WHen we left Italy, we resolved for Spain; but because M. P. intend­ing his Son should take that Jour­ney with us, had ordered him to expect us at Monpellier, whither he had commanded him to repair, from the house of a Gentleman of Xaintonge, where he had resided some months, we were obliged to tarry for him. He came not till the later end of December, the extremity of which season pressing us to spend the Winter there, we deferred our departure till the Spring: and the weather in Languedoc being pleasant in March, we went away the 6th of that month. I shall not concern my self in describing what we saw in that most agreeable Province, nor in repeating what we learned that was consi­derable, whilst we traversed it almost from one [Page 2] end to the other; nor yet say any thing of Gas­cony, through which we passed; nor of Bayonne, where we took our leaves of France. Having travail'd those parts only as they lay in our way to Spain, I shall reserve all my curiosity for it, and not charge my Table-book with any obser­vations till I come to the Frontiers of that King­dom. That I may not neglect many particulars I learned of the Government, Customs, and pre­sent Condition of the Imperious Nation that in­habits it, I will here make an Extract of what I scattered in several Papers during our abode at Madrid: to put which into method, were to unravel confusion it self; every thing shall there­fore have its place, as I saw or heard it; and if some be repeated more than once, it is because I design not a polished work, but to give liberty to my discourse according to Time, Place, Persons, Companies, and Entertainments, and such refle­ctions as have presented from them; not confining my self to what I saw, or happened to me, or my Company, but enlarging to what was told us, having ever endeavoured to get the best informations possible. It ought not to seem strange if in some places I happen to speak un­truths without lying, and in others to wander without knowing I am out of the way, and de­voting my Book to those only that have seen its foundations laid, and materials gathered toge­ther, to serve us as memorials of part of that time which for six years we employed in studying the World in its great School, which is Travail: The mistakes and errors made either by me, or such [Page 3] as I conversed with, will not to them appear very considerable or uneasie to be effaced as soon as discovered: and if it accidentally happen into o­ther hands, they may make choice of what is weighty and certain, leaving what seems light and doubtful, without any just cause of complaint against me on account of that which I write not for their sakes. I have nevertheless endeavoured to make as few errors as possible, and what I set down at night according to the several Objects and Companies of the day, I overlook'd next morning, and made farther enquiry of such per­sons as I thought likely to disabuse me if ill in­formed, and give me clearer light if what I had received were imperfect. According to this method I have (better or worse) satisfied my cu­riosity in examining this grave and haughty Na­tion at its own home, since it seldom goes abroad unless to command others, and secure its King of their obedience by Garrisons and Colonies sent into all parts of his Dominions in the new and old World, and by the Governments and Magistra­cies he bestows upon it, with an intire exclusion of the Inhabitants of those Countries to which he distributes them.

Resolving to enter by way of St. Sebastian, which is the most easie, we lodged at the last Town of France called St. John de Luz. It is the Seat of Commerce between the two Frontiers, and may pass for a good City, being large, well built, and rich: Its Mariners are esteemed and employed in fishing for Cods, and Whales; and we found Dutch men there that had hired fifty to [Page 4] be made use of at New-found-land.

As soon as we had passed Baione we perceived the humour of the people to incline to that of their Neighbourhood, being insolent and little complying with strangers: the women in passing the Streets cast their Coats over their heads, and so to cover their cheeks discover their buttocks. The next day we wanted but two leagues to the Spanish Dominion, and at a good distance discern­ed Fontarabia, a Fort at the falling of Bidassao in­to the sea: This River, or rather Torrent, sepa­rates the two Kingdoms; it is pretty broad at the Ferry, the Country thereabouts being fenny, and ebs and flows with the Sea: at low water it is in many places fordable. Andaie a little Town or Village is seated on its bank, right over against Fontarabia, and separated from it only by that stream: but we were fain to go higher to seek the Ferry-boat, and were troubled how to find it, having been wrong directed by the Post­master, who does all ill offices he can to those that travail on their own horses: The Toll paid by the Boats goes half to the French, and half to the Spanish, one of them receiving it of such as pass into Spain, and the other of those that tra­vail into France, but both of them equally squeez­ing the Passenger. These Frontiers have no less Communication than if there were no war be­tween the two Nations; and it is well for them it is so; for otherwise an universal desolation would follow. The Country is barren and moun­tainous, producing nothing but Iron, as well that which belongs to France, as that which is pos­sessed [Page 5] by the Spaniard, which is the greatest part▪ It is called Biscai: the language is understood only by the Inhabitants, and so poor that one word hath diverse significations, so that it cannot without difficulty be made use of in Commerce: None write it, and the Children at School learn French or Spanish, as they are subject to either King.

It does not a little surprise, when having pas­sed Bidassao, one is no more understood without speaking Spanish, when a moment before French was intelligible. Half a quarter of a league further is Iron, the first Town belonging to the King of Spain; they neither demand Passport nor Ac­count of any's business; and one would think there were neither warr nor distrust; only the Alcalde came for two Reals as a due belonging to him: but such as return and pass into France are not used with the like indifference: We were entertained at the Posthouse, much as we had formerly been in Italy on the way to Naples, but more slenderly: little Dishes with little bits of meat, made us despair of filling our bellies; but at last one after another enow were brought to satisfie us. When the reckoning came they flee­ced us, and we were forced to give four Crowns for a Meal that was not worth one. Over several Mountains, and by a way very rough and stony, we got that night to lye at St. Sebastians, where we arrived before we were aware, it being co­vered by a great bank of sand, which passed, the Town appears at the foot of a Mountain that keeps off the sea, though she embraces it almost [Page 6] on all sides, and enters far enough to make a Ha­ven; but for greater safety to Ships, there is a Redout in form of a Basin, they riding at the Town side, and foot of the Mountain, where they seem secure from storms, though we were told some have risen to that height that they have broken in pieces such as anchored there.

Greater Vessels cannot enter, the water serv­ing only for Barks and Shallops: Ships of Warr ride a quarter of a league lower, towards Fonta­rabia, where is the Arsenal for the Oceans Fleet, at present in no very good condition. It returned from Bourdenux much weather-beaten, and for want of money nothing is done towards refit­ting it.

Before St. Sebastian there is a great Ship on the Stocks intended for Admiral: it will be a stately Vessel if ever finished: we were told it had been long in the condition in which we saw it, and that more money had been spent about it than would have served for a dozen such Fabricks, of which the greatest part became a prey to the Overseers.

Bilbo and St. Sebastian are the principal Ha­vens the King of Spain hath on the Ocean; Corugna also is spoken of, where the Marquis of St. Cruz tarried somewhat too long, whilest re­volted Bourdeaux, for want of his Succors, was ready to return to its Kings obedience: he could not have chosen a fitter place to refresh his Fleet, none on that Coast abounding more with Limons and Oranges, which from thence are transported into England, France, and Holland; and if he [Page 7] was better pleased there than he should have been in fighting, Monsieur de Vendosme, he payed dear enough for it, having been detained priso­ner ever since his return from so famous an expe­dition. St. Sebastian is seated in a very little Province called Guipuscoa; Trafick draws to it a great concourse, though the Town be but small, it is very compact, and extremely populous, one house containing several Families. A Merchant Stranger is there forced to lodge with some Citi­zen, it not being permitted him to be a House­keeper: many Dutch men are obliged to live in this manner. The custom was thus introduced; strangers at the first settling of Trafick out of meer liberality gave their Landlords as a Gratuity one in the hundred of all the Commodities they sold; and the Inhabitants to preserve this profit made such an Order, which hath caused some that would not observe it to be sued at Law. That which most pleased me in this Town, was, that the Streets are wide, streight, and very well pa­ved with a broad stone, like that of Florence. The principal Revenue of the Country is drawn from Iron-mills, some of them of a very pure mettal, and so rich they may furnish all Europe: Wools of old Castile are also shipped here, sent in good quantity by the Merchants of diverse places. The Baron of Batteville, a Gentleman of the Franch Contie (who was then present) is Governor, and with it of all Guipuscoa. Though he hath rendered very many good services to Spain, par­ticularly in the Troubles of Gasconie) and so sea­seasoned himself with Spanish Customs, that he [Page 8] hath forgotten his own Language and Country; this employment, to which that of Admiral is joyned, draws on him no little envy. We waited on him, and he received us well, but returned not our Visit, and we went away without bidding him adieu. Here we stayed three dayes, and kept our Easter: we had been recommended to a worthy Merchant, who after Dinner carried us to a Nunnery, where we heard most pitiful Mu­sick. This Cloister is on an Eminence, from which the Town that is overagainst it may be very well battered; and the Castle or Citadel which is on the top of a hill, at whose foot the Town stands, seems rather a Sentry-house to watch, than a For­tress to defend it.

On Tuesday in Easter-week, having been treated by our Merchant, we took the way of Madrid, 84 leagues distant. The Country we passed through is mountainous and barren, and we perceived that we traversed the tops of the Pirenean, which almost divide Spain, as the Ape­nine Italy. Necessity quickly taught us the Mode of the Country, which obliges Travailers to buy in several places all accommodations neces­sary. We tarried a while at St. Sebastians, part­ly to provide us a Moco de Mulas, that is a Ser­vant or Guide, to bring us to Madrid, to whom it belongs to buy victual, and carry other provi­sions: Forty Crowns were demanded of us for the attendance of one of those Rascals, which being so dear, we resolved not to take any, and to guide our selves as well as we could. The part of Moco de Mulas fell to my share: I shall give [Page 9] you the particulars of this imployment, and of travailing in Spain. At the first arrival at an Inn you ask for Beds, which being provided, you ei­ther give the meat you bring raw with you to the Host to be dressed, or go your self and buy it in the Market: if you find any Capon, Pullet, or Par­tridge you seek to make sure of them. We were told we should meet plenty of the last, fatter, larger, and better than those of France; but in all our Journey we found but one, neither had it all those advantages. The best way is to carry your provision along with you in Wallets, and provide what you find on the place to be made use of the next day. Coming to your Inn, you go abroad to buy bread, wine, and eggs; for something of those is usually to be had, but none allowed to sell them except such as farm that Priviledge: Excise goes so high, that the King hath a quarto upon every egge. These Inns are sad spectacles, and the sight of them gives one a belly full. The fire is made on a hearth in the middle of the Kitchin, choked with so thick a smoke, that you would think your self in the Ken­nel of a Fox that the Hunters would drive out▪ a man or woman all in rags like a begger, and no less lowsie, measures the wine to you, which is drawn from a Hogs, or Goats skin, in which it is kept, and which is to it both Barrel and Celler: the best wine out of these is a very unpleasant liquor, having a most abominable taste of the pitched hide. The White-wine is as fiery as Aqua­vitae, yet bears not water, the least drop being mixed with it, becoming insipid and without [Page 10] spirit. By what I have said may be gathered how ill living is in Spain; yet I found it not so bad as I expected, especially in Biscai, though a Coun­try less fertile then Castile. It is true indeed, that being a Frontier, it is not so much taxed, and the People enjoy greater liberty, and some provisi­ons may be found in the Inns, but at double their value.

About a day and a halfs Journey from St. Se­bastian we passed over a pretty high Mountain called St. Adrians; it is none of the steepest or craggiest, but that which I found most remarka­ble, is that on the top of it runs a ridge of rock, which hinders passing; one would think it pla­ced there by nature, as a fixed and insurmounta­ble separation between Biscai and old Castile, in such a manner, that they have been fain to open a way with much difficulty; for the rock is cut thorough thirty or forty paces: In this there is one house, which must needs be very well roofed, having so great a Mass of the quarry to cover it. Freed from this wonderful passage, we descended into old Castile, something more plain, though not much more fertil. We found here no less trouble than on the Alpes at the Mountain of St. Godard, night surprising us in the middle of the descent, and for increase of our misfortune, we could get no lodging at the next Village: this the more incommoded us in regard one of our horses had lost both his shoes before: notwithstanding which we were forced to seek entertainment in another miserable Village (to which the Host was our Guide) which afforded us only bread and wine, [Page 11] and two wretched Beds, whose Sheets and Ma­tresses could not oblige us to put off our cloths.

We began now to approach the heart of Spain, having entred the old Castile, where stands the City of Valladolid, for a long time the Seat of its Kings, the Country is all sand, and little hillocks of unfertil earth, often interrupted by Mountains hooded with rocks, unless in some few places where small Plains and Valleys appear, that af­ford the Inhabitants such provisions as sustain them. But never did I see any Country less beau­tified with Gardens: I know not whether by reason the soil affords them not, or that the peo­ple are not industrious enough to take care of them.

Coming near Vittoria, the first City of Castile, we passed through the fairest and best cultivated Plain we had till then seen: that little City is seat­ed at the end of it, as seemed to us, very plea­santly: we rested there half a day, as well to shoe our horses, as to deliver a letter we had for the Master of the Custom-house, from whom we hoped addresses necessary to continue our Jour­ney securely. We heard rumours of Theeves, and beyond Burgos a great Robberie had been lately committed. This Letter was very useful to us, for till then we had not been any wayes molested about our horses or baggage, but we were assu­red, that had we only passed the Gate without a Ticket from the Custom-house all had been con­fiscated. It fell out very luckily for us to have a letter to him that is the Kings Farmer, who as soon as he had received it, visited us, and not only [Page 12] caused a sufficient Passport to be given us, but made us a Present of Wine, Capons and Neats-tongues, with which furnishing our Knap­sacks, we had recourse to them in case of neces­sity. The civility of this Spaniard was very plea­sing to us, and made us judge this Nation more generous then the Italians, though they be equal­ly for their particular interests, and one of them as little communicable as the other.

The first of April we dined at Pancorbo, and lay at Miranda, and the next day did the like at Barbiesca and Monasterio de Rodillas; the Third we arried at Burgos, the chief City of Castile, and so considerable in both Castiles, that it possesses the first place, though disputed by Toledo: we were not at all troubled with heat on our way, but not a little that day with cold; a sharp wind caused a hoar frost, and in some places Ice: Burgos is the coldest City of Spain, being seated at the foot of a high Moun­tain; it hath formerly enjoyed a considerable Trade, which of later days is almost lost; it is not very great; and the most remarkable things in it are the Church and Arch-bishops Palace, admirable Fabricks for Spain, where generally they build ill; in some places because they are poor, and in others for want of Lime and Stones, so that in every part, and even in Madrid it self, many houses are made of earth; and the best Fabricks cimented with Clay instead of Mortar. Another ornament of Burgos, is a large and very convenient Bridge, passing from the Suburbs to the City: its inhabitants are [Page 13] thought to speak the best Castilian; this Ter­ritory, of a certain breeds the best soldiers, and very few afford the King a greater number; we received extraordinary civilities from a Merchant, to whom we were recommended by the Customer of Vittoria. He did not only inquire us out com­pany for our journey to Madrid, because of the danger of Thieves; but finding us in a lodging where we could not be well entertained, after shewing us the Town, carried us to his House, where he Treated us at Dinner with a frankness, much more valuable then his good cheer; it was served in dish after dish, and began by a slender potage, with two or three slices of bread in it; every one of us had an earthen porrenger of it presented him, but the Saffron and Pepper gave such a hogo, it could hardly be eaten. It was on a Saturday and according to the custom of that Countrey to eat on such days, the heads and intrails of Sheep and Oxen, we had such meats, so that we fared much better then we should have done by hunting among the Ta­verns and victualing houses to make our own provision: besides, the gallantry of his manner of Treating, surprzed us, conducting us with a great deal of freedom into the chamber where the Cloth was laid, and his wife lay sick abed of a Quartane Ague; that day I spurred up my me­mory to furnish me with all the Spanish, had lain dormant there, since I studied it at Florence, and lighting on any expression of civility, repeated it so often, that it was very evident, Compliments were scarce with me; M. P. spoke [Page 14] now and then a word, and M. S. was continu­ally silent, so that the burthen of the entertain­ment lay all on me, who knew not very well how to acquit my self, especially, when the wife began to speak from the bed; I knew not whe­ther I was to Treat her with Vuestra Merced, or Vuestra Sennoria, which so confounded me, that often supposing, the first belonged onely to men, I blushed as if I had committed some hainous crime, and recalling my self, brought out the second, due only to persons of eminent Qua­lity, for Vuestra Merced is of all genders, and so common, that Grooms and Footmen ho­nour one another with it: To bring my self off, I drank her good health, saying, Sennora a la Salud de XXXX and there was gravell'd, not knowing which word to chuse, and I think I made use of both, que dios le dia prompta gua­rison, I cannot tell whether she understood me, for I have since been told, the last word is not Spanish; but this I am sensible of, that I com­mitted a great incivility by putting off my Hat, which is never done there at Table: Having made better use of our teeth then tongues, it was at last, time to be gone; the Master of the house, according to the custom of the Coun­trey, leading the way, for as they button con­trary to other nations, they are also contrary in this particular; and they say, that in accompa­nying the stranger, the Master of the house goes first to leave the other in possession. I forgot to give the woman a parting Compliment. Coming back to the Inn, where we alighted, we found [Page 15] the widow that kept it, drunk, on which I must take occasion to say, that I never saw so many women drunk in Germany, as on this side the Pireneans; this was the second that gorged with wine, which they send for to Taverns, came to piss before us all in the Stable. Though we had almost resolved to lie at Burgos, as soon as we had left our Merchant, our minds alter'd, because we were told that three Leagues from thence we should find a very good Inn, but our servants being walked abroad, had like to have hindred our putting this in execution. One of them having enter'd a Church with spurs on, the Gates were shut upon him, till he payed money exacted as on shipboard, but at last he freed himself; we presently took horse, and as soon as out of Town, missed our way; after which, making use of a Priest we met with for our guide, we happened to be very ill lodged: the next day cold and rainy, we dined at Lerma, where ha­ving lit on a good Inn, we continued till the morning after; we went to see the Palace of the Lord of it, next the Escurial, esteemed the fai­rest in Spain, It is a vast Fabrick, but ill con­triv'd, without either Garden or Plantation for Walks: being holiday, the inhabitants were to­gether, drinking in a large Hall, into which, as soon as we enter'd, they very civilly presented us Wine, and the Corrigidor, or chief Officer of the place, entertained and shewed us several rooms of the Palace.

Leaving Lerma the 5th, we arrived at Ma­drid the 9th. where we were very glad to be, as [Page 16] well to rest our selves as to enjoy a milder Climat, for in Castile we were tormented with continual cold wind and rain, and a Countrey so Steril, that we could not but rejoyce to approach one something less savage. An inexpressible number of French pilgrims pass to and from St. James in Galicia, the occasion of the Spaniards calling them Gavachos, this makes evident that France abounds in people, and those very idle, in such a man­ner to pester the roads of Spain. Ignorance, poverty and abuse in matters of Religion, cause this disorder, and that a great many poor pil­grims (not entertain'd here as in Italy, the Hospitals affording only house-room) die every year in Spain. The best Town we saw on the way was Aranda de Duero, where we provided our selves to pass the 7th the Mountain of Samosierra, which separates Old Castille from New, in which Madrid stands. These passages are called Ports, as if there were Rivers to be forded or ferried over, and at first deceived us with the expecta­tion of some rapid and difficult Torrent. This day we suffered by rain, hail, snow, and wind, and found not Spain hotter then other Coun­treys, being almost frozen in so advanced a sea­son, and between the two Castiles. We were not free from the Mountains, till within Three or Four Leagues of Madrid, the snowy tops of which are discerned at it: the Plain in which it is seated is somewhat uneven, rising and fall­ing every halfe quarter of a League: it is not adorned by any one tree, the Land on that side by which we went towards it is tilled, yet [Page 17] seems very barren, consisting onely of Sand and light Earth, unless some few eminences; no wood, and abundance of stones: the way all along is good, as is usual where Land is bad; and when we enquired after it, we were answered with a Spanish Rhodomontado, that we could not possi­bly miss it, because the greatest high-way in the world. On the side we enter'd it appears not much, but on that where Buon retiro stands, gives a very agreeable Prospect. It is not walled, the Streets are large, but foul, and stinking They which calculate all the ordures cast into them, say they are daily perfumed by above a hundred thousand Close-stools; the Pavement is so defe­ctive, and the Coaches so ill hung, that to ride in them over so uneven ground is to be broken on the Wheel. Houses (as well as all things else) are very dear here. They build only with brick and clay, having little lime, and no stone but what is brought seven leagues from about the Es­curial. A House that in another place were very inconsiderable is sold here for 20 or 25 thousand crowns. Whoever builds is concluded to have a Purse very well lined. They which return from Governments beyond sea, demolish their Houses and build Palaces, which make appear they have either been Viceroys of Naples, or Governors of Flanders or Milan. In this manner this Town, which is new, and the greatest part very slightly built, according to the abilities of the In­habitants, becomes every day more beautiful, as the better part of the Kings Revenue, is appro­priated to those that have the managing of it. [Page 18] La Placa Major is very fair, something more long than large, the houses on all sides uniform, and the highest in Madrid. They are all en­compassed by two or three ranks of Balconies, which serve to see the Feasts of Bulls, the famous­est Ceremonies of Spain.

Report speaks this Divertisement to have been derived from the Moors, and indeed it savours not a little of their Brutality: It suits so strange­ly with the genius of this People, that no Town is so mean but it hath its peculiar Feasts, and think a Curse would follow should they omit solemnise them. The King cannot absent himself from those of Madrid without the murmurs of the People. His Palace is at one end of the Town, on an almost indiscernable rising, that side on which we went to it enjoys the prospect of a little River, and part of a Valley in which are some trees: by it he can pass to la Casa del Campo, a wretched House of Pleasure, without other Ornament than a few Walks in a Wood.

On this Brook, rather than River, Philip the Second built a very great and broad Bridge, some of its arches not touched by any water: And I believe it was rather made for a more commodi­ous passing the descent of the Valley, than to be a great Bridge to little or no River. The Kings House hath nothing magnificent, yet is not so mean as was reported to us. There is a very fair Piazza before it, to which it represents no un­handsome Frontispice, were the building higher, and a defective Tower finished. It hath two Qua­drangles very large: All Councils meet in the [Page 19] Palace, and the King by private Galleries can go to any of the Rooms where they sit. There is a great Concourse, and no less noise, when any of them are assembled: But in the Kings Apartment all is very still, and no body appears till he goes to Mass, the only time of seeing him: His Hal­berdiers are then drawn out on each side the Gal­lerie, by which he passes; These are Germans, Burgundians, and Spaniards, about two or three hundred, wearing all Liveries of yellow trim­med with red Velvet. When he comes from his Apartment the Captain of the Gard goes before him, and he is followed only by two or three Persons. Passing between these Halberdiers he receives such Petitions as are presented him. One day as he went to Chappel we would have gone in before, the better to view him, but a Door-keeper (as formerly happened at Ratisbone on such an occasion) told us, that none were to en­ter unless clothed in black. I liked no House in this Town so well as the Prison, where yet I would least desire to lodge: It is a massie solid building, the Windows fortified with great barrs of Iron, as much for ornament as security: they are artificially wrought and guilded, so that my mistake will not seem very strange, who at first thought it the habitation of some Grandee of Spain.

All agree that no City of Spain is so populous as this, and excepting London and Paris I never saw so many Coaches in any; they are drawn by Mules only, and none but the Kings and the Ma­sters of his Horse with more than four: They are [Page 20] no wayes magnificent but in some slight guildings of the Iron-works, and about the Boots: the greatest part of them are covered with waxed cloth. On one side of the Town is the Prado, a large Walk made use of for the Tour; near it is a great Fabrick, but low, called Buen Retiro. The Duke of Olivares, during his administration, spent many Millions on a Structure that is not very considerable: I saw but part of it, where a Comedy was preparing with Scenes, that would amount to a great expence; a Florentine was the Undertaker. For ordinary Comedies here are two Theaters, where they act every day: The Players have to themselves not above three half pence for every person, the Hospital as much, and as much the Town-house; to set down it costs seven pence, the whole amounting to fifteen pence. I can say little to the Lines or Plots, not being skilful enough in the language to under­stand Poetry, nor the figurative fashion of speak­ing that belongs to it: but know they play their parts ill, few or none having either the meen or genius of true Actors. They present by day-light, so that their Scenes appear not with ad­vantage: Their Clothes are neither rich, nor ap­propriated to their Subject; and the Spanish ha­bit serves where the Scene is Greece or Rome. The Playes I have seen have but three Acts, called Jornadas: They usually begin by a Prologue in Musick, but sing so ill, that their harmony re­sembles little Childrens whinings: Between the Acts there is some little Farce, Dance, or Intri­gue, the most diverting of the whole Piece: The [Page 21] people are so taken with them it is hard to get place, the best being bespoken, and the excessive idleness of this Country, as that of England, is made evident in that in Paris it self, though there are not Playes every day, there is no such crowd­ing to them. Having with some exactness re­ported the particularities of such places as we saw, I will now acquaint you with what I in general observed of the Spanish humor and Government. This Nation is thought to be very proud and dis­dainful, but is really neither so much as it seems: its meen doubtlesly is deceitful, and they which frequent it find not all the vanity imagined, and may perceive it to be a vice proceeding rather from erroneous Morals than an insolent temper. To Hector it both in words and gestures, seems to them a symtome of a great soul; and visiting other Countries, little or not at all they discover not this defect, derived to them from the first milk they suck, and the first Sun gives them light.

Some Spaniards are so ignorant that they be­lieve not there is any other Country than Spain, other City than Madrid, or King than their own. When I speak of ignorant Spaniards, I mean those meer Castillians who never having quitted their Threshold, know not whether Amsterdam be in Europe, or the Indies. The Nobility and Grandees go little out of Madrid, neither as Soldiers nor Travailers, unless commanded and employed. They have no information either by Gazetts or other news written or printed, and I never more admired any thing than that this Na­tion [Page 22] we esteem so politick, and imperious, Ma­sters of the secret of the universal Monarchy, and capable of imposing fetters on the rest of Chri­stendom, hath so very few able heads, amongst whom it is thought the Earl of Castriglio, Vice­roy of Naples is none of the meanest: Pignoranda, Don Lewis de Haro, and Don Fernando de Con­treras govern all. The Earl of Ognate is a great head-piece, but the Favourite is jealous of him, and as much as possible keeps him from affairs. The Grandees of Spain appear such only at a distance: here they seemed to me very little, and without any other advantages than to put on their hats, and sit down in the Kings presence; in other particulars I never observed less inequa­lity in the most popular Republick. A Shoe­maker when he hath laid aside his Awl and Last, and hung his Sword and Dagger by his side, will hardly give the first salute to him he wrought for in his Shop a moment before. You cannot speak to one of the most inferior of the rabble without giving him titles of honor; and they treat one another with Senores Cavalleros. If a Beggar seeks an Alms, and you refuse him, it must not be without a Compliment, Pardone Vuestra merced, no tengo diveros: pardon me Sir, I have no money. No other Prince lives like the King of Spain, his employments are continually the same, in such a manner, that he at all times knows how every day of his life is to be passed over: You would think some indispensable Law prohibited his omit­ting to do according to custom; so that neither weeks, months, years, nor hours change any [Page 23] thing of his manner of living, nor present him any thing new. As soon as he rises and recollects what day it is, he knows what businesses he is to dispatch, or what pleasures to enjoy. He hath cer­tain hours for forain and domestick Audiences, and for signing all that tends to the expedition of his Affairs, dispos▪d of his Treasure, Meals, and Devotions. And I have been assured that what­ever happens he continues firm in such a manner of acting. Every Saturday he goes to a Church at the farther end of the old Pardo called At [...]cha, where he hath a most particular Devotion to the Holy Virgin, saying it is from her he hath recei­ved so great favours, and admirable assistances in his greatest extremities. France also imputes all its successes to her mediation, and the advanta­ges of these potent Kingdoms, having been so long diametrically opposite, it seems something inconsistent, that (little happiness coming to one without the others misfortune) they can both boast to have her propitious. Every year at the self same time he goes to his Houses of pleasure, and they say nothing but sickness can prevent his retiring to Aranjuez, Pardo, or the Escurial in the Months he had wont to enjoy the Air of the Country. In a word, they which have spoken to me of this humor, tell me it is very conformable to his Meen and Port, and they that are near him assured me, that when they speak to him he changes neither look nor posture, but receives, hears, and answers them with the same counte­nance, nothing in all his body being moveable but his lips and tongue. This gravity, whether [Page 24] natural or affected, is in this Country so essential a part of Majesty, that we were told that the Queen one day, transported at dinner to a more than ordinary laughter, at the ridiculous postures and discourses of a Buffoon, was put in mind, that to do so became not a Queen of Spain, who ought to be more serious at which surprised, being young, and but newly come out of Ger­many, she said she could not help it unless that fellow were taken away, and that they should not have brought him thither if they would not have had her laugh at him. Two dayes in the week he gives publick Audiences, principally to receive Petitions and Memorials of such as beg any favour of him. He answers not immediately, but causes them to be all carried into a certain place, where they are perused by a Secretary of State, who distributes them to such of the seve­ral Councils, as their contents relate to; after which he that would be dispatched, must enquire at the Secretaries Office what answer is returned, but seldom finds any, especially if the pretence be arrears or reward; and when he hath lost all hope of hearing what is become of his Petition, it is permitted him to present as many more as he pleases, but to little purpose, for the King sel­dom sees any, and all are carried to the Council that received the first, which having no intention to satisfie him, returns neither Petition nor An­swer: For this reason Madrid is ever full of pretenders, who with the attendance of whole years, lose their ink and Paper. His Majesty hath also certain hours in which he signs all ex­peditions [Page 25] of State, and of his Treasurie; so that nothing is done, nor one penny given out without an Order signed by him, whereas in France the Secretaries of State have the Seal and Signature of the King in their power, which would give them oppportunities of doing many things on their own accompt, should they abuse it. It is true yet, that neither here nor there the Secretary signs or presents any thing to be signed, but by consent of the Favourite or chief Minister: and Don Fernando de Contreras, principal Secretary, who with Pigneranda, and Don Lewis de Haro governs all, causes nothing to be signed but what is approved by the later, and the King intirely confiding in him, signs all he presents without reading it: for never any Prince was more easie, nor put greater confidence in his Ministers: When delivred from Olivares, he was no longer without a Favourite then till the Queens death, which happened very sodainly after the disgrace of that chief Minister: Then he received into his privacy (as they call it here) the Nephew of the former, at present the most powerful in this Court: He is also one of the richest, and posses­sing the great wealth he inherited from his Uncle, contents himself to enjoy his fame, and neglect his maximes, which would probably be attended by the publick hatred, his politicks having been thought very corrupt and biassed. It is believed this Favourite makes no use of his Masters coffers; and it is but necessary he spare them, they having never been so exhausted; for besides the Monthly Pensions of the Prince of Conde, and those that [Page 26] follow him, which are very ill paid, this Court is obliged to an extraordinary charge in Catalonia, and its forces being very weak there, to treat for three or four thousand Wallons and Germans, of which the poorest foot Souldier will stand it in six score crowns. The Marquis Serra a noble Ge­nouese (who on that condition returned to Bar­celona) is promised a hundred thousand crowns a month to maintain that Army, and to resist the French. The Indian Fleet was expected, which brought but 800 thousand crowns on the Kings accompt the last year; what it would then bring was very uncertain, thought it was given out to be very rich, and that it had aboard it two years Re­venue.

Before the King went to Aranjuez, he assem­bled the Estates of both Castiles, which consist of the Deputies of 22 Towns, each Town send­ing two. Such Assemblies are called las Cortes. The King made them a Speech, and told them, that of the ten Millions of Gold, his Kingdoms yearly supply him with, not above three came in­to his Coffers, and necessities of State considered, it was his pleasure they should consult of wayes to bring the entire sum into his hands. That to this purpose every Town and Province should take care themselves to bring their proportion into his Exchequer, where he willed them to suppress many of the Officers that managed his Revenue, and devoured the greatest part of it: after this he also demanded some augmentation. The Cortes met, and laboured in this affair, but it was much feared they would not consent to [Page 27] such a suppression, which would undo many, and some of their Relations, for the augmentation, it was believed they would not think the people able to pay any more, the miserie and poverty of the Country considered. In the mean time this King, (his ten Millions of crowns excepted) draws little or nothing from the People; and Navarre, Arragon, and the Kingdom of Valentia, (not united to the Castiles) are not thought to bring up above two Millions.

