted [Page] them so to do. Edinburgh sent out twelve Ships; other Cities of that Circuit (which is the richest part of Scotland) rigg'd out Ships, each according to their respective Abilities. This Fleet, in Confidence of the Peace with England, some of them drew nearer the Shores, than they needed to have done, and when the Wind was calm, there they lay at Anchor: Others entred into the Ports, open to the Injuries of the English, if any Tumult of War should arise.

About the same time, Iohn Hamilton, Abbat of Pasley, and David Painter, returned out of France. These Men now cast off the Vizard, wherewith before they had disguised themselves for many Years, and returned to their true Manners; for as if they had been educated not in the School of Piety, but of Profaneness, they were the Ring-leaders at Court, to all manner of Flagitiousness. The Cardinal being restor'd to his Liberty unexpectedly,But is affronted by the Cardinal and his Faction, upon colourable pretences. being also of a proud Disposition, which was aggravated by the affront he had receiv'd, and by the Ignominy accruing on the Detection of his Fraud, sought out all occasions whatsoever, to disturb this Concord. First of all, he communicated the matter to the Queen Dowager; and they Both took it in great Indignation, That the Douglasses, (who, for the many Benefits they had received from the English, must needs be their fast Friends,) should immediately, after so many Years Banishment, be admitted into the Parliament-House, to debate the weightiest Affairs of the Kingdom. Besides, they all jointly feared a Change of the Establish'd Religion, the Consequent whereof must needs be a Breach of the League with France. Hereupon the Cardinal, by the consent of the Queen, summon'd a Convocation of Priests, and extorted from them a great Sum of Mony, as fearing the universal Ruin of the whole Papal Church. Part of this Mony was paid to some of the Nobles of the adverse Party, and many large Promises were made them besides, to persuade them not to give any Hostages to the English; and as for those, who were newly return'd from their Imprisonment, and had left their Children or Kindred, as Hostages for their Return, he desired them, not to prefer those (otherwise dear) Pledges before the Laws, the publick Safety, and their ancient Religion, whose Preservation was turn'd upon this Hinge alone; and that they would not run willingly into a perpetual Bondage. Besides, he caused the Ecclesiasticks to carry it proudly and disrespectfully towards the English Embassador, insomuch that the very Rabble did reproach and abuse his Retinue, and what he said, or did, was all taken in the worst Sense. But the Embassador resolv'd to bear all Affronts, and to tide it out, till the day, for delivering the Hostages, did approach, that so he might give no occasion of a Rupture on his part. And when that Day was come, he went to the Regent, and complained of the Affronts, which had been offered, not so much to himself, as to his King, whom he represented, and how that the Law of Nations was violated thereby▪ and moreover, he desired him to give Hostages according to the Tenor of the League newly made, that so the Amity might be kept sacred and inviolate, to the mutual Advantage of both Nations. The Regent, [Page] as to the Affronts offered, excused himself, and said, he was sorry for them, and that he would speedily search into the matter, that so the Punishment of such petulant Offenders should be a suffient Testimony of the Love and Veneration he had for the English Nation. But as to Hostages, he answered, that he could not obtain them with the good Will of the States, neither was he able to compel them without publick consent. For the Government which he bore, was such, that he received as much Law as he gave, and therefore all his Measures were disturb'd by the great Sedition, which, he saw, the Cardinal had raised; that he was, as it were, carried down in the Stream of popular Fury, and could scarce maintain his own Station and Dignity. The new Hostages being thus deny'd, there was another thing as weighty as That, which fell under Debate, and that was, concerning the Nobles lately taken Prisoners of War, who, upon their Releasement, had given Hostages, and made solemn Asseverations, That, if there were not a Peace concluded, as Henry desired, upon just and fair Terms, they would surrender themselves Prisoners again. As for Them, the Cardinal's Faction, and the rest of the Ecclesiastical Order, dealt with them, partly by Reasons, and partly by Examples, not to prefer their Estates, Kindred, Children, or any other thing, which might be dear to them, before the Love of their Country. And moreover he threatned them with Auxiliaries from France, and that all Europe did conspire for the Defence of their ancient Rites and Religion; and if they acted contrary, they would betray thei [...] Country, and thereby the Ruin of their ancient Families would be imminent and at hand. They also desired them in so dangerous a time, not to forsake their Country, for if That were safe, they might hope for more Kindred and Children, but if That were overthrown, then all was gone. Moreover, they discoursed much concerning the inexpiable Hatred betwixt the Nations, and of the Cruelty of the King, into whose Hands they were to come, thus blending Truths and Falshoods together. Moreover,The Decree of the Council of Constance forbids Faith to be kept with Hereticks, as the Reformed are by them called. they alleged the Decree of the Council of Constance, That all Pacts, Contracts, Promises and Oaths, made with Hereticks, ought to be rescinded and made void. The greatest part of those, who were concerned in this matter, were willing to hearken to any colourable pretence for their Fault, only there was One of them, who, for no pecuniary Consideration whatever, could be persuaded, no nor by any Threats deterred from keeping his Word, and that was Kennedy Earl of Cassills, his just Resolution to return (like another Regulus) into England, to redeem his Hostages, highly praised and rewarded by Henry of England. Gilbert Kennedy Earl of Cassils, he had left two of his Brothers, Hostages in England, and he openly profess'd, that neither for Fear nor Favour, he would redeem his own Life with the Loss of his Brothers, but whatever came of it, he would surrender himself back a Prisoner; and so against the Will of many, he undertook his Journy straight to London. Henry very much commended the resolute Faithfulness of the Young-Man; and to the intent, that all might know he had an Esteem for Vertue, he richly rewarded him, and sent him back with his two Brothers into Scotland.

But Henry's Mind was not more pacified towards Gilbert, than his Anger was implacable against the rest of the Scots; and thereupon [Page] he laid an Embargo upon the Scots Ships in all English Ports and Harbours, of which there were a great Number, as I said before, and so presently denounced War. His Threatnings were great, as against the Violators, not only of Leagues, but even of the Law of Nations. And yet, though Scotland stood in so dangerous a State, the Memory of Alliances, the common Love to their Country, and the respect of the publick Safety, were so far laid aside, that the Brands of Sedition were kindled more fiercely than ever. For the Faction of the Cardinal, and of the Queen Dowager, who were all for the French, sent over Ambassadors thither, to tell them, That unless they sent in Assistance, the Matter was upon the very Point, That England and Scotland would make a Coalition into one Government; and how such a Conjunction would concern France, the Experience of former Ages had shewn. But they made it their chief Request to the French, that they would send back Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox, sent for out of France into Scotland, to ballance the Hamiltons. Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox, into his own Country, who did not only emulate the Family of the Hamiltons, but was also their deadly Enemie, being they had slain his Father at Linlithgoe. This young Man was greatly beloved, not only for his extraordinary Beauty and stately Garb in the very Flower of his Youth, but chiefly upon the account of the memory of his Father, who was so popular a Man, and also because he was a single Man, and the Extinction of such a noble Family, now reduced to a few, was in great Hazard; besides he had many Clanships at home, and had also Affinity with many other great Families. Furthermore, the former King had design'd him to be his next Heir and Successor, if he himself died without Issue Male; and he would have confirmed that his Intention by a Decree of the States, (who have the Sovereign Power to order such publick Affairs) if his Life had been prolonged. Yea, there were some Flatterers, which did elevate his generous Mind, already rais'd up with the expectation of great things, but not so well fortified against fraudulent Adulation, to larger Hopes; for, besides the Supreme Rule for about twenty Years, and the Domination over his old Enemies, they promised him, that he should marry the Queen Dowager; and if the young Queen, who had the Name only of Supreme Governess, should miscarry, then, without doubt, he would be the next King; and not only so, but also the lawful Heir of Iames Hamilton, lately deceased, seeing the Regent was a Bastard, and was so far from any just expectation of the Kingdom, that he could not lawfully claim the Inheritance of his own Family: Besides, they urged the Promises of the French King, who gave hopes of great Assistance, in due time. When the plain-hearted and credulous young Man was thus persuaded, he provided for his Voyage into Scotland. Hamilton was not ignorant of any of these things; and to the intent that he might gain an Accession of Strength to his own Party, by the Advice of those Friends whom he most trusted, he resolved to take away the young Queen from Linlithgo, where she yet was under the Power of her Mother; for if he once got Her, then not only the Shadow of the Royal Name, which is an attractive thing amongst the Vulgar, would be of his Side, but also he should have the Power to bestow her in [Page] Marriage, and so make himself Arbiter of the Kingdom, to transfer it whithersoever he pleased, which if he could obtain, then the King of England might be persuaded, if need were, to join with him.

This Design was much approved; but, as is usual in Civil Discords, there are Spies on both sides, who being informed thereof, acquainted the Cardinal therewith: He, gathering together some of the Nobility, whom he had corrupted with Mony, came to Linlithgo, and, to the great Burden of the Inhabitants, staid there some days, as a Guard to the Queen. In the mean time, Lennox arrived out of France, and was kindly received by the Regent, each of them dissembling their Hate; then he went to Linlithgo; there he addressed the Cardinal, and then went to his own House, where, in a Meeting of Friends, he discours'd at large, Why he came over, at Whose Command, by Whom sent for, and upon What hopes; That he was promised, not only the chief Magistracy, but also that the Heads of the Faction, with the Queen Dowager's Consent, had assured him, that he should marry Her: And that, in order to the effecting thereof, the King of France had encouraged him to expect Aid and Assistance from thence: they all assented to his Speech, and advised him not to be wanting to the Occasion, which so freely had offer'd it self; and thus with above four thousand Men, he came to the Queen. Hamilton, who had levied and mustered his Men, and with his Kinsmen about him, was resolved to issue out of Edinburgh, and break thorow to the Queen, now perceiving that his Forces were too weak, by the Advice of his Friends, and out of his own Disposition also, which was inclinable to Peace, began to treat of an Accommodation: whereupon some prudent Persons were chosen on both sides, who met at the Town of

Kirk-Liston, lying on the North-side of the River Annand, that divides Middle and West-Lothian.

An Agreement made between Hamilton and Lennox.

Liston, almost in the middle way between Edinburgh and Linlithgo: And an Agreement was made betwixt them on these Terms; That the Queen should be removed to Sterlin, and that Four of the prime Nobility, who had engaged themselves in neither Faction, should be chosen out to inspect her Education: And those were William Graham, Iohn Erskin, Iohn Lindsy, and William Levingston, eminent Persons, and all Heads of illustrious Families. They, by the Consent of both Parties, took the Queen, and entred upon the Road leading to Sterlin, whilst Lennox stood in Arms with his Men, till they had travell'd far enough to be out of any Danger from the contrary Faction; and not long after, having performed the accustomed Ceremonies, she took on her the Ensigns of Majesty, and began her Reign at Sterlin, August 21.

The Regent, perceiving, that the Favour of the Vulgar, by reason of his Inconstancie, was alienated from him; and that his Forces were inferiour to those of the contrary Faction, began to entertain private Conferences with them under-hand; and indeed the Cardinal, who was kin to him by the Mothers side, intended only to frighten him, that so he might bring him over to his party, rather than to subdue him by force of Arms: So that having weakned him before, by taking off part of the Nobility from him, by his Largesses; and thereby rendred him cheaper, and of less Repute [Page] amongst the English; he now, by the Intervention of his familiar Friends, who had more regard to Mony than Love to Truth, compell'd him to an unjust Combination, and persuading him to come to Sterlin, The Regent recants his Opinions, as to the Reform'd Religion. there caused him to recant, and change his Opinion, concerning all the controverted Points of Religion, not openly, that the Infamy of the Fact might be lessened amongst the Vulgar, but in a Convent of the Franciscans, in the Presence of the Queen Dowager and the chief Nobles of the Court; and for fear of a Suit, which the Cardinal threatned to commence against him, for his whole Estate, he was so obsequious, that he put himself wholly under his Influences, insomuch that he only retained the shadowy Name of a Regent. And by this means, the Cardinal obtained without Envy, what he had coveted by his suborned Will, even to enjoy the advantage of the whole Government, and that by the mean-spiritedness of the Regent, and the Avarice of his Kindred. There seemed but one thing wanting to establish his Power, and that was the Removal of Lennox, who was a great Block in the way of his Designs; At last, the Queen Dowager and Cardinal fixed upon this Project, That, till an Answer came from France, she should hold the young Man's Mind in Suspence, giving him some hopes of marrying her.Lennox was promised to marry the Queen, but afterwards illuded by her and the Cardinal. For they had written honourably of Lennox to the French King, as indeed they could do no other; for, next to God, they were indebted to him for restoring them to the Liberty they enjoyed; but withal they desired him, that seeing Matters were now quieted in Scotland, by that King's Liberality and Assistance, that he would be pleased to maintain the Courtesy he had done them, and to confirm the Peace which he had afforded, by calling Lennox back again. For, without that, things would never long continue in Peace, but one or other of the Factions must be destroyed. Thus they undermined Lennox privately; but in publick he was entertained with various Divertisements by the Queen and Cardinal, insomuch that the Court loosed the Reins to Luxury and Lasciviousness, and was wholly given up to Plays and Feastings. The Day was spent in Tiltings, and such kind of Manlike Exercises; the Night in Balls and Dancing. Lennox was inclinable, by Nature, to these Recreations, and was, besides, much accustomed to them in the French Court. But now Iames Hepburn, Earl of Bothwel, started up as his Rival, and somewhat spurr'd up his Mind, almost ready to languish. This Iames was banished by King Iames the Fifth, but presently after his Death, he return'd home, and aspired to the Marriage of the Queen, by the same Arts, as Lennox did; and indeed the Indowments of Nature and Fortune were very eminent in Both of them, insomuch that they might be said to be rather Like than Equal. Bothwel matched him in other things; but in these [...]udicrous Combats and Feats of Arms, being inferiour to him, he left the Court, and departed to his own House. Lennox, when his Rival was removed, thought now, that all was secure on his part, and thereupon he earnestly press'd, that the Promises made him by the Queen and Cardinal, might be performed: But perceiving at last, that he was fraudulently dealt with, and that Hamilton, his Enemy, was advanc'd by them to Honour, Authority, [Page] and the Supreme Power over all Mens Lives and Fortunes, his youthful Mind, which was not accustomed to ill Arts, but judg'd all others like himself, was so inflamed with Anger, that he brake forth into bitter Expressions, and solemnly swore, that he would suffer Want, Banishment, Death, yea any thing whatsoever, than such an Affront to go unrevenged. Hereupon he retired to Dunbarton, wholly bent on Revenge, but, as yet, uncertain what Course to take to accomplish it; there he received 30000 French Crowns from the King of France, (who had not yet certainly heard, how Affairs stood in Scotland) to enable him to strengthen his Party; That Mony did somewhat relieve his diseased Mind, because it gave him hope that he was not wholly forsaken by the French King. But, being commanded to distribute the Mony by the Advice of the Queen Dowager and the Cardinal, yet he distributed part of it to his own Friends, and part he sent to the Queen. The Cardinal, who had already devoured all that Prey in his Hope, was grievously troubled not only at his Disappointment and Loss, but also at his (supposed) Disgrace therein, and therefore he advised the Regent presently to levy an Army, and to march to Glasgow, not doubting, but that he might there surprise Lennox and the Mony together. Their Design was made known to Lennox, and thereupon he speedily levied 10000 Men, and above,Upon which he retires, and rises up in Arms, and from Glascow marches to Leith; all of his Friends and Vassals. That which much facilitated the compleating that Number, was, the Indignation of some of the Nobles, who, at the beginning, out of Love to Religion, and Hatred of the Cardinal, had been the Instruments to advance the Regent to that high Honour; but now they had chang'd their former Good-will into Hatred, because he had delivered up, and, as much as in him lay, betrayed his best-deserving Friends, with himself, into the Servitude of their most cruel Enemy, without so much as giving them any notice thereof.

This Frame of Spirit made a new, and scarce credible, Change in the Scotish Affairs; so that the Strength of the Parties being intire, only they were headed by other Commanders. Hamilton and his Kin joined themselves to the Queen Dowager and the Cardinal; but his former Friends sided with Lennox: With those Forces levied on a sudden, Lennox came to Leith, and sent some into Edinburgh, to tell the Cardinal, That he needed not to march to Glasgow to fight him, for he would give him opportunity so to do, any Day when he pleas'd, in the Fields between Leith and Edinburgh; The Cardinal, who had drawn the Regent to his Party, imagined, that the Power of the adverse Party was so weakned thereby, that he hoped none durst look him in the Face; now, unexpectedly, seeing himself challenged by a greater Army than he had to defend him, in words did not refuse the Combate, but only deferr'd the Day of Fight upon several Pretences and Interposals; well knowing, that Lennox could not long keep an Army together, consisting of Volunteers, without Pay or Provision made for any long time; in the mean time, he endeavoured by Intreaties and Promises, to work over the Minds of those, who were most inclinable, to his Party. Lennox, seeing that the Design was to lengthen out the War, and [Page] by no means to hazard a Fight; and being in no posture to begin a Siege, for want of Conveniencies necessary thereto; and also perceiving, that some of his Men had secret Conferences, by Night, with the Enemy: To deliver himself out of these Straits, (his Friends, who had made secret Provision for themselves, urging him also thereunto) was forced to capitulate with the Regent.But was forc'd to capitulate with the Regent, at present. And thereupon he went to Edinburgh to him, and they transacted Matters some Days together, as if they had forgot their old Hatred and Animosity.

At length, when he came to Linlithgo, Lennox was advised by his Friends, that some hidden Mischief was brewing against him; so that, in the Night-time, he went privily to Glasgow, and having fortified the Bishop's Castle with a Garison, and Sufficiency of Provisions, he went to Dunbarton; there he received more certain Information, That the Douglasses and the Hamiltons were agreed. And because some Suspicions and Relicks of old Grudges were left betwixt the Factions; George Douglas and Alexander Cuningham were given as Hostages, the one for the Father, the other for the Brother, though this was done for a pretence and disguise of a firmer Concord, and a Promise made, that they should speedily be released, yet notwithstanding they were detain'd till the coming in of the English Army. For the Hamiltons never thought themselves secure, until those Nobles, who had any Interest or Courage, were removed; that so, by the Terror of their Punishment, others might be restrained from Risings. Besides, about the same time, Lennox was informed, that the King of France was alienated from him, by the malicious Practices of his Enemies.

In the mean time, Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus, and Robert Maxwel, Chief of a noble Family, came to Glasgow, to accommodate Matters (if it were possible) between the Regent and Lennox; But the Regent's Council persuaded him, to apprehend the very Mediators for Peace; and thus, by a back-way, to avoid the Tumult of the People, they were carried out, and sent Prisoners to Hamilton Castle.

In this posture of Affairs in Scotland, when not only the English, but the Chief of the Scots also, were angry with the Regent; Henry of England thought it a fit opportunity for him,Henry of England makes War upon Scotland, to punish the Violators, not only of the League, but of the Law of Nations too; yet, before he would attack the Scots by force, he sent Letters, full of just Complaints and Threats, to Edinburgh, blaming them for refusing his Alliance, which he had so freely and generously offer'd, so arrogantly as they did; yea, that they had not only rejected that Alliance, but, though he had been kind to them, they scattered the Seeds of War, and had enforc'd him to arm against his Will. These Letters did no good, whereupon he caused those Naval Forces, which he had ready, with the first opportunity, to waft over against the Boulognois, to set Sail for Scotland, and to infest Edinburgh and Leith, (both which Towns had most affronted his Ambassadors) and the Country round about them, with the Miseries of War. The Ships, arriving there, landed ten thousand Foot, May the 4th, a little above Leith, who, without any Resistance, enter [Page] the Town; for most of the Towns-men were absent, upon the account of Merchandizing. The King and Cardinal, being then at Edinburgh, and unprovided of all things, knew not what to do, but were so surprized, that they presently set at Liberty those four eminent Persons, which they had in durance, (as aforesaid) not for any regard to the publick Safety, but partly fearing, lest otherwise their Kinsmen and Tenants should refuse to fight, if not join themselves to the Enemy; and partly also, that they might redeem the Good-will of the People, who, they knew, were alienated from them, upon many accounts; but they, not daring to commit themselves to the Hatred of the Citizens, and of their Enemies too, fled to Linlithgo. The English staid three days at Leith to land their Ordnance and Baggage, and so prepar'd themselves for the Encounter. Having setled other matters, they march to Edinburgh, pillag'd and burnt the City, and then disperst themselves to spoil the neighbouring Parts, they ruin'd many Villages,Burns Edinburgh, &c. and retreats. with some Castles and Seats of Noblemen. From Edinburgh they return'd to Leith, and having a fair Wind, set fire to the Houses, and hoist Sail, and away.

About that Time, Lennox was certainly inform'd, That Francis, King of France, was wholly alienated from him. For the contrary Faction, by their frequent Letters and Messages, had persuaded him, That 'twas Lennox alone, who, by reason of his old Enmity against his Fathers Enemies, did hinder the publick Concord of all Scotland; and that he was the Head of the Faction against the Regent, and a Favourer of the English, and one who did rather indulge his own private Animosities,Lennox labours to justify himself to the French King, against the Calumnies of the Queen and Cardinal. than promote the common Cause; and that if the King would recal him into France, Peace would easily be made up amongst the rest. When Lennox had received Intelligence, by his Friends, what his Enemies had inform'd against him, he also writ to Francis, informing him, in what case he found the Affairs of Scotland; and how he, and his Friends, had, with a great deal of pains, vindicated both Queens to their Liberty, and had put them into a posture and capacity to rule, having broken the Power of the adverse Party; and, out of a turbulent Tempest, had brought things to a great Tranquillity, and that nothing would be more acceptable to him, than to return into France, where he had lived well nigh longer than in Scotland, and so to enjoy the sweet Society of his beloved Friends: But that he returned into his own Country, not of his own accord, but sent by the King, and that he had done nothing there, whereof his Majesty or himself need to be ashamed; and, if he would not abridge him of his former Favour, he would shortly answer, yea, perhaps, exceed, the hope he had conceived of him; but, if he should call him away, in the midst of the carreer of his Designs, then he must not only leave the Things, he had so excellently began, unfinish'd, but also expose his Friends, Kindred, and Vassals, whom he had engaged in the publick Cause, and who had been almost worn out with toil and labour, to Servitude and Torment, under an impious and cruel Tyrant; who, as much as in him was, had sold both Queen and Kingdom to the Enemy; and, who observed the Pacts and Promises, [Page] he made to Men, no more religiously than he did the Duties of Piety towards God; for, within a few Years, he had changed his Religion Three times: neither was it to be wonder'd at in him, who looked upon Oaths and Promises, not as Bonds obliging to Faithfulness, but as lurking holes to hide Perfidiousness. And therefore, he moved earnestly, That the King, and those of his Council, would consider, whether, in so great an Affair, They would believe him, all whose Ancestors had devoted themselves, their Lives, Honours and Fortunes, for the increase of his Greatness; and who, indeed, had been honoured and rewarded by him with many Benefits, which yet were rather Testimonies of their good Acceptance, than just Rewards and Compensations of their Labours; or else a Man, who would change his Friends and Foes, at the blast of every Wind, and who depended on the Arbitrement of Fortune alone.

Though many were not ignorant, that his Allegations were true, yet the French King was so influenc'd by the Guise's, the Queen Dowager's Father and Unkle; and, who, in all things, endeavoured to promote her Concerns, that his Heart and Ear were both shut against Lennox's Request, insomuch, that he would not permit Iohn Cambel, a Man of approved Virtue, sent by Lennox, to have Audience, or, so much as to come into his Presence, but kept him in the nature of a Prisoner, and had Spies set upon him to watch him, that so he might not write back any thing of the Designs agitated in the French Court; yet notwithstanding this their Caution, there were some who told him all. When Lennox heard this, by the Dispatches which were sent him, his troubled Mind was variously hurried betwixt Anger and Shame; he was ashamed to leave his Enterprize which he had begun, unfinished; and the rather, because, he thought, that he was not able to satisfy the Love of his Friends and Kindred, whom he had drawn, with him, into the same Danger, but by the Sacrifice of his Life. As for the rest, his Anger was highly inflamed, especially against the Queen-Dowager and the Cardinal, by whose perfidious Contumely, he was cast into these Straits; but, he was chiefly offended with the King of France, complaining, that he had brought him upon the Stage, and now in the midst of his Acting, had forsaken him, and joined himself with his Enemies. Whilst his Thoughts thus fluctuated, not knowing where to fix, News was brought him, That all the Inhabitants on this side Mount Or, Grampius. Grantzbain, who were able to bear Arms, were commanded, by Proclamation, by such a Day, to appear at Sterlin, and to bring ten Days Provision along with them, that they might be ready to march, whithersoever the Regent should command them, whither, accordingly they came at the Day appointed, and the Regent marched them to Glasgow. There he besieged the Castle ten Days,Glasgow Castle taken from Lennox, by the Regent. and battered it with his Brass-Guns, but in vain; yet at last a Truce was granted for a Day, and the Guards tampered with, so that the Castle was surrendered, upon Quarter, and Indemnity to the Garison-Souldiers; yet, notwithstanding, all of them but One or Two, were put to Death.

In the mean time, Lennox, being forsaken by the French King, and also cut off from any hope of other Aid, made trial, by his [Page] Friends, how the King of England stood affected towards him; and finding it fair Weather there, he resolv'd for England: but, before he went, he had a great Mind to perform some notable Exploit against the Hamiltons; and, communicating his Design to William Cuningham, Earl of Glencarn, They two, at a Day appointed, with their Tenants and Adherents, resolved to meet at Glasgow, and from thence to make an inroad into the County of Clydsdale, which, almost all, belonged to the Hamiltons. When the Regent heard of this, he resolved to be before-hand with them, and so to seize upon Glasgow, and thereby prevent the place of meeting; but Cuningham, with a great Party of his Men, were entered the Town before, and there expected the coming of Lennox; but, hearing of Hamilton's coming, and of his Design, he drew out his Men into the Fields adjoining, and according to the number of those he had, set them in array, there were about 800 of them, part of his own Clanship, and part of the Citizens of Glasgow, which favoured his Cause; and thus, with greater Courage than Force, he joined Battel and fought so valiantly, that he beat the first Rank of the Enemy back upon the second; and took the Brass-pieces they had brought with them. But whilst the Fight was hot about the Regent's Quarter,Lennox and Cuningham worsted by Hamilton. and the Matter was in great Hazard there, on a sudden, Robert Boyd, a valiant and brave Man, came in with a small Party of Horse, and thrust himself into the midst of the Fight, where the hottest Service was: He occasioned a greater Fear and Trepidation, than so small a number need to have done; for both Armies believed, that great Assistance was come into the Hamiltons. This Mistake quite changed the fortune of the Day, whilst one thought the assistance was come into his Party, the other to his Enemies. There were slain, in the Battel, about 300 on both sides; the greatest part was of the Cunningham's, and amongst them two Sons of the Earl's, gallant Men, both: Neither was the Victory unbloody to the Hamiltons, for they lost considerable Persons on their side too. But the greatest Mischief fell upon the Inhabitants of Glasgow, for the Enemy, not contented with the Blood of the Towns-men which they had killed, nor with the Miseries of those, who survived; nor yet with the Plunder of their Houses, they also took away the Valves and Shutters of their Gates and Windows, and their Iron-Bars; neither did they forbear any kind of Calamity, but only the firing of their Houses, which were so torn and deformed before. The Event of this Battel wrought a great change in Mens Minds, so that Lennox's Friends and Kinsmen refused to commit the Matter to the Hazard of a second Encounter; not so much, because their Enemies Force was increased, and theirs lessened; nor that, because, having lost so many valiant Men, they could not speedily gather together a new supply from places so remote; as, that they were unwilling to give any new Provocation to Hamilton, or, by too much Obstinacy, to offend him, under whose Government, they knew, they must shortly come.

Lennox, being thus deserted by the French, Lennox flyes into England, where he marries Margaret Douglas. and the greatest part of the Scots too, made George Sterlin Governour of the Castle of Dunbarton; and he himself, with a few in his Company, sailed for [Page] England, against the advice of his best Friends, who were willing, he should have stayed some Months, in that impregnable Castle, and so waited for a change of Affairs, which, they did not doubt, but shortly would come to pass. But he was resolved for England, where he was honourably received by the King, who, besides his other Respects, gave him Margaret Douglas in Marriage; she was Sister to Iames, last King of Scotland, begot by the Earl of Angus, upon the Sister of Henry King of England, a Lady in the Flower of her Age, of great Comeliness and Beauty. In the mean time, the Queen-Dowager received into her Protection That Scotish Faction, which, by the Departure of Lennox, was left without an Head, and which did obstinately refuse to come under the Power of Hamilton, (whose Levity they knew before, and now feared his Cruelty) for she was afraid, that they might be inrag'd in such an hurry of Things, and so desperately ingage in some new Commotion.

The Hamiltons were glad at the departure of so potent an Enemy, but yet not satisfied with the Punishments already inflicted, they used their Prosperity very intemperately: For, in the next Convention held at Linlithgo, they condemned him, and his Friends; confiscated their Goods, and banished them the Land. A great Sum of Money was raised out of the Fines of those, who redeemed their Estates out of the Exchequer, but not without great Disgust, and the high Offence of all good Men. In the midst of these Domestick Seditions,The English enter Scotland with an Army, and garison Coldingham. The English entred Scotland, and committed great Spoil and Desolation on Iedburgh, Kelso, and the Country thereabout; from thence they went to Coldingham, where they fortified the Church and the Tower, as well as they could for the time, by making Works and leaving a Garison, and so departed: And the Garison-Souldiers made great havock in all the adjacent parts; partly, out of a greediness for Plunder; and partly, that the Country thereabouts might not afford Provisions to the Enemy, when they besieged them. Hereupon, they, who ruled the Roast in Scotland, the Queen-Dowager, Cardinal, and Regent, by the advice of the Council, sent forth a Proclamation, That the Nobles, and the most discreet and ablest of the Commons,The Regent raises an Army, but retreats shamefully. should come in armed, with eight Days Provision, to march whither the Regent led them. In a short time, about 8000 met together, and in a very sharp Winter too, who, having battered the Tower of the Church of Coldingham with their great Guns, stood in their Arms all that Day and Night, to the great wearying of Horse and Man. The Day after, the Regent, either out of Tenderness and Inability to indure Military Toil, or fearing the Invasion of the Enemy, (for he was informed from Berwick, a Neighbour-Town, that the English were upon their March) unknown to his Nobles, and with but a few in Company, mounted on Horse back, and with full speed fled back to Dunbar. They, who endeavour to excuse the baseness of this Flight, say, that he was afraid, lest his Army (out of Hate preconceived on many former Accounts) would have given him up to the English. His Departure made a great Disturbance in the whole Army, and the rather, because the Cause of his Flight was unknown, and [Page] therefore many thought, that 'twas the more considerable, and that they had greater Reason to fear. Hereupon some were obstinately resolved to run home, the nearest way they could, and leave their Guns behind them; Others, who would seem a little more provident and stout, were for overcharging them, that so they might break in pieces at a Discharge, and become useless to the Enemy. But Archibald Earl of Angus withstood them all, telling them, that they should not add so foul an Offence to their base Flight; but not being able to retain them, either by his Authority or Entreaty, he burst out into these Words, with a loud Voice, so that many might hear him: As for me, said he, I had rather chuse a noble Death, than to enjoy my Life, tho opulent and secure, after the admission of so foul a Fact: You, my Friends and Fellow-Soldiers, consider what you will do; as for me, I will bring back these Guns, or else I will never return back hence alive, my Honour and my Life shall go together. This Speech affected some Few, whose Honour was dearer to them than their Lives, but the rest was so disheartened by the shameful Flight of the Regent, that they broke their Ranks, and went every one scatteringly home. Douglas sent the Guns before, and he, with his Party, followed in good Order in the Rear, and tho he was prest upon by the English Horse, (whom the Tumult had excited) yet he brought the Ordnance safe to Dunbar. This Expedition, rashly undertaken, and as basely performed, discouraged abundance of the Scots, and raised up the English to an intolerable height; as drawing the Cowardise of the Regent to Their Praise. And therefore Ralph Evers and Brian Laiton, two brave English Cavaleers, overran all Merce, Teviot, and Lauderdale, The vain boast of Evers and Laiton, two English Cavaleers. without any Resistance, and made the Inhabitants of those Countries submit themselves, and if any were refractory, they wasted their Lands, and made their Habitations desolate; yea, the undisturbed course of their Victories made them so resolute and insolent, that they propounded the Bay of Forth to be the Boundary of their Conquest. And with this hope they went to London, and crav'd a Reward from Henry for their good Service: Their Petition was referred to the Council; and in debate thereof, Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk, who had made many Expeditions against the Scots, and had done them much Mischief, understanding, that, in that troublesom Posture of Affairs in Scotland, it was no hard Matter to overrun naked and unguarded Countries, and to compel the Commonalty, when they had no other Refuge, to take an Oath of Fealty to them; and withal knowing the constancy of the Scots, in maintaining their Country, and their Resolution in recovering it, when lost; upon these Considerations, 'tis reported, that he advised the King, to give them all the Land, which they could win by the Sword, and also to allow them a small Force to defend it, till the Scots therein were inured to the English Government. This Gift they willingly receiv'd, and the King as willingly gave, upon which, their vain boasting being as vainly requited, they return'd joyfully to the Borders, having obtain'd 3000 Souldiers in pay, besides the Borderers, who are wont to serve without any Military Stipend. Their return mightily disturb'd all the Borderers, because they had no hopes of any help from the Regent, in regard he was influenc'd in all [Page] his Counsels by a Priest, especially by the Cardinal. Hereupon, Archibald Earl of Angus being much affected with the Publick disgrace,The Regent, by the advice of Angus, raises a party to oppose the English, and also concerned upon the Account of his own private Losses, (for he had large and fruitful Possessions in Merch and Teviotdale) sent to the Regent to prevent it. The Regent deplor'd his own solitude, and complain'd, how he was deserted by the Nobility. Douglas told him, it was his own, not the Nobilities fault, for they were willing to spend their Lives and Fortunes for the good of the Publick, but he had slighted their Advice, and was wholly govern'd by a few sorry Priests, who were Cowardly abroad and Seditious at home, for they, being exempted from danger themselves, did abusively spend the Fruits of other Mens Labours on their own Pleasures. This (said he) is the Fountain, from whence Suspicions arise betwixt you and the Nobles, which, in regard you cannot trust one another, is a great hindrance to the publick Service. But if you will communicate Counsels with them, who will not refuse to spend their Lives in executing what shall be resolved upon, I do not despair, but we may yet perform as noble Exploits as any of our Ancestors did, in Times equally, or, at least, not much less troublesome, than the Days we now live in. But if, by our own Slothfulness, we suffer the Enemy to conquer by piece-meal, he will quickly force us to a Surrender or a Banishment, and which of the Two is more miserable and flagitious can hardly be determined. As for us Two, I know, that I am accused by my Enemies of Treachery, and You of Cowardise. But if you would do that speedily, which you are not able to avoid, 'tis not a fine-spun Oration, but the Field and Dint of Sword, shall wipe off both these Criminations. The Regent told him, that he would be wholly guided by him and the Nobles, whereupon a Council was summoned about an Expedition, and by their advice a Proclamation was set forth to all the Neighbouring-Countries; That all the Nobility therein should, with all the speed they could, repair to the Regent wheresoever he should be; and they the Day after, with their present Force, which were not above 300 Horse, march'd for England. There came into them some of the Lothianers and Merch-men, but not very many, so that when they came to Mulross, upon Tweed, they resolv'd to stay there, till more Force came up to them; but the English, who were already come as far as Iedburgh, being inform'd by their Spies of the Paucity of the Enemy, march'd with about 5000 Men out of Iedburgh, directly towards Mulross, not doubting, but that they should surprize the Regent, and his Party unawares, being but few, and they also tyred with their March.

But the Scots, being informed by their Scouts of the coming of the English, withdrew themselves unto the next Hills, from thence, in Safety, to behold what Course the Enemy would take. The English, being thus disappointed of their hope, wander'd up and down in the Town and Monastery of Monks, which were pillag'd a little before, being intent upon what prey they could find, and there they staid, until break of day. Assoon as 'twas light, they were returning to Iedburgh, and the Scots, having receiv'd a supply of almost 300 of the Blades of Fife, under the Command of Norman[Page]Lesly, Son to the Earl of Rothes, (a young Man, for all Accomplishments hardly to be match'd again in Scotland) grew thereby more incouraged, and so with a slow March, they retired to the Hills, which are about the Town of Ancram: There Walter Scot, In Teviotdale: (of whom mention is made before,) an active and prudent Person came in to them with but a few in his Company, excusing the Straitness of time, and telling them, that his whole Party would be speedily with them: His advice was, that they should send their Horse unto the next Hill, and so all of them run equal Hazard on foot, and wait for the Enemy on the low ground, for he did not doubt, but that their Servants, carrying up their Horse to the higher ground, would make the English believe, that they were running away, and that would occasion them to hasten their March. And accordingly, lest the Scots should get off without fighting, and be again to be sought out with a great deal of Pains; before the Night came, the English march'd up to them in three Battalions; for they The English, being overconfident, are worsted, principally by th [...] Valour of Norman Lesley, and Walter Scot. hoped to end the Business with one light Skirmish, and because their hopes were such, each one exhorted his Fellow to make haste, though they had continued their March Night and Day before, under their heavy Arms, that so by a short Toil they might get long Rest, Renown and Glory; These Exhortations added to their Courage, as much as the Toil of the March abated their Strength, so that their two first Battalions fell in amongst the Scots, who were prepared for the Onset, as into an Ambush, yet trusting to their number, they stood to their Arms and fought stoutly. But two things (wisely foreseen) were a great help to the Scots, for both the Sun was almost at West, and darted with his full Beams in the Faces of the Enemy; and also the Wind, which was somewhat high, carried back the Smoke of the Gunpowder upon the Battalions behind, insomuch that they could not see their way; and besides, whilst they were panting, by reason of their March, it mightily troubled them with its noisom Smell: The first Battalion of the English fell back upon the second, the second on the third, where, by their Intermixtures one with another, and the pressing of the Scots upon them, they all brake their Ranks and were driven back, so that all were so full of Fear and Terror; that none knew his own Colours, or his Captain; thus whilst every one provided for his own Safety, no Man remembred the publick Danger and Disgrace. The Scots followed thick after them, so that now there was no more fighting, but slaying. At Night the Scots were called back to their Colours, and taking a View of the slain, they lost only two of their own; of the English, besides Commanders, there dyed about 200 Souldiers, and amongst them some of Note, there were about a thousand Prisoners taken, and of them above 80 Gentlemen. This Victory, happening beyond all Men's Expectation, was so much the more acceptable; the Fruit of all redounded to the Regent, but almost all the Honour to the Douglasses.

About this time, by the Fraud, as 'tis thought of George Gordon Earl of Huntly, a Contention arose, in which almost all the Family The Family of the Frasers almost like to be quite extinguish'd. of the Frasers were extinguish'd. There was betwixt Them, [Page] and Mac Rainald an old Grudg, which had been often manifested to the loss of both Parties; and Huntly was inwardly fill'd with Indignation, that they alone, of all the Neighbouring Families, refused to come under his Clanship. For when the Neighbour Islanders gather'd together what strength they could, against the Earl of Argile, there was hardly any Man in all that Tract of the Country, but bore Arms on one side or other. But the matter being composed without Blows, as they were returning, sever'd from him another way, the Mac-Rainalds having notice of it, got their Clanships together, and set upon them most furiously, and the Frasers being fewer in number were overcome, and all slain to a Man. And thus that numerous Family, which had oft so well deserved of their Country, had been wholly extinguish'd, unless, by God's good Providence, (as we have reason to believe) 80 of the chief of the Family, had left their Wives at home great with Child, all of which in due time brought forth Male-Children, and they all lived to Man's Estate.

At the same time, the King of England heard, that his Army was beaten and wasted in Scotland, and that an Embassador was sent by the Regent to the King of France, to acquaint him with the Victory, and to desire Aid of him, against the Demands and Threats of the King of England, and likewise to inform against Lennox, in Defamation of his Departure into England; as for Aid, he could scarce obtain any, because the The French assists the Scots with some small Force. French knew for certain, that Henry was about passing over with great Forces into France, only they sent 500 Horse, and 3000 Foot, not so much to defend the Scots from the Incursions of the English, as to hold them in play, that they might not fall with their whole Strength upon France. Henry, that Summer, did not think it fit, to send greater Forces to the Borders of Scotland, because he was of opinion, that the Garisons there were sufficient to inhibit the Excursions of the Scots; and besides, he knew well enough, that the Scots, in such a perplexed State of their affairs, could not raise a great Army that Year, to attack any well-fortified places.

The Scotish Embassador in France objected some sorry matters against Lennox, in his Absence, scarce worth the answering, as, that he had concealed the Mony sent to him; that by reason of his Dissensions with the Cardinal, the cause of the Publick was betray'd; and as for his Departure into England, That he exaggerated, most invidiously. The King of France, who, by means of false Rumors, had conceiv'd such an Anger against Lennox, that he would by no means admit of any Compurgation or Apology against those Calumnies, and who also had imprisoned Lennox's Brother, unheard, Captain of his Guards, when the Truth began a little to appear, as 'twere in excuse for his temerarious Fault, sought for some colour to hide it, and commanded an Examination to be made of the Crimes objected against Lennox. And the Enquiry was committed to Iames Montgomery of Lorge, Commander of the French Auxiliaries, a Man active and good enough, but a bitter Enemy to Lennox; 'twas put into his Hands by the Procurement of the Guises, because they were not able to separate the cause of their [Page] Sister from the Perfidiousness of the Cardinal. Montgomery arriv'd with his French Auxiliaries (lately mention'd) in Scotland, on Iuly the 3d, in the Year 1545. where by shewing the Letters, and declaring the good Intentions of the King of France towards them, in the Council, he obtained, that an Army should be levied, but only of the better sort, who were able to bear the charges of the War, and they were to meet together upon a short day. And accordingly at the time appointed▪ there met 15000 Scots

Hadington a Town in East-Lothian, twelve Miles South of Edinburgh.

The Scots march'd into England with an Army,

at Hadington, and marching to the Borders, they formed their Camp over against Work, a Castle in England. From thence, almost every other day they marched with their Colours into England, and did obtain great Booty; the Enemy endeavour'd to resist their Incursions, but in vain, they made indeed some light Skirmishes, but unprosperously, so that the Scots wasted all the Country for six Miles round. This they continued during ten Days, never going further into the Enemies Country in the Day-time, than they could return back to their Camp at Night. In the Interim, Montgomery and George Hume dealt earnestly with the Regent, that he would remove his Camp to the other side of the Tweed, that so they might make freer Inrodes upon the parts adjacent, and spred the terrour of their Army to a greater Distance, but their Solicitations were in vain. For the Regent, and those of the Council about him, were against it, because they were destitute of all Necessaries for storming of Castles; so that they disbanded the Army, and returned home. The other took up their Winter-Quarters,But again retreat. as every one thought fit, but Montgomery went to Sterlin to the Court, where knowing of the Calumnies raised against Lennox by his Enemies, though he himself did highly disgust him too, yet he grievously rebuked the Cardinal, that, without any considerable Provocation on Lennox's part, he had loden so noble and innocent a Person with such calumnious Imputations, and had compell'd him, even against his Will, to join himself with the Enemy.

About the same time, Inroads were made on both sides, on all parts of the Borders with various Events. Robert Maxwel the Son of Robert, a young Man of singular Valor, was taken Prisoner by the English; there was nothing memorable done besides. At the beginning of the following Winter, Montgomery return'd to France, and the Cardinal carried about the Regent with him through the Neighbouring Provinces, upon pretence to reconcile and heal the Seditions and Distempers of all Parties. First they came to Perth, where four Men were punish'd for eating Flesh on a day prohibited; and also a Woman and her Infant were both put to Death,Lutherans cruelly punish'd. because she refused to call upon the Virgin Mary for Aid, in her Travel; then they applied themselves to the Overthrow of all the Reformed, universally; they went to Dundee, and, as themselves gave out, 'twas to punish such as read the new Testament, for, in those days that was counted a most grievous Sin,The ignorant Priests though [...] the Book of the New Testament was written by Martin Luther. and such was the Blindness of those Times, that some of the Priests, being offended at the Novelty of the Title, did contend, that That Book was lately written by Martin Luther, and therefore they desired only the [Page] Old. There 'twas told them, that Patrick Grey chief of a noble Family in those parts, was coming with a great Train, and the Earl of Rothes with him: The Tumult being appeased, the Regent commanded both of them to come to him the day after, but the Cardinal, thinking it not safe to admit two such potent and factious Persons with so great a Train, into that Town, which was the only one highly addicted to the Reformed Religion, persuaded the Regent to return to Perth. The Noble-Men, when they were ready for their Journy, heard News, that the Regent was gone for Perth; whereupon they followed him thither, and when they came in sight of the Town, the Cardinal was so afraid, that, to gratify him, the Regent commanded them to enter the City severally, and apart; and the next day after, they were both committed to Prison; yet Rothes was soon released, but Grey was delivered with more difficulty afterwards, because he was more hated and feared by them. Before they went from thence, the Cardinal thought good to abate the Power of Or Ruthven. Ruven, Mayor of the City; so that the Regent took away the Mayoralty from him, and gave it to the Laird Kinfans is two Miles East of Perth, on the North of Tay. Kinfans, a Neighbour-Laird, Gray's Kinsman. Ruven was envied by the Cardinal, because he favoured the Reform'd Religion; and as for Grey, he was not wholly averse from the Reformed neither, nor yet any great Friend of the Cardinals: For by this means, the Cardinal did not doubt, but, if they Two fell out, many of the Neighbouring parts would join themselves to each of them, in regard of the Illustriousness of their Families; and so the more of them fell on either side, the fewer Enemies he should have left alive: Thus the Mayoralty of Perth, which for many Years had continued as Hereditary in the Family of the Ruvens, was translated to Charters, Laird of Kinfans, with the great Indignation of the Citizens; who took it much amiss, that their ancient Freedom of voting in their Assemblies, was taken away; but the new Mayor was sent to compel them to Obedience by force, if they resisted. His Design was, to assault the City in two places, Grey, who had taken the whole matter on himself, attack'd it from the Bridg over the River Tay: The other Party were to carry their Guns up the Stream, and so to storm the open side of the Town; but because the Tide hindred them, they came not up in time: Grey makes his Attempt from the Bridg (from which Ruven had purposely withdrawn his Guards into the next Houses, that so it might seem to the Enemy, as if it were undefended,) and when he saw none in Arms to oppose him, he boldly march'd up into the Body of the Town; whereupon Ruven issued out of the adjoining Houses on a sudden, and gave him a brisk charge, which routed him and his whole party; but, in their Flight through narrow Passages, the one hindred another; for the last, striving to gain the Mouth of the Passage, gave a stop to the first: and in this confusion many were trod under-foot, and sixty fell by the Sword. The Cardinal, when he knew that Ruven had got the Victory, was somewhat sorry for it; yet, glad withal, that so many of his Enemies were destroyed; for, seeing he despaired ever to make them his Friends, he counted it a Gain to him, to see them mutually to [Page] destroy one another. The Cardinal, having thus past over as much of Angus, as he thought convenient at that time, brought the Regent, after the Winter-Solstice to St. Andrews, to indear his Mind more unto him, if 'twere possible; for, though he had his Son, the Earl of Arran, as a Pledg, yet as often as he bent his Thoughts to the Consideration of the Fierceness of the Scotish Nobility, to the Strength of the opposite Faction, and to the Inconstancy of the Regent, he was afraid, that he might be persuaded by his Enemies, and so wrought over to them with the same Levity, as he had first joined himself with him: There he entertained him, with a small Retinue, with Sports and Pastimes twenty days at Christmas; he gave him many Gifts at present, and promised him more for the future; and after much Discourse together, concerning the State of the Kingdom, he came a little more secure to Edinburgh.

There a Convocation of Ecclesiasticks was held Ianuary the 12th. The History of George Wiseheart's Persecution by Cardinal [...]eton, and his Ecclesiasticks. In that Assembly many things were canvass'd up and down concerning the retaining of the old Liberty of the Church, and the Punishment of the enormous Crimes of some Priests; but in the midst of their Debates, before they could conclude of any thing, News was brought to them, that George Wiseheart, a Preacher of the Gospel, one very acceptable to the People, was entertained at the House of a noble Person called Iohn Cockburn about seven Miles from the City. Thither presently they sent a party of Horse, to demand the Offendor: but Cockburn alleged several things in excuse, on purpose to create some Delayes, that so he might have an opportunity to convey him away secretly; of which the Cardinal being inform'd, made haste thither with the Regent, even in the dead time of the Night, and beset all the Avenues of the House; and yet their Promises, Flatteries and Threats prevailed not at all, till they sent for the Earl of Bothwel out of the next District, he, being the chief of all the Lothianers, did easily obtain, that George should be deliver'd up to Him; but first, he past his Word, that no Harm or Damage should come to him. The Priests having now gotten this Prey into their Hands, carried him from Edinburgh to St. Andrews; and there about a Month after, they assembled a great Company of Ecclesiasticks, of all sorts, to determine concerning his Doctrine; this was done to blind Men's Eyes with the pretence of a Judicatory, and a legal Proceeding; for all Men knew, what they would determine concerning him before-hand. By the consent of them all, The Cardinal desires a criminal Judg against George Wiseheart. the Cardinal by his Letters desired the Regent to give out his Mandate for a civil Judg to sit upon the Offendor, (for he himself, by the Pope's Canon Law, could not sit upon the Life or Death of any Man) that so, he that was already judg'd an Heretick by the Priests, might be also sentenc'd to Death by the Secular Power. The Regent was not likely to have made any Scruple in granting his Request, unless David Hamilton of Preston, his Kinsman, had interposed and kept him back,But David Hamilton of Preston (a Village in East-Lothian) persuades the Regent no [...] to grant one. who did both advise, entreat, threaten, and sometimes chid him, in order to stop the Process against George: The Sum of his Discourse is reported to be this, ‘That he did very much wonder, upon what account the Regent should give such a large Power to any Man, [Page] against the Servants of God, and, who had no other Crime objected against them, besides the preaching the Gospel of Jesus Christ; and especially to such, whose flagitious Lives, and brutish Cruelty, cared not what Torments they put an innocent Man to; whose Integrity of Life, his very Enemies were forc'd to confess, even against their Will, and, for his Learning, he himself knew it to be great; that further, he himself had been formerly a great Favourer of him, and it: 'Twas by his Commendation, that he was advanc'd to the Supream Magistracy; and also, that he had given forth Edicts to declare his assent to his Doctrine publickly, and had undertook to defend it; yea, he had exhorted all in general, and each Man in particular, to read, understand, practice and exemplify it in their Hearts and Lives: Consider therefore with your self, said he, what will Men think, what will Men say of you, consider the Mercies God Almighty hath bestowed upon you: The King, an active Man, and your Enemy was taken away, who walk'd in the very same steps you now tread. They, who brought him to ruin by their advice, do now also indeavour to destroy you: they have opposed you from the beginning with the Weight of all their Power; and now they seek, by Fraudulent Counsel, to ensnare and undo you. Call to mind (Sir) the Victory given you over your Subjects without Blood, and over your Enemies too, though having much greater Force than your self, to your great renown, and their deserv'd Ignominy. Remember, for whose sake you thus desert God, and oppose your and his Friends: Awake, I beseech you, and dispel that Mist, which nefarious Persons have cast before your Eyes; remember Saul King of Israel, how he was raised up from a low to a Sovereign Estate, and how many Blessings he received from God, as long as he was obedient to his Law; but when he slighted and turned aside from his Commandments, how miserably was he punished? Compare the Success of your Affairs, from the beginning to this very day, with his Prosperities; and unless you alter the course of your Designs, expect no happy Issue, (nay, rather a worse end, than he.) For he did design the same Projects which you now act, and that to gratify some base Varlets, who can neither hide their open Wickednesses, nor do not so much as indeavour to dissemble them.’

The The Regent not satisfied to proceed against George; Regent was affected at the advice of his Friend, and writ back an Answer to the Cardinal, that he should not precipitate the Process, but let the whole matter alone, till he came himself; for he was not willing to consent to the Condemnation of the Man, till he had more diligently enquired into his Cause; and if the Cardinal did otherwise, the Man's Blood should light on his Head, for he testify'd by these Letters, that he himself was free therefrom.

The Cardinal was unexpectedly surprized with this Answer; he knew w [...]ll enough, that, if Delays were made in the Case, the Prisoner would be deliver'd, as being a popular Man; and besides, he would not suffer the thing to be brought under a Debate, partly because the Man having been already condemned by the Ecclesiasticks, [Page] he would have no Recognition made; so that he was ragingly angry, and persisted in the Resolution he had taken;Whereupon the Cardinal proceeds against him, by his own Authority. and his Reply was, That he did not write to the Regent, as if he had not sufficient Authority independently without him, but for a specious pretence to the Vulgar, that his Name might be to the Condemnation. Hereupon George was brought out of Prison, and Iohn Windram, a learned Man, and an hearty, though secret, Favourer of the Cause of Religion, was commanded to mount a kind of Pulpit there erected, and to preach; he took his Text out of Mat. 13. which says, That the Good Seed is the Word of God, but the Evil Seed is Heresy: In his Discourse, defining Heresy, he said, It was a false Opinion, evidently repugnant to the Holy Scriptures, and maintained with Obstinacy; and that 'twas occasioned, and also supported and fostered, by the Ignorance of the Pastors of the Church, who did not know, how, either to convince Hereticks, or to reduce those who were gone astray, by the Spiritual Sword, which is the Word of God. Afterwards he explained the Duty of a Bishop, out of the Epistle to Timothy, and shewed, that there was only one way to find out Heresy, which was to bring it to the Test of the Word of God. At length, when he made an end, though what he spoke made against the Priests, who were there assembled not to refute Heresies, but to punish those who opposed their licentious Arrogance; yet, as if all things went well on their side, they hale forth George to a Pulpit or Scaffold, built in the Church; that so they might observe their accustomed Form in Judgment; over against him there was another Pulpit, which Iohn Lauder, a Popish Priest, mounted, and the rest stood all about him, as 'twere, to judg; but there was not the least appearance of a Judgment, or of a free Disputation in the Case. For the Accuser thundred out many odious and abominable Slanders, such as are wont to be commonly forg'd against the Preachers of the purest Doctrine, with great Acerbity of Words; and thus having spent some hours, George was brought back again to the Castle, and lodg'd in the Governour's Chamber, spending great part of his Time that Night in Prayer: The next Morning, the Bishops sent two Franciscans to him, to acquaint him, that his Death was at hand, and to know, whether they should confess him, as is usual in such Cases? he told them, he had nothing to do with Friars, nor had any mind to discourse them; but if they had a mind to gratify him in the thing, then he desired to confer with that learned Man which preach'd yesterday. Whereupon the Bishops gave him leave to go to the Castle, and George had a long Discourse with Windram, who, after he had ceas'd weeping, (which for a while he could not refrain) very friendly demanded of him, whether he would receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper? With all my heart, said George, if I may receive it under both kinds of Bread and Wine, according to Christ's Institution: Windram return'd to the Bishops, and told them, that George did solemnly profess,George Wiseheart's pious and Christian Leportment before his Death. that he was innocent of the Crime of which he was accused; which he spake, not to deprecate his Death now at hand, but only to testify his Innocency before Men, as 'twas before sufficiently known to God. The Cardinal was much inraged, [Page] Ay, says he, we know well enough what you are. Being further demanded, whether he would admit him to receive the Sacrament? he talk'd a little with the Bishops, and, with their Consent, made Answer, That 'twas not fit that a stubborn Heretick, condemn'd by the Church, should enjoy any Benefits of the Church. That Answer was return'd to him; and about nine of the Clock, the Friends and Officers of the Governor of the Castle sat down to Breakfast, they asked George, whether he would eat with them? Very willingly, said he, and much more so than in former times, because, I perceive, that you are good Men, and Fellow-members with me of the same Body of Christ, and because, I know, that this is the last Meal I shall eat on Earth. And for you, (speaking to the Governor of the Castle) I desire you in the Name of God, and for that Love which you bear to our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ, that you'l sit down a while with us, and vouchsafe me the Hearing, whilst I give you a short Exhortation, and so pray over this Bread, which, as Brethren in Christ, we are about to eat, and then I will bid you Farewel. In the Interim, the Cloth was laid (according to Custom) and Bread set on, when George made a brief and clear Discourse for about half an hour concerning Christ's last Supper, his Sufferings and Death. But, above all, he exhorted them to lay aside Anger, Envy and Malice, and to have mutual Love impress'd on their Minds, that so they might become perfect Members of Christ, who daily intercedes for us with his Father, that our Sacrifice might be accepted by him to Eternal Life. When he had thus spoken, he gave Thanks, and then brake the Bread, and gave to every one a piece; and then the Wine, after he himself had drank in the same manner, intreating them to remember the Death of Christ now in the last Sacrament with him; as for himself, a bitterer Portion was prepared for him for no other reason, but his preaching the Gospel; and then having again given Thanks, he returned to his Chamber, and concluded with Prayer. A while after, two Executioners were sent to him by the Cardinal, one of them put a black Linen Shirt upon him, and the other bound many little Bags of Gunpowder to all the Parts of his Body: In this Dress they brought him forth, and commanded him to stay in the Chamber, without the Governour's. And at the same time, they erected a Wooden Scaffold in the Court before the Castle, and made up a Pile of Wood. The Windows and Forts of the Castle over against it, were all hung with Tapestry and silk Hangings, with Cushions for the Cardinal, with his Train, to behold, and take pleasure in the joyful Sight, even the Torture of an innocent Man; thus endeavouring to curry Favour with the Vulgar, as the Author of so notable a Prank. There was also a great Guard of Souldiers, not so much to secure the Execution, as for a vain Ostentation of his Power; and besides, Brass Guns were plac'd up and down in all convenient Places of the Castle. Thus, whilst the Trumpets sounded, George was brought forth, mounted the Scaffold, and was fastened with a Cord to the Stake, and, having scarce obtain'd Liberty to pray for the Church of God, the Executioners fired the Wood, which took hold of the Powder tied about him immediately, and [Page] blew it up into Flame and Smoke. The Governor of the Castle, who stood so near that he was sing'd with the Flame, exhorted him, in a few words, to be of good chear, and to ask Pardon of God for his Offences: To whom he replied,George Wiseheart's Prophecy, at his death, concerning the Cardinal's Fall. ‘This Flame occasions trouble to my Body indeed, but it hath in no wise broken my Spirit: But He, who now so proudly looks down upon me from yonder lofty Place, (pointing to the Cardinal) shall 'ere long be as ignominiously thrown down, as now he proudly lies at his Ease.’ Having thus spoken, they straitned the Rope,The Martyrdom of George Wiseheart. which was tied about his Neck, and so strangled him; his Body in a few hours was consum'd to Ashes in the Flame, and the Bishop, being yet mad with Hate and Rage, forbad every body, upon great Penalties, to pray for the Deceased.

After this Fact, the Cardinal was highly commended by his Faction, and extolled to the very Skies, that he alone, when others declined it, had slighted the Authority of the Regent, and performed so noble an Exploit, whereby he had curb'd popular Insolency, and had couragiously undertook, and as happily manag'd the Defence of the whole Ecclesiastical Order. If the Church had formerly had (said they) such valiant Assertors of its Liberties, it would never have been brought to that Pass, as it is at this Day, (i. e.) to truckle under, but it would have given Law to all, and received it from none. This luxuriant and superlative Joy of the Priests for their obtained Victory, did rather irritate than discourage the Minds, not only of the promiscuous Vulgar, but even of some great and noble Persons also: They fretted, that things were come to that pass by their own Cowheartedness, so that now some bold thing or other was to be attempted and hazarded, or else they were Slaves for ever. Hereupon more Company came in to them, whose Grief enforc'd them to brake out in Complaints against the Cardinal, so that they encouraged one another to rid the Cardinal out of the way, and either to recover their Liberty, or lose their Lives; For what hope of thriving, said they, could there be under so arrogant a Priest, and so cruel a Tyrant, who made War against God as well as Men, and those, not his Enemies only, as were all such as had Estates, or were any way pious; but if he bore but a grudg against a Man,The foul Character of Cardinal Beton. he would hale him, as a Hog out of the Sty, to be sacrific'd to his Lusts. And besides, he was a publick Encourager and Maintainer of War, both at Home and Abroad; and in his private capacity, he mixed the Love of Harlots, with lawful Marriages. Legitimate Wedlock he dissolv'd at pleasure; at Home he wallowed in Lust among his Minions, and Abroad he ravag'd to destroy the Innocent. The Cardinal himself, though he did not distrust his own Power, yet knowing how People stood affected towards him, and what Reports were spread up and down concerning him, thought it his best way to strengthen his Power by some new Accession or other. Hereupon he went to Angus, and married his eldest Daughter to the Son of the Earl of Crawford; the Marriage was solemnized in great State, and (almost) with a Royal Magnificence. Whilst these things were acting, he received Intelligence by his Spies, That the King of England was making great Naval Preparations to infest [Page] the Scotish Coasts, but especially the Inhabitants of Fife, whom he threatned most: Whereupon he returned to St. Andrews, and there appointed a Day for the Nobility, especially those, whose Estates lay near to the Sea, to meet, and to consult in common, what Remedy to apply to the present Malady. And to do it more effectually, he determined to take a View of all the Sea-Coasts, together with the Owners of the Lands, and so in a manner to circuit about all Fife, and to fortify all convenient Places, and to put Garisons into them. Amongst the rest of the Noble Mens Sons, who came in to the Cardinal, Norman Lesly, Son to the Earl of Rothes, was one, of whom I have made mention several times before: He had done great and eminent Service for the Cardinal, but, on a time, there fell out a Dispute between them concerning a private business, which estrang'd them a while, one from another; but Norman, upon great Promises made to him, quitted his Right in the Matter contested for: After a few Months, coming to demand of the Cardinal the performance of what was promised him, they fell from plain Discourse to chiding, and afterwards to downright railing, uttering such reproachful words one to another, as were seemly for neither of them; and thus they parted in a great Rage one from another; the Cardinal fretting, that he was not treated with that Deference which was due to his Dignity; and Norman, full of Wrath and Rage, as being circumvented by Fraud, so that he returned home, with thoughts full of Revenge, and inveighed openly amongst his Friends, against the intolerable Pride of the Cardinal, insomuch that they all agreed to take away his Life: And, that the matter might pass with the least Suspicion,Norman Lesly, with a few Partisans, surprises the Castle of S. Andrews, and kills Cardinal Beton, accord-to George Wistheart's Prophecy before-mentioned. Norman, with five only in his Company, came to St. Andrews, and took up his usual Inn, that so the design of cutting him off might be concealed, by reason of the paucity of his Attendants. There were Ten more in the Town, privy to the Conspiracy; who all, in several Places, expected the Watch-word: With this small Company, did he undertake so great an Enterprise, and that in a Town which was full of the Cardinal's Train, Kindred and Attendants. The Days were then very long, as they use to be in those Countries, towards the end of the Spring, viz. about May 7. And the Cardinal was fortifying his Castle for Defence▪ in so great haste, that the Work-men continued at it almost Night and Day; so that, when the Porter, early in the Morning, opened the Gates to let in the Workmen, Norman had plac'd two of his Men in Ambush, in an House hard by, who were to seize the Porter; and when they had made themselves Masters of the Gate, they were to give a Sign, agreed on, to the rest: By this means they all entred the Castle without any Noise, and sent four of their number to watch the Cardinal's Chamber-door, that no Tidings might be carried in to him; others were appointed to go to the Chambers of the rest of the Houshold, to call them up, (for they well knew both the Men and the Place); them they rouz'd up, being half asleep; and calling them all by their Names, they threatned immediately to kill them, if they made but the least Outcry; so that they led them all, in great silence, out of the Castle, without doing them any hurt at all: When all the rest were put [Page] out, then they alone were Masters of the Castle; whereupon, those, who watched at the Cardinal's Door, knocked at it. They within asked them their Names: they told them, and then they were let in; having, as some write, past their words, that they would hurt no body; and when they were entred, they dispatch'd the Cardinal with many Wounds. In the mean time, a Noise was spread about the whole Town, that the Castle was taken, insomuch that the Cardinal's Friends, half drunk, and half sleeping, started out of their Beds, and cried out Arm; thus to the Castle they posted, and called out, with minacious and opprobrious words, for Ladders; other things they also brought, necessary for a Storm. They, who saw them out of the Castle, that they might blunt the present Impetuousness of their Minds, and call back their mad Spirits to consider themselves, crying out to them, demanded, why they made such a bustle? for the Man was dead whom they sought to rescue, and with that word they threw the dead Body out in the sight of them all, even out of that very place, where before he had rejoicingly beheld the Execution of George Wiseheart.

Whereupon, many did revolve, within themselves, the Inconstancy of human Affairs, and that unexpected Event; many also were affected with the Prediction of George Wiseheart, concerning his Death, which then came into their Minds; and many other things also, which that holy Man had foretold, not without the special Inspiration of God's Spirit, (as we have cause to believe, and as the Event soon after made appear.) The Cardinal's Friends and Kinsmen, being astonish'd at this unexpected sight, soon sculk'd away. When the matter was divulg'd all over the Kingdom, Mens Minds were variously affected, as they either hated or loved the Cardinal; some thought it a brave, others a nefarious, Fact. There were many also, who, being in a different way of Worship from him, were afraid of their Lives, and others were offended at his intolerable Arrogance; these did not only approve the Fact, but came to gratulate the Committers of it, as the Restorers of their ancient Liberties, and some of them ventured their Lives and Fortunes in their Quarrel. The Court was grievously affrighted at the News, as having lost part of their Council; but, by the advice of those which were present, they sent forth a Proclamation,Those that slew the Cardinal, [...] thosummoned, yet refuse to appear. that the Murderers should come in within six Days, to give Sureties to answer matters at a Day, which was to be nominated for that purpose: But they had a strong Castle over their Heads, and, in it, all the Cardinal's Mony and Housholdstuff; and, besides they had the Regent's eldest Son with them, who was given in Hostage to the Cardinal, as is related before; so that they gave no credit to the Promises of their Enemies, whose Levity and Perfidiousness they had sufficient Experience of before, and therefore they refused to hearken to any Conditions of Peace; whereupon they were Outlawed. Thus the matter was protracted, partly by the Threats and vain Promises of the one party, and the Diffidence of the other, from the Month of May till the November 5. Nones of December; and then the Regent, by the Importunity of the Queen-Mother, and the malicious Clamors of the Priests, took Arms, and lay three [Page] whole Months before the Castle, battering it with his Brass Guns; but, in the fourth Month, almost at the End of Winter, he dismiss'd his Army, without carrying the Place, and went to Edinburgh, to be present at the Convention of Estates, which he had before indicted to be held in February.

They, who held the Castle, being thus freed from fear of their Enemy, did not only make frequent Excursions into the neighbouring Parts, and commit Depredations with Fire and Sword therein; but, as if the Liberty gotten by their Arms, were to be spent in Whoredoms, Adulteries, and such Vices, they ran into all the Wickedness, which idle Persons are subject to; for they measured Right and Wrong by no other Rule but their own Lust; neither could they be reclaimed by Iohn Knox, The Murderers of the Cardinal not reclaimed by the preaching of Iohn Knox. who then came to them, and often warn'd them, that God would not be mocked, but would take severe Punishments on those, who were Violators of his Laws, even by those whom they least dream'd of; yet his Exhortations could not stop the Course of their Flagitiousness.

Besides this domestick Mischief raging even in the very Bowels of the Kingdom, there was an Accession made by a War with England: The English invade Scotland. For the English had pass'd over the Solway with their Forces, and made People terribly afraid; they were not contented with the Pillage and Prey, but they fired some Places, took some Strongholds, and put Garisons in them. Neither were Matters quieter in the other parts of the Borders; Robert Maxwel, upon whom the greatest part of the Storm fell, came to Edinburgh to crave Aid, when almost all was lost; he alleged, that the Country was desolated, that their Garisons were taken and kept by their Enemies, that the Husbandman was driven away from his Habitation, and forc'd to live, in much want, on the Charity of his Friends, and that they suffered all this, because they would not change nor forfeit their Fidelity to their King; but if no Course were taken for their Relief, in some short time, their Miseries would compel them to give themselves up to the English; and so would their Neighbours too, for fear they should undergo the like. Hereupon, Aid was promised him to recover his Own; and the Regent marching his Army thither, formed his Camp by the River A small River in Ewsdale. Meggat. There the Cardinal's Friends earnestly desired of him to call George Lesly, Norman's Father,The Regent marches against the English. who was then in the Camp, to his Answer, and not to carry so potent a Man with him, as his Companion in the War, whose Faith was suspected, or rather who was an open Enemy: The Earl, though the Time and Place did not favour it, yet was willing immediately to put himself on the Trial; hereupon the Names of the Judges, or Jury, were (according to Custom, which I have elsewhere mentioned,) impannell'd, and none of them were excepted against by the adverse Party, yet, by all their Votes he was acquitted. From thence they marched to the Castle of Or Lang-hope, lying near the Conduence of the Rivers Esk and Ewes in Ewsdale. Langham, from thence they drove out the English; and, as they resolved to attempt other Forts, they were call'd back by a sudden Message. For News were brought them, that a French Fleet was seen not far from the Promontory of St. Ebbs Head on the Mouth of the Forth in Merss. St. Ebb, wherein were one and twenty Ships. The Regent imagining what the matter was, that they were come [Page] to besiege the Castle of St. Andrews, (as had been agreed between them) march'd joyfully home, there he discoursed Leon Strozy, Admiral of the French Fleet, and they both agreed to lay close Siege to the Castle, which they did, with so much Celerity, that many of the Garison-Souldiers, which were abroad could not come in, and many Country-men, which had no hand in the Conspiracy, but occasionally came into the Castle, about their private Affairs, could not get out. They planted their Brass Guns upon the Towers of two Churches, which stood near on both sides the Castle, which did so annoy the whole Court within the Castle-Walls, that the Defenders could hardly stir in or out. And afterwards they brought bigger pieces of Ordnance, and play'd upon part of the Wall, which stood between two Towers, which was soon batter'd down, because the later Buildings were not at all compacted with the former, and so it fell down with a mighty Noise. Hereupon they within, who before trusted to their Fortifications, and were ready to expose themselves to stop any Breach, now began to be afraid, and calling together a Council of War, because they fear'd the Cruelty of the Regent in revenging the Death of his Kinsman, (such Sentiments making deep Impressions on infirm Minds) they surrendred the Castle and themselves to Leon Strozy, St. Andrews Castle taken by the Regent, with the Assistance of the French. only upon Quarter for Life. Leon hereupon sent in his Men to pillage the Castle, wherein was found, besides a great Quantity of Provisions of all sorts, all the Cardinal's Mony and Houshold-stuff, and all the Wealth of the Garison-Souldiers, and of many others also, who had laid up their Goods there, as in a place of Refuge; there also they found the Regent's Son, who was before given in Hostage by his Father to the Cardinal, and, when he was slain, was detain'd there. The Castle was demolish'd by Advice and Order of the Council; and a few days after, Leon set Sail, with his Prisoners, for France. These things fell out in August, 1547.

About the same time, News was brought, that the English had prepared great Forces both by Land and Sea to invade Scotland, and to demand the Performance of the Treaty, which was made four Years before with the Regent, concerning the Marriage of the Queen of Scotland to the King of England's Son. This sudden Report mightily affected the Regent, who was faint-hearted enough of himself, for he had then no foreign Aid, neither did he much confide in his own forces:The English enter Scotland, and repulse the Regent's Forces. For the Papal Faction were offended at his Levity, and the Friends of exil'd Lennox having been cruelly intreated by him, retained the Seeds of their old Hatred against him; yet, upon his Proclamation, there came in great numbers to Edinburgh, from thence they march'd to the Mouth of the River Esk, which runs through Lothian, and there waited for the coming of the English. In the mean time, the Scotish Horse rode up towards the Enemy in their March, and challenged them to fight, by this means creating some trouble to them in their Passage: But the English General, who knew that the Scots were better than his own Men at such tumultuary Skirmishes, had given Command, that none of his Troops should march out to encounter them. At last upon the Importunity of Grey, Commander of the Horse, he [Page] was persuaded to send out some Troops of Horse well-armed, and of Curiasiers, which should suddenly rush in upon them, unprepared for Resistance; The Scots being grown fearless of the Enemy, but now astonish'd at the sudden Onset, brake their Ranks, and fled for their Lives, and about 800 of them were either slain or taken; of the English also, who prest too eagerly on the pursuit, several were taken Prisoners, amongst which were some eminent Horse-Commanders. From that day forward, there was no memorable Action performed by the Scotish Horse. The English had their Camp at the Town of Two Miles East of Musselborough in East-Lothian. Preston, a little more than a Mile from Them. From thence they might behold the number of the Scotish Army from the high Ground, and perceiving them to be more than they thought, they advised what course to take, and resolved to send Letters to the Scots, that so, if just and equal Conditions might be agreed on, the matter might be compos'd rather by Treaty than by Force.The English send Letters to the Scots, persuasory to Peace, The Contents of the Letters, were; ‘They earnestly desired the Scots to remember, that both Armies profess'd the Christian Religion, to whom (unless they did renounce their Profession) nothing ought to be more dear than Peace and Tranquillity, and nothing more to be abhorr'd than unjust Arms and War; that the cause of the present War, was not Covetousness, Hatred, or Envy, but a Desire of perpetual Peace, which could no ways so firmly coalesce as by a Marriage, which had been already promised by the publick Decree and Consent of all the Estates, and ratified by a League, and that on such Conditions, as were more advantageous to the Scots than the English, not to reduce them into an Estate of Servitude, but to a joint Society of Life, and Participation, and Communion, of all their Fortunes; which Marriage would be so much the more beneficial to the Scots than English, because the Weaker might expect Advantage from the Stronger, as being possess'd with a greater Fear, lest he might be wrong'd by him: And, at the present, in casting up accounts of things, you are first to consider the Case, that it is very necessary your Queen should marry, that necessity was inevitable, and that it was a difficult thing to moderate it, and that the sole Power of chusing her an Husband was left to the Estates; If they would chuse a Family upon the account of Dignity and publick Advantage, whom could they pitch upon better, than a Neighbour King, born in the same Island, ally'd in Blood, instituted in the same Laws, educated in the same Manners and Language, and superior not in Power alone, but in all external Ornaments and Accessions of Dignity? And besides, this Marriage would bring with it a perpetual Concord, and an Oblivion of all old Grudges. But if they had Thoughts to bring in a Stranger amonst them, to undertake the Kingdom, that differ'd from them in Language, Laws and Customs, they should consider, how many Inconveniences lodg'd in the Belly of that Design, which they might easily foresee by the Examples of other Nations, and 'twere better so to do, than to learn it by Trial and feeling the Smart thereof. As for themselves, if they found the Spirits of the Scots not wholly averse from an Agreement, they were ready [Page] to remit something of the Rigour of Law, and Right; and that they would be content the young Queen should be educated under Scotish Supervisors, till she came to be marriagable, and fit, by the Advice of the Nobles, to chuse an Husband for her self; and till that time came, both sides should abstain from War and Rapine; and that the Queen should not be transported beyond Sea, nor that any Treaty should be intertain'd by the Scots concerning her Marriage with the French, or any other foreign Prince: If the Scots would faithfully promise this, they would presently depart and withdraw their Forces, and as for what Damage they had done, since they entred Scotland, they would make Restitution, as indifferent Men should award.’

These Letters were brought to the Regent, who communicated them to his Brother Iohn, Archbishop of St. Andrews, whom he had assum'd into the Place and Authority of the Cardinal, and to some few others: They, in hopes of a sure Victory, gave him advice to suppress them; for they were afraid, that if the Equity of the Proposals were made known, the Scots would be taken off, and hearken to terms of Peace, and therefore they gave out through the whole Army, that the English were come on purpose to take away their Queen by force, and to reduce the Land to their own Subjection. And the Regent, being naturally unactive, had chosen four, no more versed in Military Affairs than himself, who did turn and wind all things at their Pleasure; those were his three Kinsmen and Allies, Iohn his Brother, Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Abbat of Dumfermlin; George Dury; Alexander Beton; and the 4th was Hugh Riggs a Lawyer, noted more for his big Body, Corpulency, and bulky Strength, than for any Military Skill. These Men did so puff up the Regent with a vain hope of Victory, that, being of himself inconstant and variable in his Designs at every blast of Wind, he shut his Ears against the advice of all others.Which being rejected by the Regent, Hereupon, when the Regent's Privadoes had caus'd the Report, which they themselves had raised, to be spred all over the Army, they all ran hastily to their Arms. Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus, led the Van; George Gordon, Earl of Huntly, brought up the Rear, each of them had 10000 fighting Men, and the Regent had about the same number in the main Battel. In this Posture, a Report was suddenly rais'd, that the English were fled away, and it was not altogether without ground; for they, wanting Provision, and not being able to fetch it from far, nor to forage for it in the Neighbour-hood, which was so unfurnish'd afore, thought it the best way to preserve themselves, if they left their Baggage behind them, and march'd long Marches backward, but having so many arm'd Men ready to ingage, seeing they durst not come down into the Campagn, nor could deceive the Enemy by going about, they waited his coming on the higher ground. On the other side, the Regent was impatient of Delay, and sent one to Douglas to march on with speed; but he knowing, that the English could not long keep that ground for want of Provision, and so waited to fall on the Rear, made no great haste, till he was stirr'd up by another Messenger from the Regent, then, and not before, he past over the River. The main Battel, [Page] and the Rear, following at a great Distance after. The English who were about to depart, perceiving Douglas to draw towards them upon the Speed, sent out Grey, Commander of the Horse with his whole Body to meet him, and stop his Carreer, till the Foot had possess'd themselves of a Neighbour-hill; or, if he saw cause, he was to disturb them in their ranks; for, seeing the major part of them were arm'd after the French mode, they thought the Scots would never be able to bear the brunt of their charge: But a Brigade of the Scots marching in close order together,He gives them Ba [...]el; holding forth their Stand of long Pikes before them, as a Fence, received the Assault; there the Van of the English running in upon, and intangling themselves amongst, the Pikes, the rest thought themselves ambuscado'd, and so returned to their Body, telling them that the Scots Ranks could no more be broken, than if they charg'd against a Wall: Hereupon, the English Horse were about to leave the Foot and fly, but by the Persuasion of their Commanders, and their mutual encouraging one another, and withall all hoping for a more advantagious Ground to fight in, they were retain'd, and renew'd their Ranks. The Scots were held from marching forward to the opposite Hill, chiefly upon this account, because they perceived Iambo a Spaniard, with some Troops of his Country-men, Harquebuisiers, to come down obliquely from the Hill, as if he would fall on their Flank; and therefore, that no sudden Emergency might cause them to divide their Brigade, and also that they might not be attack'd on their Flanks, they wheeled about leisurely from the right ascent of the Hill. The main Battel, when they saw the Van to leave their Station, thought, that they were running away, so that they also broke their Ranks, and betook themselves to their Heels. The English, seeing this from the high Grounds, sent out their Horse,But receives a great Overthrow. and trod many of them under foot in the pursuit. During all this March from Esk to the English Camp, the English Navy plaid upon the Flank of the Scots out of their Ships, and did them much Mischief. All the Ways were strow'd with Arms, by reason of the great Slaughter which was made, and many also were drown'd in the River. The English were most severe against the Priests and the Monks, (for those of that Tribe, who were lusty and able to bear Arms, came into the Field) and there were many who imputed the loss of the Day to them, who had arrogantly refused honest Conditions of Peace, and who, if they had the Victory, would have used it as cruelly towards their own Countrymen, as their Enemies. In the first Charge, the English lost about 200 Horse, but of the Scots there fell the prime of all the noblest Families, with their Relations and Tenants, who counted it a flagitious thing to desert them; many were taken in the Pursuit. The High-landers gathered themselves together in a round Body, kept their Ranks, and returned safe home; for, at first, they march'd through craggy places, and inconvenient for Horse, and if they were sometimes necessitated to descend into the Plains, yet the English Horse, who followed the Pursuit scatter'dly, durst not attack them. This Battel, amongst a few others, was very calamitous to the Scots, it was fought the 10th of September, in the Year 1547. [Page] The English having got the Victory, which was so much the more joyful, because it was unexpected, march'd five Miles further with all their Forces, and there they staid eight days, sending out parties every day six Miles round, who burnt and destroy'd all within that Compass. They attempted nothing considerable besides, saving the fortifying the desolate Islands of Inch-Keith and Inch-Colm in the Bay of Forth; and in the Bay of Tay, they took the Castle Brockty, standing on a Rock, on the A [...]gus-side of Tay, 2 Miles below Dundee. Brockty; and, in their return by Land, they took by Surrender the Castles of Fascastle and Hume, which the Garisons out of Fear gave up; and they raised Forts, one at Lauder, and another in the Ruins of Roxborough Castle.

Their sudden Departure gave some Relief to the Scots, and a breathing-time for them to meet together to consult about the main chance. The Regent, presently after the Fight,The English retreat out of Scotland. came with that part of the Nobles which were with him to the two Queens at Sterlin, and to the Nobility attending there; the Regent and his Brother were very sad and dejected for the Calamity which happen'd by their Default, and the Queen Dowager gave forth many outward Signs of Grief in her Speech and Countenance, but they which knew her Heart did judg, that she was not much troubled to see the Arrogance of the Hamiltons so curbed; but to be joyous in a publick Calamity, they who use to cover the Faults of Princes under honest Disguises, are wont to call Greatness of Mind. Besides, the Dowager, ever since the Death of the Cardinal, had used all ways and means to throw the Regent out of his Office, and to invest the supream Authority in her self, but she knew she could never effect it, as long as They were uppermost, and had all fortified places in their Hands: In all her Discourse, she heighten'd the Fear she had from the English, and complained of the Weakness of their own domestick Forces, and propounded the Dangers imminent from the civil Dissensions amongst them: She communicated her Design to those, who she knew, were ill affected towards the Hamiltons. When the Nobles were in Consultation about the grand Affairs of the Kingdom, a Decree was made, that the Queen should retire to Dunbarton, whilst the Nobility did debate concerning the Estate of the Kingdom: Iohn Erskin was made Governour of it, an unquestionable Favourer of the Queen's Faction, and William Levingston, a Friend to the Hamiltons, was join'd in Commission with him. Embassadors were also sent into France to demand Aid of their King Henry against their common Enemy, according to the League made with him: Hopes was also given them, that the Queen would come over into France, and marry the Dolphin; but the French were intent upon their own Affairs, and therefore their Auxiliaries were slower than the present Danger required.

In the mean time,The English again enter Scotland, the English entred Scotland on both sides of the Borders: The Earl of Lennox, as if he had been sent for by his Friends, came to Dumfries; for his Father-in-Law Angus, and his old Friend Glencarne, had promised him two thousand Horse and Foot of the neighbouring Parts to assist him, if he would leave the English, and come over to them; but when he came at the Place [Page] appointed, there were hardly Three hundred come together, and those too of such, who used to live on Robberies. These and some other things of the like Nature, being very suspicious, and specially the wavering Mind of Iohn Maxwel, who had already given Hostages to the English, made Lennox believe that he was betrayed, and therefore he resolved to circumvent his Enemies with the like Fraud; he retained with him Glencarn, Iohn Maxwel, and other chief Men of the Scots, who had treated with him concerning his Transition and Return into his own Country, and in the middle of the Night march'd toward Drumlanerick, with six hundred Horse, part of the English and part of the Scots, who had yielded to them; when they came to the appointed Place, he sent out five hundred, to commit what Spoil they could in the neighbouring Parts, that so he might draw out Iames Douglas, Owner of the Castle, into his Ambush; he, imagining such a thing, kept within his Hold till 'twas Day; and then, being out of fear of Treachery, he marched out with his Men, and pass'd over the River Nith, and press'd straglingly upon the Plunderers, charging their Rear, as they were retreating. They having got a convenient Time and Place to rally,And overtrow a Party of Scots commanded by Iames Douglas. turn'd back upon him with great violence, and struck such a Terror into them in the Straits of a Ford, that they disordered their Ranks, killed some, and took many considerable Prisoners. This light Expedition struck such a Terror into the greatest part of Galway, that they strove which of them should yield first to the English, partly to gratify Lennox, and partly fearing, lest, being forsaken by their Neighbours, they should lie open to all Affronts. The Scotish Regent fearing, lest in such a general Hurly-burly, if he did attempt nothing, he should altogether dispirit his Men, who were discourag'd enough before, besieg'd the Castle of Brockty, and having laid before it almost three Months, without performing any thing considerable, he drew off his Men, leaving only an hundred Horse under the Command of Iames Halyburton, an active young Man, to infest the neighbouring Places, and to hinder any Provisions from being carried in by Land to Brockty, or to the Garison which the English had plac'd on an Hill adjoining. These Matters pass'd at the End of that Year. In the beginning of the next, which was 1548, the English fortified Hadington, a Town in Lothian upon the Tine, and burned the Villages, and plundered the Country about, which was the richest part of Scotland, and they form'd another Garison at Lauder. Lennox, about the end of February having pass'd over the West-Border, hardly escap'd an Ambush laid for him by Part of those, who had yielded themselves; but, returning to Carlisle, he revenged himself by punishing some of the Hostages, especially Iohn Maxwel, the chief Author of the Revolt, according to the Contents of some Letters he had receiv'd from the King of England. During these Transactions, Henry of France, who succeeded his Father Francis, sent Forces to the Sea to be transported into Scotland, [...] of France [...]ends Aid to the Scots. about six thousand Men, of which three thousand were German Foot, commanded by the Rhine-grave; about two thousand French; and one thousand of divers Nations, all Horse; they were all commanded to obey Monsieur Dessy a French [Page] Man, who had been a Commander in France some years, and had done good Service there. They landed at Leith, and were ordered to quarter at Edinburgh, till they had recovered their Sea-sickness. The Regent, and the Forces with him, marched to Hadington, where they beset all Passages, and laid a close Siege to the Place. He sent out a Proclamation into all Parts, in pursuance whereof, in a short time, there came into him about eight thousand Scots. There the Nobility assembled, and the Consultation was renewed concerning the Queen's going into France, and marrying the Daulphin; a Council was called in a Monastery of Monks, without Hadington, in the very Camp. In that Convention there were various Disputes; some said, that if they sent away the Queen, they must expect perpetual War from England, and Bondage from the French; others were of opinion, that by reason of Agreement in Religion, and the Condition of the present Times, it was best to embrace the Terms offered by the English, which were a Ten Years Peace, with no bad Covenants or Obligations on the Scots. For the whole of the League was, That, if the King of England, or Queen of Scotland, died within ten years, all things should be, on both sides, as they were before; and though no fortuitous Event should happen between, yet the Kingdom might be hereby freed from its present Pressures, which had almost broke its Strength; and the Souldiery, which were almost all lost in the late Battel, might have time to grow up and increase in a long continued Peace; and, that intestine Discord being laid asleep, they might more maturely consider of the Grand Affairs, than they could do amongst Drums and Trumpets: And in such Consultations, Delays were oftentimes of great Advantage, and rash Festination was attended with speedy Repentance: Thus They. But all the Papists favoured the French, and some others too, whom French Bounty had either forestalled, or else had rais'd up to great hopes of Advantage; amongst whom, was the Regent; he had an yearly Revenue of 1200 French Pistols promised him, and the Command of an 100 Curiassiers; so that the most Voices carried it, for the Queen's going into France: The Fleet, which was to convey her, rode at Leith; and,The Queen of Scotland sails into France. making as if they would go away, they sailed about all Scotland, and came to Dunbarton, where the Queen went on Ship-board, (having staid some Months for its Arrival) in the Company of Iames her Brother, Iohn Erskin, and William Levingston: She was tossed with much foul Weather, and contrary Winds, but at last landed in Bretaign, a Peninsule in France, and, by easy Journies, went to Court.

In Scotland, whilst the War stopp'd at Hadington, yet the Common People in several Places were not wanting to the present Occasion. For the Garisons of Hume and Fascastle doing great hurt to the Neighbourhood, the Scots observing, that Hume was negligently guarded by Night, got up to the Top of a Rock,Hume and Fascastle, garison'd by the English, are surprized by the Scots. where the Confidence of the Unaccessibleness of the Place, made those within less watchful, and so they killed the Sentinels, and took the Castle. And not long after, when the Governor of Fascastle had commanded the Country thereabouts to bring in a great quantity of Provisions into the Castle, at a certain Day. The Country, upon this occasion, [Page] came numerously in, and unlading their Horses, they took up the Provision on their backs, to carry them over a Bridg, made betwixt two Rocks, into the Castle; assoon as ever they were entred, they threw down their Burden, and upon a Sign given, slew the Guards, and, before the rest of the English could come in, they seized on their Arms, and placed themselves in the Avenues; and thus, setting the Gates open for their whole Party to enter, they made themselves Masters of the Castle. In the mean time, the Naval Force of the English was not idle; for the whole stress of the Land-War lying upon Hadington, their Commanders thought that the neighbouring Parts were weakned and spoiled of all Defence, so that they resolved to land in Fife. And accordingly they pass'd by some Sea-Towns, which were well inhabited, and came to Standing on the Firth of Forth in Fife. St. Minnans Kirk, a Place peopled well enough, that from thence they might march by Land, to greater Towns, but less fortified, where the Pillage might be more worth their Labour. Iames Stuart, the Queen's Brother, receiving the Alarum, which the People of Saint Andrews, and a few of the Country-men which were left at home, made towards them, and in his way many of the Neighbourhood struck in with him. The English were already landed; and about 1200 of them stood ready in their Arms for the Encounter. The great Guns which they had landed, struck such a fear into the Country-men, that they quickly fled; but Iames, after he had a little stopp'd their Fear, charged the Enemy so briskly, that though he had but a raw and tumultuous Band along with him, he soon routed them, and drove them toward the Sea, killing many upon the Place, and many in the pursuit; not a few of them were drowned in hastning to their Ships; one Boat, with all its Passengers, was sunk, whilst they endeavoured some in Throngs to get on board. 'Tis reported, that there were 600 slain in the Fight, and 100 taken Prisoners. Whereupon the Fleet presently sa [...]led to Mern, a Country less inhabited; their Design was to surprise Monross, a Town not far from the Mouth of the River Dee. They resolved to land in the Night; and therefore they staid at Anchor, out of sight of Land, as long as there was any Light in the Sky. But as they were making to Shoar in the dark, they discovered themselves by their own Imprudency, by hanging out Lights in every Boat; Iohn Erskin of Downe, Governour of the Town, commanded his Men to arm, without making any Noise, and he divided them into three Bodies;The English Seamen landing in Scotland in two places, are twice repulsed. he placed some behind an earthen Bank, which was rais'd on the Shoar, to hinder their landing; he, with some Archers lightly arm'd, made directly towards the Enemy; and a third Band of Servants and promiscuous Vulgar, he plac'd behind a Neighbour Hill, adding a few Souldiers to them, to govern the Rabble; Matters being thus order'd, he with his Archers fell upon the Enemy in their Descent, and maintain'd a sharp Dispute with them, till in a tumultuary kind of Fight, he had drawn them on to the Banks, there he join'd his other Party, who stood ready at their Arms, and they all fell on the Enemy; yet they had not given Ground, unless the last Body had shewn themselves with Colours flying from the next Hill; then they made such haste to their Ships, that of about [Page] 800, which came on Shoar, hardly the third part escaped to their Ships.