The great expences to which his Warrs oblige him, are known to all the world, but some near­er home consume the best of his Revenue: these are many Pensions, there being hardly any Gran­dee of Spain, Duke, Earl, Marquis, or Knight that hath not something from the Publick: not in recompence of service in War; but because the most of them are extremely necessitous, in so much that I have been assured that many of them compounding with their Creditors, have assign­ed them their Pensions, reserving only some small sum towards a wretched subsistance. Neither are any accompted rich (the three Favourites above-mentioned excepted) but the Duke of Alva, the Marquis of Leganes, the Earl of Ognate, and two or three others whose names I have forgotten; the rest of the Nobility wanting wherewithal to supply their ordinary expences. But did the King allow no Pensions to them, he payes enow to o­thers to divert a very considerable part of his In­com. His Armies abound with Reformadoes, who receive pay as if actually in service: it is true indeed that these are so il paid, that I connot [Page 28] imagin how they subsist, and I spoke with an Al­fieres that came from Portugal, whose Pension is twelve crowns a month, that protested he had not recived six in six year.

The Jesuits have of late been obliged to bring sixty thousand crowns into the Kings Coffers, which very much disgusted them, and allayed their zeal in these quarters for the House of Au­stria. This Sum was shipped by them on the Indian Fleet, without registring it, and upon dis­covery confiscated according to the Law. The Jesuit to whose care it was entrusted, playd his part so well that the Kings Officers could not find it, but that which belonged to other Cloy­sters, being seised, they peached, and it became the Kings, notwithstanding the good Fathers al­leged it designed to build a Church in Navarre, in the Town where the Saint the Founder of their Order was born.

This King spends nothing either in Buildings or Gardens. Much of ornament might be added to his Palace, and its height require a Wall in form of a Terrass, to support its declining, that increases daily. A Wood below it, that serves only for a Shelter to Rabbits, and a Nest for Crows, brought by Charles the 5th out of the Low Countries, might be converted into a fair Garden. The river that passes by it is called Maucanarzes, not so broad as its name is long; its Channel is gravelly, and it self in Summer so low, that in June and July Coaches at the Tour go through it. The Bridge, or rather Causey, by which it is passed, is both long and large, and cost I know [Page 29] not how many thousand Ducats; and he was no fool, that being told that Philip the Second be­stowed so much cost on so poor a River, said it was fit either to sell the Bridge or buy Wa­ter.

Gentlemen here contrary to the customs of England, France and Germany live in Cities; few of them having any priviledges for Hunting or Hawking, neither Mannors or Vassals as with us, where they are most of them Lords of the Parishes they dwell in: and indeed the quality of a private Gentleman is here scarcely intelligi­ble, the people having respect only for Orders of Knighthood, and such as are Titulados, which comprehends Dukes, Marquisses, and Earls. Here are yet some Families whom they call Solari­egas or de Solar Conocido, who alone are true Gentlemen, and can derive pedigrees, of which they may have testimonies, called Cartas Execu­torias, and on accompt of them, enjoy some in­considerable priviledges. The most antient of their Titles, was that of Riccos Hombres, very different from Hombre Ricco, which last implies no more but a rich man, but the othet antiently were the great Lords of Spain, before Dukes, Marquisses and Earls were heard of: They were covered in those days in presence of their King, and alone had deliberative voices in Assem­blies.

Neither Governments, nor Military, nor Civil Charges are here sold, which is not altogether so commendable as it seems at first sight; for un­unworthy persons (if well looked on by Favo­rites) [Page 30] may more easily attain them then if they paid for them, and several of antient extraction and great abilities are willing to lay out their money to put themselves in a condition to serve their King with honour: neither in Countreys where Charges are most vendible, are they so to all Chapmen; but to Gentlemen only, and such as are qualified for them.

All the while Olivares was in favour, he caus­ed an ill understanding between the King and his wife, Elizabeth of Bourbon. In order to which (as some report) he sought to corrupt his Master with an abominable opinion of certain graceless People who in Madrid joyned toge­ther in a Sect, and called themselves Alum­brad [...]s, as much as to say illuminated, or (if you please) Phanaticks; these seeking to counte­nance themselves in their villanies, that they might commit them with the greater liberty, held it out as a Maxim, that part of the Gospel was mis-understood, and that it was an error to believe Copulation with a woman (on what account soever) could render a man blameable before God.

This King is supposed to have had natu­ral issue by several, but none is owned but Don John of Austria, whose Mother was a Come­dian. Of legitimate Children none grew up but the Prince and the Infanta, the rest dying very young. The Prince seemed couragious, but, as was conjectured, of a nature violent and cruel. Some report he was taken from so many King­doms (as whose sole Heir he was considered) [Page 31] by an accidental connivence of Don Pedro de Ar­ragon first Gentleman of his Chamber, who one night giving way to his lying with a Curtezan, he so overheat himself that next morning he fell into a violent Feavour; and the Physitians ignorant of what had passed, by letting him blood so ex­tremely exhausted his Spirits, whose dimunition was the only cause of his Disease, that they ha­stened his death. Don Pedro either for not pre­venting or not discovering this to the Physitians, continues in disgrace, and though Brother of the Favorite, may not yet return to Court: Per­mission only being given him to dwel at one end of the Town, where he neither receives nor re­turns Visits with any Splendor.

The fall of Olivares hath been very publick in Europe, and made appear that Favour, which hath no other foundation than the Princes affecti­on, nor supports it self otherwise than by the dex­terity of him that possesses it, cannot be so dura­ble, as his that established on the Basis of his good service, renders him necessary to whom he is agreeable, and it is reported that this man did sometimes buoy himself up in the Kings good af­fection and opinion, by the very same inconside­rable Artifices, that at last sunk him. Amongst other inventions this is discoursed; Complaint having been made that Bread was very dear, and so scarce it could hardly be had in Madrid, because he had taken money of all the Neighbou­ring Villages, to exempt them from an Obliga­tion lay upon them, to bring a certain quanti­ty every day to Market, he gave Order that all [Page 32] that was in the Town dispersed among several Bakers, should be brought and exposed in the street, by which the King was to pass to our La­dy of Atocha. They to whom he gave this com­mand performed it so well, that the Shops and Stals were loden. The King at sight of such plen­ty said he perceived that they which had told him of scarsitie of Bread were impostors and ly­ers: For better Confirmation the Conde Duke Ordered they should bring every day into the publick Market place all the Bread, they were ob­liged to, notwithstanding the Exemptions, upon which the complaints ceased, and the King a long time believed that what had been told him was an effect of the Malice, of such as emula­ted and envied his Favourite: But the Queen by her Wisdom and Patience, at last ruined him, and by degrees entred on part of the Govern­ment, from which his Ambition and Jealousie had so long excluded her. As soon as she had gotten credit with the King her Husband, she made him understand the disorder of affairs, and danger of the Crown by his Favorites ill conduct: and this with so much Prudence that he was bani­shed the Court; and at last preparations made to bring him to this trial. The Queens chief Coun­cellour on this Extraordinary occasion, was the Earl of Castriglio, a very near Kinsman of him she designed against. They could not without great difficulty bring the King to condescend, but at last the Inquisition concerning it self, and charging him with that accurs'd Doctrine of the Alumbrados, and an endeavour to Corrupt the [Page 33] King with it, he was very neer being abandon­ed to it, but this was prevented by his death, suspected to have been hastened by poison, and that good turn done him by his relations, that they might the sooner possess his wealth. Don Lewis de Haro inherited the best part of it, and to so great a value that I was told, by one that had it from his own mouth, his yearly Revenue a­mounts to 130 thousand Crowns: it is not there­fore to be wondered if he contents himself with the quality of Favorite, or Chief Minister, with­out a greedy hunting after all advantages he might acquire by it: but though by this he exempt himself from the clamors raised against his Uncle; he is yet supported by very few crea­tures, not endeavouring to make any, accord­ing to the Pasquil, comparing him with his Predecessor. Two persons have ruined Spain, one by doing ill to all, the other by doing good to none.

Before he came into favour, he was in the Coach with Villa Medina, when he was poni­arded. This Gentleman was the gallantest Cour­tier, and greatest wit of Spain: the Curious relate many of his Reparties, of which this is none of the worst; coming into a Church, a Bason was presented him, the usual receptacle of Money to redeem souls from Purgatory; and he (demanding what sum served to deliver one, and being answered, what he pleased) put in two pistols; withal, desiring to know if the soul were free, which the other assuring him, he took again his two pistols, telling him he had [Page 34] done enough; the soul being in no danger of returning. Of all his Gallantries, none cost him dearer then that of a Mask: he was in love with the Queen, which he mannaged with so little caution; it occasioned him to be censured rash and indiscreet; the goodness of this Prin­cess inclining her to favour men of parts, caus­ed her (altogether ignorant of his folly) to look well on him. This hastened his fall, for besides that he could not forbear to mention his Mi­stress, which terms better becomming a gallant then subject, he appeared in a Mask, in a Suit embroidered with pieces of Eight, with this word Mis amores son reales. This, though equivocal, gave occasion of discourse to all the world, be­cause it was very evident, that he rather de­signed the eminent object of his love, then the avarice of which he accused himself. The violence of his passion, made him provide a Co­medy with Scenes, in which he spent 20 thou­sand Crowns, which (to gain an opportunity of embracing the Queen, whilst he carried her out of the danger) he set on fire, and with them burnt almost all the house. Subjects that incite their Masters jealousie, stand on precipices. This man was stabbed in his Coach at noon-day: when accompanied by Don Lewis de Haro.

One may very reasonably inquire the occa­sions of the great expences of Spaniards, and how they undo themselves, little of pomp or luxury appearing amongst them, and few of them going into the wars. They which are well acquainted with Madrid, assure, that most [Page 35] Families are ruined by Women: every man keeps a Mistress, or is besotted on a Curtisan; who (none in the world being more witty, impu­dent, or better skilled in that accursed mistery;) as soon as they ensnare any, plume them to the quick; they must have Robes of 30 pistols price, which they call Gardepies, other accou­trements answerable, Jewels, Housholdstuff, and Coaches. To deny any thing to that Sex, is accounted dishonourable. I was assured that the Admiral of Castile (none of the richest) gave at once to one of these Cattle, Fourscore thousand Crowns. One of the Palavicini of Genoua, told me, that not long before, an inclina­tion cost him Two thousand Crowns, and find­ing himself delayed by the Baggage to whom he made his Addresses, he abandoned her, without obtaining any thing. Here are four Processions without the Town, whereas at so many So­lemn Rendezvouses they endeavour to set out themselves. All Gallants then present them, which if any neglect, they are lost, and no more thought persons of Honour; this makes all with emulation strive to adorn these infamous Crea­tures, and glory not a little in it. No Town in the World offers so many to publick view ever at all hours of the day, all Streets and Walks are full of them; they wear black Vails with which they hide their faces, but discover one eye. They ac­cost all men boldly, being no less impudent, than dissolute. In Italy they are more modest, not seeking Men as here; and as the disorder is uni­versal, so the mischief caused by it is almost in­fallible, [Page 36] These Sinners yet enjoy alone all the liberty of Madrid, for Ladies of Quality, and honest Women, scarce ever go abroad, neither by Coach, nor otherwayes, to take the Air. Most of them hear Mass in their own Houses, and ex­cepting some few Visits, never appear in Publick, and then in Sedans. It must needs be granted, that this Sex hath here a great deal of Wit, ex­ercising it self in Reparties; and this with much liberty, One I have heard of, that seeing on a Wall the figure of what Women are so careful to conceal, with this Inscription, Without bottom; with a Coal instantly added, For want of line.

Nothing is so frequent, as the alterations Love is pleased to make in the inclinations of those he inflames, liberal men by them becoming prodi­gal, and avaritious liberal; and he whom he in­spires not to spend all for the sakes of Ladies, ha­zards here to be esteemed a Beast the rest of his dayes, and persons of a parsimonious humor, and sordid thrift, how high soever their birth be, shall be thought base, and the infamy of this defect fol­low them to their Graves.

At the Tour, the Curtains of their Coaches are usually drawn close, and if a man be in their company, none speak to them, otherwise they may be discoursed with very freely; They all paint, and lay on the Ceruse and Vermillion so grossely, they disgust the Beholders. In short, they ae generally unhandsom and unwholsom, and paint as much to hide the symptoms of the [...]ocks in their Faces, as to beautifie them. Hus­bands [Page 37] that desire to have their Wives live ho­nestly, begin so arbitrarily, that they treat them almost like Servants, lest by a handsom liberty, they should pass the limits of Chastity, little un­derstood, and worse observed by this Sex. In Andalusia, they say, the Husbands are yet more violent, using them like Children or Slaves. If at meals they suffer them to approach the Ta­ble, it is not to eat, but serve them; with which if the more Civil dispence, they give them meat from the Table on the ground, where they sit on Carpets or Cushions, like Turks or Taylors; in which manner, they also sit in Churches, and in most Houses, instead of Chairs, you see only a few Cushions set one on another, by the walls side.

The Tour of Coaches when in Town, circu­lates in the high street, otherwise in the Prado, near de Retiro, or by the Rivolet below the Pa­lace. The greatest Lords appear with little splen­dor above the rest, only their Coaches are drawn by four Mules, and attended by some few Foot­men more than ordinary; the Pages have place in the Boots of the Coaches. They wear not Liveries; but most commonly are cloathed in black; scarce any of them have coloured Lace, except on the Sleeves: The Kings are still worst clad, and worst paid. In all Great mens Houses, they every Night eat up all that remains, and burn all the Candles, consuming also the Oyle and Salt, the Servants otherwise taking it as Va [...]s.

[Page 38] Grandees of Spain are of two sorts, this Ho­nour being sometimes personal, sometimes here­ditary. The first, the King bids be covered them­selves; the second, themselves and Heirs for ever. This is all the Ceremony in making a Grandee, neither do any other priviledges be­long to it; so that it is but a Chimerical and Airy Honour, without any profit; they which marry the Heiress of a Family of a Grandee of Spain, that is such hereditarily, become Grandees in right of their Wives.

This is all I could learn concerning Grandees, but Spanish Books mention three sorts, one of which the King commands to be covered before they speak to him, another after they have spo­ken, but before he answers; and the last cover not, till they have spoken and he answered. When the King creates a Duke, he is also a Grandee, and the consequence is good; he is a Duke, therefore a Grandee; but not he is a Grandee, therefore a Duke; many Marquesses and Earls being also Grandees. Their Wives sit in the Queens presence, and she rises at their coming in. The King in all Edicts and Letters calls them Princes: In his Chappel, they have a Seat called the Grandees Bench, where, without regard to Antiquity, they sit as they come promiscuously. The Title of Sennioria belongs to them by pa­tent of Philip the Third. These are, in a man­ner, all the advantages they have above other Gentlemen, who, as well as they, are exempted from all Taxes, unless when the Publick is in dan­ger; at such times, they have been so hea­vily [Page 39] burthen'd, that they have paid near half their Revenue. They are not oblieged to quarter, unless when the Court goes a Progress; but to speak in general of the Spanish Nobility, they have a very considerable priviledge (at least if it be made good to them) which is, that how great soever their Debts be, the Revenue only can be attached, the rest being in Mayorazgo (as I un­derstand it) entailed, which goes farther; so that when the Revenue is seized on, the Judges will appoint the Gentleman, whose Quality ob­lieges him to keep Servants, Horses, Coaches, &c. a Stipend sufficient to support him according to it; and though he owes as much as a Revenue of 50 thousand Crowns can be worth, and hath but 30, his Creditors can pretend to no more, than the overplus of what is ordered for his sub­sistence.

Here are very few Knights of the Golden Fleece, nor many pretenders to that Honour, be­cause difficult to be obtained, and bringing no profit. It was lately sent to the Archduke Leo­pold, eldest Son of the Emperour Ferdinand the Third. The other Orders are Calatrava, known by a Red Rose worn on the Cloak, and Alcanta­ra by a green one, St. Jago wears a Sword gules or an Arrow, these are near of an equal esteem and dignity; these Knights have sometimes pro­fit by the Commands they now and then obtain by the Kings favour. A great number of them were slain before Lerida, since which time it is not believed there are above 1800 in all the three Orders, whereas before there were above [Page 40] 4000. Alcantara is most esteemed, which they that pretend to, must prove themselves Gentle­men of four Descents, two being sufficient to ei­ther the other.

In the second Court of the Palace, are Cham­bers for several Councils. The Council of State assembles under the Kings Apartment, where the welfare of all his Dominions is consulted. There is also a Council of War, where the wayes of executing what hath been resolved in the Coun­cil of State, are taken into consideration: Near these is the Council of Castile, called Roial; it is very powerful, and consists of Seventeen Coun­sellors and a President. Many Affairs of the o­ther Councils are referred hither, especially of the Council of the Indies, in which the people of both Castiles are very much concerned. Arra­gon hath also its Council, Italy and Flanders theirs. The Council for the Indies, and the Kings Revenue called de la Hazienda, sits in another place; so doth that de las Ordenes, which deter­mines the differences of the Orders of Knight­hood, and Judges of the proofs of Gentry of such as pretend to them. All these are within the Palace Walls. That of the Inquisition hath its Tribunal in the House of the President of that holy Office: That of the Cruzada, which gives Dispensations to eat Flesh on Saturdayes, and some other priviledges granted by Popes to the King, is also held at the Presidents. None of these pretend to be so absolute, as the Inquisition. I have been assured, that it is not alwayes in the Kings power to free those that are accused there: [Page 41] And though this Jurisdiction derives its Authori­ty from the Pope, in some Conjunctures it hath had no regard to his Orders. It extends not on­ly to those which in matters of Religion go con­trary to the Church, but is a sharp curb to all whose temper gives jealousie to the State, and dis­patches them without noise, as was intended a­gainst Antonio Perez, and the Duke of Olivares, had he not dyed. All resolutions of these several Councils, pass through that of State, before put in execution, which examines whether there be any thing in them, contrary to the general good of all the members of the Crown.

A Mornings, because then all the Councils as­semble, there is a great crowd in the Palace, yet only below in the two Courts, whither they which have Business or Suits (as they say here, para pretensiones) come to follow them. Amongst others, you may see many undertakers of Levies of Souldiers, solliciting their Disbursments. When Horse are raised, all the Horses are brought into the Piazza before the Palace, where one Ear of each of them is cut off. By this mark they are made known to be the Kings, and a Trooper selling one of them, or one of them being sound in the possession of a man that serves not the King, he may be seized, and carri­ed away without any formality of Law; but the Troopers sometimes cut off the other Ear, and then presenting the Captain some Dollars, ob­lieged him to depose before the Commissary, that the Horse is dead, after which he is sold without difficulty. This is one of the greatest profits of [Page 42] Captains of Horse in Catalonia, as they which have served there informed me.

It is not only very difficult to raise men for Catalonia, but to maintain them, when brought thither: enduring much hardness, they quickly die, Flemings and Germans especially; Castili­ans and Neopolitans disband and run away, the latter getting into France, present themselves there to the General, who usually gives them a piece of money to bear their charges to their Country, the other coasting to the Pireneans on the side of Languedoc, return into Castile by Navarre or Biscai. Old Soldiers, of what Na­tion soever, know the Country, and will certain­ly escape, young ones, besides that they are of little use, last not, as being unaccustomed to so great fatigue.

The War here is more troublesome to the King of Spain than any where else, and more important, being in a part of his Dominion, of which he is very jealous, and where he would redeem any loss by twice the value in Italy or Flanders. They which penetrate into the se­crets of this Court, assure that it hath a kind of contempt for losses in other places, but those in Catalonia touch to the quick, and are as so many wounds the State seems to receive in its heart, by which it appears, that they which have con­cluded the certain way of shaking the Spanish Monarchy, to be by making war upon it in its own Countrey, have doubtlesly very well disco­vered where it is weakest.

To defend it self, it must be at a vast expence, [Page 43] for very small forces, because in great want, not only of Victual and Amunition, but much more of men In this it is become defective but in this last age; for by what Cicero said of it, we find it otherwise in time of the Romans, who giving the epethite of couragious to England, gave that of populous to Spain, reserving to themselves that of Piety only. This alteration is easily un­derstood by those that consider, how the falling of the Gothes and Vandals into this Country, with the irruption of the Moors, that immedi­ately followed it, scattered the greatest part of the Inhabitants: and when these strangers had so well settled themselves, that the Cities again abounded with people, Ferdinand of Arragon, that conquered all Spain, destroyed a great ma­ny, and exiled more.

The discovery of the West-Indies, that hap­pened soon after, drew away great Colonies, and peopled the new World with the Spaniards, as well by the great concourse of such as (finding it a better Country than that they abandoned) seated themselves there, as by a necessity of fur­nishing Navies, and transporting Soldiers to form an Army, and Garrison Forts and Cities; and this in such manner, that the best of Spain is now in the Indies, the Kings wants having ob­liged him to sell his Subjects for gold, though neither the Mines of Potosi, nor all Peru, are a­ble to supply the expence he is fain to be at for want of men; neither do the Gallions ever bring wealth enough to discharge the States debts; for besides that the greatest part of it belongs to [Page 44] particular persons of Flanders, Holland, Genoua, and France, that which comes on the Kings ac­count is due to several that have assignations up­on it: So that Spain is no more than the chan­nel by which the Gold of the Indies passes to discharge it self in the vast Ocean of other Coun­tries: and therefore in that similitude, where the world is compared to a living body, Spain is the mouth, which receives, chaws, and pre­pares the nourishment, but immediately con­veys it to other parts, retaining nothing to it self but the savour alone, or the little that acci­dentally sticks between the teeth. And he had reason, that considering Spain, where little Gold appears, all other Nations abounding with her Pistols, said she serves them as the Damnati ad Metalla did the ancient Emperors; or else that she is like the Ass of Arcadia, that laden with Gold, fed on thistles. But that which com­pleated her desolation, was the general expul­sion of the Moors. There were many reasons for the quitting her self of so cursed a Generation, and impoisoning the waters thereby to destroy all the Christians, having been impu­ted to them, and their continual corresponden­cies with the Africans, Turks, and other Ene­mies of the Kingdom discovered, Philip the third possibly could not have taken a better re­solution, than at once to free himself from the continual apprehension of them: Though it may well be objected, that a good Polititian ought as little as may be to make use of such universal punishments, by which a State is more enfeebled, [Page 45] than amended; and that when with the dagger at the brest, we go about to free our selves from some ill we apprehend, we act rather as desperate then as couragious and prudent: that it is igno­rance of lenitives that forces so soon to cut and cauterise: That it is a greater vertue to instruct the vicious, and convert them, then to drive them from their homes, and shut the doors a­gainst them: In a word, that we may oppose er­rors without destroying persons. It is very cer­tain that this Edict cost the King of Spain a great many rich and good Subjects, of no turbulent principles, and that with time might have been made sensible of the truth, and profession of Christianity. But they were altogether deprived of the means of it; for if they embraced Christi­anity, dssimulation was objected against them; and that it was only to avoid the rigour of the Edict. This gave opportunity to the avarice of those that executed it to play its game, passing by without molestation such as bribed them, and suffering them to continue quiet in their houses.

What discourses soever are made on this ex­traordinary rigour, which some have admired as a policy very high and generous, and others blamed as a most unnatural cruelty, it having deprived a King of his Subjects, and almost a Nation of its native Country: It is very certain, that since that time Spain hath been a desert, and could never recover the loss (as is reported) of some millions of people: But besides this her voluntary depopulating her self, the Indies [Page 46] prevailing either on the necessity or inclination of her Subjects, draw them still away, by frequent and numerous Colonies, in such manner that it is believed more people have left Spain than at present remain in it.

After these misfortunes (at first looked on as incomparable felicities by those which boasted the possession of the West-Indies, and expulsion of the Moors) Wars arose, and so violent, that it is computed, that in twenty years they consu­med a million and a half of Inhabitants, and that the Plague, which often afflicted this Country, carried away near another million; so that e­ver since Philip the third, Spain hath extremely wasted both in men and money: this is very true, and in so extraordinary a manner, that if its Enemies had understood it, and those that were left behind had not after their separation differed amongst themselves, the Spaniards would have been altogether unable to have resisted them.

Besides this great ambiguity of good or evil, which they which judge according to the event or their own sense, observe in the discovery of the Indies, and expulsion of the Moors, another policy is spoken of, which not directed against the Kingdom in general, attacques only that part of it which is most noble and illustrous. Philip the second, styled the Solomon of his age, apprehending that the Grandees and Nobility might at some time or other make use of their wealth and power against his authority, or that of his Successors; and remembring that they had [Page 47] discovered their turbulent inclinations under Charles the fifth, in such a manner, as had like to have given him great troubles, thought he could not better secure himself against such of them as meant ill, than by the weakness of that whole body; to which purpose he cast the seeds of vanity and envy amongst them, increasing the number of Grandees, Dukes, Marquises, and Earls. The smoke of this drove from their Fa­milies all thoughts of profit, and their honours, redoubled their expenses, by every ones endea­vouring to surpass his Companion.

When he saw them deeply engaged, he gave way to attacquing their Lands, and deprived them of the Priviledge of Mayorasgo, the most considerable that belonged to them; and that they might not have in their hands any places of strength, or houses to retire to when they had a mind to be troublesome, he forbad them to repair their Castles: and such as have travailed between Valentia and Madrid, observe many ancient Castles advantagiously scituated for com­manding the Country, that decay and fall to the ground. Thus by heaping honours on them he took away their power, and obliged them to a greater charge; and by sparing them that of keeping up their Castles, deprived them of the submission and respect their Tenants formerly had for them: Since this they have lost daily, and complain that that Prince did not only clip, but cut off the wings of their Predecessors, reducing them to that inconsiderable condition they are in at present; which, like original sun, so closely [Page 48] follows, that it destroys such of them as find not remedy, by obtaining some employment at a distance from the Court, by means of which the publick Treasure may pass through their hands. Then they neglect not to fill their baggs, and in­rich themselves and Posterities. It is reported, that besides those which endeavour to repair their fortunes in Italy and Flanders, by some employment suitable to their birth, many return rich from the Indies. I speak not of Viceroys, who are canged every 3 years, and lay up milli­ons, it being sufficiently known, that very many Officers under them make great advantages, and that in Madrid they hide the Treasures they bring home even from the Sun that gave them birth, lest their discovery cause an account of their administration to be demanded, or they be obliged to lend the King a good part without any hope of ever being paid: so that they nei­ther dare put their mony to use, nor buy land with it, but choose rather to eat up the main Stock than to hazard it: Thus by little and little they consume what they so sodainly amassed, of which their Family sometimes enjoys nothing beyond the second generation.

They which are employed in the Kings Councils or Treasurie, have a certainer and secu­rer way of enriching themselves, because seated at the helm of Government. These men thri­ving without any apprehension of being molest­ed, and demanding account of others, themseves not obliged to render it to any; make use with splendour of what they have acquired, building [Page 49] palaces of extraordinary expence in a Countrey where Stone and Mortar are excessive dear. Their plenty alone is with ostentation, that of others so reserved, and as it were bashfull, that it often pretends necessity that it may avoid be­ing really reduced to it: and some Dutch Inha­bitants in Madrid told us, that some few years before, a Tax had been laid upon them, only because they were thought to be rich and at their ease: The manner of doing it seems very severe. A rich Merchant being sent for to a Committee of the Council, was told that the King commanded him to bring three or four thousand crowns into his Exchequer; if he went about to excuse himself as unable, or by reason of mony due to him from the King, it signified nothing; and he was sent away with notice, that if he paid it not in three dayes he must go six leagues from Madrid in custody of the Mini­sters of Justice on his expence. That time ex­pired without paying, he was sent 20 leagues from the Court. They which paid at first freed themselves from this charge and trouble; they that were obstinate against what appeared so unjust to them, suffered both, and were at last constrained to pay what had been imposed be­fore they were permitted to return to their houses.

Gown-men and Pen-men are here the richest, and none spoken of but Councellors, Senators, and Secretaries, who from very poor beginnings sodainly become wealthy: They which ma­nage the affairs of the Indies are thought to sur­pass [Page 50] all others: and the Earl of Pigneranda, who served his Master so well in the negotiati­ons of Munster and the Low-Countries, and is the Favourites Favourite, chose rather to be President of the Council of the Indies, than of that of Flanders, which questionless had been more proper for him than any other.

That Council advantages it self as well by the employments of which it hath the disposal, as by all Merchandise that passes to and again: Amongst which wine makes a very profitable and speedy return, none but Spanish being suf­fered to be transported, which is sold with so great gain, that that which in Andalusia, or o­ther part where it grows, costs one crown, is worth 6 or 7 there.

That this may be continued, planting Vines is there prohibited on pain of death, though that soil would as well bear them as any part of Spain. Traffick in general (as I before observed) is not equal to what it hath been; for which (a­mongst many other pretended here) this reason may be given, that the profit made on occasion of it by the King and his Ministers hath discou­raged Merchants, to the loss of a very great Re­venue to the Crown: whatever is shipped for the Indies must be registred, and pay the tenth penny for fault of which it is confiscated. By this the wealth of the Fleet is known to a far­thing, as well what belongs to the King as to particular persons. Some years since his Catho­lick Majesty (wanting money) laid hands on that which appertained to Merchants, under the no­tion [Page 51] indeed of borrowing, but (besides that such forced lones suit not well with Merchants affairs) it was never returned: For which reason many do not register their Gold and Silver, but chuse rather to combine with the Captains (though it cost them more) than to abandon all for fair words. Before the Fleets arrival at Cadis, Eng­lish or Holland Ships meet it either near that Port, or that of St. Lucar, and receive there from such Captains as they correspond with, that which is on account of those that send them, and carry it away before it enters any Spanish Haven; and even the Merchants of Sevil and other Spanish Cities send their money into those Countries, where they may freely dispose of it without fear to have it seised on. It is said that the Fleet comes this year more rich than usually; but that the wealthiest ship is stranded, and un­certain whether the silver all saved. But they which will have nothing lost report that more Gold and Silver hath been recovered than was registred, if so the King will have the advantage of it by confiscation.

If we consider the general Government of these Kingdoms, it seems to move so steadily, that it declines not at all from those bold Poli­ticks which are never disturbed, and that trample on the sharpest thorns as resolutely as if they walked on roses: but going to particulars we shall discover, that the Spaniards who give much to appearances and the exterior, use no fewer meens and grimaces in their publick affairs, then in their particular comportment.

[Page 52] In the Streets, at the Tour, and in the Thea­ters, where many eyes are upon them, they seem very grave, serious, and reserved: but in pri­vate, and to those that are familiarly acquain­ted with them, they act in a manner so diffe­rent, you would not take them for the same per­sons, being as vain, wanton, and humorous as other Nations.

The Politicks of every Country are of a tem­per and genius like that of the people that in­habit it; and the Spanish considered by an un­biassed judgement are so as well as the rest.

At first view they seem firm, constant, re­solute, and entirely swayed by reason and judg­ment; but coming nearer, and examining them, piece by piece, we may discover weaknesses we could not have imagined them capable of. Their pace is sometimes so unsteady they stumble in the smoothest way, and sometimes so positive, on account of Reputation and Interest, they haz [...]rd all for trifles; but always so flow, that of a thousand of their Artifices, scarce any one succeeds: I shall not give such examples as I might of this truth in times past, particularly, in the revolutions of Flanders under Philip the II. and what happened during the League in France in the same Kings Raign, being provided of later in the insurrection of Catalonia, and revolt of Portugal, both foreseen, without ap­plication of necessary remedies, not only, be­cause of obstinacy, but of irresolution and slow­ness. I will mention no more here then what is disc [...]u [...]sed of at Madrid: opinions very much [Page 53] differ about Sequestration of the Goods of the Genoueses, some declaring it to have been ve­ry just and prudent; others the contrary: but all agreeing, that having been so vigorously begun, it ought to have been continued in the same manner, and being an affair of reputation and interest, that so great a Monarch should not have boggled at going through with it, or an accommodation appearing necessary, by reason of the prejudice this Rupture gave to affairs, they should not have moved so heavily towards it, because in that interval they suffered for want of returns from Genoua, which during such a suspension they could not supply with the Mo­ney they had seised.

They which negotiated in this Court for that Republick, endeavoured to make understood that the Siege of Arras failed the year before, because the Merchants recalled the Bills of Ex­change they had drawn on Antwerp; but the Spanish Ministers would not acknowledge this, though it was evident they began to have some light of it. In the mean time, punctilios only span out a year before matters could be accom­moded, though the Spaniards were no less de­sirous of it then the Genoueses; though these many demurs had no other end but to save the Spanish reputation, they failed peradventure of that effect; what had passed was nullified by the agreement; what had been seised, released, and the dispute about Final, which had caused it, referred to arbitration.