In the mean time, great Salleys were made about Hadington, not without loss on either side, but most, of the English; whereupon they being in some want of Provisions, and fearing a greater, and perceiving also, that the Relief prepared came slowly on, and that they were so weakned, as to be hardly able to admit of the Delay: In the Interim, two brave Souldiers, Robert Bovy and Thomas Palmer, were commanded to march thither from Berwick, with 1000 Foot and 300 Horse, and to make all the Speed they could. These all fell into an Ambush laid for them, and scarce a Man of them escaped alive. The English resolved to send more Aid, but the French, discovering their Design, beset the narrow Passages, by which they were to march; but Dessius, being deceived by one of the Enemies Scouts which he had taken, who told him, that the English were far off, and were marching another way to relieve the Besieged, left the Straits he had possess'd, and went to another Place; in the Interim,Hadington besieged by the Scots, but relieved by the English. the English marched thorow to their intended Post, without any hindrance. They brought with them 300 fresh Men, Powder and Bullet, and such other Provision as the Garison stood in most need of.

Whilst these things were acted at Hadington, which did not at all make to the Main of the War, News was brought, that the English had levied a compleat Army to raise the Siege: Whereupon Dessius, knowing, that he was not able to encounter the Forces which were a coming, removed his Leaguer farther off from the Town, and sent back his Great Guns, all but six small Field-Pieces, to Edinburgh. Upon the Coming of the English Army, the Siege was raised, because the Scots Commanders would not hazard the State of the Kingdom upon a single Battel; so that the Scots marched every one the next way home; the French also, though much press'd upon by the English, yet got well off. The French Souldiers,A Mutiny between the French and Scots at Edinburgh. in their Return, slew the Governour of Edinburgh, and his Son, together with some of the Citizens who joined with them, because they refused to admit them into the Town with all their Forces, in regard, they knew, they could scarce keep them from plundring. Dessius in the Interim, lest the Sedition should increase, drew off; and withal supposing, that the Enemy would be more secure at Hadington, because of their good Success, resolved to make an Attempt to surprize it on a sudden. Thither he marched all that Night, and by break of Day slew the Sentinels, and came up to the Walls; they took the Fort before the Gate, kill'd the Watch, some endeavoured to break open the Gate; they also seized upon the Granaries of the English. In this hurry, the Noise of those who were breaking open the Gates, and the Huzza's of the French, crying out, Victory, Victory, rous'd up the English from their Sleep, which they had newly fallen into. In this great hurly-burly,The design of the French to surprize Hadington, disappointed. a Souldier set fire to a Brass Gun, placed casually against the Gate, that he might, in a present Danger, make Trial of a doubtful Remedy. The Bullet broke through the Gate, and made a Lane in the thick Ranks of the French, so that, what between the Exclamations of the Souldiers [Page] crying out Victory, and the Noise of the Gates which were broken, such a confused Clamor was carried to the Rear, that they were surprized with Fear, not knowing the Cause, and so fled, which occasioned the rest to follow after. The French being thus repuls'd with Loss, march'd into Teviotdale, which the English had done great Damage to; there, under the Conduct of Dessius, they drove the Enemy from Iedburgh, and made many Inrodes into English Ground, not without considerable Advantage. At length, when they had wasted all the Country,The French disgusted by the Scots, for their Cruelty and Oppressions. besides their daily Duty, they were also in great Want, and the Commonalty pitied them the less, because of their Prank at Edinburgh, for they looked upon that seditious Attempt as a Step to Tyranny. And from that time forward, the French did nothing worth speaking of. The King of France was made acquainted by Letter from the Regent, and Queen Dowager, how Dessius spent much time on light Expeditions, and unprofitable ones, and that he was more injurious to his Friends than Enemies, and that the French Souldiers were grown so insolent, since the Tumult at Edinburgh, that, by reason of the intestine Discord,Dessius Commander of the French recalled from Scotland, and Termes sent to succeed him. all was like to be ruined: Whereupon Dessius was called back, and Monsieur Paul Terms, a good Souldier and prudent Commander, was sent with new Supplies for Scotland. Dessius thought it would be for his Honour to recover the Island Keith, which was taken a few Days before, and was begun to be fortified; so that he got together a Fleet at Leith, and went aboard with a select Company of Scots and French. Dessius takes the Island Keith from the English, before his Departure. The Queen was a Spectator of the Action, and egging them on, sometimes particularly, sometimes all in general, after he had landed in the Island, he drove the English into the highest Angle thereof, kill'd almost all their Commanders, and compell'd them to a Surrender, but not without Blood. This was his last noble piece of Service in Britain, and then he surrendred up his Army to Termes. Termes drew forth the Army out of their Winter-Quarters, and commanded them to march towards the Northern Shires, he himself, Dessius being dismiss'd, followed soon after, and laid Siege to the Fort of Brockty, and in a short time took it, and also the Castle adjoining, from the English, putting almost all of both Garisons to the Sword. When he was returned into Lothian, his great Care was, to hinder Provisions from being carried to Hadington; when, lo, upon a sudden, a great Army of English and Germans shewed themselves ready for the Encounter; whereupon he drew his Men backward, till he came to a Place of greater Safety. In the Interim, the Scots Cavalry, which skirted upon the Enemy on every side, perceiving the German Baggage to be unguarded, plunder'd them in a moment. In the mean time, Provisions were carried into Hadington, without any opposition. During these Matters, Iulian Romerus, with a Troop of Spaniards, was taken securely in his Quarters, as if all had been at Peace, and almost all his whole Party was destroyed. Termes, when the English Forces were march'd home, resolv'd to return to the taking in of Hadington. They were stout Men that defended the Town, but in regard the Country was wasted all thereabouts, and Provisions could not be brought from far, but with great Hazard, and [Page] sometimes certain Loss; and besides, the English were troubled with great Seditions at home, and were further press'd upon by a War with France; hereupon the Garison of Hadington, Hadington deserted by the English. having no hope of Relief, burnt the Town, and on the 1st of October 1549, march'd away for England.

And moreover, the Garison at Lauder was almost ready to surrender, as being in great Distress, for want of Necessaries, when lo,An Agreement between the French and English. News was brought on a sudden of an Agreement made between the English and the French, which was published in Scotland, April the first, 1550. And the May following, all the French Souldiers were transported back into France. That Peace, as to a Foreign War, lasted about three Years, but it was as troublesom and pernicious as the hottest War. For they who sat at helm, the Regent, and his Brother, the Archbishop of St. Andrews, were both extreamly cruel and avaritious, and the Archbishop very licentious in his Conversation also; for, as if the Reins lay wholly loose on his Neck, his own Will was his Law. The first Presage of the ensuing Tyranny, was, the suffering the Murder of William Creighton, an eminent Person, to go unrevenged; he was slain by Robert Semple, in the Regent's own Palace, and almost in his sight, and yet the Murderer was exempted from Punishment, by the Intercession of the Archbishop's Concubine, who was Daughter to Semple. This Archbishop, as long as the King liv'd, was one of his Confidents, and pretended a great Zeal for the Reformed Religion; but when the King was dead, he ran headlong into all flagitious Courses, and, amongst the rest of his Mistresses, he took away this young Madam Semple from her Husband, who was his Country-man and Ally, and kept her almost in the Place of a lawful Wife, though she were not handsom, nor of good Report neither, but only noted for Wantonness. After this, followed the Death of Iohn Melvil, a a Noble-Man of Fife, who was a great Intimate of the last King's; Some Letters of his were intercepted, written to a certain English-man, in the behalf of his Friend, a Prisoner there; and though there could be no suspicion of Treason in the Case, yet the Author of them had his Head cut off. And that which made the Matter more foul, was, That his Estate was given to David, the Regent's youngest Son; the Loss, arising by these wicked Practices, reach'd but a few, but the Envy of them extended to many, and the bad Example almost to all.The Regent's Government disrelished, especially after the Martyrdom of George Wiseheart. This Unskilfulness of the Regent's managing the Government, together with the Sluggishness of all his former Life, did mightily offend the Commons; so that he every day grew more cheap than other, especially after the Suffering of George Wiseheart; for Most did impute the following Calamities to the Death of that Religious Man, especially they, who knew the Purity of Doctrine which George held forth, and admired the Unblamableness of his Life; and moreover, who look'd upon him as Divinely inspired, because of the many and true Predictions which he had made. Hereupon, the Authority of the Regent grew every day less than other; and soon after these, followed another, and that a more spreading, Mischief, which drew a general Complaint, not at all to be hid, against him. There were Juridical Conventions [Page] appointed to be held throughout the whole Kingdom, the Pretence was, to suppress Robberies, but the Event shewed, that 'twas nothing else, but to cover Oppression, under a plausible Name. For Mony was extorted from all, Good and Bad, as much from honest Men as Thieves, and both were punish'd, not according to greatness of Crime, but of Estate. Neither could he keep off his Cruelty and Avarice from the Reformed, though he himself had formerly profess'd to be one of the Party, and now he had not the Cardinal as a Blind for his Crimes; yea, the Mony, thus basely got in the Name of the Regent, was as profusely, and unadvisedly spent, by the Lust of his Brother.

The Sixteenth BOOK.

The Queen Dowager sails for France.MAtters being thus composed at home, the Queen Dowager took up a Resolution to sail over into France, partly to visit her own Country, her Daughter and Kindred; partly to secure her hopes in attaining the supream Power, which seemed to be freely cast upon her, and accordingly she chose those to attend her on her Journy, who were Favourers of her Design. For the crafty and ambitious Woman was full of hopes, that the Regent would, by his own Vices, ruin himself, that so she might be advanced in his room; she staid with the French King above a Year, in which time, she informed him in the state of Affairs of Scotland, who heard her graciously, and, by means of her Brothers, she easily obtain'd of him, what she desired. The King of France, the better to bring about his Designs without any Tumult in Scotland, advanc'd to Honours all those of the Scotish Nobility, each Man according to his Degree, who had adhered to the Queen Dowager: They also which were of kin to the Regent, were highly advanced; his Son Iames was made Captain over all the Scotish Auxiliaries in France, and a yearly Pension of 12000 French Pistols promised him. Huntly (whose Son had married his Daughter) was made Earl of Murray. Of the Sons of Rothes, by different Mothers, who quarrelled about their Patrimony, the youngest, who was Kin to the Hamiltons, was made Earl. The King of France, by the Advice of the Queen Dowager, sends for Robert Carnagy, one of the Regent's Privado's, who was lately sent over by him into France, to give that King Thanks for his often Assistance of the Scots against the English, and also Iames Painter, Embassador for some Years in France, in behalf of the Scots, besides Gawin Abbat of A Monastery 4 Miles North of Irwin, near the Irish Sea in Cuningham. Kilwinning, all firm to Hamilton's Faction. He declares to them, what he had before treated with the Guises. The Sum whereof was, That the Regent would do the King an acceptable piece of Service, if he would give leave to the Queen Dowager to govern, that little time of Magistracy which was left him, which, [Page] as 'twas but a just and equal Request agreeable to their Laws; so, if he complied with him therein, he would take care, that it should not be prejudicial to his Interests; yea, he should find, that by this means he had procur'd to himself a fast and munificent Friend in him: He wishes them to inform him, how he had at present freely, and of his own accord, rewarded some of his Friends, by which he might easily judg, what Courtesies to expect from him for the future. Thus Carnagy, laden with great Promises, was dismiss'd home; and a while after Painter, the Scotish Embassador, Bishop of Ross, was bid to follow him. He, as being a Man of great Eloquence and Authority, dealt with the Regent and his Friends, to give up the Administration of Affairs into the Hands of the Queen-Dowager; and, with much ado, he obtained it: So that for his Diligence and Faithfulness in that Service, the King of France gave him an Abby in Poictou. The Queen, being now so secure of the Success of things in Scotland, and having made sufficient Provision, as she thought, how to deprive the Scots of their ancient Liberty, and to bring them Alamode-a-France, was accompanied by Monsieur D'Osel, as Embassador, to carry things on, a shrewd Man, whose Counsel she was to use in all things; and so she returned home by Land through England. The next Year after her Return, she followed the Regent, who kept Assizes in almost all Parts of the Kingdom, and so by degrees made the Nobility her own. In this Progress, some few Offendors were punished, the rest were fined. The Queen could not approve such Proceedings, and yet she was willing enough to hear them. For she judged, that what Favour the Regent lost, it all returned upon Her. In the mean time, having won over the Nobility to her,The Regent, by Directions from France, persuaded to resign his Government; she used some Friends to deal with the Regent, that he would freely resign up the Government; his Kindred, upon the view of his Strength, perceived, that his Treasure was low, and his Friends few, and that he would have much ado to level and clear up his Accounts; for King Iames the Fifth, at his Decease, had left a great deal of Mony, Arms, Ships, Horses, Brass-Guns, and abundance of Houshold-stuff (all which he had lavish'd out amongst his Friends in a few Years.) And that his Account would be speedily called for, the Queen being now almost of Age. And if he would extricate himself out of all these Troubles, by quitting the Government, it would be no great Loss; for thereby he would but give up the Rule wholly to the French, which was intirely manag'd by their Counsels before: And he would have this Advantage also, that by laying down the invidious Title of Viceroy, or Regent, which however he could not long keep, he would procure Safety and Security to Himself and His. This Prospect pleased, so that an Agreement was made on these Conditions,Which he doth afterwards, upon Terms. That for what Goods of the late King's Hamilton had made use of, the French King would see, that he should be indemnified, and also that he should be free from any Account, on the pretence of Overseership; only he was to take an Oath to restore what did appear not imbezill'd, yet in this he did not perform his Promise. For about twelve years after, when his Castle of Hamilton was taken, after the Fight at In Renfrewshire. Langside, many things were there found, which shewed his [Page] Perjury. Besides, there were large Gifts bestowed upon him, and he was honoured with the Title of Duke of Or Chastleherault. Castelrot, (which is a Town in Poictou, situate near the River Vien in Daulphiny in France, having a Bridg over the Rhosne. Vien,) and had a yearly Stipend of twelve thousand French Pistols, half of which Sum was paid for some Years. Another Condition was also added by the Suffrage of all the Estates; that, if the Queen died without Children, Hamilton should be the next Heir. These were the Conditions of the Surrender, which were sent into France, that they might there be confirmed by the Queen, and some to be Guarrantees. The Queen, by the Advice of her Mother, makes Henry the 2d King of France, Francis Duke of Guise, and Cardinal Charles his Brother, the Guarrantees; and the Regent, tho, by persuasion of Painter, he had promis'd to relinquish the Government, and the time to do it was at hand, yet when it came to the point, according to his wonted Inconstancy, he was at a great stand; for he began to consider, how grievous a thing it would be for him, to fall down from the Supreme Magistracy to a private Life, for then he should be obnoxious to those, whom in his Government he had wronged: Hereupon, he began to elude his Promise, and to frame Excuses, in regard the Queen was not yet full twelve Years old: Thus, tho those Allegations might have been answer'd, yet the Queen Dowager chose rather to retire to Sterlin, and there to expect the Expiration of the Set-time, for the giving up his Charge, than to make any Quarrel about a small matter, tho never so true.

In this her Retirement, the greatest part of the Nobility came in to her, (Fortune favouring her side,) whom she sought by all means to ingage in her Faction, and those she had ingag'd, she fix'd and confirmed, filling them all with abundance of hopes, and making many Promises in general and in particular, how obliging she would be to them all when she was advanc'd to the Government, which they all knew should shortly follow; she prevailed so much by these Artifices, that only two of the Nobility remained with the Regent, Iohn his base Brother, and Levingston his near Kinsman. All the rest past over to the Queen. This Solitude of the Regent's Court, and the Fulness of the Queen's, was a Signification to him, how all the Estates were alienated from him, hereupon he repented himself, and was glad to accept of those Terms, which he rejected before, only with this addition, That the Queen Dowager would procure them to be ratifi'd by the Three Estates in the next Parliament, and also by the Guarrantees in France.

About the same time, Matters were very troublesome in England, by reason of the Death of King Edward the 6th, K. Edward the 6th of England highly commended. a young Prince of high Expectation, by reason of his rare Ingenuity, and Propension to all kind of Virtue, which was both connate with him, and also cultivated by Learning and Study.

At the beginning of the next Spring, the Nobility assembled at Sterlin, where, in a full Assembly, the Transactions with the Regent were confirm'd, which the Queen and Guarrantees had subscribed; this Addition was also made, That the Regent should keep a Garison at Dunbarton: and, to compleat all, a Parliament was Indicted at Edinburgh, to be held the 10th day of April, then [Page] next following, where all the Pacts and Agreements approved by the Guarrantees (as hath been said) were produced; and when they were read, the Regent arose, and openly abdicated himself from the Magistracy, and gave up the Ensigns of his Government to D'Osel, who received them in the behalf of the Queen, who was absent; and, by command, delivered them up to her, who received them by a general Consent; and thus being advanced into the Regent's place,The Queen Dowager made Regent. she was carried with great Ceremony through the City to the Palace in the Suburbs. And the Regent, who at his Entrance into the Parliament, was attended with a great number of the Nobility, and had the Sword, Crown and Scepter, carried before him according to Custom, now, being degraded, mixt himself amongst the Croud, in the Year 1559.

This was a new Sight in Scotland, and never heard of before that day, that a Woman should be, by the Decree of the States, advanced to the Helm of Government. Though matters thus inclined to the French Interest, yet the Scots would never yield, that the Castle of Edinburgh should be garison'd by them; if so, they feared if the Queen died without Issue, the French would then make it the Seat of their Tyranny; so that 'twas put into the Hands of Iohn Erskin, as an indifferent Person, who was to surrender it to None, but by the Command of the Estates.

After this, when the State of the Publick seemed to be somewhat settled, the Queen-Regent (as then she was called) sent out George Gordon, Earl of Huntly, to apprehend Iohn Murderach, chief of the Family of the Mac-Reynalds, a notorious Robber, who had plaid many foul and monstrous Pranks: 'Tis thought, that Gordon did not play fair in this Expedition, so that when he return'd, without doing the Business he was sent about,Huntly imprisoned, he was kept Prisoner till the time appointed for his Answer; In the Interim, his Kindred excused him, and laid the Blame of the Miscarriage upon the Clanship of Catan: thus they spread false Reports amongst the Vulgar, for they gave forth, tho untruly, that the Macintoshes had spoiled the Design, by reason of their Animosity against the Gordons. This Hatred between these two Clans arose upon this occasion; When the Queen prepared for her Expedition into France, Gordon kept William chief of the Or Macintoshes. Catan-Family, as his Prisoner, a young Man well educated by the care of Iames Earl of Murray. There was no Crime prov'd against him, but only because he would not put himself under his Clanship or Clientele; and besides, it turn'd to his Prejudice, that he was of Kin to Murray, as being his Sister's Son. Gordon, having thus provok'd the Young-man, did not think it safe to vouchsafe him his Liberty, and so leave him behind him, neither could he find sufficient cause to put him to Death. And therefore he, by means of his Friends, persuades the Young-Man, who was not versant in such ill Arts, to commit his cause wholly to him. For by this means, Gordon's Honour, and his own Safety might be secured. Gordon, being thus made Master of the Life and Death of his Enemy, dissembled his Anger, and deals with his Wife, to put the Young-man to Death in his absence; for, by this means, he thought to cast off the Odium of the Fact upon her: but it fell out [Page] quite otherwise; for all Men knew the paultry Disposition of Gordon; and they were as well satisfi'd in the Integrity of his Wife, who was a choice Woman, and had carried her self like a Regular and Noble Matron in all the rest of her Life, so that every Body was satisfied that Gordon was the Author of that Counsel to his Wife. Gordon being thus in Prison, the Queen Regent's Council were of different Opinions as to his Punishment; some were for his Banishment during some Years into France; others for putting him to Death. But both those Opinions were rejected by Gilbert Earl of Cassils, the chief of his Enemies. For he, foreseeing by the present State of things, that the Peace betwixt the Scots and French would not be long-liv'd, was not for his Banishment into France, for he knew a Man of so paultry a Spirit, and so revengeful of those who did scandalize or emulate him, would in the War, which the Insolency of the French was like speedily to occasion, be as a Firebrand and a Commander for the Enemy. And he was more against his putting him to Death, because he thought no private offence worthy of so great Punishment, as to inure the French to spill the Blood of the Nobility of Scotland. And therefore he went a middle way, that he should be fin'd and kept in Prison, till he yielded up the Right, which he pretended to have over Murray. And that he should suffer all the Royal Revenues, arising out of the Orcades, Schetland Isles, and Mar, to be quietly gathered by such Collectours, as the Queen-Regent did appoint, and he himself should not meddle with any of the Publick or Regal Patrimony; and likewise surrender up his Presidency over some Juridical Courts,But released, upon Conditions. which did bring him in great Profit. Upon these Conditions, he was dismiss'd, and having thus addulc'd the Mind of the Regent, and those that could do most with her, at last he was admitted into the Privy Council.

In the mean time, all Court-Offices, which had any thing of Gain to move Competitorship, were, by Gordon's Advice, given to Strangers, on purpose that he might breed a Disgust betwixt the Queen Regent, and the Nobility of Scotland, and so take Delight, though not an honest or creditable one, in their mutual Contest, and destroying one another; and the Earl of Cassils, who foresaw this Tempest before it came, began now to be accounted as a Prophet.

After this, Matters were quiet till Iuly, in the Year 1555. and the Queen-Regent having gotten this respite from War, apply'd her self to rectify the Disorders of the State: She went to Inverness, and held publick Conventions in the Nature of Assizes, in all accustom'd places, wherein many Disturbers of the publick Peace were severely punish'd; she sent Iohn Stuart, Earl of Athol, against Iohn Murderach, to effect that which Gordon, in his Expedition, had failed in. He, besides that Fortitude and Constancy, (Virtues proper to him) was also so prudent and successful, that he took him, his Children and whole Family, and brought them to the Queen. But Murderach being impatient of sitting still, or else excited by the sting of an evil Conscience, deceiv'd his Keepers, scap'd out of Prison, and fill'd all places again with Blood and Rapine. The [Page] Regent hearing of this, was forced to undertake a Voyage, sooner than she determined, to bring him and other Malefactors to Justice; which having done, she returned; and, in a publick Assembly, restored some of those who slew Cardinal Beton, that were popular Men, (whom the late Regent had banish'd) from their Exile; by which Fact of hers, she procur'd not so much applause, as she did Ill-will from the many new Taxes she devised. It was thought, that D'Osel, Ruby, and those few French about the Regent,The Queen Regent, by the Advice of the French, raises new Taxes, put Her upon those new Projects to raise Mony, i. e. that Mens Estates should be survey'd and registred in Books made for that purpose, and that every one should pay yearly a certain Sum tax'd upon him out of it, into a Treasury to be set apart for that end, as a Fund for War; for, with that Mony, thus kept in a peculiar Treasury, Mercenary Souldiers were to be raised to guard the Borders, and so the Nobility might remain quiet at home, except some great Invasion were made by the Enemy, which an ordinary Force could not resist. The poorer sort were much aggrieved at this new pecuniary Imposition, and inveigh'd openly against it with bitter Words; but the greatest part of the Nobles kept their Disgust within their own Breasts, every one fearing, that if he should first oppose the Will of the Queen Regent, the whole Envy of the Refusal would fall upon him, alone. But the next Rank of People were as angry with the Nobles, for betraying the publick Liberty by their Silence, as they were with the Queen; and thereupon about 300 of them met together at Edinburgh, and chose Iohn Sandeland of In Mid-Lothian. Calder, and Iohn Weems, out of their whole Body, and sent them to the Queen-Regent, to represent to her the Ignominy in paying this Tax,But the Commons withstand it, shewing their Reasons. and therefore they desired it might not be sessed nor levied upon them, because of their Poverty, both publick and private; and also to inform her, how their Ancestors had not only defended themselves and their Substance against the English, when much more powerful than now they are, but also had made often Inrodes into England; and that themselves had not so far degenerated from their Ancestors, but that they were willing to lay down their Lives and Fortunes for the Good of their Country, if need required. And as for the levying of Mercenary Auxiliaries, that 'twas a matter full of Danger, to commit the State of Scotland to Men, without either Lands or Hopes, but who would do any thing for Mony; and, if occasion were offered, their profound Avarice would invite them to attempt Innovations, so that their Faithfulness hung only on the Wheel of Fortune: but suppose, they were well qualified, and had a greater Love to the Country, than Respect to their own Condition, yet was it likely, nay, was it not incredible, that Mercenaries should fight more valiantly, to defend the Estates of others, than the Masters of them would do, each Man for his own? Or, that a regard to a small Stipend or Pay, which was likely to cease in time of Peace, would raise up greater Courage in the Minds of the Ignoble, than in the Nobility, who sought every Man for his Fortune, Wife, Children, Religion and Liberty? Besides, this Project (said they) concerns the very Vitals of the Scotish Empire, and 'twas a thing of greater Consequence, [Page] than to be debated at this time, and in this Age of our young Queen; for, if 'twere granted, it could be effected without any Sedition, yet this new way of managing a War, is both useless, and also much feared and suspected by the most, especially since, out of the Tribute of the Scots, Men none of the richest, Mony enough could hardly arise to maintain a Guard of Mercenaries, for the Defence of the Borders; and therefore 'twas to be feared, that the Event of this Counsel would be, to open the Door of the Borders to the Enemy, not to shut it. For if the English, living in a richer Kingdom, should erect a fuller Treasury for that use, there was no doubt, but they might maintain Forces, double to ours with less Grievance to their own People; and then they would break in, not only upon the Borders, but even into the very Body of the Kingdom. The other part of their Oration, I know not, whether it be not better to suppress in Silence, than to declare it amongst the Vulgar: some Mutterings there were; Who will collect this Mony? What great part of it must necessarily be expended upon Distrainers and Treasurers, as a Reward for their pains? Who will undertake that it shall be spent for publick Uses, and not on private Luxury? 'Tis true, the Probity and Temperance of our noble Princess, who now rules, gives us great Hope, yea Confidence, that no such thing will be; yet, if we consider, what hath been done by others abroad, and by our selves at home, we cannot contain or so govern, our selves, but must needs fear, that what hath once been done, may possibly be done again. But to let these things pass, which perhaps we have no cause to fear; let us come to that, wherein our Ancestors plac'd their greatest hope of Defence, to maintain their Liberty against the Arms of an overpowring Enemy. There was no King of Scotland ever judg'd wiser than Robert the first of that Name, and all confess, he was the most valiant. He, at his Death, as he had often done in his Life, out of a Prospect to the good of his Subjects, gave this advice, That the Scots should never make a perpetual Peace, no nor One for any long time, with the English. For he, out of the Wisdom of his own Nature, and also by his long Experience, and Exercise under both Conditions, prosperous and adverse, knew well enough, that, by Idleness and Sloth, the Minds of Men would be broken with Delights and Blandishments of Pleasures, and their Bodies also grow languid; for when severe Discipline and Parsimony is extinct, Luxury and Avarice do grow up as in a Soil untill'd, accompany'd also with an Impatience of Labour, and a Slothfulness, occasioned by continu'd Ease, averse from and hating a military Life; by which Mischiefs, the Strength of Body and Mind, being enervated and weakned, doth abandon Virtue, which is exercised by Sufferings, and that a short and unaccustomed Ease and Pleasure is overballanced by some notable Calamity to ensue.

Upon which, she desists.Upon this Oration, the Queen-Regent, fearing an Insurrection, if she had persisted in her opinion, remitted the Tribute, and acknowledg'd her Error; 'tis reported, she was often heard to say, that it was not Her self, but no obscure Men of the Scots themselves, who were the Authors and Architects of that Design: By those [Page] Words, some thought she meant Huntly, a Man fierce of his own Disposition, and newly released from Prison, and, as it seems, more mindful of the Injury of his Imprisonment, than of the respect shewed in his Deliverance. And therefore when he saw, that the Regent was intent upon this one thing, to accustom the Scots to pay Tribute, fearing that thereby her Power would increase, and the Authority of the Nobility would be weakned and infring'd; in regard she, being a Foraigner, sought to bring all things into the Power of her own Country-men, it was thought he gave this Counsel to her which suited well with her Mind, as to the raising of Mony, which she was then about; for otherwise, the advice was plainly Destructive, Hostile and Pernicious; for he knew well enough, that the Scots would not pay such great Taxes, neither would they be as obedient Subjects, as they had been before; some thought, that David Painter, Bishop of Ross, found out this way of Tax, for he was a Man of a great Wit, and learned besides; he had receiv'd many Courtesies from the Hamiltons, and was a Friend to their Family and Designs.

The next year, which was 1557, whilst the Embassadors of Scotland were treating about Peace at Carlisle, Embassadors from France, desiring the Scots to make War against England, the King of France sent Letters to Scotland, to desire the Regent to declare War against England, according to the League. The Cause was pretended to be, because the Queen of England had assisted Philip of Spain her Husband, who was ingag'd in a fierce War against France, by sending him Aid into Belgium. The English Embassadors return'd, without confirming any settled Peace or War either; whereupon the Regent call'd together the Nobility at the Monastry of On the North side of South-Esk, near Dalkeith, in East-Lothian. Newbottle, where She declar'd to them the many Incursions the English had made upon Scotish Ground, what Preys they had taken, and when Restitution was demanded, none was made, so that She desir'd the Scots to denounce War upon England, both to revenge their own Wrongs, and also, by the same labour, to assist the King of France; yet she could not prevail with the Nobility to begin first; and therefore by the advice, as 'tis thought, of D'Osel, she brought about the matter another way; She commanded a Fort to be built at the Mouth of the River The Town of Eye-Mouth in the Merss. Aye, against the sudden Incursions of the English, wherein also she might safely lay up great Guns and other Necessaries for War, as in a safe Magazine; from whence she might fetch them upon occasion, and so save labour of carrying them from the remoter parts of the Kingdom, whereby much time would be spent; and, besides the troublesomeness of the Carriages, opportunity of Action would be lost. These Conveniencies were visible enough, but she had another Reach in it, she knew, that the English would do their utmost to hinder the Work, and not suffer a Garison to be erected under their Noses, so near Berwick: Thus the Seeds of War (which she desired) would be sown, and the fault of taking up Arms cast upon the Enemy: And the Event answered her Expectation. For the Scots, being provoked by the wrongs of the English, whilst they were compell'd to defend their own Borders, easily assented to the Regent's desire, to make War upon England; whereupon the Embassadors sent into England, [Page] to make a Peace, were call'd back, a Proclamation was made, and a Day appointed for a general Rendezvouz at Edinburgh; when the Camp was form'd at In Teviotdale, on the South side of Tweed, below Kelso. Maxwel Heugh, and the Council had not yet decreed any thing concerning the manner of carrying on the War, they, who were forward to gratify the Regent, and to oblige the French, ran up and down plundering about Werk Castle, scituate in the Borders of England: D'Osel had brought some French Troops thither,Difference between D'Osel, the French Embassador, and the Scots Nobility. and some Ordnance, as many as he thought were sufficient to take in the Castle, and he carried them over the Tweed, without staying for the Order of the Council, which did highly incense the Scots Nobles against him; for, by his so doing, he seem'd to aim at the Vindicating the whole Honour of such an Expedition to Himself rather than to his Master, and also to make the Scots to be obnoxious to, and under, his Command, who were wont to have the chief Command themselves. Thus the Scots were mightily offended, that they were so slighted by a private Man, and a Stranger too, so as to be led by the Nose by him, without so much as asking their Opinions, as was formerly wont to be done; so that by doing things of his own Head, without consulting the Nobles, he had arrogated more to himself, than ever any of their own Kings had done.

Hereupon, the matter was deliberated in Council, where it was unanimously agreed, that they would not venture the strength of the Kingdom against an Enemy, at the humour of every private Person; especially, seeing they were never wont to obey their own lawful Princes in that Case, but after Matters had been open'd and seriously debated in Council, before they were resolv'd upon; and therefore Osel's Imperiousness in the Case was nothing else but an Essay,D'Osel vails Bonnet to them. to try, how capable they were to bear the yoke of Slavery; Whereupon, they commanded Osel to draw back the Ordnance, and if he refus'd, he should be punish'd as a Traitor. The Queen-Regent, and Osel himself, did highly resent this Affront; The Regent thought, that her Majesty was impair'd thereby; and the other, that his Master's Honour (whose Embassador he was) was concern'd: but they being the weaker, were forc'd to yield for the present; and there seemed no remedy to occur, but that the Queen of Scots, who was now marriageable, should marry the Dauphin as soon as conveniently it could be effected; for then the Wife, being in the Power of her Husband, the Authority of the Council would be much lessened.

During that Winter, there were various Excursions made, and with different Success, but One was most memorable at the foot of the Cheviot-hills, where a fight was maintain'd a long while, between the Duke of Norfolk and Andrew Carr, The Scots under Andrew Carr, overthrown by the Duke of Norfolk. the Victory was a long time doubtful, but at last inclin'd to the English, and Carr was taken Prisoner, many brave Men being wounded on both sides. Hereupon, an Assembly was Indicted at Edinburgh, to be held in October, to hear the Letters sent from the French King. In them, after a prolix Enumeration of the ancient Leagues betwixt them, and their mutual Obligations one to another, he desir'd the Scots Parliament, that a choice might be made of fit Persons, out of all [Page] the Three Orders, with ample Commission, who, in regard his Son, the Dolphin, about the end of December, was entring upon the Year fit for Marriage, according to the Law, might be sent Embassadors to conclude the Marriage, which was almost already made, (for the Queen of Scots had been transported over into France, upon that hope) and so the Two Nations, which were anciently Confederate, would now coalesce into one Body; and the old Friendship, betwixt both People, would be connected by an indissoluble Bond. This if they would do, he made them Magnificent Promises, that whatever fruits of Benevolence they did hope for from Allies, the same they might expect from him.

Tho all the Scots knew, to what end this haste of the French King was directed, and that there were shortly like to be Disputes between them concerning their Liberties, yet they all came, in great Obedience, to the Indicted Parliament, where, without any much adoe, eight Embassadors were chosen, to go over into France, to finish the Marriage: Three of the Nobility, Gilbert Kennedy Earl of Cassils, George Lesly Earl of Rothes; to whom was added, Iames Fleming Earl of In Lennoxshire. Commerland, chief of his Family. Three of the Ecclesiastical Order, Iames Beton Arch-bishop of Glasgow, Robert Read, Bishop of the Orcades, and Iames Stuart, Prior of the Monast'ry of St. Andrews and the Queen's Brother, and Two of the Commons,Embassadors sent to France, about the Marriage of the Dolphin with the Queen of Scots. George Seaton, because he was Governour of Edinburgh, and Iohn Areskin Laird of Down or Din, Governor of A Royal Borough of Angus. Montross, of a Knights Family, but comparable for Dignity, to any Noble Man. After they had set Sail, and were yet on the Coast of Scotland, they were toss'd with a very high Wind; and being farther at Sea, they met with such a grievous Tempest, that Two of the Ships were Sunk, not far from Boloign in France, a Town of the Morini. The Earl of Rothes and the Bishop of the Orcades were carry'd to Land in a Fisher-boat, and were the only Two that escap'd of all the Passengers therein. The rest of the Fleet, having long combated with the Waves, at length arriv'd in other lesser Ports of France, where, when all the Embassadors were again met, they hasten'd to Court. There they began the Treaty about the Marriage; all yielded to it, but the Guises were mighty forward to have it hasten'd, both because they judg'd that Affinity would be a great accession of Authority to their Family, as also because opportunity seem'd to favour their Design, in regard Annas Duke of Momorancy, who was esteem'd the wisest of all the French Nobility, and who was most likely to oppose the Match, was a Prisoner of War. He indeed was not willing the matter should be so precipitated, as for many other Causes, in the Judgment of many, very just and considerable; so, because the Power of the Guises (which was suspected by the Wise, and began to be intolerable to all) might not grow to that height, as to be unsafe for Kings themselves. For of the five Brothers of the Guises, the eldest was Captain General of all the Forces, which serv'd in France. The next was sent into Piemont and Millain. Liguria to Succeed Charles D'Coss, Earl of Brisac. Cosseus; The third was transported over into Scotland, with some Supplies, to command the Army there; The fourth had the Command of the Gallies [Page] at Marseilles. And all Mony-matters pass'd under the Hands of Cardinal Charles; so that neither Souldier nor Souz could wag in all the Territorys of the French King, without their Approbation and Good liking; some Men did commiserate the Fortune of the best of Kings, and it brought into remembrance the Condition of those Times, when, by reason of Court-Factions, the Kings of France have been shut up in Monast'ries, as in places of a milder Banishment.

The Court, for some time, being transported with these nuptial Revels, when they came to themselves, call'd the Scots Embassadors into the Council, where the Chancellor of France dealt with them to produce the Crown, and the other Ensigns of the Kings, and that the Queen's Husband should be created King of Scotland, according to Custom. To whom the Embassadors answer'd, in short, That they had receiv'd no Commands concerning those Matters. The Chancellor reply'd, That no more was desir'd of them at present, than what was in their Power, viz. That when these Matters came to be debated in the Parliament of Scotland, that they would give their Suffrages in the Affirmative, and give it under their Hands, that they would so do. That demand seem'd to be fuller of Peremptoriness than the former, and therefore they thought it best to reject it with great vehemency and disgust. Insomuch that their Answer was, That their Embassy was limited by certain Instructions and Bounds, which they neither could, nor would, transgress, but if they had been left free from any restriction at all, yet it was not the part of faithful Friends, to require That of them, which they could not grant without certain Infamy and Treachery, tho there were no danger of Life in the Case; That they were willing to gratify the French, their old Allies, as far as the just Laws of Amity requir'd, and therefore they desir'd them to keep within the same Bounds of Modesty, in making their Demands.

Some of the Scots Embassadors die in France, and the rest return home.Thus the Embassadors were dismiss'd the Court; and tho they hasten'd home, assoon as they could; yet, before they went a Shipboard, four of the chief of them, Gilbert Kennedy, George Lesly, Robert Reed, and Iames Fleming, all very virtuous and true Patriots, departed this Life, as also did very many of their Retinue, not without suspicion of Poison. It was thought, that Iames, the Queen's Brother, had also taken the same Dose, for, altho by reason of the Strength of his Constitution and his youthful Age, he escap'd Death at that time, yet he lay under a dangerous and constant weakness of Stomach, as long as he liv'd.

That Summer, Matters were at that dubious pass in Britain, that there seem'd rather to be no Peace, than a War: For there were Skirmishes on both sides, Preys driven, and Villages burnt; Incursions were mutually made, and not without Blood: Two of the Nobility of Scotland were carry'd away Prisoners by the English, William Keith, Son to the Earl of Merch; and Patrick Grey, chief of a Family (so call'd) amongst the Scots; the rest of the Military damages fell upon mean Persons.

[Page]About the same time,The English Fleet attempts the Orcades, but are driven off by Tempest. the English sent a Fleet under the Command of Sir Iohn Clare to infest the Coasts of Scotland, they came to the Orcades, intending there to Land, and to burn Kirkwall, a Bishops See, the only Town in that Circuit: When they had made a descent with a good part of their Force, a fierce Tempest suddenly arose, which carry'd their Ships from the Coast into the Main, where, after a long contest with the Winds and Waves, they at length made Sail for England back again: They which were put a Shore, were every one Slain by the Islanders.

This year, and the year before, the Cause of Religion seem'd to lie Dormant, for it being somewhat crush'd by the Death of George Wiseheart, one Party accounted themselves well satisfy'd, if they could worship God in their own Tongue, in private Assemblies, and dispute soberly concerning Matters of Divinity; and the other Party, after the Cardinal was slain, shew'd themselves rather destitute of an Head, than undesirous of Revenge; For he who succeeded in his Place, did rather covet the Mony than the Blood of his Enemies, and was seldom Cruel, but when it was to maintain his Licentiousness, and to expend on his Pleasures.

In April, Walter Mills, a Priest, none of the most learned, was yet suspected by the Bishops, because he left off to say Mass; whereupon he was haled to their Court. Though he was weak by Constitution of Body, and Age, extream Poor, and also brought out from a nasty Prison, and lay under such high Discouragements; yet he answer'd so stoutly and prudently too, that his very Enemies could not but acknowledg, That such greatness and confidence of Spirit in such an enfeebled Carkase, must needs have a support from on High. The Citizens of St. Andrews were so much affected at the wrong done him, that there was none found who would sit as Judg upon him, and all the Tradesmen shut up their Shops, that they might sell no Materials toward his Execution, which was the Cause of his Reprieve, for one day more than was intended. At last one Alexander Somerval, a Friend of the Archbishop's, was found out, a naughty Fellow,Walter Mills martyred, to the great regret of the Citizens of St. Andrews. who undertook to sit as Judg▪ upon him, for that Day. This is certain, the Commonalty took his Death so hainously, that they heap'd up a great Pile of Stones in the Place, where he was Burnt, that so the Memory of his Death might not end with his Life. The Priests took Order, to have it thrown down for some Days, but still as they dissipated it one Day, it was rais'd up the next, till at last the Papists convey'd the Stones away to build Houses with, about the Town. Iuly the 20th, was the day appointed by the Bishops for Paul Or, Meth [...]e [...]. Paul Meffen troubled, upon the account of Religion. Meffen, an eminent Preacher of God's Word in those days, to come to his Answer. There was a great Assembly of the Nobles at the time, so that the Matter seem'd to tend towards a Tumult; whereupon the Process was deferr'd to another time, several were condemn'd, but it was of those which were Absent; who, that they might not be terrify'd with the severity of the Punishment, were commanded to come in by the 1st of September, and pardon was promis'd them, if they recanted.

[Page]The same 1st of September was St. Giles day, whom the Inhabitants of Edinburgh do venerate as their Tutelar God, carousing to him in great Goblets, and making high Entertainments for their Neighbours and Guests. The Regent, fearing, lest in such a confus'd Rable, some Tumult should arise, was willing to be present her self at the Wake. The Papists were very glad of her Coming, and easily persuaded her to see the Show and Pageant, wherein St. Giles was to be carried about the City;St. Giles's Show, the Tutelar of Edinburgh, fouly spoiled. but St. Giles, alas! did not appear, for he was stol'n out of his Shrine by some body or other. However, that St. Giles might not want a Pageant, nor the Citizens a Show upon such a Festival Day, there was another young Gilesling (forsooth) set up in his room. After the Regent had accompanied him thro the greatest part of the Town, and saw no danger of any Insurrection, she retired, weary as she was, into an Inn to repose her self. But presently, the City-Youths pluck'd down the Picture of Giles from the Shoulders of those who carried him, threw him into the dirt, and spoiled the Glory of the whole Pageantry. The Priests and Friars, running several ways for fear, created a belief of a greater Tumult; but when they had understood, that there was more Fear than Danger in the thing, and that the whole Matter was transacted without Blood, they crept again out of their holes, and gathered themselves together to consult about the main Chance; where, though they were quite out of hopes to recover their ancient Repute, yet they dissembled Confidence, as if their former Power had remained: And to try how to retrieve their Affairs in so desperate a Case, they sought to strike Fears into their Enemies, and appointed a Convocation to be held at Edinburgh, November 8. When the Day of their Convening came, the Priests met in the Church of the Dominicans, and there cited Paul Meffen by Name, whom in a former Assembly they had commanded to appear;Paul Meffen banished by the Papists, but yet harbor'd by the Inhabitants of Dundee. he, not appearing, was banish'd, and a grievous Punishment denounc'd on those, who should receive him into their Houses, or supply him with any Necessaries, to support his Life. But that Commination did not terrify the Inhabitants of Dundee from doing their Duty, for they supplied him with Provision, and harbor'd him from one House to another; yea, and they dealt with the Regent, by some Men who were gracious at Court, that his Banishment might be remitted; but all the Priests mightily withstood it, and besides, they offered a great Sum of Mony to hinder it, so that nothing could be done.

Whilst these things were acting, some eminent Persons, especially of Fife and Angus, and some chief Burgers of several Towns, travell'd over all the Shires of Scotland, exhorting all the People to love the sincere preaching of the Word, and not to suffer themselves, and their Friends of the same Opinion in Religion with themselves, to be oppress'd and destroy'd by a small and weak Faction, alledging, if their Enemies would transact the Matter by Law, they should easily cast them; but if they chose Force rather, they were not inferior to them. And they had Schedules, or writing Tables, ready, for those who were pleased therewith to subscribe their Names:The first Congregation of the Reformed, in Scotland. These first assumed the Name of a Congregation, which was made [Page] more famous afterwards by Those, who joined themselves thereto.

These Assertors of the purer and Reform'd Religion, foreseeing that Matters would soon come to some Extremity, by joint Consent determin'd to send some Demands to the Queen, which unless they were granted, there was likely to be no Face of a Church; neither could the Multitude be restrained from Insurrection. They chose Sir Iames Sandeland of Or Cader, in Mid-Lothian. Calder, a worthy Knight, venerable both for his Age, and for his well-spent Life, to carry their Desires to the Regent, who open'd to her the necessity of sending such a Message, and requested, in the Name of all who stood for the Reformation of Religion,The just Proposals of the Reformers to the Queen-Regent, That all publick Prayers and the Administration of the Sacraments should be celebrated by Ministers in their Mother-Tongue, that all People might understand them; That the Election of Ministers, according to the ancient Custom of the Church, should be made by the People; and That they who presided over that Election, should enquire diligently into the Lives and Doctrines of all that were to be admitted; and, if by the negligence of former Times, unlearned and flagitious Persons had crept into Ecclesiastical Dignities, That they might be removed out of the Ministry, and fit Persons substituted in their places. The Priests were even mad, and storm'd mightily, that any Man durst to appear and own so impudent a Fact, as they call'd it; but when their Heat was a little allay'd, they answer'd, that they would refer the Matter to a publick Disputation; and indeed, what danger could there be in That, when they themselves were to be Judges in their own Case? On the other side, the Sticklers for the Reformation alleged, That the Matter ought not to be determined by the Wills of Men, but by the plain Words of Holy Scripture. The Priests propounded also other Terms of Agreement, but such ridiculous ones, that they are not worthy of an Answer, as, If the Reformers would keep up the Mass in its ancient Honour, if they would acknowledg Purgatory after this Life, if they would yield to pray to Saints, and for the Dead, that then they would also yield, that they should pray in their Mother-Tongue, and celebrate the Sacraments, Baptism and the Lord's Supper, in the same. The Reformers pressed the Regent, (as before) that, in so just a Cause, she would please to gratify them with an Answer, agreeable to Equity and Reason. The Regent favoured the Cause of the Priests, and secretly promised them her Assistance, as soon as opportunity was offered. And she commanded the adverse Faction to use Prayer, celebrate the Sacraments, and perform other Religious Exercises in their Mother-Tongue, but without Tumult, only their Teachers were not to make any publick Sermons to the People at Edinburgh or Leith. Though this Condition was carefully observ'd by them, yet many Testimonies, that her Affection was alienated from them, did daily appear; and the Papists at Edinburgh us'd almost the same Answers to the Demands which were brought in by the Nobility, only this they added farther, That as to the Point of electing Ministers, in such kind of Questions, they were to stand to the Canon-Law, or to the Decrees of the Council of Trent. Neither did they, in that Assembly, determine any thing in their own Matters, [Page] only they commanded the Bishops to send secret Informers into all Parishes of their Diocesses, who were to take the Names of all the Violators of the Papistical Laws, and bring them in to them; and though they plainly perceived, that their Threats were little esteemed, yet, trusting to the publick Authority which was on their side, and having Confidence in the Arms of France, Which the Priests, by the Encouragement of the Queen-Regent, oppose. they insulted over their Inferiours as imperiously, as ever they did before. To mitigate their Minds in some sort, and to deprecate their severe and bitter Sentence against the Preachers of the Gospel, Iohn Erskin, Lord of Down, a Man learned, good and courteous, was sent to them; he intreated them, out of that Piety, which we all owe to God, and Charity towards Men, that they would not think it much, at least, to tolerate People to pray to God in their Mother-Tongue, when they were met together for that Service, for That was according to Scripture-Command. They were so far from granting his Request, that they us'd him with more bitter and arrogant Words than formerly, adding also more cruel Threatnings and Reproaches; and, lest they might seem to have acted nothing in that Assembly, they caused some thread-bare Popish Laws to be printed, and fastned upon the Doors of Churches, which, because they were commonly sold for a Groat,The Quadrantary, or Triobolar, Faith, what? the Common People called them the Quadrantary, and sometimes the Triobolar, Faith.

Moreover, they, who the Year before, had perform'd the Embassy in France, came into the Assembly, and easily obtained, That their Transactions should be ratified: And after that, the French Embassador was introduc'd, who, after he had made a long Oration concerning the ancient and long-continued good Will of the French Kings toward all the Scotish Nation, did earnestly desire of them all, both singly and jointly, that they would set the Crown (which he, by a new and monstrous Name, call'd Matrimonial) upon the Head of the Queen's Husband, alleging, that he would gain but an empty Name, without any accession of Power or Profit; he also us'd many other flattering Words, not necessary here to be repeated, which, the more accurate they were in a trifling business, by so much the more they were suspected, as Coverts of concealed Fraud; yet the Embassador, partly by immoderate Promises, and partly by earnest Intreaties,The Scotish Crown order'd to be sent to the Daulphin of France, who had married the Queen. and partly by the Favour of some, who collogued with the future Power, gain'd the Point, that the Crown was ordered for the Daulphin; and Gilespy Cambel, Earl of Argyle, and Iames the Queen's Brother, were chosen to carry it to him. These Persons, perceiving, that they were sent abroad to their own Ruin, in regard the French Ambition hung as a Storm ready to fall upon all their Heads, made no great haste to fit up their Equipage, but deferred their Preparation from day to day, until they had ponder'd all things, and taken surer measures of what was likely to ensue, especially since now a nearer and eminenter degree of Honour offered it self. For Mary, Queen of England, being dead, the Queen of Scots carried her self as her Heir, and bore the Arms and Ensigns of England, engraving the same on all her Housholdstuff, and domestick Furniture; and though France was at that time miserably distressed in asserting their Power and Dominion [Page] over Milain, Naples and Flanders, yet,The Queen of Scots, upon the Death of Mary of England, assumes the Royal Arms of England. she added to the rest of her Miseries this Mock-Title of England. The wiser sort of the French saw this well enough, but they were forc'd to comply with the Guises, who then could do all at Court, for by this vain kind of Splendor, they thought to add much to the French Name.

Besides, the Regent having receiv'd the Decree concerning a Matrimonial Crown, seem'd to have put on a new Disposition, for she turn'd her ancient Affability, which was acceptable to all, into an Imperious Arrogance; and instead of gentle Answers, wherewith before she did addulce both Factions, as, That it was not long of her, but of the Times, that she could not promise so largely as she desir'd, before that Decree was past; now she thought her self cocksure, and therefore us'd another kind of Language and Deportment. A Parliament was summoned to be held at Sterlin, May 9. and whereas she had often said, that now she was free from other Cares, she would not suffer the Majesty of the Government to be debased, but that she would indeavour to restore it to its ancient Veneration, by some eminent Example. These Words portended a Storm insuing, and therefore many applied to her for her Favour, and, amongst the rest, to make their Request more exorable, upon the account of the Dignity of the Messengers, Alexander Cuningham, Earl of Glencarn, and Hugh Cambel Sheriff of Air, a worthy Knight, were sent to her. When they came, she could not contain her self, but must needs utter this Speech,The imperious Answers of the Queen-Regent to the Agents of the Reformed, with their tart Reply. as a Witness of her Impiety, Do you, and your Ministers, what you will or can, yea, though they preach never so sincerely, yet they shall be banish'd the Land. They replied, in great Humility, That she would call to mind what she often promised them: She answer'd, That the Promises of Princes were no further to be urged upon them for performance, than it stood with their Conveniency: Whereupon they rejoin'd, That then they renounced all Allegiance and Subjection to her, and advised her to consider, what Inconvenience was likely to ensue hereupon; she was unexpectedly struck with this Answer, and said, She would think upon it. And when the fierceness of her Anger seemed somewhat to abate, it was again kindled much more fiercely, as by a new Firebrand, when she heard, that the Inhabitants of St. Iohnstons had publickly embraced the Reformed Religion; whereupon, she turned to Patrick Ruthen, Mayor of the Town, commanding him to suppress all those Tumults for innovating of Religion; his Answer was,Magistrates have power over Mens Bodies and Estates, not their Consciences. That he had Power over their Bodies and Estates, and those he would take care should do no hurt, but that he had no Dominion over their Consciences: At which Answer, she was so inrag'd, that she said, she hoped none would think it strange, if he were shortly made to repent his stubborn Audacity; she also commanded Iames Haliburton Sheriff of Dundee, to send Paul Meffen Prisoner to her, but he was advised thereof by the Sheriff, and so gave way to the Time, and slipp'd out of the Town; she wrote also to the Neighbour-Assemblies to keep the Easter following after the Popish Manner; but when none obeyed her therein, she was so inrag'd, that she cited all the Ministers of the Churches of the whole Kingdom to Sterlin, to appear there on the 10th of May ensuing.

[Page]When that Matter came to be noised abroad, the Evangelicks exhorted one another, that they and their Ministers would also appear at the Meeting, so that there was a great Multitude of those that were likely to be at that Assembly, which though they came unarmed, yet the Regent feared, that things would not go well on her side; whereupon she sent for Iohn Erskin of Down, who happened to be in Town at that time, and dealt with him to cause the unnecessary concourse of the People to withdraw, which would not be very difficult for him to do, because of the great Authority he had amongst them, and, in the mean time, she promised, she would act nothing against the Men of that Persuasion. Many there were, who being made acquainted with this Promise of the Regent, changed their purpose of going thither, and returned home, yet nevertheless, she, on the day appointed for the Assembly, call'd over the Names of These, who were summon'd, and such as did not answer to their Names, she outlawed: Erskin, seeing what little Credit was to be given to her Promises, and fearing to be seized on by Force, had withdrawn himself, and found the Nobles of Strathearn, Angus and Merns, yet in a Body, though doubting of the Faith of the Queen: They, finding by his Discourse, (what they suspected before) that the Queen's Rage was unappeaseable, and that the Matter could no longer be dissembled, prepared themselves against open Force.

Iohn Knox preaches at Perth, upon which, the Commonalty destroy the Idols and Shrines for Popish Worship.Matters standing in this ticklish Posture, Knox assembled the Multitude at Perth, and made such an excellent Sermon to them, that he set their Minds, already moved, all in a Flame. After Sermon, the greatest part of the Audience went home to Dinner, but a few of the meaner sort, such as were also inraged with Anger and Indignation, staid behind in the Church. Amongst them a poor Priest, thinking to try, how they stood affected, prepared himself to say Mass, and drew out a large Frame, or rather Idol-case, in which was contained the History of many Saints, curiously ingraven. A Young-Man standing by, cried out, That what he did, was intolerable, upon which the Priest gave him a Box on the Ear, the Youth took up a Stone, and thinking to hit the Priest, the Blow lighted on the Frame, and brake one of the Pictures; the rest of the Multitude, being in a Rage, some fell upon the Priest and his Frame, others upon the rest of the Shrines and Altars, and thus, as 'twere in a Moment of time, they demolish'd all the Monuments of superstitious, or profane, Worship.

These things were done by the meaner sort, while the richer were at Dinner; with the same furious Violence, they ran several ways to the Monastery of the Friars, the rest of the common People still flocking in to them: And though the Friars had provided some Aid against such Assaults, yet no force was able to resist the rash Violence of the Multitude. The first assault was made upon the Idols and the Furniture for their Worship, and then the poorer sort ran into the Prey. The Franciscans were furnish'd with Housholdstuff, not only plentiful but stately, more than would serve ten times as many, as they were. The Dominicans, though not so opulent as they, yet had enough to evince their Profession of Begging [Page] to be a very vain one, so that one wittily called them not Friars Mendicants, call'd Friars Manducants. Friars Mendicants, but Friars Manducants. The poor seized on all the Wealth, for they, who had Estates, did so stave off and prevent all Suspicion of Covetousness from themselves, that they suffered some of the Monks, and especially the Prior of the Carthusians, to depart away laden with Gold and Silver; yea, the Abstinence of the military Men from Plunder was as incredible, as their Celerity in demolishing the Buildings was admirable. For those large Houses of the Carthusians were so hastily overthrown, yea, and the Stones carried away, that, within two days time, there was hardly the Sign of any Foundation left. When the Tidings of these Matters were brought to the Queen, with some Exaggerations, they so inflamed her lofty Spirit, that she solemnly swore, That she would expiate this nefarious Wickedness with the Blood of the Citizens, and with the burning of the City. The Inhabitants of Cowper in Fife, hearing of the Procedure of Affairs at Perth, they also, by general consent, either broke the Images, or threw them out of the Church, and thus cleansed their Temple: At which the Parson of the Parish was so grieved, that, the Night following, he laid violent Hands on himself. The Regent was amazed to hear this News, and sent for Hamilton, the Earls of Argyle and Athol, with their Allies and Clanships, to come to her; and though she desired, by her hasty Proceeding, to prevent the Preparations of her Enemies,The Regent disgusts the Carriages of the Reformed, and prepares Force against them. yet the Carriage of the Brass-Ordnance was so tedious, that it was about the 18th Day of May, before they came to the parts adjoining to that City. When the Nobles that were at Perth, heard of the Preparations that the Regent had made against them, they also sent Messengers to their Friends, and to the Reformed all about, not to desert them in this last Extremity of Life and Fortune. Whereupon, all the Commonalty thereabout came zealously and speedily in, and some also out of Lothian, that they might not be wanting to the common Danger. But Alexander Cuningham, Cuningham, Earl of Glencarn, stands up stoutly for the Reformation. Earl of Glencarn, exceeded them all in his Force and Festination, for he, hearing, how things stood, gathered together 2500 Men, part Foot, part Horse, and led them on Night and Day, through rough and uncouth places, till he came to Perth. Iames Stuart, natural Son of the last King, and Gilespy Cambel, Earl of Argyle, were as yet in the Army of the Regent. For, though they were the chief Authors of Reforming Religion, yet because all hopes of Concord were not quite lost, they staid there: That so, if Peace might be made on just Terms, they might do some Service to their Friends; but, if the Minds of the Papists were wholly averse from Peace, then they resolved to run the same hazard with the rest, at Perth.

The Regent, being before inform'd by her Spies, that the Enemy were above 7000 strong, all very hearty, and resolved to fight, though she had with her almost an equal number of Scots, besides the French Auxiliaries, yet was loath to venture all upon a Battel. And therefore she sent Iames Stuart, and Gilespy Cambel, (whom I named before) to treat with the Enemy; They, on their part, chose out Alexander Cuningham, and Iohn Erskin of Down, to treat with them. The Queen was now somewhat more placable, because [Page] she heard, that Glencarn had also join'd his Forces with the rest of the Oppugners of Idolatry.A Temporary Agreement made between the Regent, and the Reformed, Whereupon the four Commissioners made an Agreement, That all military Men of the Scots should be disbanded on both sides, and the Regent should have Liberty to enter the Town, and stay there with her Retinue for a few days, till she had refreshed her self from the Toil of her Journy; yet so, that they were not to injure any of the Towns-men in the least; as for the French, none of them were to enter, or to come within three Miles of the Town; all the other Differences were referred to the Decision of the next Parliament. Thus the present Insurrection being quieted without Blood, the Assertors of the Reformation departed joyfully, for they desired not to make a War, but only to defend themselves; and thereupon they gave God Thanks, who had given an unbloody end to the War. The Earl of Argyle, and Iames Stuart, left the Regent at Perth, and went to St. Andrews, there to refresh themselves after their former Toiles. But she, the Volunteers being disbanded on both sides, having entred the place with a small Retinue, was honorably received, according to the Ability of the Citizens. The French Mercenaries passing by the House of Patrick Murray, an honest and worthy Towns-man, six of them, all levied their Pieces against a Balcony, out of which his whole Family looked to behold the Sight; upon the Discharge, they killed only Patrick's Son, a Youth of thirteen Years of Age: The Body was brought to the Queen, and when she heard of what Family he was, she said, that the chance was to be lamented, and so much the rather, because it lighted on the Son, not on the Father; but that she could not prevent, nor help, such casual Acccidents. This her Speech gave all to understand, that she would no longer stand to her Agreements, but till she had Force great enough to her Mind, and her Deeds confirmed the Truth of the Suspicion: For, within three days after, she began to turn all things topsy-turvy; some of the Citizens she fined, others she banish'd, and chang'd their Magistrates, without any judicial Proceedings; and, going to Sterlin, she left some mercenary Scots, under French Pay, in the Town to garison it; whereby she pretended, she had not broken her Word, which was, that the City should be left free, and no French Man enter into it. When 'twas objected to her, that, by the Agreement, all those were to be accounted French, who had sworn Fealty to the French King, then she had recourse to that common Refuge of the Papists,Which the Regent eludes, what she can, by undue Pretences. That Promises were not to be kept with Hereticks, but her excuse would have been as honest, if she told them, that she had no Obligation lay on her Conscience, but that she might lawfully take away both Life and Goods, from such a sort of People as they were; and moreover, That Princes were not to be so eagerly pressed for the Performance of their Promises.

These things sufficiently declar'd, that the Concord was no [...] like to be lasting; and besides, the things which followed gave further occasion to conceive a sinister Opinion of her: For she prosecuted Iames Stuart, and Gilespy Cambel, with threatning Letters, and Commands, denouncing the extremity of the Law against them, [Page] unless they came in to Her: As for the Army of the adverse Faction, she disregarded That, because she knew, it was made up of Volunteers, and such as fought without Pay, and when they were dismiss'd, they would not easily be brought together again. After she had restor'd the Mass, and setled other things, as well as she could, she left a Garison in the Town, as I said before, and went towards Sterlin: she was very desirous to have the Possession of that Perth. Place, in regard 'twas scituate almost in the Middle of the whole Kingdom, and was the only walled Town therein; and besides, the neighbouring Nobility was averse from the Papists, and therefore she desir'd to put this Curb upon them. Moreover, it had many conveniencies, and especially for conveyance of Land or Sea-Forces, for the Tide comes up thither by the River Tay, which washeth the Walls thereof, and so it affords passage for Commerce with foreign Nations, and 'tis almost the only Town, to which access may be had by Land, even from the utmost bound of the Kingdom: As for other Towns, the passages to them are impeded and intercepted by long Bayes, running in from the Sea, and the passage is slower through them, by reason they have not that Number of Ships as to carry a great multitude at once; so that ofttimes Passengers are stopt many days by contrary Winds, or by the violence of Tempests.

For these Reasons, Perth is accounted the most convenient Place, for holding Assemblies, and also for gathering Forces from all Parts of the Kingdom. But at that time, the Regent got not so much advantage by the commodious Scituation of the Place, as she reap'd Envy, by violating her Faith, in breaking her Capitulations; for that was the Last day of her Felicity, and the First, wherein she was publickly contemn'd. For when the matter came to be divulg'd, it gave occasion of many Insurrections in all parts of the Kingdom. For the Earl of Argyle, and Iames Stuart, perceiving, that their Credit was crack'd by the Violation of that Truce, which they were the Authors of, convocated the Neighbour-Nobility at St. Andrews, and join'd themselves to the Reform'd, and wrote to their Confederates of the same Sect, that the Regent was at Falcoland with French Forces, and that she was intent on the taking of Cowper and St. Andrews, and unless help were presently sent, all the Churches in Fife would be in great danger. Whereupon,Argyle, and Iames Stuart, join themselves with the Reform'd, against the Regent, because of her breach of Promise. a great multitude came presently in to them from the neighbouring Parts, mightily inrag'd against the Queen and her Forces. They thought themselves to wage a War against a faithless and barbarous People, that had no respect to Equity, Right, Faith, Promises, or the Religion of an Oath, but esteem'd so lightly of them, that they would say and unsay, do and undo, at every waving blast of hope, and uncertain gale of smiling Fortune; and therefore, for the future, no Conditions or Articles of Peace were to be hearkned to, unless one Party were extinguish'd, or, at least, Strangers were driven out of the Kingdom, so that they prepared themselves to overcome, or die.

By these and such like Speeches,The Resolution of the Reformers, the Minds of all present were so inflam'd, that first of all they made an assault on Carail, a Town [Page] scituate in the furthest Angle of Fife, where they overthrew the Altars, broke down the Images, and spoil'd all the Apparatus of the Mass-Trade, and that which was almost incredible in the Case, Anger prevail'd more in the Minds of the Vulgar, than Avarice. From thence they went to St. Andrews, where they spoil'd the Temples of the other Saints, and levell'd the Monast'ries of the Franciscan and Dominican Friars to the Ground. And though all this was done, almost under the Nose of the Arch-bishop, who had a sufficient Number of Horse, which were able, as his hopes were, to defend the Town; yet, seeing the eagerness of the People, and such a numerous concourse of Volunteers, he withdrew himself and his Followers from the Fury of the Multitude, and went to Falk-land to his Kindred and Clans. The Regent was so inrag'd at the hearing hereof, that, without any further Deliberation, she commanded a March the next day, and sent Quarter-Masters before, to assign Quarters for the French at Cowper; she also sent abroad her Commands to all Places, that all who were able to bear Arms should follow her to Cowper; besides, she gave a Watch-word to the present Force of the French, and the Hamiltons, that they should be all ready to be in Arms, on sound of Trumpet. This Design of hers was made known to the Reformers, by their Spies and Scouts; whereupon, their Friends and Acquaintance were summon'd to repair to those, who were already Assembled; and to prevent the Design of the Regent, they march'd presently towards Cowper; and at the same Instant, the Inhabitants of Dundee, and the Nobles of the adjacent Country, to the Number of about 1000 Men, upon the same Alarum, join'd themselves with them. That night they abode there, but the next Morning early, they drew their Forces out of the Town, and stood in Array in the adjoining Fields, expecting the Army of the Papists, and gathering up their own Forces, as they came gradually and stragglingly in. In the Camp of the Regent, there were 2000 French, under the Command of D'Osel, and a 1000 Scots, led by Iames Hamilton, Duke of In Poictou in France. Chastel-herault, as he was then call'd. These sent their Guns before them in the 2d Watch, and marching early in the Morning, came all so near, as to see the Enemy, and to be seen by them. There was a small River between them, where, at convenient Posts;The Queen marches against them, and they prepare to defend themselves, their great Guns were Planted; 500 Horse were sent before, to make light Skirmishes with the Enemy, and also to hinder their passage over the River, if they should attempt it. The alacrity of these Men gave some stop to the French, which was further increas'd by the coming in of Patrick Lermont, Mayor of St. Andrews, with 500 Citizens in Arms, who, for the conveniency of their March, being stretch'd out in length, made a Show of a far greater Number, than they were: This kept them from discovering the Number and Order of their Enemies, which they much desir'd to know; neither could they discover, the Commanders were at hand, that so they might give Notice to their Fellows, as they were commanded. And therefore, some of the French went to the top of an high hill adjoining, that so they might have as full a view of the Enemy, as they could, from such a distance; from thence they [Page] discover'd many Bodies of Horse and Foot, with small distances betwixt them, and behind them a great number of Baggagers and Waggon-men, which made a long Show, at the edg of a certain Valley; so that they thought, That that whole numerous Party was laid in Ambush for them; and this News they carry'd to their Fellows, aggravating all things beyond what they were, indeed. Whereupon, the Commanders of the Army, by the advice of the Council, sent to the Regent, who staid behind at Falkland, to acquaint Her, how Matters stood, that the Scots seem'd more numerous than they expected, and more ready to fight; and, on the contrary, their own Men did grumble; and some of them did publickly give forth, That they scorn'd, for the sake of a few Strangers, to be led to an Engagement against their own Country-Men, Friends and Kindred; Whereupon, by the assent of the Queen, Three Embassadors of the Nobles were sent from Hamilton, such as had some Friends, or Sons, in the Enemies Army. These Embassadors could not clap up a Peace, because the Reformers, having been so often deluded by vain Promises, gave no credit to their Concessions; and the Regent, at that time, had not any other Voucher to make good her Stipulation; and if she had, she thought it to be below her Dignity to produce it. Besides, there was another difficulty in the Case, which was the expulsion of Foreigners out of the Kingdom, (a thing principally insisted upon) and that she could not do, without acquainting the French King; so that only dilatory Truces were made, not to incline their Minds to Peace, as they had often experienc'd before, but to procure foreign Aid; only this was accorded betwixt them, That the French Forces should be transported into Lothian, and a Truce should be made for 8 Days, till the Regent sent some Pacificators of her own to St. Andrews, to propound equal Conditions of Peace to both Parties. But the Reformers, plainly perceiving, that the Regent did but protract Time, till she passed her Army over the next Firth, because then she could not compose things to her own Advantage, the Earl of Argyle, and Iames Stuart, The Reformers, under the command of Argyle and Stuart, take Perth, Cowper, Linlithgo and Edinburgh, and purge them from monuments of Idolatry. dealt with her by Letters, that she would withdraw the Garison out of Perth, and leave the City to its own Laws, as she promised, when she was admitted into it, and that the envy of her breach of Covenant was cast upon them, who were the Authors of the Agreement. The Regent, giving no Answer to these Letters, they turn'd their Ensigns towards Perth, from whence miserable Complaints and Groans for Relief were daily brought them. For the Laird of Kinfans, a neighbouring Laird, whom the Regent, at her Departure, had made Governor of the Town, to shew his Officiousness, did mightily vex the Citizens; for taking the opportunity of his Command over them, he indulg'd his own private Passions, and reveng'd the old Grudges, which he had with many of them, even to extremity, banishing some, and spoiling others, on the account of Religion; and he also allow'd the like Liberty to his Souldiers.

The Forces, which were at Cowper, understanding of these Injuries, done to their Friends and Partners in the Reformation, beat [Page] up a March thither, very early in the Morning, they besieg'd the Town, which, after a few days, was Surrendred to them; Kinfans was outed of his Governorship, and Patrick Ruven, the old Governor, substituted in his Place; afterward they burnt Scone, an old and unpeopled Town, because, contrary to their Faith given, they had slain one of their Number.

By their Spies they were inform'd, that the Regent was sending a Garison of French to Sterlin, that so they, who were beyond the Forth, might be cut off from the rest. To prevent this Design, Gilespy Cambel, and Iames Stuart, late in the Night, with great silence, remov'd from Perth, and enter'd Sterlin, where they presently overthrew the Monast'ry of the Friars. They also purg'd the other Churches about the City, from all Monuments of Idolatry; and thus, after 3 Days, they march'd towards Edinburgh, and destroy'd the superstitious Relicks at Linlithgo, a Town in the Midway; and though they were but a very few in Number, the Common Souldiers, as if the War had been ended, slipping home to to their domestic Affairs, yet they cut the Combs of the Papists in so many Towns; yea, so great a Terror did seize upon the mercenary Troops of the Scots and French, that they fled, with all their Baggage, which they could draw after them, to Dunbar. The Scots Nobles, who were the Leaders of the Reformation, staid there several days to order Matters; For, besides cleansing of the Temples from all the Massifying Trade, they appointed Preachers to expound the Word of God, purely and sincerely, to the People.

In the mean time, word was brought from France, that King Henry the 2d was dead, which News increas'd the Joy, but lessen'd the Industry, of the Scots; for many now betook themselves to their private Affairs, as if all the Danger had been over. On the other side, the Regent, fearing lest She, and the French, should be expell'd out of all Scotland, was highly vigilant and intent upon all Occasions. First, she sent forth Scouts to Edinburgh, to fish out the Enemies Designs, by whom being inform'd, that the Common Souldiers had disperst themselves, and that the few, which remain'd, kept no Military Discipline nor Watch, she thought not fit to omit such an Opportunity, but march'd with the Forces, which she had, directly to Edinburgh. Duke Iames Hamilton, and Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton, very dutifully met Her, but they not being able to compose Matters, only got this Point, That the Conflict should not begin that Day. At length, after many Conditions had been canvass'd on both sides, on the 24th of Iuly, in the Year 1559, a Truce was made to last till the 10th of Ianuary; The sum of the Terms,A Truce between the Regent, and the Reformers. were, That no Man should be compell'd in matters of Religion; That no Garison should be plac'd in Edinburgh; That the Priests should not be hindred from receiving the Fruits of their Lands, Tithes, Pensions, or other Incomes, freely; That none should demolish Churches, Temples, Monastries and other Places, made for the use of Priests, or should transfer them to other uses; And that the day after, the Mint, for coining Mony, and the Royal Palace, with all the Furniture they found there, should be restor'd to the Regent.

[Page]She was more careful to keep the Articles of this Truce, in appearance, because She had shewn so much distasteful Levity, in keeping the Pacts, made in former times; yet notwithstanding, She, under-hand, by Men of her own Faction, caus'd the Scots to be irritated, who were by Nature inclinable to Passion, and so gave occasion of harassing the miserable Vulgar. But having no colour for her Project, sufficient to disguise her Cruelty, under the pretence of Law, she caus'd false Reports to be spread abroad, That Religion was but made a pretence for Rebellion, but the true Cause of rising in Arms, was, that, the lawful Line being Extinct, the Kingdom might be transferr'd to Iames, the late King's Bastard-Son. When she perceiv'd, that the Minds of Men were somewhat possess'd by those, and such other kind of lying, Reports, she sent some Letters to the said Iames, pretending, that they came from Francis and Mary, King and Queen of France, wherein he was upbraided with the Commemoration of the pretended Courtesies he had received, and withal was grievously threatned, if he did not lay aside his Design of Revolting, and return to his Duty. Iames answer'd thereunto, That he was not conscious to himself, either in word or deed, of any Offence, either against King, Regent, or Laws; but, in regard the Nobility had undertaken the Cause of reforming Religion, which was decay'd, or rather had join'd themselves to those who were first therein, he was willing to bear the envy of those Things, if any did arise, which were acted in Common by himself and others, they aiming at nothing therein, but the Glory of God; neither was it just for him to desert that Cause, which had Christ himself for its Head, Favourer and Defender, whom unless they would voluntarily deny, they could not surcease their enterprize. Setting that Cause aside, he and others, who were branded with the invidious Name of Rebels, would be most obsequious and Loyal in all other Things. This Answer was given to the Regent, to be sent into France, where 'twas look'd upon as proud and contumacious, whereas some esteem'd it modest enough, and within compass, especially, as to the Point of upbraiding him which Courtesies, whereas, in Truth, he had receiv'd none, unless such as were common to all Strangers.

Amidst these things,French Auxiliaries arrive, to strengthen the Regent, a thousand French Mercenaries arriv'd at Leith, and also the Earl of Arran, Son to Iames Hamilton, late Governor, came to the Convention of the Nobles, which were held at Sterlin. The Regent became now cock-sure, upon the Arrival of the French, and began openly to apply her Mind to subdue all Scotland by Force. But the Cause of the Earl of Arran's Return, was this, He was more Eager and Zealous in the Cause of Reformation, than was safe for him in those Times, and therefore he was design'd to be put to Death, by the Guises, who were the Favorites of Francis the Younger, for the Terror of the inferior Orders of Men; yea, the Cardinal of Lorrain was so bold in a Speech, which he made in the Parliament of Paris, inveighing against the Cause of Reformation, that, he said, they should shortly see some eminent Man suffer upon that Account, who was little inferior to a Prince. He, being made acquainted therewith, and withal calling [Page] to Mind, that he had, a little before, been free in his Discourse with the Duke of Guise, upon that Head, by the Advice of his Friends, provided for his Safety by a secret Flight; and, contrary to all Mens Expectation, came home in the midst of his Countries Tumults, join'd himself with the part of the Reformers, procur'd his Father also to join with them, and so he reconcil'd many to him, who had been his Enemies before, upon old Grudges.

The chief of the Party, there present, being inform'd, That, for certain, some Auxiliaries were arriv'd, and others were levying to be speedily sent over to Leith, which was strongly fortifi'd to be made a Magazine for Provisions and Ammunition for War; and, That the French intended to make use of that Town, as a Place to secure their Retreat,Which disgusts the Reformed. if they were distress'd; and as a Port to receive their Friends, if they prosper'd. Hereupon the Scots gather'd their Forces together, and indeavour'd to besiege Leith, but in vain. For the Regent and the Governor of Edinburgh Castle, who had not yet join'd himself with the Reformers and Vindicators of publick Freedom, had the Possession of almost all the Brass-Guns in Scotland; and besides, the Party had not strength enough, to shut up a Town in a formal Siege, which had the Sea on one side, and was also divided by a River.

In the mean time, the King of France, being inform'd, how Matters stood in Scotland, sent thither L'abros, a Knight of the Order of the Or, of St. Michael. Cochle, with 2000 Foot, to assist the Queen in the maintenance of the Popish Religion; There were also sent with him the Bishop of Amiens, and 3 Doctors of the Sorbon, to dispute matters Controverted, by Arguments, if need were; The arrival of them did so raise up the dejected Spirit of the Regent,Embassadors from France. that she solemnly Swore, she would now be speedily reveng'd of God's Enemies and the King's. There were then 12 of the chief Nobility assembled at Edinburgh, which gave answer to Mr. D'Labros and the Bishop,Their Demands answer'd by the Reformed. who alleged, they were sent over Embassadors, and therefore desir'd a day to propound their Demands, viz. That they did not seek Peace, as they pretended, but that they threatn'd War; otherwise, if it were only to Dispute, to what purpose was it to bring so many arm'd Forces? As for themselves, they were not so imprudent, as to commit themselves to a Dispute, where they must be forc'd to accept what Conditions, their Enemies pleas'd. But if a Pacification might be acceptable to them, they also would take Care, that they might not seem to be compell'd by Force, but overcome by Reason; and if they did really aim at what they pretended, they should send back the Foreign Souldiers, and meet unarm'd, as they had done before; that so the Matter might be determin'd by Equity and Right, not by Force of Arms: This they said to the Embassadors. As to the fortifying Leith, they wrote back the Regent, to this purpose;

That they did much admire, the Regent had, without any Provocation, so soon forgot, and receded from her Agreements, as, by driving out the ancient Inhabitants of Leith, and placing a Colony of Strangers there, and so erecting a Fort over all their Heads to the ruin of their Laws and Liberties, she had done; and therefore, they earnestly [Page] desir'd her, to desist from so pernicious a Counsel, which was temerariously undertaken by her against the Faith of her Promises, against the publick Utility, Law and Liberty; lest otherwise, they should be compell'd to call for the aid of all the People, in the Case.

About a Month after,The Reformers expostulate with the Regent. they sent an Answer from a Convention at Edinburgh, to the same Purpose, withal adding This to their former Requests, That She would demolish all the new Fortifications, and send away all Strangers, and Mercenaries, that so the Town might be free for Traffick and mutual Commerce, which if She refus'd to do, they would look upon it as a sure Argument, that she was resolv'd to bring the Kingdom into Slavery, which Mischief they would do all they could to prevent.

The Regent, three days after, sent Robert Forman, Principal Herauld, (King of Arms as they call him) giving him these Commands, in answer to them. First of all, you shall declare to them,The Regents answers to their Demands. that I am mightily surpriz'd, and look upon it as an unexpected thing, that any other Man should claim any Power here, besides my Son in Law and Daughter, on whom all my Authority depends. The former Actings of the Nobles, and these their present Postulations, or rather Commands, do sufficiently declare, that they acknowledg no Authority, Superior to themselves. That their Petition, or rather their Threats, though guilded over with smooth Words, were not at all new to Her. Next, you shall require the Duke of Castle-herault, to call to Mind, what he promis'd to me, by word of Mouth, and to the King by Letters, that he would not only be Loyal to the King, but also would take effectual Care, that his Son, the Earl of Arran, should not mix himself in these Tumults of his Country; you shall ask him, Whether his present Actings do correspond with those Promises? To their Letters you shall Answer, That, for the sake of the publick Tranquillity, I will do, and so I promise, whatsoever is not contrary to Piety towards God, or Duty towards the King; as for the destruction of Law and Liberty, it never entred into her Heart, much less to subdue the Kingdom by Force. For whom, said She, should I conquer it, seeing my Daughter doth now, as lawful Heiress, possess it. As to the Fortification at Leith, you shall ask, Whether ever She attempted any thing therein, before they, in many Conventions, and at length, by a mutual Conspiracy, had openly declar'd, That they rejected the Government, set over them by Law; and, without her Advice or Notice, though She held the Place and Authothority of a chief Magistrate, had broke the publick Peace, at their Pleasure; and had strengthned their Party by taking of Towns, and had treated with old Enemies for establishing a League; yea, that now many of them kept English in their Houses; so that, to omit other Arguments, What Reason have they to judg it lawful for themselves to keep up an Army at Edinburgh, to invade those who are in Possession of the Government; and yet it must not be lawful for me to have some Forces about me at Leith, for my own Defence? Their aim is principally This, to compel Me, by often shifting of Places, to avoid their Fury, as I have hitherto done: [Page] Is there any mention in their Letters about Obedience to lawful Magistrates? Do they discover any Way to renew Peace and Concord? By what Indication do they manifest, that they are willing, that these Tumults should be appeased, and all things reduced to their former State? Let them colour and guild their Pretensions how they please, with the shew of publick Good, yet, 'tis plain, that they mind nothing less; for if that one thing were a Remora to Concord, I have often shewed the Way that leads thereto. They themselves are not ignorant, that the French, at the Command of their own King, had long since quitted Scotland, if their Actings had not occasion'd their longer Stay. And therefore, if now they will offer any honest Conditions, which may afford a probable ground of hope, that the Majesty of the Government may be preserved, and that they will, with Modesty, obey their Superiours, I shall refuse no Way of renewing Peace, nor omit any thing relating to the Publick Good; neither am I only thus affected towards them, but the French King is of the same mind too, who hath sent over an Illustrious Knight of the Order of St. Michael, and another prime Ecclesiastical Person, with Letters and Commands to that purpose, whom yet they had so slighted, as not to vouchsafe them an Answer, no, nor Audience neither. And therefore you shall require the Duke, the other Nobles, and Country-men of all sorts, presently to separate themselves, otherwise they shall be proclaimed Traitors.

To this Letter, the Nobles sent an Answer the day after, which was October 23. to this purpose;The Rejoinder of the Reformed Nobility, to the Regent's Answer. ‘We plainly perceive, by your Letters and Commands, sent us by your Herauld, how you persist in your Disaffection to God's true Worship, to the Publick Good of the whole Country, and to the Common Liberty of us all; which, that we may perserve according to our Duty, we do, in the Name of our King and Queen, suspend and inhibit that publick Administration, which you usurp under their Names, as being fully persuaded, that your Acting [...] are quite contrary to their Inclinations, and against the Publick Good of the Kingdom: And as you do not esteem us a Senate and publick Council, who are the lawful Inhabitants of this Kingdom and Country; so we do not acknowledg you as Regent, in supream Authority over us, especially since your Government (if you have any such entrusted to you, by our Princes) is, for weighty and just Reasons, abrogated by us, and that in the Name of those Kings, to whom we are born Counsellors, especially in such Things as concern the Safety of the whole Common-wealth. And though we are determined to undergo the utmost Hazard for the freeing of that Town, wherein you have a Garison, from foreign Mercenaries, which you have hired against us; yet, for the Reverence and due Respect we bear you, as the Mother of our Queen, we earnestly intreat you, to withdraw your self, whilst Necessity compels us to reduce that Town by Force, which we oft endeavour'd to gain by fair Means. And withal we desire, that, within the space of twenty four hours, you would withdraw likewise Those, who challenge the Name of Embassadours to themselves, and forbid them either to decide Controversies, or to manage Civil and Martial Affairs; and also, [Page] that all Mercenary Souldiers in that Town would retire likewise, for we would willingly spare their Lives, and consult their Safety, both by reason of that ancient Amity, which hath interceded betwixt the Kings of Scotland and France; and also, by reason of the Marriage of their King with our Queen, which doth equitably ingage us, rather to encrease our Union, than diminish it.’

The same Day, the Herauld also related, that, the Day before, in a full Assembly of Nobles and Commons, it was voted, That all the Regent's Words, Deeds and Designs tended only to Tyranny, and therefore a Decree was made to abrogate her Authority,They abrogate the Regent's Power. to which all of them subscribed, as most just: Moreover, they did inhibit the Trust her Son-in-Law and Daughter had committed to her; they also forbad her to execute any Act of publick Government, till a general Convention of the Estates, which they determined to summon, as soon as conveniently they could. The 25th day, the Nobles sent an Herauld to Leith, to warn all the Scots to depart out of the Town within the space of twenty four hours, and to separate themselves from the Destroyers of publick Liberty. After these Threats, Horsemen made Excursions on both sides, and the War began, yet without any considerable Slaughter. In the beginning of this Action, there fell so great and sudden a Terror upon the Cause of the Reformed, which did mightily disturb them for the present, and also cut off all hopes of Success for the future. For the Regent, partly by Threats, and partly by Promises, had wrought off many, who had given in their Names to the Reformers, from the Faction of the Nobles; and besides, their Camp was full of Spies, who discovered both their Words and Actions, yea, those which they thought were concern'd to be kept most secret, to the Regent; and when Iames Balfure's Servant was taken, carrying Letters to Leith, the Suspicion lighted on a great many, and the Fear diffus'd it self over the whole Body: And moreover, the Mercenary Souldiers mutinied, because they had not their Pay down upon the Nail; and if any one indeavoured to appease them, he was grievously threatned by them. But Men did less admire the Sedition of such Men, who had neither Religion nor Honesty, than they did the Imbecillity and Faintheartedness of the Duke of Castle-herault, who was so amazed at the Fear of his Neighbours, that his Terror discouraged the Minds of many. Those, who were most couragious, endeavoured to apply Remedies to these Miseries; and their first Consultation was, to appease the Mercenaries: And, seeing the Nobles, which remained, could not make up a Sum sufficient to quiet and pay them, some declining through Covetousness, others pleading Inability; at last, they agreed to melt down all their Silver-Plate; and when the Say-masters were ready to assist therein, the Mints or Stamps, I know not by whose Fraud, were taken away.

The only ground of Hope was from England, which was adjudg'd too slow. At last, they resolved to try the Fidelity of their private Friends, and thereupon they sent Iohn Cockburn of In East-Lothian. Ormiston to Sir Ralph Sadler, and Sir Iames Croft, two Knights of known Valour, (who, at that time, were Officers at Berwick) to [Page] obtain of them a small Sum of Mony,The Reformers meet with great discouragements, by the prevailing of the French, and desire Aid from England. to serve their present Occasion. This their Design, though they kept it as private as they could, was yet discovered to the Regent, who commanded the Earl of Bothwel to waylay him in his Return. He, though in a few days before, he had taken a solemn Oath, that he would not prejudice the Cause of the Nobles in the least; yea, though he had given them hopes, that he would join himself to their Party, yet nevertheless lay in Ambush for Ormiston, assaulted him unawares, wounded and took him Prisoner, and so became Master of all the Mony, that he brought: When the noise of this Exploit was brought to Edinburgh, it alarm'd the Earl of Arran, and Iames Stuart, and almost all the Horse to draw out, not so much for desire of Revenge, as to free Ormiston, (if he were alive) or, at least, to put a stop to their March, that he might not be convey'd to the Regent. But Bothwel, having notice thereof by a Spy, prevented their coming by his Flight.

The same Day, the Governour of Dundee, with the Towns-men thereof, and a few Volunteers, marched towards Leith, and placed their Ordnance on an adjoining Hill. The French, who were informed by their Scouts, that almost all the Enemies Horse were absent, drew forth some Troops, to cut off those few Foot, whose Paucity they saw. The Dundeans stood a while in hope of Relief, but in regard those few Mercenaries which followed them, turned their backs almost at the first Charge, they also retired, leaving their Guns behind them, until at length a Noise was raised in the Rear, that the French were gone another way towards the Gates of the City, to seize them, and so to keep them out; upon this bruit, there was such an universal Perturbation, that every one shifted for himself, the best he could; and whilst each Man endeavour'd to save one, the Weak were trodden under foot by the Strong; so every body look'd to his own Particular, and there was no Provision made in common for them all. The Papists, on this Emergency, crept out of their lurking Holes, and did openly reproach them. Insomuch, that they, who ever pretended great Zeal for the Reformatition, began partly to withdraw themselves secretly, and partly they consulted, how to desert the whole business.

On the 5th Day of November, when News were brought, that the French were march'd out to intercept some Provisions, coming towards Edinburgh; besides the Disagreement of the Reformed amongst themselves, the Mercenaries could scarce be got out of the Town, to oppose them. The Earl of Arran, and Iames Stuart, and their Friends went out first against them, with whom there joined many worthy and valiant Persons. They charged the French more fiercely than prudently, so that they were near upon the point, to have been shut out from Edinburgh, and so to have paid for their Rashness. For the Marishes on the one side, and the adjacent Wall of an Orchard, left them but a narrow space for their March, and That also open to the French Musketeers; so that they were trodden under foot, partly by their own Men, and partly by the Enemies Horse. In this Trepidation, they had been all certainly cut off, unless the Commanders, leaping from their Horses, had put themselves [Page] into equal Danger with the rest; some of the common Souldiers, seeing this, stopp'd for Shame, amongst whom was Alexander Haliburton, a Captain, a stout young Man, and very forward in the Cause of Religion, he was grievously wounded, taken Prisoner, and soon after died of his Wounds.

After this Conflict, in which there fell about twenty five, many withdrew themselves, and others were upon the point of Desperation; but the Earl of Arran, and Iames Stuart, promised to continue their Endeavours, if but a small Company of them would keep together; when all, in a manner, refused so to do, the next Consultation was, to leave the City, and, as the Nobles had decreed, in the second Watch, they began their March, and the Day after came to Sterlin. Iohn Knox's encouraging Sermon. There Iohn Knox made an excellent Sermon to them, wherein he erected the Minds of many, into an assur'd hope of a speedy Deliverance out of these Distresses. Here it was agreed upon, in a Convention, that, because the French were continualally strengthen'd and increas'd with new Supplies, they also would strengthen their Party, by foreign Aid; and in order thereunto, William Maitland was sent into England, a young Man of great Prudence and Learning; he was to inform the Queen, what eminent Danger would accrue to England, if the French were suffer'd to fortify Places, and plant Garisons in Scotland, in regard they sought the Destruction, not of Religion only, but of Laws and Liberties too; and if the Scots were overcome by Force or Fraud, yea, if they were reduced to Servitude by unjust Conditions, they would have an easier step to infringe the Power of the English.

The English, after a long Debate of the Matter, at length,England resolves to send Aid to the Reformers in Scotland. gave some hopes of Assistance: Whereupon, the Noblemen, who were the Assertors of Liberty, divided themselves into two Parties; Some abode at Glascow, that they might command the Neighbouring Provinces, and defend their Partners in the Reformation from Wrong; Others were sent into Fife. The French did what Mischief they could to their Enemies; but, being troubled to hear of the English Supplies, they endeavoured to subdue the Relicks of the contrary Faction, before their Coming; and first, they marched against that Party which was in Fife: First, in their March they plundered Linlithgo, and the Estates of the Hamiltons; from thence they march'd to Sterlin, where they staid no longer, but till they could pillage the Towns-men, and then pass'd over the Bridg, and led their Army along the Shore of the River, which was full of Towns and Villages, well inhabited. They ransack'd all they met with, and at last, came to A Borough Royal in Fife. Kinghorn. The Scots, to stop their Career, put a small Garison into a Town, called Dysert: Here the French made light Skirmishes for twenty Days together; and because they could not wreek their Fury upon the Masters, they did it upon the bare Walls of their Houses, and raz'd a Village, called Grange, belonging to William Kircaldy, from the very Foundation. He, knowing that the French were wont to make often Excursions from thence to plunder the Country-People, a little before day, plac'd himself in Ambush, and observing Captain L'abast, a Savoyard, to march out with his Company, he kept himself close so [Page] long, till the French were above a Mile from their Garison, and then his Horse started up, and intercepted them from their Fellows. The French had but one way for it, in those Circumstances, and that was to enter a Country-Village near at hand, and so to endeavour to defend themselves behind Walls and Hedges. The Scots, being irritated by the former Cruelty of the French, were utterly unmindful of their own Safety, while they were intent to attend their Enemies, (though they had no Arms, but Horsemens Lances) yet broke down all which was in their way, and rush'd in upon them; the Captain, who refused to take Quarter, and fifty of his Men, were slain, the rest they sent Prisoners to Dundee.

They who were at Dysert, as in a setled Post, met at Cowper; out of them and others, that were at Glasgow, there were some Persons chosen to be sent to Berwick, to agree the Terms of the League with the English. The chief Articles were these, ‘That if any Strangers should enter Brittain in a Warlike manner, each of them should aid and assist one another; That the Queen of England should pay the Scots in England, and also the English Auxiliaries in Scotland; That the Prey taken from the Enemy should belong to the English, but the Towns and Castles should presently be restored to the right Owners; That the Scots should give Hostages, which were to remain in England, during the Marriage of the French King with the Q. of Scots, and if that Marriage were disanull'd, one year after.’

These Transactions past at Berwick, February 27, 1570. One thing the English gave strict warning of to the Scots, which was, that they should not join in a set Battel, and so hazard all, before the Aids of their Friends came; for the English Nobles were much afraid, that the over-eager Spirits of the Scots would precipitate the whole matter into an irrecoverable Mistake.

In the mean time, the French, having plundered Dysert and Weemes, had a Debate among themselves, Whether they should march directly towards the Enemy, or else go all along the Shore to S. Andrews, and so to Cowper. This later opinion prevailed, because, by reason of the great Snow, which had fallen, all the High-ways were so clogged, that the Horse, without great Inconvenience, could not march thrô the Mid-land Countries; wherefore passing along a little by the Sea, when they came to the Promontory, called In Fife. Kincraige, (i. e. the Head or end of a Rock,) some of them got thereupon, where there was a large Prospect into the Sea, and they came down in great Joy, and told their Fellows, that they discovered eight great Ships, of the first Rate, at Sea; whereupon the French did certainly conclude, that those Vessels had brought them over Aid, which they had long before expected; and therefore they saluted them, as the Custom is, with the Discharge of their great Guns, and congratulated one another, invited them on Shore, resolving to pass that day in a great deal of Mirth and Jollity; not long after, one or two Boats landed from the contrary Shore of Lothian, they (haivng,A Fleet of English appear, to aid the Scots Reformers, which terrifies the French. in their passage, had some Discourse with the Passengers, in those Foreign Ships) made a Discovery, that it was a Fleet of English; and withal, that the Report was, that the Land-Forces of the English were not far from the Borders of Scotland. [Page] Hereupon, there was a sudden change of Spirit among them, and their unseasonable Laughter was turned into Fear and Trembling; so that presently they catch'd up their Colours, and retreated, part of them to Kinghorn, others to Dumfermlin, many of them leaving their Dinners behind them, for very haste; for they were afraid▪ lest the Garison, which they had left at Leith, might be cut off, and they themselves exposed to the Fury of the Enemy, who lay about them in all Quarters, before they could gather all their Strength into a Body.

During this whole March, they plundered more of the Papists, who came in thick to them, than of their Enemies. For of them, the richer sort had withdrawn a great part of their Estates into remote places of Safeguard; as for those, who had not thus secured their Estates, the French Commanders being lifted up with their present Success, and also with the hopes of Aid from France, which was every day expected, in Confidence whereof they hoped to be perpetual Lords of those Countries; hereupon, they reserved the richest Farms and Villages, which most abounded with all kind of Provisions, unplundered, as a peculiar Prey for themselves. But the Papists were either exhausted by the frequent Invitations of the principal Commanders, to feast at their Houses, under a Pretence of Friendship; or else, were privately pillaged by the common Souldiers; or, at least, in their Retreat, were openly spoiled by the French, who were in great want of Provisions, and that not without bitter Exprobrations of their Cowardise in Fighting, and their Avarice, in not relieving their Friends, which things (said they) we leave to you to judg, how near a-kin they are to plain Perfidiousness. This contumelious Pride,The French lose the hearts even of the Scotish Papists themselves, by their Insolencies and Plunderings. joined with the Rapacity of the French Faction, quite turned the Hearts of many from them; and not long after, the Fife Men, being compell'd, partly by Fear of their Enemies, and partly by the Wrongs received by their own Partizans, joined themselves to the Reformers; and, at last, the remote Countries did universally revolt from the Outlandish, and shewed themselves as eager in repressing the Tyranny of the French, as the other Scots did in asserting their Religion.

The Spring was now at hand, and both Parties hastened to draw their Forces together into one place. The Earl of Martigues, a stout and noble Young-Man, landed from France in two Ships,French Aid arrives in Scotland, to assist the Regent; bringing with him about 1000 Foot, and a few Horse; he and his Souldiers presently went on Shore, but the Ships were taken in the Night by the Scots. About the same time, the Marquess of Elbeuff, Brother to the Regent, who was bringing Aid of Men and Mony in eight Ships, returned back into the Haven, whence he set Sail, partly for Fear, because the Sea was full of English Ships, and partly excusing himself, for the Badness of the Weather. Moreover, a new Fleet of English was sent in to second the former, who flew up and down the whole Chanel, and held Keith-Island besieged, stopping all manner of Provision from passing by Sea into Leith.

In the mean time, the chief of the Assertors of Liberty, who commanded in Fife, went to Perth, and after three Days Conference there with Huntly, they won over all that Northern part of [Page] Scotland to their Party; and Order was soon after given, that they should all assemble and rendevouz at the end of March. About the same time, all the chief Reformers had a Meeting at Linlithgo; from thence they went to Hadington, and, on the first of April, So doth an English Army, to aid the Reformers. they joined the English; there were in the English Army above 6000 Foot, and 2000 Horse: The next Night, they pitched their Tents at Preston. The same day, the Regent, to withdraw her self from the Danger now nearly approaching, and to avoid the uncertain Hazard of War, retired, with some few of her Domesticks, into the Castle of Edinburgh; Iohn Erskin was Governour thereof, a Man of approved Piety and Carefulness, he had received the Command of it, by a Decree of the publick Council, as hath been before related, but upon this Condition, That he should render it up to none, unless by the Command of the same Council. The French saw, that the Possession of this Castle was of huge Advantage to their Affairs, and therefore they used great Endeavours to obtain it by Treachery. The Governour, though he were not ignorant of their Intentions towards him, and had so fortified the Castle, and made such other diligent Provision, that 'twas secure, either from Force or Fraud; yet, was not willing to exclude the Regent, at such a time; but, in receiving her into the Castle, he took great care, that both she and the Castle might be still under his Command. The Nobles, who were the Assertors of publick Liberty, though before they had often found, that her Mind was obstinately averse against the Cause, which they had undertaken, yet thought it adviseable not to pretermit the present Occasion, as hoping, that the Fear of the War, approaching nearer to her, and the Uncertainty of Aid from a remote Country, might incline her Mind to peaceable Counsels. Whereupon, the chief of the Party had a Meeting at Dalkeith, from whence they wrote to her to this purpose;

‘We have oft-times heretofore earnestly intreated you, both by Letters and Messengers,The Reformers last Letter to the Regent. to send away the French Souldiers, who do yet, another Year, grievously oppress the poor Country-People; yea, they raise up a just Fear in the Commonalty, that they shall be reduced into miserable Bondage; from which Fear, we have many times requested you to free us, but when our just Intreaties prevail'd nothing with you, we were inforced to represent our deplorable Estate to the Queen of England, as the nearest Princess to our Borders, and to desire Aid of her, to expel the Strangers, who threatned to make us Slaves, out of our Kingdom, and that by Force of Arms, if it could not otherwise be done; and though, she, out of a sense of our Calamities, hath undertaken our Cause; yet, that we might perform our Duty towards the Mother of our Queen, and might prevent the Effusion of Christian Blood, as much as is possible, and might then have Recourse to Force of Arms, when we have tried all other Ways to obtain Right without Success, do as yet deem it a part of our Modesty, again to pray you, to command the French Souldiers, with their Commanders and Officers, to depart immediately out of the Land. In order to the Accomplishment whereof, the Queen of England will not only afford [Page] them a safe Passage through her Kingdom, but will also assist with her Fleet to transport them. If this Condition be rejected, we call God and Man to Witness, that we take up Arms, not out of Hatred, or any wicked Intent, but inforc'd thereto by mere Necessity, that so we may try the Extremity of Remedies, that the Common-Wealth, our Selves, our Estates, and Posterities, might not be precipitated into utter Ruin. And yet notwithstanding, though we, at present, suffer very heavy Pressures, and heavier ones are near at hand, no Danger whatsoever shall ever inforce us to depart from our Duty towards our Queen, or from the King her Husband, in the least tittle, wherein the Destruction of our ancient Liberty, and the Ruin of our Selves, and our Posterity, is not concerned. As for you, most benign Princess, we beseech you again, that, weighing the Equity of our Demands, the Inconveniencies attending War, and how necessary Peace is to this your Daughter's Kingdom, so miserably harrassed, you would afford a favourable Ear to our just Requests; which if you shall do, you will leave a grateful and pleasant Memory of your Moderation amongst all Nations, and will also provide for the Security of the greatest part of Christians. Farewel. Dated at Dalkeith, the 4th of April, in the Year 1560.’

The 6th Day of April, when the English drew near by the Seaside, about 1300 French march'd out of Leith, and possessed a little rising Hill, at the end of the Plain, because they thought that the English would pitch their Tents there. There was a sharp Fight for above five Hours, for the recovering and keeping the Place, with no small Loss on both sides; at last, the Scotch Horse, with great Violence, rush'd in amongst the thickest Band of the French, and drove them back in great Astonishment into the Town; and if the English Horse had come in sooner than they did, as 'twas agreed, they had been all excluded from their Fellows, and so cut off.

After this Onset, there were Conferences managed between the Parties, but in vain, for the English did despise all Truce, and ever and anon made some light Excursions, yet not without Blood;Skirmishes between the English, and the French. 'tis not necessary to recount them. On the 22d of April, Iohn Monluck, Bishop of Vallence in Savoy, was first carried into the English Camp, then into the Castle of Edinburgh, to the Regent, where he had a Conference with her three Days, and then returned to the Scotish Nobles; the Terms of Concord could not, then neither, be agreed on, because the Scots persisted peremptorily in their Demand, that the foreign Souldiers should return home. Hereupon, the English, because the distance between their Camp and the Town was too great for their Ordnance to do any Execution, so that their Batteries signified little or nothing, removed their Camp on the other side Leith-River, near the Town, where they might more certainly annoy the Enemy, and also have frequent Skirmishes with him, Hand to Hand. On the last day of April, about two Hours before Sun-set, a casual Fire seized upon part of the Town, which, being assisted by the Violence of the Winds, burnt fiercely till the next Morning, destroying many Houses, and [Page] making a great Devastation, yea, it took part of the publick Granary, and consum'd a great deal of Provisions. In this hurly-burly, the English were not wanting to the occasion, for they turn'd their great Guns upon that part, and plaid so hot upon the People, that they durst not come to quench the Fire; yea, they enter'd the Trenches, and in some places measur'd the height of the Walls, so that if the French, at the beginning of the Combustion, fearing some Treachery, had not run thick to the Walls, and thereby prevented their loss in such a general Consternation, that very day had put an end to the War.

On the 4th of May, the English set fire to the Water-Mills, which were near the Town; one of them they burnt down before day, the other, the next day after; the French, in vain indeavouring to quench the Flames. On the 7th of May, the Besiegers set Ladders to the Walls to make an Assault, but the Ladders were too short, so that they were beaten off, many wounded, and 160 slain: The three following days, the French were imploy'd, with great Labour and Hazard, in repairing the Walls, the English continually playing upon them where they saw the greatest Numbers. The Papists were extreamly puft up with this Success, so that now they promis'd to themselves, that the English would depart, the Siege would be rais'd, and the War be finish'd. But the English and Scots were nothing discourag'd by this Blow, but exhorted one another to Constancy, and the English promis'd to stay, till they heard their Queen's pleasure from her Court. In the mean time, Letters came from the Duke of Norfolk, which did mightily incourage all their Spirits. For he wrote to Grey, the chief Commander, wishing him to continue the Siege, and that he should not want Souldiers, as long as there was a Man able to bear Arms in his Province, (which was very large, reaching from Trent to Tweed) and, if need were, he himself would come in Person into the Camp, and, as a sure Pledge thereof, he caus'd his own Tent to be erected in the Camp; and, in a few days, sent in 2000 Auxiliaries; so that the Memory of the former loss was quite worn out, and, with great alacrity they renew'd the War; and from that day forward, though the French made frequent Sallies, yet hardly one of them was prosperous to their Party.

In the mean time, the Queen of England sent William Cecil, a learned and prudent Person,Embassadors from England. who was then the chief Manager of Affairs in England, and Nicholas Wotton, Dean of York, into Scotland, to treat about a Peace; they were commanded to confer Counsels with Randan and Monluck of the French Party, concerning Conditions of Peace. For the Kings of France thought it a thing below their Dignity, to enter into an equal dispute with their own Subjects. The fame of this Conference was the Cause, that, as if all Controversies had been already decided, a Convention was Indicted to be held in Iuly. In the mean time, the Queen Dowager died in the Castle of Edinburgh, The Queen-Regent's death, with her Character. Iune 11, worn out with Sickness, and with Grief. Her Death did variously affect the minds of Men, for some of them who fought against Her, did yet bewail her Death, for she was indowed with a singular Wit, and had also a [Page] Mind very propense to Equity; she had quieted the fiercest Highlanders, and the furthest Inhabitants of the Isles, by her Wisdom and Valour; some believ'd, that she would never have had any War with the Scots, if she had been left free to her own Disposition; for She so accommodated her self to their Manners, that she seem'd able to accomplish all things without Force; but the Misery was, Though the Name of Governess resided in Her, neither did she want Virtues, worthy of so great a Dignity, yet she did, as it were, rule precariously, because, in all Matters of Moment, she was to receive Answers, like so many Oracles, from France. For the Guises, who were then the powerfull'st in the French Court, had design'd the Kingdom of Scotland, as a Peculiar to their Family; and accordingly, they advis'd their Sister, to be more severe in asserting the Papal Religion, than either her own Disposition, or those Times, could well bear. This she gave some evident hints of; for she hath been heard to say, that if Matters were left to her own Arbitrement, she did not despair, but to compose them upon no unequal Conditions. Some others were of opinion, that she alleged those things rather popularly than really, as her Mind was, and that not only with an intent to avert the fault or envy of Mal-administration from her Self; but also, that, under a pretext of asking Advice, she might spin out the time in delay, whilst She sent for foreign Aid; and so, by yielding, she might blunt the vehement edg of the Scots; and, in time, suffer their angry mood to abate, in regard, she was of Opinion, that the Scots Troops, being Volunteers, after one or two Disbandings, could not again be easily got together, because they were made up of Men, who were not under Pay, nor under any certain Command. And the Inconstancy of the Queen, in keeping her Promises, was no obscure evidence of this her Dissimulation, for She did not expect the end of a Truce, which, by Conditions, she was oblig'd to do, in renewing a War; but if any specious Advantage were offer'd, she would adventure to do it, Arbitrarily, of her own Head. Others there were, who cast the blame of all things, which were avariciously or cruelly acted, or which were attempted by Fraud or Calumny, upon those who were her Counsellors, in managing Affairs. For when She undertook the Regency, at the very First, some French Counsellors were join'd to her Assistance, as Osel, Embassador of the King of France, a Man quickly, and vehemently, passionate,The Character of the French Embassadors, in Scotland. otherwise a good Man, and well-skill'd in the Arts, both of Peace and War; he was one that directed his Counsel rather by the Rule of Equity, than the Will and Pleasure of the Guises. One Monsieur de Ruby was join'd to him, as his Companion, a Lawyer of Paris, who was to dispute Matters of Law, if any such did occur; He, in his publick Administration, conform'd all things, as much as he could, to the Manners and Laws of France, (as if That alone were the right Way to govern a Commonwealth) by which means he rais'd a suspicion of Innovation upon him; and though others might share the Guilt of the same Crime with him, yet he alone, in a manner, bore the blame and envy of it. But these Two committed no Offence, which was remediless and uncurable.

[Page] Three French Generals in Scotland, with their respective Characters.Towards the end of the War, there were three French Generals, having distinct limits allotted them, who manag'd Military Affairs in Scotland; viz, The Count Martigues, of the House of Luxemburgh, who was afterwards made Duke of D'Estames; L'abros, of a Noble, or Equestrian Family, highly experienc'd in Military Matters; and a Third was the Bishop of Amiens, accompanied with some Doctors of the Sorbon, as if the Matter were to be determin'd by the Pen, not the Sword. All the Counsels of these Three did tend to open Tyranny. Martigues his Advice was, to destroy all the Country near to Leith, by Fire and Sword, that so the desolateness of the Country, and the want of Necessaries, might compel the Scots to raise the Siege. But if that Counsel had took Effect, many peaceable Persons, poor besides, and, for the most part, Papists too, would have been destroy'd, and the Besieged would have had no benefit neither; for the Sea being open, Provisions might easily have been brought by Ships, from all the Maritim places of Scotland and England, into the Leaguer of the Besiegers, and the devastation of the Land and Soil would have redounded as much on the Papists, as on the Embracers of the True Religion.

L'abros was of opinion, That all the Nobility of Scotland were to be cut off, without distinction, and that a thousand French Curiassiers were to be garison'd on their Lands, who were to keep under the common Sort, as Vassals. This his Design was discover'd by some Letters of his, intercepted, which were going for France; and 'tis scarce credible, how the Hatred against the French, begun upon other Causes, was increas'd thereby.

As for the Bishop of Amiens, he would have had all Those to be seiz'd on, and put to Death, without pleading in their own Defence, whom he thought not so favourable to the Pope's Cause, as he would have them; yea, all Those, who were not so forward to assist the French Party, as he expected; and he mightily blam'd the French Souldiers, for suffering those, who were disaffected to their King, to strut it openly up and down; One he particularly aimed at, viz. Mr. William Maitland, a Noble and learned Man, whom, because the Sorbonists could not refute by their Reasons, the Bishop design'd to take off by the Sword; yea, he upbraided the French Souldiers for permitting him to live, and advis'd them to kill him; which he having notice of, took his opportunity to withdraw himself from the French, and so escap'd into the Scots Camp.

The Seventeenth BOOK.

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A Few days after the Death of the Regent, a Truce was made for a short time, to hear the Embassadors,After the Regent's death, Peace concluded between the Parties, by which the French were to leave Scotland; a point the Regent would never yield to in her Lifetime, though often press'd thereto. who were come to treat of Peace out of both Nations, France, and England. Hereupon, the Nobles assembled; These could not effect any thing; the greatest obstacle to an agreement, was, That the French, who, the Winter before, had obtain'd great Booties out of the neighbouring Parts, refus'd to depart, unless they carry'd their Baggage, and plunder, along with them. This was denied them; Whereupon, Irruptions were made more fierce than ever, though not so prosperous to the French. At length, when both sides were weary of the War, and the Inclinations to Peace could no longer be dissembled, the Embassadors, on both sides, met again in a Conference: The things, which most inclin'd all to Peace were these; The French had no hopes of any relief, and their Provisions grew daily scant, and were not likely to hold out long, so that their Condition was almost wholly desperate. And for the English, they were wearied out with the long Siege, and wanted Necessaries as well as the French, so that They likewise desir'd an end of the War. And the Scots too, receiving no Pay, could hardly be kept from running away; So that they easily hearkned to a Capitulation. Thus, by the joint Consent of all Parties, on the 8th day of Iuly, in the Year of our Lord 1559, Peace was Proclaim'd on these Conditions, That the French should Sail away in 20 days, with their Bag and Baggage; and seeing they had not Ships enough to transport them all over at present, they were to hire some from the English, leaving Hostages, till they were safely return'd; That Leith should be render'd up to the Scots, and the Walls thereof demolish'd; That the Fortifications lately made by the French at Dunbar, should be slighted; That these Articles, being perform'd, the English should immediately reduce their Forces; That Mary Queen of Scots, by the consent of her Husband Francis, should grant an Oblivion, of all that the Scotish Nobility had done or attempted, from the 10th day of March 1559, till the 1st of August, 1560. And that a Law should be made to that purpose, to be confirm'd in the next Parliament there, (which was appointed to be in August.) And Francis and Mary were to give their Consent to the holding that Assembly. That 60 of the French should keep the Island of Keith, and the Castle of Dunbar, that so, the Queen might not seem to be ejected out of the Possession of the whole Kingdom at once. After this departure of the foreign Souldiers, there was a great Tranquillity, and Cessation from Arms, till the Queen's Return. The Assembly of the Estates were kept at Edinburgh, wherein the greatest Debate was, about promoting the Reform'd Religion. The Statutes made were sent into France, for the Queen to give her consent to, and subscribe. This was done, rather to sound her Mind, than out of any hope to obtain any thing [Page] from Her. Embassadors also were dispatch'd for England, to give them thanks for their Assistance so seasonably afforded.

Sandeland, Embassador from Scotland to France.Not long after, Iames Sandeland, Knight of Rhodes, came unto the French Court, a Man as yet free from the Discords of the Faction; his business was, to excuse things past, and to pacify the the Grudges remaining since the former Wars, and so to try all ways to establish Peace and Concord. But his arrival hapned to be in very troublesome times, for the whole Conduct of the French Affairs was then in the Hands of the Guises; who, when they perceiv'd, that neither Threatnings nor Flatteries did prevail, endeavour'd to oppress the contrary Faction by force of Arms; and when they could lay no other plausible Crime against their Contrariants, they accus'd them of High-Treason, for betraying the Kingdom. Hereupon, the King of Navarr, was condemn'd to perpetual Imprisonment; and his Brother, the Prince of Conde, sentenc'd to Death; Annas, Duke of Momorancy, and the two Sons of his Sister, Iasper and Francis Colignes, and their Kinsman the A Vidam, in France, is a Baron, holding of a Bishop. Vidam of Charters, were destin'd to the Slaughter; and besides those, above 7000 more were put into the black List of Criminals. Moreover, all means were us'd to terrify the People. The City of Orleans was full of Foot-Souldiers, Guards of Horse were posted all up and down the Country;A Massacre design'd in France, by the Guises. all the High-ways were beset by them; Sentence was past, by a few Men in the Court, concerning the Lives, Fortunes and good Names of the honestest Men; all the Steeples of Churches and Towers round about the Walls, had their Windows shut up, and their Gates and Doors fortified, being design'd for Prisons; Criminal Judges were call'd together out of the whole Kingdom; The manner of Punishment was thus design'd, That as soon as the Frost broke, and the River Loir was navigable, the King should go to Chinon in Poictou, at the Mouth of the River Vien; and then the Guises, with a few of their Partizans, at the Command of the Court-Cabal, (of which They were the chief) should perform the Execution. Mean while, Sandeland came to Court, not so much humbly to desire Pardon for what was past, as to excuse his Country-Men, laying all the blame of the Tumults upon the French. The Guises receiv'd him very coursly, blaming him, that he, being a Man dedicated to the Holy War, had undertaken to manage the Commands of the Rebels, upon the Account of that execrable Heresy, which the Consent of all Nations had highly condemn'd, in the Council of Trent; yea, many of them did admire, not at the Folly, but even Madness, of the Scots, that they, being but a few, and disagreeing amongst themselves; and besides, destitute of Mony, and other Warlike Preparations, should dare to provoke so potent a King, who was now at quiet from any foreign Enemy. Between these fretful Indignations and Threatnings, the King fell suddenly Sick. The Embassador was dismiss'd without any Answer; but the Message of the Kings Death reach'd him at Paris, December 5. in the Nones of December, whence he made haste home, hoping for better things for future.

The News of the King's Death, being divulg'd, did not so much erect the Minds of the Scots, being in great Suspence, by reason [Page] of their imminent Dangers, as it fill'd all France with Faction,The Death of Francis, the French King. and the Poison of domestick Discords; Iames, the Queen's Brother, Scotland being now freed from the Domination of the French, by the Death of Francis, made what haste he could to the Queen; who, when her Husband was dead, went to Lorrain to her Uncles, either as a Recess to her Grief, or else out of womanly Emulation, that she might not be near her Mother-in-Law, who, by reason of the Slothfulness of Anthony Burbon, King of Navar, did, by degrees, derive the whole Administration of Affairs into her own Hands. There Iames, the Queen's Brother, having setled things in Scotland for a Season, found her; and, after much Discourse, the Queen told him, she had a mind to return to Scotland, and fix'd a Day,The Queen of Scots resolves to return from France. by which they might expect her, her Uncles being also of the same Opinion: For, before Iames's Coming, there had been great Consultation about the Matter, some alleging the Difficulty of the Voyage, especially the Queen of England being nothing favourable; besides, she was to go to a barbarous People, and naturally seditious, who were hardly kept in quiet by the Government of Men. Moreover, she had fresh Examples, before her Eyes, of her Father and Mother, whom, when they could not, or durst not, openly oppress, by sundry Artifices they drove them to Despair; so that she would be in daily peril, either of her Honour, or of her Life, amongst them. On the other side, they who were skill'd in the Affairs of Scotland, did urge, that the Seditions, arising there, were occasion'd oftner by default of the Princes than the People, in that they endeavour'd to reduce that Kingdom to an Arbitrary and boundless Rule, which, time out of mind, had been circumscrib'd and manag'd within due Bounds of Law; and That such a Nation, which was more warlike than opulent, could never endure. But all those Kings, who never attempted to infringe the Liberties of the People, were not only free from private Enemies, and popular Tumults, but also reigned, much beloved of their Subjects, famous Abroad, and unconquered by their Enemies: But the best, and almost only Way at present to quiet things, was, to attempt no Alteration in the State of Religion, as then establish'd. These were the Debates, as publickly bruited on both sides. But there were other more prevailing Causes with her Uncles; for they, in the Troubles of France, cherishing rather great, than honest Hopes, thought, if the Queen were absent, she would be more in their Power, than if she staid in France; and that Neighbour-Princes, in hopes to carry her for a Wife, would seek their Friendships, and use them, as Mediators. In the mean time, one or other of their Faction would preside over the Management of Affairs in Scotland. Besides, the Queen's Resolution swayed much in the Case, who was determined to return into her own Country; for her Husband was dead; and her Mother-in-Law, (who manag'd Matters of State) being something alienated from her, she saw, she should be cheap at that Court; and tho she had been but a little used to Government, yet a Woman, young, of a flourishing Age, and a lofty Spirit too, could not endure to truckle under another; she had rather have any Fortune in a Kingdom, than the richest without one; neither [Page] could she hope, that her Condition would be very honourable, the Power of the Guises being weakned by the adverse Party, at the first brush: Besides, the Persuasions and Promises of her Brother Iames serv'd much to weigh down the Ballance; for he assur'd her, she would find all Quiet at home, especially seeing he was a Man, to whose Faith she might safely commit her self, being her natural Brother, and who, from his Youth, had performed many noble and brave Exploits, and so had got great Credit and Renown amongst all Men.An Embassador from France, with his Demands, and the Answers of the Scotish Nobility thereunto. Whilst the Queen was intent on these Matters, Noal, a Senator of Bourdeaux, who was sent out of France, came into Scotland, a little after the end of the publick Convention, and was put off till the next Assembly, which, in order to the setling publick Matters, was Indicted to be held at Edinburgh, May the 21st; yet the Nobles, who met there at the time, in great abundance, did not sit, because they were as yet uncertain of the Queen's Will and Pleasure. In the mean time, Iames Stuart returned from France, and brought a Commission from the Queen, giving them Liberty to sit, and enact Laws for the Good of the Publick: Then the French Embassador had Audience; the Heads of his Embassy were, That the ancient League with the French should be renewed, and the new one with the English, broke; That Priests should be restor'd to their Estates and Dignities, whence they had been ejected. To which Answer was given; As to the French League, that they were not conscious to themselves, that they had broken it in the least; but that it had been many ways infring'd by the French themselves, and especially of late, in their opposing the publick Liberty, and indeavouring to bring a miserable Yoke of Bondage upon a People, which were their Allies, and giving no occasion on their part. As for the League with England, they could not dissolve it, without a brand of the greatest Ingratitude imaginable, in recompensing so great a Courtesy with the highest Injury, as to join against those, who had been the Deliverers of their Country. As for the Restitution of Priests, they told him, That those he call'd Priests, they knew no use or need of their Office in the Church. In that Parliament,The Scots Parliament demolishes all Monasteries. a Statute was made to demolish all the Monasteries of the Monks, and Men were presently sent abroad into all Parts of the Land, to put it in Execution.

Matters being prepar'd in France for the Queen's Journy, her intimate Friends, who govern'd her Counsels, advis'd her, for the present, wholly to pretermit and pass over Matters about Religion, though some gave her rash Counsel, to arm on that account, and kill all that opposed. The chief of which were Dury, the Abbat of Dumfermling, and Iohn Sinclare, lately design'd Bishop of A Town built on the River South-Esk, in Angus. Brechin; and she her self was by Nature, as also by the persuasion of her Kindred, so inclinable to their Counsel, that sometimes Threats broke out from her, as if it were against her Will, which were catch'd up at Court, and spread amongst the Vulgar: And she would divers times boast, among her Familiars, that she would follow the Example of her Kinswoman, Mary, Queen of England. Wherefore the Main of her Counsels tended to this, to feed the Men of her own Faction with hopes at present, and to suppress the [Page] opposite Party by degrees; and when she was well setled in her Power, then to declare her mind. And this seem'd not hard to do, seeing the Council of Trent was lately begun, on pretence to restore the decay'd Manners of the Church, but indeed, to extirpate the Professors of the true Religion, as, by the Decrees of that Cabal, was afterwards declared. Besides, her Uncles did mightily animate the Queen, by shewing her the Power of the Papal Faction, whose Head, by the Decree of the Council, Francis, the eldest Brother of the Guises, was to be. In the mean time, Charles the Cardinal, amidst so many publick Cares, was mindful of himself, and advis'd the Queen, not to carry her Housholdstuff and Furniture, which were of great value, as 'twere, into another World, but to leave them with him, till she might be assur'd of the Event of her Journy. She knew the Man and his Craft well enough, and therefore answer'd him, That seeing she ventur'd her self, she might as well trust her Goods as her Person. When all was resolv'd upon, they sent into England, to try, how that Queen stood affected to the Voyage; D'Osel, the Envoy, was well entertain'd there, and sent back presently into France, to tell the Queen of Scots, that if she pleas'd to pass through England, she should have all the Respect, which she could desire from a Kinswoman and an Ally; and that she would take it as a great Favour, besides; but if she shunn'd her Interview, she would look upon it as an Affront. For the English Queen had prepar'd a great Fleet, the pretence was, to scour the Sea of Pyrates; but some thought that 'twas to intercept the Queen of Scots, if she adventured to pass against her Will. They took one Ship, wherein the Earl of Eglington was, and brought her to London, but dismiss'd her again in a little time. But, whatever the Design was, in providing a Fleet, if any Danger was intended, Providence did prevent it; for, when the French Gallies came upon the Main, a Mist followed them for several days, till they came into Scotland, the 21st day of August.

The News of the Queen's Arrival being divulged abroad,The Queen arrives in Scotland, with various Descants thereupon. the Nobility, from all parts of the Kingdom, came hastily in, as to a publick Show, partly to congratulate her Return; some also came, to put her in mind of the Services they did her, in her absence, that so they might preoccupate her Favour, and prevent the Cavils of their Enemies: Others came, to give a guess of her future Regiment, by her first Entrance into the Kingdom: upon these different Grounds, all did equally desire to see their Queen, which was so unexpectedly cast upon them, after such various Events of changeable Providences. They considered, that she was born amidst the cruel Tempests of War, and lost her Father in about six days after her Birth; that she was well educated, by the great care of her Mother, the choicest of Women; but between Domestick Seditions and Foreign Wars, she was left, as a Prey to the strongest side; and even almost before she had a sense of Misery, was exposed to all the Perils of inraged Fortune: That she left her Country, being as 'twere, sent into Banishment, where, between the Fury of Arms, and the Violence of the Waves, she was hardly preserved. 'Tis true, Her Fortune somewhat smiled upon her, [Page] and advanced her to an Illustrious Marriage, but her Joy was not lasting, but transitory; for, her Mother and Husband dying, she was cast into a Mourning Widow'd Estate, having the new Kingdom she received, and her old one too, standing on very ticklish Terms. Furthermore, besides the Variety of her Dangers, the excellent Meen of her Beauty, the Vigour of her adult Age, and the Elegancy of her Wit, did much commend her. These Accomplishments, her courtly Education had either much increas'd, or, at least, made them more acceptable, by a false Disguise of Virtue, not sincere, but adumbrated only to a kind of Similitude thereof, which made the Goodness of her Nature, by her desire to please and ingratiate her self, less acceptable, and so nipp'd the Seeds of Virtue, by the Blandishments of Pleasure, that they might not come to bring forth any ripe Fruit in their Season. As these things were grateful to the Vulgar, so the more Intelligent saw through them; yet, they hoped, that her soft and tender Age might be easily bettered and amended, by Experience. Amidst these Gratulations, there was a light Offence happened, but it struck deep into the Minds of either Faction. The Nobility had agreed with the Queen, that no Alteration should be made, in point of the Religion received, only she and her Family were to have Mass, and that in private, too. But while the Furniture for it was carrying through the Court into the Chappel, one of the Company catch'd the Torches out of his Hands that carried them, and broke them; and unless some moderate Men had come in, and prevented it, all the rest of the Apparatus had been spoiled too. That Action was differently interpreted amongst the Vulgar; some blamed it, as a Fact too audacious; some said, 'twas to try Mens Patience, how far it would bear; others affirmed, and spake it publickly, that the Priests ought to be punish'd with the Punishment, appointed in the Scriptures, against Idolatry. But this Commotion was nipp'd in the very bud by Iames the Queen's Brother, to the great, but hidden Indignation of George Gordon, who was willing to lay hold on all occasions of Disturbance: And here, thinking an Opportunity was open to curry Favour, he went to the Queen's Uncles, then present, and promised them to reduce all the Country, beyond Dunkelden, to the old Religion. But they suspected the matter, as having heard enough of the Disposition of the Man, and fearing, lest he should raise a new Storm to no purpose, communicated the matter to Iames, the Queen's Brother. The rest of the Year was spent in Balls and Feastings, and in sending away the French, who, out of Civility, had attended the Queen, and were then honourably dismiss'd, only one of her Uncles, the Marquess of Elbeuff, staid behind. Amidst these Matters, William Maitland junior was sent Embassador into England, Maitland sent Embassador into England; to complement that Queen, as the Custom is, and to acquaint her, how highly she stood affected towards her, and how much she desired to maintain Peace and Concord with her: He also carried to her Letters from the Nobility, in which was mentioned a Friendly Commemoration of former Courtesies and Obligations; but one thing they earnestly desired of her, and That was, that, both publickly and privately, [Page] she would shew her self friendly and courteous towards their Queen; and that being provoked by good Offices, she would not only persevere in her ancient Friendship, but add daily stronger Obligations (if possible) hereunto. As for their part, it should be their earnest Study and Desire, to pretermit no occasion of perpetuating the Peace betwixt the two Neighbour-Kingdoms. That there was but One sure way, to induce an Amnesty of all past Differences, and to stop the Spring of them for ever, if the Queen of England would declare, by an Act of Parliament, firmed by the Royal Assent, That the Queen of Scots was Heiress to the Kingdom of England, next after her Self and her Children, (if ever she had any.) After the Embassador had asserted the Equity of such a Statute, and how beneficial it would be to all Britain, by many Arguments, he added in the close, ‘That she, being her nearest Kinswoman, ought to be more intent and diligent than others, in having such an Act made, and that the Queen did expect that Testimony of Good-will, and the Respect from her.’ To which the Queen of England answered in these Words, ‘I expected another kind of Embassy from your Queen; I wonder she hath forgot, how that, before her Departure out of France, after much urging, she at last promised, that the League, made at Leith, should be confirmed,Who persuades Queen Elizabeth, by many Arguments, to declare the Queen of Scots, her Successor. she having promised me faithfully it should be so, as soon as ever she returned into her own Country. I have been put off with Words long enough; now 'tis time, (if she have any respect to her Honour) that her Deeds should answer her Words.’ To which the Embassador answered, ‘That he was sent in this Embassy, but a very few days after the Queen's Arrival, before she had entred upon the Administration of any publick Affairs; That she had been hitherto taken up in treating the Nobility, many of whom she had never seen before, who came from divers parts to perform their dutiful Salutations to her; but she was chiefly imployed about setling the State of Religion, which, how difficult and troublesome a thing it is, (said he) you your self are not ignorant: Hence, (he proceeded) your Majesty may easily understand, that the Queen of Scots had no vacant time at all before my Departure; neither had she as yet called fit Men to her Council, to consult about various Affairs; especially, since the Nobility, that liv'd in the furthest parts towards the North, had not been yet to attend her, before his Coming, without whose advice, Matters of such publick Moment, could not, nor ought not, to be transacted.’ Upon which the English Queen was something moved, and said, ‘What need had your Queen to make any Consultation about doing that, which she hath obliged her self to under her Hand and Seal? He replied, I can give no other Answer at present, for I received nothing in command about it, neither did our Queen expect, that an account thereof would now be required of me; and you may easily consider with your self, what just causes of Delay, she, at present, lies under.’ After some Words had past betwixt them, upon these matters, the Queen returned to the main Point, ‘I observe, said she, what you most insist upon, in behalf of your Queen, and in seconding the Requests of the Nobles, you put me in Mind, that your Queen is descended [Page] from the Blood of the Kings of England, and that I am bound to love her by a natural Obligation, as being my near Kinswoman, which I neither can, or will, deny; I have also made it evident to the whole World, that, in all my Actions, I never attempted any thing against the Weal and Tranquillity of her self and her Kingdom: Those, who are acquainted with my inward Thoughts and Inclinations, are conscious, that though I had just cause of Offence given, by her using my Arms, and claiming a Title to the Kingdom, yet I could never be persuaded, but that these Seeds of Hatred came from others, not from her self. However the case stands, I hope, she will not take away my Crown whilst I am alive, nor hinder my Children (if I have any) to succeed me in the Kingdom: But if any Casualty should happen to me before, she shall never find, that I have done any thing, which may, in the least, prejudice the Right she pretends to have to the Kingdom of England; what that Right is, I never thought my self obliged to make a strict Disquisition into, and I am of the same Mind still, I leave it to those who are skilful in the Law to determine. As for your Queen, she may expect this confidently of me, that if her Cause be just, I shall not prejudice it in the least; I call God to witness, that next to my self, I know none that I would prefer before her; or if the matter come to a Dispute, that can exclude her: Thou knowest, says she, who are the Competitors: By what Assistance, or in hopes of what Force, can such poor Creatures, attempt such a mighty thing?’ After some further Discourse, the Conclusion was short, ‘That it was a matter of great Weight and Moment, and that this was the first time, she had entertained any serious Thoughts about it, and therefore she had need of longer time to dispatch it.’ A few days after, she sent for the Embassador again; and told him,

That she extreamly wondred, Why the Nobles should demand such a thing of her, upon the first Arrival of the Queen, especially, knowing, that the Causes of former Offences were not yet taken away: But what, pray, do they require? That I, having been so much wrong'd, should, before any Satisfaction receiv'd, gratify her in so great a matter. This Demand is not far from a Threat: If they proceed on in this way, let them know, that I have Force at home, and Friends abroad, as well as They, who will defend my just Right. To which he answered, That he had shewn clearly, at first, how that the Nobility had insisted on this hopeful Medium of Concord, partly out of Duty to their Queen, in a Prospect to maintain her Weal, and increase her Dignity; partly out of a Desire, to conciliate and settle publick Peace and Amity. And, that they deal more plainly with you, than with any other Prince, in this Cause, proceeds from your known and experienc'd Good-Will towards them, and also upon the account of their own Safety; for, they knew they must venture Life and Fortune, if any Body did oppose the Right of the Queen, or any War should arise betwixt the Nations, on that ground. And therefore their Desires did not seem unwarrantable or unjust, as tending to the eradicating the Seeds of all Discords, and the settling a firm and solid Peace. She rejoined, If I had acted any thing which might diminish [Page] your [...] Right, then your Demand might have been just, that [...] was amiss might be amended: Which she absolutely refuses to do, with her Reasons for it. But this Postulation is wi [...]out [...]n Example, that I should wrap my self up in my Winding [...] while I am alive; neither was the like ever ask'd of any [...]. However, I take not the good Intention of your Nobility [...], and the rather, because 'tis an Evidence to me, that they have a Desire to promote the Interest and Honour of their Queen; and I do put as great Value on their Prudence, in providing for their own Security, and in being tender of shedding Christian Blood, which could not be avoided, if any Faction should arise to challenge the Kingdom; But what such Party can there be, or where should they have Force? But to let these Considerations pass, suppose me inclinable to assent to their Demands, do you think, I would do it, rather at the Request of the Nobles, than of the Queen her self?

But there are many other things, which avert me from such a Transaction. First, I am not ignorant, how dangerous a thing 'tis, to venture on the Dispute. The Disceptation concerning the Right of the Kingdom, I have always mightily avoided; for the Controversy hath been already so much canvass'd in the Mouths of many, concerning a just and lawful Marriage, and what Children were Bastards, and what Legitimate, according as every one is addicted to this or that Party, that, by reason of these Disputes, I have hitherto been more backward in marrying. Once, when I took the Crown publickly upon me, I married my self to the Kingdom, and I wear the Ring, I then put on my Finger, as a Badg thereof; however, my Resolution stands, I will be Queen of England, as long as I live. And when I am dead, let that Person succeed in my place, which hath most Right to it; and if That chance to be your Queen, I will put no Obstacle in her way; but if another hath a better Title, 'twere unjust to require of me, to make a publick Edict to his Prejudice. If there be any Law against your Queen, 'tis unknown to me, and I have no great Delight to sift into it; but if there should be any such Law, I was sworn at my Coronation, that I would not change my Subjects Laws. As for your second Allegation, That the Declaration of my Successor will knit a stricter Bond of Amity betwixt us, I am afraid rather, it will be a Seminary of Hatred and Discontent; What, do you think I am willing to have my Grave-Clothes always before my Eyes? Kings have this Peculiarity, that they have some kind of Sentiments against the [...] own Children, who are born lawful Heirs to succeed them. Thus Charles the 7th of France somewhat disgusted Lewis the 11th; and Lewis the 3d, Charles the 8th; and of late, Francis ill-resented Henry. And, how is it likely, I should stand affected towards my Kinswoman, if she be once declared my Heir? Just as Charles the 7th was towards Lewis the 11th. Besides, and that which weighs most with me, I know the Inconstancy of this People; I know, how they loath the present State of things; I know, how intent their Eyes are upon a Successor. 'Tis natural for all Men, as the Proverb is, to worship rather the rising, than the setting Sun: I have learn'd, That from my own Times, to omit other Examples; when my Sister Mary [Page] sat at Helm, how eagerly did some Men desire to see Me plac'd in the Throne? how Solicitous were they in advancing Me thereto: I am not Ignorant, what Danger they would have undergone, to bring their Design to an Issue, if my Will had concurr'd with their Desires: Now, perhaps, the same Men are otherwise minded; just like Children, when they dream of Apples in their Sleep, they are very joyful; but, waking in the Morning, and finding themselves frustrate of their hopes, their Mirth is turn'd into Mourning. Thus I am dealt with by Those, who, whilst yet I was a private Woman, wish'd Me so well: If I look'd upon any of Them a little more pleasantly than ordinary, they thought presently with themselves, that, as soon as ever I came to the Throne, they should be rewarded rather at the Rate of their own Desires,Courtiers unstable, and selfish, in their Affections to their Prince. than of the Service they perform'd for Me; but now, seeing the Event hath not answer'd Expectation, some of them do gape after a new change of Things, in hope of a better Fortune. For the Wealth of a Prince, though never so great, cannot satisfy the unsatiable desires of all Men. But if the Good-will of my Subjects do flag towards Me; or, if their Minds are chang'd, because I am not profuse enough in my Largesses; or, for some other trivial Cause, what will be the Event, when the Malevolent shall have a Successor nam'd, to whom they may make their Grievances known, and, in their Anger and Pet, betake themselves? What danger shall I then be in, when so powerful a Neighbour-Prince is my Successor? The more Strength I add to her in ascertaining her Succession, the more I detract from my own Security; This Danger cannot be avoided by any Precautions, or by any Bonds of Law; yea, those Princes, who have hope of a Kingdom offer'd them, will hardly contain themselves within the Bounds either of Law or Equity. For my part, if my Successor were publickly declar'd to the World, I should think my Affairs to be far from being setled and secure.

This was the Sum of what was truly acted at that Conference.

A few days after, the Embassador ask'd the Queen, Whether she would return any Answer to the Letter of the Scotish Nobility? ‘I have nothing, said She, at present to Answer, only I commend their Sedulity and Love to their Prince; but the Matter is of such great weight, that I cannot so soon give a plain and express Answer thereunto; but, when your Queen shall have done her Duty, in confirming the [...]eague she oblig'd her Self to ratify, then 'twill be seasonable, to try my Affection towards Her. In the mean time, I cannot gratify her in her Request, without diminution of my own Dignity. The Embassador reply'd, He had no Command about that Affair, nor ever had any discourse, with his Mistress concerning it, neither did he then propound the Queen's Judgment concerning the Right of Succession, but his Own, and had brought Reasons to inforce it; but, as for the Confirmation of the League by her Husband, 'twas inforc'd from the Queen of Scots, without the consent of Those, whom the ratifying or disanulling thereof, did much concern; neither was it a thing of such Consequence, as therefore to exclude Her, [Page] and her Posterity, from the Inheritance of England; I do not inquire, said he, by Whom, When, How, by What Authority, and for What Reason, that League was made, seeing I had no Command to speak of any such Matter. But this I dare affirm, That though 'twere confirm'd by Her, in compliance with her Husband's desire, yet, so great a stress depending on it, his Queen, in time, would find out some Reason or other, why it should, and ought, to be dissolv'd; I speak not this (said he) in the Name of the Queen, but my intent is to shew, that our Nobility have cause for what they do, that so, all Controversies being pluckt up by the Roots, a firm and sure Peace may be establisht betwixt us.’

After much discourse, Pro and Con, about the League, the Queen was brought to this, That Embassadors should be chosen on both sides to review it, and to regulate it, according to this Form, That the Queen of Scots should abstain from using the Arms of England, and from the Titles of England and Ireland, The Queen of Scots not to use the English Arms, in Queen Elizabeth's time. as long as the Queen of England, or any of her Children, were alive. On the other side, the Queen of England was to do nothing, neither by her Self, nor her Posterity, which might prejudice the Queen of Scots, or impair her Right of Succession. These were the Affairs transacted in this Embassy; which, while they were treated of abroad, in order to settle Peace, Sedition had almost broke out at home. There was Mass allow'd to the Queen and her Family, (as I said before) concerning which, when the Edict was publish'd, there was one of the Nobility which oppos'd it, viz. the Earl of Arran; the Queen being much offended thereat, tho she dissembled her Anger. The next offence was, against the Edinburgers, they use ordinarily to chuse their Magistrates, September 29; at that time, Archibald Douglas, the Sheriff, according to Custom, Proclaim'd, That no Adulterer, Fornicator, Drunkard, Mass-Monger, yea, or obstinate Papists, after the First of September, should stay in the Town, great Penalties being denounc'd against the Disobeyers thereof. When the Queen was inform'd hereof, she committed the Magistrates to Prison, without hearing them, and commanded the Citizens to chuse new Magistrates, injoining them to set the Gates open to all her good Subjects, not without the secret Indignation, and Laughter, of some, that Flagitious Persons should be accounted such good Subjects, and her most faithful Ministers and Servants. The Queen, finding, that the Citizens took this Matter more patiently than she expected, by degrees attempted greater Matters. Her Mass was before but privately celebrated, without any great Solemnity; but, on the 1st of October, she added all the gaudry of Popish Offices to it. The Reform'd Ministers of the Gospel took this very grievously, and complain'd much of it in their Pulpits, putting the Nobility in mind of their Duty. Hereupon,A Question stated, whether a chief Magistrate might be compell'd to do his Duty, with variou [...] Opinions thereupon. a Dispute was agitated betwixt a Few in a private House, Whether 'twere lawful to restrain Idolatry, which was likely to spread and ruin all? or, Whether they might, by Force, reduce the chief Magistrate to the Bounds of the Law, who set no limits to his own Arbitrariness? The Reform'd Ministers persisted constantly in their Opinion, which had been [Page] approv'd in former times, That a Magistrate might be compell'd by Force to do his Duty. The Nobles were more unstedfast in their Resolutions, either to curry favour with the Queen, or, out of hopes of Honour and Reward; yet 'twas decreed for Them, being Superior in Number and Greatness.

In the mean time, the Court was drown'd in Vice, and loos'd the Reins to all Luxury; neither was it awakened by the News of the Moss-Troops, inhabiting the English Borders, who, as if by permission, did freely plunder, and kill'd all that oppos'd them. Iames, the Queen's Brother, was sent, with a delegated Power, to suppress them, not so much, as many thought, to honour him, as to expose him to danger. For, as his Power was distasteful to the Queen, so his innocent Carriage was more offensive in reproving her for her Faults, and stopping her Carreer to Tyranny. But God, beyond all Mens hope, prosper'd his just endeavours; he hang'd 28 of the Robbers, the rest he suppress'd, either by the sole Terror of his Name, or else, by making them give Hostages for their good Behaviour. The Queen seem'd to her Self to have got some Liberty by his Absence, for she was not well pleas'd with the present state of Things; partly, by reason of the Controversies in Religion; and partly, because Matters were manag'd more strictly than a young Woman, who had been educated in the corruptest of all Courts, (as interpreting lawful Domination to be unseemly for Princes, as if the Slavery of others was their Liberty) could well endure; so that sometimes she was heard to speak some high discontented Words; yea, the Foundation of Tyranny seem'd to be laid: for, whereas all former Kings intrusted their Safety only to the Nobility, she determin'd to have a Guard for her Body; but could find no pretence to bring it about,The Queen designs to have a Guard for her Body, alamode of France. neither could she give any reasonable colour for her desire, but only vain courtly Magnificence, and the Usage of foreign Princes. The Deportment of her Brother, the more unblameable it was, troubled her the more, in regard it cut off any opportunity to feign Crimes, or fasten Suspicions on him; as also, because she knew he would not endure her loose living; besides, the People were so affected, that they would take a Guard for her Body, as a manifest Omen of Tyranny: whereupon, her restless Mind, determining by any means whatsoever, to effect, what she had once resolv'd upon, devis'd this Stratagem; She had a Brother nam'd Iohn, an ambitious Man, and not so strictly conversationed, as Iames was; he was easily persuaded to be obsequious to the Queen, and thereupon was dearer to Her, as a fitter Instrument to raise Tumults. She communicates her Design to him, in the absence of Iames, about raising a Guard; The Plot was laid thus, There was a noise of a Tumult to be bruited abroad in the Night, as if Iames Hamilton, Earl of Arran, would have surpriz'd the Queen, who had but a few Men to guard Her, and so have carried her to his Castle, 14 Miles off. This story, they thought, would take with the Vulgar, both because the Queen was averse from him, and he extreamly in Love with Her, both which were publickly known; This Tumult was made as the Plot was, and Horsemen scouted about the Neighbour-fields, a good [Page] part of the Night; and, in the Morning, a Guard was set at the Court-gate, some fretting, others smiling thereat; The Authors of this project, though they knew themselves that they were not believ'd, yet were mightily pleas'd, as secure of Mens opinions, and knowing, that none, there present, durst oppose them. Upon this beginning, the Court ran headlong into Wantonness and Luxury; notwithstanding, as yet, Justice was equally administred, and Offences punish'd; for the chief management of Affairs was in Iames, the Queen's Brother, who, for his Equity and Valor, was dear to all; He us'd, as his chief Counsellor, William Maitland, a young Man of a great Judgment, having already given large Experiments thereof, and rais'd up higher Expectations, for the future. Their joint virtuous Counsels kept things quiet at Home and Abroad, and 'twas as well, as good Men could wish; As for the Factious, they could rather fret, than complain justly.

Amidst these things, a Debate arose in the Court, which held them play three whole Months. They, who had been Kings or Regents in former times, had exhausted the publick Treasure,The Queen raises her Revenues out of Estates of Ecclesiasticks. (which was never great in Scotland) the Queen was immoderately expenceful; The Estates of the Nobility and Commonalty, in the late Tumults, were mightily wasted; so that now, nothing remain'd to maintain Court-expences, but the Ecclesiastical Revenues. Whereupon, the chief of the Clergy were sent for to Court, and some of the prime Nobility were added to that Number, that could either cajole them by Persuasion, or compel them by Force. After a long Dispute, the Ecclesiasticks, being overcome rather with the sense of their own Weakness, than the weight of any Reason, the Conclusion was, That a 3d part should be taken off from Ecclesiastical Revenues, wherewith the Queen should maintain Orthodox Ministers, and reserve the rest for her own use. This Conclusion was pleasing to none: The rich Ecclesiasticks grudg'd, that any of their old Revenues should be par'd away; and the Reform'd Ministers expected no good from the Queen: yet indeed, though a great shew was made, she got no great matter by it; For many of the old Possessors had their 3ds forgiven; many, both Men and Women, had the Wages for their houshold Service, and Expence, paid out of it, for many Years; many got Pensions and Supports for their old Age. That Winter, the Queen created her Brother Iames, Earl of Marr, with the great assent of all good Men; For giving Honour to Virtue,Iames, the Queen's Brother, made Earl of Marr, afterwards of Murray. all did praise Her; that she allow'd some Grains to propinquity in Blood, none did dispraise Her; and many thought, she had done well for the Publick, in advancing a Person to Honour, who was of an Illustrious Stock, and had so highly deserved of his Country, that so he might preside over publick Affairs, with the greater Authority; yea, some thought, that this Favour of the Queen's was intended to reconcile him to Her, who, she knew, was offended at the Carriage of the Court, in his absence. Besides, he had a Wife provided for him, Agnes Keith, Daughter of the Earl of Merch, at which Marriage, there was such magnificent Feasting, or, rather, such immoderate Luxury, that the Minds of his Friends [Page] were grievously offended, and his Enemies took occasion of exclaiming and envying; and the more, because he had been so temperate, all the former part of his Life. Not long after, Murray was bestowed upon him, instead of Marr (which was found the ancient Right of Iohn Erskin. Gordon an Enemy to Murray.) Gordon, being depriv'd, first of Marr, then of Murray, over which Country he had been long Governour, look'd upon himself as robb'd of his Patrimony, and therefore levelled all his Designs at the Overthrow of his Corrival. And besides, he had many other Motives thereunto. For, being far the richest Man in all Scotland, by reason of the Rewards his Ancestors had received, for their Service to the Crown, and also himself had augmented the Power of his Family by ill Arts. First, he overthrew Iohn Forbes, (as I said before) by false Witnesses: Next, when Iames Stuart, Brother of Iames the Fifth, died without Children, he obtain'd of them, who sat at Helm, the Stewardship of Murray, whereby he carried himself as Heir, and arriv'd at such a pitch of Greatness, that all his Neighbours laid down their Emulation, and and rested quietly under his Authority, I had almost said, his Vassalages.

But whilst others submitted to him, either for fear of Danger, or Patience to bear the Yoak, he was much troubled with the Disregard of one Man, or, as he called it, Pride; and that was of Iames Macintosh, chief of a great Family amongst the old Scots; he was born, and brought up, amongst the brute Highlanders, us'd to the Prey; but yet, whether 'twere by a secret instinct of Nature, or else by good Instructors, he arriv'd at that degree of Courtesy, Modesty, and decent Behaviour, that he might vie with those, who had the greatest care us'd in their virtuous Education. Gordon suspected this young-Man's Power, for, he knew, he could not use so good a Disposition, as an Instrument for his wicked Purposes; and therefore, on a sudden, he laid Hands on him, and cast him into Prison; but, not able to find any Crime in him worthy of Death, 'tis reported, he suborn'd some of his Friends to persuade him, to submit himself and his Cause to him, for That, they told him, was the only Way to be delivered honourably out of Prison, and also to have the Friendship of so powerful a Man, as Gordon. Thus the simple and plain-hearted Man was cheated into his own Destruction; yet Gordon, being willing to avoid the Envy of his Death, dealt with his Wife to bear the blame of it; she being a Woman of a stern manly Courage, presently undertook the Matter;Iames Macintosh unjustly put to death by Gordon and his Wife. and, in the absence of her Husband, the poor innocent betrayed young-Man had his Head cut off. His Neighbours were either so astonish'd at this Man's Punishment, or else were so aton'd with Gifts, that the whole Country, beyond the Caledonians, was under his Jurisdiction alone; so that, being a Man ambitious of Power and Glory, he took it very ill, that Iames, Earl of Murray, was set up, as his Rival; and, being impatient of the present State of things, he took all occasions to promote Disturbances, and did daily calumniate his Proceedings in publick; yea, he gave a Book, written with his own Hand, to the Queen, wherein he accused him to affect Tyranny, but he back'd it with very slender Arguments.

[Page]On the other side of the Country, and at the same time, Iames Hepburn, Earl of Bothwel, being much in debt, and very deboist,Bothwel endeavours to supplant Murray. was thereby excited to attempt against the said Earl of Murray; for, having spent his Youth wantonly amongst Whores and Bauds, he was reduc'd to that pass, as either to raise up a Civil War, or else to support his Poverty by some audacious Fact: When he had considered all ways to compass his Design of disturbing the Publick Peace, he thought it his best course to set Murray and the Hamiltons together by the Ears; his Hope seemed sure to destroy one of the Parties thereby, no matter which. First then, he goes to Murray, and endeavours to persuade him, to root out the Hamiltons, a Family distasteful and obnoxious to the Queen, the whole Kingdom, and especially to himself; and he offered him his Assistance therein, alleging, that the thing would not be unacceptable to the Queen, in regard, besides the common ground of Hatred, that Princes bear against their Kindred, as desirous of their Ruin, the Queen had also some particular and just Causes of Offence; either because of his Affection to the Evangelical Doctrine and Discipline, of which Arran was the only Assertor, for which also he had incurr'd the Hatred of the Guises in France; or else, for the hard Words he had lately given to one of the Queen's Uncles, the Marquess of Elbeuf, then in Scotland. But Murray, being an honest conscientious Man, scorn'd to commit so base a Fact. Whereupon, Hepburn went to the Hamiltons, and offered his Service to them, to destroy Murray, whose Power they could not well brook; he told them, That he was the only Man, who was an Obstacle to their hopes, and an Impeder of their Concerns; if he were taken away, the Queen must needs be in their power, whether she would or no; and the Means were facile and easy. The Queen was then at Falkland, a Castle seated in a Town of the same Name: There is a small Wood in the Neighbourhood, wherein Deer, of the nature of Stags (mistakenly called Fallow-Deer, by the Country) were kept and fed. The Queen might be easily surpriz'd, as she went thither, every day, or to any neighbour-place, with a small Retinue, at which time, 'twere very easy to destroy Murray, being unarm'd, and suspecting no such thing, and to get the Queen's Person into their Hands: he quickly persuaded the rest; and a time was appointed to perform the Enterprise; only the Earl of Arran did execrate the Wickedness, and sent Letters privately to Murray, acquainting him with the Series of the whole Plot: Murray writes back to him, by the same Messenger; but Arran being casually absent, the Letters were given to his Father: Whereupon, a Consultation being held, Arran was shut up a close Prisoner, by his Father, from whence, making his Escape by Night, he went towards Falkland: As his Escape was made known, Horsemen were sent after him, all over the Country, to fetch him back again, but he hid himself in a Wood, and frustrated their Expectation, for that Night; and in the Morning, came to Falkland, where he discovered the whole Order of the treasonable Design. Not long after, Bothwel, and Gawin Hamilton, who had undertaken, with a Party of Men, to commit the Fact, follow'd him, and, by the Queen's Command, had a Guard set upon them, as Prisoners, [Page] in the Castle of Falkland. A Design against the Regent discovered, by a Mistake in delivering of Letters, and the Conspirators imprisoned. When the whole Design was thus laid open, and the Spies brought word, that the Officers were met at the Time and Place mention'd by Arran, and that many Horsemen were seen there; Arran, being ask'd to explain the Order of the Plot, was a little disturb'd in his Mind; for he mightily doted on the Queen, and was also a great Friend of Murrays, and was desirous to gratify them: On the other side, his Father was no bad Man, only was easily drawn into great and difficult Projects, and he had a mind to exempt him from the Conspiracy. That Night, when he was alone, his Mind was so divided between Piety and Love, that he was almost besides himself; his Countenance and Speech gave evident signs of some Perturbation of Spirit; besides, there were other Causes, which might affect the young Man's Mind. For, whereas he had been brought up magnificently, till that very Day, according to the Greatness of his Family; his Father, being a covetous Man, by the persuasion of some Counsellors, who nourish'd that Vice in him, reduc'd him only to one Servant, who, before, had many Attendants. They, who attempted the Exploit, were sent to divers Prisons; Bothwel to Edinburgh-Castle, Gawin to Sterlin, till their Cause was tried; Arran was sent to St. Andrews, whither the Queen was going, to be there kept in the Archbishop's Castle; there, in his lucid Intervals, he wrote such wise and prudent Letters to the Queen, concerning himself and others, that many were suspicious, he had counterfeited himself mad, only to free his Father from the Treason: As for the rest, he constantly and sharply accus'd them; insomuch, that when he was brought to the Council, and so private a Conspiracy could not be prov'd by other Testimonies, he proffer'd to fight with Bothwel, himself. About the same time, Iames Hamilton, Arran's Father, first wrote, and after that came, to St. Andrews to the Queen, earnestly desiring her to take Surety for his Son, Bothwel, and Gawin Hamilton, and leave them to him, but he could not be heard. At the same time also, the Queen took Dunbarton-Castle, the strongest in all Scotland, which Hamilton had held,Dunbarton-Castle taken by the Queen. ever since he was Regent. George Gordon, being an Enemy to Murray, was now grown to a far greater hate of Hamilton, his Son's Father-in-Law, who was accus'd of so manifest a Crime, and almost convicted thereof; he thought now, he had a good opportunity to rid his Enemy out of the way, especially when Two such noble Families were join'd to his side. And first, he caus'd a Tumult to be rais'd in the Town, then but thin of Company, by his own Friends, hoping, that Murray would come out from the Court, to appease it by his Authority; and then, being unarm'd, he might be easily slain in the Croud. This Project did not succeed, as he would have it;Gordon's Plot to kill Murray, prevented. and therefore he sent some of his Septarm'd into the Court, to do the Fact; they entred in the Evening, and were to kill Murray, as he was returning to his Lodging from the Queen, who was wont to keep him late at Night; that time seem'd fittest, both to commit the Fact, and to escape after it was committed. When the Matter was discovered to Murray, he would not have believ'd it, unless he had seen it with his Eyes; and therefore he got some few of his faithfullest Friends, (to prevent all Suspicion) [Page] and took one or two of the Gordons in their Armour, as he grop'd with his Hand in the Passage. The Matter being brought to the Queen, Gordon was sent for, who pretended, that some of his Retinue, that were about to go home, had arm'd themselves, but, upon some occasion or other, were detain'd; this Excuse was rather receiv'd than approv'd of; and so they departed, for that time. That Summer, by the Mediation of Embassadors on both sides, it was propos'd,An Interview designed between the Queens of England and Scotland at York, but disappointed. That the Queens of Scotland and England should have an Interview at York, there to debate many Controversies; but when they were almost ready for their Journy, the Matter was put off till another time. The Cause of deferring the Conference, was vulgarly bruited, because the Duke D'Aumale, one of the Brothers of the Guises, had intercepted and opened the Letters of the English Embassador, then at the French Court; and that by his means principally, the English Ship, which carried another Embassador, was taken and plunder'd. For these Wrongs and Injuries, Matters being likely to incline to a War with France, the Queen went from St. Andrews to Edinburgh, and sent Arran thither too, clapping him up Prisoner in the Castle. In the mean time, Iames, her Brother, went to In Te [...]iotdale. Hawick, a great Market-Town in those Parts, and there he surpriz'd fifty of the chief Banditty, which were met together, not dreaming of his coming, which struck such a Terror into the rest, throughout all that Tract,The Regent destined to ruin, by the Popish Faction in Scotland, and the Guises in France, for adhering to the Reformation. that the whole Country was quieter for some time after. But, as that Fact did procure him the Love and Reverence of good Men, so it did daily more and more excite the Minds of the Envious to his Destruction; for, whereas Three very potent Families had plotted his Ruin, so the Accession of the Guises made a Fourth; for they, being willing to restore the old Popish Religion, and knowing, they could never effect it, as long as Murray was alive, imploy'd their utmost Endeavours to remove him out of the way; many concurrent Circumstances did contribute to the seeming Feasibility of the Attempt; especially because the French, who had accompanied the Queen to Scotland, being return'd home, had related, what great Interest and Power Gordon had, how unquiet his Mind was, and what Promises of Assistance he had made, to introduce the Mass: All these things they aggravated in their Discourse, to the height. Whereupon, the Matter was debated by the Papists, in the French Court; and This Way of effecting it resolv'd upon; They write to the Queen, to cherish the mad Spirit of Gordon, by large Promises, That she should rather pretend than promise, to marry Iohn, his Son; That so, being hoodwink'd with that Hope, they might lead him whither they pleas'd; and also, they gave her the Names of those in a List, whom they would have destroy'd and slain. Besides, Letters from the Pope, and the Cardinal, were sent to her, to the same Effect; For, whereas her Revenue was not sufficient to maintain that immoderate Luxury, to which she had used her self, she craved some pecuniary Aid of the Pope, as if it were to manage a War against those, who had revolted from the Roman Church: The Pope wrote something obscurely; but the Cardinal plainly, That she should not want Mony for that War, yet so, that Those must be first slain, whose Names were given her in a Scrole.

[Page]The Queen shewed these Letters to Murray, and to the rest design'd for the Slaughter; either, because, she thought, they would have some notice of it another way; or else, to make them believe, she was sincere towards them, as not hiding from them any of her secret Counsels. Thereupon, all other things being fitted for the Attempt, the Queen pretended a great desire to visit the Parts of Scotland, which lie Northwards; and Gordon promoted her Desire, by his forward Invitation. At last, when she came to Aberdeen, August 13. Gordon's Wife, a Woman of a manly Spirit, and cunning, used all her Art to sift out the Queen's Mind, both to know her secret thoughts, and also to incline them to her own Party; she knew well enough, that the Designs of Princes are alterable by small Moments, many times; neither was she ignorant, how the Queen stood affected a little before, towards both of them, Murray and Gordon, too; for She, hating them both, had sometimes deliberated privately with her self, which of them she should destroy: First, she could not away with the Innocency of Murray, as being a Curb to her Licentiousness; and as for Gordon, she had experimented his Perfidiousness against her Father,Gordon (incited by the Pope's Letters) undertakes to destroy Murray, the Regent. first, then her Mother; and besides, she fear'd his Power; but the Letters of her Uncles and the Pope, urged her rather to destroy Murray. Gordon was not ignorant hereof; and therefore, to cast the Ballance, he promis'd, by his Wife, to restore the Roman Religion: The Queen was glad of that; yet there was one Impediment, and that no great one, which kept her from assenting to him, and that was, that she did not think it to stand with her Honour, to be reconciled to Iohn, his Son, (who, a few days before, had been committed to Prison for a Tumult raised at Edinburgh, but had made his Escape,) unless he return'd to Sterlin, to be there a Prisoner of State, at least, for a few days. The Queen insisted upon this, not so much for that Cause, which was pretended, as that she might have her way clear, when Murray was kill'd, and might not be compell'd to marry, when her Lover was absent: Gordon was willing to satisfy the Queen, yet made some scruple to give up his Son, as a Pledg, into the Hands of a Man, who was the most adverse, of all others, to his Designs, (and that was Iohn, Earl of Marr, Murray's Uncle, Governour of Sterlin-Castle) especially being uncertain, how the Queen would take the Murder, when it was committed. Whilst these cunning Wits endeavoured to impose one upon another, and were mutually suspicious, the Queen affirming, that the Delay was not in her part, that the Matter was not dispatched; and yet she us'd no Expedition, neither. Iohn Gordon, to shew himself officious, and to watch all Events, had got together about a Thousand of his Friends and Tenants well-arm'd, and had quarter'd them in the Vicinage, near the Town. But Murray, though not guarded, as he would, yet saw, that all these things were prepar'd for his Ruin, for so he had been advertised by his Friends, both from the French and English Courts; neither was he much confident of the Queen, yet, in the day-time, he perform'd his accustom'd Services in the Court; and at Night, had only one or two of his Servants to watch in his Chamber; and being often inform'd of the Plots of his Enemies [Page] against him, yet, by the Help of his Friends, he disappointed all their Purposes, without any Noise.

About the same time,Bothwel escapes out of Prison. Bothwel was let down by a Rope out of a Window, and so escaped from the Castle of Edinburgh. Matters stood at a stay at Aberdeen, by reason of the Dissimulation on both sides. And the Queen, intending to make a further Progress, was invited by Iohn Lesly, a Noble Man, and Client of Gordons, to his House, about twelve Miles off; that being a lonesome Place, seem'd fit to the Gordons, to commit the Murder: But Lesly, who knew their secret Design, interpos'd and dissuaded them from it, not to put that brand of Infamy on himself and his Family, that he should betray the Queen's chief Brother, a Man not otherwise bad, against whom he had no private Grudg, to the Slaughter. The next night, they pass'd over quietly enough at Rothymay, a Town of the Abrenethies, because, the day after, they determin'd to lodg at Or, Strathbogy. Strabog, a Castle of the Gordons; so that they deferr'd the Murder till that time, because there All would be in their power. In their Journy, Gordon had a long Discourse with the Queen, and at last, he came to this, plainly to desire the Queen to pardon his Son Iohn, that, being a young Man, and ignorant of the Laws, he had made his Escape out of Prison, into which he was cast for no hainous Offence, only for a Commotion, which was not rais'd by him, neither. But the Queen urg'd, that her Authority would be vilified, unless his Son did return, at least for some days, into another Prison, though a larger one; that so, his former Fault being, as 'twere, expiated, he might more creditably be dismiss'd: Though it were but a slight Command, yet Gordon, who was willing to omit no opportunity of committing the design'd Fact, did obstinately refuse to comply with it, either, because he might cast the blame of the Murder upon his Son, if the Queen did not approve it, when 'twas done; or, because, if the thing should be done in the Absence of his Son, though she were not unwilling thereto, yet he should be kept as an Hostage. The Queen was so much offended at this Stubbornness of Gordon, that, when she was almost in sight of his House, she turn'd aside another way; so that the whole Plot, so wisely contriv'd, as they thought, was now quite cast off the hinges, till they came to Inverness. For there, besides Gordon's being Lord President for the Administration of Justice, he also commanded the Queen's Castle, which was seated on an high Hill, and commanded the Town; and besides, the whole Country thereabouts were his Vassals. The Queen determined to lodg in the Castle,Gordon's bold Attempt against the Queen her self, but was not suffer'd by the Guards; being thus excluded, she began to fear, in regard she was to lodg all Night in an unfortified Town; and in the mean time, Huntly's Son had about a Thousand choice Horse now in Arms, besides a promiscuous Multitude of the Parts adjacent. But the Queen, taking Counsel from her present Circumstances, set a Watch at all Avenues into the Town; she commanded the Ships, which had brought her Provisions, to ride ready in the River, that if her Guards were beaten off, she might have a Retreat to Them. In the midst of the Night, some Scouts was sent out by Huntly; and the first Watch let them pass on purpose, till they came to a [Page] narrow Passage, there they were all surrounded and taken; and, of the Highlanders, the Macintoshes Tribe, as soon as they understood they were to fight against the Queen, forsook Huntly, and came to her, the day after, into the Town. A great Multitude of the Highlanders, when they heard of the Danger of their Prince, part by Persuasion, part of their own Accord, came in, and especially the Frazers and Monroes, valiant Families in those Countries: The Queen, now being secure against any Force, began to besiege the Castle: The Besieged were not enough for Number, neither was it well fortifi'd or prepared to indure a Siege, so that it was surrendered to her; the chief Defendants were put to Death, the rest were sent to their own homes. The Nobility came in on all parts; upon the coming of some,Disappointed. others were permitted to go home; so, on the 4th day after, with a Guard strong enough, she returned to Aberdeen. There, being freed from Fear, she was mightily inflamed with Hatred against Gordon, and being eager to be revenged, she again received her Brother, outwardly, into her Favour, pretending, that her Dependance was wholly on him: Yea, she indeavoured to persuade others, that her Safety was bound up in his Life. Hereupon, Gordon, perceiving, that the whole Face of the Court was altered; that the Earl of Murray, lately design'd for the Slaughter, was now in great Favour; and that himself was fallen from the top of his Hopes, into a mortal Hatred; and perceiving, he was gone further, than would admit a Retreat and Pardon, betook himself to desperate Counsels; he thought no Remedy better for his present Danger, than, by all means, to get the Queen into his Power; and though, he knew, he should grievously offend her at present by the Attempt, yet he did not despair, but her womanly Heart might be made flexible, by Observance, Flattery, and the Marriage of his Son, of which her Uncles were supposed to be Contrivers.

This Design he communicated to his Friends, and resolved, by some means or other,Gordon's design against Murray's Life. to remove Murray out of the way; for if that were done, there was none besides, to whom the Queen would commit the Government; or, who was able to manage it. His Spies gave him hope of the Feasibility of the thing; and amongst others, George Gordon, Earl of Sutherland, who was a daily Attendant at Court, and, pretending good Will to the Queen, did fish out all her Counsels, and, by fit Messengers, acquainted Huntly therewith; yea, he did not only observe the opportunities of Time and Place, but also promised his Assistance to effect it. Besides, the Town was open on every side, and fit for any private Attempt; the Inhabitants, either by Largesses won, or by Alliances joined, or with Fear terrified, would attempt nothing to the contrary. The High-landers were dismiss'd with the Earl of Murray; there were but a few, and they came too from remote parts, whom he did not much fear to disoblige: And seeing all the Neighbour-Countries were in his Power, the matter might be transacted without Blood, only one Man's Death might put the Queen into his Hands, the other Wounds might be easily cured: These things drove him on to attempt the Matter, and when the Way to accomplish it was now [Page] fix'd, some Letters of the Earl of Sutherland and Iohn Lesly were intercepted, which discover'd the whole Intrigue. Sutherland, upon the Discovery, fled for it, but Lesly acknowledged his Fault, and obtained his Pardon, and ever after, as long as he liv'd, performed true and faithful Service, first to the Queen, then to the King. Huntly, who, with a great Body of Men, waited the Event of his Design, in a place almost inaccessible by reason of the circumjacent Marishes, by the advice of his Friends, determined to retreat to the Mountains; but many of the Neighbour Nobility then with the Queen, being his Friends, he trusted to their Promises, and therefore altered his Resolution, and determined to abide the Success of a Battel in that advantagious Place; Murray had scarce an 100 Horse, in which he could confide; but there followed him of the Nobles, then present, Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton, and Patrick Lindsy; with these, he march'd forth against the Enemy, the rest were Country-Men of the Neighbour-hood, gathered together, about 800, whom Huntly, for the most part, had corrupted before, and were more likely to draw on Murray's Party to their Ruin, than give them any Aid; yet they made mighty Boastings in words, promising, That they themselves, without any other help, would subdue the Enemy; Others should but look on, and be Spectators only. Some Horsemen were sent before, to keep all Passages about the Marish, that Huntly might not escape; the rest march'd softly after, and though, the Night before, many of the Gordonians had slipped away, yet he had still with him above 300 Men, maintaining themselves in their Posts. When Murray came thither, he stood with his Party, in Order and Rank, on a small Hill, where he overlook'd all the Marish; the rest, as they were advancing towards the Enemy, gave evident Tokens of Treachery, putting Boughs of Heath on their Helmets, (for that Plant grows in abundance in those Parts) that they might be known by the Enemy. When they came near, the Huntleans, secure of the Success, hasten to them, and seeing the adverse Army disordered, by the Traitors, and put to Flight, that they might more nimbly pursue them, they cast away their Lances, and, with their drawn Swords, to terrify those Ranks that stood, they cried out Treason, Treason, and made with great Violence at the Enemy. The Traitors, thinking, that they should also put to Flight the standing Party, made haste towards it; But Murray, perceiving no hope in Flight, and that nothing remain'd, but to dye nobly, cried out to his Party, to hold out their Lances, and not to let those that were running away, come in amongst them: They, being thus unexpectedly excluded from both Wings, passed by in great Disorder. But the Huntleans, Wonderfully [...] ▪ who now thought the matter ended, and the Victory sure, when they saw a Party, though but small, standing in a terrible manner, with their Pikes forward; they, who were making towards them, dispersedly and out of order; and could not come to handy-strokes, by reason of the length of their Spears, being struck with a sudden Terror, fled as swiftly, as they had pursu'd before. The Revolters perceiving this change of Fortune, press'd upon them in their Flight, and, as if willing to expiate their former [Page] Fault, what Slaughter was made that Day, 'twas They that did it. There were 120 of the Huntleans slain, and 100 taken Prisoners; of the other Army, not a Man was lost. Amongst the Prisoners, was The Gordons taken Prisoners. Huntly himself, and his two Sons, Iohn and Adam; the Father being an old Man, corpulent and pussy, dyed under the Hands of those that took him. The rest, late at Night, were brought to Aberdeen. Murray had appointed a Minister of the Gospel to wait for his Return, where, in the first place, he gave Thanks to The Regent gives solemn Thanks to Almighty God, the sole Author of his unexpected Deliverance. God Almighty, who, out of his Mercy, alone, beyond all Men's Expectation, without any Strength or Wisdom of his own, had delivered him and his Men out of so imminent a Danger; afterwards, he went to the Court, where, though many did highly congratulate him, yet the Queen gave no Sign of Joy at all, either in Speech or Countenance.

A few days after, Iohn Gordon was put to Death, not without the Trouble of many,Iohn Gordon put to Death. for he was a manly Youth, very beautiful, and entring on the prime of his Age, not so much designed for the Royal Bed, as deceived by the Pretence thereof; and that which moved no less Indignation than Pity, was, that he was beheaded by an unskilful Headsman. The Queen beheld his Death with many Tears, but, as she was prone to conceal and counterfeit Affections, so, various Descants were made upon her Grief and Passion; and the rather, because many knew, that her Brother was as much hated by her, as Huntly: She pardoned Adam, because he was but young; George the eldest Son, in this desperate case, fled from his House to his Father-in-Law Iames Hamilton, there to shelter himself; or else, by his Mediation to obtain his Pardon. As for Gordon's Followers, according to the Degrees of their Offences, some were fined, others banish'd the Land; many sent packing into remote parts of the Kingdom, that they might make no more Commotions at home: Those, who lighted upon powerful Intercessors, were remitted their Offence, and taken into former Grace and Favour: Matters being thus settled, or, at least, appeased for the present, the rest of the Winter was spent in Peace.

The 26th day of November, Bothwel outlawed. Bothwel, who had escap'd out of Prison, was, by a Proclamation, commanded to render himself again, and in Default thereof, he not obeying, was declared a publick Enemy. When the Queen was returned from Aberdene to St. Iohnston's, Iames Hamilton came to her, to beg Pardon for George Gordon, his Son-in-Law; he received an Answer not wholly severe, yet was forced to deliver up his Son-in-Law, who was sent Prisoner to Dunbar, and, the next Year after, which was 1563, on the 7th of the Calends Ianuary 26. of February was brought to Edinburgh, there condemned for Treason, and sent back to Dunbar.

'Twas about this time, that there came forth a Proclamation, under a pecuniary Mulct, That Lent observed on a Politick, not Religious, Account. no Flesh should be eaten in Lent; The pretence was, not any thing of Religion, but civil Advantage only: The Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, because he did not forbear to hear, and say, Mass, after the Edict made at the coming in of the Queen, was committed Prisoner to the Castle of Edinburgh; Others, guilty of the same Fault were punish'd, but slightly, [Page] yet were threatned to be more severely treated, if they offended in the like sort, again.

Now the time of the Parliament drew near, which was summon'd to be held the 20th day of May, where the Queen, with the Crown on her Head, and her Royal Robes, went in great Pomp to the Parliament-house, a new Spectacle to many, but that Men had been accustom'd to bear the Government of Women in her Mother's and Grandmother's Days. In that Assembly, some Statutes were made in Favour of the Reformed, and some Coyners were punish'd; the rest of the Summer the Queen spent in Athol, in the Sport of Hunting.

At the end of Autumn, Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox, return [...] out of France, after twenty two Years Exile. Matthew Stuart Earl of Lennox, by the Queen's Leave, returned to Scotland, having been unworthily deserted by the King of France, the 22d Year after his Departure, as I said before: And the next Year, which was 1564, in the Month of Ianuary, at a Convention of the Estates, held almost on purpose for that very thing, his Banishment was remitted, and his Goods restored, the Queen seconding that Remission with many favourable Words, and repeating the many great Services the Earl had done her in her very Infancy, she having been delivered out of her Enemies Hand, and advanced to her Throne, by his Means. Afterwards, Henry Stuart his Son, comes out of England, and is in great Favour with the Queen. Henry, his Son, came out of England into Scotland, on the 12th of February, having there obtained a Convoy for three Months. This Young Man, being of an high Linage, and very beautiful, the Son of her Aunt, the Queen of Scots received very courteously, and delighting daily in his Society, the common Speech was, That she would marry him; neither was the Nobility against it, because they saw many advantages might redound to Britain, by that Marriage, if it might be made by the Queen of England's Consent. Both of them were in an equal Degree of Consanguinity from her, and she was so far from being against it, that she was willing rather to seem the Author of it, and so to lay some Obligation upon her, in making the Match; besides, she thought it for her Advantage, to humble the Power of her Kinswoman, by this condescending Marriage, that it might not swell beyond what was safe and fit for Neighbours. But when all was concluded on, there fell out a Business which retarded all, and turn'd every thing, as it were, upside down; to make it plain, I must fetch the Original Story, a little higher.

There was one The Story of David Rize. David Rize, born at Turein in Savoy, his Father being honest, but poor, got a mean Livelihood for himself and Family, by teaching the Elements of Musick; and, having no other Patrimony to leave his Children, he made them all, of both Sexes, skilful Musicians. David was one of them, who, being in the prime of his Youth, and having a sweet Voice, was, by his Skill in Musick, erected to the hope of a better Fortune; he went toIn Pr [...]vence, situated on the Mediterranean-Sea, at the foot of the Alps, which divides France from Italy, near Villa-Franca. Nice, to the Court of the Duke of Savoy, which Place that Duke had newly obtained; but, meeting with no Entertainment there, answerable to his hopes, contriving every way how to relieve himself in his Penury, he light upon Morettius, who, by the Dukes Command, was then preparing for a Voyage to Scotland; him he followed [Page] into Scotland; but, Morettius being a Man of no great Estate, and looking upon his Service as unnecessary and useless, he resolved to stay in Scotland, and try his Fortune there, especially because he had heard, that the Queen was delighted in Musick, and was not ignorant of the Grounds of it, her self. Whereupon, to make way to her Presence, he first dealt with her Musicians, of which many were French, to admit him into their Society, which they did; and having plaid his part once or twice, was lik'd very well, whereupon he was made one of their Set and Company, and he so complied with the Queen's Humour, that, partly by flattering her, and partly by undermining others, he grew into high Favour with her, and into the extream Hate of his Fellows; neither was he content with this favourable blast of Fortune, but he despised his Equals too, and, by sundry Criminations, worm'd them out of their Places; then he rose higher, and began to treat about Matters of State, and, by degrees, was made Secretary; and, by that means, had opportunity of private Converse with the Queen, apart from others.

The sudden advance of this Man, from a low, and almost beggerly, Estate, to such a Power, Wealth and Dignity, afforded Matter of Discourse to the People; His Fortune was above his Virtue; and his Arrogance, Contempt of his Equals, and Contention with his Superiours, were above his Fortune. This Vanity and Madness of the Man was much increas'd and nourish'd by the Flattery of the Nobility; who sought his Friendship, courted him, admir'd his Judgment, walk'd before his Lodgings, observing his Ingress and Egress: But Murray alone, who had no Dissimulation in his Heart, was so far from fauning on him, that he gave him many a sour look, which troubled the Queen, as much as David himself; But he, on the other side, to uphold himself in his Station against the Hatred of the Nobles, did apply himself, with great Adulation, to the young Rize his Politick Court to Henry Stuart, Lord Darnly. Gentleman, who was to be the Queen's Husband; so that he came to be so familiar with him, as to be admitted to his Chamber and Bed-side, and to secret Conference with him; where he persuaded him, out of his unwary Credulity and Forwardness to compass his Desires, that he was the chief occasion to make the Queen to cast her Eye upon him: Besides, he cast in Seeds of Discord betwixt him and Murray, every day, as knowing, that if he were removed, he should pass the residue of his Life without Affront or Disturbance.