[Page 54] They had long been agreed of all that was substantial; but a punctilio of honour caused the execution to be delayed, it was this: The Republick would not set at liberty the prison­ers taken before Finale, unless the King asked them to do it, and the King would have them sent home before he made any proposal: all being like to break off an expedient, was found (by means of Marquis Serra, brother of him that commands in Catalonia) that the Am­bassador should visit the Earl of Ognate, and ask him, if he thought the Republick might oblige his Majesty by setting the prisoners at liberty, and the other answering yes, all should be ended; but they add, that this Earl, who is both high and crafty, and that at his return from Naples had been the first cause of the mis­understanding, soundly ratled the Ambassador: In this proceeding, appears to me a very great zeal in the Spanish Ministers, in resenting the affront done them by the Republick, but it con­tinued not, and the honour of it was blemish­ed by useless delays, all at last being concluded on conditions, that might have been obtained at first.

The good understanding that hath continued se­veral years between the French and Genouses, caused the first of these to offer their assistance to the other towards righting them against the Spanish violence; on account of which the Republick held it self so much obliged to the French King, that it sent Lazaro Spinola, a No­ble Citizen, in Quality of Extraordinary Am­bassador, [Page 55] to return thanks for the assistance and protection offered; that difference gave the Genoueses such distaste of the Spanish Al­liance, that it moved them to do this to those they had formerly looked on as the greatest enemies of this liberty. If we except such in Genoua as by Alliance and Interest are bound to the Spanish party, the rest of their inclinations are very contrary to what they were in their Fathers days during the Reign of Francis the I. of France, and the Genoueses have at pre­sent no other kindness for the Spaniards, then a Creditor for a Debtor, out of whose hands he would fain recover what belongs to him; after which they would little value them: but however the Genoueses comport themselves, their patience will never oblige their debtors to satisfie them, who think they do enough when they pay the interest without any longer considering the principal, which the Spaniards are well enough content to be thought unable to discharge, whether it be so to free them­selves from being demanded it, or that the ne­cessity of their affairs obliges them to it.

This in the mean time is a good caution to the Genoueses, by little and little to free them­selves from the Spanish clutches. All strangers, what services soever they may have done them, ought to fear them, they considering themselves and interests only,, in such manner that the Ita­lians and Flemings that are this Kings subjects, are used no more favourably then if born un­der another Master: If they pretend to imploy­ments, [Page 56] either at Court or in the Armies, they are told they are not natural Spaniards, who engross all, as well to keep up the glory of the Nation, as out of diffidence of others, whom they in a manner declare incapable of all trust because not born in Spain: this Countrey are nevertheless abounds in strangers, but they only Artificers and Mercenaries invited by gain, and that meddle with nothing but their ped­ling traffick. It is thought that there are above 40 thousand French in Madrid, who wearing the Spanish habit, and calling themselves Burgun­dinians, Walloons and Lorrainers, keep up Com­merce and Manufacture; it concerns them to conceal their Countrey, for if it be discover­ed, they are obliged to pay a daily Pole-money of about a penny to the Town, and, any bad success happening to the publick, appearing in the streets, are liable to a thousand insolencies, even to blows.

They that know what number of strangers are in this Town report, that would they undertake it, they might make themselves ma­sters, and drive out the Spaniards.

Such as have business, or intend to stay any time, habit themselves after the manner of the Countrey, which we must have done had we been para pretensiones (as they call it;) we must then have put on the Cassock and all the rest of the Castilian Harness, none being welcome to the Court without it: nor can any speak to the King unless clothed in black, in which they are so punctual, that an Envoye from the Prince [Page 57] of Conde was fain to wait till he suited himself in that colour before he could have Audience; even Women, and of those the loosest, least de­sirous to appear such, immediately solicite stran­gers to quit the habit of their Countrey, which causes them to be the more observed when they make their visits. The Spaniards wear a Cassock with deep skirts which sits very close to the body from the neck to the hanches, a black leather Girdle, which buckles on the Breast, or toward the Navil; their Breeches are so streight, that for more easie putting them on and off, they are buttoned at the sides towards the bottom; their shooes are shaped exactly to their feet, with narrow soles; and a little Foot and large calf of the leg, are in such request, that Gallants bind their feet about with Riband, to their no small torment, whilst by quilted stockins they put themselves perfectly in the mode: their silk stockins are knit very open, almost like Net-work, which they stretch very streight upon white, that is seen through them; they wear no longer broad brimmed Hats, but very narrow ones lined with Taffata; they esteem it very gallant, and of more then ordi­nary magnificence, to wear Hatbands of many broad black Bone-laces, which doubtlesly cost as much as Plumes, they sending for them to France or Flanders: they are not curious in their Linnen, using little Bonelace on it.

The reason of their beginning to dress them­selves from above, and to button from below, is not to be contrary to other nations in all [Page 58] they do, but because the Air is so penetrating, that if they be not very careful to keep their breasts warm a mornings, they hazard sickness; many for neglecting this, having suffered ter­rible accidents, and lost the use of their Mem­bers; this hath also happened to others by lea­ving their windows open a nights: Black Bays and Rattin is their Winters wear; in Summer they use Taffata Suits, but leave not off the Baise Cloak and Cassock.

The first of May we saw the Tour of Coaches without the gate of Toledo, this is one of the most celebrated, and at it appear many of all sorts, some drawn by four Mules, if Dukes or great Lords, with a Postillion, and the former Mules fastened by long Harness; such as have six Mules, you may conclude belong to persons very eminent, who are not allowed this Magnificence but without the Town, which prohibition was occasioned by the Kings being told that the Tour was little frequented, by rea­son of the vanity of such as unable to appear with six Mules, forbore it, that they might not seem less then those with whom they pretend equality.

No Coachman sits before the Coach, but on one of the foremost Mules; this having been forbidden by the Conde Duke, who had a se­cret revealed by the Coachman: they almost all use Mules, since the Coach-horses were ei­ther effectually taken away, or threatened to be sent into Catalonia. The breed of horses is by this means so neer lost, that if something be [Page 59] not done to prevent it, Spain will be entirely disfurnished, the greatest part of Mares being reserved to bear Mules, the profit of them be­ing great by reason of a quick and advanta­gious Market. The King of Portugal hath re­medied this, by forbidding the use of Mules, and the Clergy refusing to obey under pre­tence of certain priviledges, he gave them ex­emption, but on pain of death forbad the Far­riers to shooe any Mule, by which means he easily reduced them to observance of his order.

The glory of this solemnity principally con­sists in the bravery of the Ladies, who are ex­traordinarily industrious to appear with splen­dor, putting on their richest accoutrements, they forget not Ceruse and Vermillion: they are seen in divers postures in their ser­vants Coaches, some making a half discovery of themselves, others with open Curtains, expo­sing their gallantry and beauty; such whose servants cannot or will not accommodate them with Coaches, stand in the streets that pass to the place where the Tour is made, or at one end of it.

Part of their liberty, or rather licentiousness consists in an indifferent demanding of any to pay for Lemons, Wafers, Sweet-meats or Per­fumes, which are carried up and down to be sold; they give intimation of this by those that sell them, and it is accounted a great inci­vility to refuse, though for six penny worth of ware one pay a Crown.

[Page 60] Here appear also many fair Horses with rich Saddles, and their Mains and Tails tied with Ribbands; the Riders are either such Gallants as have lent their Coaches to Ladies, or such others as having no Coaches, are willing on horseback to enjoy the pleasure of the Tour. After many circuits, and the view of the seve­ral files of Coaches; evening coming on, all make a stand, and in their Coaches eat such pro­visions as they have brought with them. This custom is not peculiar to this solemnity, but al­most every day, especially Sundays, you walk amongst Bevers and Collations; so much the Spaniards are pleased to Feast in the field, though but on an Onion, a Salad, or a few hard Eggs.

Hither also come some Women of Quality with their Husbands, and Gallants with their Mistresses, who being under their eye comport themselves so modestly, they hardly looke on any, or return a salute. Ordinary Citizens are dispersed about the fields, or sit on the River side, or some corner of the Medow or green Corn: they feast on very slender provision with much Majesty and Jollity, accompanied by some friend, or their Wives and Families. I have been assured, that besides these slight de­bauches, the Spaniards in their houses seldom or never Treat one another: and they which have been at their Feasts add, that the dishes, assoon as set on the Table, vanish, each guest seising one with this word Con licentia, to send it to his Mistriss, in such manner that the company is [Page 61] sometimes without any meat, and almost ever without so much as tasting the best.

At this time the King is usually at Aranjuez, from whence he often comes to view the Tour, and having ridden about, returns without en­tring the Town, which at first seemed to me but a poor diversion, it being Seven long Leagues from Aranjuez to Madrid; but con­sidering how swiftly he passes them, with Six Mules, ever driven at their best speed, and changed at half way, I could neither think it tedious nor inconvenient, the seven Leagues being dispatched in little more then three hours; but I could never apprehend what pleasure he can take at the Tour, since as he passes by, all Curtains out of respect, are drawn, so that he sees nothing but the Coaches, though the de­sign of it is only to appear with splendor, and enjoy the view of all that is gallant: Respect here questionless destroys the pleasure it aug­ments in other Countreys, where at the Prin­ces approach, all make a stand, and Women un­mask,

The 5th of May we went to Aranjuez to see the Court; this pleasant seat where the King every Spring resides a moneth, is cer­tainly very agreeable, and the Spaniards that see nothing equal to it, mention it no otherwise then as the Elisian fields: their Poets call it the Metropolis of Floras Kingdom, and her Trea­sury; in the way to it we passed the River Tagus by a wooden Bridge, which hath a Gate at one end of it, that is shut when the Court [Page 62] is not there, then people Ferry over, paying some Duties, which are part of the Rents of Aranjuez. The first thing presents it self is a Park with Earthen walls, called Tapia, it is large, and beautified by divers Allies; in the Heath on each side the passage to it, are Cony-Warrens: by the Park side is a very large Walk, from which several others like it; ex­tend to the right and left, it leads to a Gate at the end of a bridge over a Canal, drawn thither from the River; this forms an Island in which the Garden is, very fair and neatly kept, its entrance is from the Palace, and as soon as the Bridge is passed, two Statues of Brass appear, from the cut off Arms of one of which, water distils; hard by these is the Cistern of the Fountain of Diana, which stands in the middle of a Mount raised of Stone, Wood, Moss and Earth; many Figures of several Crea­tures are joyned to it, who pleasantly spout out water as they receive it by Pipes from the River; in all this Garden I saw not any Fountain that derives its stream from a Spring; round about the Cistern stand Eight Ships (if I mistake not) of Mirtle, whose Branches are so accommoda­ted, that the poops, prows, and all the rest of the hulks are well shaped; on each of these is a little Statue that spouts water against the Beasts that are on the top of the Mount. We came next to the Fountain of Ganimed, who is mounted on an Eagle at the top of a Pillar; at the Cistern side stand Mars and Hercules; a little from it is the Fountain of the Gelosia, or [Page 63] small Lattice, so called, because at the top of it, the water represents the form of one of those Lattices or Gelosias that are usually set before windows: neer it is another, called the Gold­en Rowel; and at the entrance of the middle Ally, that of the Harpies, the fairest of all; its Cistern is square, and at the four corners on four Pillars, stand those monstrous Creatures, vomiting water against the statue of a man, that sitting on one of the middle Columns, seeks a thorn in the sole of his foot: in the same Ally not far from the end of the Garden is the Fountain of Don John of Austria, whose Sta­tue is placed on the top of it, water distilling from his hair; it is made of a stone that was found in a Turkish ship after the battle of Le­panto, it hath two Cisterns, and below four Cupids with several Emblems: this Garden is very pleasant, as well in it self, as by reason of its particular ornaments which are not yet equal­ly taking; the Walks are almost all too narrow, and one would think they had been niggards of ground for the parterres; the Arbors are low, and upheld only with Laths instead of Deal spars, which would not have been spared by a rich private person; round about the Isle by the River and Canals side is a large Walk, well kept and swept, shaded by tall Elms; this is the fairest, and in which their Majesties most delight, in it is one Arbor, looking into the highway of Madrid, in which the Queen was the day the Bulls were fought, to see them pass by, after the King and his Court had [Page 64] brought them from the Heard from which they had separated them: the day of this sport is made a great secret, the King never declaring it till the night before he sends away the Her­radores, or markers of the Bulls, then also giving notice to the countrey people to bring them in: we had the first news of it in the great walk, of which I will speak anon, where we met the Queen going to take the Air; as soon as her Coach and that of her Maids of Honour were passed by, a man on horseback, said to be the Guardian or o­verseer of that Sex, taking us for Dutchmen, cal­ling to us told us, that one of those Ladys or Maids of Honour had a Cousen married in the Low-Countreys, and would be glad to enquire of him, we turned back and after some short discourse, she acquainted us, that possibly the sight of Bulls might be the next day, not daring posi­tively to declare it: this caution is to prevent too great a concourse: immediately the Ladies Guardian interrupted our small entertainment, bidding us go off from the Coach, having talk­ed long enough with the Ladies▪ we returned, admiring no less his incivility, then the imperti­nence of the Queens Buffoon, presenting one of us a pipe of Tinn to speak to him with, be­cause deaf as he feigned; this great Walk is beyond the Village of Aranjuez, so wretched, it scarcely affords any lodging, so that at our arrival there we were fain to go farther, and though the Moon shone, and we had guides, lost our way; in the place where we stayed we had much ado to get Stable-room for our [Page 65] Horses, and shelter for our selves, and were very well contented to sleep on Chairs and Benches. This is not occasion'd by reason of a great Court, for almost all the Officers are lodged in the Kings house, though very small; but the Village affords but one Inn, which was taken up by the Emperours Ambassadors, so that we could have no place there till next morning. That day we resolved to make an end of seeing Aranjuez, and when we had been where the Camels are kept, where there was only one Female, and a young one, the rest being abroad to carry wood, as we return­ed by several f [...]ir Allies, our guide told us, that after a birth the Females are two years before they again bring forth: He said also, that they sometimes bait them with Dogs, and that it is very pleasant to see how dexterously those ill shaped creatures defend themselves against Ma­stiffs; and that their fury sometimes break through the Rails and discharges it self on the Spectatators: coming near our lodging, he mentioned a rare Waterwork with so many cir­cumstances, that he incited our curiosity to go and see it, by we discovered his simplicity, it being nothing but a Mill to saw boards. This confirmed our opinion that what is very com­mon in other places, passes often here for mi­raculous: in the afternoon we went to see the great and magnificent Walk at the end of the Village, neer the way to Alcala de Henares: on each side it is a double row of fair young Elms, towards whose better growth, they can [Page 66] at pleasure let in water between the ranks: it is very long and large, and in two or three places are wide circles where Coaches may wheel about as at our Tour in Hidepark: at the end of it is a bridge over Tagus with a door, in such manner, that the King when at Aran­juez, either without Guards, or only with 10 or 12 Halberdiers, is as within an entrench­ment, not to be passed but by these bridges; on the right hand is another Walk leading to a Grange where three Asses are kept to cover Mares for production of good Mules; in my life I never saw any so big, the youngest being as high as any Mule, the two other not much lower; the First cost Two and twenty thou­sand Reals, which amounts to 600 l. sterling; they are exempted from Duty but two days in the year, that is, on Corpus Christi, and the Feast of the Ascension; at other times, as we were told, the Male Caresses the Female twice a day, by this appears that most of the Mares be­ing made use of to bear Mules, the breed of Horses will by degrees be lost here, and they would have much ado to raise Cavalry, were there occasion for it. Rumours have been spred that Mules should be prohibited, but this was found difficult; I know not whether by means of the Clergy, if so, it had been easie to have applied the remedy made use of by the King of Portugal; Though above the folly of those Travailers, that mind no more of the Courts of the Countreys they pass thorow, then to see the Princes Diss or Ride. Our little stay in [Page 67] Spain, and difficult access to the Court, by rea­son of its great privacy, obliged us to amuse our selves with what takes the eyes, but little satisfies the intellect. On Ascention day by means of Sir Benjamin Wright, we were permitted to stand in a corner of the chamber where the Queen dined; she is of a middle stature, ra­ther inclining to be low; over against her stands a Lady that presents the dishes, and doth the Office of Carver; on each side of her stands another; she on the right, presents the Glass, she on the left, the Napkin; she drinks very little, but eats well; she was served with many dishes, but as we thought, few good ones; she hath a Buffoon that talks continually to en­deavour to divert her; four or five youths of the best families in Spain bring in the meat out of the next chamber, these are called Meni­nos, all habited in Gray, yet with difference in the Colour: we wondred to see the Spanish gravity suffer such neglect of Majesty; these Meninos using very little respect in the Queens presence, they often prated and shared a dish of Apples with the Buffoon, and some of them at the door pushing one another, made a great noise, without any reprehending them; none are admitted to see the Infanta dine, and up­on our expressing a curiosity for it, it was ru­moured that the Duke of Savoy was incognito at Aranjuez: an honest Spaniard after the fight of Bulls, brought me into a Garden where I saw her take Coach: she is low, of a sprightly meen and quick eye, her face rather long [Page 68] then round. It is pity the custom of the Coun­trey obliges her to paint, for with less red she would certainly appear more lovely, though the Queen and she seem less inflamed then the rest of the Court, whose cheeks are Scarlet, and that so grosly laid on, it seems rather to aim at disguise then beauty; and indeed the most of them are so ill favoured, that all the paint in the world made use of with the greatest Art, can­not help them. The Maids of Honour take the first three or four Coaches: and the Due­nas: (who are old Women clothed in white, and almost covered with Vails) the last; the Queen and Infanta follow in a Coach with six Horses, an old Lady sitting in the Boot; their wide Farthingales extreamly fill the Coach, and one would take their thick and knotty Elflocks for Hempen stuffing, broke out of an old pack-saddle.

Their Whisks or rather Cravats are made of great points, which doubtlesly cost a great deal, though unhandsome: almost all of them have Looking-glasses, Watches or Pictures hanging at their Girdles; I saw none Court them but the Marquis of Aytona, who walked by a Coach side talking with one that sate in the boot; but I was told this is done with freedom enough in the Queens withdrawing room; and whensoever they appear at windows by signs agreed on between them and their servants in order to so gallant a conversation. When they marry, the Queen adds Fifty thousand Crowns to their portions, which are very will [Page 69] paid; besides these Ladies and some Querries, the Queen hath no attendance at her going abroad but her Buffoon, with some mean Offi­cers and Footmen: she hath no Guards, and I admired her being publick with so little state. The King hath about a dozen Firelocks that wait daily at his Stair-head; these are either Fle­mings or Burgundians, the Duke of Arcos is their Captain. On the Guard they wear the Kings Livery (which at other times they lay aside) and an odd Kind of Sword or Hanger called Cuchilla: They are in all 150. There wait also dai­ly sixteen Spanish, and as many High-Dutch Hal­bardiers. This Guard was first introduced in Spain by the House of Austria: and we were told there are besides these two old Companies of Spaniards formerly the Guards of the Kings of Castile, which are but ill payed, and the rest not much better. The morrow after Ascention day Dom Lewis de Haro arrived, the King having sent for him to the Solemnity of the Herradura or marking of Bulls: a little after which his Majesty took horse at the point of the Island of the Gar­den, and having commanded the people to go without the rails, went with all his Court to the end of a great Alley, to drive the Bulls into that part of the field that is inclosed: Men on horse­back with great cudgels enrage them, whilst o­thers behind drive them forward with shouts and blows. Then comes the King with his Court, and the sport is at an end.

Their Majesties having heard Mass, the Go­vernor of Aranjuez, the best Torreador, that [Page 70] is Champion against Bulls, of all Spain, begins the second hunting of these beasts, to drive them into the innermost partition, where they are to be marked with a hot iron: There they remain till 3. in the afternoon, at which time all Win­dows and Scaffolds abounding with Spectators, their Majesties take their seat, and give order to begin: within the Barricadoes stand several young Country fellows (whom they call Her­radors) expecting the Bulls to grapple with them, and two or three being let loose, the bravest run and seise their horns, or tails, and seconded by the rest endeavour to cast them on the ground, whilst others with hot irons mark them on the thighs, some the mean while slitting their ears. Much agility is necessary in this acti­on, as well in performing it as afterwards, the Bulls being very furious. To deceive them, the assailants present each a Cloak or Hat, and the Beast shutting his eyes when he gores, one of the boldest leaps upon his neck, and catches hold of his horns, the rest doing the like to such other parts as they can light on, but he over­throws and hurts many, and it is strange that he kills not the most, for oftentimes running right upon them, he casts them down and pas­ses over them, but those one would think dead (I know not how) sodainly rise again. They are indeed very nimble in avoiding their horns, and ready in falling to let them go by. This sport may be very pleasant, but not to the act­ors, and I admire so great a King vouchsafes to look on it, and conceive he does it ra­ther [Page 71] out of policy to comply with the custom, then invited by any delight, he takes in it; but that something extraordinary might be done for his diversion; Don Lewis de Haro caused his Fool or Buffoon to enter the Lists, who clad in all manner of colours, and mounted on a white Steed, was with it tossed into the Air, and af­terwards trampled on the ground: Twenty two or twenty three of the Bulls were marked, which will be made use of at the Festivals of Ma­drid, amongst which we hope to see that of St Isadore, the Patron of the Town.

A while after we went to the Escurial, which to give it no less then its due, may in Spain pass for an admirable Structure, but where building is understood, would not be looked on as very extraordinary. In a general consi­deration, it seems a mass of stone of great per­fection, but going to particulars, scarce any of them but falls very short of the Magnificence imagined, and that so much, that if Philip the Second who built it, and was called the Solomon of his age, did no more resemble that wise King then this edifice does his Temple, to which it is often compared; the copy comes very short of the Original: in the mean time to stretch the com­parison they please themselves in saying, that Charles the Fifth like another David only de­signed this Holy work, which (being a man of war and blood) God reserved for his Son. Ignorant strangers are entertained with this tale, but such as are versed in History tell us, that after the battle of St Quentin, Philip [Page 72] the Second made two vows, one never to go in person to the wars, the other to build this Cloy­ster for the Order of St Hierom instead of that which had been burnt, it cost him neer six Mi­lions of Gold, though out of consideration of parsimony and convenience of bringing stone, he made choice of the worst scituation in na­ture, for it is at the foot of a barren Moun­tain, and hard by a wretched Village called Escurial, that can hardly lodge a man of any fashion; this may seem very strange to those that know the Court is there twice in a year: the place it stands on, is by transcendence called the Seat, because it was levelled in order to build on.

The Fabrick is very fair, with four Towers at the four corners, but coming to it, one knows not which way to enter, for as soon as out of the great Walk, in a kind of Piazza, you see on­ly little doors, which when you are over it, lead into two Pavilions that contain Offices and Lodgings for some of the Court; when you have well viewed this side of the square, you come to that which is towards the Mountain, where is a very large Magnificent Portal, on each side beautify'd with Pillars; by this state­ly Gate you enter a Quadrangle, where right over against it stands the Church, ascended to it by a Stair of five or six steps, as long as the Court is large, extending from one side of it to the other: very fair Columnes support the Porch, and on the top of the wall stand six Statues, the middlemost of which are David [Page 73] and Solomon, by whom they would represent Charles the Fifth, and Philip the Second. About the Church are many Pavillions, all compre­hended in the exact square which environs that building. Report mentions many Bascourts, but we could not reckon above 7 or 8. That this is a very fair Cloyster for Friers cannot be de­nied, neither can it be allowed to be a Pal­lace Magnificent enough for such a Monarch as Philip the Second, who having built it in One and twenty years, and enjoyed it Twelve or Thirteen, boasted, that from the foot of a Mountain and his Closet, with two inches of Paper, he made himself obeyd in the old and new world.

The King and Queens apartment have no­thing in them that appears Roial, they are al­together unfurnished, and they say, when the King goes to any of his houses of pleasure, they remove all to the very Bedsteds: the rooms are little and low; the Roofs not beautiful e­nough to invite the eyes to look up to them: its many pictures of excellent Masters, and espe­cially of Titian, that wrought a great while there, are very much vanted, yet there are not so many as report gives out. The Spaniards have so little understanding of pictures, they are alike taken with all, and the Marquis Serra a Ge­nouese that accompanied us sufficiently, laugh­ed at the foolishness of a Castillian, who wil­ling to have us admire the slightest and wretch­edst Landskips of a Gallery where we were, told us nothing could equalize them, because [Page 74] in a place where their King sometimes walked. There are yet in the vestry some good pieces, especially a Christ, and Mary Magdalen; and in the Church, others very estimable. For paint­ings in Fresco, the Quire done by Titian is doubt­lesly an excellent work, and so is the Library, I think by the same hand, where amongst the rest is represented the antient Roman manner of defending Criminals, who stand by bound hand and foot; Cicero is also there pleading for Milo, or some other, I not being sufficiently ac­quainted with his meen, to be positive and with­out apprehension of mistaking: this Library is truly very considerable, as well for its length, breadth, height and light; the Pictures and Mar­ble Tables that stand in the midst of it; as for its quantity of choice and rare Books, if we may beleeve the Monks; they are certainly very well bound and guilded, and if I mistake not, but seldom read. In the Vestry they shew Priests Copes, where embroidery and Pearl with emu­lation contend, whither Art or Matter renders them more rich and sumptuous; they shewed us a Cross of very fair Pearl, Diamonds, and Emeralds; it is a very pretty knack, and would not become less such if it changed Countreys; I would willingly have undertaken for it if they would have suffered it to pass the Pyreneans, had it been only to shew my friends a hun­dred thousand Crowns in a Nutshel. The Libra­ry I have spoken of; the high Altar and Mo­nument of their Kings, which they call Pan­theon (though I know not why, unless because [Page 75] a single round Arch like the Pantheon at Rome) are certainly the best pieces of this Magnificent Fabrick. The high Altar is approached by steps of Red Marble, and invironed by Sixteen pil­lars of Jasper, which reach the top of the Quire, and cost only a matter of 50 or 60 thousand Crowns cutting, between these are Niches with Statues of guilded Brass, and so there are on the side of the Tables, and Praying places▪ the Pantheon is under the Altar, and descended by stairs, though narrow, very light; at the en­trance of this rich Chappel, a Marble shines, whose luster is heightned by reflexion of the Gold, with which, all the iron work and part of that fair stone are overlaid: In the middle of it, and right against the Altar is a fair Can­dlestick of Brass, guilded, and in six several niches, 24 Sepulchres of black Marble to re­ceive as many bodies: above the Gate are two more. This stately monument is small, but sumptuous, it was finished by the present King, who about six months since placed there the bodies of Charles the V, Philip the II, and Philip the III. The first was most intire; in the niches on the left, lie the Queens, and the last of them Queen Elizabeth of Burbon. He that preached the day that these seven Tombs or Sepulchres had bodies laid in them, began by his appre­hension to speak in presence of so many Kings who had conquered the world, and expressed himself so well, and so highly pleased the King that he got a yearly pension of a thousand Crowns. Nothing attaining such perfection as [Page 76] to secure it from the Teeth of Criticks, the three pieces I have now mentioned, have been attacqued by them. It is objected against the Library, that its entrance suits not with its Mag­nificence and Grandeur, and that it stands as if stoln in, and not of the same piece with the rest.

Over against the great Altar, where all is so well proportioned, they wish away a silver Lamp, whose size corresponds not with that of the place it burns in, which is vast and large. In the Pantheon they find great fault, that all the steps by which it is descended are not Mar­ble, and that the sides of the walls are not in­crusted with it, the Chappel being all so, and a like Magnificence requisite every where: In the brazen Candlestick, the inner part which is not guilded is discerned amongst the black and foul branches that extend from it. It cost 10 thou­sand Crowns, which is ten times more then it is worth; but it is common in this Countrey to boast things of excessive price, which they would have admired on that account, as if be­cause they are foolish Merchants, the ware they buy too dear, were therefore the more va­luable. These are my observations of the so fa­mous Escurial, adorned only by some smal Par­terras and Fountains; one side of it affords a handsome prospect, but the ground near it is the greatest part Rock or Heath; some Walks and Groves are planted about it, but being cold and windy, trees thrive not. There are some Deer in a kind of Park, ill designed, and with [Page 77] very low walls; the way to it is nothing plea­sant, and the King who goes thither thrice every year, one of which times is in the Winter, can­not certainly find any great diversion in those journeys, for during three months, all is cover­ed with snow. I have no more to say of these two wonders of the world, The Escurial for Art, and Aranjuez for Nature, The paralels of the Son of Austria, (as is here said,) according to times and fancies.

The Twentieth of this month, all Madrid assembled in the great Piazza to see the Bulls fought; they mention this solemnity so ad­vantagiously, as if it were to be compared to the Noblest Spectacles of the antients: every Town of Spain hath several days set apart for it, and not any one of them but enjoys this pleasure about Midsummer. The people have so great an esteem for it, that they think you ex­treamly injure them if you prefer it not to all others, and if you seem not to admire all its cir­cumstances, you may as safely deny their King to be the greatest in the world.

The prospect of the Piazza this day must needs be very agreeable: People of the best quality adorn all the Windows and Balconies, hung with Silks and Tapestrys of divers colours, with the great­est ostentation possible: Each Council hath its Balcony hung with Velvet or Damask, with a Scutcheon of the Arms belonging to it. The Kings is guilded, and under a State; the Queen and Infanta sit by him, and the Favorite or chief Minister in a corner of it; on his right [Page 78] hand is another great Balcony for the Ladies of the Court, the rest are promiscuously taken up by others. Both men and women set out them­selves to all advantage possible, paying very dear for the Balconies; those on the first and second stories cost Twenty or five and Twenty Crowns, though the first rank cannot contain above five or six persons: the King pays for those of such as are considerable to him, as Ambas­sadors and Envoies of forreign Princes. Be­fore the Balconies are Scaffolds that extend some feet into the Piazza; they are extreamly croud­ed, all the people taking places dearer or cheap­er according to the posts they make choice of.