There was now much talk abroad, not only of the Queen's Marriage with Henry, and his secret recourse to her; but also of the too great Familiarity betwixt her and David Rize: Murray, who, by his plain downright advice to his Sister, got nothing, but her Hatred, resolved to leave the Court, that so he might not be thought the Author of what was acted there. And the Queen was willing enough, that so severe a Supervisor of her Actions should withdraw, especially in a Season, whilst she was strengthning the contrary Faction: For she recall'd those which were banish'd, Bothwel, from France; George Gordon, Earl of Sutherland, from Flanders; the other George Gordon, Son to the Earl of Huntly, she delivered out [Page] of Prison, and restored to his former Place and Dignity. When Bothwel was return'd from France, Murray accuses him of the Treasonable Practices he had lately committed against him: Some of those Noble-Men, and Gentlemen, who were his Familiars in France, were Witnesses against him. The Matter was clear, foul, and heinous. A Day was appointed for the Trial, but the Queen first dealt earnestly with her Brother, to desist from the Prosecution; which he refused, judging his Credit to be much at stake, which way soever the balance did incline, in the Case. What did the Queen do next, but wrote Letters to many of the Nobility, not to appear at the time appointed? and as Alexander, Earl of Glencarn, Murrays intimate Friend, was passing by Sterlin, she sent for him, out of the way, to her; yet all good Men were so well agreed in the Case, that Bothwel, Bothwel avoids his Trial. being precondemn'd in his own Conscience, and moved with the general detestation of the wicked Attempt, durst not abide the Trial. This favour of the People to Murray, did so inrage the Queen's Mind against him, that she hastned his, long before design'd, End, and the Manner to accomplish it, was This: Murray was to be sent for to Perth, where the Queen was with a few Attendants, there Darnly was to discourse him, and, in the Conference, they all knew, he would speak his mind freely; and then a Quarrel would arise, upon which David Rize was to give him the first blow, then the rest were to Wound him to Death. Murray was made acquainted with this Conspiracy by his Friends at Court, yet, come what would, he resolved to go; but, as he was on his Journy, being again advis'd by Patrick Ruven, he turned aside to his Mother's house, near Loch Levin, and, being troubled with a Lask, excused himself and staid there. Thither some of his Friends came to visit him, upon which, a Report was presently spread, that he staid there, to intercept the Queen and Darnly in their Return to Edinburgh; whereupon Horsemen were sent out, but they discovered no Men in Arms, or sign of any Force, yet the Queen made such haste, and was so fearful in this Journy, as if some great Danger had been at hand.

The Marriage was now at hand, and a great part of the Nobility call'd together at Sterlin, That so the Queen might countenance her Will and Pleasure with some pretence of Publick Consent. Most of those, they sent for, were such, as, they knew, would easily give their Assent; or else, that durst not oppose: Many of those, so congregated, assented to the Motion, Provided always, that no Alteration should be made in the then establish'd Religion; but the Most did it to gratify the Queen, only Andrew Stuart, of Ochiltry, openly profest, that he would never give his Consent to the admission of a Popish King. As for Murray, he was not averse from the Marriage, (for he was the first Adviser, that the young Man should be call'd out of England) but he foresaw, what Tumults it would occasion, if it were celebrated without the consent of the Queen of England; besides, he promis'd to procure her Consent, that so all things might go on favourably, Provision being made about Religion; but, perceiving, [Page] that there would be no freedom of Debate in that Convention, he chose rather to be absent, than to declare his Opinion, which might prove destructive to himself, and no way advantagious to the Commonwealth.

Moreover, there was a Question started and discours'd, amongst the Vulgar,Various Disputes concerning the Queen's marriage with Darnly. Whether the Queen, upon her Husbands death, might not marry any other Man, whom she pleas'd? Some were of Opinion, That a Queen might have the same freedom, as Men, even of the Commonalty, have; Others, on the contrary, affirming, That the Case was different, in reference to Heirs of Kingdoms, where at once, an Husband was to be taken to a Wife, and a King to be given to the People; and That it was far more Equitable, that the People should provide an Husband for one young Queen, than that a young Queen should chuse a King for all the People.

In the Month of Iuly, came an Embassador from England, who declar'd, That his Mistress did much admire, That, seeing they were both equally allied to Her, they should precipitate so great an Affair without acquainting her therewith; and therefore She earnestly desir'd, that they would stay a while, and weigh the thing a little more seriously, to the great Advantage, probably, of both Kingdoms. This Embassy effected nothing. Whereupon Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was sent by the Queen of England to tell Lennox and his Son, that they had a Convoy from her, to return at a set Day, and that Day was now past; and therefore, she commanded them to return, which if they did not, they were to be banish'd, and their Goods Confiscate. They were not at all terrified with the Commination; but persisted in their purpose. In the mean time, the Queen being sensible, that it would seem a very incongruous Match, if She, who was lately the Wife of a Great King, and besides, the Heir of an Illustrious Kingdom, should marry a private young Man, who had no Title of Honour conferr'd upon him, she made an Edict, proclaiming Darnly Duke of Rothsea, and Earl of Ross. Moreover, the Predictions of wizardly Women, in both Kingdoms, did contribute much to hasten the Marriage, who prophesy'd, that, if it were Consummate before the end of Iuly, it foretold much future Advantage to them Both; if not, much Reproach and Ignominy. Besides, Rumors were spread abroad of the Death of the Queen of England, and the Day mention'd, before which she should die. Which Prediction seem'd not so much to divine things, as to declare a Conspiracy of her Subjects against her. This also added much to the Queen's haste, she knew, her Uncles would be averse from the Marriage; and, if it were longer delay'd, she fear'd, they would cast in some Remora, to disturb the Thing, now almost finish'd.

For, when the secret Decree and Resolution was made, to carry on the Holy War thrô all Christendom, and Guise was appointed General of the League to extirpate the Reform'd Religion, hereupon he nourish'd high and ambitious Hopes, and therefore determin'd, by his Sisters Daughter, so to trouble Britain with domestic Tumults, that they should not be able to Aid their Friends beyond Sea. And David, who could then do most with the Queen, [Page] urg'd, That the Marriage would be highly advantagious to all Christendom, because Henry Darnly, and his Father, were stiff Maintainers of the Popish Religion, were very Gracious in both Kingdoms, allied to great Families, and had large Clanships under them. This, being long debated, was at last carried; For, he knew, That if the Marriage were made by the Consent of the Queen of England, and the Nobility of Scotland, that he should lose two great Points; One, that he should be no ways ingratiated, as before; and the Other, that Viz. Reformed. Religion would be secur'd. But if the Queen adher'd to the Council of Trent, then he promis'd Honours, Ecclesiastical Dignities, heaps of Mony, and unrivall'd Power, to himself; So that, turning every Stone, He at last procur'd, that the Marriage should be hasten'd. The Scots not being much for it, and the English very much against it.

Note, That the Name of Henry is joined with Mary, in the Title, tho before their Marriage, is accounted for at the Close of the Catalogue of the Scotish Kings, prefixed before the Body of this History.

Mary and Henry Stuart, the CVIIth Queen and King.

HEnry Stuart was marry'd to Mary Stuart, Iuly 28th;The Queen actually Marries Henry, Lord Darnly. and O Yes being made, Proclamation thereof was publickly read, with the applause of the Multitude, God Save Henry and Mary, King and Queen of Scotland, and, the day after, they were proclaim'd in like Manner, by an Herauld at Edinburgh. This Matter did grievously offend the Nobility, and the Commons also; yea, some fretted and openly storm'd, That 'twas a thing of the worst Example, that ever was. For, To what purpose was it, to call a Council about making a King; and never to ask their Advice; nor to comply with their Authority, but to set up an Herauld instead of a Senate; and a Proclamation for a Statute of Parliament, or Order of Council? so that it was not (said they) a Consultation, but an Essay rather, how the Scots would bear the yoke of Tyranny. The absence of so many Nobles increas'd the Suspicion: The chief Nobility were away, Iames Duke of Castle-herault, Which disgusts many of the Nobility. Gilespy Earl of Argyle, Iames Earl of Murray, Alexander Earl of Glencarn, Andrew Earl of Rothes, and many others of Rich and Noble Families. Heraulds were sent to them to command them to come in, which they not doing, were banish'd, and went most of them into Argyle, and their Enemies were recall'd to Court. The King and Queen having got as much Force together, as they thought were sufficient to subdue the Rebels, with 4000 Men came to Glasgow. The Rebels kept themselves at Pasley, where various Consultations were held, according to the Disposition of the Parties. The King and Queen sent an Herauld at Arms to have the Castle of Hamilton surrendred to them; which not being done, they prepare themselves for the Fight. The contrary Faction was at variance one with another, and divided into several Opinions. The Hamiltons, who had the greatest Power in those Parts, were of Opinion, That no firm Peace could be made, till the King and Queen were Both taken out of the way; as long as they were safe, nothing could be expected, but new Wars, continual [Page] Plots, and a counterfeit Peace, worse than an open War, private Men, (said they) may forget Injuries offer'd them, being weary of prosecuting them; yea, sometimes they were recompens'd with great Advantages; but the Wrath of Princes was not to be quench'd, but by Death only. But Murray and Glencarn, who understood, that their discourse was not founded on the Good of the Publick, but their own private Advantage, (for, upon the Queen's death, they were the next Heirs to the Crown) did equally abhor the Princes death, and Hamiltons Government too, which they had lately experienc'd, to be Avaritious and Cruel; so that, They were for milder Counsels, and, in regard, 'twas a civil Dissension, wherein, as yet, there was no blood shed; the Dispute having been hitherto managed by Votes not Arms, they thought it fit, if possible, to end it by an honest Agreement. Hereunto, they thought, many in the King's Army would hearken, as being desirous of Peace, and would not be wanting to plead for Those, that, in Defence of their Liberties, were inforc'd to take up Arms. As for the King and Queen, They, being yet young, might not perhaps be so Provident; and, for their Parts, they had not yet so far transgrest, as to indanger the Common-wealth; as for smaller Injuries, which affected their Names and Reputations only, 'twas fitter they were cured by other Remedies, than Death. For, they remembred, 'twas an old Caution transmitted from their Ancestors,A Politic Maxim, both Prudent, and also Equitable. for Imitation, That, in the Lives and Manners of Princes, their hidden Vices ought to be concealed; their doubtful Ones taken in the best sense; and their open Ones, so far born with, as they did not endanger the Ruin of the Publick. This Opinion pleased the most, and the rest of the Hamiltons acquiesced therein, and resolved to be quiet, only Iames, chief of their Family, with 16 Horse, remained with the Nobility; who, being lessened by the recess of the Hamiltons, were not able to give Battel to the Enemy, nor yet to break through, each to his own Clan, and therefore they yielded to the Times, and came that Night to A Town standing on the West-side of Clyde, 2 Miles above Bothwel-Bridg. Hamilton, and the next Day to Edinburgh, to consult how to manage the War: But, in regard the Castle which commanded the Town, continually plaid upon them, and their Friends could not come in so soon from remote Parts, as was requisite; and moreover, the King and Queen were reported to be near them with their Forces, by the great Persuasions and Promises of Iohn Maxwel of Herreis, they directed their Course towards Dumfreiz. The King and Queen returned back to Glascow, and left the Earl of Lennox, their Lieutenant, in the Country towards the South-West, they themselves went afterward to Sterlin, and thence into the middle of Fife. They made the greatest part of the Nobility take an Oath, That if any Commotion arose from England, they would faithfully oppose it; the rest were punish'd, some by Fine, some by Banishment. The Goods of those, who fled into England, wherever they could find them, were seized upon, and they appointed Commissions of Oyer and Terminer to be held in all Counties,The Nobles, that rose up in Arms, are quelled. to enquire into the Remains of the Rebellion.

On the 9th of October, they drew forth their Army out of Edinburgh, and march'd towards Dumfriez. Maxwel, who, till that [Page] time, had pretended to be highly of the Party, which was against the King, thinking it now a fit opportunity to cater for himself, went forth to meet them, as if he would have interceded for Pardon, for the whole Party. He dealt with them, to have part of his Father-in-Laws Estate, which he had a great mind to have bestow'd upon him; they look'd upon him, as an active subtil Man, fit for Counsel and Business, and granted his Request; whereupon, he return'd to the Rebels, and told them, he could do them no good; and therefore they must all shift for themselves: England was near at hand, if they would retire thither, after he had settled his Affairs at home, he would follow them, and live and die with the Party; In the interim, he got a thousand Pounds from Murray; upon the account of Mony, which, he alleged, he had expended in listing some Horse; For, being commanded to raise some few Troops of Horse, he caused all his Domesticks to appear as if they had been Souldiers, formally listed. The Rebels were terrified at the coming of the King and Queen, and at Maxwels revolt from them; So that the King and Queen, hereupon, did what they pleas'd; They drove away most of the Leaders of the Faction, and the rest were intent on the Event of their Danger, so that about the end of October they return'd to Edinburgh, and all things were quiet in Scotland, till the beginning of the next Spring.

A Convention of all the Estates of the Kingdom was Indicted to be held in March, that so the Goods of those who were banish'd might be Confiscate,Rize persuades the Queen to cut off some of the Scotish Nobility, and to entertain Foreigners, as a Guard to her Person. their Names struck out of the Roll of the Nobility, and their Armorial Ensignes torn in Pieces; neither of which the Kings of Scotland can lawfully do, without an Act of Parliament. In the interim, David, perceiving the Court to be empty of Nobility, and thinking it an opportunity to shew and declare the Excessiveness of his Power, did suggest severe Counsel to the Queen, daily pressing her to cut off some of the chief of the Faction; if a few of them (said he) were executed, the rest would be quiet; and in regard, he thought, the Queen's Guard, being Scots-men, would not easily consent to the cruel Murder of the Nobility, he was very intent to have them thrown out of their Places, and to introduce Foreigners into their Rooms, (a Project, that is wont to be the beginning of all Tyranny;) first, Mention was made of sending for some Germans over for that Service; because that Nation were highly faithful to their Princes: But, when David had considered seriously with himself, he thought it more conducive to his Interest to have Italians; first, because, being his Country-Men, he presumed, they would be more at his Devotion; next, that being Men of no Religion, they would be fitter to make Disturbances, so that, he thought, they might easily be induc'd to venture upon any Design, Right or Wrong; for, being wicked and indigent Persons, born and bred up under Tyrants, us'd to War, and being far from their own home, they car'd not what became of Britain, and therefore seem'd most Proper to attempt Innovations. Hereupon, Souldiers of Fortune were privately sent for out of Flanders and other Countries of the Continent; but they were to come in by Piece-meal, as 'twere, One by One, and at several times, [Page] too, that the Design might not be discover'd: It would be more dangerous (said he) to offend any one of those Ruffians, than the Queen her Self.

The Queen, after her hasty Marriage, is assoon alienated from the King, who, at the instigation of Rize, is plausibly dismist from Court.But, as David's Power and Authority, with the Queen, did daily increase, so the King grew Cheaper with her every Day; for, as She had been rashly precipitate in making the Marriage, so She as soon repented, and gave manifest Tokens of her alienated Mind. For, as presently after the Marriage was celebrated, she had publickly Proclaim'd him King by an Herauld, without the consent of the States, and afterwards, in all her Mandates till that time, the King and Queens Name were exprest, now she chang'd the Order, keeping both Names in, but setting her own, First. At length, the Queen, to deprive her Husband of all opportunity to do Courtesies for any, found fault with him; that, whilst he was busy in Hawking and Hunting, many State-Matters were acted unseasonably; or else, were wholly omitted; and therefore it would be better, that She might subscribe her Name for them Both; and, by this means, he might enjoy his Pleasure, and yet no publick Business be retarded. He was willing to gratify her in every thing, and yielded to be dismist upon such frivolous Grounds, that so, being remote from the Council and Privity of publick Affairs, the Obligation for all Boons might rebound to the Queen her self. For, she thought thus with her self, that if her Husband's Favour could do no good Offices for any, and his Anger were formidable to none, he would, by Degrees, grow to be despis'd by all; and to increase the Indignity, David was substituted, with an Iron Seal, to impress the King's Name on Proclamations. He, thus fraudulently cheated out of publick Business, lest he might also prove an Interrupter of their private Pleasures, in a very sharp Winter, was sent away to Or, Pebils. Pebly, with a small retinue, far beneath the Dignity of some private Persons, for a Prey rather than Recreation. At the same time, there fell such a quantity of Snow, that, the Place not being very Plentiful, and besides, troubled with Thieves; He, that was always bred up at Court, and used to a liberal Diet, was in great hazard of wanting Necessaries, unless the Bishop of the Orcades had casually come thither; for he, knowing the scarcity of the Place, brought him some Wine, and other Provisions, for his use.

The Queen was not content to advance David, and, as 'twere, to shew him to the People, from such an obscure Original, on the account before mention'd; but she advis'd another way, how to cloath him with domestick Honour: For, whereas the Queen had, for some Months before, permitted more Company than was usual to sit with her at her Table; that so, in the Croud, David's place might be less envy'd; by this shew of Popularity, she thought, to gain the point, that the unaccustomedness of the Sight would, by the Multitude of Guests and daily Usage, be somewhat alleviated; and so Mens high Stomachs, by degrees, be inur'd to bear any thing. At last it came to this, That but he and one or two more fat at Meat with Her; and, that the straitness of the Room might take off something from the envy of the thing, sometimes she [Page] would eat her Junkets in a small Parlor, sometimes at David's own Lodgings. But the Way she thus took to abate, did but increase, the Reflections, for it maintained Suspicions, and gave occasion to odd Discourses. Mens Thoughts were now inclin'd to the worst, and it serv'd to inflame them, That in Housholdstuff, in Apparel, and in the Number of brave and stately Horses, he exceeded even the King himself; and it made the matter look the worse, that all this Ornament did not credit his Face, but rather his Face spoil'd all this Ornament.

But the Queen, not being able to amend the Faults of Nature, endeavour'd, by heaping Wealth and Honour upon him, to raise him up to the degree of the Nobles, that she might cover the Meanness of his Birth, and the Defects of his Body too, with the Vail of his lofty Promotions. But he was to be advanced by degrees, lest he might seem to be but a poor Mercenary Senator. The first Attempt was made, on the account of a piece of Land near Edinburgh, the Scots call it A Castle on North-Esk, two Miles above Dalk [...]ith in Mid-Lothian, with the demesnes thereof. Malvil: The Owner of the Land, his Father-in-Law, and others, that were best able to persuade him, were sent for, and the Queen deals with the present Owner, to part with his Possessions; and she desir'd his Father-in-Law, and Friends, to persuade him to it: But this Matter not succeeding, the Queen took the Repulse, as an Affront to her; and, which was worse, David took it very heinously, also. These Things being noised abroad, the Commonalty did bewail the sad State of Affairs, and expected that things would grow worse, if Men, eminent for their Families, Estates and Credits, should be outed of their ancient Patrimonies, to gratify the Lust of a beggarly Varlet; yea, many of the elder Sort call'd to mind, and told others of that time, when Cockburn wickedly slew the King's Brother; and, of a Stone-cutter, was made Earl of Marr, which rais'd up such a Fire of Civil War, that could not be extinguish'd, but by the Death of the King, and almost the Destruction of the Kingdom. These things were spoken openly, but Men in private did mutter much more, (as it useth to be in Matters not very creditable): Yet the King would never be persuaded to believe it, unless he saw it with his own Eyes; so that, one time, hearing,The King, being [...] made sensible of Rizes scandalous Familiarity with the Queen, resolves to destroy him. that David was gone into the Queen's Bed-Chamber, he came to a little Door, of which he always carried the Key about him, and found it bolted in the inside, which it never us'd to be; he knock'd, no body answered; whereupon, conceiving great Wrath and Indignation in his Heart, that Night he could not sleep. From that time forward, he consulted with some few of his Servants, (for he durst trust but a few, many of them having been corrupted by the Queen, and put upon him, rather as Spies of his Actions, than Attendants on his Person) how to rid David out of the way; they approved his Design, but could not find out a probable Way to effect it; that Consultation had been managed for some days, when other of his Servants, who were not of the Privacy, suspected the matter, and there being evident signs of it, they acquainted the Queen therewith, and told her, They would bring her to the place where they were, and they were as good as their Words; they observ'd and watch'd the opportunity, when others [Page] were shut out, and the King had only his Confidents with him; the Queen, as if she were passing through his Chamber to her own, surprized him, with his Partisans; whereupon, she inveighed against him most bitterly, and highly threatned his Domesticks, telling them, all their Plots were in vain, she knew all their Minds and Actions, and would remedy them well enough, in time.

Matters being brought to this pass, the King acquaints his Father with his sad Condition; they both concluded, That the only Remedy for the present Malady, was, to reconcile that part of the Nobility which were present, and to recal those that were absent; but great haste was required in the thing, because the Day was near at hand, wherein the Queen resolved to condemn the Nobles that were absent, she having Indicted a Convention of the Estates for that purpose, against the Wills of the French and English Embassadors, who interceded in the Case: For they knew, that the Accused had committed no such heinous Offence; and besides, they foresaw the Danger that would insue.

About the same time, the Queen of England sent her a very large and obliging Letter, full of prudent Advice, in reference to the present Estate of Scotland, endeavouring to incline her Kinswoman, from a wrathful, to a reconcilable Temper. The Nobility knew, that such Letters were come, and they guess'd at What the Contents were; and thereupon, the Queen counterfeited a civiller Respect to them than ordinary, and began to read them in the presence of many of them;The Peremptoriness of Rize. when she was in the middle, David stood up, and bid her, Read no more, she had read enough, she should stop; that Carriage of his seemed to them rather arrogant than new, for they knew, how imperiously he had carried it towards her heretofore, yea, and sometimes he would reprove her more sharply, than her own Husband ever durst do.

At that time, the Cause of the Banish'd was hotly disputed in the Parliament-House; some, to gratify the Queen, would have the Punishment, due to Traitors, to be pass'd upon them; others contended, that they had done nothing worthy to be so severely treated. In the mean time, David went about to all of them, one by one, to feel their pulses, what each ones Vote would be concerning the Exiles, if he was chosen Or, President. Speaker, by the rest of the Convention; he told them plainly, the Queen was resolved to have them condemn'd, and 'twas in vain for any of them to contend against it; and besides, he would be sure to incur the Queen's Displeasure thereby. His Design in this, was, partly to confound the weaker Spirits betwixt Hope and Fear, and partly to exclude the more resolv'd out of the number of the Judges select, or Lords of the Articles; or, at least, that the major Part might be of such a Gizard, as would please the Queen. This audacious Improbity of so mean a Fellow, was fear'd by some, and hated by all. Whereupon, the King, by his Father's Advice, sent for Iames Douglas, and Patrick Lindsy, his Kinsmen, one by the Father, the other by the Mother's side; they advise with Patrick Ruven, an able Man both for Advice and Execution, but he was so weakned with a lasting Disease, that, for some Months, he could not rise out of his Bed; however, [Page] they were willing to trust him, amongst some few others, in a matter of so great Concernment, both by reason of his great Prudence, and also because his Children were Cousin-Germans to the King. The King was told by them, what a great Error he had committed before, in suffering his Kinsmen and Friends to be driven from Court, in favour of such a base Rascal, as Rize; yea, he himself did, in effect, thrust them out from the Court with his own Hands, and so had advanced such a contemptible Mushroom, that now he himself was despised by him; they had also much other Discourse concerning the State of the Publick: The King was quickly brought to acknowledg his Fault, and to promise to act nothing for the future, without the Consent of the Nobility.

But those wise and experienc'd Counsellors thought it not safe to trust the verbal Promises of an Uxorious young Man, as believing, that he might, in time, be enticed by his Wife, to deny this Capitulation, to their certain Ruin; and therefore they drew up the Heads of their Contract in Writing, to which he willingly and forwardly subscribed: The Heads were, ‘For the establishing Religion,Articles of Agreement betwixt the King and the Nobles, for the destruction of Rize, &c. as 'twas provided for at the Queen's Return to Scotland; To reduce the Persons, lately banished, because their Country could not well want their Service; To destroy David, for as long as he was alive, the King could not maintain his Dignity, nor the Nobility be in Safety.’ They all set their Hands to this Schedule, wherein the King professing himself the Author of the Homicide, they resolved presently to attempt the Fact, both to prevent the Condemnation of the absent Nobles, and also, lest Delay might discover their Design. And therefore, when the Queen was at Supper, in a narrow private Room, the Earl of Argyle's Wife and David sitting with her, as they were wont, and there were but a few Attendants, for the Room would not hold many, Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton, with a great number of his Friends, were walking in an outward Chamber, their faithful Friends and Vassals were commanded to stay below in the Yard, to quiet the Tumult, if any should be. The King comes out of his own Chamber, which was below the Queen's, and goes up to her by a narrow pair of Stairs, which were open to none, but himself; Patrick Ruven follow'd him arm'd, with but four or five Companions, at most; they entred into the Closet, where they were at Supper, and the Queen, being something mov'd at that unusual Appearance of arm'd Men, and also perceiving Ruven, in an uncouth posture, and lean by reason of his late Disease, and yet in his Armour, asked him, What was the matter? for the Spectators thought, that his Feaver had disturb'd his Head, and put him besides himself. He commanded David to rise, and come forth, for the Place, he sat in, was not fit for him; the Queen presently rose, and sought to defend him by the interposal of her Body, but the King took her in his Arms, and bid her to be of good chear, they would do her no hurt, only the Death of that Villain was resolved on; they haled David out into the next,Rize haled from the Table, as he was at Supper with the Queen, and slain. then, into the outer Chamber; there those that waited with Douglas, made an end of him with many Wounds, which was against the Mind of all those who conspired his Death, for they resolved to [Page] hang him up publickly, as knowing, it would be a grateful Spectacle to all the People.

Damiot's warning to Rize, to get him packing out of Scotland, which he scornfully rejected.There went a constant Report, that one Iohn Damiot, a French Priest, counted a Conjurer, told David once or twice, that, now he had feather'd his Nest, he should be gone, and withdraw himself from the Envy of the Nobles, who would be too hard for him: And that he should answer, The Scots were greater Threatners than Fighters; he was also told a little before his Death, that he should take heed of a Bastard; to which he replied, That as long as he lived, no Bastard should have so much Power in Scotland, as that he need fear it; for, he thought, his Danger was predicted from Murray, but the Prophecy was either fulfill'd, or eluded, by George Douglas's giving him his first Blow, who was the base-begotten Son to the Earl of Angus; after he had began, then every one rush'd in, to strike him, either to revenge their own particular Grief, or the publick Concern. Hereupon, a Tumult arose all over the House, and the Earls of Huntly, Athol, and Bothwel, who were at Supper in another part of the Palace, were rushing out, but they were kept within their Chamber, by those who guarded the Courts below, and had no harm done them. Ruven went out of that Privy-room into the Queen's Bed-Chamber, where, not being able to stand, he sat down, and called for something to drink; Whereupon, the Queen fell upon him, with such Words, as her present Grief and Fury suggested to her, calling him a Perfidious Traitor, and ask'd him, How he durst be so bold, as to speak to her, sitting, whereas she her self stood; he excus'd it, as not done out of Pride, but Weakness of Body;Ruven's memorable Speech to the Queen, on the occasion of Rize's Death. but advis'd her, ‘That in managing the Affairs of the Kingdom, she would rather consult the Nobility, who had a Concern in the Publick, than vagrant Rascals, who could give no Pledg for their Faithfulness, and who had nothing to lose, either in Estate or Credit; neither was the Fact, then committed, without a Precedent: That Scotland was a Kingdom bounded by Laws, and was never wont to be govern'd by the Will and Pleasure of one Man, but by the Rule of the Law, and the Consent of the Nobility; and if any former King had done otherwise, he had smarted severely for it: Neither were the Scots at present so far degenerated from their Ancestors, as to bear not only the Government, but even the Servitude, of a Stranger, who was scarce worthy to be their Slave.’ The Queen was more inraged at this Speech, than before: Whereupon, they departed, having plac'd Guards in all convenient Places, that no Tumult might arise.

In the mean time, the News was carried all over the Town, and as every ones Disposition was, right or wrong, they took Arms, and went to the Palace: There the King shewed himself to them out of a Window, and told the Multitude, That He, and the Queen were safe,The King takes Rize's Death upon himself. and there was no cause for their tumultuous Assembly; What was done, was by his Command, and what that was, they should know in time, and therefore, at present, every one should go to his own House: Upon which Command they withdrew, except some few, that staid to keep Guard. The next day in the Morning, the Nobles that return'd from England, offer'd themselves [Page] to the The banished Nobles offer themselves to their Trial. Trial in the Town-hall, being ready to plead their Cause, for That was the day appointed; but no body appearing against them, they there openly protested, That it was not their Fault, for they were ready to submit to a Legal Trial, and so every one return'd to his own Lodging. The Queen sent for her Brother, and, after a long Conference with him, she gave him hopes, That, ever after, she would commit her self to the Nobles. Hereupon, the Guards were slackn'd; though many thought, this her Clemency did presage no Good to the Publick, for she gathered together the Souldiers of her old Guard, and went through a back Gate by Night, with George Seton, who attended with 200 Horse, first to his Castle, then to Dunbar; she carried also the King along with her, who, for fear of his Life, was forc'd to obey. There she gathered a Force together, and, pretending a Reconcilement to those who were lately returned from Banishment, she turn'd her Fury upon the Murderers of David, but they, yeilding to the time, shifted for themselves, and so, having settled Matters, she return'd to her old Disposition. First of all, she caus'd Rize's Body buried, by the Queen's Order, in the Sepulchres of the Kings of Scotland. David's Body which was buried before the Door of a Neighbour-Church, to be removed in the Night, and to be plac'd in the Sepulchre of the late King and his Children: Which gave occasion to illfavour'd Reports, being, amongst a few others, a bad thing, for what greater Confession of Adultery with him could she well make, than, as far as she was able, to equal such an obscure Fellow, who was neither liberally brought up, nor had deserved well of the Publick, in his last Funerals, with her Father and Brothers? and, to increase the Indignity of the thing, she put the Varlet almost into the Arms of Magdalene Vallois, late Queen. As for her Husband, she threatned him, and obliquely in her Discourses scoff'd at him, doing her Endeavour to take away all Power from him, and to render him as contemptible, as she could.

At this time, the Process was very severe against David's A Proclamati [...] against David Rize's Murderers. Murderers, many of the Accus'd were banish'd, some to one place, some to another; some were fin'd; some (but the most innocent, and therefore secure) put to Death; for the prime Contrivers of the Fact were fled, some to England, others to the High-lands: Those, who were but the least suspected to have an hand in it, had their Offices and Employments taken from them, and bestow'd upon their Enemies: And a Proclamation was made by an Herald, (in such a publick Sorrow, not without Laughter,) That no Man should say, The King was a Partaker in, or so much as privy to, David's Slaughter: This Commotion, being a little settled, after the 15th of April, the Earl of Argyle and Murray were receiv'd into Favour, and she her self, drawing near the time of her Delivery, retired into Edinburgh Castle, and on the 19th day of Iune, a little after nine a Clock at Night, was brought The Queen delivered of King Iames the Sixth. to Bed of a Son, afterwards called, Iames the Sixth.

The Eighteenth BOOK.

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THE Queen, after her Delivery, receiv'd all other Visitants with Kindness enough, suitable to the occasion of a publick Joy; but when her Husband came, she and her Attendants did so comport themselves, both in Speech and Countenance, as if they were afraid of nothing more, than that he should not understand, that his Presence was disdainful, and his Company unacceptable to them all; but on the contrary; The Queen disgusts her Husband, and favours Bothwel. Bothwel alone was the Man, he managed all Affairs: The Queen was so inclined to him, that she would have it understood, no Suit would be obtained from her, but by his Mediation: And, as if she were afraid her Favours to him were but mean and not sufficiently known, on a certain day, she took one or two with her, and went down to the Haven called New-Haven, and, her Attendants not knowing whither she intended, she went aboard a small Vessel, prepared there for her; William and Edmond Blacater, Edward Robertson, and Thomas Dickson, all Bothwels Creatures, and Pirates of known Rapacity, had fitted the Ship, before; with this Guard of Robbers, to the great Admiration of all good Men, she ventur'd to Sea, taking none of her honest Servants along with her: She landed at In Clackmannan-shire, on the North side of the Forth, below Sterlin. Alloway, a Castle of the Earl of Marrs, where she so demeaned her self for some time, as if she had forgot not only the Dignity of a Queen, but even the Modesty of a Matron.

The King, when he heard of the Queen's sudden Departure, followed her, as fast as he could, by Land, his Design and Hopes were, to be with her, and to injoy mutual Society, as Man and Wife: but He, as an importunate Disturber of her Pleasures, was bid go back whence he came, and had hardly time allow'd him for his Servants to refresh themselves. A few days after, the Queen return'd to Edinburgh, and because, it seems, she would avoid the Croud of People, she went not to her own Palace, but to the House of a private Man in the Vicinage: From thence she went to another, where the annual Convention, call'd the Exchequer-Court, was then held, not so much for the Largeness of the House, or the Pleasure of the Gardens, as, that one David Chalmers, a Creature of Bothwel's, had an house near it, whose back-Door was contiguous to the Queen's Garden, by which Bothwel might pass in and out to her, as often as he pleased. In the mean time, the King finding no place for Favour with his Wife, is sent away with In [...]uries and Chidings, and having often tried her Spirit, yet, by no Offices of Observance, could he obtain to be admitted to conjugal Familiarity, as heretofore; whereupon, he retired in Discontent to Sterlin. A while after, the Queen appointed to go to Iedburgh, to hold a Convention. About the beginning of October, Bothwel prepared an Expedition into Liddisdale, and carrying himself there, neither according to the Place which he held, nor the Dignity of his Family, nor the Expectation of any Man, Bothwel wounded by an High-way-Pad. he was wounded by a mean [Page] Padder, whom he had taken, and unawares almost dispatch'd with a Leaden Bullet, and so he was carried to In Liddisdale. Hermitage-Castle, in great Danger of his Life. When the News was brought to the Queen at A Castle in Mid-Lothian. Borthwick, though the Winter was very sharp, she flew in haste first to Mulross, then to Iedburgh; there, though she receiv'd certain Intelligence, that Bothwel was alive, yet, being impatient of Delay, and not able to forbear, though in such a bad time of the Year, notwithstanding the Difficulty of the Way, and the Danger of Robbers, she put her self on her Journy, with such an Attendance, as hardly any honest Man, though he were but of a mean Condition, would trust his Life and Fortune to. From thence she return'd again to Iedburgh, and there made great and diligent Preparation, that Bothwel should be brought thither, whither when he came, their Conversation together was little for the Credit of either of them: There the The Queen falls sick, yet continues to flight the Applications of her Husband to her; Queen, either by reason of her continual toil, Day and Night; or else, by the secret Providence of God, fell into such a sore and dangerous Disease, that no body almost thought she could have lived. When the King heard of it, he went in great haste to Iedburgh, both to give her a Visit, and to testify his Observance by all the good Offices he could; and also to incline her to a better course of Life, hoping, she might repent of what she had done; as, in great Dangers, Persons are wont to do: She, on the contrary, gave not the least Evidence of a reconcil'd Mind, but charged, that no body should rise up, or salute him, as he came in, or give him Entertainment, so much as one Night: But she, suspecting the Disposition of Murray, as courteous and civil, dealt with his Wife to make haste now, to fain her self sick, and go immediately to Bed, that so, by the pretence of Sickness, the King might be excluded from thence; yea, she made it her business, to inforce him to be gone for want of Lodging; which he had done, unless one of the Family of the Humes, for very shame, had pretended a sudden cause for his Departure, and so left his Lodging free for the King.

The next day in the Morning, She returned again to Sterlin, her Return was the more reflected on, because, at the very same time, Bothwel was carried out of the place where he lodg'd, to the Queen's Lodgings, in the face of all the People, and though neither of them were well recovered, She from her Disease, He from his Wounds, yet they journyed first to Kelso, then to Coldingham; next, to Cragmiller, (a Castle two Miles from Edinburgh) not caring for the Reports that were spred of them by the way. The Queen, in all her Discourse, profess'd, that She could never live, unless She were divorc'd from the King; and if She might not be so, She would lay violent Hands on her self. She would, ever and anon, speak of a She meditates a Divorce. Divorce, and would say, it might easily be done, if the Popes Bull were recall'd, whereby leave was given to contract Marriages against the Papal Laws; but, seeing this matter was not like to go, as She expected, (for these things were acted in the Presence of many of the Nobility) She left off other Methods, and applied Her Mind only to his Murder.

[Page]A little before Winter, when the Embassadors from France and England came to be Witnesses at the Baptism of the Prince, the Queen strove, both by pecuniary, and all other industrious, ways, That Bothwel should appear the most magnificent amongst all her Subjects and Guests at the Entertainment, whereas her lawful Husband,Strange Disrespect to the King, at the Baptism of his own Son. at the Baptism, was not allowed Necessaries; yea, was forbid to come in sight of the Embassadors, his Servants also, appointed for his daily Attendants, were taken from him, and the Nobility forbid to observe him: But this Carriage, and her Comportment in former times, the more implacable she was towards him, made them more to pity him, in seeing a young and harmless Person reproachfully used; and yet not only to bear it patiently, but even to endeavour to appease her Rage by the servilest Offices, he could perform; that so he might win some Degree of her Favour. As for his Apparel and Dress, she put the Fault upon the Embroiderers, Goldsmiths and other Tradesmen, though 'twas but a false shameless Pretence, for, every body knew, it was her own occasion; whereas for Bothwel's Ornaments, she wrought many of them with her own Hands. Besides, Foreign Embassadors were advised, not to enter into Discourse with the King, though they were in the same Castle together, the most part of the Day.

The young Gentleman, being thus uncourteously treated, exposed to the Contempt of all, and his Rival honoured before his Face,Thereupon he withdraws from Court; resolved to go to his Father, to Glasgow, who, as some thought, had sent for him. The Queen shew'd her accustomed Hatred at his Departure, she took away all the Silver Plate, which he had used ever since he was married, and put Pewter in their stead; besides, she gave him Poison before his Departure, that so the Evil might be more secret,Is poisoned, but if he died, when absent from Court. But the Poison wrought sooner, than those, who gave it, supposed it would; for, before he was gone a Mile from Sterlin, he had such a grievous Pain all over his Body, that 'twas very apparent, his Disease was not casual, but fraudulently design'd; but, as soon as he came to Glasgow, the Mischief did manifestly discover it self; blew Pustules arose all over his Body, with so much Pain and Torment, that there was little hope of his Life; Iames Abernethy, an able, faithful and experienc'd, Physician, being consulted about his Disease, answered presently, That he had taken Poison: He sent for the Queen's Domestick Physician, but the Queen would not suffer him to go, fearing, left his Skill might cure him, and also she was not willing, that Many should know of his being poison'd. When the Ceremonies of the Baptism were over, and the Company, by degrees, gone home; the Queen was private with Bothwel, scarce any body besides at Drummond and Tillibardin, a Noble-Man's House, where she spent two days about the beginning of Ianuary, and so return'd to Sterlin, and pretended daily to go to Glasgow, but expecting to hear every day of the King's Death; to prevent the worst, she resolved to have her Son in her own Power; and, that her Design might occasion no Suspicion, they began to find fault, That the House, wherein he was kept, was inconvenient; That in such a moist and cold place, he might be subject to Rheums, but the true cause was [Page] far otherwise of his Removal, for, 'twas very plain, That the Place, whither he was carried, was far more obnoxious, upon the foresaid Accounts, in being scituate in a low Marish Soil, having a Mountain betwixt it and the Sun-rising; whereupon the Child, being scarce seven Months old, was brought in a very sharp Winter to Edinburgh; when she there heard that the King was recovered, as having overcome the Poison, by the Vigour of his Youth,overcomes [...] by the Vigour of his Youth. and the Strength of his Natural Constitution, she renew'd her Plot to destroy him, acquainting also some of the Nobility therewith. In the mean time, News was brought her, that the King design'd to fly to France or Spain, and that he had spoke about it with the Master of an English Ship, which was then in the Firth of Clyde; hereupon, some thought, That an occasion was offered her to send for him, and if he refused to come, to kill him out of the way; yea,The Story of the Infernal Design to destroy Henry Stuart, King of Scotland, agitated and complotted, with the Series of its Procedure. some offered to be Agents in the thing; all of them advised, That the Fact should be privately committed, and That it should be hastned, before he was perfectly recovered: The Queen, having already gotten her Son, that she might also have her Husband, in her Power, though not as yet agreed in the Design, how he should be dispatch'd, resolv'd to go to Glasgow, having, as she thought, sufficiently clear'd her self from his former Suspicions by many kind Letters she had lately sent him: But her Words and Deeds did not agree; for, she took almost none with her in her Retinue, but the Hamiltons, and other Hereditary Enemies of the King. In the mean time, she intrusts Bothwel with doing What was contributory to the Design at Edinburgh, for that Place seem'd most convenient to them, both to commit, and also to conceal, so great a Wickedness; for there being a great Assembly of the Nobles, the Suspicion might be put off from one to the other, and so divided between Many. When the Queen had tried all the ways she could, to dissemble her Hatred: At last, by many Chidings, Complaints and Lamentations, past betwixt them, she could yet scarce make him believe, that she was reconciled to him. The King, hardly yet recover'd from his Disease, was brought in a Litter to Edinburgh, to the Place design'd for his Murder, which Bothwel, in the Queen's Absence, had undertook to provide, and That was, an House uninhabited for some Years before, near the Walls of the City, in a lonesome solitary place, between the Ruins of two Churches, where no Noise or Outcry could be heard; thither he was thrust with a few Attendants only, for the most of them (being such, as the Queen had put upon him, rather as Spies than Servants) were departed, as foreknowing the Danger at hand; and Those that remained, could not get the Keys of the Door from the Harbingers, that provided the Lodgings.

The Queen was most intent on this One thing, to avert all Suspicion from her self; and her Dissimulation had proceded so far, That the King was fully persuaded, there was a firm Reconcilement betwixt them: So that he wrote Letters to his Father, who staid behind, sick at Glasgow, giving him great Hopes and Assurance, That the Queen was now sincerely His, and, commemorating her many good Offices towards him, now he promised to himself, That there would be a Change of all things for the better. As he was writing [Page] these Letters, the Queen came in on a sudden, and, reading them, she gave him many Embraces and Kisses, telling him, that Sight mightily pleased her, that now she saw, there was no Cloud of Suspicion hovering over his Mind.

Things being thus well secured on that side, her next care was, to contrive, as much as possible, to cast the Guilt upon Another, and therefore she sent for her Brother Murray, who had lately obtained leave, and was going to St. Andrews, to visit his Wife, who lay there (as he heard) dangerously sick. For, besides the Danger of Child-bearing, she had Pustles, that rose all over her Body, with a violent Feaver; the Cause of her detaining him, she pretended to be, that she might honourably dismiss the Duke of Savoy's Embassador, who came too late to the Prince's Baptism; though this seem'd a mean pretence to take him off from so just and necessary a Duty, yet he obeyed. In the Interim, the Queen every day made her Visits to the King, and reconciled him to Bothwel, whom, she, by all means, desired to be out of Gun-shot of any Suspicion: She made him large Promises of her Affection for the time to come, which over-officious Carriage, though suspected by all, yet no Man was so bold as to advise the King of his Danger, in regard he was wont to tell the Queen, whatever he heard, to insinuate the more into her Favour; only Robert, the Queen's Brother, mov'd either with the Horridness of the Fact, or with Pity to the young Man, took the Confidence to acquaint him of his Wives Plot against him, but on this condition, That he would keep it to himself, and provide for his Safety, the best he could. The King, notwithstanding, reveal'd it to the Queen, according to his custom; whereupon Robert was call'd for, and he stoutly deny'd it, so that, they gave one another the Lie, and were laying their Hands on their Swords. The Queen was glad to see, That her Designs were likely to have so good a Conclusion, and that so near at hand, without her Trouble, and therefore she calls for her other Brother, Iames, as if he were to decide the Controversy; but the Truth was, That he also might, on that occasion, be cut off; there was no body present but Bothwel, who was so far from keeping them from fighting, that he would rather have kill'd him, that had the worst of the Combate himself, as plainly appeared, when he said, There was no reason, Iames should be sent for in such haste, to keep those from Duelling, who, whatsoever they pretended, had no such Maw to it. This stir being quieted, the Queen and Bothwel were wholly intent, how to perpetrate the Murder; and how to do it, with all imaginable Privacy, too. The Queen, to dissemble both Love to her Husband, and an Amnesty of old Offences, causes her Bed to be brought, from the Palace, into a Chamber below the King's, where she lay, after she had sat late up with him, in Discourse, for some Nights.

In the mean time, she devises all manner of ways, to cast the Odium of the Fact, when committed, upon her Brother Iames, and the Earl of Morton; for, she thought, if those Two, whose Authority and Esteem was much fear'd and hated by her, were taken out of the way, all things else would fall in of themselves: She was [Page] also incited thereunto, by Letters from the Pope, and from Charles, Cardinal of Lorrain. For, the Summer before, having, by her Uncle, desir'd a Sum of Mony from the Pope, for levying an Army to disturb the State of Religion in Britain, and the Pope more cunningly, but the Cardinal plainly, had advis'd her to destroy those, who were the greatest Hindrances to the Restitution of Popery, and especially Those two Earls by Name; if they were once taken off, they promised a Mass of Mony for the War. Some Inckling hereof, the Queen thought, was come to the Ears of the Nobility; and therefore, to clear her self from any Suspicion, or the least Inclination to such a thing, she shewed them the Letters. But these Designs, so subtilly laid, as they thought, were somewhat disturbed by often Messages from Murray's Wife, how that she had miscarried, and that there were small hopes of her Life. This Message was brought him on the Lord's Day, as he was going to Sermon; whereupon, he returned back to the Queen, and desired leave of her to be gone; she very much urg'd him, to stay one day longer, to hear certainer News, alleging, That if he made never so much haste, his Coming would do her no good; but, if her Disease did abate, to morrow would be time enough; but he was fully bent on his Journy, and went his way. The Queen had deferr'd the Murder till that Night, and would seem to be so jocund and dissolute, as to celebrate the Marriage of Sebastian, one of her Musick, in the very Palace, and when the Evening was past in Mirth and Jollity, then she went with a numerous Attendance, to see her Husband; she spent some hours with him, and was merrier than formerly, often kissing him, and giving him a Ring, as a Token of her Love. After the Queen's Departure, the King, with the few Servants that were about him, recollecting the Proceedings of the Day past, amongst some comfortable Speeches given him by the Queen, he was much troubled at the remembrance of a few Words; for she, whether, not being able to contain her Joy, arising from the Hope, that the Murder would be now acted; or, whether it fell from her by chance, cast out a word, That David Rize was slain the last Year, just about that time. This unseasonable mention of his Death, tho none of them lik'd it, yet, because much of the Night was past, and the next Morning was design'd for Sports and Pastimes, they went speedily to Bed. In the mean time, Gunpowder was plac'd in the Room below, to blow up the House; other things were cautiously and craftily enough transacted, yet, in a small matter, they lest a track, whereby to be discovered. For the Bed, in which the Queen us'd sometimes to lie, was taken from thence, and a worse put in its place, as if, though they were prodigal enough of their Credit, yet they would spare a little Mony. In the mean time, one Paris, a French Man, a Partisan in the Conspiracy, entred into the King's Bed-Chamber, and there stood still, yet so, that the Queen might see him, That was the Sign agreed on betwixt them, that all things were in a readiness. As soon as she saw Paris, as if Sebastian's Marriage came into her Mind, she began to blame her self, that she had bin so negligent, as not to dance that night at the Wedding, (as 'twas agreed) and to put the Bride to Bed, as the manner [Page] is; whereupon, she presently started up, and went home. Being returned to the Palace, she had a pretty deal of Discourse with Bothwel, who being, at length, dismiss'd, went to his Chamber, chang'd his Apparel, put on a Souldier's Coat, and, with a few in his Company, pass'd through the Guards into the Town; Two other Parties, of the Conspirators, came several ways to the appointed Place, and a few of them entred into the King's Bed-Chamber, of which they had the Keys, (as I said before) and whilst he was fast asleep, they took him by the Throat, and strangled him, and one also of his Servants,The King strangled, who lay near him: When they were slain, they carried their Bodies through a little Gate, which they had made on purpose, in the Walls of the City, into a Garden near hand;And then the House, wherein he was, blown up with Gunpowder. then they set fire to the Gunpowder, which blew up the House from the very Foundation, and made such a Noise, that it shook some of the neighbouring Houses; yea, those, that were sound asleep in the furthest parts of the City, were awakened, and frighted at the Noise. When the Deed was done, Bothwel was let out by the Ruins of the City-Walls, and so return'd to the Palace, through the Guard, another way, than that he came. This was the common Report about the King's Death, which held some Days. The Queen had sat up that Night, to wait for the Event, and, hearing of the Tumult, called together those of the Nobility, who were at Court, and amongst the rest, Bothwel; and, by their Advice, sent out to know, What was the matter, as if she had been ignorant of all that was done; some went to inspect the Body, the King had only a linen Shirt on the upper part of his Body, the rest of it lay naked; his other Apparel, and his Shoes, lay near him: The Common People came, in great Multitudes, to see him, and many Conjectures there were, yet they all agreed, (sorely against Bothwel's Mind) That he could never be thrown out of the House, by the Force of the Gunpowder, for there was no part broken, bruis'd, or black and blew, about his Body, which, in a Ruin by Gunpowder, would have been; besides, his Apparel lying near him, was not sing'd with the Flame, or covered with any Ashes; so that, it could not be thrown thither, by any Casualty, but plac'd there on purpose, by some bodies Hand. Bothwel returned home, and, as if he had been in great Admiration, brought the News to the Queen, whereupon she went to Bed, and lay secure, soundly asleep, a great part of the next Day.

In the mean time, Reports were spread abroad by the Parricides, and carried into the Borders of England before day, That the King was Murdered by the design of Murray and Morton; yet every Body thought, privately within himself, That the Queen must needs be the Author of the Murder. Neither was the The Bishop of St. Andrews shrewdly suspected about the King's Death. Bishop of St. Andrews free from Suspicion, There were shrewd Conjectures against him, as the high and cruel Enmities betwixt the Families; neither was the Bishop, ever well reconciled to the Queen, before she design'd that Wickedness in her Mind; and, of late, when he accompanied her to Glasgow, he was made acquainted with the utmost of her Projects. It increast Mens suspicions of him, because, at that time, he had retir'd to the House of his Brother, the Earl of [Page] Arran, which was near to the House, where the King was slain: Whereas, before, he always us'd to live in some Eminent part of the City; where he might conveniently receive Visits, and curry Favour with the People, by Feasting them; and besides, Lights were seen in his House, and a Watch all the Night, from the upper part of the City, and when the design'd Powder-Clap was, then the Lights were put out, and his Vassals,The Assassi [...] do falsly impute the King's Murder to Murray, and Morton. many of whom watch'd in their Arms, were forbidden to go out of Doors: But the true Story of the matter of Fact, which broke out, after some Months, gave occasion to People to look upon those things as certain Indications, which before were but Suspicions only.

When the Murder was committed, presently Messengers were sent into England, who were to Report, That the King of Scots was cruelly Murdered by his Subjects, by the contrivance, especially, of Murray and Morton. The News was presently brought to Court,The English inflamed against the Scots, upon hearing the horrid Murder of their King. which so inflam'd all the English to the hatred of the whole Nation, that, for some days, no Scots Man durst walk abroad, without Danger of his Life; and, tho many Letters past to and fro, discovering the secret Contrivances of the Design, yet they could hardly be appeas'd. The King's Body, having been left a while as a Spectacle to be gaz'd upon, and a great Concourse of People continually stockt thither, the Queen order'd, That it should be laid on a Form or Bier turn'd upside down, and brought by Porters into the Palace. There she her Self viewed the Body, the fairest of that Age, and yet her Countenance discover'd not the secrets of her Mind, neither one way or other. The Nobles there present Decreed, that a Royal and Magnificent Funeral should be made for him: But the Queen caus'd him to be carry'd forth by Bearers in the Night, to be buried in no manner of State; and that which increas'd the Indignity the more, was, that his Grave was made near David Rizes; as if she design'd to Sacrifice the Life of her Husband to the Ghost of that filthy Varlet.

There were Two Prodigies hapning at that time,Prodigies accompanying the King's death. which are worth the while to relate: One of them a little preceded the Murder, it was This; One Iames Londin, a Gentleman of Fife, having been long Sick of a Feaver, the day before the King was kill'd, about Noon, lifted up himself a little out of his Bed, and, as if he had been astonish'd, cry'd out to those that stood by him, with a loud Voice, to go help the King, for the Parricides was just now Murdering him; and a while after, he call'd out with a mournful Tone, Now 'tis too late to help, he is already Slain: and he himself lived not long after he had utter'd those Words. The Other did accompany the Murder it self. Three of the familiar Friends of the Earl of Athol's, the King's Cousin, Men of Reputation for Valour and Estate, had their Lodgings, not far from the King's; when they were asleep about Midnight, there was a certain Man seem'd to come to Dugal Stuart, who lay next the Wall, and to draw his Hand gently over his Beard and Cheek, so to awake him, saying, Arise, they are off'ring Violence to us. He presently awak'd, and considering the Apparition within himself: Another of them cries out presently in the same Bed, Who kicks me? Dugal answer'd, [Page] perhaps, 'tis a Cat, which us'd to walk about in the Night; whereupon, the 3d which was not yet awake, rose presently out of his Bed, and was going to run away, demanding, Who it was that had given him a box on the Ear? as soon as he had spoken it, one seem'd to go out of the House by the Door, not without some Noise. Whilst they were descanting on what they had heard and seen, The noise of the King's House, that was blown up, drove them all into a great Fright. He that took the Murder most heinously, was, Iohn Stuart Earl of Athol, as for other Reasons, so, because he was the chief Maker of the Match between the Queen and him. The Night after the Murder, arm'd Guards watch'd the Palace at Night, as in such sudden Consternations is usual, and they hearing the outside Wall of the Earl of Athols Lodging make a Noise or Crack, as if some were gently digging at the Foundation, they rais'd the Family, which went no more to Bed, that Night: The day after, the Earl went into the Town, and a little after that, went home, for fear of his Life. The Earl of Murray, at his return to Court from St. Andrews, was not without danger neither, for arm'd Men walkt about his House at Night; but he not being well, and his Servants thereupon using to watch with him all Night, the Villains could not attempt any thing privately against him, and openly they durst not. At length Bothwel (who would willingly have been freed from such a trouble) resolved to perform the wicked Fact,Bothwel designs to destroy Murray. with his own Hands. And therefore about Midnight, he askt his Domesticks, how Murray did? They told him, he was grievously troubled with the Gout: What, said he, if we should go see him? and presently he rose up, and was hastening to his House. As he was going, he was inform'd by his Domesticks, that he was gone to his Brother Roberts, to be at more Freedom and Ease, out of the Noise of the Court, whereupon he held his Peace, stood still, grieving, that he had lost so fair an Opportunity, and so return'd home. The Queen, mean while, look'd very demurely, and, dissembling great Sorrow, thought That way to reconcile the People to her; but that speeded as ill with her, as the rest of the Conspiracy. For, whereas it was the Custom, time out of Mind, for Queens, after their Husbands Death, to abstain several Days, not only from the sight of Men, but even from seeing the Light, she indeed personated a fain'd Grief, but her Joy did so exceed it, that, thô the Doors were shut, yet the Windows were open, and casting off her mourning Weeds, in 4 days, she could well enough bear the sight of the Sun and Air: And before 12 days were over, her Mind was harden'd against the talks of the People, and she went to Seton, about 7 Miles from the Town, Bothwel never departing from her side; there her Carriage was such, that she seemed somewhat chang'd in the Apparel of her Body, but nothing at all in the habit of her Mind. The Place was full of the Nobility, and she went daily abroad to the accustom'd Sports, thô some of them were not so fit for the Female Sex: But the coming of Mr. D'Crocke, The Assassination of the Scots King odious to all Nations. a French-Man, (who had often before been Embassador in Scotland) did somewhat disturb their Measures; for, he telling them how infamous the Matter was amongst [Page] Strangers, they returned to Edinburgh: But Seton (I perceive) had so many Conveniencies, that, th [...] with the further hazard of her Credit, she must needs return thither again. There the main head of the Consultation, was, How Bothwel might be acquitted of the King's Murder. There was a Design, before, to try and acquit him; for, presently upon the King's Death, Bothwel, and some of his Complices, came to the Marquess of Argyle, who was the Hereditary Capital Judge in Criminal Causes. First,Bothwels Mock-Trial for the King's Murder, before the Earl of Argyle. they pretended they were wholly ignorant of what was done, and wondred at it, as a new, unheard of, and incredible, Thing; then, they proceeded to the Examination of it; they summon in some poor Women out of the Neighbourhood, but they stuck betwixt Hope and Fear, being uncertain, Whether they should speak, or hold their Peace; but, tho they were very cautious in their Words, yet, uttering more than was expected, they were sent away, as having spoken nothing upon any certain ground; and, as for their Testimony, it was easy enough to despise it: Whereupon, some of the King's Servants were sent for, whom the Fire had not destroyed; They, being ask'd concerning the Ingress of the Assassinates? reply'd, That the Keys were not in their Power; it being urg'd upon them again, In whose, then? They answered, The Queens; Whereupon, the further Examination was put off, as they pretended; but, indeed, was quite supprest, for they were afraid, if they went any further, the Court-Secrets would have been all publickly known.

And yet, to set a Gloss on the Matter,A Proclamation published, for a Blind, to discover the King's Murderers. a Proclamation was publish'd, and a pecuniary Reward offer'd to the Discoverers of the King's Murder. But, Who dar'd be so bold as to impeach Bothwel, seeing he was to be the Impleaded, the Judge, the Examiner, and the Exactor of the punishment, too? Yet this fear, which stopt the Mouths of divers single Persons, could not bridle the Multitude. For Libels were publish'd, Pictures made, and Night-haukings and Cries were uttered, whereby the Parricides might easily understand, That their whole Design was discover'd, Who design'd the Wickedness, and Who assisted in the Execution thereof: And the Commonalty, the more they were forbidden, the more did their Grief make them speak. Though the Conspirators seem'd to despise these things, yet they were so inwardly prickt and grip'd, that they could not dissemble their sorrow: And therefore omitting the Examination about the King's Death, they fell upon another Guest, more severe; and That was, against the Authors of Libels, or, (as they worded it) the Calumniators of Bothwel, and this was so severely prosecuted, that no Pains nor Cost were spar'd therein; all the Painters and Writing-Masters were call'd in, that so they might discover the Pictures and Libels, by those that drew or wrote them; they further added a Clause, suitable enough to the Edict, which made it Capital, not only to sell, but even to read them, when they were Sold. But they, who endeavour'd to bridle the Discourse of the People, by threatning Capital Punishment, to them, were not satisfi'd with the King's Death, but retain'd their hatred against him, though in his grave. The Queen gave her Husband's Goods, his Arms, Horses, Apparel, and other Housholdstuff, [Page] either to his Father's Enemies, or to the Murderers themselves, as if they had been forfeited into her Exchequer. As these Matters were acted openly, so many did as publickly inveigh against them:The bold Speech of a Taylor. So that one Taylor, who was about to fit some of the King's Clothes for Bothwel's Body, was so bold, as to say; Now he saw the old Country-Custom verifi'd: That the Executioner had the Apparel of those, that suffer'd by his Hand.

There was also another Care troubled them, How they might get the Castle of Edinburgh into the Queen's Hands; Iohn, Earl of Marr, was Governour of it, upon Condition, that he should render it to none, but by Order of the Estates; and though such a Convention was to be the Month after,The Queen solicitous to procure the Government of Edinburgh-Castle into her own Hands. yet the Queen was so earnest, that every small delay seem'd very tedious to Her. And therefore she dealt with the Earl's Friends and Kindred, (for he himself lay then very sick at Sterlin) to surrender the Castle to Her; pretending This as the chief Cause, That the Commons of Edinburgh were so tumultuous, (there being then a Commotion amongst them) That she could not keep them within the Bounds of their Duty, unless she had that Fort in her Hands; and that thereupon, as an Earnest of her great Affection to Iohn, she would put her only Son, the Heir of the Kingdom, into his Hands, to be educated by him; which Office of Guardianship, his Ancestors had discharg'd to their great Commendation, as in so many other Princes, of late Times, in her Mother and Grandfathers Education. Tho the Earl understood, whither her Promises and Flatteries did tend, yet he complied with her Request. The Queen, finding him more facile than she hoped, essays next to be possest of the Castle, as soon as it was convenient; and yet to keep her Son too: When he would not hearken to that, she sets upon him by another Wile, propounding to him to come to Linlithgo, (in the Mid-way between Edinburgh and Sterlin) and there, on an appointed Day, to receive the Prince, and to surrender the Castle. But this Project being suspected of Fraud, at last it was agreed, That he should be deliver'd to Erskin at Sterlin, and That he, in the interim, should give the chief of his Family in Hostage, for the rendring of the Castle.

These things were some trouble to the Parricides, but they were most of all troubled with the daily complaints of the Earl of Lennox;The Earl of Lennox first publickly accuses Bothwel of the King's Murder. He would not adventure to come to Court, by reason of Bothwel's Power, accompanied with the highest Luxury; but he earnestly solicited the Queen by Letters, That she would commit Bothwel to Prison, who, without doubt, was the Author of the King's Murder, till a Day might be appointed to bring him to his Trial. She, though eluding his desire by many Stratagems, yet, seeing the Examination of so heinous a Fact could not be avoided, design'd to have it carried on, thus.

The Assembly of the Estates, on the Ides of April. 15. April, was near at hand; before that time, she was willing to have the matter tried, that so Bothwel, being absolv'd by the Votes of the Judges, might be further clear'd by the Suffrages of the whole Parliament. This haste was the cause, that nothing was carried on orderly, or according [Page] to ancient Custom, in that judiciary Process. For, the Accusers (as is usual) ought to have been Cited,Whereupon a Court is hastily summon'd; with their Kindred, as Wife, Father, Mother, Son, either to appear Personally, or, by Proxy, within 40 Days, for that is the time limited by the Law. Here, the Father was only summon'd to appear, April 13th, without summoning any of his Friends, only his own Family, which, at that Time, was in a low Estate, and reduc'd but to a Few; Whereas, in the mean time, Bothwel flew up and down the Town, with a great many Troops at his heels; The Earl of Lennox thought it best for him not to come into a City full of his Enemies, where he had no Friends nor Vassals to secure him; and besides, if there were no Danger of Life, yet there could be no freedom of Debate. Bothwel appears at the Day appointed, and comes into the Town-Hall, being both Plaintiff and Defendant too. The Judges of the Nobility were call'd over, most of them his Friends, none daring to appear on the other side to except against any one of them; only Robert Cuningham, one of Lennox's Family, gave a small stop to the Proceedings; He, having Liberty to speak openly, declar'd, That the Process was not according to Law, nor Custom, where the accus'd Person was so powerful, that he could not be brought to Punishment, and the Accuser was absent for fear of his Life. And therefore, Whatsoever should be determin'd there, as being against Lavv and Right, vvas Null and Void; yet, they persisted in their Design, notwithstanding. Moreover, Gilbert Earl of Cassils, being chosen one of the Judges, rather for Forms sake, than that he thought he should do any Good, desir'd to be excused, and offered also to pay the Forfeiture, usually taken of those vvho decline Sitting; vvhen presently a Messenger brought him a Ring from the Queen, vvith a Command, that he should sit as one of the Judges, or else, she threatned to commit him to Prison. When that did not prevail, she sent another Messenger, vvho told him, he should be punish'd as a Traitor, if he refus'd; so that, by such kind of Terrors, they were inforc'd to sit, and the Issue vvas; They declar'd,By which Bothwel is acquitted, tho but Conditionally. they saw no Reason to find Bothwel Guilty; yet, if any Man hereafter could lawfully accuse him, they gave a Caution, That this Judgment should be no hindrance to him. Some thought, the Issue vvas vvisely given in by them. For the Indictment vvas conceiv'd in such Words, That the severest Judges could never have found Bothwel Guilty, for it vvas laid against a Murder committed the 9th of February, vvhereas the King vvas slain the Tenth.

Thus Bothwel was acquitted of the Fact, but not of the Infamy of it. Suspicions did increase upon him, and his Punishment seemed only to be deferred; but any Pretence whatsoever, though a shameless one, seem'd good enough to the Queen, who made haste to marry him. As a Surplusage to his Absolution, there was a Chartel,Bothwel challenges his Accusers. or Challenge, posted on the eminentest part of the Court, declaring, That though Bothwel was lawfully acquitted of the King's Murder, yet, to make his Innocency more appear, he was ready to decide the matter in a Duel against any Gentleman, or Person of Honour, that should dare lay it to his charge. The Morrow after, there was [Page] one, which did, as manfully, post up an Answer to his Challenge, provided the place of Combate were appointed, wherein, without Danger, he might declare his Name. Though these things succeeded reasonably well, yet the Queen, in that Parliament, was more rugged, than formerly; for, whereas before, she pretended Civility in her Carriage, now, she plainly discovered a Desire of Tyranny; for what she promised at Sterlin, in Matters of Religion, she now flatly deny'd; and That was, That the Laws, establish'd under Popish Tyranny, should be abrogated in the first Parliament, and the Reformed Religion should be strengthned by new Laws. And, when besides her Promise, Two Edicts, signed with her own hand, were produced; being catch'd here, she boggled, and commanded the Commissioners of the Kirk, to attend her another Time; and, after that, she never gave them opportunity to appear before her again; and those Acts of the Estates, which were Published before her coming into Scotland, by the consent of Francis her Husband, those, she alleg'd, did fall under the Act of Oblivion: That Speech seemed to all a manifest Profession of Tyranny. For, whereas the Scots had no Laws, besides Acts of Parliament, they entertained such private Thoughts in their Breasts, What kind of Life they were like to live, under a Prince, whose Will was a Law, and whose Word and Promise were not to be believed. This was done about the end of the Convention. At the same time, the Queen was very earnest to hasten her Marriage, and yet withal she desired by any means, to procure the publick Consent, that she might seem to act nothing, but by the Suffrage of the Nobles. And Bothwel too,Bothwel procures a Schedule from some of the unwary Nobility, incouraging his Marriage with the Queen, to credit the Marriage with the Pretence of publick Authority, devised this Stratagem: He invited all the Nobility of the highest Rank, which were then in Town (as there were many) to Supper, and when they were jocund and merry, he desired them to shew that Respect to him for the future, which they had always done heretofore. At present, he only desired, that, whereas he was a Suiter to the Queen, they would subscribe to a Schedule, which he had made, about that matter, and that would be a Means to procure him Favour with the Queen, and Honour with all the People. They were all amazed at so sudden and unexpected a Proposal, and could not dissemble their Sorrow, neither yet durst they refuse or deny him; Whereupon, a few, that knew the Queen's Mind, began first, and the rest, not foreseeing, that there were so great a number of Flatterers present, suspected one another, and at last, all subscribed. The Day after, when they recollected what they had done, some of them as ingenuously profess'd, they would never have given their consent, unless they had thought the thing had been acceptable to the Queen;Which some of them afterwards retract. for, besides that it carried no great shew of Honesty, and was prejudicial to the Publick too; so, there was danger, if any Discord should arise (as it happen'd between her and her former Husband) between her and Bothwel, also; and he were rejected, it might be laid in their Dishes, That they had betrayed the Queen to a dishonorable Marriage; and therefore, before they had gone too far, they resolved to try her Mind, and to procure a Writing under her hand, to this Sense; That she did approve [Page] of what they had done, in reference to her Marriage. This Scrole was easily obtained, and, by the consent of them all, given to the Earl of Argyle to keep. The next day, all the Bishops in Town were called to Court, that they also might subscribe. This care being over, there succeeded another, which was, How the Queen should get her Son into her Power, for Bothwel did not think it safe for him, to have a young Child brought up, which, in time, might revenge his Father's Murder; neither was he willing, That any other should come between his Children and the Crown. Whereupon the Queen, who could now deny him nothing, undertook the Task her self, to bring the Child to Edinburgh; she had also another Pretence to visit Sterlin, of which I shall speak anon; when she came thither, the Earl of Marr suspected, what was a brewing, and therefore shewed her the Prince; but would not let him be in her Power: The Queen, seeing her Fraud detected, and not able to cope with him by Force, pretended another cause for her Journy, and prepared to return; In her Journy, either by reason of her overmuch Toil; or, for Anger, that her Designs, which the Authors thought craftily laid, were unsuccessful, she was taken with a sudden Illness, and was forced to retire into a poor House about four Miles from Sterlin, The Queen to be s [...]emingly surprized by Bothwel, in order to her Marriage with him. where her Pain something abating, she proceeded in her Journy, and came that Night to Linlithgo; from thence she wrote to Bothwel by Paris, what she would have him to do, about her Surprize; for, before she departed from Edinburgh, she had agreed with him, that, at the Bridg of Almon, he should surprize her in her Return, and carry her, whither he would, as 'twere against her Will.The Water of Almond divides Mid-lothian from West-lothian, in Linlithgo-shire. The common People put this Interpretation on the matter; That she could not altogether conceal her Familiarity with Bothwel, nor yet could well want It; nor could she openly injoy it, as she desired, without the loss of her Reputation: It was too tedious to expect his Divorce from his former Wife; and she was willing to consult her Honour, which, she pretended, to have a great regard to, yet she would provide for her Lust, too; of which she was very impatient, and therefore the device was thought to be very pretty, That Bothwel should redeem the Queen's Infamy, with his own great Crime; the Punishment whereof yet he did not at all fear. But there was a deeper reach in the Project, as was after understood. For, whereas the People did every where point at, and curse, the King's Murderers: They, to provide for their own Security, by the Persuasion, as 'tis thought, of Iohn Lesly, Bishop of Ross, devised this Attempt upon the Queen. 'Tis the manner in Scotland, when the King grants a Pardon for Offences, he, that sues it out, expresseth his great Offence by Name, and the rest of his Crimes are added, in general Words; accordingly, the King's Murderers determined to ask Pardon for this Surprize of the Queen by Name, and then to add in their Pardons, by way of Overplus, All other wicked Facts: In which clause, they persuaded themselves, That the King's Murder would be included, because, 'twas not safe for them to name themselves the Authors of it, in the Pardon; nor, was it creditable for the Queen so to grant it; neither could it well be added in the Grant of Pardon, as an [Page] Appendix to a lesser Crime: Another Offence, less invidious, but liable to the same Punishment, was to be devised, under the Shadow whereof the Kings Murder might be disguised and pardoned, and no other did occur to them, but this simulated force put upon the Queen, whereby her Pleasure might be satisfied, and Bothwel's Security provided for, too; and therefore he, accompanied vvith 600 Horse, vvaited her Coming at Almon Bridg, and took her, by her ovvn consent,Bothwel actually surprizes the Queen; to Dunbar: There they had free Converse one vvith another, and a Divorce vvas made betvvixt Bothwel and his former Wife, and that in Two Courts: First, she vvas cited before Judges publickly appointed to decide such kind of Controversies; and next, before the Officials, or Bishop's Courts, though they vvere forbid, by a publick Statute, to exercise any part of Magistracy; or, to meddle vvith any publick Business; Madam Gordon, Bothwel's Wife, vvas compelled to commence a Suit of Divorce, in a double Court,And is divorc'd from his former Wife, for Adultery. before the Queen's Judges; she accuses him of Adultery, vvhich vvas the only just cause of a Divorce amongst them; and before the Papal Judges, vvho, though forbidden by the Lavv, yet vvere impovvered by the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, to determine the Controversy: She alleged against him, that, before their Marriage, he had had too much unlavvful, or incestuous, Familiarity vvith her Kinsvvoman: The Witnesses and Judges made no Delay in the Case. The Suit vvas commenc'd, prosecuted, adjudg'd, and ended, in ten Days.

On these Emergencies, a great many of the honest Nobles met at Sterlin, and sent to the Queen; desiring to knovv of her, Whether she vvere kept, where she vvas, vvillingly or against her Will? if this later, they would levy an Army for her Deliverance. She received the Message, not without smiling, and answered them, That, 'twas true, she was brought thither against her Will, but was so kindly treated since, that she had little cause to complain of the former Injury. Thus was the Messenger eluded; but, though they made haste to take off the Reflection of the force by a lawful Marriage, there were two Remora's yet in the way; One was, That if she married, whilst a Prisoner, the Marriage might not be accounted good, and so easily dissolved. The Other, How to have the usual Ceremonies observed, That the Bans should be publish'd, three Lord's Days in the publick Congregations, ‘Of a Marriage intended between Iames Hepburn, and Mary Stuart; so that, if any one knew a lawful Impediment, why they might not be joined together in Matrimony, they should declare it, that so it might be decided by the Church.’ To accomplish this, Bothwel gathers his Friends and Dependents together, resolving to bring back the Queen to Edinburgh, that so, under a vain shew of her Liberty, he might determine of their Marriage, at his Pleasure. His Companions were all arm'd, and, as they were on their Journy, a fear seiz'd on some of them, lest, one time or other, it might turn to their Prejudice, to hold the Queen as yet a Prisoner; and if there were no other ground for it, yet this was enough, That they accompanied her in an arm'd Posture, when things were otherwise in Peace and Quietness: Upon this Scruple, they threw away their Arms, and so, in a [Page] seeming more peaceable Posture, they brought her to the Castle of Edinburgh, which was then in Bothwel's Power.

The next Day, they accompanied her into the City, and into the Courts of Justice, where she affirm'd before the Judges, that she was wholly free, and under no Restraint at all.Ecclesiasticks backward to publish the Bans, or to celebrate the Marriage, between the Queen and Bothwel: But as to publishing the Marriage in the Church, the Reader, whose Office it was, did wholly refuse it: Whereupon, the elder Deacons and Ecclesiasticks assembled, as not daring to resist, and commanded the Reader to publish the Bans according to Custom; he so far was obedient, as to tell them, That he himself knew a lawful Impediment, and was ready to declare it to the Queen, or to Bothwel, when they pleas'd to command him: Whereupon, he was sent for to the Castle, and the Queen remitted him to Bothwel, who, neither by Fear nor Favour, could make him alter his Purpose, nor yet durst he commit the Matter to a Dispute; yet he went on to hasten the Marriage: There was none found, besides the Bishop of Orkney, to celebrate the Marriage; he alone preferr'd Court-Favour before Truth, the rest being utterly against it, and producing Reasons, Why it could be no lawful Marriage with one, that had two Wives yet living, and had lately confess'd his own Adultery, and had been also divorced from a Third; yet, though all good Men did loth it, the Commonalty curs'd it, his Kindred, by Letters, dissuaded from it, whilst prosecuted, and abhorr'd it,Yet, at last, the Bishop of Orkney marries them. when done; There were some publick Ceremonies dissemblingly performed, and Married they were. Those of the Nobility, there present, (being very few, and those Bothwel's Friends, and Creatures too, the rest being gone to their Homes) were invited to Supper; and so was Crocke, the French Embassador; but he,The French Embassador refuses to come to the Wedding: though he were of the Guisian Faction, and, besides, dwelt near the Place, yet peremptorily refus'd to come; he thought, it suited not with the Dignity of that Person, which he represented, to countenance that Marriage by his Presence, which, he heard, the Common People did abominate and curse; and besides, the Queen's Kindred did, by no means, approve it, neither whilst 'twas prosecuting, nor yet, when finish'd. And the King of France, and Queen of England, did, by their Embassadors, declare against the Turpitude of the thing: Though that was troublesom to her, yet the silent Sadness of the People did so much the more increase the fierce Disposition of the Queen, as things seen do pierce deeper, than things only heard. As they both went through the City,☜ none saluted them with wonted Acclamations, only one said, and that but once, God Save the Queen; whereupon, another Woman near her, spoke aloud,Even the Vulgar dislike the Queen's Marriage. once or twice, so that the Standers-by might hear her, Let every one have what his Desert is: That Matter mightily inflam'd her Mind against the Edinburghers, with whom she was angry before. When she saw, how disaffected People were to her, both at Home and Abroad, she took Advice with her Cabal, How she might establish her Power, and quell any Insurrection for the future. First of all, she determined to send an Embassador into France, to reconcile those Princes, and the Guises, to her, who, she knew, were offended with her precipitate Marriage: William, Bishop of Dunblane, [Page] was chosen for that Service; his Instructions were given him, almost in these very Words:

‘Politic Instructions to the Bishop of Dunblan [...], to excuse the Queen's hasty Marriage, at the French Court.First, You shall excuse me to Those Princes, and to my Uncle, That they heard of the Consummation of my Marriage, by vulgar Report, before ever I had acquainted them with my purpose therein, by Messengers of my own. This Excuse is built, as upon a Foundation, on the true Narration of his Life, and especially of the good Offices, which the Duke of the Orcades hath done me, even to that very Day, wherein I thought good to make him my Husband: You shall begin the Declaration of that Story, as the Truth is, taking your Rise from his very Youth. Assoon as ever he came to be of Age, after the Death of his Father, one of the prime Noblemen of the Kingdom, he wholly addicted himself to the Service of the Princes of this Land, being otherwise of a very noble Family, both by reason of its Antiquity, and also the high Offices it held in the Kingdom, as by Hereditary Right: At that time, he principally addicted himself to the Service of my Mother, who then held the Scepter, and was so constant an Adherent to her, that though, in a very short time, a great many of the Nobility, and many Towns also, had revolted from her, on the account of Religion, yet he never faultred in his Loyalty; neither could he be induc'd, by any Proffers, Promises, or Threats, nor by any Loss of his particular Estate, to make a Defection, in the least, from her Authority; nay, rather than neglect her Service, he suffer'd his House, the Mansion-House of the Family, and all his Goods, which were many and precious, to be plundred, and his Estate made a Prey to his Enemies: At last, being destitute of my Aid, and all other besides, an English Army was brought in by domestick Enemies, into the very Bowels of the Kingdom, on purpose to inforce my Husband (then Earl of Bothwel) to leave his Estate and Country, and to retire to France; where he observed me with all Respect, till my Return to Scotland. Neither must his Military Exploits against the English be forgotten, a little before my Return, wherein he gave such Proofs of his manly Valour, and great Prudence too, that he was thought worthy, though a young Man, to command his Superiours in Age; so that he was chosen chief General of the Army of his Country-men, and my Lieutenant, which Office he discharged so well, That, by many valiant Performances, he left a noble Memorial of his Fortitude, both amongst his Enemies, and also his own Country-men. After my Return, he imployed all his Endeavours for the Enlargement of my Authority; he spar'd no Danger in subduing the Rebels upon the Borders of England; where having reduc'd things to great Tranquillity, he resolv'd to do the same in other Parts of the Kingdom: But, as Envy is always the Companion of Virtue, the Scots still desiring Innovations, and some of them, willing to lessen my Favour towards him, did so ill interpret his good Services, that they caused me to commit him to Prison; which I did, partly to gratify some, who envied the Growth of his increasing Greatness; and partly to allay the seditious Commotions, which were then ready to break out, to the Destruction of the whole Kingdom. [Page] He made his Escape out of Prison, and, that he might yield to the Power of his Emulators, he retir'd into France, and there he abode almost Two years; in which time, the Authors of the former Seditions, forgetting my Lenity towards them, and their Duty towards me, took up Arms, and led an Army against me. Thereupon, I commanded him to return, I restor'd him to his Honour and Estate, and made him General over all my Forces, by whose Conduct my Authority was again so restor'd, that all the Rebels were quickly inforc'd to seek Shelter in England, until a great part of them, upon their own Request, were again receiv'd by me into Favour. How perfidiously I was treated by those Exiles which returned, and by those, whom I had oblig'd with greater Courtesies, than they deserved, my Uncle is not ignorant of, and therefore I need say little of it; yet, I must not pretermit in silence, with how great diligence he freed me from the Hands of Those, who held me Prisoner; and how speedily, by his singular Conduct, I escap'd out of Prison; and, the whole Faction of Conspirators being dissipated, I recovered my former Authority. On this Head, I must acknowledg, that his Services were so grateful, that I could never suffer them to slip out of my Memory: These things are Great in themselves, yet he hath made such an Accession to them, by his anxious Sedulity and Diligence, that I could never expect greater Observance or Faithfulness in any Man, than I have found in him, even until after the Decease of my late Husband: Since that time, as his Thoughts seemed to aim higher, so his Actions were a little more insolent; and though the Matter was come to that pass, that I must take all things in the best part, yet I was much offended with his Arrogance, in thinking I had ability to requite his Services no otherwise, than by giving up my self to him, as their Guerdon and Reward; besides, I did dislike his secret Designs against, and, at length, his open Contempt of Me, and the Force used to get me into his Power, lest otherwise he might be frustrated in his Purpose. In the mean time, the whole Course of his Life was so order'd, that it may be an Example, how Men, that undertake great Designs, can craftily conceal their Purposes, till they obtain their Ends. For, I thought, that his Sedulity and Diligence, in his speedy Obedience to all my Commands, proceeded from no other Fountain, than his Loyal Desire to please me; neither did I ever imagine, that he had any higher Wish or Design; neither did I think, those more gracious Countenances, which I sometimes shew towards my Nobles, to ingage them more readily to obey my Commands, would have exalted his Mind, to promise to himself the Hope of a more extraordinary Courtesy from me; yet he, turning even fortuitous things to his own Advantage, maintained Designs unknown to me; and, by his wonted Observance, nourish'd his ancient Love; as also by currying Favour with the Nobility, he was privily ambitious of a new Favour, and he was so sedulous therein, that though I knew nothing of it, yet when the Convention of the Estates was celebrated, he obtain'd a Chart from all the Nobility, subscrib'd with their Hands, to make it more Authentick, [Page] wherein they declared their Assent to the Marriage betwixt Me and Him, and promis'd to expose their Lives and Fortunes to bring it to pass, and to be Enemies to all those that should oppose it. And more easily to obtain the Assent of the Nobles, he persuaded each of them, that all these things were manag'd by my Consent. This Writing being once obtain'd, next, by degrees, he most humbly sought for my Consent; but my Answer not suiting with his Desire, he began to propound such things to himself, which are wont to occur in such great Undertakings, as, the outward Demonstrations of my Good Will, the Ways by which my Friends, or his Enemies, might hinder his Design; and, lest any of those, who had subscrib'd, should withdraw their Assent, and many other things, which were cast in, or came freely, to hinder his Purpose. At length, he determined with himself, to pursue the Favour of his present Fortune, and to cast the whole Business, with his Life and Hope, on the hazard of one Moment; so that, being resolved to execute his Design to purpose, after he had waited 4 days, as I was returning from visiting my Dear Son, he watch'd a convenient Place and Time, and, on the way, seized me, with a strong Party of Men, and carried me speedily to Dunbar. How I took the Fact, especially from him, of whom, amongst all my Subjects, I expected no such thing, every one may easily judg. There I upbraided him with my Favours towards him, and how honourably I had always spoken before of his Manners and Behaviour, and how ungratefully he had carried it towards me: Other things I spake, to free my self out of his Hands; his Usage, indeed, was somewhat course, but his Words were fair and smooth, as, that he would use me with all Honour and Observance, and would do his utmost not to offend me in any thing; but for carrying me against my Will, into one of my own Castles, for so bold an Attempt, he crav'd my Pardon, alleging, he was forc'd, by the Power of Love, so to do, forgetting the Reverence and Allegiance, which, as a Subject, he ow'd to me. He said further, That he was compell'd to go thither for fear of his Life. Then he began to rehearse to me the whole Course of his Life, and lamented his Misfortune, that those, whom he had never offended, were his bitter Enemies, and whose Malice had devised all unjust ways to do him a Mischief; what envious Reflections were made upon him, for the King's Death, and how unable he was to bear up against the hidden Conspiracy of those of his Enemies, whom he knew not, because they pretended Good-will towards him both in Speech and Behaviour; neither was he able to prevent those Treacheries, which he did know. Their Malice against him was so great, that, at no Time or Place, he could live a quiet Life, unless he was assur'd of my unchangeable Favour towards him: And to assure that, he knew but one way, and that was, That I would vouchsafe to make him my Husband; withal, he solemnly swore, that he did not seek Preheminence therein, or the Top and Height of Dignity, but this one Thing, That he might be able to serve and obey me, as hitherto he had done, all the Days of his Life. This his Oration, he deck'd with that Eloquence, [Page] as his Cause required. But when he saw, I could not be wrought upon, neither by Prayers nor Promises, at length, he shewed me the Transactions of the Nobility, and all the Estates, and what they had promised under their Hands. This being produced before me on a sudden, and beyond my Expectation, I leave it to the King, Queen, my Uncle, and the rest of my Friends, Whether it might not administer a just Cause of Amazement to me: Whereupon, when I saw my self in another Man's Power, separate from those, who were wont to give me Counsel; yea, when I saw those Persons, on whose Faithfulness and Prudence, I had cast my self, whose Power must confirm my Authority, that otherwise would be little or none at all; I say, when I saw such Men to have devoted themselves to gratify his Will and Desire, and I left alone, as his Prey; I ponder'd many things in my Mind, but could not find a Way how to extricate my self; neither did he give me any long time to consider of the matter, but did press his Purpose with great eagerness: At last, when I saw I had no hope to escape, and that there was not a Man in the Kingdom, that would stir for my Deliverance, for I easily perceived by the Roll he shewed me, and by the great Silence of the Time, that All were drawn to his Party: When my Anger was a little abated, I applied my Mind to consider his Request; Then I began to set before my Eyes his Services in former Times, and the great Hopes I had, he would constantly persist in the same for the future; And again, how hardly my Subjects would endure a foreign Prince, who was unacquainted with their Laws, That they would not suffer me to be a Widow, long; That a People, prone to Tumults, could not be kept within the Bounds of their Duty, unless my Authority was upheld and exercis'd by a Man, who was able to undergo the Toil of governing the Commonwealth, and so to bridle the Insolence of the Rebellious; that my Strength was weakned with the Weight of those things, ever since I came into Scotland, and almost broke to nothing; insomuch, that I could no longer bear the daily Tumults and Rebellions, that arose. Furthermore, by reason of these Seditions, I was forc'd to create Four, or more, Lieutenants, in divers Parts of the Kingdom; most of which, under colour of the Authority granted by me, caus'd my Subjects to take Arms against me. For these Reasons, when I saw, That, if I would support my Imperial State, I must incline my Heart to Marriage; and, that my Subjects would not bear a foreign King; And, that amongst my Subjects, there was none for Splendor of Family, for Prudence and Valour, and other Endowments of Body and Mind, could exceed, or so much as bear a comparison with, him, whom I have now married; I prevail'd with my self to comply with the universal Decree of my Estates, of which I spake before. After my Constancy was batter'd by these Reasons, partly by Force, partly by Flattery, he obtain'd a Promise from me to marry him; which having done, I could not obtain from him, (who fear'd, lest my Mind should change,) to put off the Celebration of it, that so I might have had time to communicate the Matter to the King and Queen of France, and to my other Friends [Page] beyond Sea; but, as he audaciously began, so, that he might arrive at the top of his Desires, he never gave over to solicite me by Arguments and earnest Entreaties, until at last he compell'd Me, not without Force, to put an end to the Matter begun, and that at such a Time and Way, as seem'd to him most convenient to his Purpose. And upon this head, I cannot dissemble, but must needs say, that I was treated by him otherwise, than I would, or than I had deserv'd of him; for he was more solicitous to satisfy them, by whose Consent, tho extorted from them at the beginning, he judges himself to have accomplish'd his Desires, (he having deceiv'd Them, as well as my self) than to gratify Me, by considering, what was fit and creditable for me to do, who had been always brought up in the Rites and Institutions of our Religion, from which, he, nor no Man living, shall ever divert Me. In this Point, I confess, tho I acknowledg my Error, yet, I much desire, that the King, the Queen, his Mother, my Uncle, nor other Friends of mine, would not expostulate with him, or rub up old Sores. For now Matters being so compleated, that they cannot be undone, I take all things in the best part; and, as he is indeed my Husband, I resolve now to look upon him, as one that hereafter I will Love and Reverence; and they who profess themselves my Friends, must needs carry the same Respects to him, since now we are join'd in the indissoluble Bond of Matrimony. Tho, in some things, he hath carried himself something negligently, and almost rashly, yet I impute it to his immoderate Love towards Me, and do therefore intreat the King, Queen, my Uncle, and other Friends, to respect him as much, as if all had been manag'd by their Advice, even to this very Day; and, on the other side, We promise, in his behalf, that he will gratify them in all things, which they shall desire.’

This was the Remedy provided against the bad Reports of the World abroad; but against Domestick Tumults they provided, after they had fixed those, by Gifts at present, and Promises for the future, who were either Perpetrators or Partizans in the King's Murder,The Queen frames an Association for the Nobility to subscribe, To make a Combination of the greater part of the Nobility; if that were done, they might undervalue the rest; or, if they remain'd obstinate, cut them off. Whereupon, they assembled many of the Nobility, and propounded to them the Heads of the Capitulations, they were to swear: The sum was, That they should maintain the Queen and Bothwel, and all their Actings; and on the other side, They were to Favour and Countenance the Concerns of Those of the Confederates, there present. A great many were persuaded before, and so subscribed; the rest, perceiving it was bad to conspire, and as dangerous to refuse, they subscribed, too. Murray was sent for, that his Authority (which was great, for his Virtue) might give some Countenance to the thing. As he was on his Journy, he was advis'd by his Friends, to consult his own Safety, and not to lie in Seton House, where the Queen and the chief Conspirators were, but rather to lodge in some Friends House in a Village hard by.Which the Earl of Murray refus'd to do, He answer'd, That was not in his Power, but, come what would, he would never assent to any flagitious [Page] Act, the rest he left to God. To the Courtiers, who were appointed by the Queen, to debate with him about subscribing the League, ‘He answer'd, That he could not justly nor honestly make this League with the Queen, (whom in all things, else twas his Duty to obey); That he was reconcil'd to Bothwel, by the Queens Mediation: Whatever he had then promis'd, he would observe to a tittle; neither was it Equitable, or Good for the Commonwealth, that he should make another League or Combination with him, or any other Man.’ The Queen accosted him more kindly than ordinary for some Days, and promis'd to tell him her Mind in all things, yet she could not speak out for Shame, and therefore try'd his Mind by her Friends; They also, perceiving his Constancy in that which was Right, openly confest, what 'twas they desir'd: And seeing they did no good by their underhand Ways, at length Bothwel set upon him, and after much Discourse, told him, That he did that Fact not willingly, nor for himself alone. His Countenance frown'd at that Word; whereupon Bothwel, having sometimes by serious Discourse, sometimes by terms near to railing, driven the nail, as far as it would go, at last endeavour'd to cast in Seeds of Discord, and to urge him to a Quarrel. He, on the contrary, answer'd moderately, gave no just occasion for a Combate, yet kept himself upright, and did not depart, in the least, from his Resolution. When Murray was versant in these straits for some Days, he ask'd leave of the Queen, that, seeing there was no great need of him at Court, he might have Liberty to retire to St. Andrews, or into Murray; for he was willing to go out of the Way, That he might not be suspected to be the Author of the Tumults, which, he foresaw, would arise. When he could not obtain that, nor yet remain at Court without great and apparent Danger, He, at last, got leave to travel,And therefore departs the Land. but upon Condition, not to stay in England, but to pass either through Flanders into Germany, or whither else he pleas'd. To go to Flanders, was all one as to cast himself into Evident Danger, and therefore, with much adoe, he obtain'd leave to pass thrô England into France, and from thence, whither he pleas'd himself. The Queen, being thus freed of a Free-hearted and popular Person, endeavours to remove the other Obstacles to her Tyranny, and Those were such, as would not willingly subscribe to her Wickedness; or, were not like easily to acquiesce in her Designs. But she had a special hatred against those, who, perceiving her to be no better affected towards her Son, than towards her former Husband, made an Association at Sterlin, for no wicked Design,A contrary Association entred into by several of the Nobility, to preserve the young King. but only to Defend the young Prince, which his Mother desir'd to have under the Power of his Father-in-Law. As for him, every Body knew, that he would make away with the Child, as soon as ever he had Opportunity so to do, that so he might not Live to be a Revenger of his Fathers death, nor to prevent his Children from the Crown. The chief of that Combination, were, the Earls of Argyle, Morton, Marr, Athol and Glencarn; besides others of the same Order, but inferior, and next in Degree, as Patrick Linsey, and Robert Boyd, with their Friends and Partners, who had adjoin'd themselves to [Page] them. But Argyle, with the same Levity, that he came in to them, in a Day or Two, discover'd their Designs to the Queen; and Boyd, was, by large Promises, wrought over to the contrary Party. Next to these, she suspected the Families of the Humes, the Carrs, and the Scots, living by the Borders of England, whose Power she sought, by all means, to lessen, and for that there seem'd a just occasion to be offer'd. For, when Bothwel was preparing an Expedition into Liddisdale, to make amends for the disgrace, he had receiv'd there the Autumn before; and also, to get some Credit by his Arms, to take off the envy of the King's Death, all the chief of the Families in Teviotdale were commanded by the Queen, to come in to the Castle of Edinburgh, that there, for some short time, they might be secure, as in free Custody; upon pretence, that they might not be led into an Expedition, which did not seem likely to be successfully accomplish'd, against their Wills; and they also, if at Liberty, might disturb the design, out of Envy; and, in their Absence, she might inure the Clans to the Government of others; and so, by degrees, wear off the Love of their old Patrons and Masters. But they, imagining, that there was some deeper Project hid under that Command, went home in the Night, all except Andrew Carr, who was commonly thought not ignorant of the Parricide, and Walter Carr of Sesford, a Man, that, by reason of his Innocent Life, suspected nothing. Hume, being often summon'd by Bothwel to come to Court, refus'd so to do; as knowing the King's thoughts towards him, yet notwithstanding the design for the Expedition proceeds, and the Queen staid at Borthwick Castle, about 8 Miles from Edinburgh. In the mean time, they, who had united to defend the King, being not ignorant of Bothwels intention towards him, thought it necessary to proceed to Action, not only for their own Security, but also, that, by demanding Justice upon the Author of the King's Murder, they might acquit the Scotish Name from the Infamy, under which it lay amongst foreign Nations. And therefore, supposing the common People would follow their Motions, they privately levy'd about 2000 Horse: So that the Queen knew nothing of what was Acted, till Hume came to Borthwick Castle, vvith part of the Army, and besieg'd Her, and Bothwel, together. But the other Part of the Conspirators, not coming in at the time appointed, and he having not force enough, to stop all Passages; and was not so active neither, as he might have been, because the rest had neglected their Parts;The Queen escapes from the associated Nobles, in Mans Apparel. First, Bothwel, made his escape, and after him, the Queen in Mans apparel, and went directly to Dunbar. Athol was the occasion, why his Associates came not in seasonably enough; For he, either amaz'd at the Greatness of the Undertaking; or, detain'd by his own sluggish Temper, kept the rest at Sterlin, until the Opportunity of the Service vvas lost; yet, that they might seem to have done something, a great part of them were sent to besiege Edinburgh. Iames Balfure vvas Governor of the Castle there, put in by Bothwel, as being a Partner in the Parricide, and Author of, or else Privy to, all his Designs; but when he saw he had no Pay for his Service, and vvas not so vvell respected by the Tyrants as he [Page] expected, for they had endeavour'd to take away the Command from him, he drove out Those of the contrary Faction, and brought the Castle under his sole Power; he then promis'd the publick Vindicators of the Parricide, That he would do them no hurt, and was creating of Conditions, how to deliver it up. There were then in the Town, the Principal of the Queen's Faction, Iohn Hamilton, the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews; George Gordon, Earl of Huntly, and Iohn Lesly, Bishop of Ross: They understanding, that their Enemies were receiv'd into the Town, flew to the Townhouse, and there offer'd themselves Captains to the Multitude, to drive them out; but very few coming in to them, they were driven back to the Castle; they were received into it by Balfure, and a few days after were sent away safe, a by-way: For Balfure, having not yet fully agreed with the other Side, would not then cut off all his Hopes of Pardon from those of his Party: The Town easily came into the Combination, for it had been burden'd a little before with new Taxes from the Queen; and, in the publick Necessity, they expected no Moderation from her Party, and were unanimously offended with her Tyranny; yea, as oft as they had Liberty to express their Sentiments, they cursed the Court-Wickedness with most grievous Execrations.

Matters being thus slowly carried by the Faction of the Nobles at Borthwick, the Queen and Bothwel, by the neglect of the Guards, escaped by Night, and with a small Retinue came to Dunbar, where they had a well-fortify'd Castle to secure themselves in; Thereupon, there followed so great a change of things, that they, who were lately in great Despair, now, by the flocking in of those to them, who either were Partners in their Evils, or else followed the Shadow of the Royal Name, grew strong enough, as they thought, to cope with and subdue their Adversaries. On the other side, the Vindicators of Liberty were driven to great Straits; for, to their great Disappointment, there were but a few came in to so renown'd an Undertaking; the Heat of the Vulgar, as is usual, quickly abating, and a great part of the Nobility being very averse, or at least standing aloof off, expecting the Issue of the others Danger; besides, though they were superior in Number, yet they wanted Artillery to take in Castles: Seeing then no Issue of their Counsels at present, Necessity in a manner compelling them, they thought to return without effecting any thing: But the Queen decided their Doubts, for she,And arms against them. taking Courage from the Numbers she had, resolv'd with them to march for Leith, to try her Fortune neer at hand, imagining also, That at her Coming, greater Concourse would have been made to her; and That her Boldness would strike Terror into her Enemies; Besides, the Success of former times had so elated her Spirit, That she thought now hardly any Man would stand to look her in the Face. This her Confidence was much heighten'd by her Flatterers, and especially by Edmond Hayes, a Lawyer; he told her, That all things were pervious to her Valour, That her Enemies wanted Force, and were at their Wits end, and, at the very Noise of her Coming, would be packing away: Whereas, indeed, the matter was far otherwise, and in the [Page] present Circumstances, nothing had been better for her, than Delay; for, if she had kept her self in the Castle of Dunbar, but three Days longer, the Vindicators of Liberty, being destitute of all Preparation for War, as having attempted their Liberty in vain, must have been forc'd to depart every one to his own House. However, she march'd from Dunbar, being excited by bad Counsel, and by vain hopes; yet she march'd slowly, because she distributed Arms to the Country-men, that she gathered up by the way. At length a little before Night, they came to Seton, and because they could not be quarter'd there, they divided their Number into two Neighbouring Villages, both called Preston: From thence a fearful Alarm was brought to Edinburgh before Midnight, and presently the Word was given, To your Arms; They rose out of their Beds, and made all the haste they could into the Fields adjoining, and there having gathered a good Body together by Sun-rising, they set them in Battel-array; thence they march'd to Musselburgh, to pass the River Esk, before the Bridg and Ford were possess'd by the Enemy, (that Village is but two Miles from Preston) but meeting no body, and perceiving no Noise at all, they placed Guards and Sentinels, and went to refresh themselves with Food. In the mean time, the Scouts which were sent for Espial, seeing a few Horse-Men, drove them into the Village, but did not dare to follow them further, for fear of an Ambush; so that, they brought back no certain News of the Army, only that the Enemy was a marching: Whereupon the Vindicators of Liberty, marching out of Musselburgh, saw the Enemy standing in Battel-array, upon the brow of an Hill over against them, and that they kept their Ground. The Hill being so steep, that they could not come at them, without Prejudice, they drew a little to the right, both to have the Sun on their Backs, as also to gain an easier Ascent, and to fight upon a more advantagious Ground; that Design of theirs deceived the Queen, for she thought, they had fled, and were marching to Dalkeith, a Neighbour-Town of the Earl of Morton's; she was fully persuaded, that the Terror of her Royal Name was so great, that they durst not stand;A State Maxim, irrefragably true. but she quickly found, That Authority, as 'tis gotten by good Arts, so may be quickly lost by bad; and that Majesty destitute of Virtue, is soon brought to nothing. In their March, the Dalkeithians brought them forth all manner of Provisions in Abundance. When they had refresh'd themselves, and quench'd their Thirst, which much annoy'd them before, as soon as ever they got a convenient place, they divided their Army into two Bodies, Morton commanded the first, assisted by Alexander Hume and his Vassals: The second was led on by the Earls of Glencarn, Both Armies ready to ingage. Marr, and Athol; when they were thus ready to charge, Crock the French Embassador came to them,Monsieur Crock, the French Embassador mediates for a Peace. he prefaced to them, by an Interpreter, how he had always studied the Good and Tranquillity of the Scots, and that he was now of the same Mind, and therefore he earnestly desired, if possible, that the Controversy might be decided to the Satisfaction of both Parties, without Force or Bloodshed, wherein he offered his Service, alleging, That the Queen also was not averse from Peace; and, to incline them to believe it, he told them, she [Page] would give a present Pardon, and Oblivion of what was done, and she faithfully promised, That they should all be indemnified, for taking up Arms against the Supream Magistrate. When Mr. Crock's Interpreter had thus spoken, Morton answered, ‘They had not took up Arms against the Queen, but against the Murderer of the late King, whom, if she would deliver up to Punishment, or sever her self from him, then she should understand, They and their Fellow-Subjects desired nothing more, than to persist in their Duty to Her: Otherwise, no Agreement could be made.’ Glencarn added, ‘That they came not thither to receive Pardon for taking up Arms, but to give it.’ Crock, seeing their Resolution, and knowing well, That what they spake was true,But not prevailing, he withdraws himself. and what they desired was just, crav'd leave to depart, and so went to Edinburgh. In the mean time, the Queen's Army kept it self within the ancient Camp-Bounds of the English; it was a Place naturally higher than the rest; and besides, fortified with a Work and Ditch; from whence Bothwel shewed himself, mounted on a brave Steed, and proclaim'd, by an Herald, that he was ready to fight a Duel with any one of the adverse Party. Iames Murray, a noble Young Man,Bothwel's daring Challenge answered: offer'd himself from the other Army; he had done the same before by a Chartel, but suppress'd his Name; (as I said before,) Bothwel refus'd him, alleging, That he was not a fit Match for him, neither in Dignity nor Estate; Then came forth William Murray, Iames's elder Brother, affirming, that if Mony-Matters were subducted, he was as powerful as Bothwel, but in Antiquity of Family and Integrity of Repute, his Superior: He also was refused, as being but lately made a Knight, and of the second Rank; many of the first Rank offered themselves, especially Patrick Lindsy, he desired it as the only Reward of all his Labours, which he had undergone to maintain the Honour of Scotland, that he might be permitted to fight with Bothwel: Bothwel excepted against him, too; and not knowing how creditably to come off, the Queen interposed her Authority, and, forbidding him to fight, ended the Controversy:But the Queen forbids the Duel. Then marching through the Army on Horse-back, she tried how they all stood affected. Bothwel's Kindred and Friends desired to fight; but the rest told her, that there were many brave Souldiers in the adverse Army, who being well exercised in Arms, the Hazard of a Fight was dangerous; As for themselves, they were ready, but the Commonalty, of which they had a great many, were averse from the Cause; and therefore 'twas much fitter,The Queen's Army refuses to fight; that Bothwel himself should maintain his own Cause in a Duel, than that he should expose so many brave Men, and especially the Queen her self, to so great Hazard; but if she were fully resolved to fight, yet 'twas best to defer it, till to Morrow: For, 'twas said, that the Hamiltons were a coming with 500 Horse, and that they were not far off; with the Conjunction of their Forces, they might then more safely advise about the main; for at that time, the Earl of Huntly, and Iohn Hamilton, Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, had gather'd their Clans together to Hamilton, and the day after were coming to the Queen; whereupon she gnash'd her Teeth, and fell a Weeping, casting out many Reproaches against the Nobles, and, by a Messenger, [Page] desires of the contrary Army, that they would send William Kircade of In Fife. Grange to Her, that she would speak with him, about Conditions of Peace, in the Interim the Army should not advance; neither did the Army of the Vindicators proceed, but they stood near, and in a low place, so that the Enemies Ordnance might not annoy them. Whilst the Queen was conferring with Kircade, Whereupon Bothwel flies, and the Queen is taken Prisoner. Bothwel was bid to shift for himself, (for that was it which she aim'd at, by pretending a Conference) who made such fearful haste to Dunbar, that he commanded two Horse-Men, that accompanied him, to return back again. Such a Load of Guilt lay upon his Mind, that he could hardly trust his own Friends. The Queen, when she thought he was out of Danger, articled with Kircade, that the rest of her Army should pass quietly home, and so she came with him to the Nobles, cloth'd only with a Tunicle, and that a mean and thread-bare one too, reaching but a little below her Knees: Of the Van of the Army, she was receiv'd, not without Demonstration of their former Reverence; but when she desir'd, that they would dismiss her to meet the Hamiltons, who were said to be coming on, promising to return again, and commanded Morton to undertake for her, (for she hoped, by fair Promises, to do what she would) when she could not obtain it, she brake forth into Bitterness of Language, and upbraided the Commanders with what she had done for them; they also heard her with Silence: But when she came to the second Body, there was an unanimous Cry from them all; Burn the Whore, burn the Parricide. King Henry was painted in one of the Banners, dead, and his little Son by him, craving Vengeance of God for the Murder; that Banner two Souldiers stretch'd out betwixt two Pikes, and set before her Eyes, whithersoever she went; at this Sight she swooned; and could scarce be kept upon her Horse; but, recovering her self, she remitted nothing of her former Fierceness, uttering Threats and Reproaches, shedding Tears, and manifesting other Appendexes to Women's Griefs. In her March, she made what Delay she could, expecting, if any Aid might come from elsewhere; but one of the Company cry'd out, There was no reason she should expect the Hamiltons, for there was not an arm'd Man, in many Miles of the place: At last a little before Night, she entred Edinburgh, her Face being covered with Dust and Tears, as if Dirt had been cast upon it, all the People running out to see the Spectacle, she past through a great part of the City in great Silence, the Multitude leaving her so narrow a Passage, that scarce one could go a breast; when she was going up to her Lodging, one Woman of the Company prayed for her; but she turning to the People, told them, besides other threatning Words, That she would burn the City, and quench the Fire with the Blood of the perfidious Citizens. When she shewed her self weeping out of the Window, and a great Concourse of People was made, amongst whom, some did commiserate her sudden change of Fortune: The former Banner was held out to her, whereupon she shut the Window, and flung in. When she had staid there two days, she was sent Prisoner, by the Order of the Nobles, to a Castle scituated in Lough-Levin; for Edinburgh-Castle was yet held [Page] by Balfure, who, though he favour'd the Vindicators, yet he had not made any Conditions for the Surrender of the Castle.

In the mean time, the Bishop of Dunblane, The Bishop of Dunblane chouzed in his Embassy to France. who was sent Embassador into France, to excuse the Queen's Marriage, being ignorant of all that was done in Scotland, after his Departure, came to that Court, at the time, whilst these last Transactions were on foot, and obtain'd a Day for Audience. The very same day, there came 2 Letters to the King and his Mother, one from Crock, his Embassador, another from Ninian Cockerburn, a Scot, who had serv'd, as Captain of Horse, some years in France; both of them discover'd the present Posture of Affairs in Scotland. The Scots Embassador, being admitted to the King's Presence, made a long & accurate Speech, partly to excuse the Queen's Marriage, without the Advice of her Friends; partly, to commend Bothwel to the Skies, beyond all Right and Reason. The Queen of France interrupted the vain Man, and shew'd him the Letters she had receiv'd from Scotland; how that the Queen was a Prisoner, and Bothwel was fled; whereupon, he was astonish'd at the sudden ill News, and held his Peace: They who were present, did partly jeer, and partly smile at, this unlook'd-for Accident; there were none of them all, but thought, she suffer'd deservedly.

About the same time,Wondrous Discoveries concerning the King's Murder, in Bothwels Cabinet of Letters. Bothwel sent one of his faithfullest Servants into the Castle of Edinburgh, to bring him a silver Cabinet, which had been sometimes Francis's, King of France, as appear'd by the Cyphres on the outside, wherein were Letters writ, almost all, with the Queen's own Hand, in which the King's Murder, and the things vvhich followed, vvere clearly discover'd, and 'twas vvritten in almost all of them, that, as soon as he had read them, he should burn them. But Bothwel, knowing the Queen's Inconstancy, as having had many evident Examples of it in a few Years, had preserv'd the Letters; that so, if any Difference should arise betwixt him & her, he might use them as a Testimony for himself, and thereby declare, That he vvas not the Author, but only a Party, in the King's Murder. Balfure deliver'd this Cabinet to Bothwel's Servant, but vvithal, he inform'd the Chiefs of the adverse Party, What he had sent, Whither, and by Whom; vvhereupon, they took him, and found, in the Letters, great and mighty Matters contain'd, which, though before shrewdly suspected, yet could never so clearly be made forth; but here the vvhole vvicked Plot vvas visibly exposed to vievv: Bothwel, not speeding in any of his Affairs, and being destitute of all Help or Hope to recover the Kingdom, fled, first to the Orcades, then to the Schetland Isles; and there, being driven to great Want, he exercis'd Piracy. In the Interim, many dealt vvith, and desir'd, the Queen to separate her Cause from Bothwel's; (for, if he was punish'd, she might easily be restor'd with the Good-Will of all her Subjects:) But the fierce Woman, bearing, as yet, the Spirit of her former Fortune, and in [...]ag'd vvith her present Troubles, answer'd, That she would rather live with him in the utmost Adversity, than without him in the Royalest Condition. But amongst the Nobles, there were great Thoughts of Heart; the Revengers of the Parricide hoped, that at the noise of so famous a [Page] Business, the Approbation of the Better Part, if not All, would have concurr'd with them; but it fell out far otherwise, for popular Envy, being abated, partly by space of Time, and partly by the consideration of the Uncertainty of human Affairs, was turn'd into Commiseration; yea, some of the Nobility, did then no less bewail the Queen's Calamity,The Queen pitied in her Distress. than heretofore they had execrated her Cruelty; Both which they did, rather by Inconstancy of Mind, than by any propense Affection to either side: So that it evidently appear'd, that, in such troubled Waters, they did not seek the Publick Peace, but rather fish for their own private Advantage; many also desir'd Quietness, and they weighed within themselves, which Party was strongest, and so were inclin'd to side with the most Powerful. Their Faction was thought to be the strongest, who, either consented to the Murder, or, when the thing was done, in obsequiousness to the Queen, subscrib'd to that sceleratious Fact: The chief of them came in to Hamilton, and being very strong, would receive neither Letters,The Hamiltons stir in her behalf. nor Messengers, from the contrary Party, in order to a Settlement; neither did they spare to reproach them with all kind of calumniating Language; and they were so much the more inrag'd, because the greatest part of the Nobles, who respected rather the Blasts of Fortune, than the Equity of the Cause, did not come in to the Vindicators; for they that were not against them, they concluded were for them. Moreover, they esteem'd it a piece of Vain-Glory, that the Vindicators should enter before them into the Metropolis of the Kingdom, and from thence send for them, who were the greater Number, and more powerful. The other Party, though they had not imperiously commanded them, but only humbly desir'd; yet, to prescinde any Shew of imputable Arrogance, they prevail'd with the Ministers of the Churches, to write jointly to them all, and severally to each in particular, That, in so dangerous a time, they should not be wanting to the Publick Peace; but, setting aside private Animosities, they should consult, What was most expedient for the Publick Good. These Letters did no more Good with the contrary Faction, than Those of the Nobles before; they all making the same Excuses, as if it had been so agreed purposely between them. Afterwards, the Queen's Faction met together in diverse Places, and, finding no means to accomplish their Designs, they all slipp'd off, and dispers'd several ways. In the Interim, the Vindicators of the publick Parricide dealt with the Queen, (whom they could not separate from the Concerns of the Murderers) to resign up her Government, upon pretence of Sickness, or any other specious Allegation, and to commit the Care of her Son, and the Administration of Publick Affairs, to which of the Nobles,Governours appoinetd for the young King, by the Queen her self. she pleas'd. At last, with much ado, she appointed, as Governours to the Child, Iames, Earl of Murray, if, upon his Return home, he did not refuse the Charge; Iames, Duke of Castle-herault; Matthew, Earl of Lennox; Gilespy, Earl of Argyle; Iohn, Earl of Athol; Iames, Earl of Morton; Alexander, Earl of Glencarn; and Iohn, Earl of Marr. Moreover, they sent Proxies to see the King plac'd in his Royal Throne, and so to enter on the Government, either at Sterlin, or any other Place, if they thought fit. [Page] These things were acted, Iuly the 25th, in the Year of our Lord, 1567. A little before, Iames, Earl of Murray, hearing how Matters went at home, returned through France, and was pretty nobly entertain'd at Court; yet so, that Hamilton (whose Faction, the Guises knew, were more intimately affected towards them) was far better receiv'd, which was occasion'd chiefly by the Guises, who were averse to all Murray's Designs. After he was dismiss'd, the Archbishop of Glasgow, who called himself the Queen of Scots Embassador, told the Court, That Iames, though absent, yet was the Chief of the Faction; and, as in former times, all things were acted by his Influence, so now he was sent for, as an Head to the Body of them. Hereupon, some were sent after to bring him back; but he, being forewarned by his Friends, had set Sail from the Haven of Deip, where he was, before the King's Letters came, and arriving in England, The Earl of Murray returns from Travel. was honourably entertain'd by all Orders of Men, and so sent home. There he was receiv'd with the high Gratulation and Joy of all the People, especially of the Vindicators; and they all earnestly desir'd him to undertake the Government, whilst the King, his Sister's Son, was yet a Child: for he alone was able to manage that great Trust, with the least Envy, because of his Propinquity in Blood, his known Valour in many Dangers, his great Popularity grounded on his Deserts; and moreover, the Queen desir'd it, too. He, tho knowing, what they had spoke was true, yet, desir'd a few Days of Deliberation, before he gave in his Answer. In the mean time, he writes earnestly to the Heads of the other Faction, and chiefly to Argyle, as being his Kinsman, and one, whom, by reason of ancient Acquaintance, he was loth to offend; he told him, in what posture things were, and what the Infant-King's Party did desire of him, and therefore he intreated him, by their Nearness of Blood, by their ancient Friendship, and by the common Safety of their Country, that he would give him opportunity to speak with him, that so, by his Assistance, himself and their Country might be deliver'd out of the present Difficulties. He also wrote to the rest, according to every ones Place and Interest; and, in general, he desir'd of them all, that, seeing Matters were in such Confusion, there was no likelihood of a Settlement, without a chief Magistrate; That they should all agree, to meet together, as soon as might be, in a Place they should judg most convenient, and so, by common Consent, to settle Matters. At length, being not able to obtain a Meeting from the One Faction, nor any longer delay of a Convention from the Other, with the unanimous Consent of all, there present, he was elected REGENT.And is chosen Regent.

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IAMES the VIth, the CVIIIth King.

Iohn Knox preaches a Sermon at the Coronation of K. Iames the 6th. The Coronation-Oath taken by Proxies, by reason of the King's Minority.ON the 29th of August, after an excellent Sermon made by Iohn Knox, Iames, the Sixth of that Name, began his Reign; Iames, Earl of Morton, and Alexander Hume, took the Oath for him, that he would observe the Laws; they also promised, in his Name, that he would observe that Doctrine, and those Rites of Religion, which were then publickly taught and practised, and oppose the contrary. A few days after, Hamilton's Partisans murmured, That a few Persons, and those none of the powerfullest neither, had, without their Consent, and contrary to their Expectation, grasp'd all things into their own Hands: When they had tried all the Nobility one by one, they found few of their Opinion, besides those who first came in to them, for many were rather Spectators than Actors of what was done. At length, they wrote to the Royalists, That Argyle was ready to give a Meeting, to confer with the Earl of Murray. These Letters being directed to the Earl of Murray, without any other Title of Honour, were, by the Council's Advice, rejected, and the Messenger dismissed, in effect, without an Answer. But Argyle, knowing what had offended in superscribing his Letters, and, trusting to the Faithfulness of the Regent, with a few of the chief of his Faction, came to Edinburgh, where having receiv'd Satisfaction, That 'twas not out of any slighting of those Nobles that were absent, but mere Necessity so requiring, that had caused them to make such haste, in setling a chief Magistrate: A few Days after, he came to the publick Convention of the Estates.

The Nineteenth BOOK.

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WHEN the King was set up, and the Power of the Regent almost settled, there was Quietness from Force and Arms, but the Peace was but Ticklish, Mens minds were yet in a Fermentation, and their Indignation, which they could not hide, did seem to portend some sudden Mischief. In this great uncertainty of Affairs, all Mens thoughts and Eyes were fixt upon, what the insuing Parliament would do; The time of its Sitting was the 25th of August, where the Assembly was so Numerous, that no Man, ever before, remember'd the like Concourse. Therein the Authority of the Regent was confirm'd; but, about the Queen, they differ'd in their Opinions; for, it appearing by many Testimonies and Proofs, especially by her own Letters to Bothwel, that the whole Plot of the bloody Fact was laid by Her; Some being moved with the Heinousness of the thing, and Others being afterwards made acquainted therewith by Her, lest They themselves should be punished, as Accessories to so odious a Crime, to remove her Testimony out of the way, Voted, That she should suffer the utmost extremity of the Law; but the Major part Sentenced Her only to be kept in Prison. After the Parliament rose, The Winter was spent in settling Judicatories, and punishing Delinquents. The Embassadors of the French and English had Audience, they Both desir'd to see the Queen; but, she being a Prisoner on a publique Account, 'twas deny'd them: None but Bothwel was then in Arms; Whereupon some were sent with a Navy, to catch him as he was exercising Piracy near the Orcades and the Isles of Schetland. The publick Stock was then so low, that they were forc'd to borrow Mony of Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton, to rig and fit the Navy; so that his private Purse, at that Time, bore the Burden of the publick Charge. Bothwel was there, in a manner, secure, both because of the fierceness of Winter-Tempests, then raging in those Seas, which made them inaccessible for a Fleet; as also, because he knew the Treasury, which he himself had exhausted, could not afford Mony to set out One; so that by the sudden coming of William Kircade, of Grange, who commanded the Fleet, he was almost surpriz'd, some of his Company were taken,Bothwel flies to the Northern Isles, and from thence to Denmark. but he himself escap'd, with a few in Company, by the contrary side of the Island amongst the Shallows and Fords, where great Ships could not follow, and so sail'd to Denmark: Where giving no good Account, Whence he came, nor Whither he was Bound, he was put in Ward; and afterward, being known by some Merchants,Where he is imprisoned, and dies, Distracted. he was clapt up close Prisoner; where, after ten Years nasty Imprisonment, and other Miseries, at last he grew Mad, and came to a Death, suitable to his base and wicked Life.

At the beginning of the next Spring, the Regent determin'd to make a Progress over the whole Kingdom, to settle Courts of Justice there, that so he might repair and amend what was Amiss, [Page] or else shrewdly Shaken, by the Tumults of the former Years. Which Proceeding of his was variously interpreted, according to Mens several Humours and Dispositions; The adverse Faction declaim'd every where against the Regent's Severity; or, as they phras'd it, Cruelty, which was formidable to them, who, by reason of the greatness of their Offences, could not endure to be regulated by the Law, in regard they had been us'd to Licentiousness in former Times: But, if the Queen were set at Liberty, some of them had Rewards; Others, Impunity, in their Eye, by which means many were drawn in to the contrary Faction; yea, some of those too, who had been Instruments in her Apprehension.

Maitland was as great an Enemy to Bothwel, (whom he look'd upon, as a vile and naughty Person, and one that would have cut his Throat,) as he was a Favourer of the Queen's Affairs, and because he was out of hope to overthrow him, as long as the Queen was alive, therefore he inclin'd, in the Parliament, to that side that would have had her punish'd according to Law. Iames Balfure was in the like Circumstances, as imagining Bothwel to be his implacable Enemy, tho neither of them was thought innocent in the matter of the King's Death. But when Bothwel was taken, and kept Prisoner in Denmark, they then apply'd their Thoughts wholly to the Deliverance of the Queen; not only, because they hop'd for an impunity of their common Crime more easily from her; but also, because, they thought, She, that had made away her Husband, would do but little better with her Son, whose Infancy and Shadow of Royal Name was That alone, which kept her from the Throne; but besides, they judg'd it also for their own Security, lest the Son should come to the Kingdom to be a Revenger of his Father's Death. Moreover, they were no obscure Conjectures, That the Queen's mind was not much abhorrent from such an Attempt; For she was often heard to say, The Child was not long-liv'd, for a skilful Astrologer had told her at Paris, that her first Child would not live above a Year, and (tis thought) that she her Self came once to Sterlin, in the same Hope, intending to bring the Child with her to Edinburgh, which Suspicion caus'd Iohn Erskin, Governor of the Castle, not to suffer the Child to be taken from him; it also made a great part of the Nobility, then met at Sterlin, to associate themselves, by Oath, to maintain the said young Prince in Safety.

Moreover, the Hamiltons, were, might and main, for freeing the Queen;The Queen's Party, of which the Hamiltons were the chief, design Her Deliverance, out of Durance. because, if her Son were remov'd, by her means, They were one degree nearer to the Crown, and after that, 'twere no hard task to take her off also, because, she was hated of all for her Crimes; and having once been stopp'd in her Tyranny, would afterwards let forth the Reins looser, and more impetuously, to Cruelty. Argyle and Huntly, of which one had a Mother, the other a Wife, of the Family of the Hamiltons, did cherish their hopes, and wish'd them good Success, but they had also proper Reasons of their own to incline them so to do; because, neither of them was judg'd to be wholly ignorant, or guiltless, of the Queen's Crimes; Besides, William Murray of In Strath [...]arn. Tillibarden, being alienated, [Page] both by Reason of his different Opinion, in point of Religion, and bearing also a private Grudg against the Regent, tho he had been highly serviceable in taking the Queen; yet, did not only revolt from the Royal Party himself, but also drew a great many of his Friends along with him, upon proposal of no small Rewards to them. These were the Principals in delivering the Queen, there were many others also that fell in with their Party, whom either domestick Necessity, private Grudges, desire of Revenge, Hope of bett'ring their Fortune, or else Propinquity or Obligation to those above nam'd, did draw in and engage.

In this troublesome state of Affairs, the Regent was equally unmoveable against the Intreaties of his Friends, and the Threats of his Enemies, tho he knew, by the publick Libels, which they posted up and down, the Cause of their hatred, and their desire of Revenge: And tho some Astrologers, not unacquainted with the Plots design'd against him, did foretel, he should not live beyond such a Day; yet he persisted in his purpose, often saying,The Regent remarkable Speech and Resolu [...]io [...] ▪ That he knew well enough, he must die one time or other; and that he could never part with his Life more nobly or creditably, than by procuring the publick Tranquillity of his Native Country. And therefore, first, he summon'd a Convention of the Estates at Glasgow, whither the Lennox Men, the Renfroans and the Men of Clydsdale, were commanded to come, and whilst he was busied there, in the Administration of Justice, and in the punishment of Offenders, the Plot, so long agitated, for the Deliverance of the Queen, took effect. The manner of it was This. In the Castle, that the Queen was kept in, in Lough-Levin, there was the Regent's Mother, and his 3 Brother's by another Father, with abundance of other Women; yet, none were admitted to visit the Queen, but such as were well known; or else, that came by the Regents Order. Of these domestick Attendants, the Queen made choice of George Douglas, as fittest for her Purpose; He was the Regent's youngest Brother, a young Man, ingenious enough, and, by reason of his Age, apt to be impos'd upon by female Inticements; He, being something familiar with Her, on pretence to attend her in such Sports, as Courts, at idle times, refresh themselves withal, undertook to corrupt some of the common Servants of the Castle, by Gifts and Promises; and She, having intrusted him therein, would not deny any thing to such a Person, from whom she expected her Liberty; George then, having a promise of Indemnity from her for himself, and his Partizans, and being excited with the hopes of great Wealth and Power for the future, not without the Consent of his Mother, (as was verily thought) acted all that ever he could to bring the thing about. And tho some Persons did smell the Design, and acquainted the Regent therewith, yet he put such a confidence in Those he had plac'd there, that he chang'd none of the old Guard, only George himself was commanded out of the Island; whereupon, he departed to the next Village, on the edge of the Lough; where, having before corrupted the Officers of the Castle with Mony, he had, in a manner, a freer Communication with the Queen, by Letters, than before; whereupon, [Page] there were not only those Scots admitted to a partnership in the Plot, who were discontented at the present State of things, but the French were associated too, by Iames Hamilton, who had been Regent some Years before; and by Iames Beton, Archbishop of Glasgow; the Scots were to do the Work, and the French to pay the Wages.

About the end of April, an Embassador came from France, and, in the Name of his King,An Embassador from France. desir'd leave to visit the Queen, which, if he did not obtain, he pretended, he would presently depart. The Regent told him, 'twas not in his Power, That the Queen was not made Prisoner by him, neither could he determine any thing in the Case, without advising with Those who had first committed Her, and with Others who had afterward confirm'd by an Act of Parliament, what was done; Nevertheless he would gratify his Sister, and the King his Ally, in what he could, and would call an Assembly of the Nobles, the 20th of the next Month in order to that End. With that Answer the Embassador was somewhat pacified, and the Regent went on in his Judicatories; Whereupon the Queen,The Queen escapes out of Prison, and gathers Forces against the Regent. having brib'd the Master of a Vessel, Her other Companions being sent about sleeveless Errands, was brought out of the Lough; Her escape being told to those that were then at Dinner in the Castle, they made a great stir, but to little purpose, for all the Boats were haled a Shore, and their Loop-holes, to put out their Oars, were all stopt up, so that no speedy Pursuit could be made. There were Horsemen expecting the Queen on the other side the Lough, who carried her to the several Houses of the Partizans in the Design, and the Day after, which was May the 3d, she came to Hamilton, a Town 8 Miles distant from Glasgow; when the thing was nois'd abroad, many came in to Her, some distrusting the King's Party, which they look'd upon as not very strong; Others in hope of Favour from the Queen; and some, in confidence of a Reward for their old Services, in this Tumult, discover'd their Minds; and part of them, having obtain'd Pardon for what was past, expecting the Event of Fortune, were but loose Adherents to the Regent. The Defection of others, was not so much wondred at, but the revolt of Robert Boyd, who, till that very Day, had obtain'd a great opinion for his Constancy, afforded matter of Discourse; He, being brought up on the ruins of a Noble Family (as I said before, in the life of King Iames the 3d,) parsimoniously and meanly under his Father, a valiant Man, and emulous of the ancient Frugality, follow'd the same course of Life, as the rest of his Kin did, viz. by applying himself to richer Families to make way to repair his own, lately flourishing, but now decaying one, to their ancient Estate and Dignity. Whereupon, his Father and He first apply'd themselves to the Hamiltons, who were than uppermost. And when their Regentship was laid down, and the chief Magistracy settled in the Queen Dowager; and Controversies about Religion began to arise, he join'd himself to the Reformers, to which his Father was most averse. That Faction was accounted the most potent, to That he adher'd, till the Queen's coming out of France; yea, he grew very renown'd for his Constancy, Fortitude [Page] and Prudence; So that Gilespy, Earl of Argyle, was so taken with him, that he did almost nothing without his Advice. But, when some of the Nobles had associated at Sterlin, not for any Treasonable Project, but only to defend the King, he, indeed, subscrib'd the League too; but, with great Levity, both himself, and Argyle, who was guided by his Counsel, discover'd the whole Intrigue to the Queen. From that time forward, Boyd sided with the Queen, in all her Designs against his old Friends, being well reputed of on that side; but by those, he deserted, he was accounted a Turn-coat, and an inconstant Person. When the Queen was committed to Prison, Boyd apply'd himself to Murray the Regent, and was so well respected by him, for his industrious Ingenuity, that he was admitted into his Cabinet-Council; and tho several Opinions past upon him by others, yet he was in high Favour with the Regent at Glasgow in his Juridical Processes; but when he perceiv'd it was like to come to Blows, he went off privately to the Queen, and from thence sent a Letter to the Earl of Morton, by his Son, excusing his Departure, and alleging, he might probably do the Royalists as much Service, there, as if he had staid with them. His revolt, by reason of the good Opinion many had of his Conversation and Manners, gave great occasion of Discourse.

In the mean time, the Regent had an hot Debate in Council, Whether they should stay, where they were, or else, go to the King at Sterlin? A great many were of opinion, that 'twas better to depart, and they urg'd Arguments for it; as, that Hamilton was a Town near them, full of People, and all the Clanships of that Family lay round about it: Besides, the Queen had with her 500 Horse, and it was reported, many more were making towards her from remoter Parts; whereas, with the Regent there were only a few of his own Friends, the rest having ran away to the Queen, or gone privately home, about their own Affairs, as if all things had been quiet; and, tho the Citizens of Glasgow were faithful enough, as being provok'd by the many and great Injuries they had receiv'd from the Hamiltons, when in Power; yet the Town it self was large, not very Populous, and every way approachable. On the contrary, Others reason'd, That all depended on the first Beginning of things; That his departure would be Dishonourable, and look like running away; That all Suspicion of fear was then principally to be avoided, for they should heighten their Enemies thereby, and discourage their Friends. On the one side, there were the Cuninghams and the Semples, potent Families; On the other side, Lennox, the King's peculiar Patrimony, from whence the next Neighbours might presently come in, in a few Hours; the rest, the next, or, at furthest, the Day after; In the interim, till further Aid came, they had strength enough, especially being assisted by the Townsmen. This advice prevail'd in Council.

The French Embassador posted betwixt both Parties,The French Embassador busy betwixt the Parties, rather as a Spy, than a Peace-maker, which yet he pretended to be; for, perceiving, that there was but a small Force at Glasgow at first, and an Appearance of a great Multitude at Hamilton, he earnestly excited the Queen to put it to a Battel, presently. The Regent had gathered a party from the Neighbourhood, and expected those further [Page] off from Merch and Lothian; there came in about 600 Horse, choice and resolute Men; he gave them one day to refresh themselves in, and then determined to march out to Hamilton, and to engage the Enemy immediately; for he believed, Delay was dangerous for him, and advantagious to the Enemy, whom the remote Parts of the Kingdom favour'd most. Two days after, he was inform'd, That, about the third Watch, the Enemy was drawing together from all places, where they quarter'd; they trusted to their Number, being about 6500 fighting Men, and they knew the Regent had scarce 4000; but they resolved to march by Glasgow, and to leave the Queen in Dunbarton-Castle, and so either to fight, or lengthen out the War, as they pleased; or, if the Regent should be so bold as to stop their Passage, which they believed he durst not do, they would then fight, and were confident they should beat Him. But he, having determined to urge them to fight before, as soon as ever he could, drew out his Men into the open Field before the Town, the way that he thought the Enemy would come, and there waited for them in Battel-array, for some Hours: But when he saw their Troops pass by the other side of the River, he presently understood their Design, and commanded his Foot to pass over the Bridg, and his Horse to ford over the River, which they might do, it being low Water, and so to march to Two Miles South of Glasgow. Langside, which was a Village by the River Carth, where the Enemies were to pass, scituated in the Foot of an Hill, respecting the South-West; on the East and North, the Passage was steep, but on the other side, there was a gentle Descent into a Plain, thither they hastned with such Speed, that the Royalists had neer possest the Hill, before the Enemy, who aim'd at the same place, understood their Design, though they march'd thither by a nearer Cut; But the Royalists met with Two Advantages, which was a great Discouragement to their Enemies; One, that Gilespy Cambel, Earl of Argyle, who commanded in chief, fell suddenly down from his Horse sick, and by his Fall, much delayed the March of his Party. The Other, that their Forces being plac'd here and there, in little Vallies, could never see all the Royalists at once, whose Paucity (as indeed, they were not many) made the Enemy to despise them, and the Disadvantage of the place, too. At last, when the Queen's Forces drew nigh, and saw the Ground which they aim'd at, possest by the Enemy, they went to another little Hill over against them, and there divided their Party into two Bodies: Their chief Strength they plac'd in the First; if they had overthrown their adverse Party there, they knew, the rest would be dismaid at their Flight, and so they should overcome them without Fighting. The King's Party also divided themselves into Two Wings; Iames Douglas Earl of Morton, A Fight between the Royalists▪ and the Queen's Forces. Robert Semple, Alexander Hume, Patrick Lindsy, each with his Clanship, were placed in the Right. In the left, stood Iohn Earl of Marr, Alexander Earl of Glencarn, William Earl of Menteith, and the Citizens of Glasgow. The Musqueteers were in the Village and Gardens below, near the high Way. Both Armies thus placed in Battel-array, The Queens Cannoneers and Foot were driven from their Posts by the King's Forces; on the other side, the King's Horse being fewer in Number, were beat back by the Enemy; [Page] after they had performed that Service, they endeavoured also to break the Battalions of Foot, in order whereunto, they charg'd directly up the Hill, but were beat back by the King's Archers, and by some of those, who after their Rout, had rallied again, and joined with the rest of their Body: In the mean time, the left Wing of the Enemy march'd by the High-way, where there was a rising Ground, lower down into the Vally, where, though they were galled by the King's Musqueteers, yet passing by those Straits, they opened and ranged their Body; there 'twas, that the two Battailions held out a thick Stand of Pikes, as a Brest-work, before them, and fought desperately for half an Hour, without giving Ground on either side; insomuch that they, whose long Pikes were broke, threw Daggers, Stones, Pieces of Pikes or Lances; yea, whatsoever they could come by, into their Enemies Faces: But some of the hindermost Ranks of the King's Forces, being flying away, (whether for Fear or Treachery is uncertain) no doubt, their Flight had much disordered those who stood to it, unless the Ranks had been so thick, that the formost well knew not, what the hindmost did: Then they, which were in the second Battailion, taking notice of the Danger, and perceiving no Enemy coming to charge them, sent some whole Troops to wheel to the Right, and to join with the first; whereupon, the adverse Party could not bear their Charge, but were wholly routed and put to Flight; many were so inrag'd with Wrath and Hatred against them, that there had been a notable Slaughter in the Pursuit, unless the Regent had sent out Horse several ways, to forbid the Execution: The second Squadron of the Royalists stood so long, till they saw the Enemy scattering and flying in a disorderly manner; then they also brake their Ranks and pursued. The Queen stood about a Mile from the Place, to behold the Fight; and, after the Discomfiture, fled with some Horsemen of her Party, who had escap'd out of the Battel, toward England; the rest ran away as they could,Wherein the Queen is overthrown, and flies for England. each to his own home: There were but few slain in the Field, but more fell in the Pursuit, being wearied and wounded, all along the High-ways and Fields. The Number of the Slain, was about 300, but there were more taken Prisoners. Of the King's Forces, there were not many wounded, of the chief Commanders, none but Alexander Hume and Andrew Stuart, only one Man was slain; the rest of the Army, besides a few Horse-men, who followed the Pursuit very far, returned joyfully into the Town; where, after giving Thanks to Almighty God, for prospering their just Cause against a double Number of their Enemies, and for giving them, in a manner, an unbloody Victory, mutually gratulating one another, they went to Dinner. This Battel was fought May the 13th, eleven Days after the Queen's Escape out of Prison.

The French Embassador expected the Event of the Fight,The French Embassador sculks away, after the Fight. and promis'd himself a sure Victory on the Queen's side; but being thus disappointed of his Hope, he put off his Vizard, and without taking his Leave of the Regent, to whom he pretended he was sent, got a Party of Horse to guide him; and, with what Speed he could, made for England. In the way he was robb'd by Moss-Troopers; [Page] but Iames Douglas Laird of Drumlanerick, though he knew he was of the Enemies Party, yet deferr'd so much to the Honour and Name of an Embassador, that he caus'd his Goods to be restored to him. The Regent spent the rest of the Day of Battel, in taking a List of the Prisoners; some he discharged gratis; others, upon Sureties; the chief Commanders were retained, especially of the Hamilton's Family, and sent to Prison. The Day after, knowing how much that Sept was envied in the Neighbourhood, he took only 500 Horse, commanding the rest of the Army to abide in their Quarters, and went into the Vale of Clydisdale, where he found all Places naked and desolate, the Inhabitants being run away, as rather conscious to themselves what they had deserved, than confiding in the Regents Clemency, of which yet they had Experience before, he took in the Castles of Hamilton and In Clydsdal [...]. Draffin, which were naked Places, only in Hamilton-Castle, some of the Houshold-Stuff of King Iames the 5th was found. The same Fear and Terror drove the Queen into England too, either because she thought no Place in that Part of Scotland safe enough for her; or else, because she durst not trust Iohn Maxwel of Herreis.

When the Regent had setled all things, as well as he could at present, he summon'd an Assembly of the Estates to be held at Edinburgh in the Month of . . . . . The adverse Party plotted many Ways to hinder it: Rumors were spread abroad of Aid from France, neither were they altogether without Ground: For some Troops were drawn down to the Sea-side, under the Command of the Earl of Martigues, a stout Man of the Luxemburgh's Family, to be transported with all Speed into Scotland; and they had been so, unless the Civil Wars had on a sudden broke forth in France. But that Assistance would not have been so prejudicial to the Regent, as his Enemies thought, for it would have alienated England from them, and engaged It to him. Moreover, Argyle with 600 of his Clanship came to Glasgow, there he had a Conference with the Hamiltonians, and other Leaders of the Faction, to hinder the Convention, but finding no way to do it, they went every Man severally home. Huntly also had gathered together a thousand Foot, against the Day of the Parliaments Sitting, he came as far as Perth, and there perceiving that the Fords of the River Tay, were guarded by William Ruven and the Neighbouring Nobility, who remained Loyal to the King, he retired without doing any thing to Purpose.

About the same time, there came also Letters from the Queen of England, obtained by the Intercession of the adverse Party, to the Regent,Queen Elizabeth of England doth in part adopt the cause of the Scots Queen. to put off the Parliament; she desired, that Judgment might not be hastned concerning the Rebels, till she were made acquainted with the whole Cause; for she could not well bear the Injury and Affront, which the Queen, her Neighbour, and near Kinswoman, did pretend she had received from her Subjects. Tho the Request was but small in it self, yet, if it should have been granted, at the Instance of the Rebels, they might have thought to have carried all; either because such a Trifling and Delay seem'd to hearten them, and weaken their Enemy, especially seeing it might argue a Fear in the Royalists; and also, that they, in the mean [Page] time, resolv'd to Indict a Convention in the Name of the Queen. But the Regent, being sensible of what great Consequence it was, to have the Parliament to sit; yea, though all the Force of the Enemy had combin'd against it, resolved to keep his Day: In that Parliament, there was a great Debate, Whether all those who had took Arms against the King, and afterward had not obtained their Pardon, should be condemn'd as Traitors, and have their Goods confiscate. But William Maitland, who favoured the Rebels, but covertly, obtained, that only a few of them should be condemn'd at present, as a Terror to the rest; and a Door of Clemency should be opened to others, if they repented. That Procedure did wonderfully incourage the Conspirators, and increas'd their Obstinacy, in regard, they saw, their Punishment was deferr'd, and they were verily persuaded, that the Queen of England being their Queen's Neighbour and Kinswoman, nor the Guises, who then were very powerful in the French Court, nor the French King himself would suffer such an Encroachment to be made on the Royal Authority; yea, if they should be deserted by them, yet they were not so weak of themselves, as not to be able to maintain their Cause without foreign Aid, as being superior in Number and Power; so that nothing was wanting to the Victory, but the empty Shadow of the Royal Name, which was (said they) usurped by Force.

In the mean time, the Regent minded only the publick Peace; some of the Neighbouring Offenders he fined in small Sums, and so took them into Favour; the Earl of Rothes, by his Friends Intercession, was banish'd for three Years; as for the rest, he daily, by Correspondents, solicited them to repent and come in; but perceiving, That many of them were obstinate, and inclined to Revenge, he levied an Army, and march'd into Annandale, Niddisdale, and lower Galway, where he took some Castles, and put Garisons into them; others, whose Owners were more refractary, he demolish'd, and in a short time, he would have ran over the whole Country, unless Letters from the Queen of England had interrupted the course of his Victories. She was persuaded by the Exiles, That the Queen of Scots had receiv'd much Wrong; That her ill-affected Subjects had laid unjust Imputations on her, and That she would not suffer the Royal Name to grow so cheap, or Majesty to be so contumeliously used, as to be exposed to the Wills of seditious Persons. That the Wrong of this great Wickedness redounded only to One, but the Example to All, and therefore, she desired, they would apply some speedy Remedy, that the Contagion of dethroning Princes might not spread further. Having made a great Harangue in her Letters to this purpose, against the Avengers of the King's Murder; she desired of the Regent, ‘That he would send Commissioners to her, to inform her in the State of the whole Matter, and to make Answer to those, either Crimes or Reproaches, which were cast upon, and alleged against himself.’ This Demand seemed very grievous and offensive, That things, already judg'd, should be called again in Question, to a new and hazardous Trial, and that before foreign Princes, who are oft-times emulous, if not Enemies, and their Minds already prepossess'd by Adversaries; yea, [Page] for a Man, as it were to plead for his own Life, before a foreign Judicature, though the Case was dangerous and hard, yet many Arguments induc'd him to accept of the Proposal, though never so unequal.Whereupon the Regent, with some others, meet the Queen of England's Commissioners at York to debate Matters. Abroad, the Cardinal of Lorrain, the Queen's Uncle, rul [...]d all in France; and at home, a great part of the Nobility conspired in behalf of the Queen; and if the Queen of England were disobliged too, then he should have no Force to withstand so great Difficulties. Being thus resolved to send Embassadors, he could not tell, Whom to pitch upon: The chief Nobles declining the Employment: At last, the Regent himself resolved to go, and chuse Companions to accompany him, amongst whom was William Maitland, though much against his Will; but the Regent, knowing him to be a factious Man, and inclinable to the Queen's Party, did not think it safe to leave him behind, whilst things were in such a doubtful Posture at home; and therefore he persuaded him, by great Promises and Rewards, to accompany him, not doubting but to overcome his avaritious Mind with Largesses and Gifts; the rest went willingly along: The chief were, Iames Douglas, and Patrick Lindsy of the Nobles; of the Clergy, the Bishop of the Orcades, and the Abbat of Dumfermlin; of Lawyers, Iames Macgil, and Henry Balnavey; to whom he added a Ninth, viz. George Buchanan. Though these difficult Circumstances did attend him,George Buchanan accompanies the Regent into England. yet Two things relieved his Thoughts, One was, the Equity of his Cause; the Other, the last Letters he received from the Queen of England, gave him Assurance, that, if the Crimes objected against the Queen of Scots were true, she held her unworthy to hold that Scepter any longer. The Regent was a little heartned by those Letters, and with above a 100 Horse in his Company, he began his Journy, though he had certain Intelligence brought him, that the Earl of Westmorland, at the Command of the Duke of Norfolk, watch'd to intercept him, before he got to York; yet October 4. he came to York, the Place appointed for the Conference, and, the same Day, and almost hour,A Plot to cu [...] off the Regent in his Journy. Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, entred the City, also. The reason, why an Ambush was laid for the Regent, was, because the Duke, by secret Correspondents, was dealing with the Queen of Scots to marry her; and therefore, that the Suspicion of the King's Murder might be more easily taken away, she resolved, if the Regent were slain, to return home; and also to take and suppress the Letters she had wrote to Bothwel, containing a manifest Discovery of the Plot: but, because the Duke was so near, she could not so accomplish it, as that he also might not be aspersed with the Infamy of so cruel a Murder; and therefore the Plot was deferr'd till another time. Besides Norfolk, there were appointed Two other Commissioners by the Queen of England, to determine the Controversies of the Scots, the Earl of Sussex, who inclined to Howard's Party, as 'twas commonly reported, and Sir Ralph Sadler, an indifferent and equal Person. Within a few days, there came Messengers from the Queen of Scots, to complain of her disobedient Subjects, and also to desire leave of the Queen of England, to return home, without Delay; they had their Hearing apart from the Regent, and his Attendants: First, they Protested, that they came not before them as Judges, that had a [Page] lawful Superiority over them; then they made a long Harangue, What Wrong the Queen had received from her Subjects; and after, desired of the Queen of England, that either she would persuade her ungrateful Subjects to admit their Prince; or, if they refused, then she would supply her with an Army, to force them so to do. After some few Hours, the Regent was heard; He stood upon the Equity of his Cause, before indifferent Judges; He pleaded, that the Royalists had done nothing, but according to the ancient Laws and Customs of their Nation, and that, in full Parliament, ratified and approved; and that he being a single Person, with those few with him, could not abrogate any thing which had been enacted by common Consent of all the Estates in Parliament. But when the English Commissioners told them, they could not be satisfied with those Statutes made at their Parliaments at home, and now produced, unless withal they produced the Reasons, which moved the Nobles to such a severe Judgment against the Queen: The Regent was unwilling, as much avoiding to divulge the foul Offences of the Queen, being his Sister also, and that amongst Foreigners, who were forward enough to hear them, and therefore denied to do it, unless upon these Terms, That,Disputes between the Commissioners of both Sides. if he made good the Charge against the Queen, that she killed her Husband, then the Queen of England should stipulate and promise to defend the young King's Cause, and take him as 'twere into her Protection. But when the English Embassadors told them, that they had only a Commission to hear the Demands of both Sides, and so to lay the whole Matter before the Queen. The Regent again urg'd them to obtain such a Promise from their Queen, or else that they themselves should get a Commission, fully to decide the Controversy; if they would do That, he promised, that unless he did evidently make it appear, that the King was slain by his Wives Means, he would not deprecate the Punishment due to the most heinous Offence. The Commissioners wrote to the Queen to know her Mind herein; who returned Answer,Upon their Disagreement, Queen Elizabeth avokes the Cause to London. ‘That the Scots of the Royal Party should send one or more of their Number to her Court, who might fully acquaint her with the Merits of their Cause, and then she would consult, what was fit for her to do.’ Whereupon the Regent sent William Maitland, on whom many sinister Opinions did daily arise, and Iames Macgil, not so much to be his Assistant in publick Business, as to observe, what his Actions were. The Causes which made Maitland suspected were These, amongst many others: Before his Journy into England, though he mightily endeavoured to conceal his Designs,Commissioners sent to London by the Regent. yet by his Words and Actions, and further, by his great Familiarity with the Men of the adverse Party; but more clearly yet, by Letters, he sent to the Queen, which were intercepted, they could not be hid. In those Letters he endeavoured to persuade the Queen, that his Service might yet be useful to her, using the Example of the Lion, as 'tis in the Fable, who, being taken in a Net, was freed by such mean Animals as Rats. And after he came to York, Maitland not true to the Regent. there was scarce a Night, wherein he did not meet with the chief Embassadors of the adverse Party, compared Notes with them, and acquainted them with the Designs of the Regent. The Regent [Page] did not forbid those Meetings, knowing, he should do no Good thereby, only then they would meet more secretly. Though these were manifest Evidences of his Treachery, yet casually there happen'd an undeniable Demonstration thereof. Norfolk, and He, went abroad, pretendedly to hunt, where they had much Discourse concerning the whole Affair, and came to this Agreement amongst themselves, to spin out the matter, if 'twas possible, and so to delay it, that, at last, nothing might be done, and yet the Cause not seem wholly deserted, neither. For, by this means, the Regent must depart, without effecting what he came for; or else, some Commotion at home would inforce him so to do, and then other Remedies might emerge, in time: For Norfolk was then designing a Civil War, how to take off the One Queen, and to marry the Other. Maitland inform'd Iohn Lesly, Bishop of Ross, herewith, one intimately acquainted with all the Queen's Affairs, who accordingly inform'd his Mistress, by Letter, how the Duke would have her write to Court, what Course to steer for the future; and tho her Cause went but slowly on, yet that Delay should not hinder her from expecting a good Issue thereof. The Queen having read those Letters, laid them by, as loose Papers, so that they came to be read by diverse others; and, from hand to hand, were, at last, brought to the Regent, who, by them, discovered the main of his Adversaries Design against him; as for Maitland, he had experimented his Perfidiousness many times before.

When the Embassadors, before-mentioned, came to the Queen at London, She, and her Council, thought it best, that the Regent himself should come up, and so dispute the Controversy, by word of Mouth:The Regent himself comes to London. Whereupon, he dismiss'd part of his Retinue, and, with the rest, went to London; but there he met with the same Difficulty as he had done at York; for he refus'd to enter upon the Accusation of the Queen, and his Sister too, unless, if he prov'd her Guilty, the Queen of England would take the Scots King's Party into her Protection; if she would do That, he would begin the Accusation immediately, upon the same Terms, as he had propounded to the Delegates at York. Whilst these things were acting in London, the Queen of Scots, The Queen of Scots endeavours to raise Commotions in Scotland, in the Regent's Absence. by means of Iames Balfure, endeavoured to raise Commotions in Scotland; and that she might more easily accomplish her Designs, she wrote Letters to all the Exiles, and to Bothwel's Friends, to contribute all their Endeavours to infest the contrary Faction by Force of Arms: And, besides, she created Lieutenants through all the Kingdom, to whom she gave even Kingly Power. And moreover, she caus'd Rumours to be spread abroad, That the Regent, and his Companions, were committed Prisoners to the Tower of London; and foreseeing, that Lie could not be long believed, she devis'd another, (i. e.) That the Regent had promis'd to subject Scotland to the Crown of England; and, That he was to give up the King, as a Pledg thereof. 'Tis thought, her Design herein, was, That, whereas she had promis'd the same things by her Commissioners; and the English look'd upon it, as a Vanity in her, seeing She had no power to perform it; yet she was willing to possess the Minds of the Vulgar with an Untruth, and so to raise [Page] up Envy against the Regent; and, if she could not avert the whole Reproach from her self, yet, at least, she would have her Adversaries bear a Part with her, therein.

When the Regent saw himself in these Straits, he resolv'd to end the Matter, as well as he could, and so to return home:The Regent manages his Accusation against the Queen and her Party, Whereupon, at the earnest Sollicitation of the English, who desir'd to know the Causes of the Proceedings in Scotland, (without which they could determine nothing;) he also, being desirous to satisfy the Queen of England at that time, whom he could nor offend, without great prejudice to his Cause; and, being willing also to return home to extinguish the Civil War, then appearing in its first Rise, neither of which he could well do, unless the Queen of England was his Friend, or, at least, not his Adversary; induc'd by these Motives, He first protested before the Council of England, That 'twas not willingly, but by the importunity of his Enemies, that he was compell'd to accuse his Queen, and she his Sister's Son too, of so horrid a Crime; that he did not do it out of a wanton humour to accuse, but out of necessity to clear himself; for he was very unwilling to discover those things, which he wish'd, if possible, might be cover'd in perpetual Oblivion; and therefore, if any Reflection were made on what he did, the Envy ought deservedly to light upon Those, who would not suffer him to be like Himself, that is, to obey his Prince chearfully, when Good; and to reprove Him, or Her, against his Will, when she was Evil; only he desire one Thing, That the Queen's Proxies, who had inforced him to that Dispute, might be present to hear the Crimes objected; that so, if they were false, they might disprove them before the Council; and that he himself, in many weighty Matters, might also make use of their Testimonies. The Queen's Commissioners refus'd this, as putting little Confidence in their own Cause, and insisted only on this one thing, That the Queen, who was, by Force of Arms, ejected, might be restor'd: Whereupon, a Day was appointed for the Regent to shew Cause, why the Revengers of the King's Murder had taken up Arms, (for he himself was then in France,) and had ejected the Queen from her Government, and acted other things, as, till that time, they had done. When the Time came, he declar'd the Order of all Things, as they had been acted, and the Testimonies of the Partisans of the King's Murder, made before their Deaths; and also the Statute of Parliament, to which many of the Regent's Accusers had subscribed: And when the Silver Cabinet was produc'd, which the Queen had given her from her former Husband Francis, and had bestow'd on Bothwel, in which were Letters to Bothwel, writ in French, with the Queen's own Hand, and also a French Poem, not unelegantly compos'd by her; and also the Manner of the King's Death, and, after his Death, her Surprize, and three Contracts of Marriage with him, the One before the Parricide, written with her own Hand, wherein, as by a Bill, she promises to marry him, as soon as ever she was freed from her former Husband: The Other was, before the Divorce from his former Wife, writ by Huntly's Hand: The Third was openly made, a little before the Marriage. When all this was [Page] produc'd, seen, and read before the Council: The whole Fact was so plainly expos'd, that now no Doubt could be made, Who was the Author of it. Though the Queen of England could not but believe these Discoveries,To the convincement of the Queen of England, and her Privy-Council. yet she did fluctuate in her Mind; on the one side, there was Emulation, Queens mutually hating one another; there were also such great Crimes, and such evident Proofs, that the Queen thought her Kinswoman of Scotland deserv'd no Assistance to restore her: And, though her Mind did incline to that which was right, yet 'twas shaken, and did hesitate, upon the remembrance of her former State, not without a Commiseration; and besides, the Majesty of Kingly Honour, and a Fea [...], lest the Example of driving out Princes might creep into the Neighbour-Kingdoms, wrought much upon her: Besides, she was afraid of France, for the Peace with them was not very sure or firm; and then especially, the French Embassador did plead the Cause of the banish'd Queen daily. The Spanish Embassador was desir'd also to interpose his Mediation; but the foulness of the Crimes did so deter him, that he refus'd to meddle therewith. Whereupon, the Queen of England, that she might leave a Door for Repentance, if Matters should succeed amiss in France, and not cut off all occasion of gratifying them, gave a middle Answer, so tempering it, that at present she said, She saw no cause to the contrary, but that all things had been acted according to Law and Justice in Scotland; yet, as if she deferr'd the compleat Decision till another time, she desir'd, that seeing intestine Tumults did recal the Regent, he would leave here one of his Retinue in his Place, to make Answer to those Crimes, which might be objected against him in his Absence. But the Regent, who saw the Matter to be so put off, that That Queen might take her Measures to give Sentence for her own Advantage, and the Event of foreign Affairs, left no Stone unturn'd, that he might have the Cause fully determin'd, now; and therefore he desir'd, as most just and equitable, that if his Enemies, who had long studied before-hand to accuse him, had any thing to allege, they would now produce it, and not watch an Opportunity to calumniate him in his Absence, seeing they refus'd to cope with him face to face; he was not ignorant, what Rumors his Enemies would cause to be spread amongst the People, and what they had already said to some of the Council, and to the French Embassador; and therefore, he earnestly desir'd of the Council, to command them not to mutter privately, but to declare openly, what they had to say; and that he would not make such haste home, but that, though it were much to his own Damage, and the Publicks, yet he would willingly purge himself there, in presence. Whereupon, the Commissioners of the banish'd Queen were sent for, and demanded, If they had any thing to allege against the Regent or his Companions, in reference to the King's Murder, they should produce it. Their Answer was, They had nothing at present, but they would accuse them, when they were commanded by their Queen. The Regent answer'd, That he was always ready to give an account of all the Actions perform'd by him; neither would he shun either Time or Place so to do; ye [...], seeing the Queen began that Accusation of him, he desir'd of his [Page] Accusers, there present, That if any of them had the least Objection against him, they would then declare it; for 'twas much more noble and handsom to produce it, before so illustrious an Assembly, than, in private Cabals, to nibble at his Fame, in his Absence: They also refused This. Whereupon, the whole Council cried out upon them, and, in a manner, reproach'd them, so that they were compell'd, singly and severally, to confess, [...] acquitted from Guilt, by the Queen of Scots's Commissioners themselves. That they knew nothing of themselves, why Murray, or any of his, should be accus'd of the King's Murder. Then, after a long Dispute, pro and con, the Council was dismiss'd, and from that time, there was never any more mention made of accusing the Regent, or any of his Companions.

Whilst the Regent was thus necessarily detain'd in England, on a publick Account, the Queen's Faction turn'd every Stone, both at Home and Abroad, to make Disturbances, but without effect. Iames Hamilton, who had been Regent some Years before,Iames Hamilton returns from France, and labours to embroil things in Scotland, hoping thereby to get the Regency from M [...]rray. seeing that Things went not according to his Mind at Home, had gone long before into France; there he had but a few Companions, but lay privately, with a Servant or Two, to attend him, free from the hurry of all Publick Business; but when the Queen of Scots was escap'd out of Prison, overcome in Battel, and then fled for England; The French, knowing that Murray was call'd Home, into his own Country, and, in his Passage through France, not being able to work him over to their Party, in regard they could not send Men, or Mony, to Scotland, to raise Disturbance there, by reason of their own Commotions at Home; they therefore thought it most advisable, to set up Hamilton, in an emulating competition with him, especially at that Time, when the Regent, with part of the Nobility, were absent, and out of the way. He was therefore drawn out of his Privacy, and accommodated with some few Pistols, and larger Promises. In his return thro' England, his Friends persuaded him, That, in regard the Queen of Scots, with her Faction, favour'd him, and the Queen of England was not averse from it, he would deal with her, to persuade Murray, by her Authority, to resign his Regency to him, in regard, that Office, by the Law, and Consent of almost all Nations, and especially by the Custom of their own Country, was due to him, as the next in Blood and Heirship: Neither (said he) was there any great need to make a laborious search into the Records of Ancient Times, for This; wherein they might easily find, That Governors were always appointed to their Princes, when under Age, out of the next of Kin; as when Iames the 3d died, in the absence of Iames the 1st, his Uncle Robert manag'd the Government, and his Son Murdac succeeded Robert: And of late Times, Iohn, Duke of Albany, was made Governor to King Iames the 5th, whilst he was under Age: Yea,The Queen of England tampered with by the Hamiltonians, to make Hami [...]ton Regent. Hamilton himself had been Regent, some few Years, before Mary, now Queen, was of Age, fit to Govern, or Marry; and how he was not excluded from that Office, by any lawful Suffrages, but unjustly by the Rebellious; and that which increas'd the Indignity, was, That it was done in Contempt of the Blood Royal, and a Bastard set up in his Room; but if the Honour were restor'd to [Page] him, in a very short Time, all Domestick Tumults would be quieted; and the Queen, even without Blood, would recover her Crown and Dignity, again. Whereunto the King's Embassadors answer'd,The Royalists answer their Reasons, in a large discourse. ‘That Hamilton desir'd a Thing, not only contrary to the Lavvs and Customs of their Ancestors, but, if the consideration of the Law vvere omitted, yet 'twas very unjust in it self; for our Ancestors (said they) by reason of the Slaughters of their Princes by their Kindred, for 1300 Years ago, did vvholly change the Method of their Assemblies in making a King: For, as before, in the Family of Fergus, our first King, after the King's Death, it was not the next of Blood, but he, that was most fit, was chosen King, by Suffrage: So, Kenneth the 3d, that he might take away all Plots against Princes, by those of their Blood, and also might prevent the cruel and bloody Emulations of their Kindred amongst themselves, made this Decree of Succession, that now is, for the next of Blood to inherit. And Men, by Experience, finding, that in so great an Inconstancy of Fortune, 'twas scarce possible, but that sometimes the Right of Chief Magistracy should fall on a Child, or else, on one unable to govern; therefore they decreed, That he, who preceded others in Power and Wisdom, should undergo the Administration of the Government, in the mean time; and our Ancestors, observing this Course for almost 600 Years, have transmitted down a Kingdom safe to us: Thus, when Robert Bruce died, there succeeded Regents chosen by most Voices, Thomas Randolf, Earl of Murray; Donald, Earl of Marr; Andrew Murray, Iohn Randolf, Robert Stuart; sometimes particular Persons, sometimes more than one, were chosen, by our publick Conventions, to that Office: So, when Iames the Second was a Child, Alexander Levingston was appointed his Governour, who was no way related to that King in Blood, no, nor a Noble Man neither, but a Knight only, more eminent for his Wisdom than his Family. And if any say, That was for want of some of the King's Line; the Excuse will not hold; for, at that very time, there was Iohn Kennedy, chief of his Family, his Nephew, by the Sister of Iames the First, a Man both wise and virtuous; there were also his Uncles, Iames Kennedy, Archbishop of St. Andrews, the eminentest Person for Virtue in the whole Kingdom; and also his Brothers, the Son of the King's Aunt, Douglas, Earl of Angus; Archibald also, Earl of Douglas, was not excluded from the King's Line, but in Power was almost equal to him; to be sure, he was superiour to all others; yet none ever complain'd of the Injustice of our Assemblies in so doing. And not long after, Iames the Third had four Tutors or Guardians assign'd him, not taken on the account of Alliance, but chosen by Vote. And of late, Iohn, Duke of Albany, was sent for by the Nobility out of France, to govern Scotland, in the Minority of Iames the 4th; and when he came, he was setled in the Regency, by a publick Statute, enacted in a Convention of the Estates, which was not done on the account of Proximity in Blood; for he had Alexander, an elder Brother, one perhaps inferiour to him, yet far more virtuous than Iames Hamilton, who, for a season, affected that Dignity: But, in the Absence [Page] of Iames the Fifth, Robert, his Uncle, manag'd the Kingdom. I pray, by what Right? Was he assum'd into that Office for Propinquity of Blood? No: Was he elected by the People? No, nor that neither? How was he then created? I'le tell you, how; When King Robert the Third was neither, in Body nor Mind, fit to manage the Kingly Office, he set up Robert, his Brother, in his stead, and commended his Children to his Care; David, The Cruelty of Robert against his Brother's Children. his eldest Son, he starv'd to Death; Iames, the younger, had been also slain, unless he had saved his Life by Flight: And, being thus setled in the Possession of the Government, his Brother dying for Grief, he kept it, without the Consent of the People in Parliament, and deliver'd it down by Hand, to his Son Mordacus. How Robert the King, that died last, stood affected towards his Brother, is very plain; for, as when he was a dying, he abominated and curs'd him, as the Executioner of his Children; so, certainly if he had been alive, and in Health, he would not have designed him Guardian to his Children. We are so put in mind of that time, wherein, after the Death of Iames the Fifth, he himself was made Regent; (as if any thing at all was legally acted, since that time.) When Cardinal Beton endeavoured, by Fraud, to invade the chief Magistracy, he crept into the vacant Office, rather out of Peoples Hatred to Beton, than Love to Him; being got into it, he ruled with great Cruelty and Avarice; and, not many years ago, he sold that Magistracy, which he got by Force, and the Queen too, then committed to his Care; therein was manifested, what Affection the People bare to him, when they preferred the Government of a Woman-Stranger before that bitter Slavery they suffer'd under him. You see then, I suppose, how this Request of Hamilton's is contrary to the Laws of our Country, and the Institutions of our Ancestors; yea, so contrary, that for want of Arguments to maintain it, he bolsters it up only with Lies: And if there were any Custom of this kind, all Men see, how unjust it is: For what can be more unequal, than to commit the innocent and weak Age of the Prince to his Care, who either daily expects, or wishes for, the Death of his Pupil? All whose Family hath born, and doth bear, great and lasting Enmity with the Family of the King, that now reigns. What Safeguard can there be here, in Nearness of Blood, against ancient Hatred, griping Avarice, and the precipitate Force of forestalled Tyranny? Laodice, Laodice's Unnaturalness towards her own Children. Queen of the Cappadocians, is reported to have slain her Sons, as they came to Age, thus buying out, or, as it were, redeeming a small Stay in the Government, with the innocent Blood of her own Children. If a Mother destroy'd the Fruit of her own Womb, only to reign a little longer, What, shall we think, will old Enemies attempt; or rather, What will they not attempt, being inflam'd to Cruelty, by the Stings of Avarice, against a Child, who is the only Remora to their Hopes of the Kingdom? And if this Example seem old, obscure, and far-fetch'd, I will add some more Illustrious Ones, nearer hand; Who is ignorant of what was lately acted, how that Galeacius Sforza was slain by his Uncle Lewis, Galeacius Sfor [...]a's Murder, with its Consequents. though he was of Age, and married, and the Son-in-Law, too, [Page] of a most powerful Prince? Who doth not know the Calamities, that followed upon that cruel Parricide? The brave fertile Country of Italy was almost made a Wilderness, thereby; The Family of the Sforza's, from whence so many valiant Men proceeded, was extinguish'd; and the Barbarians were introduc'd into the pleasant Country, about the Po; whose Avarice and Cruelty spoil'd all. Besides, who is there, of the Inhabitants of Great Britain, that hath not heard of the Cruelty of Richard the 3d, King of England, against his Brother's Children? And with how much Blood, was that Parricide expiated? If Men that were otherwise prudent, did not fear to commit such things against their nearest in Blood, excited only by the desire of the Crown, What can be expected from him, whose Inconstancy is well known to all, and whose ill management of the Government hath already cost us so much Blood? Whose Family, not content with the Murder of this King's Great Grandfather, did always work Treachery against his Grandfather by the Mother's side, as long as he liv'd; and, as for his Grandfather by his Father's side, when he could not kill him, he drove him, poor, out of the Kingdom; his Father he brought forth as a Sacrifice to be slain; his Mother and the Kingdom, when they could not enjoy it themselves, they sold it to Strangers, and after, by the Providence of God, she was deliver'd from that Bondage, they cast her into those Straits, wherein she now is. What Judgment the Subjects made of these things, may appear by this, That Men seem'd to themselves deliver'd from the Prison of a most miserable Bondage, and to tast the sweetness of Liberty, when they sold the Government, which they themselves, were not able to manage, to a Woman-Stranger.’

Upon the hearing of this Oration, the Queen told Hamilton, That his Demand was unjust,The Queen of England declares against Hamiltons design for the Regency. and, That she would not assist him therein; but That she was desir'd by the King's Embassadors, not to suffer him to depart, (in regard he plotted nothing but Sedition) till they likewise went, themselves; which, she look'd upon, as a just thing, and therefore had promis'd them so to do, and thereupon she charg'd him, not to depart before that time. Moreover, the banish'd Queen encourag'd her Friends with the hopes of her speedy Return; for some Letters of hers were intercepted, wherein she advis'd them, to seize upon as many Castles and fortified Places as they could; and so to disperse the War abroad, as far as ever they were able: Neither need they fear the noise of a Truce, or Accomodation, for, if Matters were ended that way, all the Offences of former times would be cover'd, and forgiven, under the umbrage of Peace: But, if it should brake forth into open War, the more Garisons they had, the greater opportunity would be put into their Hands, to hurt the Enemy.

When the Regent had settled Matters, as well as he could, in England, and had leave to return, some Letters were produc'd, lately intercepted, from the Queen of Scots, wherein she complains, That she was otherwise treated by the Queen of England, than she her self first expected; or, as was promis'd her, and that was done [Page] by some Courtiers, who were the Cause, That she was not sent back with an Army, as, she affirm'd,A Marriage designed between the Queens of Scots and Howard. the Queen of England had promis'd Her; but she did hope, shortly, to obtain a good issue another Way, (for Messengers often had passed betwixt Her, and Howard, about a Marriage between them) and therefore, she wish'd them not to be discouraged, but to increase the strength of their Party, to make a general Disturbance, and, by all the Arts they could, to hinder the Regent's return into Scotland. These Letters, being divulg'd, did affect People, severally. The Queen of England took it ill, That she was accus'd of breach of Promise; as also, That the Conditions of the Truce, made by her means, were not kept: and therefore, being very angry and inrag'd, she remitted much of her ancient Favour to the Scot's Queen, and was more inclin'd to Equity, than before. The English, who wish'd well to the Regent,Buds of discontent between the Queens of England, and Scotland. were afraid that his Enemies would way-lay him to do him a mischief in his Journy; for in the Countries, which he was to pass thrô, there were either, for the most part, Papists, or else Thieves, inhabiting the Borders of both Kingdoms, who were all excited to hope for a sudden Change; and 'twas plain, they were dealt with to intercept him in his Return, and therefore abundance of the English Courtiers offer'd him their assistance to secure his Passage; but he was contented only with his own Retinue, and about the 13th of Ianuary, began his Journy: But the Queen of England, The Regent honourably dismis [...] from England, and arrives in Scotland. judging it to be for her own Credit and Honour, that he should return in Safety, had of her own accord written to the Commanders and the Warden of the Marches, That, when he came to places suspected, or noted for Robbery; They should take care, that he might not be circumvented; And they were very careful therein, for strong Guards of Horse and Foot were plac'd about the Way, so that he came safe to Berwick, and, the day after, which was the 2d of February, he was conducted home to Edinburgh, to the great joy of his Friends; who, in great Numbers, were there Assembled. His Enemies did hardly believe his coming at first, because false Reports had been causelesly spread, that he was shut up Prisoner in the Tower of London; But when it was certainly known, that he was at Edinburgh: Those, who had beset the High-ways to intercept Passengers, let go their Prisoners, and slipt away Home; So that, immediately from a turbulent Tempest, there grew a great Calm.

A few Days after,The Transactions of the Regent with the Queen of England, confirmed by the Nobility of Scotland. the Nobles of the King's Party had a great Meeting at Sterlin, there the Transactions with the Queen of England were opened and highly approv'd, by the consent of all there Present. About the same time, Iames Hamilton, chief of his Family, came out of England, who, by a new, and unheard of, Pretence and Arrogance, was adopted, as a Father, by the Queen of Scots, and made Lieutenant of the Kingdom. He declar'd his Commission, and forbad the People to obey any, but Those substituted by him; Whereupon, the Royalists disburst Sums of Mony to raise Forces, and to prepare to fight, if need were: And accordingly, at an appointed Day, they met at Glasgow, but seeing the Country came not in to Hamilton, according to his Expectation, by [Page] the Mediation of his Friends,Hamilton forced to submit to the Regent; Terms of Agreement were propounded, whereupon Hamilton was commanded to come to Glasgow, to acknowledg the King, as chief Magistrate: If he did That, the rest would be easily accorded; if he refus'd, it was in vain for him to come. He, by the advice of his Friends that were with him, being forsaken by his Clanships, and terrifi'd by the near approach of his Enemies Army, resolv'd to comply with Necessity, and to promise all that was desir'd; but when the Forces of the Royalists were disbanded, then he would consult his Advantage, at leisure. When they came to Glasgow, a Day was appointed, wherein they and their Friends should profess their Allegiance to the King, and so recover their old Estates and Honours; In the mean time, they were to remain in Prison, or, to give in Hostages, of their Kindred, for their forth-coming. This also was added to the Conditions, That all of the same Party might come in, if they pleas'd, on the same Terms. Argyle and Huntly refus'd to subscribe to those Articles, either out of anger to Hamilton, So is Argyle. that he had given up himself to his Enemies Hands, without asking their Advice; or else, because they thought to obtain for themselves more easie Terms of Peace, in regard of their Power; or else, being incourag'd by frequent Letters from England, they were easily inclin'd to That, they had most mind to. For, whilst these things were acted in Scotland, Letters came from the exiled Queen, containing large Promises, and willing them not to be terrifi'd with vain Threats, for she should shortly be with them, with a great Army. Their Minds were ready to receive this News; and so much the rather, because the Queen was kept with a looser Guard than ordinary; and there was daily talk of her Marriage with Howard. When Hamilton was come to Edinburgh, Hamilton's Tergiversation; at the Day appointed, he eluded his Promise, by various Postulations and Pretences, making many Delays; as, that the rest of his Party should come together, and so be all comprehended at once in one Agreement: And also, that they might send to the Queen to know her Mind; and to this end he desir'd to defer the Matter, till the 10th day of May. To this his plain Mockery, they answer'd, That 'twas to no purpose for him to expect Argyle and Huntly, for they had declar'd, they would manage their Concerns apart. As for the Queen, 'twas demanded, if she did not approve the Capitulation, what they would do. Then Hamilton answer'd ingenuously enough, but not so prudently for the time, That he was compell'd to those Conditions, by the Force and Terror of an Army, and that if he were left free to himself, he would not subscribe any thing thereof; This their Baffle being openly discover'd,For which he is imprisoned. The Regent committed Hamilton and Maxwel to Edinburgh Castle. The rest of the Dispute was about Argyle and Huntly. For Argyle, whilst the Regent was in England, came to Glasgow, to consult about publick Affairs, with about 1500 Men in his Company; Thither also came many of the neighbour Countries of the same Faction; where they differ'd in their Opinions, and agreed in nothing, but only to disturb the Publick Peace. The Hamiltonians desir'd of Argyle, That, in regard the Inhabitants of Lennox were firm to the King's Cause, he would vex them, by [Page] driving away Preys from them, that so he might draw them, tho unwilling, to his Party; or else, might so impoverish them, that they might not much advantage their own Party. When Argyle had communicated the thing to the Council of his Friends, not one of them favour'd his Design; For they remembred, That for many Years, the Lennoxians had been much addicted to Argyle, and that there were many Alliances, between them. Moreover, said they, Why are the Argyle Men nearer to the Lennoxians, than the Hamiltonians, seeing they lie in the middle betwixt them Both? why then should they put a Service, so full of odium, upon him? Seeing it was their own Affair, principally; let them appear first in it, and then Argyle would not be wanting; He would be a Companion, not a Leader, in such a plundering Expedition. When that Assembly had held some Days, it was dissolv'd, without doing any thing, and Argyle return'd, thrô Lennox, which was his nearest way, without doing them any hurt; which Moderation of his did indear him, even to the chief of the opposite Faction, and made his Pardon more easily obtainable.

But Huntly had indeavour'd to break thrô Mern, Angus, and Strath- [...]arn, in the Regents absence, having plunder'd the Country, and prey'd their Castle, and, ranging over the neighbour Places, had appointed Crawford and Ogilby his Lieutenants about Dee; Usurping also all the Power of a King. That Carriage of his made his Reconciliation the more difficult. These two Men, seeing their Concerns were several, had a Council assign'd, to meet at St. Andrews. Thither Argyle came first: He was easily reconcil'd; for, that Year, and the Former, he had committed no hostile Act; and besides, he was the Regent's Kinsman, and, from his Childhood, his great Acquaintance, and familiar Friend; So that all he requir'd of him, was, an Oath to be Faithful to the King for the future; which if he were not, besides the usual punishment of the Law, he did not deprecate, but that he was to be accounted the basest Person living; the rest also were admitted into Favour, upon the same Oath, but on far different Conditions. But Huntly's Case, before his Arrival,Various Disputes about admitting Huntly to a Reconciliation, with Arguments Pro and Con. was long debated in Council. For, whereas in England, the Marriage of the Exile Queen with Howard was carry'd on, and their coming into Scotland was privately design'd; their Faction there did, by degrees, take heart, and incourage the Rebellious to Disobedience: For, if Matters were put into a Confusion, they thought, the new King would have an easier entrance to possess the Kingdom; Wherefore, when they knew, That the Regent would not be persuaded to betray the King, as being his Guardian and Uncle, they endeavour'd, by all means, to abridg his Power. For, besides Those, that openly took Arms against the King, a great part of the Counsellors, did not now, as heretofore, favour Huntly in secret, but openly; they pleaded for him, might and main, That he should be indemnified for what was past; for that was the readiest and safest way to Agreement; yea, 'twas more creditable for the State, to heal civil Breaches without Violence, and not to proceed to forfeiture of Goods or loss of Life; and, by this means, Peace might be obtain'd at Home and Renown Abroad. But if a military Course [Page] were taken, they must fight with a Man, who, by reason of his ancient Power, his great Alliance; and by his many Clanships, was very formidable; and if he were overcome, (which yet was uncertain) yet he might fly to the Highlands and Mountainous Deserts, or to foreign Kings; where, out of a small spark of Disgust, a mighty flame of War might, in time, be kindled. On the other side, 'twas alleged, That the War would not be so formidable, as some imagin'd. For his Father, tho he had the Report of a very prudent Man, even whilst his Force was intire, was yet easily subdued; and therefore, this young Man, whose Power was not yet establish'd, and besides, was discourag'd by the recent calamity of his Family, was never able to bear up against all the Power of the Kingdom, and the Majesty of the Kingly Name too; and, if he were overcome in fight; or, if distrusting his Forces, he fled to the Mountains, there were Those, who, by the same Largesses, as he had firm'd them for his Service, or by greater, might be induc'd either to kill him, or to betray him to the Regent. For the Faith of Mercenaries is changed with Fortune, they follow the Prosperous, and forsake the Afflicted. As for foreign Kings,Sententious Maximes in Policy. They esteem'd Men, according to their Power, neither were they concern'd for anothers Misery, but respected only their own Advantage. But if any King of another Kidney should be so Courteous and Merciful, as to entertain a Fugitive, and a Beggar too; yet now, the Times were such as did cancel that fear. For England, alone, of all Europe, was the Country, which enjoy'd a flourishing Peace, and That favour'd the King's Cause; but other neighbour Kingdoms were so busied with domestick Dissensions, that they had no time to look Abroad; And if they had leisure so to do, yet there was some ground of Hope, That Equity would prevail more with them, than Mercy towards Exiles, who were Rebels to their own Kings, and Faithless to the Kings of other Nations; As for the Indemnity, which, they say, will declare our Clemency; it will rather be an Argument of our Negligence, in regard, a just Combate being declin'd thrô Fear, a War is imprudently nourish'd under a pretence of Peace, and that an unjust pretence too, which would incourage the crest-fallen Spirits of the Rebels, and weaken the chearful endeavours of the King's best Friends. For, how do you think, will both Parties stand affected; When the one side sees, That all is lawful for them, without present punishment, and so they hope it will be for the future? And the other sees perfidious Enemies to enjoy the Rewards of their wicked Crimes, themselves robbed of all their Goods, and vexed with all the Calamities of War; and whereas they expected a Reward for their Faithfulness and Constancy, instead thereof to be punish'd for their Love to their King and Country; And therefore, who can doubt, but that, if Matters hereafter come to Arms, (which of necessity they must do, unless this Fire be now quenched, before it break forth) who, I say, can doubt, but that Party will be strongest, which thrives by its Wickedness, and who may do all things with Impunity, rather than the other, who must suffer all injuries offer'd to them forcibly, gratis? And if those Inconveniencies did not attend this vain shew of Clemency; yet, neither the Regent, nor the King himself, [Page] could lawfully so Pardon, as to give away the Goods of the Robbed to their Plunderers: If they should do that, They must lay down the Persons of Rulers, and take upon them the habit of Spoilers, too; if such a Condition should be granted, it were much more Cruel, for People to be despoil'd of their Estates by Kings, the Granters of Indemnity, than by their very Enemies, and Toryes themselves, that robbed them. Many things having been alternately canvas'd, and alleged, to this purpose, on either side: Those which were for his Indemnity were out-voted, by a few Voices. The Regent declar'd, That, for Peace-sake, he was very willing to Pardon the private wrongs done to himself and the King; but,Yet, at last the Regent pardons him, upon Terms. for the Injuries offer'd to particular Persons, he neither could, nor would, Pardon them: But if Huntly and those Friends of his, who follow'd his Party, could make some Terms of Agreement with those they had plunder'd, he was very willing, by the Consent of both Parties, to appoint Arbitrators, who might adjust the value of the Losses.

Peace, as 'twas thought, being settled on these Conditions, there was another Dispute arose, seemingly small, but manag'd with greater eagerness, than before; The Controversy was, Whether Pardon were to be given to all of Huntly's Party, promiscuously? or, Whether every Mans Cause and Desert should be consider'd, apart? Some were of Opinion, that, because they thought Huntly was dealt hardly with in being inforc'd to pay D [...]mages to the Sufferers, that it was equitable to indulge him here, and not to press so severely, as to disoblige his Followers, also: On the other side, 'twas alleged, That the chief aim, in such kind of Wars, was, to dissolve Factions, and that could not be done easily, any otherwise, than if the judgment of Pardon or Punishment did reside in the Breast of the Prince alone: All Men understand, how unjust it is, to impose an equal Fine on Those, whose Offences are unequal; and that the adjusting of the Punishment, should be left to Huntly himself, was, by no means, fit, for he ('twas probable) would exact the lightest Mulct from the greatest Offenders; and would lay almost the whole Burden upon such as were least Nocent; in regard, in imposing Punishment, he would not weigh each Man's Merit, but rather his Propensity to his Service; and as any Man had been more fierce and cruel in the War, so he would obtain from him an higher Place in his Favour. On the other side, the lightest Offenders would have the sorest Punishment, and they, which were less active in Wickedness, should be fined for their Moderation, and Favour, towards the King. These Reasons so prevail'd with the Council, that they decreed to weigh every Man's Case apart; and yet, that they might seem to gratify Huntly in some thing, his Domesticks were exempted, he was to lay a Fine on them himself, as he pleas'd; But that which he most desir'd, that the Regent should not come with an Army into the North-parts, was absolutely refus'd him.