Though these solemnities are very frequent, three or four being yearly celebrated in Ma­drid, the meanest Citizen will not once neglect to see them, and rather pawn his Goods then fail for want of Money. This takes its name of distinction from St Isidore, protector of the Town, which therefore bears the charge; the reason it passes not for a Royal Spectacle; it costs the King nevertheless something, and I was told, he gives every Council that day Three thousand Crowns: those at Midsummer and September are most esteemed, when several en­ter the Lists a horseback, whereas at this of St Isidore all do it afoot. There are four passages to the Piazza, which is strewed with Sand, and freed from those moving Shops or Booths that at other times pester it; some ride, others walk about it till the King appears, then his Guards [Page 79] break through the croud, and place themselves on each side to attend him: as soon as their Majesties are seated in their Balconies, all go out of the Piazza, which being cleared, fully discovers its beauty. At the same time four or five Alguazils well mounted, and better then becomes ordinary catchpoles, attend bare­headed, and as soon as the King gives the word, he of them that hath authority over the Wag­gons, causes them to move from the place they stand ranged in, and the barrels and sheep­skins that are in them, distil water so artificially, that the whole Piazza is equally bedewed: af­ter which, they immediately depart by the four Gates, which are shut as soon as they which are to fight the Bulls are entered; amongst these gal­lant champions was a fellow of Valladolid, mount­ed on a Bull, he had mannaged and accustomed to bridle and saddle; one a foot carrying his Lance by him: he rid streight up to the King, and after a profound obeisance, endeavoured to shew his own and his Bulls address; he caused him to trot, gallop, and turn every way, but that undisciplinable creature, weary at last of the tediousness of the mannage, fell a kicking and bounding so fiercely, he threw the poor Peasant, who not at all daunted at his misfor­tune, ran after his Bull that made away, at­tended by the hooting of all the assistance till he had retaken him; but these quickly began again, for as soon as an Alguazil had recei­ved the keys of the place where the Bulls were inclosed, which Don Lewis de Haro threw to [Page 80] him in observence of the custom, which re­quires the Kings giving them to his favorite, and his casting them from the Balcony to the Al­guazils; and that those wild beasts were let loose, and furiously attacqued one another; his, though so well mannaged and harnassed, set on a running without regard either to spur or bri­dle, making it impossible for his Master to en­gage, who stood prepared to that purpose with his Lance in Rest; so without any other effect then the laughter of the assistants, after se­veral attempts, he retreated without striking stroke, though his Bull and he had received many from those that avoided not the shock, but ran to it. At the beginning of this sport they usually let one Bull loose after another, who according to his greater or lesser fury with pre­cipitation attaques such as are within the Lists, whom he soon drives away; but such as are slow­er then the rest, when they can no longer avoid him, fall flat at their lengths, or present him their Hats or Cloaks; he passes by those that lie on the ground without hurting them, because when he gores he shuts his eyes, and commonly strikes nothing but the Air; they which pre­sent their Cloaks or Hats, by them, put a stop to his rage, which lighting on any thing, is sa­tisfied. What I have hitherto mentioned, is but the farce; the serious part, and that in which the activity consists, is the darting certain Ar­rows or little Javelins, which the skilful fix be­tween the Bulls horns, with admirable dexte­rity, without which they would be torn in [Page 81] pieces. A Barber signalized himself, the Bull feel­ing the smart of these little Javelins, (which for their better support through the Air are wing­ed with red Paper) grows to a higher rage, whilst by his strugling and tormenting himself, the iron heads piercei farther. It is said, that be­tween the horns of these creatures is a little place, so very tender and delicate that the smal­lest wound there is mortal; at which some of the Champions can aim so well, that they kill a Bull at the first stroke; when he seems almost tired and spent, the Trumpets sound, the signal to hamstring him: then with Swords and Hang­ers they endeavor to cut the sinews of his hin­der legs, after which, thrusts and slashes which they call Cuchilladas showre on the poor beast. In this the common people make their bloody in­clination apparent, for such as can come at him, would scarcely think themselves sons of honest Mothers, did they not plunge their Daggers in his body, after which, quasi re bene gesta, they march off triumphantly: When he moves no more, Mules come a gallop to draw him out of the Lists, and another is let loose. About a score were killed that day, the skins so pinked, they could be of no use but to make Sives; Dogs are sometimes set against them when it is too troublesome and dangerous for men to joyn them, and the pleasure would sure be greater, if when the dogs have fastened on them, they forbore wounding them on all sides: the only horseman that appeared this day, was the Buffoon of Don Lewis de Haro, the same that [Page 82] shewed himself at Aranjuez; he made one car­rier with his Lance handsome enough, but the King unwilling he should get mischief, caused him to retire. This manner of fight is to be performed with short stirrups, otherwise a leg may be easily spoiled; not with mannaged hor­ses, but such only as are fleet, and have tender mouths: when the Bulls are to be attacqued on horseback, such as have horses proper for it, cannot handsomly refuse to lend them, nor with honour pretend to any satisfaction, if (as it often happens) they be spoiled in the service.

This days sport properly belonging to Pea­sants, one such, in affront to Cavaliers, came in mounted on an Ass, which the Bull at first over­threw, but the fellow having recovered his cou­rage, and silly animal, attacqued the Bull with so good success, that he gave him a great wound between the horns, which bled extremely: af­ter so gallant an exploit, he begged the Bull of the King, which being given him he went away with his famous prize, better satisfied then if crowned with Laurel. The Bull oftentimes falls upon the Guards, who stand ranked on one side of the Piazza with Darts and Halbards; if they kill him he is theirs; he twice charged them through, and overthrew some of them, nothing of gallantry appearing on their side, who suffered the Bull to trample on their bellies, in­stead of killing him at their feet. The Algu­azils or Serjeants are very conspicuous, with fair embroidered Saddles, and their horses adorned with Ribands, and tassels; they were very nim­ble [Page 83] in quitting all places the Bulls approached, and it had been the best of the sport to have seen them charged home, at least this was most wished, but by the readiness of their flight, they escaped these horns, though probably not those which are so common in Madrid.

The grand solemnity begins not till the af­ternoon, but five or six Bulls are attacqued in the morning, for the sakes of such as cannot be present afterwards: at this, order is not so well observed, which sometimes occasions mis­chief. I was told that this day in the morning several were hurt, and one kill'd by a horn that entred by his eye. They end not but with day-light, and every Gallant gives his Mistriss a Bal­cone and Collation. In all the circumstances of this diversion, a certain inveterate cruelty derived from Africk, and hat forsook not this Coun­trey with the Moor [...] is very remarkable: for the pleasure of ordinary Spaniards is not fight­ing the Bulls, the rabble delighting in nothing so much as shedding his blood. At Tunis and Algier are the like solemnities, but (as they say) with greater splendor.

As the publick sports, the Moors introduced in Spain; whilst they possessed it, continue after their exile; the Church also retains something of their superstition, especially on Corpus Chri­sti day. The Twenty seventh of May we saw all its Ceremonies, which are many, and last long; they begin by a procession, whose first ranks are intermixed with several Hoboies, Tabors, and Castanettas, a great many habited in par­ty [Page 84] coloured clothes, skip and dance as extrava­lantly as at a Morrice. The King goes to St Maries Church not far from his Palace, and after Mass, returns with a Torch in his hand, following a silver Tabernacle, in which is the Holy Wafer, attended by the Grandes of Spain, and his several Councils. This day to a­void dispute, they observe not order, so that the Counsellors de la Hazienda, joyn with those of the Indies; before these Counsellors and cer­tain other persons, move Machines, represent­ing Giants; these are Statues of Pasbord car­ried by men concealed under them: they are of several shapes, some very hideous; all of them represent Femals, except ths first, which is only the Figure of a great head painted, with­in which is concealed a little man that gives it meen and motion: it being a Colossus over the body of a Pigmie. Amongst these chimeri­cal Monsters, there is one which represents two Giantesses, Moors, or Aethiopians, such having really been if we may beleeve the vulgar, who call them Hios de Vicinos, that is, neighbors chil­dren. The people are so taken with these Gothick figures, that there is scarce any Vil­lage without them. They report the Giantesses to have lived in the time of King Mammelin, and on that account sometimes call them Mammelins, after the name of that Gothick or Moorish King, who once Reigned in Spain. I was told of another terrible Pageant which they call Tarasca, from a wood that was for­merly in Province, where at present stands the [Page 85] City of Tarascon on the banks of Rosne, over against Beaucaire. They fancy that in this place was once a Serpent (no less enemy of Mankind, then that which seduced our first An­cestors in Paradice) called Behemoth, and re­port that St Martha by oraisons triumphed over it, leading it prisoner in her apron strings. Be this History or Fable, the Tarasca is a Ser­pent of enormous greatness, in form of a Wo­man, moving on wheels, the body covered with scales, a vast belly, long tail, short feet, sharp talons, fiery eyes, gaping mouth, out of which extend three tongues, and long tusks. This Bulbegger stalks up and down and they which are under the pastboard and paper, of which it is composed, by certain Springs, cause it to move so dexterously, that it puts off the Hat to the Sots that stare at it, and sometimes lays hold on Countrey fellows, whose fright moves laughter amongst the people. Such as please themselves in telling wonders of this fop­pery, relate that a certain Town having sent to some of its neighbors six of these paper Giants, two Pigmies, and the Tarasca to be made use of on Corpus Christi day, they which give them their motion being entred, to divert themselves in the passage, caused them to dance as at pro­cessions by couples: they were met by certain Muliters or Carriers, who (Moonshine disco­vering at a distance, these imaginary Monsters,) marching with a great deal of prattle and loud laughter, for their merrier passing two [Page 86] or three Leagues) not recollecting what was to be done the day after, were so affrighted, that the terror still augmenting, by their con­templating those fantasmes, they at last run away with all their might. The conducters of the Monsters perceiving this, casting off their Vizards, went out of the Machines to disabuse them, running after them to cause them to come back to their Mules and charges; this increased their astonishment, and hastened their pace, which aided by the wings of fear, soon trans­ported them cross the fields to a village, which they allarmed to free the Countrey of high­way men, so hideous, they could be little less then Devils: the other in the mean time slip­ping their cases, and perceiving themselves ma­sters of the the spoils, the muletiers had aban­doned, began to visit the baggage, and finding Wine, drank so much they fell fast asleep till morning. The Muletiers after their raising the Village, and bringing the Justice to the place, perceived their mistake, and the Countrey fel­lows laughing heartily at them, drank the re­mainder of the Wine in recompence of their trouble. The Village of the solemnity, a great while waited for those grim Puppets, which came too late, and by their excuse and relati­on of what had happened, disordered the whole procession, changing it into a Ring of such as abandoned the Cross and Banner, to heark­en to their story. The pleasantest posture of these Mammelinas that I saw was, when they made their salutes before the Queens Balcony, be­sides [Page 87] some seats of activity by address of those that dance them. The King passing by it, salutes the Queen with a smile, and the Queen and Infanta rise a little before he comes at them, to return his compliment; The Procession ha­ving filed to the Piazza, returns by the High street or Calle Major, adorned by many Ta­pestries waving on the Balconies, filled with men and women of all conditions: the croud is so great, one cannot pass without difficulty, and we had much ado to return to St Maries Church where the procession ended. As soon as free from it we went to the Palace, and there saw the King, Queen, and Infanta, return with all the Court Ladies: I think I have men­tioned all that is worth notice, unless it be that as on this day all the men put on Summer cloaths, so do all the Ladies, and those new and very rich, of several fashions and colours. In the afternoon about five a clock, Autos are re­presented: these are ghostly Comedies, with interludes, very ridiculous to give rellish to what is serious and tedious in the pieces themselves.

The two companies of Players that belong to Madrid at this time, shut their Theaters, and for a month represent these Holy Poems: this they do every evening in publick on Scaf­folds erected to that purpose in the streets be­fore the houses of the Presidents of several Councils. They begin at Court the day of the Solemnity, where a seat under a State is pro­vided for their Majesties: the Stage is at the foot of these Scaffolds, and little painted Booths [Page 88] rowled to it, environ it, and serve as tiring houses. This is continued certain days, every President having one, and a Stage and Scaffold erected before his house: before these Autos begin, all the foppery of the Procession dances, and the Gigantine Machines make the people sport; but what I most admired in that which I saw at a distance in the old Prado, is, that in the streets and open air they use Torches to those pieces, which in the daily Theaters, and with­in doors, they represent without other light then that of the Sun: all these antick ceremo­nies appeared much more ridiculous to those that beheld them, then they can possibly do in my describing them, and confirm me in what I often observed, that the Spaniards, and other wise and grave nations seem fondest in their di­versions, as Misers at their Feasts sometimes become most prodigal.

The next day the Alguazils came to the house where we lodged to demand account of our hoste of his provision of victuals and what Poultry he fatted. They were very inquisitive, what he did with such abundance, and where and why he had bought it; he told them we gave him Money to be our Caterer, but this would not serve his turn, because so great store is forbidden by Law, and gives a jealousie that the Master of the house keeps an Ordinary or Pension, which is not allowed: besides all which certain witnesses deposed that he sent victuals abroad to some of the company that lay sick, and that he bought some at the private Kit­chins [Page 89] of Don Lewis de Haro and others, all ve­ry streightly prohibited. The reason why nei­ther Ordinaries nor Pensions are allowed in Ma­drid, nor any part of Spain, seems very strange, when they tell you that consideration of the ste­rility of the Countrey, gives apprehension of Famine, and an entire disfurnishing the Markets by those that keep such houses; for it appears to me, that liberty being left to every one to buy what he pleases, and as much as he pleases, provided it be by his Domestick, the same in­convenience will no less follow.

However, it is good to keep out of the Laws clutches in Spain; especially, in occasions where the Catchpoles interpose; for, for a matter of nothing, they seize and carry away all, and the Master to prison, from whence he escapes not without the aid of Money, be his cause right or wrong; especially, if he be thought rich: false witnesses are never wanting, and here the neighbors had deposed against our hoste out of envy; but his good luck was to be Tenant to an Alguazil; this Serjeant mediating with his Comrades, assisted by four pistols, the In­formation was cancelled, and our Host not car­ried to prison as they had intended: by this, all here appears vendible, though had this cheat of the Alguazils been complained of they had run hazard of being sent to the Gallies. This was almost the only punishment inflicted in those times by reason of want of men to be em­ployed at the Oar.

[Page 90] An Assentista, that is a Patentee or Farmer of Levies of soldiers, or of the Kings Revenue, was a little before assaulted in his chamber by Theeves, one of which being taken, discover­ed his confederates; amongst whom, (though they set daggers at his throat, and wounded him in the head) was a Frier; the first with his Comrade was whipped and sent to the Gallies, and the Frier condemned to pass the remainder of his days between four walls with bread and wa­ter. This man being a stranger, little befriend­ed, and ignorant of the customes of the Coun­try, had much ado to obtain this Justice. He was born at St. Omer, but resides ordinarily at London, from whence he sends Irishmen to serve in Catalonia. Such French as they take at Sea are in like manner sent to the Gallies, from which none can be freed, without putting one in his place, which costs dear, there being no other way but to find out some Negro Slave.

The Commerce of the Indies hath restored rights of servitude in these Countries, and in Andalusia there are few other Servants. The greatest part of these are either Moors or perfect Blacks, which gives occasion to the Proverb, No as­si tratan los hombres Blancos: White Men are not be so used. Christianity requires, that such as embrace it be enfranchised, but this is not ob­served in Spain, and those wretches are not made freemen by becomming Christians. They are much more cruelly used in the Indies, where inhumanity hath so long prevailed, that all ima­ginable rigor is exercised on those unhappy crea­tures, [Page 91] who are only such by occasion of their Mines of Gold and Silver, to which their Ma­sters owe all their fortune and greatness. An in­credible number of them found their graves, whilest they digged for those Metals, so that scarce any remain to pursue that fatal imploy­ment. Besides this destruction made by the Mines, it is said the Wine sent thither, occasi­ons so many diseases, that the greatest part of the Indians die. They are passionate Lovers of this liquor, and spare nothing that may obtain it; and the Spaniards to discover the Treasures they may have concealed, sell it them, to the ruin of their goods, health, and strength for la­bour; and I remember to have read a Book in­tituled Las Excellentias del Espannol, in four or five Chapters where the Author makes appear the prejudice the King and Traffick of the In­dies, receive by the Vines planted in Peru; and often repeats, that the vice of the West-Indians being Drunkenness, many of them perish by Wine, not like their Chica, made of Maiz and more agreeable to their Constitutions; besides that, the Spaniards to get more, and by selling it cheap, to make quicker returns, falsifie it, in such a manner, it is little better than poison. On these occasions the Indians are so much wasted, that for some years there have not been enough to work in the Vine-yards nor Mines of Peru. Negro's are therefore made use of, bought in Guine, or the Kingdom of Angola; by which means the profit is much lessened, a Negro cost­ing 50 or 60 Crowns, and since Portugal hath [Page 92] re-established their true King, and that all those Countries of the Indies that are strongest in Co­lonies, have acknowledged him, Negro's are not had so cheap; for besides the 60 Pieces of Eight they cost, the King of Portugal hath laid an Impost equal to the Price, so that a Negro comes not to Carthagena, where they land, till he stands the Spaniards in above 200 Crowns. The profit the King of Portugal makes by this, is incredible, those that understand Trade, assu­ring it amounts yearly to some Millions of Gold. The consideration of this and some other things before mentioned, make evident to me what I was often told at Madrid, that the great wealth of the Indies belongs more to particular persons and strangers, than to the King of Spain, and that at this time when the Gallions are expected richer than in many late years, because of the return of the Viceroy, it is thought 3 quarters of what it brings is on account of Merchant Stran­gers, and that there will not come to the King and natural Spaniards above Three Millions of Gold.

They which manage the Affairs of that Coun­trey, very prosperously advance their own, and the Earl of Pigneranda President of its Council, draws vast sums for Licences to French Mer­chants; One I knew, that for leave to bring a hundred Hides from St. Domingo by the Gallions, gave Ten Pistols. Notwithstanding all which, much deceit is used in that particular, and the greatest part of the French that trade into Spain, import and export at their pleasure all manner of [Page 93] Commodities, by pretending to be Walloons, Burgundians, Lorrainers, or Flemings. For this reason the King was counselled to give free­dom to trade, and to abolish the Fees of Licen­ces, and Impost of the Tenth Peny on all French Merchandise; representing that his profit would be greater, because the usual duties would be paid without any fraud; whereas to avoid this Tenth, the Merchants combine, and they that have French Goods, get one or other to attest they are English or Flemmish, and so (at most) pay but the ordinary Custom, of which also they are sometimes crafty enough to deceive him.

The Commerce of these is principally in An­dalusia, where they have found a place of free­dom as convenient as Cadis; this is the haven of Santa Maria, a little Town belonging to the Duke af Medina Coeli, who protects them, and draws great Trade to the prejudice of Cadis and Sevil.

When Spain and France were at peace, Traf­fick was more difficult then at present, little Mer­chandise arriving that was not confiscated under pretence of coming from Holland. There never wanted two or three Knights of the Post to swear this, but time and care have given remedy to this mischief, and false swearers escape not, Merchants by presenting a Bever, or some other Knack, putting themselves under the protection of some Grande.

By this is evident that Spain cannot well be without Commerce with France, not only on the [Page 94] Frontiers of Biscai and Arragon, where it hath been almost ever permitted, but through the whole Countrey where it is prohibited, for Pro­vence hath ever had correspondencies in the Kingdom of Valentia, by its necessity of the o­thers Commodities; and for the same reason Britaign, Normandy, and other parts on the O­cean have continually sent theirs to Cadis and Bilbo. I speak not of Corn and Stuffs of all sorts brought from that Country, but even of Iron­work and Sword; by which it appears a mistake to think that in these dayes the best come out of Spain. No more being now made at Toledo, few but forrain are used, unless a very small quantity that come from Biscai, which are ex­cessivly dear.

It is moreover hard to imagine how much Spain suffers for want of manufactures: So few Artificers remain in its Towns, that native Com­modities are carried abroad to be wrought in forrain Countries. Wools and Silks are trans­ported raw, and being spun and weaved in Eng­land, France, and Holland, return thither at dear rates. The Land it self is not tilled by the peo­ple it feeds. In Seed-time, Harvest, and Vintage, Husbandmen come from Bearn and other parts of France, who get a great deal of money by sow­ing and reaping their Corn, and dressing and cutting their Vines. Carpenters and Masons are (for the most part) also strangers, who will be paid treble what they can get in their own Countrey. In Madrid there is hardly a Water-bearer that is not a Foreigner, such are also the [Page 95] greatest part of Shoomakers and Taylors, and it is believed the third of these come only to get a little money and afterwards return home, but none thrive so much as Architects, Masons, and Carpenters. Almost every house hath wooden windows (here being no glass) and a balcony jutting into the Street. Once in five years all Fabricks are re-builded, of which the Frontis­piece only is done with Lime, the sides and back-parts, being usually earth.

Every house in Madrid pays duties to the King which mount high, the first floor of eve­ry one is his, which if not redeemed, he may sell at his pleasure; This the Proprietors usually buy, to do which if they be not able they build no more but it alone. This is the reason there are so many little houses in Madrid, with only one stair to get up to the Garret. The most con­siderable Architecture is that which is adorned with some Tower, only one of these is allowed, and he that will build more, must have permis­sion to do it: A fellow that thought he should have much ado to obtain this, begged leave but for one, which being easily granted, he built one on account of the permission, and another because one had never been prohibited. No­thing is more notorious, then that Madrid wanting both some Rivolet to void its filth and Vault to receive it, casts all into the Street; but it is admirable to see that by vivacity and pene­tration of the Air, all is consumed in a moment, it being as drying and corrosive (if one may so call it) as lime that devours a body before the [Page 96] corruption discovers it self, and I have found dead Dogs and Cats in the Streets that smelt not, by which we may perceive they had reason that chose this place for the Seat of their Kings, the Air being not only hard to corrupt, but takes away even the cause of corruption, by dis­solution of Elementary qualities as sudden as imperceptible. In antient times their Queens repaired hither to lie in, that the Princes might at their births breath an Air whose purity is not to be equalized. The Waters of this place have been weighed against several other, and none have been found so light. The Cardinal Infant had them carried with him into Flanders, and great care was taken to ship for him Tuns of the same the King drinks, the Fountain of which is a little without the Town. The Streets here being Common Shores, one ran great hazard, were it allowed at all hours to cast out at window what the people will no longer keep in their houses; but from day break til ten at Night this is forbid­den under a pecuniary mulct. Once I remember I saw a Woman that had forgot this, whom the Serjeants, that wait on such little advantages, immediately caused to pay the Fine, which is Sixty Rials, about 25 s. of our Money. They which walk a Nights, carry neither Torch nor Lantern, which I never saw born before any, whether in Coach, a horsback, or a foot; La­dies of quality only make use of these, such as belong to the Court especially, who then mu­ster all their Footmen. Women here go abroad with much more splendor than their Husbands, [Page 97] for besides a great number of servants about their Sedans, a Steward or Master of the Horse still follows them on horseback: in great houses, Footmen neither enter their Lords chamber, nor yet his apartment, they being served by their Gentlemen, Pages, and other Officers; when called, they kneel, receiving their Commands; this custom hath gone higher in the Favourites family, for I have been assured, that when Don Lewis gives Audience, and his Secretary serves as Interpreter, he kneels; and what is stranger, that Fernando de Contreras (none of his Domestick, but the Kings servant, and the most considerable of his Secretaries of State, as having charge of the Despecho Univer­sal) pays him that honour. For what concerns the respect due to the King and all such as are near him; they have many little customs very extraordinary; amongst others, that no man ever mounts a horse the King hath once made use of: and they say, that after the taking of Bar­cellona, in the Cavalcade his Majesty made to Atocha; the Duke of Medina de los torres, sent to present him his most beautiful horse that was so famous in Madrid; but the King re­turned him saying, Scrina lastima, that is, it were pity, since by that means he would be­come useless, and rid only by Querries: and in­deed no horses are so little rid as the Kings, who almost burst with fat, acquired by continu­al standing in the Stable, which is not very well furnished, because he gives away the best; he lately sent the Queen of Sweden Twelve of the [Page 98] greatest value; the wars have made horses very scarse and dear in Spain, especially in the be­ginning of winter, when all provide themselves to ride about the streets of Madrid, whose dirt is so troublesome, it can neither be avoided nor got out of any thing it lights on.

They are cheaper in June, people going afoot during the fair weather, which lasts till the end of September.

We were told of another custom, no less extraordinary, that no natural Son of the King, owned to be such, may enter Madrid; and that Don John of Austria, who at pre­sent, Commands in Catalonia, was never there, he was bred at Ocanna, some Leagues from the Court where the King sometimes visited him, and not long since he was within a League of this Town where he also met him. It is belie­ved this King hath more such issue, but being by Ladys of quality, he owns them not; he sel­dom attempted any without success; yet a cer­tain Lady of Madrid, is reported to have been inexorable to him, though she was not so to all the world; she still excused her self with pro­testations of as much esteem as respect for his person, but that she could not without hor­ror apprehend to become a whore of Hi­story.

I enquired the reason why the Kings natu­ral issue may not come to Madrid, but found none could satisfie me; for that which is gene­rally received, that it is to avoid disputes of the precedence between them and the Grandes [Page 99] of Spain, is of no validity, since I have seen a Letter of Don Lewis de Haro to Don John of Austria, which treats him, not only with High­ness, but most Serene Highness; but whatso­ever the cause may be that the Gates of the Court are thus shut against them, and of the jealousie real or imaginary, might be occasi­oned by their presence there; it is most certain that this nation hath a great deal, for whatso­ever in the least concerns it in love or Honour, of which, many little stories of daily passages in Madrid are related, where the extravagance of Women produces various passions in the com­merce of criminal Gallantry, which hath its punctilios of honor as well as a knot of high­way men, its justice within it self; They which keep Amancebadas; that is, Mistrisses main­tained at their charge, are more jealous of them then of their wives; and such of these as have a servant that ordinarily visits them, call him In­fidel and Traytor, if they ever know he goes to others, and to this purpose I have been told that the King himself being with a Lady the Ad­miral of Castille kept, that young lord trans­ported by jealousie, forgetting all respect and consideration, having knocked violently at the door, gave the Mother of that wench who open­ed it, many boxes on the ear, saying, Jade, thou makest me Cuckold, but if I could get up, I would strangle both thee and thy daughter, were it in the Kings presence.

Though the Profession of Curtisans admits no conceptions but of interest and design for rapine, [Page 100] they are sometimes excellent Counterfeiters of Passion, and borrow the transports of real af­fection. The Earl of Fieschi, who at his first arrival at Madrid, passionately attacked that Sex, tells as a Gallantry, his usage by one of those Cattle, who openly at the Tour fell upon him with reproaches of infidelity, calling him Traidor and Picaro, because she had heard he had a new Mistress.

And Mr. de Mogeron was not a little surprized, by a Womans treating him in the same manner one Evening, pulling him by the hair with reproaches and injuries; because he had not visited her ac­cording to a promise made her at the Tour, where he met her the day before. They do a thousand such extravagances, and are really Mistresses of the Epithite Bizarre, which in their Language is understood in so good a sense. They are ridi­culous in their habit, and wear their richest ac­coutrements under others very homely, so that you would not take any of them to be braver than the rest, unless you see them at some Festival, or that as they pass by, they let the Clinquant of their Wastcotes appear; their Linnen is Cam­brick most generally used and best esteemed in Spain: they paint not their faces only, but change also the colour of those parts that least appear. Their Smocks are also laid with Bonelaces, where visible only to their Gallants, indeed of those slight ones that are made in Provence or Lorrain, those of Flanders being unknown to them, un­less when they force some bits of them from Strangers, tearing their Bands or Cuffs.

[Page 101] Besides the great numbers of loose Women that are to be found up and down Madrid, there are others in certain fixed quarters, countenan­ced by Publick Authority, for accommodation of any that will go to them. These are called Cantonera's, perhaps Bulkers. They have a Sa­lary from the Town, for which cause so infamous an imployment is sought after, and when one of the Jades dies or is disabled by the Pox, the Ma­gistrates are sollicited for the vacancy. What their Pension is I could not learn, but those which assured me of this beastly establishment, told me that every one that visits them is obliged to pay them 12 Quarto's, about 6 Pence of our Money. Physitians are fee'd by the publick, to take care they be free from those Pestilential Dis­eases that are gained by so honourable a Professi­on. A Matron also belongs to them, who is obliged to advertise the Magistrate or Physitian, as soon as she discovers any thing amiss. They which described to me the lives of these miserable creatures, told me that when they are accompa­nied, a second man is never admitted, on which account there never happens any disorder; the first enterer leaving his Sword and Dagger at the Door, which when they which come after per­ceive, they retire without more ado. Sinning thus with impunity and toleration of Publick Au­thority▪ they seldom forsake the vice they so openly professe, though one day in the year is devoted to exhort them to repentance: On a Friday in Lent, they are by an Alguazil or two conducted to the Church of Penitents, and [Page 102] there seated near the Pulpit, where the Preacher does his best to touch their hearts, but seldom with success; after many vain exhortations to amend their lives, descending from his Pulpit, he presents them the Crucifix, saying, Behold the Lord, embrace him; which if any does, she is immediately taken away, and shut up in the Cloister of Penitents; but usually they only hang down their heads and shed a few tears, without laying hold on what is offered, and after their grimaces continue their deboshed life; neither can the Story of St. Mary Magdalene so often inculcated to them, move them to imitation of her.

In this antick of remarques which I have dau­bed with so many colours, I must not forget what concerns the imprisonment of the Duke of Lor­rain. He failed but very little of an escape, and that news had not come of his being enter­ed the Frontiers of Portugal when he was thought still in the heart of Castille. As soon as he arri­ved in Spain he was confined to Toledo, without being admitted to the Kings presence. When misfortunes of War of State cast one Soveraign into the hands of another, methinks he ought not to be treated altogether as a Prisoner, but that his Captivity should be made use of, to work upon him and gain his affection by Offices of honour and civility. Of the two French Kings that were taken Prisoners, it is notoriously known that Francis the First left Spain intirely possessed by thoughts of hatred and re­venge on account of his ill usage by Charles the [Page 103] Fifth: and that John returned from England so well satisfied, that he was ever afterward careful to live with Edward as with a Friend and Bro­ther: but the Spanish austerity suffers not a Max­ime that may be deceitful, and graspes hard what­ever it laies hold on to prevent escape: She would never let Duke Charles taste the air of her Court, and notwithstanding his many instances, ever treated him as a simple prisoner of State, though she suffered him to go abroad under good Guard both to Church and to take the Air, which in­cited him to attempt greater liberty. Thus he laid his design, One of the Kings Coaches was appointed to attend him, whose Coachman hap­pened to be a Lorrainer, and consequently his subject. He supposed this mans affection to his natural Prince, would oblige him to be assisting towards his liberty, and resolved to have him sounded. I could not learn whom he made use of to engage him, nor in what manner he set it a foot, but it is said, that having gained him, he several times left Tickets under the Cushions of the Coach, and the place he sate on, which the Coachman very carefully took away; and by means of a Lorrain Embroderer, sent to those that had the principal management of the Affair. This went so far before its discovery, that the Coachman had received instructions to drive the Duke very often beyond a ruinated Building that was near the part he usually fre­quented, and one day, when least suspected, 50 Horsmen were appointed to lie concealed behind it, who having killed his Guards and set him at [Page 104] liberty, were to convoy him to the Frontiers of Portugal, where 500 Horse should be ready to receive him. A Ticket, and perhaps the last that was necessary to this Negotiation, discovered it; for whether it were that it was not handsom­ly enough conveyed under the Cushion, or whether the Captain that then commanded the Guard, and was in the Coach with him, ob­served better what was done than others, or that he was more jealous, going out of the Coach, searching the Cushion, he found the Ticket; upon this the Duke was more straitly shut up, the Coachman imprisoned, and the Ticket sent to Madrid, where the Dukes Secretary and the Embroiderer were secured; the last of these was racked, but the particulars of what he deposed never published The light that appeared at the bottom of this Affair, moved the Spaniards themselves to say, That to hold the Duke faster at the very time his liberty was most earnestly solli­cited, they perswaded him he would have made an escape: whatever may be of it, it is certain the Duke was not afterwards allowed to go out of Toledo, and that this unfortunate Prince might justly complain, That if the French Neighbour­hood was a smoke that drove him from his House with tears in his eyes, the Spanish Friendship was a fire that burnt him alive. Which if we may be­lieve publick report, was his own expression to the Captain that guarded him. All that hath been given out of the causes of his imprison­ment hath divulged but part of the mistery, and I sought at Madrid to inform my self of the real [Page 105] motive. They which speak and judge most so­lidly say, That this was rather done on account of reason of State, and to spare money, than that he had indeed be [...]raied his party; and truly the taking quarters in the Land of Liege that Winter, ren­dred him no more culpable that year, then his seeking them at his Swords point had done in those that went before: but the conjuncture dif­fered, and the Elector of Cullen, who had made himself absolute Master of that people, desirous to give them a more powerful protection, clamored much at the Diet of Ratisbonne, from whence, as misfortune would have it, he retired dissatis­fied with the Emperour, for having decided to the advantage of him of Mentz, the Dispute that was between them about the Function of crown­ing the King of Romans. As soon as he arrived at Cullen, he wrote to the Emperour, that without speedy succors, according to the Laws of the Empire, to free his Countrey from the deva­stations of the Lorrainers, he must have recourse to the protection of some foraign Prince. This Affair being taken into consideration, the Em­perour only wrote about it to Brusselles and Ma­drid. The Elector in the mean time took heat, and resolving no longer to expect the event of those delays, raised forces, treated with France, and gave her opportunity of re-assuming the Black Eagle in her Colours, and renuing the Title of Preserver of the German Liberty. Car­dinal Mazzarin, who during his retirement had been so well received by this Elector, lost not the opportunity of making his acknowledg­ments, [Page 106] and sent him Troops under the Com­mand of Monsieur Faber, which joyned to his own, forced the Lorrainers to discamp, whom it was resolved to pursue even into Brabant, to revenge the havock they had made in the Land of Liege, and assist the French in some Con­quest. I his bold proceeding, awaked the Em­perors jealousie, who perceived that in that ve­ry moment he had re-established his Authority in the Empire, and when he had given an end to a Diet, in which he had caused his Son to be crowned King of Romans, one of the power­fullest Princes of Germany, sought other pro­tection than his, and gave example to all his Neighbours to do the like, as often as they should be oppressed by Troops entertained by Spain. These considerations obliged the Em­perour to send the Earl of Furstemberg to the Elector of Cullen, to work him, and prevent his going farther in the Treaty with the French, promising him an effectual and real satisfaction for what was passed, and for the future to esta­blish such order, he should no more need to ap­prehend the like visits. At the same time he wrote to Madrid and Brusselles, with all possi­ble efficacy, to represent the dangerous conse­quences of this Affair, how prejudicial it was to him, and necessity of the remedies he pro­posed, which were to satisfie the Elector of Cullen with Money, so to oblige him to lay down Arms and dismiss the French, to make sure of the person of the Duke of Lorrain, that he might be no less so of his Conduct, the cause [Page 107] of all these inconveniences, and to use his Bro­ther Duke Francis for continuing the Army in the Spanish Service, which he thought might easily be prevailed upon, by giving it a Head of the same Family, and presenting the Chief Offi­cers with money. These reasons and expedients were the better rellished by the Spanish Mini­sters, out of apprehension of the Storm that began to gather against them. The great Services the Duke had rendered the House of Austria, were of no advantage to him in their Council, nor any thing examined but his avari­tious and unequal Politicks, his irresolutions a­lone were represented, and the times in which he had declined their Service, when they might have obtained great advantages, if he would have acted with his forces.