Things being thus settled with Huntly at St. Andrews; the Regent, with two Bands of Souldiers, and a great Number of his Friends, went first to Aberdeen, then to Elgin, at last to Inverness: [Page] The Inhabitants near the Town were commanded to appear, they obeyed the Summons, some paid down their Mony, imposed as a Fine on them, others gave Sureties: Huntly, and the chief of his Septs and Clanships, put in Hostages. Thus having settled the Country towards the North, being highly gratulated by all good Men, through all his March, he return'd to St. Iohnston's; there an Assembly of the Nobility was Indicted, by reason of Letters, which Robert Boyd had brought out of England to the Regent at Elgin; some of them were publick, some were private; the private ones were from some Courtiers in England, containing a Relation of Howard's Conspiracy,Letters from England, declaring the Intrigues between the Q. of Scots and Howard. which was so strong and cunningly laid, that they thought no Force or Policy could withstand it, no, not if all the remaining Power of Britain were united together: Therein his Friends exhorted him not to mingle his own flourishing Fortune with the desperate Estate of others, but to provide for himself and his Concerns, yet unimpair'd, apart.

The State of Affairs in England compels me here a little to digress; because, at that time, the Good and Ill of both Kingdoms were so conjoin'd, that the one cannot well be explained without the other. The Scots, a few Years before, were delivered out of the Slavery of the French by the Assistance of the English, and thereupon they observed and subscribed to the same Rites in Religion, in common with the English; that sudden Change of things seemed to promise an universal Quietness to all Britain, free from all domestick Tumults: But presently thereupon, the Pope of Rome, with the Kings of France and Spain threatned a War, and privately managed Designs to alter things. The Pope was not wanting, by his Exhortations and Promises, to stir up their Minds already inraged; but the Kings were not sufficiently agreed amongst themselves; and their Forces were so exhausted, that they rather desired a War, than were able to make it. Besides, there was an Emulation betwixt them, one could not well bear, that the other should have so great an Accession as England, if it were conquered, to his Dominions. Moreover, some Disputes arose betwixt Them and their Subjects, which diverted their Thoughts from foreign Affairs, though the Novelty of a Woman's Reign, and she a young Woman too, without an Husband, gave Encouragement thereto, (especially since those who were ill affected to her, said she was born to Henry the 8th in an unlawful Marriage) and also the former Differences about the Kingdom, and about Religion, were rather stifled than extinguished; yea, the Sparks of Discontent did glow in Mens Minds, which in a short time were likely to break forth into a great Flame.

In the mean time, the English Papists had made many Attempts, but in vain, for they were soon quell'd; and though their Designs never succeeded, yet, Foreigners still feeding them only with blooming Hopes, not with real Supplies, they still persisted in the same resolute Design, wanting rather a Commander for their Numbers, than Power or Courage to come together. The Common People of that Sect had taken a View of all the Nobility, and they found none fit enough, to whom they might commit their Lives [Page] and Fortunes; many of the most stirring, had been consumed in the Civil Wars; many had past over to the other Party; some were so old, that they were unfit for publick Business; or else, the Vigor of their Minds, as well as the Strength of their Bodies, was so debilitated, that they desired Peace, if it were but a tolerable one. There was only one Man, who for Courage and Power seemed fit to undertake so great a Business, and that was Thomas Howard, who though he was of himself inclinable to Quietness, yet there were some Causes which moved him to study Innovations; For his Father and Grand-father, though they had been highly eminent, both in War and Peace, yet, in the Storms of an unstable Court, they had been so toss'd, that their highest Glory was ballanc'd with as great Disgrace. His Father was condemn'd for Treason, and publickly beheaded; and Two Queens, his Kinswomen, had been also put to Death; He in those Difficulties was liberally brought up, and so preserved his Family from being quite extinguish'd, and blown up: In his very Youth, he gave a Specimen of great Prudence, and in a few Years, by the Death of his Wives, and by new Marriages, he grew so rich, that, next to the Queen, he was the most potent of the English; for Wealth and Prudence, the rest of the Nobility yielded to him; but as for his Skill in Military Matters he had yet given no Proof of his Valor; but in the Controversies of Religion, he carried himself so swimmingly and ambiguously, that, tho he favoured Popery in his Heart, yet he was such a Fosterer of the contrary Party, that Many of them made sure of him, in their Thoughts, as their Own.

Amids these things, the Queen of Scots was overcome in Battel and fled to England, whence she wrote Letters to that Queen, concerning the cause of her coming; she was bid by her to retire to the House of the Lord Scroop, Warden of the Marches, till she did consider of her Demands in Council;Queen of Scots confined to the Lord Scroop's House, in the North of England. Scroop's Wife was Howard's Sister, and, by her Means, the Treaty of Marriage was secretly begun betwixt the Queen and Howard, and the Opportunity seemed to be offered by God himself, seeing Howard's third Wife was lately dead, and he was then a Widower. The Design was concealed, as being intrusted but to a few, yet 'twas whisper'd abroad among the Common People; For narrow Spirits cannot conceal great Hopes, but Ioy gives them Vent, and so they fly abroad. The Matter was so far advanc'd, That the Fire of a Civil War seemed ready to break out, yea, some were so confident of Success, after they had considered the Strength of the Parties, that they thought Howard might easily do what he pleased, without using any Force.

Things were in this Posture, when the Scots Nobles had a great Meeting at Perth, to hear the Demands of both Queen's,Letters from both Queens to the Scots Nobles, read and debated. both of them having wrote to them. The Queen of England's Letters proposed one of these Three Conditions. The first was absolute, That the Queen might be restored to her Throne and Dignity, as formerly. But if that could not be granted, Then, that she might reign jointly with her Son, that so she might injoy Princely Honour in Letters and publick Acts; in the mean time, the Regency should be in the Hands of the present Regent, till the King came to the [Page] Age of seventeen. If neither of those could be obtained, then the third Condition, was, (if the Queen could be persuaded to accept of it) That she should live privately at home, being content with those Honours, which, saving the Authority and Majesty of the King, might be granted to her. This last Request was easily assented to, if the Queen would accept it; But the other Two were peremptorily refused. For the better and more incorrupt Part of the Nobility were resolute in this, That they neither could, nor ought, to determine any thing, which did diminish the King's Authority, especially being lawfully inthron'd; but the two former Heads did take off from the King's Honour, yea, it exposed his Life too, being a Pupil, unless it could be thought, that his Mother, who was known to be cruel towards her Husband, and was not well affected toward her Son neither, being exasperated by her Banishment besides, should be no more kind to him, than she had been ever before. Also the Letters from the exil'd Queen were read, wherein she desired, That some Judges might be appointed to consider of her Marriage with Bothwel; and if 'twas found contrary to Law, that she might be divorced from him. Those Letters did highly incense the King's Party, because she wrote her self as Queen, and commanded them as Subjects: Yea, some would not have had them answered at all, because they indeavoured to abridg the King of his Power, and to instate the Rule in the sole Power of an exil'd Queen; but that Part of the Council which was for the Queen, alleged, that they wondered much, why those who had formerly, the last Year, much desired, that she would separate her Cause from Bothwel's; now when it was freely offer'd to them, should hinder it as eagerly, (or rather more) as they had before earnestly desired it; if a Word or two in the Letters did displease them, that Fault might easily be amended; yea, some there were, who undertook (provided the Matter of the Divorce might be handled in the mean time) to procure a Commission from her, in what Expressions they themselves would have it: On the contrary, the adverse Party urg'd, That they saw no new Cause of such great haste, 60 days was but a lawful time for Bothwel, who was out of the Kingdom, to appear; within which time a new Commission might be sent: Neither ought that Delay to seem long, especially to her, who had past over so great a Matter in Silence, now two Years; and now also she had sent Letters, which were of themselves an Hindrance, why those who were willing to gratify her, could not comply with them; but if she desired a Divorce, 'twas easy to be obtained; let her but write to the King of Denmark, desiring him to punish the Murderer of her former Husband; if he were dead, though they all were unwilling, yet she might marry where and whom she pleased; but if she refused This, then 'twas plain, she spake not sincerely and from her Heart, but made a counterfeit Pretence of Divorce, that, if she married again, she might also live in a disputable and uncertain Matrimony, even with her next Husband, too: And hereof there was a shrewd Suspicion, because she desired such Judges to determine of the Divorce, who had no Power in the Case. For what Power could the Regent have over Exiles, with [Page] whom he had nothing at all to do, who, unless they themselves pleased, might refuse to stand to his Judgment; or, how should they submit to anothers Judgment, who were under the Power and Dominion of other Princes; but, seeing that there seem'd to be some hidden Fraud in the Case, a Decision was not to be hastily made, but the Queen of England was to be acquainted therewith, in whose Power it was, either to promote or hinder it. Hereupon, a Young Nobleman of the Regent's Friends was sent to the Queen of England, to acquaint her with the Acts of the Convention. Some may perhaps wonder, That seeing greater Matters were transacted with less Dispute, there should be such ado made about the Divorce: But this was the cause of it; Howard had privately transacted by his Friends, concerning his marrying the Queen of Scots; and the Conspiracy was so strong both at home and abroad, That 'twas bruited among the Vulgar, the Design was, to take away both of the lawful Princes, and so to seize on the two Kingdoms, for themselves; the Place, Time, and the Whole of the Design was so ordered, that all things seem'd to be secure against any Force whatsoever. The Conspirators did most insist on This, To remove what might hinder the Marriage: If that were done, they seemed secure, that all the rest should fall in of it self. On the contrary, They which were for the King, made it their chief Business to cast in Rubbs to delay it; for, in the Interim, many secret Designs might in time be discovered, and the Conspiracy prevented by the Care of both Princes.

In this Posture of Affairs, the Decree of the Scots Council was brought to the Queen of England; but she, alleging, she was not satisfied with that Answer, and the Messenger did not seem to her a fit Person with whom she might confer, in so dangerous a time, and about such weighty Matters,The Scots answer Q. Elizabeth's Letter. desired to be better inform'd by the Scots of those Matters. Whereupon there was another Assembly of the Nobility Indicted at Sterlin, where they drew up this Answer, ‘That, as for the last of her Requests it might admit a Consultation, in order to an Agreement; but the second was of that kind, that no Consultation at all could be admitted, on that Head, without manifest Impiety, in regard it would not only diminish, but even extirpate, the Royal Authority: For, besides that all Partnership in Supream Magistracy is dangerous; how can Two be equally join'd in Government, whereof One was a Youth, scarce out of his Infancy; the Other a Woman in the prime of her Age, of a crafty Disposition, having past through Variety of Fortunes, who, as soon as ever she can creep into Part of the Government, will, by the Strength of that Faction, which, though she was removed by a publick Decree from the Administration thereof, do yet labour to introduce her, not by Entreaties, but Threats; or else by corrupting the King's Enemies; or, lastly, by foreign Souldiers, whom she is now busy to procure, soon derive the whole Authority to her self? How will she indure, that an Infant should be equall'd with her, who would not be match'd even with her Husband? Besides, if she should marry some potent Man, (such a Matter being now on Foot) her Strength [Page] would be doubled, and her Husband (as of Necessity he must) be admitted into Part of the Government; perhaps, he would not willingly suffer, that his Children should be prevented in the Succession by a Son-in-Law; and then, in what a Case would the Child be? What if his Friends (as all Men are inconstant) should prefer a present Largess, before their future Hope, and so side with the strongest? What can attend the Child, being now thrust down into the second, and anon into the third Place, but utter Ruin? As for other things, they had rather leave them to her private Thoughts to meditate upon, than to make a previous Conjecture, What an angry Woman having Power in her Hands, prompted by the Imperious Counsels of her Uncles, having evidenc'd her Cruelty towards her Husband, being also exasperated by her Banishment, would attempt against a Child, especially when stript of all Aid of Nature and Providence, and exposed as a Sacrifice to her Rage? And what Life would his Friends live, by whom she thought she was so grievously wrong'd? Besides, what would the State of Religion be, when she could vent that Rage, which in former time her Fear had concealed, especially if an Husband, of known Arrogance, should further excite her innate Cruelty? How easily might his Friends be destroyed, when the young King was slain; or else, how soon might the King be subverted, when he had lost his Friends? For these Reasons, the Queen could not be assumed into a Part of the Government, without evident Destruction to the King's Affairs. Matters standing thus, there was no need to speak any thing to the first Head of her Demands.’

Petcarn sent Embassador into England, to satisfy Q. Elizabeth. Robert Petcarn was sent to carry this Answer into England, a Man of no less Prudence than Loyalty; and he came to that Court in the very nick of time, when the Conspiracy to kill the Queen, and to seize on both Kingdoms, was discovered and made known. The Plot was so strongly laid, That the Queen of England began to be afraid of her self, and after she had imprisoned Howard in the Tower of London, she durst not proceed to punish the Queen of Scots, but was consulting to send her, by Sea, to the Regent of Scotland; but when the Storm was a little over, that Design did not hold.

In the mean time, the Regent, in regard the Power of the adverse Faction did mightily increase, sends for William Maitland, who was a great Incendiary to the Conspiracy, from Perth to Sterlin; he, being conscious of his Guilt, though he had experienc'd the Regent's Lenity to all his Friends, even in the greatest Offences, yet made no great haste to come; till having before sifted out, by his Friends, if any Design were form'd against him; he dealt also with the Earl of Athol, to go with him, that, if need were, he might use him as his Intercessor: As he was sitting in Council at Sterlin, Thomas Crawford, a Dependant of the Earl of Lennox's, accused him of having an hand in the King's Murder: Whereupon, he was commanded to be kept close Prisoner in a Chamber in the Castle; whilst others were sent to apprehend Iames Balfure, who was absent. The wiser sort would have had them both proceeded against according to Law, as having been the Authors of all the Tumults, [Page] that had happened for some Years; and, as they were privy to the Murder of the last King,The Regent's Lenity, his own Overthrow. so they were Leaders of the Faction against her Son: But the Lenity of the Regent overcame all Consideration of Publick Good; so that it prov'd calamitous to his Country, and fatal to Himself: Balfure, by his Friends Mediation, obtained Pardon for his Conspiracy, though lately entred into; and Maitland was brought to Edinburgh, into a Lodging not far from the Castle, some Horsemen were appointed to guard him, under the Command of Alexander Hume, a Young and active Noble-Man; but William Kircade, Governor of the Castle, about ten a Clock at Night, brought counterfeit Letters to Alexander, (as if they had been the Hand-Writing of the Earl of Murray,) which commanded him to deliver Maitland into his Custody: He, knowing in how great Favour Kircade was with Murray, readily obeyed, and thus Maitland was carried into the Castle by the Governor, who, even till then, had privily been of the Enemies Party; the Nobility much storming at it; and almost doubting, Whether they should impute so great an Offence to Kircade, or to the Regent himself, as one not ignorant of his Audacity; and the matter had come to a Sedition, if the Sanctity of his whole Life had not outballanc'd all Imputations of Reproach: 'Tis true, Kircade was a valiant Man, and accounted, till that time, a faithful Observer of Friendship, and as he had received many other Courtesies from the Regent, so he had been lately preferr'd by him to the Government of the Castle, before his other Friends and Kindred; though the Prudenter sort did, even then, suspect him; but such was the Indulgence of the Regent, towards those whom he once lov'd, That he could not be severe to them, though catch'd in the very Act of Offending. Kircade, the next day, was sent for by the Regent, but refused to come; and 'twas an unlucky Opportunity, for then Howard and the Queen were daily expected; and thereupon, the Spirits of the adverse Faction incouraged;The Regent deserted by his intimate Friends▪ ugly Reports were commonly spread abroad, That the Regent was forsaken by his intimate Friends, in such a doubtful time; and so the Castle being held against him, he was left to his Enemies Will, others being likely to follow so leading an Example very shortly; when their Governor was taken away, the innocent King and his Favourers would be delivered up to those Punishments, which the cruelest Tyrants could devise; yet, the Regent was not moved by their Speeches, but, the next Day, went to the Castle, and spoke to the Governor with an unchang'd Countenance, as if he had been reconciled to him, and so returned to the Expedition, he had undertaken against the Robbers. In his Passage through Merch, he turned aside, as he was wont familiarly to do, to Alexander Hume, the chief of that Clanship; there also (Hume himself being covetous, and having been drawn off by great Promises to the contrary Faction) he found no benevolous Reception from Hume's Wife, but she, being an arrogant Woman, did even mock at him to his Face; so that he departed to Teviotdale; coming thither with a small Retinue, and little more than his ordinary Guard, the Thieves admiring his Valour and Constancy, in that Solitude of his Friends, [Page] having received the Publick Faith for their Return, came in such Numbers to him, that their Multitude equalled, yea sometimes exceeded, those of his Attendants; yet he remitted nothing of his former Greatness of Mind, but answered them as became the Dignity of the Publick and his Own too; and, without doubt, he had quieted them without Force, unless some of the Neighbour-Nobility, affected to Howard, and now ready to take Arms, had impeded his Design. His Friends came in to him at the time appointed, and then he march'd into the Territory of the Thieves, though some of the Neighbourhood indeavoured to dissuade him, by telling him of the Difficulty and Danger of the Expedition; he past with his Army through Liddisdale, Ewsdale and Eskdale, and received Hostages, not only from them, but from those beyond them; only some, who, by reason of the Greatness of their Offences, despair'd of Pardon, were outlawed by him. This Expedition procur'd him not only the Favour of the People for setling them in Security, but raised their Admiration also, That a Man forsaken by his intimate Friends, and extreamly unprovided of Necessaries, should accomplish That in a few Days, which the most potent of our Kings, in full Peace, and with great Forces, could hardly effect in a long time.

Whilst these things were acting, he was made acquainted, That the English Conspiracy was detected,Howard imprisoned. Howard committed to Prison, and the Scots Queen more strictly guarded, than before; and that Robert Petcarn had performed his Embassy with good Success, and was returned; he inform'd him, That his Proceedings were very acceptable to the Queen of England, That he had quieted the Borders;The Regent receives an encouraging Message from the Queen of England. That he had imprisoned the Earl of Northumberland, one of the Conspirators, who was fled into Scotland; That he was pursuing all the rest, as Enemies; That he had sent to the Governor of Berwick, to offer him Assistance freely on all Occasions. These Courtesies she promised to remember, and that she would not be wanting to him in his Dangers, but all the Force of England should be at his Service, if need were.

All the time of this Expedition, the Regent had daily Information brought him by his faithful Friends, of a great Conspiracy against him, entred into at home. And, in all the Letters, the Governor of the Castle was still accused; whereupon, the Regent's old Courtesies and ancient Acquaintance not being yet quite cancell'd out of his Memory, he wrote to him plainly, and sent him a Copy of all his Accusations. He answered so coldly to the Crimes objected, That he became now more suspected, than before: He denied, that any Man could shew his Subscription to any Pact, relating to that Conspiracy.

In the mean time, the Day for Maitland's Trial drew near; for, after he was carried to the Castle, to put a bold Face on a bad Matter, he expresly desired to be brought to his Trial; for he was fully persuaded, That the Power of the Conspirators was so great in England, and also in Scotland, (of which he was one of the chief) that nothing could be orderly or lawfully determined: For in Trials of Life and Death, there use to be great Flockings together of Friends and Vassals, according to the Faction, Favour or [Page] Nobility of the Accus'd, as it happen'd also, at that time. The chief of the Faction adverse to the King, viz. the Earls of Hamilton, Gordon, and Argyle, gather'd all their Force, against that Day; hoping, that if the Judgment were disturb'd by force, (as 'twas easy so to do) that they might quietly end the Conflict at one Skirmish, as being Superior in Number of Men, Opportunity of the Place, and also better provided for War. The Regent expected not a vying in Force, but in Law, and therefore had made no preparation on the other side; and so, being unwilling to put things to the utmost Hazard, before he needs must; and also, lest the Majesty of the Government might be lessened by contending with his Inferiors, he put off the Day of Trial, and so He, a Day after, about Ianuary 1st, having sent the Earl of Northumberland to a Prison in Lough-Levin, went to Sterlin.

The adverse Faction, thus again disappointed, and perceiving the Authority and Power of the Regent to increase, and that, besides his Popularity at home, he was also supported by the English, being stirr'd up, partly by Emulation; partly by the large Promises from the Queen of Scots, who by Letters inform'd them, that the French and Spanish Aid would be presently with them, proceeded to accomplish that which they had long design'd, even the cuting off the Regent. As long as he was alive, they knew, their Projects could not take effect, and therefore they sent Messengers, thrô all Countries to the chief of their Faction, to enter into a League to that purpose. To this League, the Hamiltons subscrib'd, and Those, who either themselves, or their Children, were Prisoners in the Castle of Edinburgh. The Governour himself was thought to be privy to it, and That which follow'd, did increase the Suspicion of him; Iames Hamilton, Son of the Arch-bishop of St. Andrew's Sister, promised his Assistance, and indeavour'd to find a fit Time and Place to commit the Murder. It happen'd, that, at the same time, some hopes were given to the Regent, That Dunbarton would be surrendred upon Conditions; thither he went, but return'd without his Errand. Hamilton, being intent on all Occasions, his Ambushes not succeeding well first at Glasgow, then at Sterlin, appoints Linlithgo to be the Place fittest to execute his Purpose, because that Town was in the Clanship of the Hamiltons, and the Archbishop, his Uncle, had an house there, not far from the House where the Regent us'd to lodge; in that House, being appointed for the Murder, he secretly hid himself.The Regent too negligent of his fore warned Danger. The Regent was made acquainted with the Plot, both before, and also, that very Day, before it was light; the Discoverer, for more surety, added, that the Murderer lay hid in 3 or 4 Houses from his Lodging; that, if he would send a small Party with him, he would pluck him out of his hole, and so discover the whole Design, and Order of the secret Plot; yet, the Regent would not alter his former purpose; only he design'd to go out of the Town thrô the same Gate he enter'd in, and then turn about and proceed in his Journy; nor did he keep to this Resolution, neither; either because he did undervalue such Dangers, as believing his Life to be in God's Hand, to whom he was willing to render it, when 'twas call'd for; or else, because the Multitude of [Page] Horse, waiting for him, stopt up the way. When he was mounted on Horseback, he thought to ride swiftly by the suspected Places, and so to avoid the Danger; but, the Multitude of the People crouding in, hinder'd his Design, so that the Murderer, out of a wooden Balcony, which he had purposely cover'd with Linen, as if 'twere for another use,The Regent shot out of a Balcony, at the Instigation of the Hamiltons, shot him with a Lead-bullet, a little below the Navil, and it came out almost by his Reins, and also kill'd the Horse of Iames Douglas, which was beyond him; he himself escap'd, by a back Door, or Passage, of the Garden, which he had pluck'd down on purpose; and so mounted a swift Horse, set on purpose, to carry him off, after he had committed the Fact, by Iames Hamilton, Abbat of Aber-Brothwick, and so he went to Hamilton, with the great Gratulation of Those, who waited to hear the Event of his audacious Enterprize; when they heard, he had effected it, they commended him highly, and rewarded him as if now the Kingship had been actually translated into their own Family.

In the mean time, at Linlithgo, the rest were startled at the suddenness of the Crack, and the Regent told them, he was Wounded, and, as if he had not felt it, he leap'd from his Horse, and went, on foot, to his lodging: They, which were sent for to Cure the Wound, at first said, 'Twas not Mortal; but, his Pain increasing, tho his Mind was not disturb'd, he began seriously to think of Death. Those which were about him, often told him, that This was the fruit of his own Lenity, in sparing too many notorious Offenders; and, amongst the rest, his own Murderer, who had been condemn'd for Treason. Whereto he return'd a mild Answer, according to his Custom, Saying, Your importunity shall never make me to Repent of my Clemency. Then, having settled his houshold-Affairs,Of which Wound he died. he commended the King to the Nobles there present, and, without speaking a reproachful Word of any Man, he departed this Life before Midnight, about Ianuary 23, in the Year of our Salvation 1571. His Death was lamented by all Good Men, especially by the Commons; who lov'd him, Alive, and lamented him, Dead, as the publick Father of his Country; For, besides his many other noble Atchievements, they call'd to Mind, that, not a Year before, he had so quieted all the troublesome Parts of the Kingdom, That a Man was as safe on the Road, or at his Inn, as in his own House; and, Envy dying with him, They, who were disaffected to him, when alive, did really Praise him, when dead. They admir'd his Valour in War, which yet was always accompanied with a great desire of Peace;The Pious and Laudable Character of the Regent. his Celerity in Business was always so successful, that an especial Providence of God seem'd to shine on all his Actions; besides, his Clemency was great in moderately punishing; and his Equity as great in his Legal Decisions: When he had any spare time from War, he would sit, all day long in the Colledg of Judges; so that, his Presence struck such a Reverence into them, that the Poor were not opprest by false Accusations, neither were they tir'd out by long Attendances, in regard their Causes were not put off to gratify the Rich. His house, like an Holy Temple, was free, not only from flagitious Deeds, but even from [Page] wanton Words; after Dinner and Supper, he always caus'd a Chapter out of the Holy Bible to be read; and tho he had still a learned Man to interpret it; yet, if there were any eminent Scholars there, (as there were oft Many, and such were still well respected by him,) he would ask their Opinions; which he did, not out of a vain Ambition, but out of a desire to conform himself to the Rule thereof. He was, in a manner, too liberal; he gave to Many, and often, too; and his Alacrity in giving commended the Gift. To a great many, who were modest in receiving, he presented privately with his own Hand. In a word, He was honest and plain-hearted to his Friends and Domesticks; for if any of them did amiss, he reprov'd them more sharply, than he did Strangers. By these his Manners, Deportment and Innocency of Life, he was dear and venerable, not only to his Country-Men, but even to Foreigners, especially to the English, to whom, in all the vicissitudes of Providence, in his Life, his Virtues were more known, than to any other Nation.

The Twentieth BOOK.

ALL that Time, which immediately followed the Death of the last Regent, although it were free from Blood-shed, yet, was embroyled with the various Attempts of the Factions. Before the Murder, the Hamiltons, in great Numbers, had met at Edinburgh, under the Pretence of prevailing with the Regent, to release Iames Hamilton, the Head of their Kin or Tribe, who was yet kept Prisoner in the Castle: But, after the Murder was perpetrated, they sent some, from amongst them, to the rest of the Hamiltons, who were to dissuade the other Clans, (for so they would have made People believe) from joining with, or protecting, the publick Parricides: But, as very many suspected, it was to bid them, be prepared, and ready, for all Occasions. For, the next Night after the Murder, Walter Scot, and Thomas Carr of Farnihest, entring into England, did ravage over all Places with Fire and Sword; and that, with somewhat more Cruelty than was used in former times. Neither was it so much the Desire of Prey, or Revenge, which mov'd them to this unusual Crueltie, as, that it was long before resolved by the Bishop of Saint Andrews, and the rest of the Heads of the Faction, to incense the English against the Scots: And, if they could provoke them, no other way, to take up Arms; then, by Injuries to draw them, tho unwillingly, into a War. The Governour of the Castle, although convinced by many Evidences, so that all Mens Eyes and Discourse were upon him by way of Reflection, as yet continued in his former counterfeited Loyalty to the King; 'Twas upon his account, that William Maitland was delivered out of Prison; For, when he had, [Page] in many Words, pleaded his Innocency before the Council, the Nobles, then present, attesting, That it did not, with any certainty, appear to them, That he was guilty of those Crimes which were laid to his Charge, (for he was accused to have been privy to the King's and Regent's Murders, and also to be the Author of the Civil War that was lately raised in England) he was at last dismissed, yet so, that the Matter seem'd to be deferred till Another time, rather than absolutely to be decided at That: He also, protesting his Innocency upon Oath, did promise to appear, whensoever the King's Kindred would set a Day for his Trial. Afterwards, when, upon consulting about the State of the Kingdom, they had almost agreed, That of those, whom the Queen, before she abjured her Government, had nominated Tutors to the King, he that would undertake it, provided he had not afterwards revolted to the adverse Faction, should have the chief Administration of Affairs. Maitland, now contriving the Disturbance of Matters, brought it so about, that it should be again signified to the absent Lords, that they might, if they pleased, be present in the Parliament of the Regent, to be assembled at a set Day, lest they might afterwards complain, That so great an Affair was hastily rash'd up in their Absence.Bandyings in Scotland, upon the Regent's Murder. Athol, with a few others, consented; neither did the rest refuse it, more that they would take away all occasion of Detraction and Calumny from their Adversaries, than that they had any Hopes, that this Delay of the Parliament would bring any Profit to the Publick.

After these Things, Thomas Randolph, the English Embassador, had Audience; for That Queen, the Regent being yet alive, had sent her Embassadors, to demand those English Exiles, who, after Howard's Conspiracy was detected, and he punished, for fear of Punishment, had escaped thither: The Regent, giving these Embassadors Audience at Sterlin, put them off till his Arrival at Edinburgh: and, after his Death, Things being in Confusion, they departed without an Answer. But, when they conven'd about choosing a Regent, Randolph, (who, for some years, had been in Scotland) for that he was thought to be well read in the Affairs, and in the Men, of that Nation; and that his former Embassies had been also advantagious to both Nations, was in dear Esteem of all that were good, like himself. ‘He, being introduc'd into the Council, having declared,Randolph's (Queen Elizabeth's Embassador,) sober Speech to the Scots. How great his Queen's Good-will had always been towards the Scots; That, as she had not formerly been wanting to them in their Disturbances, so she would not fail them now. Then he rehearsed their Incursions into England, the Slaughters, Rapines, Burnings, of late Days committed: Adding, That she knew well enough, That none of these Things were acted by the Publick Council; therefore, that, at present, her Kindness and Friendship towards them, was the same it ever was: So that, although she had been grievously, and, without any Cause, provoked; yet she did not, as she might justly do, repeat Matters, nor publickly require Reparation; nor, for the Fault of a Few, seek Punishment of All: That indeed she was not ignorant, what a great Disturbance in Affairs was risen of late; [Page] yet, she was not doubtful of the Good-will of honest Men towards her: That, in Favour of them, she did not only free the Publick from any Guilt, but if, by reason of domestick Troubles, they could not compel the Disturbers of the Peace, to resettle Matters, that she would join her Forces with theirs, that so, by common Consent, they might exact Punishment of those Violators of Leagues and Truces: But, if they were not able to do That, that then she would revenge their Injuries with her own Souldiers: That her Army should pass peaceably through the Country, without the least Damage to it; That none, that had not been guilty of the Crimes, should be concerned in the Punishment.’ The remaining Heads of his Embassy contained Admonitions, ever profitable in all Legal Assemblies, but now, as the present Posture of Affairs was, very necessary, viz. ‘That they should first of all, with all Care and Vigilance, have regard to Religion, which alone teaches us our Duty, both towards God, and towards Man: That, seeing no Common-wealth, at Discord within itself, can long subsist, they should bend their chiefest Endeavours, and strive, with their utmost Force, that, at Home, among Fellow-Subjects, and Country-Men, Peace and Concord might be religiously observed; and seeing God, the Framer of the Universe, had indulged Them with a Kingly Government, it was just for them to honour and obey their Kings, and to yield all Observance and Obedience to them: That Peace, Concord, and Friendship with all Men, as much as possible, are most acceptable to God, and quench, or, at least, lessen, the Thirst of shedding human Blood, (which Wickedness God especially detests): That they increase the Riches of All in general, and render a People more formidable to their Enemies: That Justice is the Preserver of the Publick Safety, of which, the chief Part now to be made use of, is, The Punishment of Offenders: Seeing that Treason is most hateful to every lawful Government, its Abettors, to what part of the Earth soever they retreated, should have neither Mercy, Favour, nor Indulgence, shewed them.’ Thus far Randolph; whose Advice seemed both pious, wholsom, and reasonable. But, because none was yet chosen Regent, he could not have any certain Answer, and therefore was put off till the first of May. Last of all, William and Robert Douglas, Brothers, by the Mother's Side,The Douglasses Petition against the Murderers of the Regent, which occasions several Debates. to the late murdered Regent, petition'd, That the villanous Death of their Brother, suffer'd upon no Private, but the Common-wealth's, Account, should be revenged. Herein, the Opinions were various, although all agreed, That the Murderers were to be punished: Some thought fit, That a Day should be set for those, suspected of the Murder, to appear, (and many of their Names were given in): Others were of Opinion, That Court-Days were not to be waited for against those, who were now in Arms, to maintain, by Force, that Fact, which they had wickedly committed: And, that it was fit, not only to take up Arms forthwith against them, but likewise against all those, who were sentenced by the last Parliament. To this Opinion the Or, Commissioners. Knights of Shires were most inclined, yet they could not obtain their Purpose, by the dissuasion chiefly of Athol, [Page] who said, They ought to expect a more numerous Assembly of Nobles; and of Morton, who thought, That, should they join more Crimes together, the Revenge of the Regent's Death would miscarry, and a Civil War break out; because all those, who dreaded the Peace, would join with the Murderers. Therefore, that their Crimes should be separated, and Affairs, if possible, acted by Law, and nothing innovated, before the first of May, (which was the Day appointed for their Meeting.) And so that Session was dissolved; most part of the People condemning this Delay of the Nobility, because (said they) all things are acted, as the King's Enemies please, who had occasion'd these Delays purposely, that, in length of Time, the Odium of the Murder might diminish, and the opposite Faction, that while, gain Strength. This Opinion of the Peoples was confirmed, not only by some preceding Accidents, but also by very many, which followed: For presently, when the Regent's Murder was yet hardly divulged, Iames Hamilton, upon a Mortgage of his Lands, procures Mony of Iohn Somerval, of A Barony on the East-side of Clyde. Camnethen, which, together with another Sum, borrowed of his Friends, he sent to his Complices to hire Souldiers with, having warned them before, to be ready for all Essays, because of the sudden Alteration which had happen'd, upon their having rid themselves of their capital Enemy. And after that, the Queen's Party ceased not to have Meetings, in many and distant Places. About the 15th of February, almost all the Chiefs of the Rebellious Faction met together at Glasgow; whence Argyle and Boyd wrote to Morton, That they, because, as yet, they knew not Who were the Actors in, or privy to, the Regent's Murder, would willingly communicate their Counsel with the rest of the Nobility, as well for the Discovery, as Punishment, of that Murder; but, that they would not come to Edinburgh; but if the King's Party would be persuaded to meet them at Linlithgo, at Falkirk, or at Sterlin, they would, without Delay, come thither. This Business, being communicated to Maitland by Morton, (for so the Letter requested) came to nothing. About the same time, Thomas Car wrote to his Father-in-Law, the Governour of the Castle, from Linlithgo, That, if the Queen of England would be prevailed withal, to lay by her Resentment of the late Incursions, he would endeavour, that, for the future, the Borders should be quieted, and kept in due Order; but that, if she should refuse these Offers, he would continue in the Design he had begun; not doubting, but that his honest Country-men, who yet retained their Fealty to their Queen, would join with him, and that the French Auxiliaries would speedily come, also.

About the third of March, the Hamiltons, with Argyle and Boyd, met at Linlithgo; but the killing of one common Souldier, begetting a Tumult, disturbed all their Counsels; which made the Archbishop of St. Andrews carry home the Hamiltons with him. The rest of the Rebels, chiefly Huntly, Athol, Crawford, Ogilby; also, of those on this side Forth, Hume, Seton and Maitland, met at Edinburgh; in which City Morton was, accompanied but with few, till the Earls of Glencarn and Marr, with their Followers, came to [Page] him. About the fourth of March, A Convention of the Nobles, with various Opinions about choosing a Regent; the Heads of the Factions met to consult about the Main, but this Consultation went but slowly on, by reason of Argyle's Abs [...]nce, whose Power and Authority was then very great. Huntly goes to him, undertaking to persuade him to join with the rest of the Faction, but returns without Success, by the Treachery of Maitland, (as most Men thought) who desired to drill on Affairs, that, amidst the Confusions of the Kingdom, he might have the fitter Opportunity for Innovations. Argyle also, in all his Undertakings, had another Impediment, which hindred, That his Power was not now so great, as it was found to be formerly, which was, That, though he himself was a most eager Favourer of the Queen's Cause, yet his Friends and Clients, no, nor his very Brother, could not be prevailed with to follow him against the King. The Night following, a sudden Terror, without any apparent Cause, did so seize upon all the Factious, that they watch'd in their Armour, till it was Day-light; and, in the Morning, they as fearfully departed from Edinburgh. All the Time of this Convention, the chief Thing controverted, was, By what Authority the Scots might, at that time, choose a Regent? Some, according to the Queen's Letters-Patents, by which she had designed Eight of the Nobility, that, out of them, one, or more, as should be thought fit, might be nominated as Tutors to her Son, would have one of that number placed at the Helm. Others were of Opinion, That those Letters were now useless, since that a Regent was already chosen, according to their Appointment; and that all Thoughts of them should be laid aside, as being not made to be always in Force, but for that one Juncture of Time, only. Some there were, who would have the whole Affair deferred, until the General Convention of the Nobility, but These were mostly of Maitland's Faction, which expected, That a great Distraction in Affairs would follow, which, in a great Multitude, without a Governour, is easily rais'd, but not so easily laid. The Third Opinion condemned both the Others: The First, for that now there ought less Account to be made of the Queen's Letters-Patent, since (if the Matter of Law were considered) they were, from their beginning, of little or no force: The Other,But is dissolved, re infecta. for that a Prorogation would both draw much Danger along with it, & also a greater Delay, than the present Condition of Affairs could well permit; and therefore they would have all those to meet, who, at first, had advised the King to enter upon the Government, and had constantly adhered to him, ever since: These, according to the sense of this Party, were to take the best Care they could for the Publick-Weal, and speedily appoint such a Regent, who was both able and willing to provide for the Safety of King and Kingdom, both. But this Opinion was rejected also, and so, before any thing was concluded upon, the Convention was broke up.

So many Meetings having been tried in vain, the Rebels again return to the old Seminary of the English War, thereby to draw the Populacy to their Faction; and send out the same Captains of the Freebooters, which were sent before, who left nothing of Cruelty uncommitted, even to the utmost extremity. And, in the [Page] mean time, the Heads of their Faction bespatter the Queen of England with all manner of Reproaches: And also, they maliciously accuse the Scotish Nobles, as Pensioners to the English, commonly giving out, in a way of Threatning, That if their Adversaries did call in the English to their Aid, they would have recourse to the French and Spanish Succours. About this time, Mr. Le Verac, one of the King of France's Bed-Chamber-Men, came from France to Dumbritton, who, with his large Promises, somewhat raised up their Courages. Hereupon, the Hamiltons appointed a Meeting of their People, to be held the 9th of April, at Linlithgo; Where, when the Queen's Faction was gathered together in great Numbers, They began openly to treat of That, which they had long before meditated in their private Cabals, That, if a War against the English could be made, thereby private Injuries and Actions, either about the King's or Regent's Murder, in that universal Disturbance of Affairs, would either grow out of Remembrance, or, at least, the Resentment of them much abate. These Things having been transacted at Linlithgo, by the Associates of the Conspiracy only, who having not yet plainly unmasked their Intentions,The Hamiltons, and others of the Queen's Party, meet at Edinburgh. that they might have more Shew of Authority, they determine to meet at Edinburgh, on the 11th of April, and thereby, besides the other Conveniencies which the Place would afford them, draw the Citizens, of whom they always made great account, either way, to their Party. This seemed no hard Matter, since they had already gained William Kircady, the Governour both of the City and Castle, to their Side: But, because they understood, that Watch and Ward was kept there, and that the Common People were more inclined to their Adversaries, they thought fit to send to the Citizens, first, to know, Whether or no it was their Pleasure, they should meet there? The Citizens Answer was, That they would exclude no Person, that was desirous of the Publick Peace, and obedient to the King; but that they would admit neither the English Exiles, nor the Hamiltons, into their City, lest they should either highly displease the Queen of England, in whose Kingdom they had great Traffick, or seem to join in Counsel with those that were guilty of that horrid Murder; nor likewise, would they endure the Proposal of any New Edicts, which might tend to the lessening of the Regal Authority; or, that their Souldiery should be forc'd (as the Custom was) to run to their Arms by sound of Drum. Upon these Conditions, how hard soever they seemed, they notwithstanding came into the City, in hopes, by degrees, to gain upon the unwary Multitude, and, by soothing them up with fair Speeches,The Edinburghers much courted to side with them, but in vain. at last, to bring them all to their beck; but, for all this, they could not prevail with the Citizens to deliver up their Keys to them, or to cease their usual Watch, though Kircady, Governour of the Castle and City, join'd his utmost Endeavours with them, that they should do so.

All that time, they visited Maitland (who (if he did not dissemble deeply,) was troubled with the Gout) every day, and in such Numbers, that his House was commonly named a School, and he a Schoolmaster: Athol, the whilst, incessantly passing from one [Page] Place to another, that he might draw those of the contrary Faction to this Meeting at Edinburgh; but they all, with one accord, refused to come before May 1. (which was the Day generally agreed on by all) unless they were satisfied of the necessity of coming, before; if any thing of moment had happen'd, which would admit of no Delay, they would have them acquaint the Earl of Morton with it, who was at his House but four Miles off, and he would tell the rest of it. Athol, at last, appoints a Day, on which, some of either Faction should meet at Morton-Hall, which is in Dalkeith; but this Place did not please the Queen's Faction, not that they dreaded any Treachery, but out of a Conceit, That it would be an undervaluing to their Authority, if they should come to Morton, rather than He come to Them. Therefore, after many Attempts, and that nothing proceeded to their Satisfaction, they were forc'd to break up the Meeting; for seeing, that, being desirous to rid the City of their Adversaries, they could not prevail with the Citizens to join with them; in order to it, they resolved to call in a greater Number of their Friends dwelling nearest, that, in spite of the Inhabitants, they might get all Things into their own Power. The Governour of the Castle facilitated This very much, who set at Liberty those Persons whom he had in Custody, (and they were well nigh All the Heads of the Queen's Faction.) But a sudden Rumour, That the English Army was come to Berwick, startled all their Resolutions: Alexander Hume, and Iohn Maxwel, lately let out of Prison, without any Publick Authority, betook themselves to their own Homes, to look to their own Concerns: And Hume had part of the Mony (gathered for raising of Souldiers) given him, to fortify his own Castle, Hume. Thomas Carr, and Walter Scot, who, by the Instigation chiefly of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, had made Incursions into England, foreseeing, That, from this beginning, a War would be kindled between the Two Kingdoms, being deserted by their Neighbours, and doubtful of their own Strength, send to the Heads of their Faction for Aid; or, if that could not be done, that, at least, they would come as far as Lauder, (a neighbouring Town), and from thence make a Shew of War. Therefore, when they could neither obtain their Request in This, nor yet the least Portion of their common Stock, for the Publick Advantage; and, being highly incensed to be thus betrayed and forsaken by those very Men, that had put them upon the War, every one of them betakes himself to take care for his own Safety, their Hopes, for the time to come, being all blasted: So that, so many cross Accidents, unexpectedly falling out at one and the same time, quite and clean disturbed all their Plots and Machinations;An English Army coming into Scotland, puts the Queen's Faction to a stand. but the sudden Approach of the English Army, was It, which most surprized them; and therefore, to see if they could put a stop to it, they make use of two Embassies into England; the One to Thomas, Earl of Sussex, to desire a Truce, till such time, as they had laid open the State of their Affairs to the Queen of England: The Other Embassador carried Letters to the Queen, containing many things, as well for their own Cause, as against the King's Faction; especially, by making their Brags of greater Forces than they had in reality, and vilifying [Page] Those of their Adversaries, thereby covertly threatning the English with a War: For Maitland had made them believe, That that Queen, a Woman naturally timorous, would do any thing rather than be brought to a War, at a time when both the French and Spaniard were, for many Reasons, at Emmity with her, and her own Affairs at home were scarce setled; The Rebels desired, that, by the English Queens Arbitrement, all the Ordinances of the last Two Years should be called in, although many amongst them had subscribed them; and that all things, being, as it were, acted de novo, a new Ordinance should, by a general Consent, be made: And that they might better set forth the Potency of their Faction, their Letter had all the great Mens Names, that were of their Party, subscribed to It; and also, for the greater Ostentation of their Multitude, they set to it the Names of Many as well of the adverse Faction,The Queen's Party send Embassadors into England. as of those that were Neuters; in Hopes, that the English (by Reason of the great Distance, and their Ignorance of things done so far off; and that their Letters to the Queen, would be exposed to the View but of few Persons) would hardly be able to detect their Fraud.

About that time, an Accident happened, as they thought, very advantagious to their Affairs, as hoping, that it would both make the English less forward, and also terrify the Scotch Populacie; viz. the Arrival of a certain French-Man,St. Lewis de Galais, Ld. of Lansach in France. however of a mean Condition, who, as being Lansack's Menial Servant, was, for his Master's sake, entertained at that Court. This Man brought a great many Letters, all of the same Purport, from the French King, not only to the Heads of the Queen's Faction,An Embassador from France to the Queen's Party. but likewise to Many, who had not declared themselves for either Faction, in which great Thanks were given to every one of them, for their having hitherto taken the Queen's Part; the King desiring them constantly to persist in so doing, and he would send them Aid, even greater than they had desired of him, as soon as ever he could do it with Conveniencie. He also that brought the Letters, adds, as from himself, ‘That all things were now at quiet in France, Iaspar Colligny and the other Rebels being reduced to such Terms, as to promise to depart from France, lest their Presence should be a Hindrance to the Publick Peace: And that he doubted not, but that the Souldiers which were to be sent to assist them, would all be raised, before his Return.’ The Wiser sort, although they knew, that these things were mostly nothing but vain Reports, yet permitted the common Sort to be deluded by them. When therefore the Minds of many People became, by these Means, to be erected, their Joy was lessened by the unsuccessful Return of their Embassadors: For Sussex could not, by any Conditions they could offer him, be induced, to think it to be for the English Interest, either to maintain an Army only to idle their Time away in Truces; or, wholly to desist from the War. And the Queen having, after Perusal, caused their Letter to be sealed up again, and sent back to the King's Party in Scotland;Q. Elizabeth rejects the Embassy of the Queen's Party in Scotland. which was done, that the Expectation of an Answer from her should cause Delay in Affairs, and thereby their Fraud be easily found out. And, for that their Letter contained [Page] nothing but vain Boasting, and that the English were not ignorant of any thing that had been transacted in Scotland, their Embassadors, grievously abashed with Reproaches, were forced to return. Therefore being disappointed of that Hope, and affrightned by the so sudden drawing near of the English Army to their very Borders, and those who were to have assisted them, being gone to defend their own Homes; having also small Confidence in the Citizens, and knowing, that their Enemies would come to Edinburgh on the first of May: They therefore departed thence, and went to Linlithgo, holding that Place to be very commodious for the sending for those of their Party from the most distant Places of the Kingdom; as also for the hindring the Journies of the others that were going to the Assembly; and for bringing about of those other things, which were lately discussed at their Consultations. From this Place, the Hamiltons, with their Friends and Vassals, made the whole Road leading to Edinburgh, very unsafe for Passengers; and knowing, that Iohn Erskin, Earl of Marr, was to come that Way, they placed themselves on the Neighbouring Hills to hinder his Journy; but he, knowing how the Way was beset, passed the River, about two Miles above; and so April 29, in the Evening, he came safe to Edinburgh. After that Day, the King's Party abode at Edinburgh, and the Queen's at Linlithgo, mutually charging and criminating one another, as the Causes and Rise of these Civil Combustions.The Queen's Party at Linlithgo, the King's at Edinburgh. But those at Edinburgh informed their Contrariants, That they were willing to come to an easy Agreement upon other Heads, as, that if they had done any Man wrong, they would give him just Satisfaction, as indifferent Arbitrators should award; provided always, That this King's Authority might be secured, and that both Parties might join to revenge the Murder of the last King, and of the Regent. To this Proposal, they at Linlithgo gave no satisfactory Answer, but, instead thereof, made an Edict, That all Subjects should obey the Queen's Commissioners; and the three Earls, of Arran, Argyle and Huntly, Indicted an Assembly to be held at Linlithgo, August 3. Whereupon the other Party sent Robert Petcarn their Embassador to the Queen of England, Petcarn, an Embassador from the Royalists in Scotland to Q, Elizabeth. to treat with her about suppressing the Common Enemy; and to shew, how well-affected the Scots stood towards her, he was to inform her, That they would chuse such a Regent, as she should please to recommend, or approve.

Thus, whilst each Party was crossing one another's Design, the English enter Teviotdale, and spoil the Towns and Villages belonging to the Families of the Cars, and of the Scots, (who had violated the Peace, by making Excursions into England, and giving Harbour to such English Fugitives, as fled to them for Shelter) wasting and burning their Country. The Earl of Sussex, their General, besieged Hume-Castle, where the Owner of it had laid up much Provision,The English Army under Sussex, ravage over a great Part of Scotland. and all the Neighbourhood had brought in their best Goods to that Fort, as into a Place of Safety. It was valiantly defended by the Garison within, and the English, the next day after, were about to raise the Siege; when, lo! Letters were brought to the Garison-Souldiers, written a while before by Alexander, Owner of the [Page] Castle, which disturbed all their Measures. For therein he commanded them to obey the Orders of William Drury, an English Knight, and to do what he commanded them, without any Dispute. Drury acquainted Sussex herewith, whereupon the Castle was surrendred and plundered, and Sussex placing a Garison of English therein, with a great Booty, returned to Berwick. Thus Hume, who was so far from being afraid of the English, that rather he thought them his very Friends, as knowing that Drury and Sussex Both did secretly favour Howard's Affairs, did almost undo himself by his own Credulity; for, at last, being forsaken of all his Friends and Kindred, who were mostly Royalists, he came with One or Two in his Company to Edinburgh, and shut up himself, as a Recluse, in the Castle there.

Lord Scroop enters Scotland with another English Army.On the other Side of the Borders, Scroop, an English Commander, entred Annandale, and ransack'd the Lands of one Iohnston, (who also had made Incursions into England) but Iohnston himself, with a few of his Companions, being well acquainted with the Passes of the Country, made a Shift to escape from the Horse, that pursued him. Iohn Maxwel, who had gathered together 3000 Men, out of the Neighbourhood, yet durst not adventure to come in to his Aid, but only stood upon his own Guard. A while after, the English that were at Berwick, having received Hostages, and thinking that Matters would have been carried with Fidelity towards them, sent in 300 Horse, and a 1000 Foot, under the Command of Drury against the common Enemy. Upon the Bruit of their March, the Hamiltonians went to Glasgow, resolving to demolish the Castle of the Arch-bishop there, that it might not be a Receptacle to the Earl of Lennox, then returned out of England, and so that Country be made the Seat of War. They knew, that it was kept but by a few raw Souldiers; that the Governor was absent; and that it was unprovided of Necessaries, so that they thought to surprize it by their sudden Approach; for they flew into the Town in such Haste, that they shut out a good part of the Garison-Souldiers from entring the Castle; but, being disappointed of their Hope, they began to batter and storm violently, and were as valiantly repulsed, for the Garison Souldiers (which were but 24) did so warmly receive them for several Days, that they slew more of the Assailants, than they themselves were; and the rest they beat off, sorely wounded: of their Own, they lost but one Man, and none of the rest received so much as a Wound. But the Hamiltonians, hearing, that the English were already at Edinburgh, and that Iohn Erskin was come to Sterlin, with a Design speedily to relieve the Castle, though they had received some additional Force, even from the remote Parts of the Kingdom; yet, toward Evening, they raised their Seige, and in great fear pack'd away: Hamilton and Argyle himself posted into Argyle's Country:The Hamiltonians depart from Glasgow. Huntly went home, over the, almost, impassable Mountains; the rest shifted for themselves, and ran several Ways, to save their Lives.

But the English, two Days after they came to Edinburgh, went to Glasgow, and, in their Passage through Clydsdale, they wasted all the Lands of the Hamiltons, and any others that had consented to [Page] the Death of the Regent; as also of those, who had harbour'd the English Fugitives, and drove great Preys from them, making havock in all the Country; when the Engines to beat down the Castle, that was scituated near a Village called Hamilton, were bringing to Sterlin. Drury, who privately favoured the English Rebels, had almost rendred the whole Expedition fruitless; for he was so far from quieting the English, who mutinied, because their Pay was not paid them at the Day; (whereupon, they threatned immediately to lay down their Arms) That, 'twas thought by many, he himself was the Author of the Mutiny: But the Souldiers were appeased, upon the receiving their Pay down upon the nail; and the great Guns being planted, and playing against it, the Castle was surrendred in a few Hours. Amongst the Booty,Hamilton-Castle taken. some there were, that knew the Apparel, and other Houshold-stuff of King Iames the 5th; that the Owner of the Castle, when he resign'd up his Regency, had so solemnly sworn, he had none of. The Castle was left half demolish'd; and the Town, together with the stately Mansion of the Hamiltons therein, the wild common Souldiers burnt to the Ground, against the Will of their Commanders. Whereupon the Army march'd back, the English to Berwick, and the Scots each to their own home; Drury interceded for the Garison, that they should march away in Safety, who, being dismiss'd, took Robert Semple Prisoner, the chief of his Family, out of the House of his Son-in-Law, who was quietly returning home, as if the Service had been ended; which Passage greatly increas'd the Suspicion on Drury.

These Matters were scarce finish'd,Petcarn's Answer from the Q▪ of England. before Petcarn return'd from his Embassy out of England, and brought this Answer, ‘That the Queen wonder'd, they never made her acquainted with the [...]tate of their Affairs, till now, four Months after the Death of the Regent; and, by reason of this delay, she was uncertain in her Hopes, concerning them; In the mean time, that she had been often solicited by the Importunity of the French and Spanish Embassadors in the Name of their Kings, and that she was even tired out with the daily complaints of the Scots Queen, that she had promis'd them Audience, but upon Condition, that the Queen of Scots should write to her Party for a Cessation of Arms, till the Conference was ended; That those Innovations, which they had attempted by their publick Edicts, they should revoke by other Edicts contrary to the former, and so suffer things to stand as they were, when the Regent was slain; That the English Exiles should be given up without fraud; and if, upon the Conference, Matters were accorded betwixt them, Hostages and other Pledges should be given on Both sides, for the faithful performance of Agreements. Upon these Conditions, a Conference was promised, and having oblig'd her self in such Circumstances, she could not join with them in their Design in making a new Regent, lest she might seem to condemn their Queen, without hearing Her; But in general, she said, That she had a great Affection for them, and their Affairs. In the mean time, She desir'd, that they would abstain from Arms, and from making a Regent, and she would take care, [Page] that such a small delay should be no damage to them.’ This Answer, being reported to the Scots, did variously affect them. On the one hand, the Necessity of the time requir'd them to steer their Counsels, so as they might be pleasing to the Queen of England; And on the other, they knew of what Concernment it was to the Publick, That one chief Magistrate should be set up, to whom all Complaints might be made; and, for want of creating One some Months already past, the Enemy had improv'd the delay to gather Forces, to make new Courts of Justice, daily to set forth new Edicts, and to usurp all the Offices of a King. On the other side, the Royalists were dejected, and a Multitude, without one certain Person, whom to obey, could not be long kept in Obedience. After the Embassadors Return, News came, That there was a new Insurrection in England, and that, in London, the Popes Bull was fastned on the Church Doors, to exhort the English, partly to cast off the unjust Yoke of the Queen's Government, and partly, to return to the Popish Religion; and it was thought, that the Hand of the Queen of Scots was in all This.

These things, tho kept private, yet came to be known by Letters from the Earl of Sussex; and also, the same Thomas Randolph had, in presence, confirm'd it, yet they could hardly be restrain'd from chusing a Regent. But at last, a middle Way prevail'd, That they might have an appearance of a chief Magistrate, to set up an Inferior Regent, or Deputy-Governour, to continue till the 12th of Iuly, in which time, they might be further inform'd of the Queen of England's Mind; they judg'd, That she was not averse from their Undertaking, especially upon This ground, That she had put it into the Articles of Capitulation, That the Rebels should give up all the exil'd English: If that were done, they might easily understand, that the Spirits of all the Papists about England were alienated from the Queen of Scots: If it were denied, then the Conference, or Treaty, would break off, and the Suspicions, which made the Commonalty averse, would daily increase. For, they saw, that other things would not easily be agreed upon, when a greater Danger was imminent over the English, than the Scots, upon the Deliverance of their Queen; and if other things were accorded, yet the Queen of England would never let her go, without giving Hostages; neither was she able to give any such, who could make a sufficient Warranty. These Considerations gave them some Encouragement, so that they proceeded to create Matthew Stuart, Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox, created Vice-Roy; and then, Regent. Earl of Lennox, the King's Grandfather, to be Vice-Gerent, for the time.

Whilst this new Vice-Roy, by the advice of his Council, was busied in rectifying things, which had been disorder'd in the late Tumults; Letters came opportunely from the Queen of England, Iuly the 10th, wherein she spake much of her Affection to the King and Kingdom of Scotland, and freely offer'd them her Assistance; withal, she deprecated the naming of a Regent, which was a Title invidious of it self, and of no good Example to them; only, if they ask'd her Advice, she thought, none was to be preferr'd to that high Office, before the King's Grandfather; none being of greater Faithfulness to the King, yet a Pupil; and, who now for the same [Page] Reasons was made Deputy-Governour of the Kingdom. These Letters incourag'd them, by the joint Suffrages of all the Estates, of a Vice-Roy to make him Regent. Assoon as ever he was created Regent, and had taken an Oath (according to Custom) to observe the Laws and Customs of his Country; First of all, he commanded, that All, which were able to bear Arms, should appear at Linlithgo, August the 2d, to hinder the Convention, which the Seditious had there Indicted in the Name of the Queen; then, he himself summon'd a Parliament, in the Name of the King, to be held the 10th day of October; he also sent to the Governour of the Castle of Edinburgh, (who, as yet, pretended great Friendship to the King's Party, tho his Words and Actions did very much disagree) to send him some Brass-Guns, Carriages, and other Apparatus for the managing of them; This he did, rather to try them, than in hopes to obtain his desires. He promis'd very fair at first, but when the Day was coming on, that the Parliament was to Meet, when he was desir'd to perform his Promise, he peremptorily refus'd, alleging, That his Service should be always ready to make up an Agreement between, but not to shed the Blood of, his Country-Men. Nevertheless, the Regent came at the Day appointed to Linlithgo with 5000 arm'd Men in his Company; but hearing, that the Enemy did not stir, only that Huntly had placed 160 Souldiers at Brechin, and had sent out an Order, commanding the Brechinians, Huntly garison [...] Brechin, to get in Provision for some Thousands of Men by the 2d of August. The Garison, there plac'd by him, did rob not only the Inhabitants, but all Travellers also, when they were wearied with their Journy: Whereupon, the Regent, by the advice of his Council, resolv'd to march thither, and to seize on the Place, which would be of great advantage to him, before Huntly's coming; and, if occasion were offer'd, there to fight him, before his Partners came up with their Force, and so to overthrow that Party of Musqueteers, which was All he had; and, by that means, he might catch some of the Leaders of the Faction, as the Earl of Crawford, Iames Ogilby, and Iames Balfure, who, he heard, were there. Whereupon, he commanded Patrick Lindsy, and William Ruven, chief Officers, and Iames Haliburton, Governour of Dundee, to take what Souldiers they could raise at Dundee, and St. Iohnstons, and to make haste thither to prevent the News of their coming: They made all the speed that ever they were able, the next Night horsing their Foot for greater Expedition; yet, as they drew near the Place, they march'd slowly, that they might get some Refreshment, before they charg'd the Enemy: so that, the Alarum was taken at Brechin, that the Enemy was a coming; whereupon Ogilby and Balfure, who chanc'd to be there, got the Souldiers presently together; and incouraging them, as well as they could for the time, They told them, that They and Huntly would return again in 3 Days; and so they got an Horseback, and made haste away, over the Mountains; The Souldiers, that were left, catch'd up what was next at hand, and about 20 of them got to the Tower of a Church, that was near: The rest fled into the House of the Earl of Marr, which was seated on a Hill near thereto, it was like a Castle, and commanded the Town. [Page] Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton, with 800 Horse, went a further March about, and came not in, till the Day after; The Regent sent home the Lennoxians and the Renfroans, to guard their own Country, if Argyle should attempt any thing against it; But he himself, in 3 Days, overtook those, whom he had sent before to Brechin. At the noise of his coming, the neighbour Nobility came in, so that now he muster'd 7000 Men, effective: Whereupon they, who were in the Church Tower, presently surrendred themselves. The rest, having stoutly defended themselves for a few Days, Killing and Wounding some, who were unwary in their Approaches, at last hearing, That Brass-Guns were planted against them,Which is taken by the Regent. and that Huntly had forsaken them, surrendred also at Mercy to the Regent. He hang'd up 30 of the obstinatest of them, many of them, having been taken and releas'd before; the rest, being very feeble, he dismist. Huntly was then about 20 Miles off, endeavouring to gather more Force, but in vain, (for most Men, when they had free liberty to declare themselves, did abhor so foul a Cause); Whereupon he was forc'd, in fear, to provide for his Safety, and with a small Party retired into the remote Countries.

Whereupon, the Regent return'd to Edinburgh, to be present at the Parliament there Summon'd; and, by the advice thereof, to settle the present Disturbances. The Rebels perceiving, that, by the Agreement of all the Estates, there was no Hope left them; especially They, who were Guilty of the King's Murder, and of the Death of the Regent, dealt with the Queen of England, that, because she had promis'd the French and Spanish Embassadors,Queen Elizabeth made Arbiter betwixt both Parties in Scotland. that she would hear both Parties, and compose Things, if she could, that therefore no new Decree should be made, in the mean time. This Delay being obtain'd, (for nothing was done, in that Assembly, only the Election of the Regent was confirm'd) the Rebels never ceas'd to solicite the French and Spaniard, to send Aid into Britain, to restore the Queen; and because they affirm'd, That the Restitution of the Popes, or the old, Religion, depended on Her, therefore they made means to the Pope also, that, tho he were far remote, yet he might help them with Mony. Whereupon he sent an Agent into Scotland, to enquire into the present State of things there, who giving him an Account, that the Popish Party there was very weak; and that all the Rebels, neither, were not unanimous in the restoring of Popery, he refus'd to intermeddle in the Business; but, in the mean time, he endeavour'd to raise up some Commotion in England, by his Execrations and Curses hung upon Church doors by Night; by his Indulgences; and by his promise of Indemnity for what was past; for there, he thought, his Faction was the strongest. The Regent, having appointed the Parliament to be held the 25th of Ianuary, (for, within that time, he hoped to satisfy all foreign Embassadors) to compose things Legally and Judicially, as well as he could, return'd to Edinburgh. The Rebels, having renew'd the Truce, by means of the Queen of England, till the Embassadors of both Parties had been heard, before her; yet, contrary to the Peace desir'd by themselves, were very busy to attempt Alterations, [Page] encourag'd (as 'tis thought) by the favour of the Earl of Sussex, who then commanded the Army of the English in Northumberland. For he, either not altogether despairing of the Business of the Duke of Norfolk; or else, induc'd by the Promises of the Exiled Queen, of whose Return he had some Hopes, was somewhat inclinable to the Rebels; which the Scots taking notice of, were more sparing in communicating Counsels with him. The Winter being thus spent in the reviving of the Truce; the Parliament Summon'd on the 25th of Ianuary, was deferr'd till May. In the mean time, the Hamiltons, having, in vain, suborn'd many Men to kill the Regent, at last seiz'd upon the Tower of Pasley, driving out the Garison-Souldiers therein, thinking they might do such a thing with Impunity, whilst Mens Minds were imploy'd in greater Matters. The Regent appointed the Earl of Morton, Robert Petcarn, and Iames Macgil, his Embassadors to England, to reason the Matter with the Embassadors of other Princes, and sent them away February the 5th, and he himself march'd to Pasley, The Regent sends Embassadors into England. where he summon'd in the neighbour-Nobility, that were of his Party, and attempted the Castle. The Besieg'd, he having cut off their Water, were forc'd to a Surrender. Afterwards, when Gilbert Kennedy infested the Royalists with his plundering Incursions in Carrick, he went to Aire; and assoon as Kennedy heard of the Approach of a few Troops, being also afraid of his Clanships, who had been always Loyal to the King and his Party, he gave in his only Brother for an Hostage, and appointed a Day to come to Sterlin, and subscribe to the Capitulation, agreed on. Hugh Montgomery, Earl of Eglington, and Robert Boyd, follow'd his Example; and surrendring themselves to the Regent, were by him receiv'd into Favour. During all this time, that the Regent was quelling the Seditious, and Morton was absent in his Embassy in England; They that hold Edinburgh Castle; being freed from the fear of their Enemies near at hand, ceas'd not to list Souldiers, to put Garisons in the most convenient Places of the City, to take away Provisions, which Merchants had brought to Leith, and to provide all things necessary to endure a Siege, till their expected Relief, from foreign Parts, might come.

The Regent was sorely bruis'd by a fall from his Horse,The Regent hurt by a Fall from his Horse. and therefore return'd to Glasgow, where a common Souldier came to him, and gave him some hopes of surp [...]izing Dunbarton; he had been a Garison-Souldier in the Castle there, and his Wife coming often to visit him, had been accus'd, and whipt for Theft, by Flemming the Governour. Her Husband, being an uxorious Man, and judging his Wife to have been wrongfully punish'd, departed from the Castle; and from that Day forward, imploy'd all his thoughts, how he might do Flemming a mischief: Whereupon, he breaks the business to Robert Douglas, Kinsman to the Regent;A notable Design of the Reg [...]nts, to surprize Dunbarton Castle, with the occasion of it, and the manner of carrying it on. and promises him, That if he would assign a small Party to follow him, he would shortly make him Master of that Castle. Robert acquainted Iohn Cuningham with the Design, who was to enquire diligently of him, How so great an Attempt could be accomplish'd? He, being a blunt rude Souldier, perceiving, that they boggled at [Page] him, because he could not well make out, How to accomplish, what he had promised. Since, said he, you do not believe my Words; ‘I'le go on my self, the first Man in the Service; if you will follow me, I will make you Masters of the Place; but, if you be Dastards and Scoundrels, then let it alone.’ When his Speech was told to the Regent, though the thing it self, being great, had somewhat excited their Minds, and made them willing enough to have it done, yet the Author (though they judg'd him faithful) seem'd not a fit Instrument to effect so great a Matter: Whereupon Thomas Crawford, a valiant Man, and a good Souldier, was made acquainted with the Project, and 'twas agreed betwixt them, rather to try the Hazard of so great and casual a Proffer, than slothfully to neglect such an Opportunity. Whereupon, a few Days were allotted to provide Ladders, and other Necessaries, and the Plot was to be executed on the first of April, for then the Truce granted to the Rebels, by the Mediation of the Queen of England, would expire. In the mean time, no Talk at all was to be made about it.

Before I declare the Event of this Piece of Service, give me leave to tell you the Nature and Situation of the Castle of Dunbarton. The Scituation of the Castle, and Town, of Dunbarton, described punctually by our Author, who was born there. From the Confluence of the Rivers Clyde and Levin, there is a plain Champaign of about a Mile, extended to the Foot of the adjoining Mountains; and in the very Angle, where the two Rivers meet, there stands a Rock with Two Cops or Heads. The one Branch, or Cop, which is the highest, respects the West; and in the very Top of it there is a Watch-Tower, from whence there is a large Prospect to all Parts thereabouts. The other Cop is lower, and looks towards the East; between the two Cops, that Side that turns towards the North and the Fields, hath Stairs ascending obliquely by the Rock, cut out by Mens Hands, where hardly a single Man can go up at once. For the Rock is very hard, and scarce malleable by any Iron-Tool; but if any Part of it be broken off by Force, or falls down of it self, it emits a Smell far and near, like Sulphur. In the upper Part of the Castle, there is an huge Stony Rock, of the Nature of a Load-stone, but so closely cemented, and fastned to the rest of the Rock, that no Joint at all, or Commissure, doth appear; Where the River Clyde runs by to the South, the Rock (naturally steep in other Parts,) is somewhat bending; and stretching out its Arms on both Sides, takes in some firm Land, which is so inclosed, partly by the Nature of the Place, and partly by human Industry, that, in the overthwart or transverse Sides thereof, it affords Place for many Houses; and also, in the River, a Road for Ships, very safe for the Inhabitants, by playing Brass-Guns from thence; but unsafe for an Enemy; and small Boats therein may come up, almost to the very Castle Gate. The middle Part of the Rock, by which you go up, being full of Buildings, makes, as it were, another Castle, distinct and secluded from the higher one: Besides the Natural Fortification of the Rock, the two Rivers, Levin to the West, and Clyde to the South, make a kind of Graff and Trench about it; on the East Side, when the Tide is in, the Sea washes the very Foot of the Rock; when 'tis [Page] out, that Place is not sandy (as usually Shores are) but muddy; the fat Soil being dissolv'd into Dirt. This Strand is also intercepted and cut by many Torrents of Water, which tumble down from the Mountain, adjacent. The other side turns towards a plain Field, full of Grass. The Castle hath three Fountains in it, always running; besides Springs of fresh Water in many other Places. The ancient Britains, as Bede says, call'd the Place Alcuith; but the Scots, which were heretofore sever'd from the Britains by the River Levin, because that Fort was built on the Borders of the Britains, call'd it Dumbritton, now Dunbarton. Dumbritton, why so called. There is a little Town hard by, of the same Name, upon the Bank of the River of Levin, about a Mile distant from the meeting of the Rivers.

This Castle was accounted impregnable, and, in all foreign and civil Wars, was of great Advantage to them that held it, and as prejudicial to their Enemy. At that time, Iohn Flemming was Governor of it, by Commission from the banish'd Queen; he, though he consented not to the King's Murder; yet, having not a Force sufficient to defend himself against the Royalists, sided with the Parricides, and for four Years last past,Iohn Fleming, Governor of Dunbarton. had kept up the Garison at the Charge of the King of France, (whom he had persuaded, That almost all the Scots had secretly confederated with the Queen of England;) yea, he had made a Boast to him, like a Bragadochio as he was, That he did, as it were, hold the Fetters of Scotland in his own Hands; and when ever the French had leisure from other Wars, if they would but send him a little Assistance, he would easily clap them on, and bring all Scotland under their Power: And the French King was as vain, in feeding his senseless Humor, for he sent him some Military Provisions by one Monsieur Verack, whom he commanded to stay there, and to give him an Account of all Scotish Affairs. Besides, the Insolencie of the Governor was increas'd by the Treachery of the Garison-Souldiers of Edinburgh-Castle, who had lately revolted from the King; and also, he was somewhat animated by the Sickness of the Regent, who was almost kill'd with a Fall from his Horse, and had now the Gout also; and moreover he was incouraged by the Truce, which the Queen of England had obtained for them till the End of March. These things made him and his Garison-Souldiers so secure and negligent, that they went often to be merry into the Town, and would lie there all Night, as if they had been lull'd in the very Bosom of Peace.

Matters standing in this Posture, and Preparation being made for the Expedition, as much as the present Haste would permit; Iohn Cuningham was sent before with some Horse, to stop all Passengers; that so the Enemy might have no Intelligence of their Coming. Thomas Crawford followed after with the Foot; they were appointed to meet together at In Lennox. Dumbeck, an Hill about a Mile or two from the Castle, about Midnight. At that Place Crawford (as he was commanded) told the Souldiers, What the Design was, they were to go upon, and How they were to effect it; he shew'd them, who was to lead them on, and had promised to scale the Walls, first; and then he, and those Commanders that would be noticed for their [Page] Valour, were to follow. The Souldiers were easily persuaded to follow their Leaders; whereupon the Ladders were carried, and other things, to storm the Castle; and the Foot, a little before Day, march'd on towards it. The Horse were commanded to stay in the same Place, to expect the Issue, whether good or bad. As they were approaching the Castle, they met with two Rubs or Checks; One was, That the Bridg over the Brook, that runs between the Fields, was broken; and Next, A Fire, appearing suddenly near it, occasioned a Suspicion, lest the Bridg was broken on Purpose to stop the Enemy; and the Fire kindled by the Garison-Souldiers, to discover and prevent the Enemies Approach: But this Fear was soon dispell'd, by their repairing the Bridg, as well as they could, in such haste, and making it passable for the Foot; and also the Scouts were sent out to the Place, where the Fire was seen, and they could find no Sign of any Fire at all;Ignis Fatuus; Country People call it, Iack with a Lanthorn, or Will with a Wisp. so that the Fire was of a Meteorous Nature, like those Fires which are bred in the Air, and sometimes pitch on the Ground, and presently vanish away; but they had a greater Cause of Fear, lest the Heaven which was all bespangled with Stars, and the Approach of the Day, should discover them to the Sentinels, that watch'd above; but, behold! on a sudden, a thick Mist covered the Heavens, yet so that it reach'd not beyond the middle Rock of the Castle, but the upper Part of it was so dark, that the Guards in the Castle could see nothing of what was done below. But as the Mist came seasonably, so there was another Misfortune, which fell out very unluckily, and had almost marr'd the whole Business: For, many Ladders being required to get up that high Rock, and the first were unmanageable, by reason of their Length; they, being over-loaden with the Weight of those who went hastily up, and being not well fastned at Foot in a slippery Soil, fell suddenly down with those that were upon them: That Accident cast them into a great Consternation at present; but when they found, that no Body was hurt in the Fall, they recollected their Spirits, which were almost desponding; and, as if God Almighty had favoured their Design, they went on, upon that dangerous Service, with greater Alacrity, so that they set the Ladders up again, more cautiously; and when they came to the middle of the Rock, there was a Place reasonably convenient, where they might stand, and there they found an Ash Shrub, casually growing amongst the Stones, which did them great Service, for they tied Ropes to it, and let them down; by which means, they lifted up their Fellows, that were left below; so that, at one and the same time, some were drawn up by the Ropes to the middle of the Rock; and others, by setting other Ladders, got up to the Top thereof. There also they met with a new and unexpected Misfortune, which had almost spoiled all their Measures; for one of the Souldiers, as he was in the middle of the Ladder, was suddenly taken with a kind of Fit of an Apoplexy, so that he stuck fast to the Ladder, and could not be pluck'd therefrom, but stopp'd the Way to those that would ascend. This Danger was also overcome by the Diligence and Alacrity of the Souldiers, for they bound him to the Ladder, so that when he recovered out of his Fit, he could not fall; [Page] and then in great Silence, turning the Ladder, the rest easily ascended; when they came to the Top of the Rock, there was a Wall built by Hand, to which they were to put their third Ladders, to get over it. Alexander Ramsy, with two Files of Musqueteers, got upon it; the Sentinel presently spied him, gave the Alarm, and cast down Stones upon him, and his Men; Alexander being assaulted with this unusual kind of Fight, as having neither Stones to throw again, nor an Helmet to defend him, yet leap'd down from the Wall into the Castle, and there was set upon by Three of the Guard; he fought it out valiantly with them, till his Fellow-Souldiers, being more solicitous for his Danger, than their own, leapt down after him, and presently dispatch'd the three Sentinels. In the mean time, the rest made what haste they could, so that the Wall being old, loose, and overcharged with the Weight of those who made haste to get over it, fell down to the Ground; and by its Fall, as there was a Breach made for the rest to enter, so the Ruins made the Descent more easy through the Rock, that was very high and rugged within the Castle; whereupon, they entred in a Body, crying out with a great Noise; For God and the King; and often proclaiming the Name of the Regent also; so that the Guards were amazed, and forgot to fight, but fled every one to shift for himself, as well as he could; some kept themselves within Doors, till the first brunt of the Souldiers Fury was over. Flemming escaped the Danger, by slipping down through the oblique Rock, having but one in his Company, who was knock'd down, and fell, but he, descending a by-way, was let out at the Gate, and so got into a Vessel on the River, which, by reason of the Tides being in, came up to the Walls of the Castle, and so fled into Argyle. The Sentinels of the lower Castle, and twenty five more of the Garison-Souldiers,Dumbarton-Castle taken by Surprize. who had been Drinking and Whoring in the Town all Night, taking the Alarum, never offered to fight, but fled every one which way he could. There were taken in the Castle Iohn Hamilton Arch-bishop of S. Andrews; Iohn Flemming of Bogal; a young English Gentleman, that had fled from the last Insurrection in England; Verac the French Man, who, a good while before, had been sent to them with some Warlike Furniture and Provisions, and staid there in the Name of his King, to acquaint the French King with the State of Scotish Affairs: Alexander, the Son of William Levingston, endeavoured to escape by changing his Habit, but was discovered, and brought back. The Regent being inform'd of the taking the Castle, before Noon came thither: 1st. He highly commended the Souldiers, then he comforted Flemming's Wife,The Regent's Clemency to Flemming the Governor's Wife. and gave her not only her own Furniture, Plate, and all her Houshold-stuff, and Utensils, but also assigned an Estate, part of her Husband's, which had long before been forfeited into the King's Exchequer, to maintain her Self and Children: The rest of the Booty was allowed the Souldiers. Having setled things thus, he had Leisure to take a View of the Castle; and coming to the Rock, by which the Souldiers got up, it seem'd so difficult an Ascent to them all, that the Souldiers themselves confess'd, if they had foreseen the Danger of the Service, no Reward whatsoever should have hired them to undertake [Page] it. Verac was accused by the Merchants, that, whereas they came into the Bay of Clyde, he had robb'd them in an Hostile Manner: Whereupon, many of the Council were of Opinion, he should have been Indicted as a Pirate or Robber; but the empty Name of an Embassador prevailed more with the Regent, which yet he himself had violated by his flagitious Actions: Wherefore, that the despoil'd Persons might be kept in some Hope (at least) of Satisfaction from him; he was kept seemingly for a Trial, and lodg'd in an House at St. Andrews, whose Owner was inclined to the Rebels; whence he was taken away, as 'twere by Force, which was the thing aim'd at, and so he speedily departed. The English-Man, though many Suspicions were fix'd upon him; and besides, the Commendatory Letters of Iohn Lesly Bishop of Ross to Flemming, which were found after the Castle was taken, did convict him, yet he was sent home; but, after he was gone, 'twas found, that he was suborn'd by the Norfolkians to poison the King of Scots: Bogal was kept Prisoner. There was one Prisoner more, which the Governour most desired to have punish'd, That was the Bishop of St. Andrews: He, in former times, while his Brother was Regent, had advised him to many cruel and avaricious Practices; and under the Queen also, he bore the Blame of all Miscarriages. The Regent feared, if he should delay his Punishment, the Queen of England would intercede for him, and the Arch-bishop's Friends were in great Hopes of it; and, lest Straitness of time should prevent them, the Arch-bishop earnestly desired, he might be tried by the Legal Way of the Country, for that would occasion some, though not much Delay. But these Interposals were over-ruled, it being alleged, That there was no need of any new Process, in the Arch-Bishops case, for it had been already judg'd in the Parliament. Wherefore he, being plainly convicted as guilty of the King's Murder, and of the last Regents also, was hang'd at Sterlin. There was then new Evidence brought in against him,The Archbishop of St. Andrews executed as guilty of the King's and Regent's Murders, with Evidences proving the same. for, the greatest Part thereof had been discovered, but lately. The Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, who lodg'd in the next House, when the Proposition of killing the King was made to him, willingly undertook it, both by Reason of old Feuds between their Families, and also an Hope thereby to bring the Kingdom nearer to his Family; whereupon, he chuses out six or eight of the most flagitious of his Vassals, and commended the Matter to them, giving them the Keyes of the King's Lodgings; they then enter very silently into his Chamber, and strangle him, when he was asleep; and when they had so done, they carried out his Body through a little Gate, (of which I spake before) into an Orchard adjoining to the Walls; and then a Sign was given to blow up the House. The Discovery of this Wickedness was made by Iohn Hamilton, who was a chief Actor therein, upon this Occasion: He was much troubled in his Mind, Day and Night, his Conscience tormenting him for the Guilt of the Fact, and not only so, but, as if the Contagion reach'd to his Body too, That also was miserably pained and consumed by degrees; endeavouring all ways to ease himself, at last he remembred, That there was a School-Master at Pasley, no bad Man, who was yet a Papist; to him he confesses [Page] the whole Plot, [...] an Actor in the King's Murder, in trou [...]le o [...] Conscience accuses himself, and the Ar [...]h-bishop of St. And [...]ews, o [...] that horrid Crime and the Names of those who joined with him in perpetrating the Murder: The Priest comforted him, what he could, and put him in mind of the Mercy of God; yet, because the Disease had taken deeper root, than to be expiable by such slight Remedies, within a few days, he was overwhelmed with Grief, and died. The Priest was not so silent in the thing, but that some inkling of it came to the King's Friends. They, many Months after the Murder was committed, when Matthew, Earl of Lennox, was Regent, and when Dunbarton was taken, and the Bishop brought to Sterlin, caused the Priest to be sent for, thither: He then justified, what he had spoken before, about the King's Murder; whereupon, being ask'd by Hamilton, How he came to know it? Whether 'twere revealed to him in Auricular Confession? He told him, Yes; then said Hamilton, You are not ignorant of the Punishment due to those, who reveal the Secrets of Confessions, and made no other Answer to the Crime. After fifteen Months or more, the same Priest was taken, saying Mass the third time; and, as the Law appointed, was led out to suffer; then also he publickly declared all, that he had before affirm'd in the thing, in plainer and fuller words, which were so openly divulged, that now Hamilton's Vassals fell out amongst themselves, and one of them charged another with the King's Death.

In the mean while, the Rebels had procured some small matter of Mony from France, by means of the Brother of him, who commanded Edinburgh-Castle. And moreover,The Regent's Embassadors, Morton, &c. return from England, with an ample account of their Negotiations there, and the grounds alledged by them, to justify the late Actions in Scotland, against their Queen. Morton was returned from his English Embassy, and, in a Convention of the Nobles held at Sterlin, declar'd the Effect thereof, in these Words;

‘When we came to London, February 20. we were put over to a Council, chosen out for that purpose; who, after much Dispute betwixt us, at last, insisted upon two Points, First, That we would produce the clearest and best Arguments we had, to evidence the Justness of those Actions, which had pass'd in Scotland, both formerly and now, that so the Queen might be satisfied in the Equity of them, and thereby know how to answer those, who demanded a Reason for them: If we could not do That, yet the Queen would omit nothing which might conduce to our Safety. In Answer to which, we gave in a Memorial to Them, to this effect; The Crimes, wherewith, at first, our King's Mother alleged, that she was falsly charged with, have been so clearly prov'd by the Earl of Murray, and his Associates in that Embassy, That both the Queen her self, and those, who were delegated by her, to hear the Cause, could not be ignorant of the Author of the King's Murder, which was the Source of all our other Miseries: To repeat them again before the Queen, who, we doubt not, is therein sufficiently satisfied already, we think it not necessary; and besides, we our selves are unwillingly drawn into the Task of repeating the Memory of so great a Wickedness. But they, who cannot deny, that this Fact was cruelly and flagitiously perpetrated, yet do calumniate the Resignation of the Kingdom, and the Translation of the Government from the Mother to the Son, to be a new and grievous thing, extorted from her by mere [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] Force. First, as for the Matter of Fact, in punishing our Princes, the old Custom of our Ancestors will not suffer it to be called new; neither can the Moderateness of the Punishment make it invidious: 'Tis not needful for us to reckon up the many Kings, whom our Forefathers have chastis'd by Imprisonment, Banishment, yea, Death it self; much less need we confirm our Practice by foreign Examples, of which there are abundance in old Histories.The Original of Kingly Government in Scotland. The Nation of the Scots being at first free, by the common Suffrage of the People, set up Kings over them, conditionally, That, if need were, they might take away the Government by the same Suffrages that gave it: The Footsteps of this Law remain to this very Day, for, in the circumjacent Islands, and in many Places of the Continent too, which have retained the ancient Speech and Customs of our Fore-fathers to this Day; the same Course is yet observed, in creating their Magistrates. Moreover, those Ceremonies, which are used in the Inauguration of our Kings themselves, have an express Representation of this Law,Kingly Government, What? by which it easily appears, That Kingly Government is nothing else, but a mutual Stipulation betwixt King and People; and the same is most clearly evidenced by the inoffensive Tenor of the Old Law, which hath been observed ever since there was a King in Scotland, even unto this present time, no Man having ever attempted to abrogate, abate, or diminish this Law, in the least. 'Tis too long to enumerate, How many Kings our Ancestors have put by their Kingdoms, have banish'd, have imprison'd, have put to Death; neither is there the least mention made of the Severity of this Law, or the abrogating thereof, and that on good Grounds: For 'tis not of the Nature of such Sanctions, which are subject to the Mutations of Time; but, in the very Original of Mankind, 'twas ingraven in Mens Hearts, approv'd by the mutual Consent of almost all Nations, and, together with Nature it self, was to remain inviolate and sempiternal; so that these Laws are not subject to the Empire of any Men, but all Men subject to the Dominion and Power of Them. This Law prescribes to us in all our Actions, 'tis always before our Eyes and Minds, whether we will or no; it dwells in us: Our Ancestors followed it, in repressing the Violence of Tyrants by armed Force. 'Tis a Law, not proper to the Scots only, but common to all Nations and People in well-instituted Governments. To pass by the famous Cities of Athens, Sparta, Rome, Venice, who never suffer'd this Right to be taken from them, but with their Liberty it self: Even in those Times, wherein Oppression and Tyranny were most triumphant in the Roman Government, if any good Man were chosen Emperour, he counted it his Glory, to confess himself inferiour to the whole Body of the People, and to be subject to the Law.Trajan and Theodosius, their memorable Speeches. For Trajan, when he delivered a Sword to the Governour of a certain City, (according to Custom) is reported to say, Vse it either for me, or against me, as I deserve: Yea, Theodosius, a good Emperour in bad Times, would have it left recorded amongst his Sanctions and Laws, as a Speech worthy of an Emperour, yea, greater than his Empire it self, to confess, That he was inferiour to [Page]the Laws: Yea, the most barbarous Nations, such as were most remote from all Civility, had a Sense and Knowledg hereof, as the History of all Nations, and common Observation, shews. But, not to insist on obsolete Examples, I will produce Two in our own Memory; Of late, Christiern of Denmark, for his Cruelty,Christiern, of Denmark, deposed. was driven out of the Kingdom, with all his Lineage, a greater Punishment than ever our People exacted from any of their Kings, for they never punish'd the Sins of the Fathers upon their Children. As for him, he was deservedly punish'd, after a singular manner, as the Monster of his Age, for all kind of Wickedness. But what did the Mother of the Emperour, Charles the Fifth, do, as to deserve perpetual Imprisonment? She was a Woman in her flourishing Age, and her Husband died young, even in the Prime of his Age; it was reported, She had a mind to marry again, she was not accus'd for any Wickedness, but for a certain allowable Intemperance, (as the severe Cato's of the Age speak); and, as the publick Manners now are, of an honest Copulation, approved by God's and Man's Law, both. If the Calamity of our Queen be compared with Christiern's of Denmark, she is not less an Offender, (to say no more,) but she hath been more moderately proceeded against and punish'd: But, if she be compared with Ioan of Austria, Charles his Mother, what did that poor Lady do, but desire, as far as lawfully she might, a Pleasure allowed by the Law, and a Remedy necessary for her Age? Yet, being an innocent Woman, she suffer'd that Punishment, of which our Queen, convict of the highest Wickedness, doth now complain: The Murder of her lawful Husband, and her unlawful Marriage with a publick Parricide, have now those same Deprecators, who, in killing the King, did inflict the Punishment, due to wicked Men, on the Innocent. But here they remember not, what the Examples of their Ancestors do prompt them to do; neither are they mindful of that eternal Law, which our noble Progenitors, even from the first beginnings of Kingdoms, having followed, have thereby restrain'd the Violence of Tyrants. And, in our present Case, what have we done more, than trod in the Steps of so many Kingdoms and free Nations, and so bridled that Arbitrariness, which claim'd a Power above Law? And yet, we have not done it with that Severity neither, as our Ancestors have us'd in the like kind; for they would never have suffer'd any one, who had been found guilty of such a notorious Crime, to escape the Punishment of the Law. If we had imitated Them, we had been free from fear of Danger, and also from the Trouble of Calumniators; and, that may be easily known by the Postulations of our Adversaries. How often have they criminated and arraigned us before our Neighbour-Princes? What Nations do they not solicite, and stir up against us? What do they desire by this Importunity? Is it only. That the Controversy may be decided by Law and Equity? We never refused That Condition; and they would never accept of It, though 'twere often offer'd them. What then do they desire? Even This, That we should arm Tyrants, by Publick Authority, who are manifestly guilty of the most notorious Wickedness, [Page] who are stuff'd with the Spoils of their Subjects, besmear'd with the Blood of Kings, and aim at the Destruction of all good Men? Shall we set them up over our Lives, who are found Actors in the Parricide, and shrewdly suspected to be the Designers of it, without acquitting themselves in a Judiciary way? And yet, we have gratified their Request, more than the Custom of our Country, the Severity of the Law, or the Distribution of equal Justice would allow. There is nothing more frequently celebrated, nor more diligently handled, by the Writers of our History, than our Punishment of evil Kings. And amongst so many peccant Governours, who ever felt the like Lenity of angry Subjects, in inflicting Punishment, as we have used in punishing our King's Mother, though evidently guilty of a most atrocious Crime? What Ruler, standing convict of Murder, had ever power given to substitute a Son, or Kinsman in his, or her, place: To whom, in such Circumstances, also was the Liberty ever granted, to appoint what Guardians they pleas'd, to the succeeding King? And in the very Abjuration of the Kingdom, Who can complain of any hard Usage? A young Woman, unable to undergo the Burden, and toss'd by the Storms of unsettled Affairs, sent Letters to the Nobility, to free her from That Government, which was as burdensom to her, as it was honourable: It was granted her: She desir'd the Government might be transferr'd from her to her Son; her Request was assented to: She also desir'd to have the Naming of the Guardians, who might manage the Government, till her Son came to be of Age; it was done, as she desir'd: And, that the thing might have more Authority, the whole Matter was referr'd to the Estates in Parliament, who Voted, That all was rightly done, and in good order, and they confirm'd it by an Act, than which there cannot be a more sacred and a firmer Obligation. But 'tis alleged, What was done in Prison, is to be taken, not as done willingly, but forc'd by Durance, for fear of Death; and so many other things, which Men are inforc'd to do for fear, are wont, as they ought, to go for Nothing. Indeed, this Excuse of Fear, as sometimes it is, not without reason, admitted by the Judges, so it doth not always infer a just Cause for abolishing a publick Act, once made, in a Suit of Law; if a Man strike a Fear into his Adversary for ones own Advantage, and so the Plaintiff extorts more from the Defendant, than he could ever obtain by the Equity of the Law: Those Remedies are most rightfully and deservedly provided against such, as are either terrified by Compulsion, or inforc'd by Fear, to do what is prejudicial to themselves. But 'tis otherwise, If a guilty Conscience creates a Fear to it self, out of an Expectation of a deserved Punishment, to avoid which, he assents to some certain Conditions: This Fear carries with it no just Cause to rescind publick Acts; for otherwise, the wickeder a Person is, so much the easier Retreat he might have to the Sanctuary of the Law; and then, the Remedies found out for the Relief of the Innocent, would be transferred to indemnify the Nocent. And the Laws themselves, the Avengers of Wrongs, would not be a Refuge to good Men, when vex'd by the Improbity of the [Page] Bad; but an unjust Shelter to the Evil, when they fear deserv'd Punishment. But that Fear, let it be what it will, wherein hath it made the Condition of the Queen, the worse? The Title of Kingly Dignity, and the Power of Government, was long since taken from Her by Parliament; and being reduc'd to her Privacy, she liv'd a precarious Life, upon the account of the Peoples Mercy, not her own Innocency; When therefore she was put by the Kingdom, what did she lose by her fear? Her Dominion was ended before, she only cast away the empty Name of Ruler, and that which might lawfully have been extorted from her against her Will, she parted with of her own accord, and so redeem'd the residue of her Life, the Sentiment of her Infamy, the perpetual Fear of imminent Death, which is worse than Death it self, only by the laying down the Shadow of a mere Title and Name. And therefore, I wonder, that, on this Head, no Body discovers the Prevarication of the Queen's Delegates, and of her Embassadors. For they, who desire, That what was done in Prison, by the Queen, may be undone, ask this also, That she may be restor'd to that Place, from which, she complains, she was ejected, through Fear. And what is that Place, to which they so earnestly desire, she should be restor'd? She was remov'd from governing the Kingdom before, all publick Administration was taken away from her, and she was left to the Punishment of the Law. Now these goodly Advocates, forsooth, would have her restor'd to that Place, as to plead for her self in a Cause which is as manifest, as 'tis foul and detestable; or, rather, it being already prov'd, that she should suffer just Punishment for the same. And whereas, now she injoys some ease in the Compassion of her Kindred, and, in so foul an Offence, is not in any of the worst Cases, they would again cast her into the tempestuous Hurry of a new Judgment; She having no better hope of her Safety, than she can gather from the Condemnation of so many former Kings, who have been called before Judges to answer for themselves. But, because our Adversaries do seditiously boast, to trouble the Minds of the simpler Sort, That the Majesty of good Kings is impair'd and their Authority almost vilifi'd, if Tyrants be punish'd, let us see, what Weight there is in this Pretence. We may rather contrarily judge, That there is nothing more honourable for the Societies and Assemblies of the Good, than if they are freed from the Contagion of the Bad. Who ever thought, that the Senate of Rome incurr'd any Guilt, by the Punishment of Lentulus, Cethegus, or Catiline: And Valerius Asiaticus, Valerius Asiaticus, his bold and confident Speech. when the Souldiers Mutined for the Slaughter of Caligula, and cry'd out, to know, Who was the Author of so audacious a Fact. He answer'd from an high and lofty Place, where he stood, I wish, I could truely say, I did it; So much Majesty there was in that free Speech of one private Man,He is said to have slain his own Sons; Who would have brought back Kingly Government into Rome. That the wild common Souldiers were presently dissipated and quieted thereby. When Iunius Brutus overthrew the Conspiracy, made for bringing back Kings into the City, he did not think that his Family was stained by a nefarious Slaughter; but that, by the Blood of his Children, the stain was rather wiped away from the Roman Nobility. Did the Imprisonment of [Page] Christiern of Denmark detract any thing from the Commendation of Christiern, the next King? What hindred, but that he might have been accounted the best of Kings, in his time; For a noble Mind, that is supported by his own Virtue, doth neither increase by the Glory, nor is lessened by the Infamy, of another. But to let these things pass, let us return to the Proof of the Crime. I think, we have abundantly satisfi'd the Queen's Request; her desire was, That we should shew her such strengthning and convincing Proofs, for what we have done, that she might be satisfied in the justness of our Cause; and also, be able to inform Others, who desir'd to hear, what we could say for our Selves. As for the King's Murder; the Author, the Method, and the Causes thereof, have been so fully declar'd by the Earl of Murray and his Fellows in that Embassy, that they must needs be clear to the exact Judgments of the Queen, and those Others, delegated by her to hear that Affair. As for what is objected to us, as blame-worthy, after that time, we have shewn, That 'tis consentaneous to the Divine Law, and also to the Law of Nature, which too is, in a sort, Divine; Moreover, 'tis consonant to our own Country-Laws and Customs; Neither is it different from the Usage of other Nations, who have the Face of any Good and just Government amongst them; Seeing then, that our Cause is justifi'd by all the Interpreters of Divine and Human Laws; seeing the Examples of so many Ages, the Judgments of so many People, and the Punishments of Tyrants do confirm it, we see no such Novelty (not to say, Injustice) in our Cause, but that the Queen her self might readily subscribe to it; yea, and persuade others, that, in this Matter, they should be no otherwise opinionated of us, but that we have carried our Selves like good Subjects and Christians, too.’

These were the Allegations, which, we thought fit, to make to justify our Cause, which we committed to writing, and read them the last day of February, before those grave and learned Persons, whom the Queen had appointed to confer with us, on this Subject; and the next Day, which was March the first, We again went, in the Morning, to Court, to learn, how she relish'd our Answer, and what Judgment she made of the whole Cause; but, because she, that Day, was going to her Country-House, called Greenwich, about three Miles below London, we had no Opportunity to speak with her; What was Next to that, we went to the Chief of the Council, who, at first, were appointed to hear and transact with us; ‘They told us, That the Queen (though she had very little spare time, in regard of the Journy, and other Business, yet) had read our Memorial: But she was not yet so fully persuaded, that our Cause was so just, that She could approve it without Scruple; and therefore, she desired us to go to the Second thing, at first proposed by us, which was, To find out some Way, whereby this Dispute might be ended, upon some moderate or handsom Conditions.’ Whereunto we replied, ‘That we were not sent from home with an unbounded Commission, but One circumscribed within certain Limits; so that we had no Freedom to enter into any Debate at all, of what might in the least diminish the Authority of our [Page] King; and if such a Liberty had been offered us, yet we should have been unwilling to accept it; or to make use of it, if accepted.’

Matters standing thus; the Queen being at Greenwich, and we at London, we sent some of our Number to her, to know, ‘Whether she had any thing more to say to us? if not, that we might have Liberty to depart home, there to consult, what we could, the Good of our Country, and our own private Concerns: And if there were any thing, we might gratify her Majesty in; We were willing to shew our Obsequiousness and Respect therein; yea, we should take more Opportunity to shew it at home, than we could have now in anothers Dominions. This Demand procur'd us a Summons to appear at Court, the 5th of March: When we were come into her Presence, she mightily blam'd our stifness in maintaining our conceiv'd Opinion, and that we did so pertinaciously shun a Dispute, or rather a Consultation, about a Matter so much concerning our Security; She also added a large Declaration of her Mind and Will anent the King, and Those who maintain'd his Cause. We urg'd, that the Justness of our Cause had been clearly enough declar'd, before. She answer'd, that she was not satisfi'd in her Mind, with the Examples and Arguments produc'd by us; neither, said she, am I wholly ignorant of such Disputes, as having spent some of my former time in the Study of the Law: But, says she, if you be fully determin'd to make no other Proposal for your King's Safety, and your Own; yet, I would have you, at least, enter upon another Conference, with the Chief of my Council, who treated with you about these things, before. We answer'd, That we were not at all so stiffly wedded to our own Opinions, as not to be willing to hear any good Expedient, that might be offer'd by her, or her Counsellors; always with this Proviso, That no Alteration be made in the present State of the Kingdom; nor any Diminution at all of the King's Authority: For, upon those Two Heads, we neither could, or would, admit the least Consultation or Debate. The Day after, we went down again to the Queen's Palace, (as we agreed) and entred into a Conference with her Counsellors, where many Proposals were made by them to decide the Controversy, between Mother and Son, concerning the Title to the Government; We, because the Reasons were many, and concerning Matters of such great Moment on both sides, desir'd, That we might have them given to us in writing, and Time allowed us, to consider of Things of such great Consequence. They were very ready to do it, having first consulted the Queen. When we had ran Them all over in order, the Matters propos'd seem'd so difficult to us, and also so derogatory to the Power of the King; and withal, so exceeding the Bounds of our Embassy and Commission, that we neither would, could, nor durst, touch upon them. The Day after, Robert Petcarn was sent to Court with this Answer, That such Matters did belong to the Decision of all the Estates, and were not to be disputed by so small a Number of Persons as we were.’ He also carried our Answer to Them, who the Day before, viz. the 4th of March, had desir'd to have all in writing. ‘Further, he earnestly desir'd the Queen, that, seeing they had executed [Page] all the points within the Bounds of their Commission; They might have leave to return home. Ten Days after, we had liberty to attend the Queen: The Delegates of the Council, who, from our first coming, were appointed to treat with us, were very urgent, That we would yet treat with them, about finding out some Remedies, to compose Things; They us'd many Arguments to that purpose, telling us, That if War from abroad should be added to our Troubles at home, our Labours, Dangers and Difficulties would be doubled, especially, being not able to extricate our selves by our own Forces. But we persisted in our Resolution, and would hearken to no Model of Accommodation, which lessened the King's Authority, and so that Day ended.’ The next Day, which was the 20th of March, we were sent for again to Court, and being commanded to come to the Queen, she spake to us to this purpose; ‘That she, and her Council, had weigh'd our Answers, by which she understood, That none but a Supream Council, or Parliament of Scotland, consisting of all the Estates, could give a certain Answer to her Demands; and thereupon, she had found out a Way, how to leave the matter intire, as she found it, and with an honest Pretence too. She was inform'd, that there was shortly to be a Convention of all the Estates in Scotland, thither we should go, and God speed us well, and therein we should endeavour, that an equal Number of both Factions should be chosen to examine the Grounds of the Difference betwixt them; and that she also would send her Embassadors thither, which should join Endeavours with Those, to promote a Peace; In the mean time, she desir'd, That the Pacification might be renew'd, till the Matter was brought to some Issue. She said also, That she would confer with the Queen of Scots Embassadors, and persuade them, if she could, to the same. But when 'twas mov'd to Them, they excus'd themselves, saying, That they could determine nothing on that head, without consulting the Queen; but, that they would write to her to know her Pleasure in the Case. Yet we prest hard to have our Convoy to return, as was promised us, but were desir'd to have a little Patience, till an Answer was return'd from the Scots Queen to the Bishop of Ross, and the rest of her Embassadors, and then we should have our Dismission. We urg'd our Return still, but without effect, though we told her, we had nothing to do with the Bishop of Ross, neither was our Embassy to him, we had ended what we came for, and did much wonder, why the Bishop of Ross should retard our Journy, especially, since so many Tumults were rais'd in our Absence, to the great Inconvenience of the King's Party: But though our Importunity was almost Shameless, yet we could not prevail, for the Matter was deferr'd from Day to Day, till the last of March, and then the Queen return'd to London.’ The Things which were acted in Parliament, for 3 Days after, did so take up the Queen, that she had no leisure to debate foreign Matters. ‘But the 4th of April, she sent for us, and excus'd the Delay; She told us, That our King's Mother had by her Letters grievously chid her Embassadors for their Presumptuous Confidence in descending to debate her Cause after that Fashion, and therefore, say's the Queen, [Page] seeing they are so averse from the Way of Concord, which I propose, I will detain you no longer; but if she hereafter repent of her present Sentiment, (of which I have some hope) and take the Course chalkt out by me, I do not doubt, but you, for your part, will perform your Duty.’ Thus we were lovingly and kindly Dismist, and, the 8th Day of April, began our Journy towards our own Country.

This Account was given at Sterlin by the Embassadors before the Convention of the Estates. Whereupon, the Care and Diligence of the Embassadors were unanimously approv'd. Other Matters they referr'd to the first of May, a Parliament being summon'd against that time. In the mean time, both Parties bestir themselves, one to promote, the other to hinder, the Assembling thereof. The wisest Senators were of opinion, That the Queen of England would never let the Scot's Queen depart; as foreseeing, how dangerous her Deliverance would be to all Britain. In the interim, Mention was made by some, of demanding the Scot's King, as an Hostage for his Mother, rather in hopes to hinder a Concord, than to establish it;Some of Q. Elizabeth's Counsellors desire the Scots King to be sent into England. for she was well assur'd, that the Scots would never yield to it; but there were some potent Men in her Council, who did secretly favour the Duke of Norfolk's Faction; These were desirous, that the Queen of Scots should be deliver'd, and thereby the adverse Faction might, in tract of time, be broken and diminish'd, that so, they might obtain that Point from her by Necessity, which, they saw, they could not otherwise do; neither did they doubt, but the Matter would come to that Pass, if the R [...]bels were assisted with Mony and other Furniture for War from France, and the Royalists had their Eye only on the Queen of England; who had, at the beginning, largely promis'd them, upon understanding the flagitious Act of the Queen, that she would take a special care of the King and Kingdom of Scotland. Neither could the French King well compass his Designs. He was willing, the Scot's Queen should be deliver'd, but not that the King should be put into English Hands; and hearing, how strong the Norfolk Faction was, which was all for Innovations, he did not despair, but that the Scot's Queen might, in time, escape out of Prison privately, or be deliver'd by his Means. Thus stood the State of Britain, at that time.

Morton, having given a laudable Account of his Embassy to the Convention at Sterlin, return'd to his own House about 4 Miles from Edinburgh; he had a Company of 100 Foot, and a few Horse to guard his House, and to defen [...] himself, if the Townsmen should attempt to make any Excursion, till more Forces might come in. In the mean time, the Queen's Faction were Masters of the Town,The Queen's Faction garisoned Edinburgh. and set Guards in all convenient Places; and levell'd all their Designs to exclude the Regent, and to hinder the Parliament, which was Indicted to be held at Edinburgh. Whereupon Morton was commanded, by the Regent, with 20 Horse and about 70 Foot (for the rest had Passes to go abroad for Forage) to march to Leith; who was to make a publick Proclamation there, (for they had garison'd Edinburgh already) That no Man should assist the Rebels by Land or Sea, either with Provision, Arms, or any other warlike [Page] Furniture; they that did so, were to undergo the same Punishment with them. They, knowing themselves to be inferior to the Town-Souldiers,Morton comes to Leith, and publishes a Proclamation against Them. sent their Foot another Way about, which was cover'd by an Hill from the Sight of the City, (commonly call'd Arthur's Seat) and the Horse past near the Walls and Gates of the City, not a Man of the Enemy stiring out. When they had done, what they were commanded to do at Leith, they had not the same Fortune at their Return, for the Foot refus'd to march back the same Way that they came, but return'd, against the will of the Horse, near the Gates of the City, and so pass'd with them, under the Walls, with an intent to try, what Metal themselves were made of, and their Enemies,The Garison of Edinburgh sallies out upon him in his retreat. too; when, lo, on a sudden, a Sally was made out against them from Two of the Gates. At first, they fought Manfully, so that the Oppidans were driven back in disorder into the Town, with no great loss, 'tis true, yet, it easily appear'd, that they were Inferior in Valour, though Superior in Number. The Regent, having nothing in readiness to assault the Town, and having no time neither,Edinburgh, How seated? by reason of the sudden Sitting of the Parliament, to bring any great Guns thither, thought it better to desist from Force, and to hold the Parliament without the Gate of Edinburgh;A Convention of the Estates held at one end of the City of Edinburgh, because the Enemy possessed the Castle. For that City being stretch'd out mostly in Length, they, who first compassed it with a Wall, left a great Part of it in the Suburbs; yet so, that the Inhabitants of that Part had the full priviledg of Citizens, as well as those within the Walls. There the Convention was held, for the Lawyers gave their Opinions, That 'twas no great Matter, in what Part soever of the City, it met. In this Parliament, These were declar'd Traitors, viz. The chief of Them who held out the Castle, especially those, who, out of Consciousness of their guilt of the King's and Regent's Murders, had avoided Tryal. The Rebels being thus condemn'd by an Act of Parliament (The Judgment of which Court is of very great Authority,) lest the Commonalty, which ordinarily is at the beck of the Nobility, should be alienated from them, They also, of the Number which they had there, made up a Convention, such as it was. Few appear'd there, who had any lawful right to Vote; and of them, some came not into the Assembly at all; some presented themselves, but as Spectators only, abstaining from all Judiciary Actings; so that they, having neither a just Number of Voices, nor were they assembled, either in due Time, or according to ancient Custom; yet, that they might make shew of a lawful sufficient Number, Two Bishops, and some Others which were absent (a thing never heard of before) sent in their Votes,The Castle plays upon the Conventioners with Cannon, but does them no hurt. in writing, at hap-hazard, as being doubtful of the Event of that Assembly. At this time, the Castle continually plaid with great Guns upon the Place, where the Nobles were Assembled, and though the Bullets often fell amongst crouds of People, yet they neither hurt, nor kill'd, so much as one Man. There were but few condemn'd in either Convention; and both Parties appointed another Convention to be held in August, one at Sterlin, the other at Edinburgh. When the Assembly was dismist, neither Party issued out one upon other,Two Anti-Assemblies Indicted. so that there was a kind of Truce between them. Thereupon the greatest part of the Souldiers, [Page] that were with Morton, being press'd Men, slipt away to their own homes. They, who kept the Town, knew, That Morton had but a small Party for his Guard, and being willing also to cry quits for their former ignominious Repulse, they sent out 220 Musqueteers, and a 100 Horse; they carried two Brass Field-Pieces along with them, intending either to burn the Town of Dalkeith, where Morton then was; or, if That succeeded not, to frighten the Enemy, and keep him within the Town; and if they could thus put him into a Fright, they intended to make their Braggs thereof all over the Country. They shewed themselves, well accoutred, on an Hill over against Dalkeith; Whereupon, they at Dalkeith, being alarm'd, cry'd presently, Arm, Arm. A Sally out of Edinburgh, against Morton, at Dalkeith, The Mortonians drew out immediately, being 200 Foot, and about 60 Horse, and mounted a little an opposite Hill, and then again descending into the Vally and Plain, they stood over against them, ready to fight: Some Archers picquered and skirmished on both Sides, and there was a light Onset; but the Rebels, who expected to find their Enemies unprepared, being disappointed of their Hope, march'd back, in as entire a Body as they could, to recover the City; and thus some pressing upon Others, in the Eagerness of their Retreat, they came to Cragmiller-Castle,Near two [...] from Edinburgh, wherein both Parties [...]ceive some Checks. scituate almost in the Mid-way between Edinburgh and Dalkeith. There a few of Morton's Foot, which past by the Castle privately on the other side, rose from their Ambush, and assaulted the Enemies Body, in the strait Passage of the Way, which was between them, and so disorder'd their Ranks, and put them to Flight: They, who kept Garison in the Castle of Edinburgh, perceiving from the higher Ground, that their Men were flying toward them, sent out 80 Horse, and 30 Foot, to relieve them; with this Supply, they charg'd again, and the King's Horse, being fewer in Number by half, and not able to indure the brunt, fled back in as much haste as they had pursued before. The Foot was in a manner useless on both sides, because of a great Shower that fell suddenly from the Clouds. In the Pursuit of the Mortonians, there were but Two slain, more were wounded, and about 26 taken Prisoners: Of the Rebels, there were more slain, but fewer Prisoners taken. But one Accident did almost equal the Loss of both Parties: They which came from Edinburgh, brought with them a Barrel of Gun-powder, and as the Souldiers, in haste and carelesly, went to take out some Powder, a Spark of Fire light into it, and blew it up, insomuch that the Horse which carried it, Iames Melvil, the Commander of the Foot, and many other Souldiers, were so scorch'd and burnt, that the most Part of them, in a few Days after, died.

Whilst these things were acting about Edinburgh, Victory inclining to neither Side, one Troop of the Scots, who, some Years before, had serv'd in Denmark, under Michael Weems, a noble,A Scotch Troop from Denmark, comes to help the Royalists. virtuous, and learn'd young Man, return'd into their own Country, and offer'd their Service to the King, against the Desires of the Townsmen, who would willingly have drawn them over to their Party. They had a little Time allow'd them to visit their Friends; and coming together at the Day appointed, they were imform'd, [Page] That some Ships were mann'd out by the Rebels, to intercept them. Morton himself was aware of the Plot, and therefore taking what Force he could, on a sudden, make, without acquainting any Body with his Design, he came so hastily to Leith, that he had almost catch'd them, before they went a Ship-bord, sixteen of the Loiterers, who did not make such haste to lanch out their Boat, he took Prisoners, on the Shore. The next Day, he provided Ships, either to follow them, (he could not do it sooner, because of the Tide) or, to intercept them in their Return. The Regent also was made acquainted with it the same Night, who, speedily gathering some Tumultuary Force, hastned to the left Shore of the Fort, to set upon the Rebels, when they landed: But the Speed of the Danish Souldiers rendred those Endeavours needless, for the greatest Part of them got aboard a large Vessel, and so past safely over. The rest, who were in a smaller Skiff, were taken, not far from Leith, and, being about twenty six, were brought Prisoners to the Castle. After this Action, the Regent returned to Sterlin: Morton, being overladen with Labour and Watching, and troubled with the Cholick too, fell sick at Leith. Drury, the English-Man, who had transacted for a Truce between the Factions for so many Days,Morton falls sick at Leith. could, finally, effect nothing; for the Regent would yield to no other Terms,Drury intercedes in vain between the Parties. but that the Places, which were seized on, during the former Truce, should be restored. When Drury was about to depart, the Rebels, as 'twere in Testimony of Respect and Complement to him, drew forth all the Strength that ever they could make, supposing, That whilst Morton was sick, they should either put their Enemies into a terrible Fright,The Rebels sally out against Morton at Leith; who were inferior in Number to themselves; or else, if they durst fight, with the Force they had, without their General, they might do some considerable Execution upon them, toward the ending of the War. Morton being imform'd hereof, by his Guard of Horse, rose presently out of his Bed, and buckles on his Armor, and brings up all his Men into a Neighbour-hill, where he kept them ready for the Onset, about 400 Paces from the Enemy. Drury rode between both Armies, and earnestly desired both to return home, and not to brake off all Hope of Accommodation, by over-rash and hasty Counsels; Whereupon, they both agreed to retreat, only the Dispute was, who should turn about their Colours, first. Drury endeavoured to compound this Difference also, and desired of Both, that when he, standing in the middle between both Armies, gave a Sign, they should Both retreat, in one and the same Moment. Morton was willing, but the Rebels threatned, That unless he retreated first of his own Accord, they would beat him shamefully out of the Field; and indeed, they could hardly be kept from advancing their Bodies toward him. When Morton heard this Answer, he supposed he had satisfied Drury and the English, whom at this time he was unwilling to offend, but would rather have them Witnesses of his Moderation; whereupon, he presently drew forth against the Enemy; first, the Horse made a brisk Charge, and routed the Enemies Wings; the Foot attempted to charge, but were routed also; when the Gate of the next Street, being narrow, could not [Page] admit so many at once in their thick and hasty Flight, many were there slain, many trodden under Foot; many taken,But are repulsed with [...]oss. none making any Resistance, but only a Party of Foot, who, having the Advantage of the next Church-yard, rallied again; and yet, at the first Charge, were a second time put to Flight. Their Flight into the City was so confused, that the Guard left the Gates, and all fled into the Castle; so that, if the Enemy that pursued, had not been intent on the Prey, they might have entred also the Town Pell-mell with them, as being unguarded. About 50 of the Rebels were slain, and about 150 taken. Alexander Hume had a slight Wound with a Fall from his Horse, and was taken: Gawen Hamilton was killed: Iames Culen, Huntly's Kinsman, a Commander of Foot, hid himself in a poor Woman's Pantry, but was discovered, and brought to Leith. The Common People, when they saw him, made such a Shout, that it plainly appeared, they would not be satisfied,Iames Culen, a cruel Am [...]odexter, justly punished. but by his Death; for, in the former Civil Wars, he had been a cruel and avaritious Plunderer. He was infamous in his Military Imployment in France; and, when the Kings of Denmark and Sweden were at odds, he promised to serve them Both, and accordingly had Mony to raise Souldiers from either, but couzen'd them Both. And he, being thus taken, at length (as I said) to the great Joy of all, was led forth to his Execution.

After a few Days Rest, the Townsmen recruited their Forces, and then shewed themselves again in Arms; after that, there were light Skirmishes past betwixt the Parties almost every Day, with various Events. The King's Party were more valorous, but the Rebels had Places more convenient for Ambushes; and besides, they had an high Castle, from whence they might see all the Motions of their Enemies, neither would they ordinarily venture an Onset any further, than their Ordnance out of the Castle could command. The Regent kept himself at Leith, watching all their Sallies, and stopping all Provisions by Sea, for he could not do it by Land, by reason of the Largeness of the City, and Inconvenience of the adjacent Places, in the surrounding whereof many Opportunities of Service were lost. Whilst these things were acting about the City, a French Ship was taken, that brought Gun-Powder, Iron Bullets, small Brass-Guns, and some Mony to the Rebels.A Ship from France, taken by the Regent. The Mony went to pay the Souldiers, but the Bullets, Powder, and Part of the Guns, being sent with little or no Guard to Sterlin against the Tide, the Rebels, having Intelligence thereof, procured some Vessels from other Havens, and surprized them; but not being able to carry their Booty to the Castle, they sunk it in the River. About the same time, another Ship was also taken, in which there was little else but Letters and large Promises of Assistance, speedily to be sent from France. For, during the Two whole last past Years, wherein, at times, there was War in Scotland: The Queen of England, on behalf of the Royalists; the King of France, The Queen of England, and King of France, censured for their slow Supplies to their several Parties in Scotland. and the English Papists, on behalf of the Rebels, did send in some small Dribblets of Mony, but loaded them with more Promises, as rather studying, that their side might not be conquer'd, rather than conquer, respectively; Both of them were willing, Matters should be brought to that Pinch of Necessity: The Queen of England's [Page] Design was, That the Scots, being worn out by their Divisions, might be willing to send their King into England, and so seem to depend wholly on her: The French did it, That the Rebels might surrender Dunbarton and Edinburgh to him, and, by those Two commanding Garisons from both Seas, he would keep the Scots always in fear of his Arms. But, despairing of the Queen's Delivery, and Dunbarton Castle being lost, he mov'd but slowly in the Cause of the Rebels; his Aim only was, That, the Kingdom being exhausted with domestick Sedition, he might not undertake a new and unnecessary War, for the sake of one Castle only; it was enough, he thought, at present, if it did not fall into the Enemies Hands.

The Scots were fully resolved not to give up their King to the English, The Scots refuse to send their young King into England, with their Reasons, why. upon the account of old Controversies; and also, because the English Papists were so strong, who plac'd all their Hopes in his Death. For, if he were taken out of the way, the Queen of England would not only seem weaker, seeing it was the Life of one King only, that delayed their Hopes; but also, the Queen of Scots was the undoubted Heir of the whole Kingdom, who, by he [...] Marriage, might gratify whom she pleased with the Realm, and so bear a great Figure in the Change of the State of Religion through all Europe. And in the English Court there were some, no mean Men, who preferred the Hope of Novelty before ancient Courtesies; yet if, as long as the King of Scots was alive, they should cut off Elizabeth, many of those of the Queen's Privy-Council feared, lest the known Wickedness of the Scots Queen might diminish her Authority, and increase her Son's Power, and so, for fear of Tyranny, endear him more to the English: Whereupon, the English Rebels were willing to destroy the Queen of England, and King of Scots, Both; and, not succeeding in doing it openly, they resolved upon Poison.

Matters standing thus in Scotland, Both Factions prepared themselves against the approaching Sitting of the Parliament. The Rebels had only Three of the Lords voting with them, of which Two were the Proctors,The Rebels Convention at Edinburgh. or Commissioners, to the Convention, to be held in the Queen's Name. The Third, Alexander Hume, was the only Man who had Right to vote: And of the Ecclesiastical Order, Two Bishops, the One banish'd thither a few Months before by the Regent, and, the State of the City being chang'd, not daring to depart without a Convoy, he staid there against his Will: The Other was a Bankrupt, who, having spent his Estate, was driven thither by necessity. By their Votes, above 200 were condemned, some of them being Children under Age. Moreover, the malapert Souldiers, as if they had already got the Victory, divided other Mens Patrimonies among themselves, and so put many quiet and innocent Persons (and, by that means, more liable to Injuries,) into the Roll of the Confiscate.

The Regent went to Sterlin, where he had a great Convention of the Nobles:The Regent's Convention at Sterlin. Therein, about Thirty of the obstinatest of the Queen's Party were condemn'd, the rest were put off, in hopes of Pardon. The Rebels thought this a fit Opportunity for them, to attempt something in the absence of the Nobility; and thereupon, they [Page] drew all their Forces out of the City, and, to make a greater Show, the Townsmen with them; they set them in Battel-array, that so, as in former times, by light Skirmishes, they might draw the King's Forces out of Leith. In the mean time, while the Enemy were kept in play by them, they resolved to send the rest privately to march about, and when the Garison was drawn out, to enter in at the opposite Gate, and so burn the Town.The Rebels assault Leith, but are repulsed. Patrick Lindsy was Governour of Leith, a wise and valiant Person; he drew forth his Forces, having sufficiently provided against their Treachery, and marched directly towards the Enemy; they fought stoutly at first, at last, he gave the Rebels a round Salvo, and so beat them back, yet not without Loss, to the Gates of the Town; a great many Prisoners were brought off, but the most part of them were Townsmen. Alexander Hume was taken once, but reliev'd again by his own side. In the Evening, as the King's Party were retreating, joyous for the Victory, Iames Haliburton, a good Man,Iames Haliburton taken Prisoner by the Rebels, by a Mistake. and a skilful Souldier, who commanded all the Foot, being too far from his Body, was taken by a Troop of Horse in the Twilight, when he could not discern of whose Party they were in the High-way, and so carried Prisoner into the City. Upon this Loss, the Rebels took heart, to make another Attempt, as full of Danger and Boldness, so more likely, if it had succeeded, to put an End to the whole War. For, having receiv'd Intelligence by their Spies, That the Nobility of the contrary Faction at Sterlin were so careless and remiss, that, in an open Town, they had not so much as a Night-guard, as if it had been a time of perfect Peace, they took 300 Foot, and 200 Horse, and march'd thither; to ease the Foot, who were hastily called forth, they took away all the Country-mens Horses, who came to Market the Day before; and if they occasionally lighted on any other Horses by the way, they took them also. The Captains,The bold Attempt of the Rebels to surprize Sterlin, and the Nobles of the Convention there assembled: in that Expedition, were George Gordon, Claud Hamilton, and Walter Scot, they were much encouraged to the Undertaking by George Bell, an Ensign of a Foot-Company, who was born at Sterlin, he knew all the convenient Passages and Accesses into the Town, and was made acquainted, in Writing, with all the Noble Mens Lodgings; he gave them assured Hopes, That they would quickly master all, insomuch, that they were so confident of Success in their March, as to appoint Whom to kill, and Whom to save alive. They came to the Town early in the Morning, and found things in profound Security, not so much as a Dog opened his Mouth against them; so they silently enter'd the Town, and, without any resistance, went up to the Market-place; they set Guards at all the Passes thither, and then went to the Noblemens Lodgings; the rest were easily taken, only Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton, Which, in part, took Effect. put some stop to them in his Lodging; when they could not break in upon him by Force, they set fire to the House; one or two of his Servants, who stoutly defended the Passes, were slain, and he himself, when all was a fire, hardly escaping out of the Flames, surrendred himself to Walter Scot, his Kinsman, then near at hand. Moreover, the Regent was taken Prisoner at the same time; his Men did not stand it out valiantly in his Defence, but he was forc'd to defend himself alone, [Page] and, at last, was taken Prisoner. Alexander, Earl of Glencarn, and Hugh, Earl of Eglington, were reserv'd, under a Guard, for Execution: For Claud Hamilton told his Men, They should kill all the Nobles of the contrary Faction, as soon as ever they pass'd out of the Gates, without any distinction. All Things thus succeeding, beyond Expectation, the common Souldiers scattered themselves all over the Town to get Plunder. Thereupon, Iohn Erskin, Governour of the Castle, who had before tried to break through the Enemy in the Market-Place, but in vain, they were so strongly posted, sent a Party of Musqueteers into his own new House, which was then a building, and not quite finish'd, from whence there was a Prospect into the whole Market-Place. This House, because it was uninhabited, and not compleated, was neglected by the Enemy, and afforded a safe Post to the Royalists, whence to play on their Enemies:The Rebels beaten again out of Sterlin, by the Valour of Iohn Erskin, Governour of the Castle. When the Rebels saw, that they were shot at from an high Place, garison'd against them, with unequal Weapons, they presently turn'd their backs, and ran away in such Fear, that, when they came to the narrow Way leading to the Gate, they trod down one another: That which saved them, was, There were but few to pursue, for they who had driven them out of the Market-Place, could come out but one by one, through the Gate of the new House, which was but one neither, and that half-shut too, towards the Town; and but a few came forth from other Houses, where they stood armed, ready for all Events. Thus the whole Souldiery, which, the Day before, had attempted so desperate a piece of Service, and had almost successfully finish'd it, were driven out of the Town, in such Fear and Confusion, that they left their Prisoners, and every one shifted for himself. In this Onset, there was only one Man of Note slain, and that was George Ruven, a young Gentleman of great Hopes, who, pressing too eagerly upon the thickest of the Enemies, lost his Life. And Alexander Stuart of Gairlice, when he was led away Prisoner, was killed; 'tis not known, whether by his own Men, or the Enemy. In this great Trepidation and Affrightment, they, who before kept within their own Doors for fear, now came abroad. They, who had taken Iames Douglas, and Alexander Cuningham, Prisoners, seeing no hopes to escape, surrendred themselves up to their Captives. David Spence, Captain of Horse amongst the Rebels, was leading away the Regent; he knew, that many lay in wait for his Life, and therefore he defended him with all the Care he could;The Regent slain in this Scuffle, with Capt. Spence, who endeavoured to save him. insomuch, that when the Ruffians aim'd at and shot the Regent, they hit him too, and he died the same Day, to the great grief of both Parties, for he was an accomplished young Man, in all Endowments both of Body and Mind, and inferiour to no Man of his Age in Scotland. After his Decease, the Enemies Horse never did any memorable Service. Two of the Regent's Murderers For killing him, after he had Quarter given him. were put to Death, not being able to escape: The rest fled in such Fear, that the Prisoners, whom they had taken, escap'd out of their Hands. For certain, the Whole of the Enemies Party might have been destroyed, if there had been Troops enow of Horse to have pursued: But the Tories of Teviotdale, at their first Entrance into the Town, had plundred all the Horses, That saved [Page] them. The slain of Both sides were almost equal: Of the Royalists, not a Man was carry'd away Prisoner; of the other side, many; most of which were intent upon the Prey, and so were taken in the Houses which they were a rifling: The Regent died the same Day of his Wounds. His Funerals were celebrated in haste, as well as they could, in such an Hurry, and then the Nobles, which were there, Assembled, to create another Regent to succeed him.Three Competitors for the Regency. They chose Three out of their own Number; having first given them an Oath, to stand to the Decision of the Nobility, and thus, as Candidates, they were to expect the Issue of the next Assembly. The Three were, Gilespy Cambel, Earl of Argyle; Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton; and Iohn Erskin, Earl of Marr. Iohn Erskin, Earl of Marr, chosen Regent. All the Votes pitched on Iohn Erskin. His first attempt, was, to assault Edinburgh, there having been an Army appointed to be levy'd by the former Regent against the first of October, but this sudden change of Affairs made it to be deferred till the 15th of the same Month; that Delay was a great hindrance to Business, for it gave liberty to the Townsmen, who wrought Night and Day, to perfect their Works; so that the early Winter, the long Nights, the bad Weather, in those cold Countries,He assaults Edinburgh, but without effect. the Difficulty of conveying Provisions, and his want of Military Accommodations, caused him to return, without carrying the Place.

For some Months succeeding, Sallies were made, but of no great Advantage to either side. For the Prospect of the Castle, being free and open to all Parts, gave Opportunity to the Rebels, that they would never come to handy-Blows, nor yet fall into any Ambush; for, by a Signal given from an high Place in the Castle, they were easily warn'd, to retreat in time; yet once, when all the Horse and Foot issu'd out of the Town, to intercept a few of the Royalists, and they prest upon them, who pretended hastily to fly away: When they in the Castle saw the Colours of some Companies start up, from a neighbour-Valley, presently they sounded a Retreat to them. Whereupon the Rebels, before they came to the Place of Ambush, retreated back in great Fear, and their flight was so much the more confus'd, because, though they were advis'd of their Danger before-hand, yet they did not know, What, or from Whence, it was, nor could they so much as suspect it; Those few Horsemen, which before counterfeited to fly away, did so press upon their Rear, that they caus'd the Foot to break their Ranks, and every One ran to the City as fast as ever he could; many were wounded and taken, and, amongst them, some Captains, and Cornets of Horse.

Whilst Matters were thus slowly carried on about the City, in the Country towards the North, there was a great Loss receiv'd upon this Occasion; There were two Families, of great Power in those Parts, The Gordons and the Forbes's; The Gordons liv'd in great Concord amongst themselves, and, by the King's Commission,The Royalists receive a loss in the North, with the manner of it. had for many Years presided over the neighbouring Counties, and and so increas'd their ancient Power and Authority; On the other side, the Forbes's were always at Difference, and continually weakned one another; but neither of them, had now, for many Years, made any Attempt upon the other, there being rather a secret [Page] Emulation, than an open Breach, betwixt them. In the Family of the Forbes's,Deadly fewds between the Gordons and the Forbes's. there was one Arthur, a witty and an active Man, and who, from the beginning of the falling out, had always been on the King's side; he thought, 'twas then time for him to set up his own Name and his Families, and also to advance the Power of the Party, which he followed. He first then endeavour'd to reconcile All of his own Family; if he could effect that, he fear'd not any Power, that could be rais'd against him in those Parts; when a Day was appointed for that purpose, Adam Gordon, Brother to the Earl of Huntly, by all means, endeavour'd to hinder it, and therefore giving private Notice to his Friends and Vassals, there came a great Number of them to the Place. There were Two Troops of the Forbes's in sight, but, before they could join, he set upon One of them, and kill'd Arthur presently; at his Fall, the rest were scatter'd, and put to flight; some eminent Men were slain, many were taken, the rest, some Days after, dar'd not stir, for Fear, lest those, they had taken Prisoners, should suffer for it. And their Fear was increas'd by the burning of Alexander Forbes's House, with his Wife, great with Child,The Cruelty of the Gordons against the Forbes's. his Children and Servants, in it. Arthur Forbes's Elder Brother, who was the Chief of the Sept, after his House was taken and plunder'd, hardly escapt and came to Court; there, tho they were somewhat straitned themselves, yet there were 200 Foot granted to him, and to the Nobles that follow'd his Party; and withal, Letters were written to the neighbour-Nobility to join with him: When they were thus join'd with the rest of the Forbes's, and some near Families, they thought themselves secure enough from Force, but they wanted a Chief Commander over them, for the Heads of the Families were most young Men, and there was scarce One more eminent than another amongst them: So that, they being unresolv'd in their Counsels, Iohn Keith, with 500 Horse went home to his own House, which was not far distant. Alexander Forbes, and his Vassals, with 200 Foot march'd to Aberdeen to drive Adam Gordon from thence, and to refresh his Men after their March. Adam receiving intelligence, that his Enemy was advancing with but a small Party, draws his Men out of the Town, and, to make a show of a greater Multitude, compell'd the Townsmen to draw forth with them, so that there was a sharp Conflict in the Field near the Town. The King's Foot, out of eagerness to fight, followed the Gordonians too far, and, having no Reserves, were repuls'd and put to flight,The King's Party overthrown. principally by the Archers, there were not many of them kill'd, because the fight lasted till dark Night, but several were taken, and, amongst them, Alexander Forbes himself, after he had stoutly defended himself against them, a long time.

This Success in the North did mightily incourage the Rebels, to attempt greater Matters: Whereupon, in a different Part of the Country, they resolv'd to attaque The chief Town of Teviotdale standing on the River Ied, near where it falleth into the River Teviot. Iedburgh, a Town, as the Country Custom was, unfortifi'd; but the Inhabitants were very Valiant, and, some Years before, had stoutly resisted the Rebels; Thomas Carr of Farnihest, and Thomas Scot, liv'd near the Town; They, besides their old Clans, which were Numerous enough, had [Page] associated to them, the Three neighbour Countries, Liddisdale, Ewesdale, and Eskdale, Places always given to Robbery; but then, in regard of the Licentiousness of the Civil War, they rang'd for Booty, uncontrolably, even a great way off. And besides, in Teviotdale it self, there were some great Families noted for Robbing and Pillaging, either, being infected by their Neighbours; or, because they had been customably used to drive Preys out of their Enemies Country; neither did They only come in, but some of the neighbouring English, in hopes of Booty, join'd themselves with them; and besides, they sent for 120 Musqueteers from Edinburgh, select Men, out of all the Foot Companies. The Iedburgians knew,The Rebels attempt Iedburgh, that They were aim'd at, and therefore they sent in haste to the Regent, to acquaint him with their Danger; they only desir'd a few light harnassed Souldiers from him; In the mean time, they were not wanting to do their best. They sent for Walter Carr of Sesford, and levy'd a reasonable Number of Souldiers out of the Neighbourhood, and fortifi'd their Town, as the time would permit: Both Parties were also inform'd, at the same time, that William Ruven was come as far as An Abby in Teviotdale, Driburgh, with 120 Horse and Foot, Part of which he had brought with him, and Part he rais'd in the neighbour-County of Merch. But the Rebels, being confident of their Number, as being 3000 Men, march'd to the Town early in the Morning, to prevent the Coming in of their Relief; Ruven suspected, they would do so, and therefore march'd speedily after them, and made some Attempts upon their Rear. And moreover, Walter Carr join'd the Townsmen to his Souldiers, and drew forth directly towards the Enemy. They, seeing This, that they might not be enclos'd before and behind, too, presently retreated to Places of greater Advantage. The Robbers, or Tories,But are driven back to Hawick where they are Routed. who came in for Hopes of plunder, seeing the Town fortifi'd, and the Royalists ready for the Encounter, return'd the nearest Way they could to their Own-homes; and the Rebels, with their Vassals, and a Company of Foot, retreat to A Town in Teviotdale. Hawick, never thinking, that the Enemy would, in the least, attempt any thing against them, there; and their Hopes were increas'd by the Winter-season, which was sharper than ordinary by reason of a great Quantity of Snow lately fallen, which cover'd all the Ground. But Ruven intended to make use of the Opportunity, and, in the third Watch, drew out his Party, and march'd so speedily towards Hawick, that he was in a Mile of it, before the Enemy took the Alarum; They at Hawick were so amaz'd, that there was no room for Counsel left, but Foot and Horse were immediately drawn out, and following the Current of the next River, endeavour'd to retreat to a Place of more Safety. But the Swiftness of their Pursuers prevented them; the Horse knew the Country, and made a shift to escape, but the Foot were left for a Prey; they possest themselves of a small Wood on a Rock, near the River, there they were surrounded by the Horse, and not adventuring to stay till the Foot came up, they all surrendred themselves at Mercy; But seeing that other Dangers were to be prevented, and they could not be carried up and down in so sharp a Winter, having past their Words to return at an appointed Day, and leaving some Hostages to that purpose, [Page] they were sent home, without their Arms: When they were discharged, Kircade made sleeveless Pretences, to elude their Promises, and so hinder'd them from returning, at the time appointed.

The rest of the Winter, and the following Spring, was wholly spent in light Skirmishes, wherein Few fell, but more of the Rebels than Royalists; For the Rebels, when they saw an Advantage, would draw out on the Hills near the City, and, before they had scarce begun a skirmish, would retire, sometimes, again in to the City. In the interim, frequent Embassies came from England, to reconcile the Factions, but without effect; For the Queen of England, tho she most favour'd the King's Party, yet she was willing so to make Peace, as to ingage both Parties to her; but the French were wholly inclin'd to the Queen's Cause, and therefore, by large Promises, hindred Peace, and advis'd to continue the War: Some Mony they sent at present, not enough to do the Business, but only to feed Hope, and a great Part of what was sent was still nibbled away by those that brought it. In the mean time, light Skirmishes past for some Months betwixt the Parties, but not at all contributing to the main Chance. Neither were other Parts of the Kingdom free from Plunderings,A Barony upon the Water of Bervy in Angus. and Firings: Adam Gordon gather'd a Party, and, entring Angus, besieg'd Douglas's House of Glembervy; and, finding that himself was absent, they miserably Burnt and Destroy'd all that he left behind, which struck such a Fear into those of Dundee, that they call'd in the Garisons from the adjoining Parts of Fife, to their Assistance; they were Enemies to the Gordonians, as having been highly Faithful,The Dundeans Enemies to the Gordons. continually, to the King's Cause. About this time,

A Castle on a Rock, lying in the Firth of Forth, above Abercorn.

The Regent straitens Edinburgh.

Archibald Douglas apprehended, upon Suspicion of his Tampering with the Enemy.

Blackness was betray'd by the Governor thereof to the Hamiltons. 'Tis a Castle that hinders commerce betwixt Leith and Sterlin. The Regent broke down all the Mills about Edinburgh, he also garison'd all the Noble Men's Houses about it, and stopt all Passages into the City; many Prisoners were taken on both sides. Archibald Douglas, one of Morton's familiar Friends, was apprehended on Suspicion, which was increas'd upon him, by the Baseness of his former Life; and also, by some Letters found about him; yea, even after he was taken, entercourse of Letters past betwixt him and the Enemy; which evidenc'd, that he had assisted the Rebels, by Advice and Action, too; as having transmitted to them, both Mony and Arms.

THE END.

An ALPHABETICAL TABLE of the Principal Matters contained in the foregoing HISTORY.

[Page]

NB. FOR the Reader's Ease and Conveniency, in the speedy finding out of the Quotations in the following Table, (as also in the Catalogue of the Scotish Kings, preceding this History) he is desired to take notice, That, whereas a new Alphabet and Folio, doth begin at the later Part of this History, viz. at Book 13. and so continues to the End; all the Quotations marked between Parentheses's, do belong to the Folio's and Pages of the said later Part only: The rest do all belong to the former Part.

A

A

Page

ABercorn-Castle, 22

Aberdeen, 19

Famous for Salmon-Fishing, ibid.

Aberdone, ibid.

Aberbrothock, or Abrinca, ibid.

Abernethy, wherein was the old Palace of the Picts Kings, 16, 18

Abria, or Abyr, a Country or Shire, the Etymology thereof, 19

Abridic, or Erisbach-Isle, 25

Abthane, an old Name of Magistracy and Dignity amongst the Scots, See Thane. 187, 206

Achaius King of Scotland, 164

He makes a defensive War against the Irish, ibid.

The First of the Scotish Kings that ever made a League with France, 165

Achnar-Isle, 26

Acho, King of Norwey, lands in Air with a great Fleet, 241

Is overthrown, and dies of Grief, ibid.

Achmode-Isles: See Aebudae ▪

Adams Isle, 30

Adamannus, 161

Adam Huntly taken Prisoner by the Earl of Murray, (170)

Ado Viennensis quoted and corrected, 87

Adrian passes out of France into Britain, 112

His Wall, ibid.

Adrian, the Pope's Legate, in England, 433

Advatici, Who? 10

Aebudae Islands, 22

Their Number, ibid.

Aelius Pertinax in Britain, 117

Aelius Spartianus quoted, 118

Aemodae Isles, the same with Aebudae.

Aeneia, 18, 170

Air, 14

Aestions spake the British Language, 50

They inhabited Prussia, 77

Aetius, the Britains crave Aid of him, 93

Afulla Isle, 31

Agnes Keith, Daughter of the Earl of Merch, married to James Earl of Murray, (161)

Agathyrsi painted their Bodies, 53

Aidan, King of Scots, invested in that Dignity by Columb, 155

Ailmer, Edward of England's General, overthrows Bruce, 12, 61

Air County, 20

Alan of Lorn, keeps his Brother Prisoner, 407, 408

He is imprisoned himself, ibid.

Albanact Son of Brute, from him the Scots called Albani, 42

Albinick, the Scots so called, 11

Albium, or Albion Isle, retains the Name of Britanny, 1

More Islands than one anciently so called, ibid.

Its Etymology, 11, 12

Album, or White, the Name of Height, as well as of Colour; whence many Words are derived, as Albingaunum, Albula, Albici, Albini, &c. 11

Alcluyth, 92

Alexander I. King of Scots, 221, 222

Why Sirnamed Acer, ibid.

His Iustice to a poor Woman, 222

He is relieved by Hermites, ibid.

Alexander II. 237

Enters England, and takes Carlile, ibid.

He and his Queen visit Henry of England, 239

[Page]His Queen dies at London, 239

He marries a French Lady, ibid.

Alexander III. 240

The Nobles combine against him, 241

He hath an Interview with Henry of England, 240

Is made Knight by him, and espouses Margarite his Daughter, ibid.

Assists the King of England, 243

He and his Queen present at the Coronation of King Edward I. He marries Joleta a French Lady, 244

He forbids Traffick by Sea, ibid.

He reduces the Train of his Nobles in Travelling, ibid.

His violent and untimely Death, ibid.

His Character, ibid.

Alexander, Duke of Albany, Brother of James III. taken by the English, 407

But soon released, ibid.

Committed Prisoner to Edinburgh Castle, 421

Whence he craftily made his Escape, ibid.

And coming to the King of England, solicits him to take Arms, 425

He is recalled by the Scots, and hath the chief Government bestowed upon him, 427

He restores his Brother James to the free Possession of the Kingdom, ibid.

He falls again into Disgrace, and dies in France, 430

Alexander, the Son of Alexander of Albany, ibid.

Alexander Boyd abuses and wounds John Kennedy, 410

His is tried for his Life, 414

Beheaded, ibid.

Alexander Bruce surrenders himself to Baliol, 287

Slain in a Fight with the English, 290

Alexander, Earl of Buchan, base-born Son to Robert II. 307

Alexander Cambel, a Dominican, the Notoriety of his End, (53)

Alexander Cuningham slain (with King James III.) in his Army, 433

Alexander Cuningham brings Aid to the Reformers, (129)

Being taken Prisoner, he takes him Prisoner, whose Captive he was, before, (282)

Alexander Elphinston slain in Fight, (26)

Alexander Forbes marries Graecina Boyd, (6)

Alexander Forbes taken by Adam Gordon, (284)

Alexander, Earl of Crawford, deserts Douglas, and submits to the King, 388

Alexander, Earl of Glencarn, banished, (175)

A General in the King's Army, (220)

Alexander Gordon beats the Earl of Crawford, 387

Alexander Hume marches into England, (19)

He brings his Squadron off safe from Flodden Field, (25)

His great Authority, (28)

Accused by Hepburn, (33)

Sides with the Queen, (34)

Goes for England, is reconciled to the Regent, and returns, ibid.

He raises an Insurrection, (35)

His Goods confiscate, he is taken and beheaded, (36)

Alexander Hume, as a Proxy, takes the Coronation-Oath for James VI. yet a Child, (214)

He is General of the King's Army, (220)

Wounded, (221)

Revolts to the Queen's Party, (243)

His Castle taken and rifled by the English, (256)

He is chief in the Council of the Rebels, (280)

Taken Prisoner, but by the coming in of his Friends released, (281)

Alexander Haliburton wounded, and dies, (141)

Alexander Levingston made Supream Governour, or Regent, 357

He puts the Queen in Prison, 364

Disagrees with Creighton the Chancellour, 360, 364

The King taken out of his Hands, 365

Reconciled to the Chancellour, 366, 368

Lays down his Office, 372

Is brought to his Trial, and remanded to Prison, 375

Alexander, the Son of William Levingston, taken Prisoner, (265)

Alexander, the Islander, gathers together a Band of Free-booters, 341

But is forced to submit to the King, 342

Alexander Lindsy overcomes Alexander Ogilby, 273, 274

Alexander Macrory, Captain of Thieves, executed, 341

Alexander, Earl of Marr, the Son of Alexander, 348, 349

Alexander Ramsay, a brave Souldier, 299

His House the School of War, ibid.

He takes Roxburgh, 300

Wounded, and starved to Death, by Douglas, 301

[Page] Alexander Ramsay's chearful Forwardness in surprizing Dumbarton Castle, (265)

Alexander Seton sent to Berwick, (287)

Having no hopes of Relief, he surrenders up the Town to the English, (290)

Alexander Stuart, Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, slain at Flodden-Fight, (29)

Alexander Stuart's Encounter with the King of Norway, 242

Allectus, a Roman, slain, 124

Alfrid, King of Northumberland, 161

Alnwick Castle taken, 398

Alsa, or Ailze Isle, 24

Alpa, for Alba, 11

Alps, whence so called? ibid.

Alpin, King of Scots, 166

Slain by the Picts, ibid.

Altissidorus, i. e. Auxerre in France, 68

Alured, King of England, makes Peace with the Scots, 177

Amberkeleth King of Scots, 162

Slain, ibid.

Ammianus Marcellinus quoted, 88, 89

Amiens, the Bishop thereof in Scotland, his Cruelty, (148)

St. Andrews, 18

Its Vniversity, when erected, 333

Andreae Fanum; and Fanum Reguli, i. e. St. Andrews, why so called? 16

Andrews, a great Astrologer, 420

Andrew, the Apostle, Tutelary of Scotland, 218

Andrew Briton, or Breton, his Story, (18)

Slain by Thomas Howard, the English Admiral, (19)

Andrew Berclay beheaded for Treason, 273

Andrew Car escapes out of Prison, (36)

He disagrees with Douglas, (38)

Andrew Car revenges his Father's Death, (18)

Andrew Car beaten by the Duke of Norfolk, (120)

Andrew Forman sent into England and France by James IV. (16)

He hath a great many Church-Preferments, (29)

Sent again into England, (26)

He is accused by Hepburn, (33)

Mediates for Peace, (35)

Andrew Murray, Bruce's Sister's Son, Regent, 296

Taken by the English, 288

Ransomed, 294

His Faithfulness and Death, 297

Andrew, Earl of Rothes, banished, 175

Andrew Wood faithful to King James III. (1)

Admiral of the Scots Navy, (1)

Reconciled to James IV. (2)

Overcomes the English in one Sea-Fight, ibid.

And also in a second, (4)

Andrew Stuart, Chancellour, 413

His Freedom of Speech against a Popish King, (173)

He is wounded in Fight, (222)

Angus, 18

Angus, or Aeneas, raised an Insurrection in Galway, 230

Angusianus, King of Scotland, 126

Slain by the Picts, ibid.

Annandale, so called from the River Annand, 13, 14

Anna Momorancy suspects the Power of the Guises in France, not without Cause, (121)

Anselm, the Norman, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, 219

Anti-Assemblies in Scotland, two, (276, 280)

Anthony Darcy slain by David Hume, (38)

Apparition to King Kenneth III. upon his Murder of Malcolm, 195

Apparition to King James IV. dissuading him from a War with England, (20, 21)

Apoceanitae, Who? 10

Apology of the Scots Nobles to the Queen of England, (267, &c. 272, &c.)

Apostacy punished by God, 159

Arran, or Arren, Island, 24

Arborary, or Tree Isle, 25

Archibald Douglas created Regent, 288

He is slain by the English, 290

Archibald, Earl of Douglas, sirnamed the Austere, his Feuds with Geo. Dunbar, 325

He dies, 326

Archibald, his Son, succeeds him, who is taken Prisoner by the English, 329

Released, ibid.

Made Duke of Turein by the Dolphin of France, 336

Slain by the English there, ibid.

Archibald Douglas his great Power, 359

His affronting Answer to the Chancellor, 362

His Death, 363

Archibald Douglas his Oration to the Nobles against the King's Evil Counsellors, 423

With the Effects thereof, 424

Archibald Douglas his Speech to King James IV. dissuading him to fight the English, (22)

At which the King is offended, and Douglas retires in Discontent, (23)

He marries the Widow of James IV. (29)

Accused by Hepburn, (33)

Takes Edinburgh, but resigns up the Government thereof, (38)

Flies into England, (34)

[Page]Returns from France and England into Scotland, (46)

Opposed by his Wife, (46)

Chosen one of the Governours of King and Kingdom, (47)

Overthrows Lennox, (50)

Forbid to meddle with the Government, (53)

Outlawed and banished, (56)

Returns after fifteen Years Exile, (75)

Coming to compose Controversies, he is detained by Hamilton, (82)

His memorable Speech and Fact, (87)

He persuades the Regent to break with the Cardinal, and to side with the Nobles, (88)

He beats the English, (89)

Archbishop of St. Andrews (with the Bishop of Aberdene) imprisoned, (46)

Archbishop of St. Andrews executed as Accessory to the King and Regent's Murders, (266)

Ardan Rider, or the High Isle of the Horseman, 28

Ardiescar Isle, 25

Aremorici, or Armorici, Who? 7, 8

Argadius, Regent, 115

Being accused, he repents, and supplicates for Pardon, ibid.

Whereupon, he is continued in his Government, ibid.

And prevails against the Islanders, 116

Argyle Country, 17

Argyle, Earl, joins with the Reformers, (131)

Arren, see Arran.

Arrii painted their Bodies, 53

Arrogance, the usual Companion of Power, 412

Arthur Uterson's begotten in Adultery, King of the Britains, 150

His Character, 154

He overcomes the Saxons, and takes London and York from them, ibid.

He is slain, 151, 152

Arthur, the Son of Henry VIII. of England, marries Katherine the Infanta of Spain, (11, 14)

Arthur Forbes slain, (284)

Arve [...]ni, Who? 46

Asclepiodotus, a Roman Lieutenant-General, kills Allectus in Britain, 124

Askerme Isle, 29

Assassination of King Henry odious to all Nations, (192)

Assassins of King Henry labour to impute the Parricide to Murray and Morton, (191)

Astrological Predictions, Courtiers much addicted to them, 418

Asyle Isle. See Flavannae, 30

Athelstan, King of England, fights the Picts, 165

He is slain at a Place, since called Athelstan's Ford, 165

Athelstan, base Son of Edward King of England, overcomes the Danes and Scots in Battel, 179, 180

Recovers Dunbritton from the Scots, ibid.

Athircus, or Athirco, King of Scotland, 119

He reigns vitiously, and kills himself, 120

Athol, a fruitful Country, 18

It abounds with Witches, 357

Atrebates, Who? 56

Aven, 15

Aven and Avon, What they signify? 70

Avon Laggan, 26

Avona Isle, its Etymology, 25

Auresius Ambrosius his Original, 146, 147

Aureliacum (i. e.) Orilhach, 60

Austin, a Monk, comes into England, and calls himself Archbishop of all Britain, 157

He promotes Superstition rather than true Religion, ibid.

Authority, got by good Arts, is lost by bad, (208)

Avus, or Aw, a Loch or River, 17

Auxerre; see Altissidorus.

B

B

BACA Isle, 27

Badenach County, 19

Balta Isle, 37

Baliol (Edward) lands in Scotland, 285

Overthrows Seton and the Regent, ibid.

Declared King, 286

Worsted in Scotland, 287

Edward of England espouses his Cause, 288

Bandying betwixt him & the Nobles, 291, 292

Ball, a Priest, stirs up the Commons of England to an Insurrection, 309

Bancho, a Scots General, 208

Overthrows the Danes, 210

Slain by Mackbeth, 211

Baptism celebrated but once a Year, and sometimes by Parents themselves, 30

Bards, Who? 39, 57

They committed nothing to writing, 35

Barnera Island, 29, 30

Barodunum, or Dunbar, whence so called, 170

Baronia, (i. e.) Renfrew, 14

Barra Isle, 29

Bas-Alpin, the Place where Alpin was slain, 167

Bassianus, a Roman General in Britain, 124

Slain there by Allectus, ibid.

[Page] Bassinets, or Monk-Fishes, ominous, 175

Batavians, or Hollanders, their Fleet returning from Dantzick, spoiled by Alexander Earl of Marr, 349

Beath Island, 25

Beatrix, leaving her Husband James Douglas, asks Pardon of the King, 391

She marries John Earl of Athol, the King's Natural Brother, ibid.

Bedford, the Earl thereof, King Henry's General in France, carries James, of Scotland, along with him thither, 336

Bede quoted, 91, 92, 93

Beds made of Heath, 23

Bei, what it signifies, 22

Belhac Isles, 25

Bellach Isles, 25

Belus, King of the Orcades, kils himself, 106

Bergh, in German, signifies High, 12

Bergion, the Name of a Giant, 11

Berlings, What? 32

Bernera, an Island, 25

The Great and the Small, 29, 30

Berth, a great Part of it destroyed by an Inundation, 236

Berton for Breton, 5

Berwick taken from the English by Robert Bruce, 269

Besieged by Edward of England, 370

Rendred to the English, 397

Its Castle taken by Ramsay, but regained by Percy, 308

Bethic Isle, 26

Betubium, or Dungisby Head, a Promontory, 21

Bigga Isle, 37

Bishops of England not true to Maud their Queen, 224

Bishops in Scotland holy Monks, 165

Chosen heretofore by their Canons, 417

Anciently not Diocesans, 171

Bishop of Dunblane sent into France to excuse the Queen's Marriage with Bothwel, (200, &c.)

He is chouzed in his Embassy, (209)

Bishopricks, six in Scotland, 218

Four others added to them and endowed, 223

Bishop of Caithness had his Eyes and Tongue plucked out, 235

Another burnt, 236

Bishop of Caledonia, or Dunkel, commanded, when the English Navy was worsted in the Forth, 270

Whereupon called the King's Bishop, ibid.

Bishop of Dunkel commended, (40)

Bishop of Durham comes too late to assist Percy, 317, 319

His Army terrified with the Noise of Horses, 320

Bishop of St. Davids sent by the English King to the Scots, (63)

Bishop of the Orcades prefers Court-Favour before Truth, (199)

Bizets, a Family in Ireland, anciently from Scotland, 240

Blackmoney, What? 425

Blackness betrayed to the Hamiltons, (286)

Blandium, an old Drink amongst the Scots, 23

Blair of Athol, 18

Blood rained for seven days over all Britain, 261

Also Milk, &c. turned into Blood, ibid.

Bogia, or Strabogy, 140

Boadicea; see Voadicea.

Bodotria, (i. e.) the Scotish Sea, 100

Boids creep into Favour at Court, 409

Their Faction against the Kennedies, 410

They carry the King to Edinburgh, and strengthen themselves by getting the King's Pardon, 411

Their Greatness occasions their Ruin, 412

Boin Country, 20

Bote, or Boot, Isle, 24

Bracara, or Braga, 47

Braid Albin, 17

Brasa Isle, 37

Brecantia, a Town, 65

Bredius overthrown by Ederus, 106

Brendinus slain in Battel, 156

Brennus's, Two, 79

Brettish Isles, 4

Bria, Brica, Briga, signify a City, with the Names of several Cities so ending, 63, 64, 65

Bridi Isle, 26

Brien-Loch, 31

Brigantes and Brigiani, 65

Brigantium, ibid.

Brigidan Isle, 26

Brigids, or Brides, Church burnt, 408

Britanny, its Description, 1, &c.

Several Islands anciently so called, ibid.

Mentioned by Aristotle and Lucretius, 3

It hath divers Acceptations, 8

Its Original and Description out of Caesar, Tacitus, &c. 81, 82

Inhabited by three Nations, 70, 71

Several Limits of it anciently, 180

Britains, their fabulous Original, 41

They praised God in five Tongues, 33

Britains and Gauls of one Religion, 56

They painted their Bodies, 76

Made no difference of Sex in Government, 85

[Page]Vexed by the Scots and Picts, 139

They ask Aid of the Romans, 93, 135, 136

Make Peace with Scots and Picts, 139

Enter Scotland, 100

Foment Divisions betwixt Scots and Picts, 95

Overthrown by Scots and Picts, 142

Their woful Complaints to Aetius, 93, 143

Have hard Conditions of Peace imposed upon them, 141

What sort of Weapons they used in War, 50

They were five hundred Years under the Roman Government, 70

Overthrown by Scots and Picts, 156

Subdued by the Saxons, 70

Revolt from the Romans, and after twelve Years return to their Obedience, 124

Britton and Britain, all one, 9

Their Origin, 50

Britto, with a double t, 5

First mentioned by Martial, 9

Brix, a diminutive Word in Scotch, Brixac, 60

Bruce and Cumins formally agree, 259

Like to suffer for Treason in England, but escapes by shooing his Horse backward, 260

Kils Cumins for betraying of him, ibid.

Bruce (David) sent for France, 286

Bruce (Edward) drives the English out of Ulster in Ireland, 270

He is afterwards overthrown there by the English, ibid.

Bruce (Robert) the Kingdom confirmed to him, 269

He is desired to accept the Crown of Ireland also, ibid.

He calls for the Deeds of Mens Lands, 271

And receives an Affront thereupon, ibid.

A Conspiracy discovered against him, ibid.

He agrees with Baliol, then in France, 274

His Army enters England, 275

His last Will and Testament, 279

His three Counsels to his Nobles, ibid.

He would have his Heart buried at Jerusalem, 280

His Death and Praise, 281

Brudeus, King of the Picts, 156

Brudus, King of the Picts, slain, 166, 167

Brutus, his Story, 41 to 44

Buchan, 19

Its Etymology, 139

Buchan, the Earl thereof made Lord High-Constable of France, 335

Bull's Head put upon a Man's, heretofore a sign of Death in Scotland, 370

Burgundus from Burgus, 63

Bullock, an English Man, turns to the Scots, 298

Put to Death, 301

Burgh, a Danish Name, 201

Burra Isle, 35, 36, 37

Buthroti, Who? 46

Buiia Isles, great and small, 29, 30, 70

C

C

CAdvallus made Vice-King, 105

He dies of Grief, 106

Caithness, 21, 133

Caithness Men cruel against their Bishop, and are punished for it, 239

Calaman Isle, 26

Calden in Scotch is an Hasel, 56

Caledonia, a Town, (i. e.) Dunkel, 18

Caledones, Who? ibid.

Caledonian Woods, whence so called? 56

Caledonians, Picts and Scots, sometimes all called Britains, 74

Calen Cambel, with two others, chosen Governour of the King and Kingdom, (47)

He is sent against the Douglasses, (56)

Calfa Isle, 27

Calthrops, politick Engines in War, what? 266

Camber, Son of Brute, 42

Cambri, ibid.

Why so called, 61

Camus, the Dane, slain by the Scots, 202

Ca [...]a Isle, 26, 28

Cantire Promontory, 17

Canutus, a Danish General in Scotland, 202

Makes Peace with the Scots, 203

Caprary, or Goat, Isle, 25

Cara Isle, 25

Carail Town, 18

Purged from Monuments of Idolatry, (131)

Caratacus, King of Scotland, 107

The Orcades not subdued by Claudius Caesar in his Time, 108

Carausius, a Roman, composes the Differences betwixt Scots and Picts, 124

He seizes on Britain for himself, ibid.

Carausius, Brother of King Findocus, causes him to be slain, 122

Cardorus unjustly put to death by Dardanus, 188

Carick, 14

Carniburgh's, two Islands, 27

Carron-water, 15

Carron, why sirnamed Schrimger, 218

Cave, an unusual one, turning Water into Stone, 20

Cassivelannus his Town, (i. e.) Verulam, taken by Caesar, 82

Cecily, Edward of England's Daughter, promised in Marriage to the Son of James III. 422

[Page]The intended Marriage null'd, and the Dowry repaid, 427

Celestine, Pope, sends Palladius into Scotland, 145

Cells, so the ancient Scots called their Temples, 125

Celts, Who? 58

Celtiberi, so called from the Celts and Iberians, 49

Celuinus, or Cialine, King of the East-Saxons, 156

Slain by the Scots, 157

Charles, the Dolphin of France, seeks Aid of the Scots, 334

Charles of Burgundy slain at Nants, 420

He lays the Foundation of Tyranny in his Country, 434

Charles the Fifth sends to Scotland, to join in Affinity with them, (63)

Why his Mother was committed to perpetual Imprisonment, (269)

Charles Guise Cardinal, Guarantee for the Kingdom of Scotland. (114)

Charn Islands, 27

Chourna Isle, ibid.

Childeric, a Saxon Commander, wounded, 152

Christian Religion promoted in Scotland, 125

Christ's Birth-day prophaned, 151

Christians join in League against the Danes, 176

Christiern of Denmark, with all his Male-Stock, cast out of the Kingdom, (269)

Chualsa Isle, 73

Cicero quoted about Britain, 86

Church, its woful State, 417

Cimbri, so the French and Germans call Thieves, 77, 78

Cities Names in Bria, Brica, Briga, 63, 64, 65

In Dunum, 65, 66, 67

In Durum, 68

In Magus, 69

Clacman Prefecture, or Stewarty, 18

Clarence, Duke of it slain in France by the Scots, 335

Clarshacks, What? 24

Claudian, a Verse in him corrected by Joseph Scaliger, 76

Cleirach Isle, 31

Cloich Isle, 25

Clydsdale, 13, 14

Cluyth, 92

Cnapdale, 17

Cockburn Forest, or Path, 13

Cockrane, one of King James the IIId's Evil Counsellors, put to Death, 425

Coemeteries for the Kings of three Nations, 27

Coilus, King of the Britains, slain by the Scots, 96

Colca, a rare kind of Bird, 32

Colgernus, a Saxon Commander, killed, 152

Coll Isle, 27

Collonsa Isle, 26

Colman, an holy Bishop, 160

Columb, the Saint, his Monastery, 26

His great Authority, 155

He tells of a Victory at a very great distance, 155, 156

His Death, 157

Columb Isle▪ see Icolumbkill,

Colvansa Isle, 27

Colurn, (i. e.) Chourna, or Hasel Isle, 26

Comes Stabuli, Who? 247

Commodus, the Emperor, in Britain, 117

Common [...]lty usually comply with the Humour of their Prince, 188

Affect Innovations, 413

Competitors for the Crown of Scotland, with their several Pretensions, 248

The Controversy not decided in Scotland, but referred to Edward of England, ibid.

The Case, as stated by Edward, and propounded to Lawyers, 249

Bruce refuses the Kingdom offered him on ignoble Terms, 250

Edward decides for Baliol, ibid.

Competitors for the Regency, (283)

Conanus elected Vice-Roy, 101

Conanus perswades to Peace, but is seditiously slain by the Britains his Country-men, 141

Conarus, King of Scotland, joins in a Conspiracy against his Father, 113

He demands large Subsidies, but is denied, 114

He wars against the Britains, 113

Ends his Life in Prison, 115

Confidence sometimes praised for Constancy, 358

Congal I. King of Scotland, 147

Congal II. enriches Priests, 159

Congal III. 166

Conscience guilty gives no Rest, 195

Constantine Chlorus in Britain, 124

Chosen General by the Brittons, 125

Made their King, 143

Slain by Vortigern, ibid.

Constantine, the Emperour, born, 124

Constantine I. King of Scots, 145

Reigns wickedly, ibid.

His violent Death, 146

Constantine II. 174

Renews publick Discipline, ibid.

Slain by the Picts, 175

[Page] Constantine III. 179

Makes a League with the Danes, ibid.

Invades the Subjects Right, ibid.

Abjures the Kingly Office, 172

And retires into a Monastery, 180

Constantine IV. sirnamed Calvus, 196

Canvasses for the Crown, ibid.

Inveighs against the Law of Kenneth, about Hereditary Succession, 197

[...], the Decree of its Council seasonable for Perjured Persons, (77)

Controversy between the Baliols and the Bruces concerning the Crown of Scotland, 245, &c.

Convention of the Nobles to choose a Regent after Murray's Death, (251)

Cony Isle, 25, 30 See Sigrama.

Corbred I. King of Scots, 108

Corbred II. sirnamed Galdus, 109

He first fought with the Romans, ibid.

And beat them out of Caledonia, 111

Cornavii, 22

They are in Scotland and England too, 60

Cornish rise against Henry VII. of Enggland, (10, 11)

Cornovallia, or Cornuvallia, whence derived? 60

Corshera Isle, 26

Coval, 17

Covihaslop; see Round Isle.

Council of Constance send Embassadors to Scotland, 334

They deny Faith to be kept with those they call Hereticks, (77)

Count of Rothes committed to Prison, (92)

Coupins-oy, 36

Courtesy to Prisoners, 319

Courts many times prefer Honour before Honesty, 333

Cowper, a Town, 18

Cracoviac; see Kirkwal.

Craford (Earl of it) takes part with the Douglasses, 384

But afterwards deserts them, 389

And is received into Pavour by the King, ibid.

Crackles, (i. e.) little jangling Bells, terrify Horses, 307

Crathilinthus King of Scots, 123

Much addicted to hunting, 124

Crathilinthus kils his Grandfather, 192

He rises in Arms, but is suppressed, 193

Cree River, 14

Cressingham, an English General, slain by the Scots, 255

Creighton sent Embassador into France, 376

Croke, the French Embassador, dislikes the Queen's Marriage with Bothwel, (199)

He mediates a Peace, (208, 209)

Crowling Isle, 28

Cruelty, an Example thereof, 329

Culbrenin Isle, 25

Culdees, a kind of Monks, 18, 125

Worshippers of God. 18

Culen, King of Scots, an incestuous Person, 184, 185

He is slain by a Strumpet, 187

Cull, 196

Culross, whence so called? 170

Cumbra Isles, the greater and the lesser, 25

Cumbri and Cumri, 75

Cumins, their Faction powerful, 240

Cumins overthrows Gilespy, 239

Cumins (John) overthrown by Bruce, 264

Cumins (William) poisoned by his Wife, 241

Cuningham, 14

Cuningham's overcome by the Hamiltons, (85)

Cup of St. Magnus; see Magnus.

Curia, a Parish-Church, 26

Curry, a Mercha [...]t, an Instrument in surprizing Edinburgh [...]stle, 299

Cutberectus, 161

D

D

DAal, what it signifies in Old Scotish, 100

Dalkeith, 13

Dalreudini, why the Scots so called? 100

Danes enter England, 71

Invade Scotland, 174

Fight a bloody Battel with the English, 178

Turn Christians, ibid.

Land in Scotland, 182

Are overthrown, ibid.

Danish Fleet lands again in Scotland, 190

Stupified by an inebriating Drink, and overcome by the Scots, 209

Swear never to return to invade Scotland any more, 210

Dangers make Men sagacious, 26

Dardanus, King of Scots, 108

His cruel Reign, and violent Death, ibid.

David I. King of Scots, 212

Profuse towards Monasteries, 223

Maintains the Cause of Maud, his Kinswoman, against Stephen of England, 224

Accuses him of Perjury, ibid.

Makes two Accords with Stephen, 225, 226

Henry, Heir of England, made Knight by him, 226

[Page]Loses his hopeful Son, yet comforts himself and his Nobles, in a Christian Discourse thereupon, 226

He erects new Bishopricks, 223

His extraordinary Character for Piety and Virtue, 227

David, King William's Brother, accompanies Richard, of England, to the Holy War, 235

He is shipwrack'd, and taken Prisoner, yet at last returns, ibid.

David II. anointed King of Scotland, 282

Sent into France, when he was a Child, 286

Returns to Scotland, 300

Taken Prisoner in a Fight by the English, 302

Ransomed, 304

His Death and Character, 305, 306

David Cumins appointed Ruler over Scotland by the English, 293

He and Douglas disagree, 294

Forced to take an Oath to Bruce, ibid.

Makes large Promises to Edward of Enggland, 295

Follows the good Success of the English, ibid.

Left by the English King as Regent of Scotland, where his Army is overthrown, and he himself slain, 296

David, the Son of Robert III ▪ imprisoned, and starved to Death by his Vncle, who was his Governour, 328, 329

David Beton, the Cardinal, (73)

Chosen Regent by a pretended Will, but, the Fraud being discovered, he is displaced and imprisoned, (75)

He endeavours to avert the imminent Ruin of Popery, (76)

He chouzes Lennox with vain Hopes of marrying the Queen, (80)

He grieves to be deprived of a rich Morsel, which he had swallowed in his Hopes, (81)

He is sharply reproved by Montgomery, (91)

His Cruelty against Protestants, (93)

He espouses his Daughter to the Earl of Craford's Son, (97)

He is slain in his Castle, with the manner thereof, (98)

His foul Character, (99)

David Douglas, with his Brother William, beheaded▪ 370

David Hamilton defends the Cause of the Gospel, (93)

David Panater, or Painter, Bishop of Ross, made an Abbat by the King of France, (113)

David Rize, a Musician, his Story, (171)

He persuades the Queen to cut off the Scotish Nobility, (177)

His Court-Preferments, Familiarity with the Queen of Scots, violent Death and Burial, (179 to 183)

David Spence slain, (282)

David Straiton, or Straton, burnt for a Lutheran, (63)

Death better than a miserable Life, (12)

Dee, a River in England, 13

Three of that Name in Scotland, 14, 70

Deidonum, i. e. Dundee, 18

Deiri, Who? 159

Delators, or Informers, appointed by Evenus, 13

Denmark, the King thereof bargains with the Embassador of Scotland to quit his Right to the Islands about Scotland, 413

Derivative Words shew the Affinity of a Language, 6 [...]

Dessius, General of the French Forces in Scotland, (106)

Called home by the King of France, (110)

Descants on the Law about Hereditary Succession of the Crown, 205

Descants on over-severe Executions of Criminals, 358

Deucaledonian Sea, What? 21

Diana's Oracle counterfeited by a Monk, 44, 45

Dicaledones, rather to be read Duncaledones, in Marcellinus, 56

Dioclesian, a supposed King of Syria, 41

Dionethus gives himself forth to be King of the Brittons, 136

Dion quoted concerning Britain, 90, 91, 118

Dona River, 20

Donachs, or Duncans, Bay, 22

Donald I. King of Scots, 117

He first received the Christian Religion, ibid.

Donald II. 122

Overthrown by Donald the Islander, and dies, ibid.

Donald, Brother of Malcolm III. yields up the Possession of the Islands to the King of Norwey, 23

Donald III. 123

Reigns Tyrannically, and is slain by Crathilinthus, ibid.

Donald IV. (or Donebald) sends Christian Doctors into England, and interprets pious Sermons to the People, himself, 159

Donald V. Brother of Kenneth, 172

Reigns licentiously, and is put in Prison, 173

Donald VI. Son of Constantine II. 178

Donald VII. or Duncan, 204

Donald, Murderer of King Duffus, taken and executed, 185

[Page] Donald Bane calls himself King of the Aebudae, 164

He is slain, ibid.

Donald VIII. or Banus, 220

He promises the Islands to Magnus, King of Norwey, ibid.

Donald of Athol, 154

Donald Baloc overthrows Alexander, and Alan, Stuarts, 343

He is taken in Ireland, and his Head is sent to the King, 344

Donald, Lord of the Aebudae, rises in Arms, 333

With the Earl of Ross and Douglas, he fig [...]s with the King's Forces, ibid.

He is left by his Wife, 391

Sends Agents to make his Peace with the King, 392

After the King's Death, he plays Rex again, 408

He takes the Earl of Athol Prisoner, and burns St. Bride's Church, ibid.

He is shipwrack'd, and fals distracted, 409

Donald Monro commended, 22

He travelled over the Islands of Scotland, and described them, 31

Dongal, King of Scots, 168

He is drowned, ibid.

Dongard, King of Scots, 144

Opposes the Pelagian Heresy, 145

Dornadilla, King of Scots, 98

Dorstologus slain, 166

Dorus flies for fear of Nathalocus, 120

Dovallus kils King Nothatus, 99

He himself is slain in Battel, 100

Douglas River, 14

Douglas Dale, 140

Douglas made Duke of Turein, 336

Douglas slain by the Moors, 280

Douglas (William) takes Dundalk in Ireland, 314

Douglas (William) pardoned, 301

Douglas breaks in upon the English Army, 278

Douglasses their Power intolerable, 372, 377

Their Power broken, (53)

Drinach Isle, 25

Drix, 60

Druides, Who? 56

Drumalbin, 17

Drummilaw Sands, 209

Drunkenness punished with Death, 174

Druskins, King of the Picts, and all his Nobility, slain, 169

Drury intercedes for Peace between the Parties in Scotland, (278)

Duffa, or Dow, Isle, 25

Duffus, King of Scots, 181

Witchcraft practised upon his Body, 183

He is slain, 184

Dukes, when the Name first brought into Scotland, 325

Duke of York overthrown and slain by the Queen of England, 396

Dulcitius in Britain, 89

Dunacus, and Domnacus, 68

Dunbar, whence so called? 13, 14

Its Siege raised, 297

Fortified by Alexander against the King, but deserted by him, 421

Again possessed by him, and delivered to the English, 427

Retaken by the Scots, 429

Dunbritton, 17

The Castle surrendred to Robert Bruce, 268

Twice surprized, 371

Taken by the Queen, (164)

Retaken by the Regent by Surprize, with the Manner, how? (260)

Its Scituation, and why so called? (262,) (263)

Duncan, King of Scots, 229

He is slain. ibid.

Duncan, Earl of Marr, Regent, 284

Slain in Battel, 285

Duncan Stuart, rising in Arms, is suppressed, 323

Duncaledon, rather than Deucaledon, to be read in Ptolemy, 56

Dunchonel Isle, 25

Dundee, 18

Dundeans, Enemies to the Gordons, (286)

Dunedin, by the ancient Scots, now Edinburgh, 171

Dungisby Head, 22 See Betubium.

Duni pacis, what? 15, 119

Dunkelden, 18

Duno, or Dunum, Words so beginning or ending are the Names of Places, 65, 66, 67

Dunoter, 19

Dunsinnan Hill and Castle, 212

Dunstafnage, 20

Duodecemvirate in Scotland, 253

Dur, the Names of some Places derived therefrom, 68

Durstus, King of Scots, 102

He invites the Nobility to a Supper, and there treacherously kils them, ibid.

He is slain, 103

Durstus made King of the Picts, 132

Slain in Battel, 137

E

[Page]

E

EAnfrid, 159

Easdale Isle, 25

Easter-Day, a Dispute about it raised by Austin the Monk, 157

Eboracum, i. e. York, whence derived, 60

Ecclesiasticks their Power over Kings, 237

Their Avarice, 238, 243

They are reformed by Constantine II. are superstit [...]ous, 195

Eder preserved by his Nurse, 104

Educated by Cadvallus, 105

Created King of Scots, 106

Edgar, then in Scotland, demanded by William the Norman, 216

Returns to England, 217

Made King of the S [...]ots, 221

Builds Coldingham Abby, ibid.

Edifice, a strange one, 15

Edinburgh, (or Edinum) whence so called, 171

Its several Names, 175

How seated, (276)

A Convention held at one End, when the Enemy had the Castle at the other, ibid.

Edinburghers would not admit the English Exiles, nor Hamilton, to enter their City, (252)

Edmund, King of England, his Story, 215

He gives Cumberland and Westmoreland to Malcolm, King of Scots, 181

Edward I. King of England, takes away all Scotish Monuments, 119

Endeavours to bring Scotland under his Dominion, 249

Enters Scotland with a great Army, 264, 265

Overcomes the Scots, and forces them to swear [...]ealty to him, 259

Appoints Magistrates all over Scotland, ibid.

Desires Margarite of Norwey, Heiress of Scotland, a Wife for his Son, but she dies before her Marriage, 245

Edward II. succeeding his Father in the Kingdom of England, 263

Besieges Berwick, makes a Truce with the Scots, and retreats, 270, 271

Worsted in Scotland, 272

Is cast into Prison by his Wife and his Son, and there put to a cruel Death, 274

Edward III. King of England, makes Peace with the Scots, 300

Baliol tak [...] into his Protection, 288

H [...]s Cruelty to Alexander Seton's Children, 289

[...] Berwick, 288

Hath three Kings his Prisoners at once, 304

He overthrows the Scots, 290

Takes Berwick, 290

Enters Scotland once or twice, but retreats again, 293, 296

His Death, 308

Edward, Duke of York, cals himself King of England, 396

Edward IV. of England, makes Peace with the Scots, 416

He dies, 428

He laid the Foundation of Tyranny, 434

Edward VI. of England, an hopeful Prince, his Death, (114)

Edward Bruce called to be King in Ireland, 269

Assists his Brother Robert, 265

Edward Baliol with a numerous Fleet in the Bay of Forth, 284

He overcomes the Scots, 285

Enters on the Kingdom, 286

Swears Fealty to the King of England, 288

His supposititious Son, (7)

Education at Court, what? (160)

Egfrid, King of Northumberland, slain by the Picts, 161

Edwyn, of Northumberland, 159

Eels taken in abundance, 14

Egg Isle, See Rum. 28

Eglish, or Church Isle, 25

Eglisa, or Eglish-oy Isle, 36

Elbeouf, Marquess of it, stays with the Queen in Scotland, (154)

Elgin, a Town, 20

Eliot's Authority disallowed, 4

Elizabeth, Queen of England, sends Aid to the Reformers of Religion in Scotland, (141, 144)

Her grave Oration to the Embassador of the Queen of Scots, (155, 156, &c.)

She, in part, adopts the Cause of the Queen of Scots, (222)

Her Letters to the Regent to defer the Convention of the Estates, ibid.

Her other Letters to him, which break off the Course of his Victories, (223)

She is informed by the Regent, that the Cause of their Queen's deposing, was the Murder of her Husband, (227, 228)

She sends Letters to the Nobles of Scotland to receive their Queen again, (239, &c.)

Their Answer to her Letters, (241)

Howard's Conspiracy against her detected, (244)

She demands the English Fugitives to be given up to her by the Scots, (284)

She is made Arbiter between the Parties in Scotland, (260)

[Page]Some of her Council would have King James sent into England, (275)

Which the Scots refuse to do, (280)

She favours the King's Cause most, yet is (politickly) slow in her Aid, (279, 286)

Ella, an English King, 172

Embassadors from France desire the Scots to make War upon England, (119)

Embassadors from France and England to Scotland, 352

England divided by four Rivers, 13

The King thereof the Pope's Feudatary, 237

Its King makes Peace, or Truce, with the Scots, 249, 250

Enecus, General of the Danes, 200

Slain by the Scots, 201

Enemies not to be undervalued, 174, 291

Their sudden Liberality to be suspected, (43)

English, how said to rule over all Britain, 180

Incommoded in their March in Scotland, 276

Their Army worsted, 270

Quit their Claim to any Part of Scotland, 234

Regain a great Part of Scotland, 303

Drawn into an Ambush, 304

Their Army of 60000 Men, 274

Driven out of all Scotland, except Berwick, 300

English Souldiers less rapacious than the French, 313

Worsted in Scotland, 391

Overthrown by the Scots at Sea, 379

Ask Aid of the Scots against their own King, 392

English, their Horses frightned in Scotland, (42)

Make War on Scotland, (59)

Enter Scotland again, (86)

Are worsted, (89)

Again enter, (100)

And give the Regent a great Overthrow, (104)

Enter Scotland again, (105)

And prevail against James Douglas, (106)

English Fleet attempts the Orcades, (123)

English called Deliverers of Scotland, (152)

Send Aid to the Reformers in Scotland, (143)

Assist the Vindicators of King and Regent's Murderers against the Queen's Faction, (253, &c. 256, 257)

Their Queen Elizabeth designed to be destroyed, and the King of Scots, too, (280)

Enner, what it signifies, 106

Ennerlute, or Ennerlochy, a Mart-Town, 20

Ennerness, a Mart-Town, 106

Eorsa Isle, 27

Eoy Isle, 29

Ericaean, or Heath Isle, 26

Erisbach Isle; see Abridic.

Eriscaia, or Erisay, Isle, 30

Erin Isle, ibid.

Erra Isle, 26

Esk River, 13

South and North, 19

Thence the Country called Eskdale, 13

Etfin, King of Scots, 163

Ethelfrid, King of Northumberland, 156

Routs the Scots, 157

Marches into Galway, ibid.

Ethodius I. King of Scots, makes Laws about Hunting, 112

Overcomes the Islanders, ibid.

Slain by Night in his Bedchamber, by his Harper, ibid.

Ethodius II. rules by his Deputies, 119

Is slain, ibid.

Ethus, King of Scots, 171

Eu Island, 31

Eubonia, or Man, Isle, 24

Evenus I. King of Scots, 103

Aids the Picts against the Brittons, ibid.

The first that required an Oath of Allegiance of his Subjects▪ ibid.

First settles Itinerary Iudges in Scotland, ibid.

Evenus II. 105

Overthrows the Orkney Men, 106

Evenus III. noted for Obscenity, 107

He makes a Law for Polygamy, ibid.

Is slain, ibid.

Eugenius I. or Evenus, King of Scots, 127

Slain by the Romans, 128

Evenus, an Islander, put to Death, 174

Eugenius II. 138

His Character, 144

In his time the Romans leave Britain, ibid.

Eugenius III. Brother of Congal, King of Scots, 154

Assists against the Saxons, ibid.

Eugenius IV. Brother of Aidanus, 158

Brought up under Columb, ibid.

He harbours the fugitive Saxons, ibid.

Eugenius V. 161

Eugenius VI. ibid.

Learned in Theology, ibid.

In his Time it rained Blood, ibid.

Eugenius VII. causes the memorable Facts of Kings to be recorded, 162

He is suspected for the Murder of his Queen, but causlesly, ibid.