The accompt was also cast up of the great Sums he had cost the King of Spain yearly, by a crafty selling him his Army as if at an outcry, so that if they would make use of it in the be­ginning of a Campagne, or continue it at the end of it, he must be paid at his own rates. It was at last concluded as well at Madrid as Brus­selles, that for a certain remedy to all these mis­chiefs, to prevent falling again into the like in­conveniences, and put a stop to the preparati­ons making at Liege, the Elector was not only to be indemnified, and the protection of the Duke of Lorrain abandoned, but his person to be seised on and sent into Spain. Thus this Prince saw himself treated as a Soldier of for­tune, and not like a Soveraign, by a Family [Page 108] whose friendship caused the loss of his Countrey, and reduced him to the sad necessity of living like a vagabond at the Head of an Army that subsisted only by his industry. If what hath been reported of the first heats of his youth be true, and that he then lamented he was not born a private Gentleman, to try how far his wit and courage could carry him; one would think he had devested himself of his Dominions, only to shew what he could do without them. That he had very eminent parts, is undeniable, but over­shadowed by such uncouth Policies, and in such a manner intermixed with humor and vanity, that one would think he had but one Maxime sacred and inviolable to him, To prefer what was profitable above what was honourable or honest. It is not therefore strange that he built his ruin on so bad foundations, nor that after his imita­tion of that crafty Lewis the Moor Duke of Mi­lan, and all his shifts and slights of hand, he is caught in a trap, from whence his deliverance is very incertain, and whether he end not his dayes in the Castle of Toledo, as the other did in the Tower of Loches; though it is believed here, that were his Army disbanded, his liberty might be obtained without much difficulty, be­cause the Spaniards are confident they need ap­prehend nothing from this Prince, who loves his money too well to employ it in his revenge, and the 200 thousand Livres a year he is report­ed to have within the Dominions of the King of Spain to forfeit them. To which they adde, that were he desirous to take Arms, he needs the [Page 109] support of France, which he will probably fail of obtaining, without an entire giving up Lor­rain, which they will either keep still, or re­store on conditions but little better, and such as he will never accept, for fear of depriving him­self of what belongs to him for so small an ad­vancement towards his particular satisfaction. On these grounds they adde, that even the Mi­nisters of Spain wish the destruction of his Ar­my, which in the fashion it subsists and is disci­plined, costs them very dear, but they would gladly gather together its ruins, and incorporate them with their other Troops, that their Ene­mies might not profit by them, the fear of which hinders their undertaking it. This makes evident that Princes are incommoded by Auxi­liary forces that serve in a Body, and under a Head they own as their absolute Master, for it is alwayes hard to oblige them to do well, and no less difficult to disband or be quit of them, and therefore the wisest Princes, that have been necessitated to make use of such, have at first endeavoured to separate and mix them with their own, to prevent their correspondence, and diminish the Authority of those that brought them. The Venetians once endeavo­red to deal in this manner with the Marquis of Roquelaure, and the Prince of Orange, at relie­ving Berghen ap Zome, would have obliged Mansfelt to suffer such a separation: but nei­ther of them would consent, but made ap­pear that this is not to be propounded or ob­tained, but of a Soldier of fortune, that hath [Page 110] drawn together forces he is not able to make subsist.

The most publick curiosity, whilst we were in Spain, was to divine the designes of that Fleet Cromwel sent into the Indies, and at our arrival at Vittoria, being saluted by a man of good pre­sence, who enquired what was spoken of it in the parts we came from, when we told him it was believed those great preparations were made to subdue the Isle of Hispaniola, he assured us that if the English began there they would fail of success, that he knew that Country very well, having lived some time in it, and that this Island was one of the strongest and most populous of America. That after the year 1586, in which St. Domingo (its Capital City) was sacked by Sir Francis Drake, it was put in such a posture as could no more apprehend the like misfortune, and a very fair Citadel raised adjoyining to it, whose scituation is so advantageous, it seems, destined to command the neighbouring Sea. When we came to Madrid, I found that those little Cabals, as well of Spaniards as Strangers, that met a Mornings in the first Court of the Pa­lace, usually entertained themselves with the as­surances Cromwel had given the Spanish Ambas­sador, that the Fleet he had sent into the Indies should attempt nothing against his King: that they therefore made no question but it was to drive the French out of what they possessed in New France, and that it was there he would be­gin a Warre against them, and break that Trea­ty of Peace from which he had often declined, [Page 111] and again complied with, the better to amuse them. But the clear sighted easily judged so con­siderable preparations aimed not at so slight a Conquest. Computing his charge, they found that all the French possessed, whether Islands or Continent in those quarters was not equivalent to any considerable part of his expences, and therefore concluded he had some vaster and more important design. These men seemed to me to flatter themselves least, and to be most reasonable, for I had often heard such as had negotiated with Cromwell say, that if they had any judgement, they assured themselves they mi­stook not in this observation, that he had a par­ticular passion for some great Enterprise in the Indies. After he had made all Europe admire and fear his Naval Power by a War against Hol­land, which yet was more glorious than profi­table to his Country, it is probable he contri­ved how to imploy his arms in some part where he might reimburss part of his charges. Although of all his Neighbours he at that time used the French worst; yet it may easily be judged it was not his interest to come to an entire rupture with them; because their Traffick for the most part making use either of English or Holland Vessels, he should by that means displease either his own Merchants, or those with whom he had lately made peace, besides that the French had for some years been Masters at free-booting against whom if he sent a Fleet, they would easily avoid it, their design being only to pillage; so that he should be at a great charge against them that would al­wayes [Page 112] flye from him, and waiting for his Mer­chants, oblige him to convoy's; unless he would lose all the Trade of the Mediterranean, and part of that of the Ocean. Cromwels interest there­fore requiring a War, and a War by sea, that may yield him profit proportionable to the great equipage of Men, Arms, and Ships he is obliged to maintain, to make himself feared, by which he hath obtained the Command of both Seas, he will not attaque France, who having all within her self, waits till Strangers bring home to her that she can be without, and fetch from her that which is absolutely necessary to them. For it hath been observed that her greatest and weal­thiest Cities are not scituated near the sea (though two wash her Coasts) but in the middle of the Country. By this appears that her Stock of wealth is within her self, and that (according to the Polititians rule) she is rather Vendax than Emax, selling more than she buys. Her soil being so rich and fertil, it is no wonder she hath in all times abandoned the Ocean to be plough'd by her Neighbours, who employ a great part of their art and labour to send her as tribute the fruits of it. To make a war therefore against France with profit, it must most certainly be done by land; but if we consider the present condition of England, a War of this nature seems not to agree with it; for we may easily judge that Englands design now aims at no more then to maintain her self in her present posture, and to become redoubtable to all the Princes of Eu­rope by a power suitable to her scituation, which [Page 113] hinders their attempting any thing against her, and obliges them (though against their wills) to approve what hath passed, by owning her Re­publick. To this purpose she resolves to be con­tinually potently armed both at home and a­broad, one of which puts her in a condition to concern her self in all the affairs of her Neigh­bours, without their interposing in hers, whilst she is invironed by a prodigious number of in­vincible moving Castles, which when she plea­ses she joyns for her defence, and causes to fly for her advantage to what part soever seems good to her; by the other she thinks securely to fix her innovated tyranny, in continual dan­ger of an insurrection of the people, to restrain whom her Militia is a curb, as it is lightening to destroy those that attempt to war upon her. In fine she can make use of these winged coursers both near hand and at a distance, and nothing confining them to her Coasts, where there will always remain enow; for Guards and Rounds exact enough to justifie her Media insuperabilis unda, the rest may seek their fortune abroad, and either wait for the Indian Treasures in their way to Spain, or seize them in their mines. But it is not thus with her land-forces▪ who must ever be at home to keep up her usurped power, which will be hazarded by the first shock she re­ceives from the many male-contents that have much ado to suffer her.

A War by land must needs therefore be preju­dicial to England in the present Conjuncture, and with France destructive, it being the most [Page 114] potent Nation of Christendom in this age, its Forces the most united, and that may with the greatest ease be drawn to any part where there shall be occasion for them, so that it cannot be attacqued, but by great and courageous Armies; of which if this pretended Republick make use, she must disfurnish her self of her trustiest Com­manders, and stoutest Souldiers, which she can­not do without danger of losing her new form of Government. Neither is it very much to the purpose to say, that for securing it she can make new Levies, to supply the places of the old ones she sends abroad; for to an unsettled power, supported only by the boldness of the Usurpers that raised it, such a change is very dangerous. It cannot be denied that England uniting with Spain would turn the ballance that way; but be­sides that, to do so would be of little advantage to her, there would be an incounter of the same inconveniencies. For she must either joyn her Forces to theirs, and then France that is so great a nursery of Souldiers, having put an end to its civil warre, minding only that which is forraign, would not need much to strain it self to oppose Armies belonging to several Masters, and of di­vers interests, which seldom succeed in any thing they undertake; or else send an Army of her own, against which France would immediately unite all its power, and be the mean while only on the defensive against Spain, who to make a thrifty use of such a conjuncture, would move but slowly and weakly to assist her. However she might proceed, this is most certain, she [Page 115] would be constrained to weaken her Land For­ces, the only Supporters of that New Repub­lick. Should she act only by Sea, and furnish the Spaniards with Money, to recruit their Ar­mies, it hath been already shewed she would make no advantage by the former, and that a War attended by such Booty and Conquest as may countervail the charge and labour is only proper for her: for the second, it is sufficiently known that the Treasure of England is much ex­hausted, and that she owes large sums both to her Land and Sea Forces; and that to prevent her over-charging her People, by the great Ex­pence she is obliged to, the Gold of Peru is more necessary to her, then to supply from her own Treasury those that are Masters of it.

During these Discourses, Letters came to Madrid that cleared all Doubts, for after a long amusing the World with expectation of the Fleet and the great Treasure it was to bring with it, and after knowledge that what was on the prin­cipal Gallion, which had been wracked, was for the most part saved, a rumor arose that it had been met with by the English, who made no difficulty of attacquing it, but that after a vigorous defence, in which it sunk two or three of their Ships, it had retired into the Havana, the Chief City of the Isle of Cuba. I know not whether this particular was true, but am certain it was written from Cadis and Sevil, and from that time believed that Cromwell intended to have his share of the Treasure of the Indies. More to confirm this, the English Merchants [Page 116] that resided in Spain, began to send away, and as well as they could to conceal their Goods, fearing a Confiscation in case of Rupture; a lit­tle after which it appeared that this Pre-caution was not useless, for Admiral Blake who had pas­sed the Spring and part of the Summer in the Mediterranean, returned into the Ocean just at the time the Gallions were expected. It is said he desired to careen, which not being permit­ted, but on certain conditions, he seemed of­fended; and having taken aboard him several English Merchants with their Consul, put out to Sea, and scouted about Cape St Vincent. It was then quickly understood that he looked for the Gallions, with intention to fight them if they escaped Pen and Venables, who were in the Indies; this caused several Advice Boats to be dispatched from Cadis by Order of the Council in Madrid, to give notice to the Gallions that they should not leave the Haven they were reti­red to, till farther Order: at the same time a re­solution was taken to fit up some Ships, partly at the Kings Charge, and partly at that of the Mer­chants, that were concerned to watch the moti­ons of this Admiral. Great part of the Traf­fick of Europe depending on the arrival of the Gallions, many Ships are ever about Cadis at the time it is expected. Of these and some o­thers a Fleet was quickly made ready, and sent to anchor near Blake, yet without hostility, if the other began not, and only to endeavour (in case the Gallions had not received the ad­vice sent them) to secure them from him. These [Page 117] two Fleets contemplated one another two or three moneths without any act of hostility, either general or particular, and whilest one of them thus waited for his prey, and the other to secure it from him, news came that the Spanesh Fleet was advertised of the design against it, and would not leave the Haven it had retired into without express order. At the same time also it was said that Pen and Venables had attacqued St. Domin­go, but with so bad success, that after loss of many of their men, they went off for the Island of Jamaica and conquered it.

This proceeding of Cromwell changed the dis­courses of those that looked on him as one of the nearest and faithfulled Allies of Spain, who had first of all acknowledged him: For as soon as an execrable Party of the scum of this Nation, vio­lating all Laws divine and humane, had possessed themselves of its Government, and (by an at­tempt so horrible it cannot be paralelled in fore­going times, nor scarce mistrusted in the worst that shall succeed) at one stroke deprived their King of his Crown and head, the Spanish Am­bassador received order from Madrid to endea­vour to make advantage by it, and court the friendship of that new Republick for his Master, by giving it in his name all such titles and rights of a legitimate Power as it should desire: it was very likely he might succeed in this, there being probability enough of a league against France, who not only received the exiled Family of the King of England, and refused to own Cromwell, but seised all his Ships, and gave freedom of [Page 118] his Havens to those that remained faithful to their King.

The hopes of so advantageous a Treaty in­creased in Madrid, not only by Englands giving Letters of Reprisal against France, and landing forces hostilely in Bretaigne, but by her being so kind to Spain, that she caused her Fleet to take those ships France sent to succour Dunkirk be­sieged by it. All these fair appearances of Amity proved insignificant, and the Usurper that governs in England, who seems no less crafty than bold so well understands the interests of his infant Republick, that he by degrees accommodates all to them.

She is Mistriss of many strong and populous Isies scituated on the passage to the Indies, and that are keys to to the Gates that may lay open a way to so rich a Conquest, by means of which, she may surprize its treasures as they pass by, if she will not take the pains to dig them out of the Mines, of which she may cer­tainly make her self Mistriss: she knows that all the great extent of Land the Spaniards pos­sessed there, adheres to their Dominion, more out of apprehension of their violence, and be­cause none hath vigorously attempted to deprive them of it▪ then by any real power they have established, capable of preventing this, Eng­land thus understanding the advantages she hath towards getting her share of the new world, with the weakness of those who pretend it discovered for them alone; it is not strange if she endeavor to profit by both of them; espe­cially [Page 119] in a time, where they which sit at Helme are obliged to be powerfully armed, and to employ their many Fleets in some profitable war, that may make them subsist without the peoples murmuring at their great charge in en­tertaining them: and the Spaniards, as quick sighted in their politicks, as slow paced in their enterprizes, very well foresee, that if the French Negotiations with Cromwel effect a peace be­tween them, he will pursue his interest, and forget all advances Spain hath made to gain his friendship, This they think they ought the firm­lier to believe, when they remember they could never get satisfaction for several prizes ta­ken by the English, especially, for the money designed for a whole Campagne which they sent by sea to Flanders, not knowing how to make it over by Bills of Exchange, by reason of their difference with Genoua: however, that they might not in so considerable a conjuncture, be wanting to themselves, and out of conside­ration of the advice, Philip the II gave his Son at his death, to be in peace with England, that he might be able to make a war with all the world; they neglected nothing that might ob­lige Cromwel to a good understanding with them. Alfonso de Cardenas their Ambassador in England, and who having resided there since the beginning of the troubles, is looked on as very able in manageing those affairs, endeavour­ed all means of a good understanding, and to thwart the French Treaty▪ but his politicks be­ing apprehended at Madrid, to be less under­taking [Page 120] then those of de Bourdeaux the French Ambassador; a resolution was taken to send thi­ther out of Flanders the Marquis of Leda, Go­vernour of Dunkirk, as Extraordinary; these two persons joyned all their adress to bring Cromwel to some friendly composure of dif­ferences about the complaints the Spaniards made against him, and his against them; but finding no favourable Audience of their many proposals, the last of these resolved to be gone, with regret, to have done nothing for his Ma­sters service, but to have given him clearer light of Cromwels bad intentions against him: it there­fore began to be more publickly discoursed in Madrid; that the many delays in his Negoti­ation with France, were but tricks to lull the Spaniard asleep, whilst he sent to attacque his Indies; and that the Treaty which he some­times seemed ready to break off, and again to renew, had been agreed on, and privately sign­ed three moneths before. Spain now beleeved England intended a breach with her, and though the passion of the Castilians, inveighed sharp­ly against the avarice and ambition of Cromwel, which moved him to invade their Treasure; the moderate sort reasoned otherwise, and in what was passed, sought the causes of what was present and to come. But by such discourses, one could not judge of the whole secret, or entire cause of the war they apprehended▪ the thoughts of such as sit at the Helme of Government be­ing covered with a cloud of appearances, which disguise them even to those that have the nearest [Page 121] prospect; for the most part discovering nothing but the pretences; their actions being like great Rivers, of which, though the streams are view­ed by all, the heads are invsiible. They yet at last easily perswaded themselves, that whilst their King had so many irons in the fire, that he knew not where to find either Wood or Coals to heat them, Cromwel would make use of the occasion to attacque him both in the new and old world, where expecting little resistance, he needed not doubt of a certain profit, more considerable to him then the jealousie of the French progressions or cautions given by the maxime, Decreseat Iberus nec crescat Gallus.

On these grounds they concluded, that Crom­wel fearing a peace between France and Spain, and standing in need of an advantagious war to justfy his continuing in Arms, would attacque the weakest, and let the future safety of his estate giue way to the present necessity, and on that account agree with France, that he might share in her victories by leaving Land enterprizes to her, and applying himself to those of the sea, which better suit with his affairs and the sup­port of his power.

But if all this discourse be grounded on con­jectures, by which they which are curious in Madrid, seem to divine of the future, and fan­cy reasons perhaps very different from the En­glish Councils; it is not so where it concerns what they say of the right the English may have to attempt the Indies. Such amongst them as are most reasonable and least scrupu­lous [Page 122] freely confess, that by the law of nations, Countreys that have made no Treaty or Com­pact, may be assaulted by them that on other accounts are in peace with those which appropri­ate them: So that the King of Spain having, in all Treaties he ever made with the Kings his neighbors, declared, that whoever goes to the Indies, either to settle or traffick, not be­ing natural Spaniards, shall be used as enemies, cannot complain of such acts of hostility, as are made by other nations, since himself hath cho­sen a perpetual State of war, owning neither friend nor ally beyond the Line, especially in America.

To this purpose the answer of a great Spanish Minister is remarkable, rallying on two healthes were drank to him, one to his Masters Wife, the o­ther to his Mistress: America says he, is my Masters wife, and the East-Indies his Mistress; for the later he is not so jealous as to think himself concern­in honor, if any of his friends too freely caress her; but his Wife he would keep chaste and re­reserved, without suffering any to court her. Questionless when he called America his Masters Wife, he alluded to the Popes Bull, which gave him power and propriety in this intended Mar­riage; but it is generally said that a Rape merits not such a benediction, since he possesses Ameri­ca without either her own consent, or that of her relations, Europe, Africa, and Asia.

To speak seriously, the Popes donation is a ridiculous title to those that own not his Au­thority; besides, that a great number of those [Page 123] that do, believe not that it extends to things of this nature; so that if Spain have no other right than what is derived from Rome, she is not well invested in the possession of the new world, nei­ther can they which dispute it against her be ac­cused of injustice, since some of them say they owe him no obedience, and others that he can­not dispose of that which belongs not to him. Nothing then appropriates it to Spain but the first discovery, to have landed Colonies here and there, to have built Cities and Forteresses, subdued the Barbarians, and given names to Ri­vers and Havens: But all this cannot have ac­quired a possession absolutely general, and with­out exception; and since it made its seisure by the law of such things as are Nullius & quae fiunt primi occupantis, it hath right to no more than it inhabits, cultivates, and hath entirely con­quered. Any Nation may with justice take his part of the remainder, and (Spain going about to hinder) make use of force, and by force drive away him that hath settled himself only by force.

When Philip the second fortified himself by the Popes Bull, for invading England, he added to that title the most considerable forces that had ever appeared on the Ocean: What is spiritual thus stands in need of what is temporal, one of them well seconding the other, without which admirable conjunction it is very hard to seise what belongs to others.

The Spanish Council spared neither wit nor industry, nor the wealth of the whole Kingdom [Page 124] for this redoubted Fleet, in which they neg­lected not to send fetters to enslave the Inhabi­tants of Great Britain: but their Forces both spiritual and temporal had very ill success, and that prodigious Navy which could hardly be compleated in two years, was lost in two hours; part of it the sea swallowed, and the rest fell into the hands of those it went to subdue, and of all that proud Armado, scarse any escaped to carry the sad news into their Country: by which it is very discernable that Heaven does not al­wayes correspond with the visible Head of the Church. If he disposes of what belongs to the Indians, because Barbarians, one would think it ought to be restored as they become Christi­ans; but their Conversion is to little purpose as to recovery of their Country; and the Spaniards very exactly imitate Ecclesiasticks in their ac­quisitions, like so many dismembrings of the Pa­trimonies of the Laity, from whom whatsoever is taken returns no more; and if they well keep what they have once laid hands on, they can as well cause themselves to be obeyed. Their Em­pire is formidable, and he that doubts of this truth, may be convinced of it in their Cloysters, where such religious persons as have neither dignity or parts to set them out, are rather Slaves than Brothers in Christ to the other. If within their walls they exercise so absolute a power, on those which are as it were their fel­low prisoners, and make the same profession, what will they not do to such as are of a diffe­rent condition, if they obtain the authority they [Page 125] desire, and which some of them know so well how to make advantage of under pretence of Religion and directing consciences, without fear of punishment, forsaking the functions of legiti­mate Confessors, to creep into Families, and make themselves arbitrators of their affairs and interests.

But to return to this Papal Donation, it is ve­ry clear, that this imaginary propriety of a world as yet not well known, and of which probably not so much is hitherto discovered as we are ig­norant of, cannot, nor ought not to hinder o­ther people from trafficking there, because it belongs to the first finder, and that the Spani­ards acquired those parts of it they possess, with­out any consent of other Nations to enjoy the propriety and soveraignty of the whole as heirs of it.

If then the English now attacque the Spaniards in the Indies, such as are just acknowledge that this is not so much to begin as to continue a War, since they alwayes (more or less) molested them there, and that no formal Treaty concern­ing that Country was ever made with them. I have heard some very curious persons examine what good or evil might by it accrue to either of these Potentates; and they hold that the Spaniards would be the first gainers, by an im­mediate seising all that belongs to the English in their Dominion. They would find considerable summs in the hands of Merchants of that Nati­on, as well at Bilbo, Cadis, and Sevil, as in ma­ny [Page 126] other of their Port Towns, which might assist them towards the first charge of the War.

For we may remember that England hath for many years been possessed of all the Trade of Spain, Hollanders, during their War, and the French, since their breach, trafficking only by her interposal. So that the English have establish­ed themselves very considerably, and possessed themselves of much wealth in a Country that a­bounds in money, and is poor in Commodities, and that cannot receive from its Neighbours what is necessary for it but by their hands.

We cannot oppose against this Confiscation of the goods of English Merchants in all parts of the Spanish Territories, the like to be done to the Spaniards in England; for as they never go abroad to serve any forrain Prince in his Wars, they have a Maxim for security of their Com­merce, not to exercise it but in Countries where their King is Master. They go not therefore a­broad how great soever their Trade be, but con­tent themselves to deal at home with Merchants Strangers, who for want of correspondence are forced to settle amongst them, which they do the more willingly, because having to deal with people not very well understanding their Com­modies they make the greater profit.

We see now the King of Spain without danger of a retaliation of his Subjects▪ when he shall seise what belongs to those of England, inhabi­ting here and there in his Dominion: But this small and inconsiderable advantage, prejudicial only to private persons, is not to be compared [Page 127] to that the English will obtain, by cruising in both seas, and attacquing what ever is sent to Spain from its Neighbours, without which it cannot without difficulty subsist. Genoua, Naples, Am­sterdam, and Antwerp, whose Comerce with it is so great, will then be able to send little or no­thing that shall not run hazard of falling into their hands; and if they ever make Conquests in America, or take the Plate-fleet (to which it seems they are forward enough) the Thames will be covered with the spoils of both worlds.

To all these considerations of particular loss one of State is to be added, which is, that by a War with England, the vast and scattered body of the Spanish Monarchy will lose its ligaments, and all communication with its remoter Mem­bers. France leaves her little liberty but by sea, of which this potent Nation, that attributes to it self the Empire of it will deprive her. It is true, some object that shift will be made to open a passage as was done in her War with Hol­land, but others observe great difference be­tween those powers, for besides that England is so advantageously scituated, that it can with­out difficulty break all correspondence between Spain and Flanders, the Hollanders Naval Pow­er appeared not at its height, till the War was grown old, and the first animosity decayed, where as now Spain will have to do with a Nation, that does not raise forces to fight, but fights to employ those that are already raised. Besides all which, the King of Spain was not then so drained of men and money, as at present, but [Page 128] could set out considerable Fleets to oppose the Hollanders, who making Traffick alone the end of their Navigation, rather sought for them­selves free passage through all seas, then to de­prive their enemies of Communication by them; and this so much, that though they have some­times attempted the Spanish Fleets, and taken some of them, we may perceive they were not very greedy of such Conquests, because their own Merchants were concerned, and received almost as much prejudice as those of Cadis or Sevil. It is well known that at the same time their ships cruised up and down to interrupt the Spanish Traffick, their Merchants passed and re­passed between Flanders, Genoua, and Naples in favour of it, and carried thither the secretest in­telligence, and best ammunition, whereas in a War with England all will go in a more serious and real manner, and Cromwell little caring to advance his Nations Trade, will vigourously fall on, and aiming directly at Conquest of the In­dies, endeavor every where to incommode Spain in order to it.

About this time two Books were published in Madrid, which clearly and ingenuously disco­vered the great exigencies of the State. This was admired by such as could not imagine a na­tural Spaniard would ever own its spirits spent, and it in a languishing condition. The Author of the first was one Don Philippo Antonio Alosa, a Knight of the Order of Calatrava, of the Kings Council, and his Secretary in the Coun­cil general of the Holy Inquisition. It contained [Page 129] an Exhortation to Ecclesiasticks to supply the King by voluntary Contributions, in the so very pressing necessity of his Kingdom; of which having first declared the Causes, which he deri­ved from the time when Philip the Second en­gaged almost all his Revenues, for aiding the French League and building the Escurial, and represented how under Philip the Third his Son, occasions of expence augmented, by reason of the Wars of Italy and Flanders, removal of the Court from Valladolid to Madrid, with his great Charges in entertaining the Princes of Savoy, and Reception of the English and French Ambassadors; and that which compleat­ed the ruin of the State, and drew on it the ex­tremest misery, the raising the value of Copper Money, by which Sajavedra says more mis­chief happened to Spain, than if all the Serpents and Monsters of Africk had attacked it: he makes out, that the present King at his Succes­sion received the Crown so poor, it was admira­ble there could be found wherewithal to resist so many Enemies as at once proclaimed War a­gainst it; and concludes, that after the many shocks it hath sustained, it will hardly any long­er prove able to defend it self, without recourse to some sudden supply, though it be useless to fancy New Imposts, or augmentation of the old ones, there being a general incapacity in the subjects to pay what is already laid upon them. This pre-supposed, he continues that applications ought to be made to the Clergy only, who have ever kept their doors open to all manner of [Page 130] acquisitions, and closely shut against the least alienation, and who with little or no expence possess the greatest wealth of the Kingdom, till a more learned Pen make evident, they may just­ly be compelled to contribute to the Kings ur­gent occasio [...]s, he declares his design to be no more but to oblige them to a voluntary loane, which he shews will be to their advantage; be­cause if the Kings necessities force him to press the Laity with rigor, they will abandon Tillage and the Country, in such manner, that Ecclesi­astical Rents, deduced only from the hands of the other by Tythes, and the like, will fail.

Going on he adds that such a liberality is more especially due to the most Catholick King, who aims only at the Churches good, and re­quires assistance for continuing the War only in order to an advantageous Peace, neither does he demand any thing that he first gave not, all of them having received their benefices and dig­nities from his Majesty as their Patron: That they need only spare part of their Plate, Jewels, and rich Moveables, abating something of their great Trains, entertained questionlesly by them, shew that grandeur, they will more handsomly make appear by assisting their King: afterwards he sayes that to give this greater efficacy, the King may please to make choice of one of his great Ministers of State, to whom the Clergy have some kind of obligation on account of their preferments, and from whom they may reasonably expect more, by his report to the King and Council of their forwardness and libe­rality: [Page 131] he advises farther, that addresses be not made to the Body or Convocation, but to par­ticulars, and an exact register kept of the wil­lingest, which will on all occasions be useful to them, towards acquiring greater favors. By this method, which is nothing else but a Collecti­on of State, he supposes the King may amass a considerable sum towards paying his Troops, that perish for want, and re-establishing his Af­fairs, which the same necessity hath so much disordered.

The Second Book was a Memorial drawn up by a certain Captain called Joseph Puteol, in which he represented to the King, that by easing his people he would be the better en­abled to make War, Como assistiendo à to­dos se pue da lograr el hazer mejor la Guerra.

The Expedients he propounded, spoke him a man of parts to such as knew him not, but in others prejudice, raised a contempt of his rea­sons because he was not in an eminent condition; as if the validity of a medicine depended on the quality of the Physitian, & aliquando etiam Olitor commode potest esse locutus, &c. but passing by these, I will here recount what the former look on as most judicious in his Book, which will also very much tend to the better understanding the condition in which I shall leave Spain. Af­ter particulars of all the Revenues his King draws from his Kingdoms of Castille and the Indies, (which in gross amount to no more than Eigh­teen Millions of Gold, and of which Philip the Fourth when he came to the Crown found but [Page 132] Eight Millions two hundred seventy four thou­sand Crowns without incumbrances, which to supply his Wars against France, he was imme­diately necessitated to engage, and afterwards to alienate, (for reducing Catalonia, appeasing the troubles of Naples and Sicily, defence of the Dutchy of Millain, recovery of Portolon­gone and Piombino, and many Towns in Flan­ders; besides assisting such Princes as had sided with him in the French revolutions:) he con­cludes a very exact and parcimonious oeconomy for the future to be the only means of replenish­ing the Kings Coffers.

The wayes he proposes for this, seem so ma­ny remarques of the former ill dispensation and administration of the Publick Treasure.

In the first place he sayes, That what is neces­sary to the subsistance of their Armies, fails of being supplied, not only by reason of the En­gagement of the principal Revenues of the Crown to such as have furnished the King in his necessities, but no less by the prodigious cheats of an infinite number of Officers employ­ed towards their recovery; which gave the King just cause to complain to the Cortes, That of Ten Millions paid yearly by Castille, six stuck to the fingers of Under Treasurers, Secretaries, Recei­vers, Tellers, and other Exchequer men, that subsist only by Rapines exercised on the King and his People.

Then he desires that difference be made be­tween Monopolists and Farmers of Customs, as well old as new, and that such of them as [Page 133] have dealt franckly, without making malicious advantage of the necessity of affairs, may be di­stinguished from those that have thriven by craft and design, in purchasing or renting the Kings Duties. With the first he holds it but rea­sonable to make a fair composition, and after­wards that they be permitted the enjoyment of what they acquired with so great equity: the other he would have treated with all possible severity, and compelled to refund with no less rigor than Sorcerers are burnt and Theeves hanged. For what concerns rewards, he allows it just to recompence all such as have done the Crown service, be its necessities never so great; but even for this he would not have the King draw any thing from his own Purse, nor pre­tend to liberality at a time when he hath not wherewithal; he therefore advises (since high birth is not ever the source of eminent actions, neither do Children alwayes inherit the Pru­dence and Vertue of their Parents) not to con­tinue in the same Families, 49 [...] Commanderies, which the Eight Orders of Spanish Knighthood possess, worth above a Million of Gold yearly; but instead of bestowing them out of favour for the most part to persons unworthy and useless, hereafter to distribute them to such as either have preserved or extended the Limits of his Monarchy, or at least by an Honourable Profes­sion of Arms are in a capacity to do it. And if he ever suffers any of them to be diverted from the advantage of Soldiers, to whom only they of right appertain, that it be to some able States­man [Page 134] or Dextrous Ambassador, who without drawing Sword, hath saved some Town or Countrey, surprized an Enemy, broken in Pie­ces his Levies, cut off Ammunition and Victual from his Armies, drawn in Neighboring Prin­ces to unite against him, obliged some of them to quit a Neutrality, succored some Ally, or con­firmed some other that wavered; in a word, to such a person whose industry and prudence hath been highly advantageous to his King and Coun­trey. He no less complains, that instead of gi­ving what is substantial in these Orders to Per­sons of Merit, the very Badges of them, which are only superficial, are for the most part refu­sed. He instances in Mr de St Maurice, a Gen­tleman of Burgundie, who after very good ser­vice, pretended several years without obtaining this, though Marquis Caracene writ in his fa­vour, and attested his Valour and eminent Me­rit. This takes away his admiration, that in all the Troops that serve in the Dutchy of Mil­lain, there are but Eight Knights that have this honour, the peculiar recompence of Soldiers, be­ing frequently bestowed on Pen-men, or such as depend more on the Gown than Sword, though they wear the later, as a Mark of what they ought to be, rather than of what they really are. After this detection of abuses in manage­ing his Kings Treasure, he passes to the wayes of increasing and better securing it. Towards in­creasing it, he would have taken into conside­ration that Spain is inhabited by some persons that are very rich, others indifferently so, the [Page 135] rest very poor, which is the greatest number, and that in raising Contributions neither of these three can be favoured, without prejudice not only of the other two, but of the Soveraign himself: Such a Geometrical proportion is therefore to be observed, as considers the means and faculties of each, and prevents that incon­venience in the State that often afflicts our Bo­dies, when all the ill humors fall on the part that is weakest. After so good a Foundation, he attacks those that possess most and pay least, and makes appear that the Spanish Clergy, being very wealthy, pays the King but Four hundred forty seven thousand Crowns, a trifle compared to its ability, and concludes that an augmenta­tion of the Kings Revenue might in so pressing a necessity be charged on it with all justice and reason imaginable. He thinks it not fit to impose more on the Nobility and Gentry, who ought to be in a continual posture to do the King personal service, but upon Citizens and Farmers, and concealed Treasure for the greatest part in the hands of Persons faulty or disaffected, and that this might bring up a considerable aid, were the sources of their abundance well examined. For such Taxes as are settled ill, he says that which is imposed on the Eighth part of Flesh, Oil, and Wine, is the worst of all others, giving occa­sion to a thousand cheats, as well by the Offi­cers, as by such as endeavour to bring those provisions into Madrid and other Towns with­out paying Duties. To which I can adde, that I have been assured, an infinite number live [Page 136] only by that imployment, in so much that not only some poor Gentlemen and Ranting Hectors that will live on nothing, and without doing any thing, with whom Courts and great Cities ever abound, concern themselves in it; but e­ven Churchmen and the greatest Noblemen, that are weakly revenued. For this cause Guards have been appointed to attend the Collection of these [...]mposts, on condition that what they can seise of Goods that have entered without paying Duties, shall be their own. But this which was established, to redouble their dili­gence, they have turned into small Politicks, that causing them to consider the Kings interest, if vigorously pursued, as that which would put an end to their profits, they are not very exact, perceiving that should they not sometimes con­nive, they which busie themselves in stealing Customs, would give over the Trade, finding no effect but Confiscation of their Goods, after which the Kings Duties would be well paid, but they get nothing. They therefore correspond with them, and seise not their Goods, till so much hath entered, as will make them more than savers. This Confederacy against the King, is maintained at his Charge, and drones suck the blood of the poor people, the effects of so great a disorder falling on their heads. A­mongst other Impositions he thinks ill laid, and which I will not give my self the trouble of reci­ting▪ he mentions Seal'd Paper, and says it is a [...]ery incertain Revenue, because founded on [...]aw Suits, to which the folly and obstinacy of [Page 137] humane nature alone gives being; it is true that in England, madder in this particular than Spain or any other part of the World, more profit might be derived from this, than in a Countrey where that infamous imployment is not so much in request; whereas in England it is exercised with such avarice, rapine, and so prodigious delays, that this horrible Pestilence which feeds it self fat by means of infinite numbers of vile In­sects, Attorneys, Solicitors, Attorneys Lieutenants and Sub-solicitors, it must needs pass for one of the heaviest scourges of the Nation, and plagues of its best Families.

To conclude, he implores his King to cast off all those ill designed Impositions, that will be destructive both to him and his Subjects, and to lay the burthen more equally, which will make it light, and his people bear it chearfully, when free from Vexations, that tend more to the advantage of Pettifoggers, than of his Re­venue.

If what he proposes may be endeavored, he doubts not but his King will vanquish all his Enemies, there being already so many Victo­ries that testifie his Valour, and so many Books that publish his Prudence, besides so much Gold and Silver stamped with his Effigies, currant thorow the World, though Spain admits none that is Foreign; an invincible demonstration of its inexhaustible Treasure.

Whilst these two Books were Subjects of our Discourse, by reason of their surprizing Novel­ty, the Genius of that Nation considered, which [Page 138] seldom discovers where the Shoo wrings it, and whose constancy is so admirable, it alwayes sets a good face on an ill game; we received Letters for some of the Principal Ministers of the Catho­lick King: had they come to us at our first arri­val at Madrid, they would have introduced us to a nearer speculation of that Court, but arri­ving in June, and we being resolved, for avoid­ing the great heats, to repass the Pyreneans be­fore they began, we had but little time to con­tinue in a Countrey, where the Sun is something too prodigal of his beams. To make use there­fore of all advantages possible, and that accord­ing to Formalities, which are here essential, I addressed my self to Don Martin Secretary of the Earl of Pigneranda, desiring him to give his Lord the Letter of Recommendation we had for him. I acquainted him with the qualities of my Lord B. and A. and inquired at what hour we might have access, least we should apply our selves to him when he gave not Audience. Such precautions are necessarily to be observed in this Court, by all Strangers, who without any to introduce them, desire to be particularly admitted to a Principal Minister of State: by means of which they escape being exposed to that dry gravity which receives Strangers with a leaden austere Fore head, close and reserved, all such whom they apprehend they may mistake in its Civilities, for want of knowledge of their quality; besides that, generally speaking, such as understand the World, ought never themselves to deliver such Letters, which serve only to make them known to those [Page 139] they never saw before; for if they be read in their presence, they suffer some time of vexatious incivi­lity, and if the reading them be deferred till after their departure; at the first Visit they have but a cold Reception, the Complements faint and con­fused, directed more to him that sent the Letter, then to those that bring it, and for whose sake it was written. This we avoided, for the Earl ha­ving been informed, as well by the Letter of Dom Estevan de Gamarra, as report of his Secretary, who we were, received us as well as we could wish: And to speak truth of him, none in this Court understands Civility and the World bet­ter. His first presenting himself is graceful and winning, and makes appear, that with the seve­rity of his Countries Customs and imperious gra­vity of his Nation, he hath mixed a certain fo­rain air, that takes off from the austerity, and makes him so agreeable, that if the Address and Gallantry of the first of the Tarquins cau­sed it to be said, Graecum ingenium miscuerat I­talicis artibus, he had added the Complacency of Greece to the Arts of Italy. We may con­clude that those of this great man make evident, Hispanicum supercilium potest moribus exteris & comitate exotica dilui. That Spanish severity may be moderated by forain Civility. His Wit and Judgement appeared in his Embassy as Plenipotentiary to Munster; and when News came to Madrid of the promotion of Cardi­nal Chigi to the Pontifical Chair, and the great desire he expressed for Peace between France and Spain, this man was spoken of [Page 140] to be sent to Rome with the Embassy of Obedience: though indeed he was chiefly designed to that Employment, because it was hoped that by reason of the great friendship he had contracted with the new Pope when he was Nuncio in Germany, he might do his Master good service in all manner of Negotia­tions. Many advantages are also reported to have been offered on behalf of the King to ob­lige him to accept this, besides a considerable sum of ready money, particularly Three thou­sand Ducats a Moneth, his Son to be made an Earl, and himself continued President of the Council of the Indies, and that the Golden Key he carried only as a Badge of Honour, should be conferred à Exercicio, that is to be made use of, with all Priviledges belonging to it: but no­thing of this is yet effected, and they which un­derstand the confidence of Don Lewis de Haro in his fidelity and capacity, assure he will not re­move him from the Council where he is now President, till needs must. Having thus recei­ved all manner of satisfaction in our first Visit, to so accomplished a Person, who omitted no­thing that might assure my Lord B. of the esteem he had for his quality and merit, at the very first sight remarkable to him by that vivacity which is so natural to Extraordinary Persons, they need not speak twice to those to whom they would make themselves known: We thought our selves very forward on our way, to obtain the like from Don Lewis de Haro, when we should wait on him: For besides the Letter we [Page 141] had for him, we doubted not but the Earl would acquaint him with the Visit we had made him▪ and with all that could oblige him to receive us well. Besides our Letter for Don Lewis de Ha­ro, we had another for a Gentleman called A­lonzo Vercoca, Cosin to Dom Stephen de Gamar­ra the Catholick Kings Ambassador in Holland, who, we were assured was very well with this Fa­vorite. We therefore thought best first of all to visit Seignior Alonzo, that he might deliver our Letter, and present us when it should be seasonable. We were not a little troubled in in­quiring after his Loding, but at last learned that he was usually resident in the Countrey, and only a Son of his who was one of Don Lewis de Ha­ro's Gentleman lived in Madrid. Enquiring for him at the Palace of this Chief Minister▪ I was told he had a Chamber in the Town, and came not thither whilest his Master was with the King at Buen Retiro; the Civility of the Of­ficers of whom I enquired his Lodging, extend­ed not so far as to send some body to shew it me, and he being seldom at home, I was either to seek him very early in the Morning or late in the Evening. At last I found him just out of Bed, no less troubled how to enquire after us, because he had received a Letter from the Am­bassador to his Father, by which he reiterated his request for doing us all manner of good Of­fices in that Court. Some dayes passed, in which he neither visited us nor returned any an­swer. This made me imagine that eithet he did not much value the Ambassadors Letter, or else [Page 142] had not sufficient access to his Master to perform what was recommended to him.

As soon as we thought of leaving Spain, I began to consider how we might obtain an authentick passport, being sufficiently informed of the insolence and impudence on the passes called Puertos, as well by the Farmers of the Customs as such as are there in guard. On which account many formalities are necessary to be observed in the Passes, that they may be effectual enough to check the importunity and knavery of those Harpies that lie in expectati­on of travailers, especially strangers, to put all imaginable affronts upon them.

I made very solicitous enquiry of all circum­spections necessary, and the Earl of Pigneranda having told my Lord B. that not to leave Spain without carrying along one of its greatest rari­ties, he should do well to take some horses; to which purpose he would provide him all suffi­cient passports; we did not in the least distrust, ob­taining them as advantagious as we could wish: they which have no friends in Court, are obliged to petition a certain Council, whose Secretary is called Carnero: the petition considered on, if the Pass be granted, the Result goes from thence to the Kings Council, from whence it is return­ed sometimes confirmed, sometimes annulled, and often limited or amplified, according to the petitioners success in his solicitations. In­deed, though either by favour or bribe, authentick Passports are sometimes obtained, and that without delay; such as are unknown [Page 143] and unfriended, find this trifle become a trou­blesome and tedious negotiation. Ours was not so, for having drawn up a very exact memo­rial, and according to the sense of those that understand the form of a Passport, to go out of Spain without lett or molestations: I carried it to Don Martin, the Earl of Pigneranda's Se­cretary: he read it, and told me so many par­ticulars were not necessary; and that our Pass­port being to come immediately from the Kings Council, there needed no more but to translate into Spanish, that we had brought from the Arch-Duke; the like whereof, which would be every where respected, should be dispatched us; I acquiesced in this, and went with him to Geronimo de la Torre, one of the Secretaries of State, to whom he delivered a Memorial for the said Passport, recommending it to him in the name of his Master; he promised to carry it to the Council of State that very day, using us with great civility, and accompanying us to the bottom of his stairs.

Our Passport being in this forwardness, Mr. B. and I, went one morning to visit Segnior Versosa, by it the better to understand the nati­ons humour, and whether negligence or want of credit had caused his failing in what the Am­bassador desired of him: he instantly excused his not having waited on us, and told us he had delivered the Letter to Don Lewis de Haro, who had commanded him to accompany us to Au­dience (such is the manner of speaking in this Court) which he would give us the next day. [Page 144] This discovered that his slowness in returning us answer, was rather an effect of the humor of his nation, (not very punctual nor forward in its civilities, no more then in its affairs) then of his negligence or little power to perform what had bin recommended to him; being a kin to the Secretary Geronimo de la Torre, who had re­ceived our Memorial, he would needs go along with us to him, and recommend it in our pre­sence; but I was strangely surprized to see this man in this visit we made in company of his kins­man, so different from what I had before found him; for instead of our former civil reception of which I spoke but now, he would scarcely move from his Table and Papers, entertaining us with interrupted sentences, whilst he ranged the wri­tings he held in his hand. I was scandalized at such an inequality, and the favourablest judge­ment I could make, was (whilst I considered him to be of that nation which is esteemed so unvariable in its humor and actions) that his thoughts were that day entirely possessed by something very important and vexatious. This prevented not our repairing next morning ac­cording to our appointment to visit the chief Minister of so superbe a Court. He is not difficult of access, nor environed with the pomp and splendor usually affected by such as pos­sess the place next their Master: he is not court­ed, nor his withdrawing room crouded with any that have not business with him; none are re­fused admittance, but every man in his turn brought into his chamber, where having spo­ken, [Page 145] he retires and gives place to others▪ To such as are not admitted, if they have former­ly moved him in their concerns; he signifies his pleasure by his Secretary, which (if they have nothing new to offer) must of force content them; such as have never opened their affair, or have any thing to add, are referred to the next day or another hour: so that few go a­way without some kind of satisfaction or hopes to receive it, at least, in obtaining Audience. In other places, Favourites or chief Ministers seldom are accessible, and never till after many refufals; and not content to participate of the Soveraigns au­thority, pretend to a degree of adoration above it: and we may assure our selves, that though this quality occasions in most of these, pride, vanity, and pleasure; it gives Don Lewis (as he makes use of it) trouble alone, and that amongst all that are in publick employment he is not only first in rank, but in attachment and subjection to the service of his King; to which, to speak the truth, he intirely resigns himself: for in the morning immediately after his devotions, and visit of the Kings apartment, about Seven a clock he sits down in his chamber of dispatch­es, where he continues till one; giving order to his Secretaries in all that is to be done, and hearing such as are to speak with him, pre­ented by order as hath already bin said: after din­sner he reposes, or retires some hours; and about four or five, returns to the same chamber, and like imployment till seven. Two days in the week he, as well as the King, gives publick Au­dience; [Page 146] then all enter, and I have seen there of all qualities, even lame and naked soldiers, who amongst others present themselves and preten­ces, without any other difference, then obliging them to advance with discretion and respect, if perhaps they observe it not.

To all this is to be added, his care of the Court, he being Master of the Horse, with his hours at both Councils of State and Privy, be­sides Audiences of ceremony, and affairs of Am­bassadors, and Agents of forreign Princes; so that I can imagine no life more agitated nor busied then his. I shall say nothing of his parts, which the Spaniards hold not equal to those of his predecessor; the other having bin quick and active in the most eminent degree; but they add that they were not therefore more succes­ful, either in publick or particular; and that the great moderation and good nature of this man, is equivalent to the heat and zeal of the former, who to attain his ends, suffered none to enjoy quiet: so true is that of the Politians, that the greatest intellects are not most proper to govern States and Kingdoms; and that they look so far before them, they often stumble in such a manner as casts them into extremities, from whence all their dexterity hath much ado to free them, and the height of their good for­tune to secure them from ruine; whereas the middle sort by moving softly are not subject to those politick transports, which often toss interest of State into the air with the sublimest maximes of him that governs.

[Page 147] As soon as we came to Don Lewis his lodging, which was then at the Hermitage of Buen retiro, we were received by Don Christopher his Secre­tary. He is a little man, of address and subtilty beyond what is usual in his nation, being a Ger­man, of which Countrey he hath so little the meen and presence, one would rather take him to have been born at the foot of the Apennine or Pyreneans, then on the banks of Rhine or Danube. He takes care of all forreign affairs, and serves his master as interpreter; we were immediately presented to him, and thus he re­ceived us: He sate in a Chair at the end of a Ta­ble, with his Cloak on his shoulders, and his sword by his side; he rose up at our entrance, and after we had saluted him, caused seats to be presented us; and immediately Don Christopher placed himself on his knees, on the Carpet that was between his Chair, and that of my Lord B. who having spoken, Don Lewis answered by in­terpretation of Don Christopher, as obligingly as was possible. After the first compliments, he en­quired after our journey, and continuance at Madrid, and finding us inclined to leave it, ask­ed, if we would not pass by Sevil; and we ex­cusing our selves, by reason the Summer was so far advanced; he replyed, our time indeed pressed us, if we desired to be out of Spain be­fore the great heats; but not visiting Andalusia, we lost the sight of the pleasantest Countrey in the world; he afterwards made us many offers of service, and when we acquainted him that we desired to pass through Arragon, and, if pos­sible, [Page 148] enter France by Catalonia; he promised us two Letters of recommendation; one to the Duke of Monteleon, Viceroy of Arragon, the other for Don John of Austria. He asked us if we would kiss the Kings hands; but our time for leaving the Countrey being so near, we thought it unnecessary to give him the trouble of obtaining that honour for us, having so of­ten seen his Majesty. In a word, he omitted no­thing that was obliging, or might render our visit satisfactory; he is indeed of a humour to discontent no body, and never favorite did less hurt: he suffers to live at Court, not only such as envy him, but his professed enemies, as the Duke de Medina de los Torres, and goes abroad with so small pomp, that his Train little or no­thing exceeds the meanest Grand of Spain: he is not crouded after, but observed to follow much better then his predecessor, the advice of a favourite of the same nation, who after his fall admonished all of the like condition, themselves to put a spoke in the wheel of fortune, when by too great an elevation she almost equalized them to the King, adding, that he which thinks him­self advanced highest, is often nearest his ruine, and therefore ought never to be transported to receive such honours and attendances, as his fall cannot deprive him of, without shame; on occasion of which I must needs mention, what was reported to me to have been spoken by a great Statesman of this Court: That a Favo­rite ought to have the moderation and prudence of that Angel before whom St John prostrated him­self [Page 149] with adoration, and refuse some kind of re­spects that may be rendred him with a Vide ne feceris, conservus tuus sum: for if God in that immensity of glory and power he possesses to reduce the universe to nothing, admits no com­panion in his adorations: Kings whose Autho­rity is limited, and whose Might only weakly imitates that which is infinite, will much less endure it. Such boundless ambition, and exces­sive thirst of grandeur, in two years time strange­ly shook Cardinal Spinola, one of the greatest Favorites of Philip the II. and at last overthrew that famous Conde Duke Olivares, whose place is at present possessed by Don Lewis.

Besides what I have touched concerning his Ministry, the curious find a considerable diffe­rence between the favors of the Uncle and Ne­phew, as well in the foundation as manage­ments of them; they consider that of the for­mer was derived from his conformity of man­ners (real or affected) with those of his King; and from the care he took to second his incli­nations, and make himself a necessary in­strument of his satisfaction in pleasures, perhaps contrary to his greatness and condition: but that of the second had its source from the Kings ob­ligations to him, for services rendred him in en­counters where his Life and Crown were con­cerned: that the first had his good will and affection, which are but as blossoms that a thou­sand accidents blow away, whilst the other is established in the intellect, having been fixed there by experience, the true and only root of [Page 150] favour, proof against time and humor; that the first arrived at so eminent a degree almost at the same time and the same manner as the Duke of Luines rose near Lewis the XIII of France, and the later by a way very like that ascended by Cardinal Richlieu: the Nephew had time to make use of the faults and misfortunes of the Uncle, as well as the Cardinal of the failings of his Predecessor. But for what concerns the ex­ercise of his authority, they observe it is very different from the other three. The Duke de Luines, and the Conde Duke Olivares disturbed the quiet of their Masters Dominions; the first, that he might make use of the sword of Con­stable he had newly received, and the other to make ostentation of the vast capacity he pre­tended to above all mankind. Richlieu, who succeeded the first of these, though with very different maximes, thought nevertheless he was to continue the war he found begun, to gain him reputation, and remove all obstacles that might prevent such a one as was more the in­terest of France, and would give him oppor­tunity of entring the Lists with that ambitious Conde Duke. Don Lewis was no sooner infa­vour, and entred on business, but he endeavour­ed to make understood, that the whole world and especially the house of Austria, suffered by emulation of those two Ministers. He well fore­saw [...] the condition of the Spanish Monarchy, attacqued in Trunck and Branch, considered) that [...]peace, (the least dishonourable that could be obtained) was necessary to prevent final de­struction. [Page 151] It is said, he effectually represent­ed to the King and his Council the faults of his predecessor, and made it appear, that the uni­versal desire of all the lesser Potentates of Europe, who wish equality amongst the great­est, as ballances where every one may find his counterpoise is very suitable both to the inclina­tions and interests of France and Spain▪ though not often so to the ambition of their Kings, and vanity of the Ministers that serve them; and that which soever of them gains upon the other, would acquire most enemies, were not Europe by artifice of their Favorites (who set their Masters together by the ears to make osten­tation of their own address during the combat, as Pilots their skill in the height of a tempest) divided into Leagues, and almost all of it in arms in favor of one or other of these Crowns▪ that whilst war continued, the allies of France would never forsake her to become Neuters, or turn their swords against her, but that in the mean time the dangers into which they preci­pitated themselves, were to be represented to them, with a great inclination to peace, even so far, as to purchase it at what price soever. That experience in all ages had made evident, they recovered by Treaties what they had lost that by wars. That in Germany even they were to be incited to cry up peace that were confederates with France and Sweden, to oblige them to which, they should have intimation, that nothing was taken into greater consideration, then their sa­tisfaction; and that it was high time to divert [Page 152] the jealousie of their liberty against two forraign Potenthtes, more ready to invade it, then ever the Emperor was to impose fetters upon it. That in Italy, Flanders, and all other parts where there were Leagues against France, the like was to be done; and at the general Treaty of peace, all desirable conditions given to their weakest enemies, to enfeeble the more potent by depri­ving them of the others assistance. Thus the beginning of his Ministry, (if what hath been informed me, and I have here represented be true) was not to cry up war in his Masters ears, out of consideration only, of what might augment his own power, as is done by such Epicures of favor as turn it to their particular advantage: He would neither seem idolatrous in his poli­ticks, by giving no council but such as was to his Masters advantage; nor Atheistical in valuing nothing but the good of the people, but with respect to both of them, shewed himself a good Statesman▪ dealing with them like Husband and Wife, and concluding that for their living hap­pily together, they should admit no friend that might separate their interests. I had bin made acquainted with some of these particulars be­fore I visited Don Lewis, and could set down more, were not a great part of the remarques as well effaced from my Tablebook, as vanish­ed from my memory: if it be expected, I say something of his person; I must add, it is suffici­ently taking, and that I was told, his wit was neither of the finest or grossest temper, not ex­travagantly high, nor insipidly low; his coun­tenance [Page 153] neither very airy nor excessively seri­ous. Nothi [...] [...] be discovered in his eyes, ei­ther too he [...] or too light, his make and po­sture of body is neither eminently heroick nor contemptibly vulgar, Ʋt staturae & oris non est plus quam Heroici, ita nihil in eo quod nimium vulgare sit. And he is looked upon to be no ways incommodious, either to Prince or Peo­ple; and as he charms not the first by extraor­dinary endowments either of mind or body; neither does he disgust the later. And a Spani­ard one day told me, En el semblante mismo este privado no enfada por lo atrevido, in desluce por l [...] disanimodo: to which I will give no other Eng­lish, but, the meen of this favorite is neither in­solent nor abject.

The great revolutions in the affairs of this Monarchy since Don Lewis had the managing of them, present me a vast field to expatiate on what seems vigorous or weak in his conduct; for some particulars are observable, in which, nothing more could be wished then what he did, and others as discernable, in which he seems not to have made use of all advantages that presented themselves. The peace conclu­ded at Munster with the Hollanders, is thought a masterpiece, they having received as an eter­nal maxime, never to have it with his King; and the miracle became greater, not only in that he disarmed them by a particular Treaty, under no other garranty, but that Seal and Oath they had so many years protested never to con­fide in; but made use of the family of Orange, [Page 154] which seeming no other way [...] in the affairs of the world, then in [...] it great Captains, could not act towards [...], with­out setting a knife at the throat of its own glory and reputation.

After so politick an atchievement, he might have effected another little less considerable, if we may credit such as determine the affairs of Princes, according to their particular capacities, had he (during the troubles of France) endea­voured a peace with that Crown, which in such an extremity must needs have accepted it, on conditions, more advantagious to Spain, then the Towns retaken by it, because giving way to her intestine commotions, by removing the for­raign object that might divert her dissentions and civil enmities, her fury would have rebound­ed on her own bosom, and she like a good Mo­ther have abandoned the greatest part of her conquests, to gain more leisure and better op­portunity to chastise her disobedient children: here it is that considering affairs by their event, and seeing France again in as good a way as ever to pursue her victories, the Spanish Coun­cils are blamed for neglecting that opportunity of putting such a stop to them, as should have prevented their progression. Instead therefore of Treaties with the City of Paris, siders with the Princes, and the Princes themselves, it is said, Spain ought to have negotiated with the Court alone, from which, as is believed, it might have had good terms for abandoning the sedi­tious, and their endeavors to encourage the re­bellion, [Page 155] in which interim, the Catholick King might probably have succeeded beyond the Py­reneans, in reducing the Catalonians, and re­covering Portugal, much more considerable to him, because very certain, that the revolt of the former, and separation of the later, are the greatest mischiefs, that have attacqued that Monarchy during the whole war; for remedy of which, it should have neglected some slight bruises in other places, and applyed it self only to the cure of those two wounds so near its heart. The ways of doing this, had bin more easie, more safe, and of less expence then those which re­covered Barcelone; they which examined the af­fairs of that time, were of opinion that the Spa­niards lost more by retaking that Town, and neglecting to relieve Bourdeaux, then they would have done by some condiscentions to France in order to peace. For it was freely dis­coursed in that Court, that the siege of Barcel­lone cost so dear both in men and money, that so great a failing of spirits followed, that all the repose obtained by the French disorders, was not sufficient to their restoration, and that neg­lecting to relieve Bourdeaux, gave the French opportunity of freeing themselves from the dif­ficulties of appeasing their civil war, and almost at the same time of re-beginning an offensive one against the forraigners with vigor equal to their former. In the judgement therefore of these criticks, the Spaniards could neither make all the progressions, might have been expect­ed from them in such a conjuncture, notwith­standing [Page 156] their recovering three or four of the principal places they had lost, nor embrace the opportunity of the peace, to which France seem­ed necessitated, nor yet supply the flames of ci­vil discord already so well kindled, but after so great charge and small profit, they looked on them as negligent Merchants that had let slip the best time of the Fair, and perhaps brought but one commodity from it, that will never sell for what was laid down in ready Money, and is hereafter to be paid for it: I mean the Prince of Conde and rest of the French that are at pre­sent only a charge to them, and whom deceased Quevedo, were he now alive, would joyn to the late Queen Mother of France and Duke of— for that new kind of stratagem by which the King of France may batter by disgusting all his family, who repairing in discontent to the Spani­ard, will oblige him in assisting them to consume that which is designed to maintain his Armies. Now the Prince of Conde is retired to them, and hath no more places nor Troops in France, they seem to understand this, and notwithstand­ing the miracles he did at the rout before Ar­ras, and on occasion of which it is reported, the King writ to him in these terms. Mi primo, he intendido todo estava pardido, V. A. ha conservado todo; Cosin, I looked on all as lost, your Highness hath preserved all; they com­plain of the large pensions they allow him, though they pay them ill. In a word, some ob­serve, that whilst they consume their Treasure in entertaining him, and such as have followed him, the profit of those great pensions accrues [Page 157] to France, as well as the confiscation of his vast estate, by means of which she may well support the loss of some Regiments to the weakening her own and strengthening her enemies Army. Their esteem for his person is indeed equal to his merit, and his name is in such veneration both amongst Nobility and People, that he is looked on as the greatest Captain that Europe hath seen in many ages, and to be above all encomi­ums due to the highest courages; his actions surpassing all that can be imagined; notwith­standing which they consider him to be a stran­ger, and Prince of the blood of a Crown that is enemy, which makes the establishment of an entire confidence between him and Spain, very difficult, but to prevent all appearance of such distrusts, which they have much ado to disguise, they have made use of an artifice, that hath been well enough discovered by his Agents; which is, that such of them as cannot be concealed, are im­puted to the misunderstanding between him and Fuensaldaigne, Master of the intrigue of Flan­ders, whilst to content him, they find expedients that rather amuse then satisfy him; to take a­way which the Prince hath declared against Fuensaldaigne, and caused his calling home to be sollicited in Court, with protestation, that as long as he continues in the Low Countreys, with the present power, he will not only ruine his affairs, but the Kings his Masters.

Monsieur de Mazecolles his Agent told me, he had made them sufficiently sensible of all the mischiefs occasioned by this mans conduct, but [Page 158] the kindness Don Lewis hath for him, prevails against any remedy. That the Arch-duke had given the same advice, all which could not pre­vent their obstinacy in continuing him, ground­ed perhaps on this Maxim, which requires (as well in Kingdoms as Families) to nourish dissen­tion amongst those which serve, lest they con­spire to betray us, or are not exact enough in observing the comportments of one another, nothing being so industrious or penetrating, as envy and animosity, which prie not only into what the Master would not be ignorant of, but into such things of which he cares not for get­ting information.

In the mean time let politick Censors, who often judge of counsels and resolutions, rather by the events, and what is discernable, than the inductive reasons of which they are igno­rant, please themselves in discoursing according to their fancies of this great intrigue of State, the effect of the French troubles: they shall not yet hinder my observing, that in consideration of several successes caused by them, as well in Ger­many, where a King of Romans was chosen, as in Italy, where the affairs of the Dutchy of Milan were secured▪ Casal changed Master, Piombino, and Portolongone were retaken, the Rebellion of Naples severely punished, and that furious Courser reduced to curb and cavison, the Spaniards are generally pretty well satisfied, with little other displeasure than that by not succour­ing Bourdeaux, they suffered the French civil flames to be too soon extinguished; so that they [Page 159] cannot without indignation mention the negli­gence of the Marquis of St. Cruz, when he en­deavoured with the Fleet under his command, that had been fitted up at St. Sebastians, to open the passage of the River to the besieged. He was encharged with this employment, because not having comported himself satisfactorily in one like it, it was believed he would strive to make amends by some very eminent action in so pres­sing a necessity: but he failed even at his first setting out; for having received his orders at Madrid, where the Earl of Fiesque arrived to hasten him, he went away in a Litter, with all the conveniencies of one that had time enough before him, and as if he had not had a Com­mission that required the most extraordinary diligence. His delays were the same in embar­king, and having shewn himself at sea▪ and scarcely taken view of the Enemy, he retreated to la Corugna in Gallicia, where amongst the delightful Limon and Orange-trees, that grow there abundantly, he let the bad weather pass over, and with it the opportunity of securing Bourdeaux, whose loss was the intire ruine of the disaffected party in Gasconie, and of the Treaty of the Prince of Conti. His manner of proceeding astonished all that were concerned, though some suspected his orders required no more but to make a shew of relieving the place; whether it were that the Spaniards would hazard nothing in a War that could not last long in that part, or whether there were an understanding (according to the ravings of such as on all occa­sions [Page 160] vent their imaginations) by the return of Bourdeaux to its Kings obedience, to obtain the like for Barcelona. Whatever may be of this, he was secured and confined to a Castle where he still remains, as is thought, more on accompt of reason of State then of his guilt.