Eugenius VIII. slain in an Assembly of the Nobles, 163

Evonia Castle, 20

Eusdale County so called from the River Ewes, 13, 140

[Page] Examples of Princes more influential on Subjects than their Laws, 155

Exchequer Officers defend sometimes most unjust Laws, 113

Exchequer Profits, sometimes Disprofits, 35

Excommunication, unjustly pronounced, affects not the Excommunicated, 272

Exile more tolerable than Servitude, 132

F

F

FAbilla, or Fable, Isle, 30

Fair, or Fara, Isle, 36

Faith, or Fidelity, towards wicked Persons unsteadfast, 105, 107

Sacred among Souldiers, 319, 330

Not to be kept with Hereticks, as Papists say, (130)

Falamgal Isle; see Finlagan,

Falcons, in the Isle of Muick, 28

Famine breaks stout Spirits, 140

Famine and Pestilence in Scotland, 388

Fara Isle, 29

Farrow-head, 21

Faunus's Oracle, 43

Fenella commands Kenneth to be slain, 169

Feraia Isle, 29

Ferchard I. King of Scots, 158

Endeavours to introduce Tyranny, ibid.

Maliciously nourisheth Factions amongst his Nobles, and is guilty of the Pelagian Heresy, 159

He kils himself, ibid.

Ferchard II. wickedly kils his Wife, and abuseth his Daughters, 160

He is excommunicated, reproved by Coleman, and repouts at his Death, ibid.

Feredeth, King of the Picts, 166

Ferelay Island, 30

Fergus I. King of Scots, sent for out of Ireland, 95

The Kingdom settled on him by Common Consent, 96

Drowned at Carickfergus in Ireland, 97

Came first into Albium, when Alexander the Great took Babylon, ibid.

Fergus II. whilst a Child, flies by Sea, with his Parents, into Scandia, is recalled from thence, and made King, 133, 134

He is slain in Fight, 137

His Praise, with a Comparison between him and Fergus I. ibid.

He is deservedly called, The second Founder of the Scotish Kingdom, ibid.

Fergus III. poisoned by his Wife for his Adulteries, 163

She owns the Fact, and kils her self, 164

Fergus of Galway's Children disagree after his Death, 246

Feritharis, King of Scots, 97

An old Law concerning Succession to the Crown, made in his Time, ibid.

Ferlegus, Son of Fergus, conspires against his Vncle, for which he is condemned, 97, 98

Fethelmach, King of Scots, 127

Fidler, or Harper, One kils King Ethodius I. 116

Another assists to destroy Fethelmach, 127

Fifteen Iudges appointed in Scotland, but soon disused, (59)

Fife County, 18

So called from Fifus, 170

Fights memorable between Scots and English, 355

At Bannock, 267

At Otterborn, 317, 318, 319

Fish shapeless, 29

A strange sort, ibid.

Fincormachus, King of Scots, 125

Findochus, King of Scots, 121

Overcomes Donald, ibid.

Is slain by means of his Brother Caransius, 122

Finelaw, or Finlaw, Bishop, Author of ill Counsels, 339

Finlagan Isle, 26

Finnanus, King of Scots, 102

Fiole Isle, 25

Flada Isle, 24, 28, 29, 30

Flanders, Artificers sent for from thence into Scotland, 347

Flata Island, 36

Flattery, the Pest of great Families, 363, 380

Flavanae Isles, 30

Fordun, 19

Forestia, ibid.

Forth, or Scotish Sea, 13

Fortune, an Example of its Inconstancy, 375

Fotlar Isle, 37

Francs, Who? 46

Francis I. King of France, by the help of the King of England, restored to liberty out of the Hands of the Spaniards, (62)

He sends the Earl of Lennox into Scotland, (78)

Is alienated from Lennox, (83)

Sends Montgomery into Scotland, (91)

Francis II. of France, sends La'bross into Scotland, (136)

He is influenced by, and is under the Power of, the Guises, (150)

His Death, ibid.

Francis, Duke of Guise, Curator of the Kingdom of Scotland, (114)

[Page]Appointed General of the Popish Faction, (153, 174)

Franciscans, or begging Friars, their Wealth, (128)

France, its miserable State, (151)

Its King Francis promises to aid the Scots of the Queen's Faction, (254)

And the Scots Rebels, (279, 280)

Vpon what Grounds he did it, ibid.

Frazer's Family almost extinct, (89)

Frederethu [...] slain, 166

Friend betrays Friend, 332

Their Injuries the most grievous, 314

Our Father's Friends not to be neglected, 101

Friendship with Princes far off, sometimes safer than with Those nearer home, (44)

French, Gauls, Fran [...]s, their Original, 46

They receive Characters of Letters from the Massilian Greeks, 38

Their Communion with the Brittons, 61

When French and Scots Alliance first began, 165

They send Aid to the Scots, (90, 106)

Their Souldiers very licentious, 313

Their Army leaves Scotland, 314

Their unjust Demand, 312

What Good the Scots got by their Alliance, 322

Their King distracted, 334

They ask Aid of the Scots, ibid.

They renew their League with the Scots, 240, 251, 273

French and Scots Souldiers mutiny, (109)

Their Auxiliaries in Scotland cannot forbear their wonted Plundering, (314)

They hinder an Alliance with England by Bribes, as much as they can, (43, 44)

Assault Werk Castle, (45)

Their Souldiers kill the Governour of Edinburgh, with some of the Citizens, (209)

They design to surprize Hadington, ibid.

They are disgusted by the Scots, (110)

French and English in Scotland agree, (111)

French transported into their own Country, (112)

French King sends Auxiliaries to strengthen the Queen Regent, (135, 143)

French Embassadors Demands from the Reformed, (136, 152)

French their contumelious Pride against some of the Scots, (143, 144)

Their Design to establish Tyranny, ibid.

French Embassador busy between the Queen and the Royalists, (218, 219)

Vpon the Queen's Overthrow he sculks away, (221)

French to leave Scotland by Consent, (149)

French Ship sent with Provision and Ammunition into Scotland, taken by the Royalists, (279)

French Tongue heretofore not much different from the British, 58

Friars Mendicants Mercenaries to Parish-Priests and Curats, (345, 346)

Their Opinions; and why Manducants rather than Mendicants, (129)

Fuda Isle, 29

G

G

GA Letter commonly used by the French for V, 60, 61

Gaga Isle, 25

Gald, Gael, Galle, 62

Galdus, the Sir-name of Corbred, what it signifies, 109

Galeatius Sforza slain by his Vncle, (231)

Gallovid, in Old Scotish signifies a Gaul, 14

Galo, Cardinal, the Pope's Legat in England, 237

He excommunicates the Scots, 238

A wicked and avaritious Man, ibid.

Galvinus, Son of Lothus, 151

Galway, why so called, 14, 61, 139

Garalinga Isle, 29

Garaard, King of the Picts, 162

Garvae Isles, three, 25

Garvillan Isles, 30

Gavin Isle, 25

Gauls sent Colonies into Spain, 48

Into Italy, 49

Into Germany, ibid.

Into Britain, 50

Into Ireland, 51

Gathelus, a Prince, feigned by some to be the Founder of the Scots Nation, 46

Gawin Dunbar, the King's Tutor, made Chancellour, (54)

Gawin Douglas called Archbishop of St. Andrews, (29)

Committed to Prison, (164)

Genrach Isle, 26

Geoffry of Monmouth, a Writer of British Affairs, 8

Geldrians come to help the English against the Scots, 295

Geloni, painted their Bodies, 53

Genistery, or Broom, Isle, 25

George Buchanan, imprisoned for Religion, escapes out of his Chamber-Window whilst his Keepers were asleep, (67)

He is sent in Embassy, with others, into England, (224)

His ingenuous Speech concerning Himself, 71

[Page] George, Brother to the Earl of Douglas, made Earl of Ormond, 377

Commands the Forces against England, 378

Extolled for his Victory over them, 380

Declared a publick Enemy, 387

Beheaded, 390

George Douglas, Earl of Angus, 377

His memorable Fact, 398

He is against the Queen Mother, 399

His bold and unworthy Speech to the King, (50)

George Douglas, the Regent's youngest Brother, (217)

Delivers the Queen out of Prison, (218)

George Dunbar, Earl of Merch, espouses his Daughter to David, King Robert's Son, 325

Which Marriage not taking effect, he joins with Percy of England against the Scots, 326

Proclaimed a publick Enemy, ibid.

Percy and he overthrow the Scots, 307

Takes Douglas Prisoner in Fight, 327

Ioins with Percy against the King of England, is wounded, and taken Prisoner, 329

Being reconciled to the Regent, returns into Scotland, 332

George Gordon sent with an Army against England, (70)

The King's Hatred against him, (71)

Accused and imprisoned, (115)

Released, (116)

Studies to raise Commotions, (154)

Privy to the Conspiracy against Murray, (168)

Condemned for Treason, (170)

Restored by the Queen to his former Dignity, (173)

Chief of the Queen's Faction, (209)

George Lesly, Earl of Rothes, sent Embassador into France, (121)

There poisoned, as 'twas believed, (122)

George Ruven slain, (282)

George Wiseheart, Preacher of the Gospel, (93)

Persecuted by Cardinal Beton, against the Regent's Mind, (94)

Foretels the Death of Cardinal Beton, (97)

His pious and Christian Deportment before, and at, his Martyrdom, (95, 96, 97)

Gerlock Isle, 28

Gerlock Bay, See Loch-ger. 17

Gersa, or Gress-oy, Isle, 37

Gernich, or Gaxnico, 22

Germany, whence so called, 42

Germ [...]n [...], their fabulous Original, 45

Ingenious in relating the Origin of their Nation, 38, 39

German Navy lands on the Coast of Scotland, 94

Gessoriaci, i. e. People living about Calais, 10

Getes, painted their Bodies, 53

Gethus, King of the Picts, 97

Slain, 100

Getini, and Getae, whence? 49

Geurasdil Isle, 25

Gigaia, or Gega, Isle, ibid.

Gigamena Isle, ibid.

Giles, Tutelary God of Edinburgh, his Show affronted, (124)

Gilbert Kennedy slain by the Command of James Douglas, (57)

A Man of a great Spirit, ibid.

Gilbert Kennedy's Constancy in keeping his Word, [...]77)

Gilbert Kennedy, Earl of Cassils, sent Embassador into France, (121)

He dies there, not without the suspicion of Poison, (127)

Gilbert, his Son, chosen Iudg in Bothwel [...]s Case, but excuses himself, (195)

Gilchrist kils his Wife, the King's Sister, for her Adultery, 234

King William's General, 230

Banished, but received again into Favour, 234

Gilcolumb slain, 164

Gildas quoted concerning Britain, 93

He wrote 400 Years after Tacitus, 38

Favoured by Aurelius Ambrosius, 148

A good Man, and died at Glastenbury in Somersetshire; the Prophecies that go under his Name, not genuine, ibid.

Gildominick, and the Murray Men, suppressed, 230

Gilespy Cambel, an Actor in the Reformation, (129)

Recalled by threatning Letters, by the Queen Regent, (130)

Gilespy, Earl of Argyle, banished, (175)

His Levity, (206)

Privy to the Queen's Wickedness, (216)

General of her Army, (220)

Refuses to own himself a Subject to the King, (234)

The Regent receives him into Favour, and he is in great Authority, (235, 251)

Gillan Isle, 30

Gillo, Commander of the exiled Scots, 129

Gillus, the Bastard, King of Scots, 104

Flies into Ireland, 105

Slain by Cadvallus, 106

Glascow, 14

The Bishop thereof frightned by a Voice from Heaven, 376

[Page] Glass Isle, 28

Glenluce, 14

Glotta River, i. e. Clyde, 14

Glottiana; see Clydsdale.

Goat Isle, 25

God's Favour attends the Good, 213

Gom [...]dra Isle, 27

Goran, King of Scots, 148

Persuades the Kings of the Picts and Brittons to join with the Scots against the Saxons, 148

He is treacherously slain by his Subjects, 154

His Wife and Children fly into Ireland, ibid.

But are recalled by Congal II. 155

Gordons at Feud with the Forbes's, (284)

Gordon an Enemy to Murray, (162)

He labours to destroy him, (164, 166)

His Design against him, at one time, wonderfully prevented, (168, 169)

Gordon's bold Attempt against the Queen her self, (167)

Gorlois wickedly slain by Uter, 149

Goropius reproved, 10

Goths, Who? 33

Gothunni, and Gothini, who? 49

Grafton censured, 252

Graham, or Grame, 135

Appointed Tutor to Eugenius, 137

Recals Christian Pastors into Scotland, 140

Graham's Dike, 138

Grampian Hills, or Mountains, 17

Gramry Isle, 25

Granisa Isle, 36

Gray hath the chief Command in Scotland against the French, (146)

Gregory, King of Scots, his famous Atchievements against the Picts, Danes and Brittons, 175, 176

He takes several Cities in Ireland, 177

Green Isle, 25, 28

Grevan River, 14

Gria Isle, 30

Griffin slain in Fight, 156

Grime, King of Scotland, 198

Makes an Agreement with Malcolm, ibid.

Which he afterwards breaks, is overthrown, and made Prisoner, 199

And dies, 200

Groom in a Stable, his bold Attempt on James Hamilton, in revenge of his Master's Death, (52)

For which he is put to Death, ibid.

Gruinorta Isle, 31

Guidi, 15, 92

Guises, their Desire to hasten the Marriage of Mary with the Dolphin, (221)

Their over-great Power suspected, (122)

They design Scotland, as a Peculiar, for their Family, (151)

They seek to destroy James, Earl of Murray, as an Enemy to Popery, (165)

Gun Isle, 27

Guns, i. e. Great Ordnance of Iron, when first began to be used in Scotland, 394

H

H

HAdington, 13

Deserted by the English, (111)

Hago, a Danish Admiral, 181

Haie, or Hea, Isle, 30

Hakerset Isle, 29

Hamiltons, the Original of their Family, 273

Hamilton leaves the Party of the Douglasses, 390

Hamiltonians willing to free the Queen out of Prison, (216)

Overthrown in Battel, and some of them taken Prisoners, (221, 222)

They meet at Edinburgh in behalf of Queen Mary, (252)

Hara Isle, 37

Harald, Earl of Caithness, punished for his Cruelty, 235

Haraya, or Harray, Isle, 31

Harpers, of old, used to lie in the Bedchamber of the King, and of the Nobles, in Scotland, 116

Harrick Isle, 30, 31

Havatere, or Havere, Isle, 30

Havelschire Isle, 29

Haura Isles, the great and the less, 31

Hay, and his two Sons, fight for their Country, 191

Hath a Coat of Arms assigned to his Family, 192

The Name almost extinguished, 286

Heath Isle, 21

Heath, its Nature, 23

Good to make Beds to lie on, ibid.

Hebrides Isles; see Aebudae.

Hector Boetius blamed, 13

Mistaken, 76

Compared with Lud, 80

Helena, Mother of Constantine, 124

Hellisay Isle, 29

Helscher vetularum Isle, ibid.

Helricus, a Danish Admiral, 181

Hengist, Captain of Pirates, hath Lands given to him in Britain, by Vo [...]tigern, 144

Henry I. of England, never laughed after the dr [...]wning of most of his Children, 224

[Page]He settles the Succession on his Daughter Maud, ibid.

Henry II. Son of Stephen, King of England, seeks occasion for a War against Scotland, 224

Malcolm of Scotland acknowledges himself his Feudatary, ibid.

Henry IV. of England, 326

His Death, 333

Succeeded by Henry V. ibid.

Henry V. takes James I. King of Scots, with him into France, 336

Henry VI. undervalues the Nobility, and advances Vpstarts, 392

A Conspiracy against him by the Nobles of England, ibid.

He is taken by the Duke of York, and brought to London, 396

He flies into Scotland, 397

Ioins Battel with Edward IV. and is overcome, 398

Returns privately to England, and is taken, ib.

Henry VII. succeeds Richard III. who was slain in Battel, 429

He denounces War against France, (16)

Desires to make a perpetual League with the Scots, 430

Marries his Daughter Margarite to James IV. (14)

War denounced against him by James, as he was besieging Tournay, (20)

His Magnanimous and Kingly Answer to the Heraulds, ibid.

He eases the Commonalty of some old Burdens, 71

Henry VIII. desires the exiled Douglasses may be restored, (60)

By the French Embassador he desires a Peace with the Scots, ibid.

He sends Controversal Books of Divinity to James V. (62)

Complains the Scots had violated the Law of Nations, wars upon them, takes Leith, and burns Edinburgh, (82, 83)

His Forces are worsted, (89)

His General persuades the Scots to Peace, (102)

Gives the Scots a great Overthrow, (104)

Henry of France sends some German Foot into Scotland, (106)

He displaces the Regent by Subtilty, (113)

Henry Percy invades Scotland, 306

His Horse affrightned with rattling Instruments▪ 307

His Duel with James Douglas ▪ 317

Henry Percy, the younger, overthrows the Scots at Homeldon, 327

Conspires against his own King, 329

Henry Stuart comes out of England into Scotland, (171)

Made Duke of Rothsay, and Earl of Ross, by the Queen of Scots, (174)

At which many of the Nobles are disgusted, (175)

He marries the Queen, ibid.

Strangely disrespected at the Baptism of his own Son, (186)

He withdraws from Court, ibid.

Is poisoned, but overcomes it by the strength of his Youth, (186, 187)

A Design to destroy him, (187, 188)

Is actually murdered, (190)

Heraulds slain against the Law of Arms, 230

Hergustus, King of the Picts, 127, 131

Hepburn (John) insinuates himself into the new Regent, (32)

Heris hanged by James Douglas, 384

H [...]rmodra Isle, 30

Herodian quoted, 76

Heruli, who? 89

Hethland Isles; see Schetland.

High Isle, 25

Hirta Isle, 30

Historians, their flattering Dispositions, 46

Hoia Promontory, 21

Hollanders Fleet spoiled by Alexander Earl of Marr, 349

Holland Horse sent for over into England, 275

Holmes, i. e. Plains full of Grass, 35

Holy Isle, or Lindisfarm, 398

Honnega Isle, 37

Horestia, 18

Parted between two Brothers, 170

Horses Isle, or Naich, 28

Hugh Kennedy, his couragious Answer, (51)

Huilin Isle, 30

Hulmena, 31

Humber River, 13

Humble Isle, or Ishol, 25

Hume Castle surprized by the Scots, (107)

Hungus, the Pict, fights prosperously against Athelstan, 165

He prays to God, and is encouraged by a Vision, ibid.

He offers Tithes to St. Andrew, ibid.

His Death, 166

Hunting Laws made by King Dornadilla, 89

And by King Ethodius, 116

Huntly overthrown by James Earl of Murray, taken and pardoned, (235, 237)

Hypoconistical, i. e. Diminutive, 6

I

[Page]

I

JAmes I. Son of Robert III. sailing for France, is taken by the English, 330

Where he is educated and married, 331, 338

His Return to Scotland, upon a Ransom, 398

Crowned King, ibid.

Renews a League with France, 340, 352

Punishes the Captains of Thieves, 341, 343

Twins born to him, 344

He rectifies Weights and Measures, ibid.

Reforms the Ecclesiastical Estate, and erects publick Schools, 345

Invites Tradesmen from beyond the Seas, 347

Perfidiousness imputed to him, answered, 353, 354

Is cruelly murdered, 356

His Character, 356, 357

James II. King of Scots, 359

Carried out of the Castle of Edinburgh, in a Chest, by his Mother, 361

Taken again by the Chancellour, and brought to Edinburgh, 365

Enters on the Government, 371

Marries Mary, Daughter to the Duke of Guelderland, 380

He kils William Douglas, 386

Marches to assist the English Nobles, 391, 392

Deceived by a counterfeit Embassador from Rome, suborned by the English, 393

Takes Roxburgh Town, ibid.

His casual Death in his Camp, 394

His Queen encourages the Souldiers, and takes Roxburgh Castle, ibid.

His Character, 395

James III. begins his Reign at seven Years old, 396

Six Regents of the Kingdom in his Minority, 407

His Mother's Death, ibid.

In his Time a Truce made with England for five Years, 407

Marries Margarite, the King of Denmark's Daughter, 413, 415

His Death foretold, 420

He degenerates into Tyranny, ibid.

Addicts himself to Evil Counsellours, 231

The Nobles arm against him, 432

Is slain by them in Fight, 433

His Character, 434

James IV. (1)

Chosen General by the Nobles against his Father, 432

His first Parliament, which justifies taking Arms against his Father, (5)

His Clemency and sorrowful Resentment for his Father's Death, (6)

He leads an Army into England, (11)

Marries Margarite, Henry VII. of Enggland's Daughter, (14)

Builds a vast Ship, and is prof [...]se in other Buildings, ibid.

Resolves to go to Jerusalem, but prevented, (15)

Sends Forman into England, to pick a Quarrel, (16)

Denounces War against England, (20)

Resolute in his Opinion, (22)

Fights with the English at Flodden, where he is overthrown and slain, (24, 25)

Doubtful Reports concerning his Death, (26)

Some Aspersions cast upon him, indeavoured to be wiped off, (27)

His Character, (27, 28)

James V. (28)

Enters upon the Government, (46)

He and his Mother in the Power of the Douglasses, (47)

He frees himself from them, (53)

He is an Enemy to their Faction, (50)

Inclinable to a French Alliance, (65)

Three Maries offered to him, (62)

Treats with the Emperour about a Match, (61)

Visits the Orcades, (62)

And other Isles of Scotland, ibid.

Receives Controversal Books of Divinity from Henry of England, (63)

Agrees to an Interview with Henry, which is disappointed, (64)

Sails to France, and marries Magdalen, Daughter to their King Francis, who soon dies, (65)

He accuses his Nobility as Dastards, (70)

He marries Mary of the House of Guise, (66, 67)

His presaging Dream, (69)

He dies with Grief for the Loss of his Army, (71)

His Character, (71, 72)

James VI. his Birth, (183)

His Mother endeavours to get him under the Power of Bothwel, (205)

Enters on the Government, (214, 215)

James Abernethy, a skilful Physician, (186)

James, Earl of Arran, Son to James, returning from France, sides with the Reformers, (135)

Goes to his Sister Mary the Queen, (151)

Hardly persuaded to allow the admission of the Mass in the Queen's Chappel, (159)

Made Earl of Marr, and afterwards of Murray, (161)

James Balfure, Governour of Edinburgh Castle for the Queen, (206, 207)

[Page]He raises Insurrections, (226)

James Culen taken and executed for his Crimes, (279)

James, the first Earl of Douglas, 308

James Douglas joins with Bruce, 263

He marches with great Forces into England, 275

James, sirnamed Crassus, the Douglasses being dead, succeeds to the Right of the Earldom, 370

He dies, ibid.

James Douglas marries Eufemia, Daughter to Robert II. 306

His Duel with Henry Percy, 316

Is slain, fighting valiantly, 318

His three last dying Requests, ibid.

James Douglas made Earl, when William Douglas, his Father, was slain, 386

He accuses the King and Nobles of Perfidiousness, ibid.

Proclaimed a publick Enemy, 387

Marries Beatrix, his Brother's Widow, 388

Persuaded to a Reconciliation with the King, which he refuses, ibid.

Being forsaken by his Friends, he applies to England for Aid, 389

And to Donald the Islander, 390

Forsaken by his Wife, ibid.

James Douglas, Earl of Morton, and Alexander Hume, take the Coronation-Oath for King James VI. in his Minority, (214)

He provides for the Common-wealth at his private Charge, (215)

Commands the King's Army against the Queen, (220)

Goes into England with the Regent, (224)

Sent Embassador into England, (261)

His Cheerfulness to encounter the Enemy, (278)

Taken Prisoner, and then takes him Prisoner, whose Captive he was, before, (282)

James Haliburton taken Prisoner, (281)

James Hamilton, Earl of Arran, Admiral of a Navy under James IV. (16)

He plunders Knockfergus in Ireland, ibid.

At last sails for France, (17)

Is chosen Regent, (75)

Opposes Archibald Douglas, after his Return from France, (39)

Highly disgusted by King James V. (65)

Compelled to change his Opinion concerning the Controverted Points of Religion, (79, 80)

His shameful Flight, Vanity and Inconstancy, (84, 86)

Remiss in the Case of George Wiseheart, (111)

Corrupted by Avarice, (112)

Put from his Regency, and made Duke of Chastle-herault, (113, 114)

James Hamilton returns from France, (229)

Endeavours to engage Queen Elizabeth of England, to make him Regent, ibid.

But without Success, (232)

He submits to the Regent, (234)

James Hamilton, Son of the Archbishop of St. Andrews's Sister, treacherously shoots Murray, and kils him, (245, 246)

James Hamilton, a Bastard, Brother to the Earl of Arran, chosen Iudg against the Lutherans, (68)

He is tried, condemned, and executed, (69)

James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwel, committed to Prison, (163, 164)

But escapes, (167)

Banished, (66)

A Rival to the Earl of Lennox, (80)

Called out of France by the Queen, (171, 172)

Endeavours to supplant Murray, (163)

Divorced from his former Wife, (198)

Procures a Schedule from the Nobility about his Marriage with the Queen, (196)

Surprizes and marries the Queen, (199)

Outlawed, (173)

Accused of the King's Murder, (194)

His Mock-Trial, (173, 193, 195)

Wounded by an High-way Pad, (184)

Designs to destroy Murray, (192)

His Challenge answered, (209)

He flies, (210)

And dies distracted in Denmark, (215)

James Kennedy, Archbishop, an Adversary to the Douglasses, 373

Retires from a corrupt Court, 376

Disallows the Faction of the Queen-Mother, 399

His Oration, that Women ought not to govern, 401, &c.

His Praise, Death and Character, 409, 410

James Kennedy builds a vast Ship, 420

James Levingston put to Death by the Douglassian Faction, 375, 376

James Lindsy's Obstinacy in following his Enemies, 319

James Macgil sent, with others, Embassador into England, (224, 261)

James Macintosh unjustly put to Death, (160)

James, the Son of Murdo, burns Dumbarton, 339

James, Earl of Murray, appointed Vicegerent, (60)

Settles the Borders, (57)

Sent into France, (63)

James, Earl of Murray, refuses to associate with the Queen and Bothwel, (204)

[Page]But chuses rather to leave the Land, (205)

He returns from Travel, and is made Regent, (213)

His resolute Speech, (217)

He meets the Queen of England's Embassadors at York, (224)

Waylayed by his Enemies in his Iourny, ibid.

Goes to London, (226)

Where he manages the Accusation against the Queen, (227)

Whence honourably dismiss'd, and his Transactions there approved in Scotland, (233)

He is deserted by his Friends, (243)

Too c [...]eless of himself, (245)

Killed by one of the Hamiltons, (246)

His laudable Character, (246, 247)

James Murray offers to encounter Bothwel, hand to hand, (209)

James Sandiland, Embassador from Scotland to France, (150)

James Sandiland sent against the Thieves, (59)

Carries Propositions from the Reformers to the Queen Regent, (125)

James Stuart marries Joan, the Widow of James I. 364

Is banished, 375

James Stuart, the Queen's Brother, puts the English to a Retreat, (108)

Hath threatning Letters sent him by the Queen, (130)

An Actor in reforming Religion, (131)

Made Earl of Marr and Murray, (161)

Iceni, and Icium, 10

Icolumbkil, 26

Idleness, the Source of Mischief, 345

Idlers Isle, or, of the Otiosi, 25

Ierna, i. e. Ireland, 69

Jews imitated by the Romanists, 381

Issurt, or Issert, Isle, 30

Igerne, vitiated by Uter, yet he afterwards marries her, 149

Ignis Fatuus, what? (264)

Ila Isle; see Yla.

Ilan na Covihaslop, 26

Images demolished at Perth, (128)

Immersi Isle, 26

Impostors, notorious ones, 393, (6, 7, &c. 58)

Indigenae, who? 42, 50

Indulfus, King of Scots, 181

Casually slain by the Danes, 182

Indulgence, over-much to Children, punished, 337

Informers, though sometimes allowed, yet dangerous Instruments in a State, 148

Inhumanity to Prisoners, 297

Innerlochy, 20

Innerness, 20

Interregnum in Scotland, after Alexander the IIId's Death, 245

Inundation of the River Tay at Perth, 236

And great Ones in Lothian, 305

John Annins writes the Original of the Brittons in Verse, 42

Johannes Scotus sent for by Charles the Great, 165

Johns, or Jeans, Isle, 26

John Baliol his Genealogy, 246, 247, 248

More solicitous for a Kingdom than a Good Name, 250

Made King, and surrenders himself and Kingdom to the King of England, ibid.

He confesses his Fault for so doing, 251

Disgusts Edward of England, 252

Overthrown by Edward, made Prisoner, and released, 251, 252, 253

John, King of England, meditates a War against Scotland, 235

Makes divers Leagues with the Scots, 236

Enters Scotland, 237

The Pope's Beneficiary, ibid.

Poisoned by a Monk, 238

John, Son of Alexander, Brother to James III. Duke of Albany, declared Regent, when in France, (31)

He arrives in Scotland, (32)

Gets the Queen Mother into his Power, (34)

Goes into France, appointing Governours in his Absence, (37)

Returns to Scotland, (39)

Raises an Army against England, but makes a Truce, (40, 41)

Goes again into France, whence he returns with a great Navy, (41, 42)

Marches into England, and assaults Werk-Castle, (45)

Goes the third time into France, and his Power is vacated in his Absence, (46)

John Erskin sent Embassador into France, (63)

Of the Queen's Faction, (105)

Made Governour of Edinburgh Castle, (115)

Sent Embassador into France, (121)

John, Brother to King James III. put to death, 421

John Erskin favours the Reformation, (126)

Afraid of the Queen Regent, (128)

Beats the Rebels out of Sterlin, (282)

Chosen Regent, (283)

Straitens Edinburgh, (286)

John Armstrong, Captain of Thieves, executed, (57)

John, Earl of Athol, marries Beatrix Douglas, 301

[Page]He & his Wife taken Prisoners by Donald, 408

John, Earl of Buchan, aids the French King's Son, 334

Made Lord High Constable of France, 335

Slain there by the English, 336

John Cumins marches into England, and wasts Northumberland, 253

His Treachery against Robert Bruce, 2 [...]0

Which cost him his Life, ibid.

John, Earl of Carick, base Son to Robert II. 307

John Cockburn of Ormiston, wounded, and taken by Bothwel, (140)

John Cuningham imployed in surprizing Dumbarton-Castle, (263)

John, Earl Douglas's Brother, made Baron of Balvany, 377

Proclaimed a publick Enemy, 387

John Damiot, a Conjurer, foretels David Rize's Death, (182)

John Forb [...]s condemned and beheaded, (6 [...])

John Fordon, Author of the History, called, Scoto-Chronicon, 146

John Fleming, the Queen's Governour of Dumbritton Castle, when it was surprized, (263)

He escapes, but his Wife is well treated by the Regent, (265)

John Fleming of Bogal taken there, ibid.

John Herris undeservedly put to Death by the Douglasses, 384

John Hepburn powerful and factious, (31)

His Feud with the Hume's, (32, 33)

He insinuates himself into John the Regent, (31)

Accuses Douglas, Hume, and Forman, (3 [...])

John Gordon, [...]arl of Huntly, taken by Murray, and put to Death, 170

John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, (103)

A de [...]o [...]st Man▪ (111)

John Hamilton, troubled in Conscience for the King's Murder, discovers his Complices, (267)

John Kennedy made one of the King's Guardians or Tutors, 407

John Knox preaches to reclaim those that kill'd Card [...]nal Beton, (100)

His Sermon to the People of Perth, for the Reformation, (128)

[...] which they destroy Popish Shrines, ibid.

His encouraging Sermon to the Reformers at S [...]erlin, (141)

Hi [...] Sermon at King James VI. his Inaugurati [...]n, ( [...]14)

John II. lays the Foundation of Tyranny in Portugal, 434

John Lesly pr [...]vy to the Conspiracy against James Earl of Murray, (167, 169)

John Mac-Arthur, Captain of To [...]ies, executed, 341

John Melvil put to Death, (11 [...])

John, Earl of Marr, Brother to James III. put to Death by opening a Vein till he expired, 421

John Murdera [...]h taken, (116)

John Monlu [...], Bishop of Valence, in Scotland, (14 [...])

John Maxwel of Herris revolts from the Reformers, (176, 177)

The Queen puts little Trust in him, (222)

Made Prisoner by the Regent, but released without publick Authority (253)

John, Earl of Marr, a Commander in the King's Army, (220)

John Randolph sent into France, 287

Made Regent, 294

Taken Prisoner by the English, 295

Slain in Fight, 322

John Scot, his wonderful Abstinence from Food, ( [...]8)

John Duns Scotus, where b [...]rn, 306

John Ramsy preserved by the King, 425

Proves an Evil Counsellour to James III. 431

John Stuart, Earl of Lennox, revolts from the Regent, (35)

But is again received into Favour, ibid.

He endeavours to take the King from the Douglasses, and is slain, (50)

John Stuart, Earl of Athol, sent against John Murderach, (116)

A Pro [...]urer of the Match between Henry and Mary Queen of Scotland, (192)

He loses h [...]s Opportunity, (206)

John Vien, Admiral of the French Navy in Scotland, 311

John Windram secretly favours the Cause of True Religion, (65)

Joan Douglas, and her Husband, their miserable Ends, (66, 67)

Joan, the Wife of James I. her manly Fact, 360

Put in Prison with her Husband, 364

Her Death, 395

Joseph Scaliger amends a Place in Seneca, 76

Jos [...]a, King of Scots, 101

A Lover of Chirurgery, 102

Ireland's ancient Inhabitants called Scots, 73

Irish break in on Galway in Scotland, 177

And are overthrown by King Gregory, ibid.

Irish Scots make Peace with the Romans, 130, 131

[Page] Irish Air temperate, 2, 51

Colonies of Gauls sent into Ireland, 51

Description of Ireland out of Solinus, 85

Irwin River, 14

Island in Shape like a Man, 26

Islands encompassing Scotland, their Order and threefold Division, 22

Islanders parsimonious, 33

Healthful and long-liv'd, 37

Prone to rebel, 207

Islanders, Western, their Manner of Living at Home and Abroad, 23, &c.

Isa, or Ishol, Isle, 29, 30

Issidorus, i. e. Issoir, a City in France,

Judgments and Tryals of Nobles, how anciently managed in Scotland, 340

Jule-tide, or Christmass, as 'tis called, licentiously observed, 151

Julian Romer taken, (110)

Julius Agricola's Exploits in Britain, 109, 110

Recalled from thence, 111

Junius Brutus, (271)

Julius Caesar, the first Roman that entred Britain with an Army, 84

Julius Frontinus in Britain, 86, 109

Jura Isle, 25

Justice can do more than Terrour of Arms, 180, 189

The most popular thing, 348

Juverna, Ireland so called, 69

K

K

KArrera Isle, 25

Katharine Medices, after her Son's Death, undertakes the Government, (151)

Keames Castle, 25

Kebercurning, 22

Kedwalla, King of the Brittons, 159

Keligire Island, 30

Kellasa Isle, ibid.

Kelvin River, 16

Ken River, 14

Kenneth I. King of Scots, 158

Kenneth II. 167

Compared with Fergus II. persuades the Nobility to war with the Picts, and overcomes them in Battel, 169

He may be called the third Founder of the Scotish Kingdom, 170

Kenneth III. 187

Circumvents his Nobles by a Wile, 188

Causes Malcolm to be poisoned, 193

Troubled in Conscience for it, 195

Makes new Laws concerning the Succession of the Kingdom, 193, 194

Worsted at first by the Danes, yet afterwards overthrows them, 190, 191

Slain by Fenella, 196

Kenneth, King of the Picts, 167

Kentigern, 145

Keniburgh Islands, the Great and the Small, 27

Kernici, who? 22

Kernicovalli, ibid.

Kingly Government, what? (268)

Its Origin, ibid.

Kings, their Distress moves Pity, 213

Kings in Scotland not to do any publick Affairs without advising with their Nobles, or Estates of the Realm, 102, 230, 251

They used to ride the Circuits themselves, for the Administration of Iustice, before Itinerary Iudges were appointed, 103, 123

Their Wives anciently not called Queens, 402

Not in their Power alone to make Peace or War in Scotland, 322

They are inferiour to the Laws, (269)

How their publick Revenue, if spent, may be encreased, 114

A Law for their successive inheriting the Crown, confirmed, 194, 195

Kings, if young, their Favours slippery, 416

Subjects apt to degenerate into their Manners, 111

King, desiring to be revenged on his Nobles, endeavours to set them one against another, 431

Kings-Cross, or Re-cross, in Stanmore, what? 238

Kinnatel, King of Scots, 155

Kinross, 170

Its Sheriffwick, 18

Kinloss Abby, 184

Kinthern; see Cantire.

Kirkwal, the chief Town in the Island Pomonae, or Mainland, 35

Kirta Isle, 30

Knapdale, 17

Kyle, 14

L

L

L'Abross, a French General, would have all the Nobility of Scotland destroyed, (148)

Laia River; see Avonlagan.

Lambs Isle, 30

Lamlach Isle, 24

Lamot, the French King's Embassador in Scotland, (20)

He moves the Scots to war against England, ibid. &c.

Lamyrian, or Lamormoor, Mountains, 13

[Page] Lanarch, or Lanerick, 14

Lancaster (Duke) Embassador in Scotland, 309

Afterwards invades it, 310

Langside Fight, (220)

Laodice (Queen) her Cruelty to her own Children, (231)

Largesses immoderate occasion Want, 203

Lauderdale, so called of the Town Lauder, 13

Laurence Twine persuades Baliol to go for Scotland, 284

Law about Succession to the Kingdom of Scotland, 97

New Ones made, 194

Confirmed, 200

Whether profitable to the Publick▪ or not, 196, 197

Law (too severe) to confiscate the whole Estates of Condemned Persons, without any Allowance to their innocent Wife and Children, 113

Laws against Theft, 282

Laws about Hunting, their Authors; see Hunting Laws.

Laws, in Scotland, few, besides Decrees of the Estates, (59)

Laxa Isle, 30

Lead, White and Black, found in Pomona, 35

Legat, a counterfeit Roman one, 387

Leith River, 13

Leland quoted, 61

Lenity, over-much, brings Contempt, 381, 385, 392

Lennox, or Levin, so called from the River Levin, 140

Lent observed on a politick Account only, (170)

Leon Strozy, Admiral of the French Gallies in Scotland, to revenge the Cardinal's Death, (101)

Lewis Isle, 30

Many Whales taken there, 32

Lewis XI. espouses Margarite, the King of Scots's Daughter, 340

He lays the Foundation of Tyranny, 434

Lewis de Galais, Embassador from France to the Queen's Party, (254)

Liddisdale, so called from the River Lidal, 13, 140

Liguria, 11

Lilborn worsted by the Scots, 306

Linga Isle, 30, 37

Lingaia Isle, 39

Lindil Isle, 29

Linlithgo, 30

Lindsay's and Ogilby's Fight, 373

The Lindsays prevail, 374

Lismore Isle, 25

Loch-Abyr, 19, 20

Loch-Aw, 17

Loch-Brien, 31

Loch-Earn, ibid.

Loch-Fin, 17

Loch-Ger, ibid.

Loch-Long, ibid.

Loch-Lomund, ibid.

Loch-Loubrun, 21

Loch-Louch, 20

Loch-Maban, 300

The Castle in it taken by the Scots, 309

Loch-Ness, 20

Whose Water never freezeth, ibid.

Loch-Ryan, 14

Loch-Spey, 140

Loch-Tee, 20

Lochindores Castle, 296

Locrine, Son of Brute, 42

Loegria, an old Name for England, ibid.

Lollius Urbicus in Britain, 113

London, anciently called Augusta, 89

Longay Isle, 25

Lords of the Articles, who? 305

Lorn County, 17

Lothian, so called from Lothus King of the Picts, 13

Lothus, King of the Picts, 13

He joins with the Scots against the Saxons, 148

Complains that his Sons were deprived of the Kingdom of Britain, ibid.

He is commended, ibid.

Lox, or Lossy, River, 20

Luctacus, King of Scots, a flagitious Person, 111

He is slain, ibid.

Lud, or Lloyd, allows, that by Prudania is meant Britain, 2

He is refuted, 71, 72, 73, 77, 78, 79, 80

Luing Isle, 25

Lunga Isle, 25, 27

Luparia, or Wolf, Isle, 25

Lupicianus in Britain, 88, 89

Luss River, 14

Lusitania, why Portugal so called, as some say, 47

Lust, a Punishment to it self, 186

Lutherans persecuted, (63, 67, 91)

Luthlac, Mackbeth's Son, slain by Malcolm, 215

Luxury accompanies Peace, 143

M

[Page]

M

MAalmori Isle, 26

Macalpine Laws, 70

Macdonald rises in Arms, but is overthrown, and kils himself, 207, 208

Mackbeth, King of Scots, his Character, 208

His Dream, 210, 211

He flies, 214

Macdonald his cruel Fact to a Woman, retaliated on himself, 343, 344

Macduff ill resents Mackbeth, 212

He stirs up Malcolm against him, ibid.

Three Priviledges granted him by Malcolm, 215

The first Earl of Fife, 214

He complains against Baliol to Edward of England, 250

Macklan executed by Douglas, 384

Maenavia Isle, 24 See Man.

Magistrates have Power over Mens Bodies, but not over their Consciences, (127)

Magna, or Megala, Isle, 29

Magnus, his carousing Goblet, [...]4

Magnus, King of Norwey, seizes on the Islands, 221

Makes Peace with the Scots, 242

Magus, Towns so ending, 68, 69

Maiatae, who? 26

Mainland; see Pomona.

Main, an English Commander against the Scots, slain in Fight, 3 [...]9

Main, Son of Fergus, 97

King of Scots, 98

Makul, a Criminal, abstains from Food, 236

Maldon, not in Scotland, 16

Maldwin, King of Scots ▪ 160

A Plague in his Time over Europe, ibid.

He is strangled by his Wife, 1 [...]

Malgo, a Britain, ibid.

Malcolm Fleming executed by the Douglasses, 37 [...]

Malcolm I. 18 [...]

Sits in Courts of Iudgment himself, ibid.

He is slain, ibid.

Malcolm II. Competitor with Constantino for the Crown, 197

Confirms the Law for Succession, 2 [...]

Overthrown by the Danes, 2 [...]1

Afterwards overthrows them in several Battels, 202

His Murderers drowned, 2 [...]4

Malcolm III. brings in foreign Titles of Honour into Scotland, 214

He recovers the Kingdom from Mackbeth, ib.

Qu [...]ls Conspiracies made against him, 215, 217

His Vow to St. Andrew, 218

He erects new Bishopricks, and makes wholesome su [...]p [...]uary Laws, ibid.

Builds the Cathedrals of Durham and Dunfermling, 219

Is slain by the English, with his Son Edward, ibid.

His Queen, and other Female Relations, very pious, 218

Malcolm IV. takes a Fe [...]datary Oath to Henry of England, 227

He accompanies him into France, 229

Is despoiled by him of Part of his Patrimony in Engl [...]nd, ibid.

Is persuaded by the Scots to marry, but gives them a negative Answer, 231

Man Isle, its several Names, 24

Marcel [...]in [...] quoted and corrected, 56

Marble Stone, on which the Scots Kings were crowned, 171

Ma [...]ble, white, Mountains of it in Sutherland, 21

Marchet [...] Mulierum, what the Scots call so? 219

Margarit [...], or St. Margarite's, Port, 35

Margarite Creighton, who? 428

Margarite, Queen of England, delivers her Husband Edward by Force of Arms, 397

She flies into Scotland, and thence into France, ibid.

Margarite, Sister to Edward of England, Wife to Charles of Burgundy, endeavours to raise Commotions in England, (6)

Margarite, Daughter of Henry VII. marries James IV. (14)

The first Female Regent in Scotland, (29)

After her Husband's Death, she marries Archibald Doug [...]as, ibid.

She flies with her Husband into England, (34)

But returns, (37)

Displeased with her Husband, ibid.

Persuades the Scots to break with the French, (42)

But opposed therein by the French Faction, (43)

Marianus Scotus, 180

Mariners, to offend them dangerous to Passengers, 286

Marr and M [...]arn Counties, whence so called, 19, 170

Martha, Countess of Carick, falls in Love with Robert Bruce, and marries him, 247

Martiq [...], the Earl of it comes [...]to Scotland, with his [...], (148)

Mary, Wife of [...] II. her manly Spirit, 394

[Page] Mary of Guise, Widow of the Duke of Longuevil, marries James IV. (67)

By degrees she dispossesseth the Regent, (112,) (113)

Takes upon her the Ensigns of the Government, (113, 114)

Imposes new Taxes, (117)

Changes ancient Affability into Arrogance, (127)

Persecutes the Reformed, and is perfidious, (130, 1 [...]1)

Mak [...]s a Truce with the Reformed, (134)

The Administration of the Government taken from her by Proclamation, (139)

She dies in the Castle of Edinburgh, (146)

Her Disposition and Character, (147)

Mary, Queen of Scots, born, (71)

Begins her Reign, ibid.

Henry of England desires her for his Son's Wife, (75)

She is sent into France, (107)

From whence that King [...] sends Letters, desiring her a Wife for his Son, (120)

Embassadors sent thither for that purpose, of which some die there, (121, 122)

She marries the Dolphin, (121)

When Mary of England died▪ she carried her self as the next Heir, and assumed the Royal Arms of that Kingdom, (127)

When her Husband died, she resolves to return into Scotland, (151)

Her subtil Answer to a cunning Cardinal, (153)

She lays the Foundation of Tyranny, (196)

Designs a Guard for her Body, ibid.

Her unbecoming Familiarity with David Rize, (172)

She marries Henry Stuart, (175)

She punishes David's Homicides, (183)

Her strange Proclamation about Rize's Death, ibid.

She brings forth James VI. ibid.

She is willing by all means to be rid of her Husband, (183, 184, 185)

A joculary Process against her Husband's Murderers, (193)

She marries Bothwel, (199)

The French Embassador, and the Scotish Nobles, dislike her Marriage, ibid.

She frames an Association against the Nobles, (204)

And they Another against her, (205)

Earl of Murray leaves Scotland in Discontent, ibid.

Besieged with Bothwel at Borthwick, and escapes in Man's Apparel, (206)

Surrenders her self Prisoner, (209, 210)

Proved guilty of her Husband's Death by Letters, (211)

Hamilton designs her Deliverance, (216)

She escapes, (218)

Is overthrown by the Nobles, and [...] for England, (221)

She endeavours, by Balfure, to raise Tumults in Scotland, (226)

Designs to marry Howard of England, (233, 23 [...])

Continued in the Lord Scroop's House, (239)

Her Faction garison Edinburgh, from whence they sally out [...] Morton, ( [...])

Massacre designed in France by the Gu [...]es, (750)

Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox, marries Margarite Hamilton, ( [...])

Sent for out of France into Scotland, (78)

Returns, (171)

Circumvented by the Cardinal's Cunning, about his marrying the Queen, (80)

Vpon which he rises in Arms, but is forced to agree with the Regent, (82)

He justifies himself to the French King, (83)

Is worsted, and flies into England, where he is kindly received, and marries Margarite Douglas, (83, 85, 86)

Created Regent, (258, 259)

Takes Brechin from Huntly, (260)

Hurt by a Fall, (261)

Maximianus, Commander of a Roman Legion in Britain, 136

He overthrows the Scots and Picts, 137

M [...]xim, grave, in Policy, (176)

Another, (208)

Others, (239)

Maximus, in Britain, 127

He overcomes the Scots, 128

Takes the chief Government upon him, 129

Banishes all the Scots out of Britain, ibid.

Measures and Weights, amended and rectified, 334

Mechanical Engine of Brass, a strange one, 192

Mecla Isle, 37

Meliss Graham deprived of Strathearn by the King, 351

Men, fight like wild Beasts one with another, 324

Mendi [...]ant Friars called Manducant, (129)

Mentei [...]h▪ 17, 140

Menthe [...]'s Treachery against Robert Bruce, 268

He is rewarded, 269

Merch, 13

Merchants forbid to traffick by Sea for a time, 244

Merchants, or Ch [...]nnards, Is [...]e, 26

[Page] Mercenary Souldiers change with Fortune, (236)

Fit to establish Tyranny, (117, 177)

Merlin, the Prophet, or Impostor rather, when he lived, 147

A wicked Man, 149

A Comparison between Gildas and him, à dissimili, ibid.

Mern, whence so called? 170

Mernoch Isle, 25

Merta [...]k Isle, 31

Metellan, or Maitland, King of Scots, 107

Michael Weems helps the Royalists, (277)

Milesian Fables, what? 77

Minturnae, 78

Modred, Son of Lothus, General of the Picts Forces, 151

Competitor with Constantine, 153

Slain, ibid.

Moesici, who? 89

Mogald, King of Scots, 112

Makes an unjust Law, 113

He is slain, ibid.

Molas Isle, 24

Mologhascar Isle, 25

Mon Isle, put falsly for Man, 24

Monfort slain by Preston, 297

Mongomery comes into Scotland, (91)

Monk poisons King John of England, 238

Another poisons Thomas Randolph, 283

Their Impudence in devising Fables, 42

Their Luxury, 143

Their Monasteries overthrown by Order of the Lords, (152)

Monster, like an Hermaphrodite, born in Scotland, (4, 5)

Monk-Fishes never seen, but they predict Mischief, 175

Mordac, King of Scots, 162

Mordac, Earl of Fife, Son of Robert, taken Prisoner, 327

Returns to Scotland, 333

Succeeds his Father in the Government, 336

Takes Care to recal King James from England, 337

Imprisoned, 339

Executed, 340

More Isle, 25

More, in old Gaulish, signifies Mare the Sea, 10

More marusa, 7, 10, 77

Morini, who? 10

Morton's large Account of his Negotiation in England to the Regent, (267)

Mother, cruel to her own Children, (231)

Mourning Garments, when first used in Scotland, (66)

Muick Isle, 28

Mull of Galway, 14

Mull Isle, 26

Mulmore Isle, ibid.

Mungo, or St. Mungo; see Kentigern.

Murderer, discovered sometimes by touching the Murdered Body, 184

Murdo, and his Sons, put to Death, 348

Murray, a fruitful Country, 20

Its Inhabitants, seditious, 230

Murray made Regent, 226

His Death, 298

Musa Isle, 37

Musadil Isle, 25

Musicians, or wandring Minstrels, restrained, 282, 283

N

N

NAick Isle, 28

Nagunner Isle, ibid.

Names, new, by ambitious Men given to Places, 170, 171

Names of Towns, new, shew the Affinity of a Language, 62

Naomph Isles, 26

Naosg Isles, 26

Narn, 140

Nathalocus, King of Scots, 120

Murders the Nobility, and consults So [...]hsayers, ibid.

Nathalocus, a Noble Man, conspires against Athirco, 119

Is himself slain, 121

Navern Province, so called from the River Navern, 21, 140

Nectamus, King of Scots, 126

Ness Town, i. e. Innerness, and River, whose Water is always warm, 20

Nightshade, its Description and Properties, 209

Ninian, 145

Nithisdale, from the River Nith, 13, 140

Nobility, their Tyranny over the Commons restrained, 182

Nobles, how anciently tried in Scotland, 340

Normans overcome the Saxons and Danes in Britain, 71

Norman Lesly his Valour against the English, (89)

He surprizes St. Andrews, and kils Cardinal Beton, (98)

Northumberland divided into two Kingdoms, viz. the Deiri, and the Bernici, 159

Nostvade Isle, 37

Nothatus, King of Scots, 98

First sets up Arbitrary Government, ibid.

He is slain, 99

[Page] Noviogagus, many Cities so called, 68

Nuns Isle, or Monades, 27

O

O

OCCA, General of the Saxons, overthrown by three Kings, and wounded, 151, 152

Occidental, or Western, Isles, 22

Ocel-Mountains, 17

Olavus, General of the Scandians, 200

Old Castle Isle, 31

Oracle feigned by a Monk, 44

Oransa Isle, 28, 29

Oration of Archbishop Kennedy, that the Administration of the chief Government is not to be committed to Queen-Mothers, 401, &c.

Orcades Isles, 33

Their Description, ibid.

Writers not agreed about their Number, 35

Orca Promontory, 21

Ordovices, who? 109

Original of Letters, 38

Orkny, the Bishop thereof marries the Queen to Bothwel, (199)

Orma Isle, 37

Orvansa, or Oversa, Isle, 26

Osbreth aids Picts against Scots, 172

Overthrown at first, but afterwards beats the Scots, ibid.

Osellius, a French Man, desirous of Glory, (120)

Differs with the Scots Nobles, but afterwards yields to Them, ibid.

Osrim Isle, 26

Oswald, King of Northumberland, promotes the Christian Religion, 159

Otterborn Fight, wherein the English are worsted, 318

Oversa Isle, 26

Ovia Isle, ibid.

Otiosi Isle, 25

Oxon for Oxonford, 8

P

P

PABA Isle, noted for Robbery or Piracy, 28, 29

Pabaia Isle, 30

Palladius, sent by Pope Celestine into Scotland, first sets up Bishops there, 145

Pandulphus, the Pope's Legat, 238

Papa Isles, great and small, 36, 37

Parish Priests, and Friars Mendicants, the Cause of the Decay of Ecclesiastical Discipline, 243

Parricide, God suffers not to be unrevenged, 184, 185

Parsimony, the Mother of Health, 33

Parsonages, & Church-Preferments, sold, 419

Bestowing of them causes Strife, (57)

Pasly Book, or the Black Book of Pasly, what? 134

Patrick Graham chosen Bishop of St. Andrews by his Canons, in the room of Jame [...] Kennedy, 411

Made Primate of Scotland by the Pope, but obstructed by the Courtiers, ibid.

He labours to maintain Church-Priviledges, 417

Is excommunicated, and forced to resign his Bishoprick, 418, 419

And dies in Prison, ibid.

Patrick Grey, one of those who slew King James III. 433

Patrick Grey committed to Custody, (92)

Patrick, an holy Man, sent into Scotland, 145

Patrick Blackater flies from the Douglasses, (47)

He is treacherously slain by John Hume, (48)

Patrick Hamilton put to death for Religion, by the Conspiracy of the Priests, (53)

Patrick Lindsy sides with the Reformers, (132)

Goes with the Regent into England, (222)

Patrick Ruven's Magnanimity, (181, 182)

He kils David Rize, ibid.

He acquaints Murray with the Conspiracy against him, (173)

Paul Mefane, or Meffen, Preacher of the Gospel, troubled for Religion, (123)

Harboured by the Inhabitants of Dundee, (124)

Paulus Orosius quoted, 86

Corrected, 87

Paul Termes sent with Aid from France to Scotland, (110)

Peace-downs; see Duni Pacis.

Peace, sometimes more dangerous than War, 140, 112, 347

Peace confirmed, with an intended Affinity, betwixt Scots and English, 422

But soon broken, ibid.

Mediated for by the Scotish Nobility, 426

Made between French and English, (111)

Between the Reformers and the Court, (149)

Peachti, 53

Pentland Firth, 35, 53

Pentland Hills, 13, 53

People of the Commonalty, their Heat soon over, (207)

[Page] Percy (Henry) taken Prisoner, and ransomed, 320

Percy the Elder conspires against the King of England, 329

Overthrown, and flies to Scotland, 332

Betrayed by his Friend, ibid.

His Posterity restored to their Dignity, 334

Perth, 18

A great part of it destroyed by Water, 236

Its Walls demolished, 287

Taken by Edward of England, 295

Retaken by the Scots, 298

Pestilence in Scotland, 227, 303, 305, 381

Peter Cerealis in Britain, 86, 109

Peter Maufet a Robber, executed, (32)

Peter Hiale, the King of Spain's Embassador in England, (11)

His Errand to solicite a Match between Katharine of Spain, and Arthur, Henry's Son, ibid.

He mediates a Peace between Scots and English, (12)

Petronius Turpilianus in Britain, 85

Peter Warbeck a notable Impostor, (6)

Set up by the Dutchess of Burgundy to vex Henry, (7)

Sails out of England into Scotland, ibid.

Marries Katherine, the Earl of Huntly's Daughter, (9)

Engages James IV. against Henry, (9)

Dismiss'd out of Scotland, (12)

Taken and hanged in England, (13)

Pheodor-oy, 37

Phylarchae, who? 101

Physicians, why so much esteemed in Scotland, 101, 102

Picts, whether derived from the Saxons, 33

Whence so called? 53

Foretold by the Oracle, that the Scots should extirpate them, 95, 132

Repent joining with the Romans against the Scots, 131, 132

Their Origin from Germany, 55, 95

Overcome the Scots, 167

Overcome by the Scots, 168, 169

Their Kingdom abolished in Scotland, 169

Solicite Aid from Osbreth and Ella, 172

Beaten quite out of Britain, 173

Pliny, a Place in him corrected, 12

Pluscartin Book, i. e. a Book or Chronicle of Scotland, written by the Religious of Pluscarty, an Abby in Murrayland, 344

Pollack Fish, where found? 17

Polygamy, a Law made for it by Evenus, 107

Pomona, the greatest Isle of the Orcades, 35

Pope of Rome his Emissaries in Britain, 157

The Right of the Kingdom of England conferred upon him by King John, 237

His Embassadors excommunicate the Scots, 272

David II. King of Scots, anointed by his Permission, 282

His Legat denied entrance into Scotland, 243

Porcaria Isle, 26

Port, or Na Port, Isle, 25

Portugal, why so called? 47

Possessions confounded by often Wars, 271

Praenestin Lots, what? 43

Priests, or Clergy, Isle, 31

Priests, corrupted by Luxury, reformed by Constantine, 174

Richer than the Nobility, 243

Gain by the Losses of the Nobility, (25, 29)

Not subject to Kings, 245

Impostors, (58)

Priests so ignorant, as to think the New Testament was written by Martin Luther, (9)

Priests, One the Author of a Sedition, 309

Another treacherous, 374

Betrays Queen Joan, 375

Another forges a Will, (73)

Preys retaken, and restored to their Owners, 106

Prince of Scotland, the King's Eldest Son so called, 194

Princes not Slaves to their Words, (130)

Priviledg of the Scots, not to be summoned to appear out of their own Country, 241

Prodigies on divers occasions, 184, 204, (191)

Process, ridiculous, against the King's Murderers, (193)

Proclamation about the same, ibid.

Proclamation, or Schedule, of James II. drawn in contempt about the Streets, 386

Prosperity dangerous, 179

Prudania, 2

Prytania, ibid.

Prophecies of Witches, how fulfilled? 357

Ptolemy hath Deucaledon for Duncaledon, 56

Punishments, too exquisite, enrage Spectators, 358

Punishment, of old, to Prisoners not returning on their Parole, 319

Pygmee Isle, 30

Q

Q

QUadrantary Faith, what? (126)

Quindecemvirate in Scotland, (59)

Queens, their Marriage to be ordered by the Estates of the Realm, and why? 269

Anciently, Kings Wives not allowed to be so called, 402, 403

[Page] Queen, Mother of James III. sues for the Regency, with her Reasons, 400

The Scots not willing to be governed by her, ibid.

Queen Dowager sails into France, (112)

Where she labours to out the Regent of his Government, (113)

Hath the Regency conferred upon her, (115)

The First Female Regent in Scotland, ibid.

Levies new Taxes, (117)

But, because of an Insurrection, desists from collecting them, (118)

Refuses the Propositions sent her by the Reformed, (127)

Prepares Forces against them, (129)

Makes a Temporary Agreement with them, (130)

Which she endeavours to elude, ibid.

Makes another Truce with them, (134)

Repartees betwixt Her and the Reformed, (136, 137, 138)

Her Death and Character, (146, 147)

Queen of Scots, not [...]o use the English Arms, during Queen Elizabeth's Life, (159)

Queen of Scots, one of their Deaths, 430

Queen's Party divide from the King's, (255)

They send Embassadors to France and England for Aid, (254)

Queen Elizabeth rejects them, (254)

Question debated, Whether a Chief Magigistrate may be compelled by force to do his Duty? (159, &c.)

R

R

RAarsa Isle, 28

Rachlinda Isle, 25

Ralph Evers his vain Boast, (87)

Ralph Rokesby betrays Percy his Friend, 332

Ralph Sadler, Embassador from England about the Marriage of Mary with King Henry's Son, (75)

He hears the Scots Differences, and endeavours to compose them, (224)

Ramsay Isle, 25

Ranalds-oy, 35

Ranalsa, a Southern Isle, 36

Randolf (Thomas) invades England, 270

Made Regent, 282

Executes a Murderer, though he had the Pope's Pardon, 282

His Law against Thievery, ibid.

He punishes the Cheat of a Country-man, 283

Poisoned by a Monk, ibid.

Ratra River, hath no Salmons in it, 19, 20

Rebels, after Murray the Regent was dead, had several Meetings, (247)

They send Embassadors to the Queen of England, to desire a Truce, but in vain, (253, 254)

They solicite the French and Spaniards for Aid, (260)

Assault Leith, (281)

Surprize Sterlin, but beaten out again, (281, 282)

Attempt Jedburgh, but repulsed and routed, (285, 286)

Recognition, what? 15

Red, or Ridhead, Promontory, 19

Redshanks, who? 106

Reformation, the best Method thereof for Princes to begin at home, 188

Reformed Religion, the Nobles swear to maintain it, in behalf of James VI. whilst a Child, (214)

Reformed Congregation in Scotland, the first so called, (124)

Reformers abrogate the Queen Regent's Power, (139)

They meet with Difficulties in their Work, (140)

Are assisted by the English, (141, 142)

Their last Letter to the Regent, (144)

Regent slain at Sterlin, (282)

Religion, Language, Names of Places, &c. shew the Sameness of a People, 56

Religion, the Nobles arm for it in Scotland, (129)

The Vindicators of it make a Truce with the Regent, (134)

Abrogate her Power, (139)

Desire Aid from England, (140)

Which they receive, (142)

Reign, the Desire of it occasions much Mischief in the World, (231, 232)

Renfrew, 14 See Baronia.

Repartees between Scotish and English Armies, (277)

Rerigonian Bay, 14

Reringa Isle, 27

Reutha, King of Scots, 101

Revenge, the importune Desire of it dangerous, 124, 131, 132

Reuther, King of Scots, 99

Called Reuda by Bede, 100

Rhingrave sent with Aid by the French King into Scotland, (106)

Rian Lake, or Loch, 14

Richard of England very angry with the Scots for bringing in foreign Aid, 311

He invades Scotland with a great Army, ibid.

His Expedition to the Holy War, 234

[Page] Richard II. of England enforced to resign the Kingdom to Henry IV. 325

One in Scotland pretends himself to be Richard, 332

Richard, Duke of Gloucester, marches with an Army against Scotland, 426

Takes Berwick, 427

Made Protector of England, 428

Casts his Brother's two Sons into Prison, and sets up himself King, 428

Slain by Henry VII. 429

Is very Tyrannical in his Government, 434

Richard, Duke of York, brings King Edward Prisoner to London, 396

Slain by the Queen, ibid.

Richard Colvil put to Death by Douglas, 380

Richard Fox, Bishop of Durham, a very prudent Man, mediates for Peace between the two Nations, (12, 13)

An Instrument of James his Marriage with Margarite of England, (14)

Richard Grafton, an English Writer, blamed, 252

Rins of Galway, 14

Rinard Isle, 26

Ridhead; see Red Promontory.

Roadilla Monastery, 31

Robbers punished, 183, 189, (48, 57)

Robert Bruce his Genealogy, 246

His magnanimous Answer to the King of England, 250

Begins his Reign, 261

Is overthrown, and flies in disguise to save his Life, ibid.

His Wife imprisoned, and his two Brothers put to Death by the English, 261, 262

He baffles Cumins, ibid.

Carried sick into his Army, 264

Causes Edward of England to retreat, ibid.

Invades England, takes Perth, Edinburgh, &c. 265

Overthrows the English at Bannock near Sterlin, 267

Robert, the Son of Robert Bruce, conspires with John Cumins against England, 259, 260

Is crowned King, 261

Overcomes Edward II. in Battel, 267

The Nobles conspire against him, 271

Robert II. King of Scots, 306

Marries Elizabeth More, 307

The Dispute betwixt his Legitimate, and his Natural, Children, occasions great Troubles, 350

He invades England, 311

His Death and Character, 322

Robert III. before called John, succeeds his Father, 323

His Generals cause the Islanders to destroy one another, 324

He makes the first Dukes in Scotland, 325

He imprecates God's Iudgments on his Brother, and the other Murderers of his Son David, 330

He dies with Abstinence, and Grief, for the Captivity of his Son James in England, 331

His Brother Robert made Regent after his Death, 331

Robert Boyd kils James Stuart, 374

Made Guardian to the King, 409

Created Regent, 412

Flies into England, and dies there, 414

Robert Boyd deserts the Reformed, and revolts to the Queen, (218)

Robert Britain hath great Command at Court, (56)

Robert Cockerane of a Tradesman made a Courtier, 420

Taken by Douglas, and committed to Prison, 424, 425

Robert Cuningham, of the Family of the Lennoxes, opposes Bothwel, (195)

Robert Douglas desires that the Death of [...] Brother Murray might be revenged, (249)

Robert, Earl of Fife, 315

Starves to Death David the King's Son, 328

Robert Graham a great Enemy to King James, 355

Conspires against him, 357

Seizes him with his own Hands, for which he is executed, 358

Robert Maxwel, (71)

Coming to reconcile Differences, is imprisoned by Hamilton, (82)

Robert, the Son of Robert Maxwel, taken Prisoner by the English, (91)

Robert, Earl of the Orcades, made one of the King's Guardians, 407

Robert Petcarn sent Embassador into England, (242)

Queen Elizabeth's Answer to his Embassy, (257)

Robert Read sent Embassador into France, (63)

Poisoned there, (122)

Robert Semple kils Creighton, (111)

Robert Stuart, Bruce's Grand-son by his Daughter, rises in Arms for Bruce, 293

Made Regent, 294

Taken by Baliol, and swears Fealty to the King of England, 286

Sought for to be slain, 292

[Page] Roch Isle, 26

Roffa for Raufchestria, i. e. Rochester, 8

Romachus, King of Scots, 125

Roman Generals in Britain, 84, &c.

Roman Fraud, 239

Roman Legates, Pick-pockets, 243, 418

The Jews Apes, 381

Romans, their memorable Fact in Britain before their Departure, 138

Rona Isle, 32

Ronanus his Spade, ibid.

Rolland, a Carpenter, discovers a Treachery against Robert Bruce, 268

Rolland's Valour, he overcomes Gilcolumb, 246, 247

Rose, white, Badg of the York Faction, (7)

Ross, and its Etymology, 21, 139, 170

Rothsay Castle, 25

Rotti Isle, 37

Rous-oy, 36

Round Isle, 26

Roxburgh Town taken, 393

Its Castle taken, 394

Royalists overthrown in the North, (283)

Ruby, a French Lawyer in Scotland, his Character, (147)

Rudana Isle, 27

Rum Isle, 28

It abounds with Eggs of Sea-Fowl, ibid.

Ruven had the Mayoralty of Perth taken from him by the Cardinal, (92)

S

S

SAcred, or Cleirach, Isle, 31

Sacred Sanctuary, 25

Saga Isles, the Great and the Small, 30

Saliar Verses, not easy to be understood, 44

Salii, who? 44

Salisbury, Earl, commands the English in Scotland, 297

Taken Prisoner, 300

Salmon Fishing, Aberdene famous for it, 19

Sanachies, who? 39

Sancterr Isle, 37

Sanda Isle, 25

Scandians, who? 200

Satrael, King of Scots, 117

Slain, ibid.

Saturnals, old Feasts, retained, 239

Saxe, or Rock, Isle, 26

Saxons kill the English Nobles by Treachery, 70

Overcome by the Normans, 71

Worsted by Picts, Scots and Brittons, 149

Cruel in Wars, 146

Not faithful in Peace, 148

Their Fight with three Kings, 148, 149

Scalpe Isle, 28, 30

Scarba Isle, 25

Schan Castle, 31

Schanny Isle, 25, 27

Schetland Isles, 36

The Nature of their Inhabitants, 37

The greatest of them called Pomona, ibid.

Sclata, or Sleach, Isle, 25

Scoff, sharp, given to Bothwel by a Tradesman, (194)

Schools, publick, erected by James, 345

Scorpions, i. e. Cross-bows, 311

Scotland, how divided? 13

Where narrowest, 20

Had anciently learned Monks, 169

Scots, their fabulous Original, 46, 47

Scots and Picts unite against the Romans, 134

Scots and Brittons overthrown by the Saxons, 157

Scots Monks unjustly banished out of England, 160

Scots and Brittons unite against Picts and Saxons, 146

Scots Monks preach the Gospel in Germany, 165

Scots have hard Terms of Peace imposed upon them by the English, 173

Scots Bishops freed from the Iurisdiction of the English, 234, 411

Scots have an ancient Priviledg, not to be cited to Rome, 241

Scots excommunicated by their Ecclesiasticks, 243

Excommunicated again, but absolved, 272, 273

Scots join with the French against England, 253

Scots receive a great Overthrow from Edward of England at Falkirk, 256

Obtain a Truce from him, ibid.

Rise in Arms again, and overthrow the English at Rosline, 258

Scots make a League with the French, 273

When their first Alliance with France began, 165

Scots of Jerna, and Scots of Albion, 52

Scots overthrown by Maximus the Roman General, and banished out of their Country, 124

March into England, but retreat again, (91)

Scots Nobles, some, rise against James IV. but are quelled, (3)

Scots Nobles anciently had Skill in Chirurgery, (28)

Scots complain of the French Breach of Faith by their Embassadors, (60)

Scots Prisoners released at London, (74)

[Page] Scotish Parliament demolishes all Monasteries, (152)

Scotish Crown ordered to be sent to the Dolphin of France, (126)

Scotish Kings anciently travelled over their Kingdoms themselves to administer Iustice, 123

Scoto-Brigantes, in Claudian to be read for Scuta-Brigantes, 76

Scroop, an English General in Scotland, (256)

Sea-Calves, 29

Sea-Monks, an ill boding Fish, 175

Security dangerous in War, 172, 173

Seditions perillous, 141, 309

Secla, or Seil, Isle, 25

Seneciones, who? 39

Seuna Isle, 30

Severn River, 13

Severus his Wall, 8, 148

His Expedition against the Brittons, 117, 118

Seuna, or Suin, Isle, 25, 30

Servanus, 145

Shevi Isle, 30

Sheep, fair, yet wild, in Hirta Isle, 30

Their Fat good to eat, ibid.

Ships of great Bigness built by James IV. (14)

Siapins-oy, an Isle, 36

Sicambri, who? 79

Sigrama Isles, Great and Small, 30

Silva, or Yew, Isle, 25

Silures, who? 61, 109

Simon Breccus, 171

Similitudes for Illustration, 187, 188

Similitude of Events do assimilate Mens Manners, 213

Sinclare's Valour against the English, 270

Siuna Isle, 25

Skenny, or Skerry, Isles, 37

Skirmish between English and French in Scotland, (145)

Sky Isle, 28

Skyanna Isle, ibid.

Slata Isle, 25

Slavery worse than Banishment, 132

Slegana Isle, 30

Soa Isle, 27, 30

Soabre [...]il Isle, 28

Sodora Town, 24

Solan, or Sea, Geese, ibid.

Solanum, the Herb Nightshade, soporiferous, 209

Solinus quoted about Britain, 87

Solvathius, King of Scots, 164

Solwey River, 13

Sorbonists sent into Scotland, (136)

Spain hath several Names, 41

Spaniards, a Colony of them come into Ireland, 94

Inhabited the West Part of Britain, 51

Subject to the Injuries of Foreigners, 94

Spey River, 20

Spring, that carries down shapeless Fish, 29

Stacbad Isle, 26

Stafa Isle, 27

Stanmore, whence so called, 217

The Cross there, ibid.

Stags fright the English, 276

Stephano-Dunum, or Dunstaffnage, 20

Stephen Bull overthrown by Andrew Wood, (3, 4)

Stephen, Earl of Bologn, seizes on the Kingdom of England, 224

Notwithstanding he had taken an Oath to Queen Maud, ibid.

Sterlin County, 15

Sterlin Mony, 173

Stinsiar River, 14

Strathnavern, 21, 140

Strath-bogy, 140

Strat and Strathern, 17, 140

Stratagems in War, 154, 179

Stromoy Isle, 35

Stronza Isle, 36

Stuart, the Name of an Office, 217

Stuarts, their Original, ibid.

Who was the Rise of their Family, ibid.

Stuart, Regent, 298

Succession to the Crown of Scotland, an old Law made for it, 97

The Administration of the Government, to whom to be committed, when the King is a Minor, (230, 231)

Suffrages incroached upon, 179

Suilkir Isle, 32

Sumereld, Thane of Argyle, in hopes of the Kingdom, but is overthrown and slain, 228, 231

Suin Isle, 25

Suna Isle, 36

Sussex, the Earl of it commands an English Army in Scotland, (255)

Sutherland, 21

Swain gets the Kingdom of England, 71

He comes into Scotland, 200

He distributes three Kingdoms to his three Sons, 208

He comes again into Scotland, ibid.

He is overthrown, 209

T

T

TAichy, i. e. Menteith, 17

Talbot overthrown by Keith, 297

Again overthrown, 308

[Page] Thames River, 13

Thane, who? 187

Thanat Isle, 88

Tanasta Isle, 26

Taodunum, i. e. Dundee, 18

Taransa Isle, 30

Tarscheir Isle, 26

Tarvedrum Promontory, 21

Tay, the greatest River in Scotland, 18

Temple of Terminus, 15, 119

Terris Isle, 27

Teviotdale, 13

Texa Isle, 26

Textors Isle, ibid.

Theodosius his memorable Speech, (268)

Thereus, King of Scots, flies to the Brittons, 101

Thiana Isle, 25

Thomas Eliot his Opinion refuted, 4

Thomas Becket promotes Ecclesiastical Ambition in England, 243

Thomas Boyd marries the Eldest Sister of James III. 412

He is sent Embassador into Norwey, 413

Declared a publick Enemy, 415

Assists the Burgundians, ibid.

His Wife divorced from him, and married to James Hamilton, ibid.

He dies at Antwerp, 416

Thomas Car wasts England, (247)

Thomas Duchty, or Doughty, an Impostor, (58)

Thomas Howard, Admiral of the English Navy, (24)

General at Flodden Fight, (24)

Afterwards fals into Disgrace, (27)

Sent into Scotland, and takes Jedburgh, (41, 42)

Treats of a Marriage with the Queen of Scots, (224)

Meditates a Civil War against the Queen of England, (226, 239)

The Conspiracy detected, (242)

Thomas Petcarn sent Embassador to Queen Elizabeth, (255)

Thomas Randolph designed the King's Tutor, 269

Marches with an Army into England, 275

Thomas Randolph, the English Embassador in Scotland, demands the English Exiles, (248)

Thomas, Earl of Sussex, the English General in Scotland, inclinable to the Queen's Faction, (256)

Thomas Wolsy, a Cardinal, self-ended and ambitious, (44)

Thornton, Patric, put to death for Murder, 391

Tintallon Castle besieged by the King, (55)

Surrendred to him, (56)

Tine River, 14

Titles of Honour, 203

Tithes for Ecclesiasticks, 140

Tiren, or Tirriss, Isle, 27

Toncetus, an unjust Iudg, slain, 154

Toray Isle, 30

Trajan's remarkable Speech, (268)

Trajectus Passage, or Na Port Isle, 25

Trayl, Archbishop, his Commendation, 328

His Death, ibid.

Triaracha Isle, 25

Trebellius Maximus in Britain, 86

Tree Isle, 25

Tributes, or Impositions, part of them nibbled away by the Collectors, who are usually malapert, 339

Imposed, but remitted, 355

The Cause of War, and their Exactors slain, (10, 11)

Designed, but not paid, (117)

Trimarchia, 77

Trojans, Greeks by Descent, 45

Many pretend themselves derived from Them, 46

Trons Isle, 37

Tronta Isle, 28

Truce betwixt Scots and English, 309, 380

Betwixt the French, English and Scots, 310, 311

Between Scots and English for seven Years, 430

Truces violated, 325, 332, 378, 392

Truce between the Queen Regent and the Reformers, (133)

And on what Terms, ibid.

Twedale, 13

Twede River, ibid.

Tueman Isles, 30, 37

Turff Isle, 27

Turdetani, who? 38

Twine, Laurence, his Story, 284

He stirs up Baliol to invade Scotland, ibid.

Twentieth Part taxed in Scotland, 339

Tyana Isle, 25

Tyranny, its Root cut by Finnanus, and how? 102

Tyrants Avarice bring the richer Sort to their Ends, 107

V

V

VAlay Isle, 30

Valerius Asiaticus his bold Speech, (271)

Valla, and Vallis, Isle, 36

Vannota, King Arthur's Wife, not true to him, 153

Vallia, 60

[Page] Varro, Plato, &c. too inquisitive about Words, 3

Vatersa Isle, 29

Vectius Bolanus in Britain, 86

Vecturiones, who? 18

Vemendra Isle, 37

Venta Belgarum, 10

Vera Isle; see Wyer-oy.

Vervedrum Promontory, 21

Vestra Isle; see Wester-oy.

Vexa Isle, 30

Via Isle, 37

Viccoil Isle, 31

Victorinus sent into Britain from Rome, 131

Vidam in France, who? (150)

Vidogara, See Loch-Ryan, 14

Vien, a French General, i [...] Scotland, 311

Vigils, or Watches, necessary in Camps and Armies, 285, 308

Vikeran Isle, or Na-whoker, 25

Virid, or Green, Isles, viz. Charn More, and Charn Beg, the greater and the less, 27

Vitellius, a Saxon Commander, slain by the Scots, 157

Vituline, or Gawin, Isle, 25

Uist, or Yyists, Isle, 29, 30, 37

Ulva Isle, 27

Voadicea, Commandress of the Brittons, See Boadicea. 85

Vonnedra Isle, 37

Vortigern, of a Monk, made King of England, 143

Afterwards deposed▪ 145

Sends to Hengist the Saxon, 144

Overthrows the Scots, and is slain, 144, 145

Vortimer, King of the Brittons, renews a League with the Scots and Picts, 145

Ure River, 114

Ure Isle, 37

Uridick Isle, 25

Usabrast Isle, 26

Uter succeeds his Brother in Britain, 148

His Story and flagitious Fact, 149

Utility sometimes preferred before Honesty in Princes Courts, 331

Uxellum, in Caesar perhaps, for Ocellum, 70

Uust; see Uyist Island.

W

W

W, A Letter hard to be pronounced, but by such as Germanize, 6, 60, 61

Waes Isle, 36

Wales, how anciently divided, 13, 60

Wall a memorable one built by the Romans, 138

By Adrian, 8, 16

By Severus, 8

Wallace, or Wallis, his Story, 253

Made Regent, and takes many Places from the English in Scotland, 254

Overthrows Cressingham, the English General, 255

Edward of England afraid to fight him, 255, 256

Envied by the Scots Nobles, 256

Hath a Conference in the Field with Bruce, ibid.

Dismisses his Army, 257

Courted by King Edward, 258

Refused to swear Obedience to him, 259

Betrayed to Edward by a false Friend, 260, 261

By whom he was drawn, hanged and quartered, ibid.

Wallace slain in Fight by the English, 379

Walowithia, 60

Walsch or Welsch, what it signifies in German, 54, 61

Walter Mills martyred for Religion, 123

Walter, Steward of all Scotland, 21 [...]

Walter, the Son of Murdo, imprisoned, 338

Walter, Earl of Athol, conspires against the King, and murders him, 355, 356

He is executed, 357, 358

Walter Scot, endeavouring by Force to take the King from the Douglasses, is overthrown, (49)

Made Prisoner, (57)

Restored to Liberty, ibid.

Ioins his Forces with the Regent's, (89)

Wardships, their Origin and Nature, 203, 351

A Badg of Slavery, (15)

War, Pretence of the Holy War coz [...]ns the Simple of their Mony, 243

Warwick, Earl, overthrown by the Queen of England, 397

Watersa Isle, 29

Weathers Isle, ibid.

Werk Castle described, (45)

Weights corrected, 344

Wester-oy, or Wyer-oy, 36

Whales, Plenty of them about the Isle Lewis, 32

Whales-oy Isle, 37

Whey, the Brittons Drink, 23

White Battel, what? 271

Wife of Alexander Seton's Speech to her Husband, encouraging him to part with [...] Sons rather than the Town of Berwick, 289

Witches discovered and punished, 183

[Page] William, King of Scots, 231

Taken by the English, 233

Accompanies Henry of England into France, ibid.

Released, ibid.

Sends his Brother David to the Holy War, 235

William Creighton Chancellour, 359

Deceived by the Queen, and her Son the King taken from him, 360, 361

He guides the King, after he had taken him in a Wood, to his Party, 365

Highly accused, 361

Craves Aid of Douglas, but in vain, 362

Agrees with the Regent, 363

Is received into Favour, 374

His Death, 391

William of Normandy repairs Newcastle, 217

Conquers the Danes, 71

Overthrown in Scotland, 116

William Cecil, a prudent Counsellour, in England, (146)

Sent Embassador into Scotland, ibid.

William Creighton slain, (111)

William Creighton outlawed, with his Crimes, 428

William Douglas refuseth to swear Fealty to King Edward, 253

He treats Alexander Ramsay inhumanly, 301

Is slain, 303

William Douglas, Son of Archibald of Galway, 314

The King marries his Daughter Aegidia to him, though he were a Bastard, ibid.

Killed by Ruffians at Dantzic, 322

William Douglas succeeds Archibald his Father, 363

Corrupted by Flatterers, profuse, enticed by the Chancellour to Edinburgh, and beheaded, 370

William Douglas, Son of James the Gross, marries Beatrix his Vncle's Daughter, 370

Submits to the King, 371

By his Obsequiousness makes the King his Own, and by that means revenges the Deaths of his Kinsmen, 372, 375

Goes to Rome, 381

Accused in his Absence, and his Solicitor overthrown in the Trials, ibid.

He pays Damages out of his Estate, 381, 382

Returns, and is declared Regent, 383

Comes to Court on safe Conduct, 385

At last slain by the King's own Hand, 386

William Douglas desires leave to revenge the Death of his Brother the Earl of Murray, (248)

William Drury, an English Knight, secretly favours the Rebels, (278)

William, Bishop of Dunblane, sent into France to excuse the Queen's hasty Marriage in Scotland, (199, 200)

William Graham, the King's Guardian, 407

William Hume beheaded, (36)

William Elphinston, Bishop of Aberdene, laments the State of Scotland, (30)

William Keith taken Prisoner by the English, (122)

William Kircade of Grange, Admiral of the Navy against Bothwel, (215)

William Levingston goes into France with the Queen, (107)

William of Malmesbury, a British Writer, 8

William Maitland, an ingenious young Man, (161)

Sent into England to desire Aid, (224)

Sent into England to complement Queen Elizabeth on Mary's Account, (154)

Persuades her to declare Mary her Heires [...], (155)

Which she refuses to do, (157)

He favours the Queen's Affairs, (225)

Is factious and perfidious, ibid.

Studies Innovations, (226)

He is taken and released, (242, 243)

William Murray of Ti [...]bardin, angry with the Regent, (216)

William Rogers, an English Musician, one of James the IIId's Evil Counsellours, 420

William Sylly, or Souls, executed, 271

William Sivez, his Story, 418

Arch-deacon, and a great Astrologer, ibid.

Vndermines Patrick Graham, and gets the Bishoprick, 419

William Stuart, Bishop of Aberdene, sent Embassador into France, (63)

Womans Isle; see Nuns Isle.

Women, some of a manly Spirit, 290, 297, 397

Women, whether the supreme Government ought to be committed to them? 401

X

[Page]

X

X Vsed by the Spaniards for double SS. 60

Y

Y

YEw Isle, 25

Yla Isle, 26

Z

Z

ZEal, or Yel, Island, 3 [...]

Zeland, or Schetland, Isles, ibid.

Zerobia, Queen of Palmira, unsuccessful in her Government, 405

Zeviot, or Cheviot, Hills or Mountains, [...]3

FINIS.

ERRATA.

In the first Twelve Books.

PAge 16. marg. for Adrews read Andrews. P. 23. l. 29. f. wear r. did wear. P. 24. marg. f. Arra [...] r. Arr [...] ▪ P. 31. l. 18. f. Nastick r. Na Aich. P. 39, 40, 41, 42. in the Title, f. Book I. r. Book II. P. 75. marg. f. [...] lalabria's r. Calabria's. P. 82. l. 47. f. hither r. hitherto. P. 109. l. 41. f. Pe [...]itius r. Petili [...]. P. 110. l. 10▪ [...] p. 111. l. 5. f. Agrippa r. Agricola. P. 110. l. 42. f. Eighth r. Seventh. P. 116. marg. f. vn [...]ry r. [...]. P. 120. l. 45. and p. 183. l. 26. f. Wizard r. Witch. P. 131. l. 43. f. Thus r. This. P. 160. l. 22. r. Redemptio [...]. P. 168. marg. f. Kennetius r. Kennethus. P. 183. l. 17. f. Causes r. Cause. P. 197. l. 22. f. vai [...] r. in vai [...]. P. 21 [...]. l. 23. f. Neice r. Grandchild. l. 29. f. Nephew r. Grandson. P. 227. l. 25. f. 1553 r. 1153. P. 228. l. 6. dele good. P. 236. l. 20. f. 1643 r. 1214. P. 245. l. 2. f. Neice r. Grandchild. l. 13. f. Neice r. Grandchild. P. 248. l. 41. f. to the Marriage with his Queen r. Marriage (of his Son) with their Queen. l. 15. f. Dutchess r. D [...]tchy. P. 272. l. 9. dele some. P. 273. l. 1. after taken, add, Besides many of inferiour Rank, John Britain, Earl of Richmond, was also taken. P. 286. marg. f. Ear. r. Earn. l. 27. f. the Caledonians r. Dunkel. P. 287. dele the last marginal Note, viz: And declare War against France. P. 292. l. 21. after Wepont, add or Oldbrigs. P. 297. l. 16. f. 1 [...]37▪ r. 1337. P. 299. r. Alexander Ramsay. P. 319. l. 19. f. Army r. Arms. P. 325. l. 11. r. 18 years old. Earl of Rothes. P. 329. l. 1 [...] and 27. f. 300. r. 30. ibid. l. 49. dele of. P. 330. l. 30. r. Charles VI. P. 331. f. Youth's r. Child's. P. 332. marg. f. Murray r. Garioch. P. 339. l. 35. f. before r. after. P. 342. l. 46. f. [...] of Cait [...]nes, r. the Clan-cattan Men. f. Cameron r. the Camerons. P. 347. marg. f. Trust r. Fr [...]it. P. 348. l. 44. f. [...] r. Marr. P. 353. l. 12. f. quietly r. quickly. P. 3 [...]5. f. his Nephew by his Son r. Grandson. P. 357. l. 46. f. [...] Nephew by his Son r. Grandson. P. 360. l. 25. f. no r. now. P. 370. l. 23. f. upon r. before. P. 389. l. 43. f. [...] r. dwindle. P. 403. l. 41. f. induce r. introduce. P. 407. l. 28. f. Caledonia r. Dunkel. P. 420. l. 22. f. Na [...]ts r. [...]. P. 4 [...]1. l. 44. f. Blankets r. Sheets. P. 422 l. 27. [...]. Lewis the XI. P. 424. l. 35. r. Go to the Kings [...].

In the Eight last Books.

P. 2. l. 7. f. infesting r. infested. P. 3. l. 24. f. Grampias r. Grampius. Ibid. l. 40. f. Edward r. H [...]ry. P. 6. l. [...]. f. Gr [...]ina r. Graecina. P. 8. l. 45. f. so the present r. for the present. P. 9. l. 7. f. Their r. His. P. 11. marg. f. [...]. from. Ib. l. 38. f. he returned [...]. so returned. P. 15. marg. f. go Ierusalem r. go to Ierusalem. P. 39. l. 6. f. [...] r. as b [...]ing. P. 40. marg. f. raise r. raises. P. 44. l. 46. r. Assembly. P. 59. l. 19. f. Sunderland r. [...]. P. [...]3. l. 2. f. King r. Regent. P. 99. l. 49. r. Nones of November. P. 104. l. 17. dele all. P. 106. marg. r. [...]. P. 108. l. 13. f. Minnans r. Minians. Ib. l. 29. dele so [...]e. P. 193. l. 40. f. Guest r. [...]. P. 19 [...]. l. 23. r. as in many other Princ [...]s, so &c. P. 254. marg. f. St. Lewis r. Monsieur Lewis.

In the Alphabetical Table.

For Cassivelannus r. Cassivela [...]nus. For Gaxnico r. Garnico. For Genrach r. Ge [...]rach. For Hypoc [...]is [...]ical p. 6. r. Hypo [...]ristical. P. 60. In Kirkwal, for Pomonae r. Pomo [...]a.

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

The history of Scotland written in Latin by George Buchanan ; faithfully rendered into English.Rerum Scoticarum historia. English

Buchanan, George, 1506-1582.

Edition statement

1690

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A29962

ID [STC]

Wing B5283

ID [STC]

ESTC R466

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12241072

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12241072

ID [VID]

56771

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This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

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Early English books online.

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29962)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 56771)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 130:6)

Source

— The history of Scotland written in Latin by George Buchanan ; faithfully rendered into English., Rerum Scoticarum historia. English, Buchanan, George, 1506-1582..

Extent

[7], 7, [1], 434, 286, [36] p. : port.

Printed by Edw. Jones, for Awnsham Churchil ...,. London :: 1690.. (Translation of: Rerum scoticarum historia.) (Errata: p. [36] at end.) (Reproduction of original in Yale University Library.) (Includes: The life of George Buchanan, written by himself two years before his death.)

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