To conclude, the French troubles presented great speculations to the chief Minister and o­ther Wits here, how far they ought to concern themselves in them: but those of Naples which happened a little before, and which the King of Spain beheld as a fire kindled in a corner of his Dominion, he most valued, and distrusted were no less subjects of the discourse of such as had curiosity for the affairs of either Crown. All a­gree that France drew not so great advantages from them as she might have done, had she more streightly embraced the Neopolitan inte­rests, and such as have discoursed with me about it, have made it evident, that Spain in no occa­sion ever judged more solidly, or acted more effectually. At the first advice of that revolu­tion she was not deceived in taking her mea­sures, and the Earl of Ognate giving his sense of it, made the mischief and its remedy so in­telligible, that he was employed to admini­ster the later. I saw an Extract of his Letter, which represented that the fury of that people could not last, having at first declared open war against the Nobility and all that were powerful. That such commotions (the better part of the State being contrary to them) bring forth on­ly confusion and disorder, without any possibi­lity [Page 161] of erecting a true form of Government, which must be done (if at all) in a moment, and that a multitude that had neither feet nor wings proportionable to mounting so high must ne­cessarily fall of it self, being imprudent in its Councils, rash in its Designes, and slow and time­rous in its Executions. That the people of Na­ples went very aukwardly about forming them-themselves into a Republick, beginning by deso­lation of the richest Families, which could not be so totally ruined, but they would retain pow­er to joyn with the offended Prince in the pub­lick revenge; and that that which would be im­posed on this enraged Multitude would be the more advantageous, in that it would give oppor­tunity of drawing the reins of Government streighter, and binding them so fast, that not­withstanding their former several bloodlettings, a vein should then be opened, by which should be drawn the greatest part even of that which was best, provided all that was corrupted came a­way with it. His council was followed, and his hand employed in the Execution, whilest he doubtlesly played the part of an able Surgeon, the whole body of the Rebels suffering his lan­cet, and the Ringleaders his Saw and Rasor. All the world is witness of his admirable conduct in so dangerous a Malady. I shall only add that he is looked on here as the ablest and zealousest Polititian of Spain; and it is not doubted but if he had employment suitable to his wishes, he would add something of vigor that in several mens opinions is wanting. But his parts being [Page 162] apprehended he is kept at the greatest distance possible from the intrigue; and setting aside what he must necessarily be made acquainted with by reason of his employments, little is communica­ted to him. He therefore passes his time in building, and employing part of the great trea­sure he amassed in Naples, on a Pal [...]ce that will be one of the fairest and vastest of Madrid.

Among the great affairs and eminent negoti­ations of Dom Lewis, was one from the North, whose interest was at first well enough under­stood: for none admired that Spain kept an Am­bassador at Stockholm for facilitating the Electi­on of the Son of the Emperor to be King of Ro­mans. The Swedes were judged to have great credit in the Empire, and known to have too long opposed the House of Austria, to look well on its elevations; a man of parts might sound their intentions, discover their designes, and by dexterity allay their greatest animosity against the Emperor, if not obtain something really fa­vourable in his behalf. Piementelli, chosen for this imployment, had success beyond what was expected, quickly possessing himself of the good opinion of that Queen, ever charmed by novel­ty; for amongst the great affluence of stran­gers she drew to her Court, the last comer still carried it from all the rest. She was so much plea­sed in a Spaniard, having never yet received any respects from that Nation, that it was not diffi­cult for him to make himself acceptable without taking pains to corrupt any of her Council. Such as understood how matters passed in Swede [Page 163] were not suprised at her letters during the Diet of Ratisbone, as well to the Emperor, as to the Electors and other Princes about election of a King of Romans. They easily perceived that the Counsellors of the Kingdom and ablest heads had not contributed to so open and authentick a Declaration in favour of the King of Hungary. During her Fathers reign, and in her minority, they had been otherwise inspired; and if their opinions might have prevailed, doubtlesly the Party of the Princes and Towns had rather been supported, who demanded a making good of all that had been agreed on by the Peace of Munster before they would proceed to th [...]t Ele­ction. This makes easily comprehended that an Ambassador from this Court was necessary during all that time, but that he should be con­tinued after the resignation of this Princess, and that when she had left the Kingdom [...]iemente [...] should every where follow her under that chara­cter, is a mystery, of which no reason can be ima­gined, that seems not too flat and feeble to be real. For why should the Spaniards be at such cost to keep in with this Princess after she had dispossessed her self of her Dominion, or court her then, their enemies having received all her favours whilst she sate on the throne? The Spa­niards, I say, that never do any thing, where that interest, that as much governs Kings as Kings do Subjects, is not exactly observed: that repine at the entertaining the many discontented Prin­ces that have sided with them, and that seldom abandon what is solid and necessary, for what is [Page 164] plausible and superfluous. Notwithstanding all which they not only caused her to be attended by an Ambassador, when she had no right to one, and who (her Prerogative being gone with her Soveraignty) must needs appear rather a Gentleman Usher than Publick Minister, but omitted not to complement and present her from Madrid it self, with 12 of the beautifullest Horses of the Kings Stable. What is rumored here that she hath still the disposal of Forces, and that Koningsmarc by her Order marches to assist the Arch-Duke with an Army of Twelve thousand men, is a meer raillery.

Her resignation was doubtless a secret of State, spun and wove with more art than is ima­gined, and nothing less than what it seemed; she retained neither credit nor authority to make her Mistress of any thing more than her Pensi­ons; and though because the Pill was very well gilt, the World believed she swallowed it wil­lingly, and tasted nothing bitter, a Person of as great judgment as curiosity, told me, That as the Palatine appeared a great Captain when Ge­neralissimo in Germany, he no less approved him­self an able Polititian, in a quiet possessing him­self of the Crown of the Great Gustavus his Uncle, even in the life-time of his Daughter and only Heir: The manner of doing this seems very subtle, for after he was declared her Suc­cessor (partly on occasion of the over-heroick inclinations of that Princess, who seemed amo­rous only of her own wit, and more ambitious to be thought a Woman learned and liberal, [Page 165] than a Queen prudent and capable of governing partly by reason of the inclination of the Coun­sellors and States of the Kingdom, who grew weary of obeying a Maid, more sollicitous to be the Miracle of her Sex than of her Dignity) and a resolution taken that if she should marry, it must be with none but him, all his endeavors tended to make known he was fitter to espouse the Kingdom than Queen: in effect he quickly appeared equal to the former, and (were it na­turally or artificially) so well acted the part of a King, that it was very apparent that whilest he fell back from probability of being such by means of the later, he advanced in hopes of it, by the general inclination of the People, and Interest of State. His Conformity of Humors and Manners with those of that Coun­trey, opened him so fair a way to the Throne, that the Queen (whose Customs were directly contrary) became jealous, with such an aversi­on for his Person, as she could not sufficiently conceal. This obliged him to retire to an Island, part of his Inheritance, leaving all to time and the Queen her self, who confirmed the People in their dislike of her. She continued to value less than she ought the most considerable Per­sons, and most important Affairs. Her vast fan­cy and ardent thirst after curious Sciences, joyn­ed to that extraordinary manner of conduct that possessed her, made her flie from thought to thought, and from employment to employment, without ever fixing on the Duties of her Charge, and Care of her Crown and Subjects. One while [Page 166] she was entirely taken up by Letters with Des Cartes, Salmasius, and Bouchard, whom she had sent for, with the first to engage her self in the Labirinth of his Modern Philosophy, with the other to trace the Antiquities of Rome and Greece, and with the last to penetrate the Mysteries of the Catholick and Protestant Faith. Sometimes she abandoned both Books and Scho­lars, calling all the first Bawbles, and the last Pedants. At the time of this gay humor, crowds of young people that swarmed about her, p [...]ssed their time very agreeably. Masks, Balls, Plays, Collations, Huntings, Tours, with all the lit­tle pleasures that are the principal ragouts of the idleness of Courts, were then alone in request. Wit and Fancy, with all that boundless and ex­travagant jollity can produce, then displayed themselves with the highest advantages, and his parts were most applauded, that seemed ca­pablest of these fond Diversions which lead from pleasure to pleasure and pastime to pastime, without knowing what they seek, or on what to settle. In these several manners of living she e­qually scattered the Crowns Revenue amongst Strangers, by whose Counsel she governed her self in many things, and by her own head in all the rest. This gave occasion to one Missenius, a Physitian or Historian, if I mistake not, that had been advanced by her, to publish a Book little to her advantage. He highly extolled the Prince Pa­latin, then declared Heir of the Crown, ad­dressing himself to him and the Kingdoms Sena­tors, for remedy of the disorders he observed. [Page 167] His Stile discovered him, and the Queen made appear very great moderation on occasion of his ingratitude, and the Prince no less address and judgment, in satisfying her that he too much de­tested the Crime of that unworthy fellow, to have contributed any thing towards it. All this while a secret aversion for the Queen insinu­ated it self amongst the greatest part of the Sena­tors and People. Some said they must have a Soldier to command them, others lamented the poverty of their Country, and that Rixdollers were so scarce amongst them. That Peace suited ill with a Countrey that produced nothing but iron, which they ought to truck for the Ducats of Po­land or Patagons of Germany. That an occasi­on of rupture with one of these could not be wanting, that the truce with Poland was almost at an end, and that they stood in need of no­thing but a King, either a Charles or another Gustavus. That all that was defective in his Daughter abounded in his Nephew; notwith­standing all which their respect to the next blood of that great King, suffered them not to open their mouths wide, nor to speak publickly; but whether it were that the Senators had more par­ticularly expressed themselves to the Queen in private, or that of her self she well understood, by the Conjuncture of Affairs and Inclination of the People, that she had not long to raign, or else by some transport of Heroick fancy, or were it that all these things together contributed to her renunciation, it at last became publick to the admiration of all the world. This change was [Page 168] the discourse of all Europe, and as there had not happened any thing in many Ages so supri­zing, every man endeavored to find the causes of it in a thousand Chymerical reasons. This great Queen was so unfortunate, she escaped not the teeth of Satyrists on occasion of it. They be­gan by a bad opinion of her understanding, and jealousie of ill guided Morals; her affections and judgment seemed very unstable, and her Ene­mies reported she quitted not a Crown and Scep­ter on a Principle of Vertue to live to her self, and in a solitude where she might the better cul­tivate her Mind and exalt her Faith, but out of of an inclination to wander, and expose to Fame that Prodigy of the North she had so highly vaunted. This so feeble Motive of so great an Action made some conjecture it was not her choice, but that her Descent from the Throne might be glorious, she was permitted or advised to cover with the Mantle of Generosity and au­stere Vertue, the necessity to which they redu­ced her of resigning the Crown to her Cosin be­fore her death. That great Soul and vigorous Intellect she ever pretended to, on this occasion doubtlesly furnished her with such Maximes, it represented her resigning the Soveraiguty as much better than its forsaking her, and that by anticipation of her defeat she should triumph in it: That a timely retreat is oftentimes better than an obstinat combat. That a good Horseman alights, when he perceives his Horse will not carry him to his journeys end. That she should do well to imitate that Illustrious Roman that [Page 169] vaunted to have been employed before himself desired it, and to have quitted before it was de­sired by others; by the first designing the effect of his good fortune, and by the second giving testimony of his good Conduct. The Event shews she yielded to these reasons, and the bet­ter to disguise all appearance of constraint, omit­ted nothing that might conceal her displeasure. Piementelli her Favorite wrote in such terms to this Court, clearly discovering the bottom of this affair and humor of this Princess, with which he had order to comply, and offer her all manner of honour and good reception in the Dominion of the King his Master. He effected this without difficulty, because so well with her that all was acceptable from him. Having en­tirely resigned her self to his Counsel and Con­duct, she had no sooner cast off the Royal Robe, than she left Swede in the Equipage and Habit of a Modern Amazon. She did not only in her actions retain nothing of the Customs of her Sex, whose weakness was so contemptible to her, but avoided all conversation with it, her Atten­dants and Servants were all Men, scorning to use Women either at her rising or going to bed. Her own habit was mixed of what is used by both. A loose Coat reaching to the middle of her Leg, and under it a kind of Vest almost to her Heel, a Handkerchief like a Cravat about her Neck, a Black Periwig, though her own Hair was flaxen; with a Hat and Feather, were her ordinary Ac­coutrements, or rather her Disguise, whilest she travailed: Nay at Antwerp and Brusselles, [Page 170] where she continued some time, she changed nothing; and they which have written of her, represent her in a Dress very little different. Hu­mor or aversion made her alwayes (as much as possible) avoid the Visits of Women, and as Thalestris for Alexander, so she at first expres­sed a great impatience and extraordinary passi­on to see the Prince of Conde. She publickly said, She was sorry there was no House in Brus­sels large enough to lodge them both; that he was her Hero, and the only Man she admired. He was at that time at the Siege of Arras, whi­ther she writ to him she would come, and after his Example make no difficulty of wearing the Spanish Colours. This Prince having augment­ed his glory, though by an unfortunate con­clusion of that Enterprise, her desire of seeing him was redoubled; to testifie how much she was concerned in the honour he had acquired by a retreat that had equalized the defeat of the Spaniards, to the victory of their enemies. Af­ter so handsom advances and obliging addresses for an Interview she passionately desired, one would hardly believe she could become cold, and change so many evident testimonies of impati­ence, to as visible ones of indifference. One of that Princes Agents told me, that out of an hu­mor very extraordinary and surprizing, she stu­died Punctilio's on the form of his Reception, when he was even ready to make his Visit. The Arch-Duke after the rout before Arras, went to see her at Antwerp, and she received him with excessive respects and honours; for not satisfied [Page 171] to attend him at her Stair-foot, she passed over a great Court, and met him at her outer Gate. The Prince of Conde, whose courage may justly equalise him to what is greatest, and whose birth yields to few that wear not Crowns, desired to know how she would comport her self towards him; those he employed in this could never ob­tain any satisfactory answer, and therefore doubting she might make some difference between him and the Archduke, he resolved not to see her: but because he was already on his way, and importuned not to come to an open rupture, he resolved of an expedient to see her incognito. He therefore sent his Train to attend her as if himself were gone back, and that he might see her unknown to her, resolved to enter her chamber when full of his people, and to ap­pear no otherwise than as one of those that wait­ed on her on his account. At first she knew him not, but at last discovering him, when he went away she would have accompanied him; but he told her he must have all or nothing, and without staying for an answer went as he came. It is most certain that he whom she looked on as the Hero of this age, at that interview lost the opinion that she was the Heroine. Her resolution yet, that hath on so many occasions been remarquable, was not the principal cause of her inequality to­wards him: It was a trick put upon her by the Spaniards, contrived by Piementelli at instigati­on of the Earl of Fuensaldaigne, that was very ill with him: For though the King of Spain had expresly ordered that he should be treated e­qually [Page 172] with the Archduke, and the same honors paid him, this was not the first time that more had been promised at Madrid than performed at Bruxels, she who is entirely devoted to the Spani­ards, and governs her self by their Councels on­ly, did nothing on this occasion that was not a­greed on with them: and most certain that the Prince of Conde made appear such a contempt of their vanity, and indifference for her, that they were ashamed as well of their own as his pro­ceeding: this obliged the Spaniards to endea­vour their reconciliation, and to find a neutral place where they might accidentally meet: which happened in the Pall mall, where a game was agreed on, in which both of them were on the same side; but this had no effect, and they par­ted with the same indifference as at first.

What I have observed of the humour and comportment of this Princess, is but the sum of what I have heard from those that discourse of the designe of this Court in its many caresses to her: of which publick curiosity hath gained so little light, we may conclude that nothing is so certain as the uncertainty of it. Some will have that no Northern puissance having been so fatal to the House of Austria as that of the Kingdom she abandoned, the chief Minister aimed at ac­quiring her affection, and making use of her ani­mosity against her Country for discovering its greatest secrets. To this fancy they add, that it being improbable that the King that succeeds her should continue long in peace with the Em­peror, her Councils and Creatures that continue [Page 173] in Swede, may be useful as most proper against all correspondence he may have in Ger­many, for thwarting the Election of the King of the Romans, and forming a party capable of recalling him, with another manner of pow­er then what he had before Prague, when he retired with so great regret, and discovered that if he had not so strong a hand, nor so long an Arm as the great Gustavus his Uncle; he had no less thirst after victory. Others as ridicu­lous, imagine that a principle of generosity and bounty obliges the King to maintain an Ambas­sador with this Queen, to comfort her in her Eclipse of Dignity, by continuing such an ac­knowledgement of Power and Honour; and that to mitigate her resentments, he will in time make her Vice-Queen of Naples, or some other Realm, where though she command not over so largely extended a Dominion, nor with a pow­er so ablolute, as when she sate on the Throne, she will have the satisfaction to enjoy a plea­santer Climate. There are that when they must needs acknowledge they cannot comprehend to what purpose the chief Minister is so solicitous in cultivating this Queens good graces, have re­course to Zeal for Religion; and that he pro­poseth to himself no other end nor other glory, then to cause an abjuration of her Faith, to fol­low the renunciation of her Crown, and to send her to Rome as his triumph for so great a work. Whatever it be that moves the Spaniards to a Negotiation, that to most wits seems very use­less; this is most certain that if they have com­placency [Page 174] for this Princess, she hath no less for them. For besides what I have already said, I have had advice that at her arrival at Antwerp, she extolled the beauty of that City with such excess, she made no difficulty of preferring it before the kingdom she had quitted; nor of saying, She had rather be Marchioness of Antwerp then Queen of Sweden. It is most certain, that in Stockholm it self, in her familiar discourse she made it manifest, she had no great value either for her Countrey or Subjects, whither this were a designe and foresight, that as she should not long command the latter, so she would soon quit the former, or an effectual aversion for her people, caused by frequentation of stran­gers, and contempt of her Countrey by reason of the relations they made her of the benignity of the Air they breathed in the parts where they were born. Besides all this, it is well known, that after she had testified a desire to become Mediatress of a peace between France and Spain, about which she had discourse with Mr Chanut, when he was to see her, (assuring him that the Spaniards wished it, and would put their concernments into her hands, if France would do the like) she was angry when she knew her interposal was not accepted, and writ to him in terms very different from the for­mer, and more advantagious to Spain: amongst her respects for all that comes to her in the name of that King, might be reckoned her manner of living with Antonio Piementelli, were it be­lieved she had the same value for his Character [Page 175] as for his person: she hath an extraordinary propensity to all he propounds, even to a forcing her own inclinations to a compliance with his. She is known to be Learned, and to love Books and Schollars, yet busies her self in trifles to suit his Genius, in such a manner, that if any Learn­ed men visit her whilst he is present, she avoids such discourses as may discover his weakness, be tedious to him, strike him dumb and con­strain that gay humour is reported to be so na­tural to him.

Having reported all that the Spanish Criti­cisms informed me in those matters of State, (whether Catholic or Paradoxical) which be­cause of freshest date are their most usual en­tertainments, and having mentioned their opi­nions of those that manage them, or that are or have bin their principal or accessary objects; it is time to say something of such Ministers of forreign Princes as I had the honour to be ac­quainted with in this Court, the first of these was the Earl of Fieschi, Agent for the Prince of Conde; he was very kind to us, and being as well one of the greatest wits as Gallants of the French Court; it is pity he hath engaged himself in a party and employment that hath so much altered his constitution, and changed his humor, so that he is hardly to to be known by those that have been most particularly acquaint­ed with him: he is fallen into a sickness that by intervals makes him pale, disorders his pulse and disables him for company or discourse. He keeps a good Table, the Countrey he is in con­sidered: [Page 176] when we eat with him, it afflicted us to see him in the middle of a meal rise from his seat and cast himself on a bed. At access of the fit, he sodainly changes colour, and one would think him fainting: this is supposed to be the effect alone of melancholly and displeasure caus­ed by the troubles in which he is engaged, which have separated him from his relations, estate, and tranquility of the life he had wont to lead. He took the Prince of Conde's party out of in­clination and generosity only, for it is said, he had not the least cause of discontent either from the Court or chief Minister, and his interest would rather have led him to have followed the Duke of Orleans and Madamoiselle then a­ny other, his wife relating to that Princess; but he thought he was to go on, and not boggle when he had once chosen a master. After ser­ving him well at Bourdeaux, and several ren­counters, he was sent hither to give greater reputation to the affairs of that Prince, man­aged by St Agolin, in quality of Gentleman of his chamber. At first he endeavoured to divert himself by all the recreations this place afford­ed, besides which, he enjoyed one peculiar to himself by reason of the excellent verses he com­posed: he was pleased to repeat to us some son­nets he had made in praise of the Prince of Conde, and almost a whole Scene of a piece he begun in imitation of Senecas Medea: but neither love nor the Muses had charms powerful enough a­gainst that discontent and melancholly, which reduced him to the lamentable condition in [Page 177] which we lef him; his health being disturbed by so frequent and sodain alterations as neither himself, his friends, nor Physitians could under­stand. He therefore forsook all pleasures, for De­votions, and instead of seeking company that might divert his thoughts from contemplating his affairs and infirmity; he made la Casa del Cam­po, his Hermitage, whither he often went, either alone, or accompanied by one friend, whom he tired with silent walking. The King allowed him a Coach with four Horses, neither good nor bad; but the Coachman and Footman very ill cloath­ed for servants of so great a King. Besides this equipage which he commands whensoever he pleases; he hath his particular Train which consists of Some Footmen, a Secretary, a Ma­ster of the Horse, a Page, and some other Of­ficers; to maintain himself and them, the King allows him 1800 Crowns a month and pays his house-rent: he wears the Spanish habit, and seems so far concerned in the interests of that Court, whither really, or to justify his engagement with it, that he speaks of it with passion, and will allow nothing to be comparable to the manner of living in it; this is not because without cause of complaint▪ but, (as is supposed) obliged by prudence: He medles with little at present, as well by reason of his indisposition, as that the Prince of Conde sometime since, sent one of his Counsellors, who seems to have the intrigue and principal affairs in his hand; he is called Ma­zeroles, and well qualified: he hath as much Learning as is necessary to manage the affairs of [Page 178] the time; he perfectly understands this Court and Nation; his wit is solid, yet quick and sup­ple; his judgement exquisite, and in the affairs he handles there needs be no distrust of his mistaking the shadow for the substance, nor the point for the hilt; his conversation is both agreeable and serious in such a manner, that none go from him without satisfaction, and in­struction of many things remarkable in them­selves or circumstances. In a word, one may say of him that his parts are solidly established, both by Art and nature, were he not tormented by an Astma, that gives him little repose. This indilposition was acquired by riding post on his Masters occasions, and it is so violent, that for some years he hath not slept but in a chair, not daring to lie in a bed, for fear of being suffocated by a defluxion and shortness of wind. The King of Spain allows him also one of his Coaches, drawn by as many Horses as that which attends the Earl of Fiesque. In the Palace which is called Conde house remain still some of those that followed that Princes party, and accepted not the Amnesty; the chief of these is Mon­sieur de Trincars, Counsellor in the Parliament of Bourdeaux, he is a man of parts and honour, and that was very well with Monsieur d' Esper­non, but that carried with the stream, abandon­ed himself to follow the fortune of the Prince of Conde, when he came to possess himself of the Government of Gascone; that party decli­ning, the Prince of Conti sent him into England to solicite succors, whilst he was there, they of [Page 179] Bourdeaux returned to their Kings obedience, which exposed him to a great deal of rigor, the effects of which, would have been sensible to his Estate, had it not been secured as his wives Dowry. That his person might be in no less safety, he retired to this place; after which, the Prince made him Intendant of his Army, but he cannot obtain from these Ministers 500 pistols the Prince gave him to be paid out of his pen­sions; neither doth he solicite them longer, nor press any thing but his discharge, which he knows they will not grant without the 500 pi­stols, lest his arrival with the Prince, give him a new subject of complaint by so much the more just, in that this Counsellor, whom he summons to an imployment, in which he will be necessary to him, demands not any gratifi­cation or Ajuda de costa, as it is here called, but the payment of part of a sum that is due to him; by what I guessed, the difficulty lay not in the expedition of the pasport, but of the Money, without which they would not have him go a­way. In the same house lives also an Agent of Monsieur de Marcin who solicits his Masters pen­sions (which amounts to 12000 Crowns a year) as General of the Kings Armies; besides the assig­nation the Prince of Conde gives on the Money he draws from hence; all these and some others that are in this house, live on the 18 hundred Crowns a month that are given the Earl of Fiesque; it is true, that by the death of St Agolin who was the Princes first Envoye; this charge will be somewhat eased: St Agolin was a Gen­tleman [Page 180] of Auvergne that lay sick long, and was at last killed by hot Medicines; they speak very pleasantly of his Doctors, who after six months application of all manner of cold remedies, told him, that since those availed not, they must try hot ones, and so brought him to his end, in which he was happier then in so crasie a life: I saw his Grave, and was pointed out one of the sumptuosities of this Countrey, which requires persons of quality to have crimson Velvet or red Sattin nailed to their Coffin, adorned with gold and silver Lace, at least on the seams, if not covered over.

The second Agent or Ambassador of forrain Princes, was the Dukes of Florence; he is a Clergy-man that wants not wit, of good meen, and free and affable conversation. His brother, whom we knew at the great Dukes Court, where he is very considerable, had given us a Letter for him, which we delivered quickly after our ar­rival at Madrid: he received us well, and made many offers of service to my Lord . . . . . but gave us occasion to observe that the study of Spa­nish and its near relation to the Italian, made it very difficult for us to use the latter without mixture of some words of the former: nay some Italians could scarcely avoid this, nor speak their own languaage with purity after acquisition of some little of the Castillian. No Prince in Italy being more streightened by the Spaniards than the Great Duke, he alwayes keeps an Ambassa­dor in this Court to get intelligence of what­ever passes: for besides that which this King [Page 181] possesses in the Isle of Elba, he is Master of the best Havens in Toscany that belonged to the Re­publick of Sienna, and therefore much concerned in the affairs of this Crown particularly in those that belong to it in Italy. Seignior Encontri, of whom I now speak, is very intelligent in these matters, and too active and quick-sighted to be ignorant of what passes here. He discovered the Treaty of the Genoueses with this King for ac­quisition of Pontremoli; and as soon as he had ven­ted the mine, and recived the great Dukes or­ders to act with all his might towards gaining a place so advantagious to him, he so well thwarted the Genoueses in their Bargain, he broke it off, and struck up for his Master. In acknowledg­ment of which that Prince a little after sent the Ambassador a horse of massie Gold, made some­time before for Henry the fourth, or Lewis the thirteenth of France, and removing the effigies of one of those Kings which was of the same mettal, there needed no more but to place in its stead that of Philip the fourth, to be presented to Don Lewis de Haro, who accepting it, decla­red to do so on no other termes, but to bestow it in his Masters Cabinet, where, as was reported, he effectively placed it. My Lord . . . . . made many visits to this Ambassador, who also came twice or thrice to see him; being an Ecclesiastick he only wore along Robe, without taking the habit of the Country.

The third forrain Minister was Seignior Qui­rini, Ambassador for the Republick of Venice: He is very magnificent and splendid, and of a [Page 182] meen altogether suitable to the Majesty of that August Senate: whose dignity yet he better sup­ports by an acquired knowledg of all that belongs to a person of quality, accompanied by a judg­ment whose solidity incomparably moderates the exuberance of his memory in such a manner, that the promptitude of the one never clashes a­gainst the maturity of the other.

A Gentleman of Piedmont called Ranusio, who had been sent by the Duke of Savoy to the Dut­chess of Mantua, his Aunt, made us known to Seignior . . . . . Secretary of the Embassy, who presented us to that excellent person. He re­ceived us perfectly well, and assured my Lord . . . . . that the memory of his Grandfather was dear to the Senate, to whom he had been Am­bassador, and that they which then governed saw so many excellent qualities in that great Perso­nage, they mentioned him to their Children▪ as one of the ablest headpieces had ever appeared before them; after this he discoursed with us about the troubles of England, and the War be­tween Cromwell and Holland then lately ended, and told us that the Seigniory of Venice, who was the first that sent Ambassadors to Henry the fourth of France, before seated on his Throne, which the League with great might and fury dis­puted against him, and that had made no diffi­culty of acknowledging the States of the Low-Countries when they had freed themselves from the Spanish obedience, had not as yet sent any Ambassador into England to own that Repub­lick or Protector. The reason he gave us was, [Page 183] that that prudent Senate would do nothing it might be forced to revoke; and though these later might seem (however so sodainly) better established than the former, they could not subsist long, and would therefore wait till their power were better settled, less tumultuary and precipi­tous than as yet: That it would see what time would do with them, lest with other Sove­raigns it might suffer the displeasure to have a­dressed it self to Mushrums, who started up in a night, and might vanish in the morning; for though the forces and industry of the King of Great Britain had till that time failed of resto­ring him to his Throne, it was probable enough he might recover it by means of internal revo­lutions, and such flowings of State, as return what the like ebbs have carried away. Visits and acquaintance of this nature give a soul to travail, when a moment presents one part of what great Personages resident, in the Country where he is, have been long acquiring. And as such men observe all with great exactness, and have opportunity to do so, their discourses are sometimes more instructive than some years re­sidence, they being usually most open to stran­gers.

The three Ambassadors I have mentioned were all we knew here, though there was also one on accompt of the Emperor▪ called Comte Lambert, who succeeded the Comte of Grain; but we never visited him. At our being at Ant­werp he was also there with all his Family; his Wife is Daughter to Compte Wallenstine, Lord [Page 184] High Chamberlain of his Imperial Majesty. He received the Collar of the Golden Fleece from the Kings own hands, and went away no less sa­tisfied than we, by vacancy of several Chambers in the Inne, for want of which we did little less than Camp the night before his departure. He is a tall man, thin-faced, and of no extraordina­ry meen. They say he agreed better with this Court than the Earl of Grain, a bold wit, that made himself more feared than loved, that spoke free truths to the King, and medled in more than belonged to his charge: he slighted the Order, that no Coach, except the Kings and Masters of his Horse should be drawn with six Mules or Horses in the Town. He did not think himself obliged to observe this, and still went through the streets as formerly: He was once in a passion against those that admonished him of it in the Kings name, whereas the last complies and uses but four like other Ambassadors.

The King of Denmark hath also an Agent here, but we had no acquaintance with him; he lives privately, and the people one day as he passed called him Lutheran; the King himself (on occasion of a difference he had) not using terms more favourable. Besides some small in­terests of State of his Masters in this Court I think his residence is only to facilitate the Com­merce of his Subjects and Allies, he was upon his departure, and staid only for a pass from France, that he might not be arrested on the Frontier.

An Envoy of the Landgrave of Armstadt was also upon going with more satisfaction, (as I [Page 185] found by his discourse) as well that he was no longer to trouble himself with ineffectual soli­citations, as that he had obtained (as he thought) something for his Masters interests. He came to demand the Pensions the Spaniards ought to pay him according to Treaties made with him in Germany, and of which the arrears mounted very high, but he carried away nothing but Pa­per with assignations very incertain (as I was told) and no ready mony, besides Aynda de Costa, that is something to bear his charges.

We saw also the Popes Nuncio who was like­wise on his departure, for which he had long prepared, but, because he that was to succeed him, called Seignior Massimi (if I mistake not) had at his landing in the Kingdom of Valentia been arrested in the Kings name, with prohibi­bition to go forward, he was fain to stay till that difference was accommoded, which arose from Innocent the Tenth's sending him that was to suc­ceed, without having first given the Court ad­vice of it, and known whether it were accepta­ble; and since the French had on the same oc­casion arrested the Nuncio in Provence, it was thought Spain might do the like; besides that, this came charged with some instructions relating to Portugal and this Court, which in the Kings opinion were not sufficiently Catho­lick, who possessed of that title with precedence of all others, required them after his own fa­shion.

These difficulties, and such other as concerned his reception, being at last removed, after his [Page 186] passing sometime as a private person in the King­dom of Valentia, he was permitted to come to this Town, and exercise his function: He arri­ved on the Eve of Corpus Christi, or a little be­fore it, and saw the solemnity through a grated Window, not appearing because not received; and he in whose place he came (doubtlessly not a little troubled to be removed from so profitable an employment) did that day his last office in attending the King in that Ceremonie.

Now I am speaking of the Ambassadors and Ministers of forrain Princes, I will not omit what I have to say of Margarite of Savoy Dutchess of Mantua, who prepared to leave the Court, and pass the rest of her life in the Dutchy of Millan, where the King had assigned certain lands for her entertainment. She is Daughter of an In­fanta of Spain and of Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy: She was married to Duke Ferdinand, the last Duke of Mantua of that Line, and had but one Daughter during the life of her Father mar­ried to the Duke of Rethel, Son of the Duke of Nevers, to secure to him the succession of those Estates as nearest Heir; but Spain resolving to dispute it with him; this woman, whose inclina­tions were totally Spanish, sided with the house of Austria against her own Daughter; the Com­motions that were consequences of this in Italy, are known to all the world, it is enough that I remember here that this Princess being retired to this Court, for which she had so openly de­clared, was well received, and to employ her wit and zeal made Vice-Queen of Portugal; [Page 187] where, to speak truth she comported her self prudently. But the insolence and avarice of the Ministers imposed to act under her, seconded by the countenance and approbation of the Condeduke, at that time Favorite, was so great she could not prevent their driving the people to dispair, discontenting the Grandes, and wronging the Clergy, giving occasion to all of them to take Arms for reestablishng their liber­ty. These things she often wrote both to the King and his chief Minister, particularizing all exorbitancies committed, and danger of a gene­ral revolt: But the Favourite caused little regard to be given to her advice, ever crying out she was a Woman, and all she writ trifles, more crediting the letters of the Ministers he had sent with the intrigue than hers; on which ac­compt after affairs in Lisbonne had changed face, and a short exile that permitted her not to come to Court was passed over, at her return from that lost Kingdom, getting opportunity to speak with the King, she assisted towards ruining the Duke of Olivares in his opinion. She was af­terwards entertained at Madrid by his Majesty, who now at last gave her permission to retire to her native Country, there to lay her bones, being very aged. Some nevertheless suppose her sent into Italy, to be a means of inticing the Duke of Savoy her Nephew (now of age) from the French alliance, and of continuing the Duke of Mantua her Grandchild in the Spanish inte­rests, into which he entred after the taking Ca­sal, and from which they distrust he may be bi­assed [Page 188] by his great engagements to France, as well on accompt of his birth as of the Estate he possesses there.

During our stay at Madrid we had many faithful Companions of our Travails Monsieur ...... in whom to the desire of knowing things that are considerable, is joyned such a compre­hension of them, he is become capable of signa­lizing himself in service of his Country, as soon as he shall attain the rank his own merit, and his deceased fathers services seem to have acquired him. I will say nothing of his other vertues, that have made too deep impression in my me­mory, to believe they can ever be effaced, I had the happiness to know him in Florence, where Mr. ..... and he renewed the friendship they had contracted in their tender years, when they bore arms together in Holland under Prince Wil­liam of Orange. Coming out of Italy he landed in the Kingdom of Valentia, and from thence went streight to Madrid in hope of meeting us, but having continued there some­time, despairing of our arrival, he resolved to be gone: when he least thought of us, and could not expect at Madrid in the Middle of the Spring those that should have passed the Winter there▪ four horse-men passed by his lodging, whose habit and horses discovered them to be of the other side the Mountains, his curiosity ob­liged him to follow them to the place where they [...]ghted, not a little surprised to find those he had so impatiently expected: he was then in such an equipage, that I must confess at first I knew him [Page 189] not, he wore the Cassock, Rocket, thin and streight Stockings, with Pumps and Breeches like Holsters, which so strangely diguised him he seemed not the same person we had been ac­quainted with in Florence; his mustaches or whiskers grown long and turned up with irons, made me more a stranger to the air of his face, he not a little resembling the King of Spain, of whom he hath more of the meen in that habit, than of himself, when clothed after the fashion of his Countrey. After mutual expressions of our joy, we acquainted him with the delayes of our journey, and he told us the successes of his, and having passed three moneths in Madrid, during which we failed not one day of seeing one another we resolved to pass together into France by way of Arragon: but before we put this in execution, a Troop of illustrious Strangers, whom we were very glad to see arrived in Madrid: amongst them were two Gentlemen whose per­fections of mind and body made evident, that if heaven hath given them great advantages by eminent birth, their education and docility have contributed no less to that virtue and prudence which surpasses their age. They brought many Letters from the Earl of Fuensaldaigne, Dom Ste­phen de Gamarra, and other of the King of Spains Ministers in the Low-Countries, to the best of this Court, who received them very well, but wanting the language they took along with them a Bur­gundian Doctor called Rognar, imployed in the businesses of several Officers that serve in the Kings Armies, and other persons of his Nation [Page 190] that are concerned in this Court to be their in­terpreter, they were caressed by all, especially by Don Lewis and the Earls of Ognate & Pigneranda: Though they resolved to stay at Madrid no lon­ger then Midsummer day to see the fight of Bulls, they habited themselves according to the mode of the Country, and intending within two Mo­neths to leave it for Portugal, they began at first to provide horses, and solicit the expedition of a Pass to make the Tour of Spain, notwithstand­ing the excessive heat of those Regions.

As soon as we got our Pass we prepared to be gone, it was in the same form as that we brought out of Flanders from the Arch-Duke, very am­ple and unlimited, as well to time as persons. Having taken our leaves, and besides the Nags we brought out of France furnished our selves with some Spanish Horses, we left Madrid the 17th of June, taking the way of Arragon▪ in the forenoon we rid six leagues, the Country very dry, which continued to be so till we came to the River de los Henares, on which stands the City of Alcala, in Latin called Complutum. It is very famous for its University, founded (as is re­ported) on the Model of that of Paris, and like it divided into several Colledges, every one pro­vided of Professors called Cathedraticos. Divini­ty and Philosophy florish more here than in any other University of Spain, and Salamanca in the Kingdom of Leon most for Students in the Civil Law, alone equalls it.

The Town is long but narrow, having little more than one fair street, in which the Scholars [Page 191] lodge. Here, as I was told, Cardinal Mazarin was a Student, sent by Cardinal Colonna when Legate in Spain: the little River of Henares that passes by it makes the land about it fertil, and renders it more agreeable than the rest of the Country, where for want of water there are nei­ther trees nor grass: leaving here the poste Rode, and taking the shortest way that led to Arragon, we lay at Marcamalo▪ about 4 leagues distant; this is a little Village without any thing remarkable.

The 18th we dined at Hita, a small Town seated on the top of a little hill shadowed by a greater: that night we lay at Cadadra a pretty Town in a Valley: From hence we went the next morning early, and dined at Saguença; we inned in the Suburbs, where we drunk wine esteemed the best of Castile; but it is like aqua­vitae, not only strong but fiery, yet bears not water. Having refreshed our selves, for we had a very cool chamber, and plenty of snow, we went to lodge at Fuente Caliente: or rather to do penance there for the pleasure we enjoyed at noon. Its name (interpreted, the hot foun­tain) is not given it without reason; we suffer­ed here very much, not only by heat, but bad accommodation on all accounts; the Host was rude and barbarous, suitable to so savage a habi­tation.

The 20th over a very barren Countrey and hot Mountains we came to Arcos, the last Town of new Castile, where consequently is a Puerto or Customhouse: It was a Sunday and Holiday, and [Page 192] the people all at Mass when we passed; we traver­sed it very leisurely without any one's saying any thing to us; but as soon as we were beyond a cer­tain gate, by which we went from the Village to the High-way, in that part very streight by reason of the Brook and Mountain, and had got­ten about 100 paces beyond all the Barricado's, we perceived people running and calling after us; I staied to know what they would have, and when they overtook me, they told me the Puerto or Custom-house was in that Town. I replied we we were not Merchants, nor had any obligation upon us on that account, having sufficient Passports from the King, and that if they had had any thing to say to us, they ought to have done it in the Town, and there have acquainted us that there was a Custom-house, we having no Moco de Mulas, or Guide to inform us. They desired that one of us would go back to shew our Pass, which I did, though unadvisedly; for I have been told since we might have gone on, and gained Arragon, and so have avoided the cavils and impudence of those Harpies. When I shewed my Pass they said they must call a Council to consider if it were valid, and that therefore I should send to the Company to re­turn. Which being done they told us we might go a la Posada, e que toda la nuestra ropa estava descaminada; that we might go to the Inn, for all our baggage was confiscated: then guessing they intended by terrifying to get money of us, I bid them read our Pass, which was in these termes.

I thought this Pass sufficient to prevent these Publicans detaining us, but thirst of gain in which, on several other occasions they had had success against all Justice and Reason, made them obstinate by expectation of the like. I asked the cause of their disrespect to His Majesties Passe? sometimes they said it was shewd too late, and otherwhiles that it was not on sealed paper; by which I perceived they designed to bring us to a composition of 50 or 60 pistols. Finding us [Page 194] not at all compliable, and that I caused a Cer­tificate to be made by a publick Notary; that Francisco Salazar, Alcalde of the place, stayed us contrary to the Kings Passe, (having plotted together to that purpose) they began to talk high, hoping so to terrify us, and the Alcalde seising our Valises, caused them to be carried to the Custom-house, where opening them he took an Inventory of all, and not only of such Money as we had in them, but in our pockets, and forming an accusation, obliged us to put in our answers; in which they endeavoured to cir­cumvent us, but I looked so near to what they writ, I suffered nothing to pass I had not spoken, otherwise protesting against signing it: these many formalities were made use of to fright us with the name of Justice, of which, all their noise and scribling coming short, a Priest that belonged to them and another fellow that did the Office of a Secretary, told me in private, that giving 50 pistols we might go freely; I slighted this, but told them, I cared not if I gave them 30 Patagons, though their insolence did not deserve it. And such indeed it was, parti­cularly on the part of the Alcalde Salazar, a Knight of St Jago, but an arrant rascal as well as the Customer Nicholas Lopes de Cordoua that had the meen of a Jew; at last they became impudent and desperately outragious when they saw they could not effect their design of plunder­ing us; and perceiving it, resolved that I should return post to Madrid, to complain of them and desire Justice; they also provided one to carry [Page 195] their Justification to the Receiver-General of the Customs, and sent him away afoot: the re­mainder of the day was spent in such contesta­tions with them, but at last they suffered me to go about Eight in the evening; their mes­senger being first dispatched: My Lord— writ all to the Earl of Pigneranda. I was im­posed upon by them at my first mounting, in the prices of the Horses; no Posts in the world furnisht with better then those of Spain, nor that are less ridden; for, excepting such as carry Letters and some extraordinary Couriers that are sent to Court from several parts, especial­ly St Sebastians and Catalonia, this way is lit­tle made use of, they preferring Hackney Mules: which indeed are more commodious, as I found by experience on this occasion, for though the Horses be good, one is tormented by wretch­ed Saddles, with very narrow Seats, high Pum­mels, and extraordinary hard. So that to be mounted in such a manner, one is little more at ease then on a rack. At the 3d Stage, the hor­ses for all furniture had only Pannels with wood­en stirrups hung in Ropes. Finding fault with such equipage; the Postmaster told me, it was not strange he had no Saddles, and that I should find the pannel easier, I complied, and at first was in a great deal of disorder, because I could not settle on the stirrups, and by reason of the extraordinary breadth of the pannel; but this passed over, I liked their Pannels better then their Saddles, and called for one at the next Stage, but could not have it, and took a Saddle, not so [Page 196] convenient as the Pannel I was so unwilling to ride on. At the 3d Stage they took me for the express of Catalonia, carrying some good news to the King, which I did not much con­tradict, because I found my self better used on account of it; they demanding for each Horse but four Rials, about 2 s. 6 d. of our Money. Few Post-masters keep above two or three hor­ses; neither are they obliged to more, They have Salaries of 3 or 400 Crowns; nay some 500, for the keeping only of two Horses and a Post-Boy. The Earl of Ognate is Post-master-General, which is very profitable to him; my Horses were every where very good, and gal­loped all the way, but the Postilions often stop­ping to give them breath, which they call Re­zelar, is very troublesome: Besides, that at chan­ging Horses, especially in the night, they are very tedious. The Post way is not the same we passed in going to Arcos, but over a very fer­tile Plain, watered by the River de los Henares; 5 or 6 Leagues are often rid on the same horses, because the Posts are not established as they ought to be at every two Leagues.

Arriving at Madrid, after some repose, and dining with Monsieur de Mogeron, I was forced to stop till the heat of the middle of the day pas­sed over, before I could endeavour any thing in my business, for all here sleeping after dinner, I could not see the Earl of Pigneranda (with whom I resolved to begin, and for whom I had a Letter) till about five a clock; and there­fore in the interim, went to consult of my bu­siness [Page 197] with some friends, and meeting in the Calle Major, a very honest Fleming, called Don Pedro, that understood this Court well, and spoke excellent Spanish, giving him account of our accident, he drew a Memorial to be pre­sented by the Earl of Pigneranda to the Coun­cil Royal, not doubting of my success, but ad­vising me not to be impatient of delays, it be­ing most certain, that this people as much ob­serve formalities in the slightest affairs, as in those of the highest concernment, and withal letting me understand there was great indulgence for Farmers of Customs, because the Kings princi­pal Revenue, rising from it, their exactions are sometimes connived at. Indeed, Taxes on land bring up little or nothing in Spain, because the Countrey is not sufficiently manured, and were Husbandmen burthened, would be less so, even to a want of necessary sustenance. He told me more, that when the Customs are Farmed, it is done in so absolute a manner, that nothing p [...]s­ses, not for the Kings own use, without paying; and if he give any exemptions, they are deduct­ed from the Rent the Farmers agreed for. Those fellows therefore make use of a hundred cheats (too tedious to be here related) in order to confiscation, which if they cannot effect with justice, they forge false suppositions, and under pretence of the Kings rights, exercise their Ra­pine with Soveraignty, and are so insolent, that on all occasions they vaunt themselves to be the Kings servants; and a wretched waiter or other spawn of a Publican, will sometimes be fancy [Page 198] enough to threaten an honest man to beat him, or break open his Trunk if he be slow in de­livering the Key. In France one suffers no less by the extravagant greediness of this kind of cat­tle; and I cannot forget the pains they took at Diep, to send an Army of Guards aboard the vessel I arrived in, to visit my Valise, tossing up and down my cloaths, annd taxing a bit of cloth that remained of a suit I had made at London two Crowns; so that if Princes or their Mini­sters limit not their exactions, Travailers are miserably exposed to them, and this is their great scourge, the more to be apprehended, because seldom or never punished: the greatest part of those fellows in Spain are thought to be Jews, and when their plunderings have gorged them with wealth, the trap of the inquisition is set for them. Going at nine a clock to the Earl of Pignerandas, he was not returned, but I ac­quainted his Secretary Don Martin with my business, desiring him to move it to his Lord, and to give him the Letter I brought from my Lord—with the Memorial: the next day about the same hour I went again, and found that Lord very much troubled at what had happened to us, who after, offering me a Coach, Money, and all else in his power, desired me to have a little patience, and told me he was very sorry my Lords—and—were in so bad a place, and arrested by the insolence of those Picaros, who should be exemplarily pu­nished, and we receive all manner of satis­faction: the like I did to Don Lewis de Haro, [Page 199] and found the like civility. To make short, my solicitations had such effect, that the King ap­pointed a Commission to be dispatched by the Council of Castille for an Alguazil de Corte, and a Secretary to go along with me to Arcos and bring Francisco Salazar to the publick prison of Madrid in order to his punishment, and an ampler Passport was given me that we might no more apprehend the like inconvenience.

The Alguazil and Secretary that were ap­pointed to go with me, refused to travail by night, or to ride Post, so that I was fain to tar­ry till the 26th of June, and then return by Mule. Experience taught me, that this way of travailing, is very inconvenient; for, besides that, for more expedition, the Mules always trot, one cannot express how much their hard mouths press and weary the hand, nor what a torment it is, going down hill to suffer their slow progression. Being thus excellently mounted, and in this honourable company; I neglected nothing towards my speedy arriving at Arcos, whither I came the 29th of Iune, and found the Lord—and—already advertised of the success of my journey by a Letter from Madrid; I immediately carried the Alguazil and Secre­tary to execute their Commission; the Alcalde was much surprized, but making use of his pri­viledge, as Knight of the Order of St Iames, refused to obey without a Mandate from the Council of the Orders. My Alguazil who was of the higher Order, and one of those that are called Alguazil de Corte, often summoned him to [Page 200] go along with him to Madrid as his prisoner, but he still refused to obey, of which the Al­guazil took witness, saying; he could not use force, because that Town belonging to the Duke of Medina Celi, there was no Corrigidor above the Alcalde, but that this would undo the Al­calde, and that he doubted not to return from Madrid with power to carry him thither bound hands and feet; and we heard afterwards, that (as Spanish justice never pardons) he was pu­nished according to his deserts; the rest of the Officers of the Custom-house seeing the bad condition of their Protector, were as compli­able and civil as they had been arrogant and in­supportable: they returned all that belonged to us without the least diminution, and they which before pretended to plunder us, and threaten­ed that we should pay for the tedious writings they had drawn, desired now nothing more then to be quit, not only of us, but of the prey we had redeemed from their clutches: we had no less impatience to get from amongst such Rascals, which that we might the sooner do, we con­tented our selves, to recommend the punish­ment of them to those other Harpies, who sel­dom suffer such as they seise on to escape, gi­ving them all damages and costs we might pretend the more to incite them to our re­venge.

As soon as freed from those troubles, we made all haste towards Arragon. Several parts of this Province are very agreeable, and when we had left the Mountains that inclose Arcos, we [Page 201] came to very pleasant Vallies, and the 29th of Iune in the evening, entred Erizza or Herizo, the first Town on that side of that kingdom: the next day we dined at Texa, that hath nothing remarkable, and lay at Callatajud▪ one of the principle Cities of the Kingdom, seated at the end of a very fertile Plain, but in nothing con­siderable, unless in giving birth and abode to Lorenzo Brachian Infanzon, a modern writer, very famous amongst the Spaniards; he hath published several Treatises of Morality and Po­licy, amongst which, one is called el Criticon, of which, two parts only are printed, a kind of Satyr, very ingenious in imitation of Barclais Euphormio: in this piece his stile differs much very from those small Treatises in which he is so con­cise, abrupt, and strangely laconick, one would think he had made it his business to be obscure; the Reader must often divine his sense, which found, he perceives an enigma hath been made of something not very extraordinary. Seneca and Tacitus are very short of him in this man­ner of writing, and if it be said of the former, that his Stile is Sand without Lime, and that the second is so mysterious, he contains more then he expresses: we may conclude that of Gracian, hath so little connexion in its periods and so much restraint in its words, that the con­ception is like a Diamond ill set, whose flame and luster appear not so that it looses the esteem of the better half of the work.

There lives in the same Kingdom another Virtuoso, affecting like him the Lacedemonian [Page 202] eloquence, he is called Vincencio Ivan de Lasti­nosa. by whose means most of the works of Gracian are printed. This Lastannosa is looked on as the most curious person of Spain; he dwels at Huesca, the second City of Arragon, where he is reported to have collected a Cabinet that is a very agreeable Theatre of Grecian and Roman antiquities; there are many Statues, Vases, Urnes, Arms, Precious Stones, antient Moneys, Medals and Rings; in which he is so well studied, that he hath written a Treatise of the antient Moneys of Spain, which passes for exquisite in its kind, and rare in its observations. The first of July having dined at Ofranco we lay at Almunia, seated in a fruitful valley, and yielding a fair prospect on which side soever it is beheld: Saragosa is but nine Leagues from it, and we intended to dine the next day at la Muela, and to arrive before the heat, but unhappily lost our way on a great heath, with­out house, tree, bush, or water; it extended even to the walls of Saragossa, without giving any opportunity to refresh, or to avoid the Suns beams for 5 or 6 Leagues. It fell out well for us, that the day was not excessively hot, so that our sufferings were not extreme, though some of the company were in no little choller, to ride so far without drawing bit, and com­plained no less then if they had traversed the Sands of Libia, but it is folly to be troubled where no remedy can be had, and before our patience was quite tired, half a League short of Saragosa we came to a Brook, where we all [Page 203] alit to refresh our selves, and as nothing seems hard to a sharp hunger, our vehement thirst made that water (none of the best) to be drunk with pleasure: we came at last to Sarragossa the capital City of Arragon, seated in a large­ly extended Plain; it is divided by the River Ebro, but the greatest part of it on the side where we arrived. A little short of it is an old Castle called Alta Feria; with a pitiful graft about it, we were told it had formerly bin a palace of their Kings, and was then of the Inquisition. The Farmer of the Customs had Guards at the Gate, who hearing that our servants followed with our baggage, detained us not long: we de­sired notice might be given them, that they should know where we lodged at the house of one Red­mondon a Merchant, for whom we had Letters of credit; we alit at his house and found him at dinner, he presented us very good Wine, which refreshed us, and restored the vigor the long journey and excessive heat had deprived us of; he afterwards brought us to the best Inn in the Town, where we had a fair and cool room, and to prevent our Valises being de­tained at the Custom-house, whither they must of necessity be brought; I went to speak with the Arrendador-General, and shew him our Pass, which obliged him to be civil and to send us our baggage as soon as it came to him; we tarried here all day to repair our loss of bait­ing at la Muelan; some of the company went to bed, others only casting off their clothes, [Page 204] shifted their Linnen. Monsieur—who ar­rived last, was the most thirsty, though not the most weary, therefore he lay not down; but at his first coming in, drank so much water, and afterwards so much wine to correct its crudity, he became sick, besides too suddain an attempt to quench his thirst; he walked long unbutton­ed, and almost naked, not only about the house, but came to us in slippers and without doublet, where we were on the banks of Ebro that ran behind the Inn, where we sucked a gentle gale that came down the river; on the morrow a Feavor took him which continued 5 or 6 days, and obliged us to tarry 10 in that City: soon after our arrival we visited the Duke of Mon­teleon, Viceroy of this Kingdom; he is one of the greatest Noblemen of Naples, of whom in the last revolution of that City, the Spaniards became jealous, though he had served them ad­vatagiously in the former: that they might no longer fear him they sent for him into Spain, and that they might disguise their distrust, made him Viceroy of Arragon. This Charge is ho­nourable, but not profitable, the King allowing but little, and the Kingdom bringing in less, neither is any thing splendid in his family; we delivered him the Kings Letter, and that of Don Lewis; having read them in our presence, he made us offers of all that lay in his power: he seemed not to us of a Genius much elevated, whither his resentments of the Spaniards ill usage have dejected it, or whither he conceals a part, least ostentation of the whole might be preju­dicial [Page 205] to him. Besides the Viceroy, whose charge ceases every three years; here is a Governour of the City, or rather of the Countrey, since his power is reported principally to extend over it; this Charge is the more considerable because for life.

Though the Viceroyalty and Government of Saragossa are the two great charges of this King­dom, yet no authority is equal to that of the Chief Justice, called El Justicia, to shew that he is to do justice in all and above all: so that he determines of what concerns the King, King­dom, Subjects, Laws and Priviledges: but for the better understanding this, and that which I shall hereafter observe touching the great con­testation here between high powers: it is ne­cessary that I set down what I have been told concerning the Priviledges of this Kingdom.

After the Moors had entred Spain, on occa­sion of the Injuiry done by Don Rodrigo to Comt Don Julian in person of his Daughter, called la Cava, whom he ravished, Arragon was the first Province that freed it self from the yoke of the Infidels, and that finding not only the race, but memory of its ancient Kings total­ly extinct, by it self, made a recovery of its self, to it self, without owning any Sove­raign. But lest they should be a Body without a Head, and that they might enjoy secure repose in their new liberty, they soon after deliberated of electing a King, and cast their eyes on a pri­vate Gentleman called Garcia Ximenez. It must yet be acknowledged that they made him rather [Page 206] Prince or President of their State than their So­veraign; and in imitation of the Spartans, so much limited his authority, that that of Theo­pompus was not more streightned by the Ephori, than that of this King by the rules imposed upon him: and it being very easie to violate the most fundamental Laws of a State, when the supreme power is concerned so to do, if there be none with hazard of his life obliged to watch for their preservation, they established El Justicia, a Ma­gistracy of which I have spoken, that who might fear nothing in the vigorous executing his charge, they ordered he should not be liable to condemnation either in person or goods on what accompt soever, but in the general Assem­bly of Estates called las Cortes, that is the King and Kingdom.

Having thus bound up him they should elect for their King, they made a Law called de la Va­jon, which imported that as soon as the King in­fringed their Priviledges, it should be in their power to elect another, though a Pagan; and in case of wrong to any Vassal or Subject, the No­bility and most considerable of the Realm might assemble to protect him, and hinder any duties to be paid the King, till the party injured were indemnified, and the Priviledge re-established in its former validity. They erected El Justi­cia as Gardian of this Law, (with several others,) who for greater authority sate in a Chair with his hat on his Head, whilst the King bare and on his knees swore their Priviledges between his hands: afterwards they owned him as their [Page 207] King, but in a very grange fashion; for instead of vowing fidelity, they told him nos que valemos tanto como vos os hazemos nuestro Rey y Sennor, con tal que guardeis nuestros fueros y libertades, sino, no: that is, We that are equal to you make you our King and Lord, on condition that you pre­serve our Laws and Liberties, and if not, not. This detestable fashion of owning a King so much disgusted Don Pedro, surnamed the Dagger, that partly by intreaty, partly by intrigue, and offering other Priviledges in the place of it, he caused it to be abolished in an Assembly of the Estates, and as soon as he got the Parchment in which the Law for it was written, voluntarily cutting his hand, he said; that a Law which im­ported that Vassals might elect and limit their King, was to be effaced with the blood of a King. Ley de poder elegir Rey los Vassallos sangre de Rey avia de Costar, these are reported to be the ve­ry words he pronounced, on which occasion the surname of the Dagger was given to him: His Statue is yet to be seen in Saragossa, in the Hall of Deputation, with the Dagger in one hand, and the Priviledge cancelled with his blood in the other. And indeed the sacred blood of Kings can on no accompt be better employ­ed (no not against a forain Enemy) then in sup­pressing such exorbitant Priviledges of Subjects as destroy the very foundation of Monarchy.

Besides the two Priviledges I have mentioned, not at all regarded by later Kings, there is ano­ther still in force called the Law of manifesta­tion: by this every Subject that thinks himself [Page 208] injured either in goods or person, by what Tri­bunal soever, may complain a el Justicia, who is obliged to make an exact enquiry, and cause the Judge that hath given a corrupt sentence to be punished. This City at our being there was much discontented, because endeavours were used to violate this Law. Teo Judges were accused for a Sentence by which a certain Woman thought herself injured, who, according to custome, deputed 500 Crowns, and com­plained of the Judges. The King, the Tribunal d'el Justicia, the Viceroy, the Governor, and some others that sought to augment the Autho­rity of the Prince, and lessen the Kingdoms Priviledges, took these Judges into their prote­ction. The Party grieved finding she could get no remedy, for the wrong she pretended done to her self and the Law, had recourse a las Cor­tes, or the States of the Kingdom, who (though the Inquisition favoured the Judges that were accused) deputed Commissioners called here Judicantes. These are 9 persons drawn from the four Bodies of Arragon, that is the higher Nobility intituled Sennores, the Clergy, the Gen­try called Hidalgos, or Cavalleros, and the Ci­ties. From the first of these Bodies three are taken, and from each of the other two they u­sually make choice of the most illiterate to judge Gown-men, whether that it may be done without partiality, or that their Laws ought to be so plain, that even Peasants and others the most ignorant may understand their equity, and judge if it hath been observed.

[Page 209] These 9 Deputies or Commissaries condem­ned the Judges of injustice, and ordered them to be banished, and their Estates confisca­ted. This Sentence made great noise, and the Viceroy and Governor by order of the Court did their best to hinder its effect, nay the King him­self writ to the Justicia. The People concerned themselves in the business, and Pasquils and Libels were every where cast abroad with mena­ces, should it not be put in execution. Coun­trey people flocked to the Town, entertain­ing themselves only with the violation of their Priviledges. Doubt that this affair going to ex­tremity might cause great disorders, in a time when the War of Catalonia made the People of Arragon more fierce and hardie, caused the Vice­roy and other favourers of the Judges, without any farther unseasonable mention of the Kings pleasure to suffer them to be dismist from their charges, and banished the Town. Were the like practised in all places, there would not be so many sentences given out of favor, passion, and interest, rather than according to law and equi­ty, not distinguishable but in this one part of Europe, where the Judges are reported to trem­ble when they give sentence, fearing it may be their own condemnation, either as to body or goods, if unjust or erroneous in the least. Not­withstanding all this, justice here is soveraign; for though the Judge that hath determined a­miss be punished, the Sentence he hath pro­nounced remains in full efficacy: so that he which accuses his Judge hath only the satisfacti­on [Page 210] of revenge, and serves the Publick rather than himself, by preserving the Peoples Privi­ledges, in prosecuting him that hath done wrong, and putting other Judges in mind of their duties. He that is found to have accused his Judge without cause only loses the 500 Crowns he de­positated, and though it appear he have reason, recovers little more, which in that case is levied on the Estate of the unjust Judge. The banishment of those two Judges freed Saragossa from appre­hension of troubles, the People, by execution of the Sentence, satisfying themselves, that at that time no attempt would be made upon their Pri­viledges.

Had we continued longer at Sarragossa we might have seen a Ceremony observed in be­heading Murtherers; for he which hath slain a man face to face, receives the stroke that beheads him before; but such as treacherously came behind him are punished in the same man­ner: this is only for distinction sake, for pro­bably the blow behind gives less pain to the Criminal than that before. Whilst we sojourn­ed in this Town we received many civilities from Dom Pedro Miranda, born at Oleron in Bearn, and one of the richest Bankers of this Town. We had Letters of credit to him, of which though we made no use, he did us all manner of good offices, every day sending us his Coach, and sometimes accompanying us to what was most remarkable. The Buildings here are large and high, and generally fairer than in Madrid: there is one long and broad Street where the [Page 211] Tour is made as at Madrid in the Calle Major. The most considerable house belongs to the Duke of Villa Hermosa, who pretends to descend from the ancient Kings of Arragon, and thinks they which enjoy the Crown do him wrong.

To speak generally of the humor of the Peo­ple of Arragon, they are no less proud than the Castilians, and value themselves above them and all other of Spain; and it must be granted that they are equal to, and sometimes surpass the most of them in wit, whether applied to good or evil. Their soil is barren, and, ex­cepting some Valleys and such parts to which the waters of Ebro are conveyed by cut Chan­nels to moisten it, all sand, heath and rock, so that it hardly affords corn to sustain its In­habitants. Though so little fertil in fruits it hath ever produced gallant men, and from their first King to Ferdinand they reckon not one that made not himself considerable to his Neigh­bours, either by his wit or courage: that last above all other was so prodigious in the art of reign­ing, and vast ambition ill suited to the narrow limits of his little Kingdom, that he endeavou­red to extend them, and did so even from the foot of the Pireneans to the Streights of Gibralter. That success with some other put him upon the design of an universal Monarchy, and his Successors are still accused to retain the Intrigue and Model of it, which he then impart­ed to his Grandchild, who was to be Heir of so many Provinces, and in his own person unite the many Dominions, that when single had been [Page 212] so formidable to their Neighbours: Besides which he had the wealth of a new World to facilitate his enterprise, and assist towards establish­ing so vast an Empire, as had never been known before. It is true, some of the curious say, that to pretend he had a thought of this, is to accuse him of a Chimera; but that famous Arragonian, who hath given us a contracted draught of his Politicks, tells us Parecieronle a Ferdinando Estre­chos sus hereditarios Reynos de Arragon para sus dilatados desseos, y assi anhelo siempre a la grande­za y anchura de Castilla, y de alli a la Monarquia de toda Espanna y aun a la universal de entram­bos mundos; which is to say, The vast designs of Ferdinando being too much confined in his here­ditary Realms of Arragon; he first aimed at Ca­stille, then at the Monarchy of all Spain, and at last of both worlds. He was not for all this any great Captain; neither was this ambition the ef­fect of valor, living in a time when wit and policy bore more sway then courage. He made use of the politicks of Lewis the XI. of France, the industry of Pope Alexander the VI. the subtilty of Lodowick Storza, Duke of Milan, the vigilance of Henry the VIII. of England, and prudence of the Emperor Maximilian the I. All their dissimulation and all their cunning the put into so good a cruicible, that he separated what was solid from what was airy, discover­ing what was strong and what weak in them, and extracting such an establishment for him­self and successors, that Philip the II had great reason, when looking on his Picture, he said; [Page 213] We owe this man all. Spanish writers are trans­ported when they speak of the grandeur of their Royal Family, some of them even to impi­ety, and a modern Author says of it, Casa que escogio dios en la ley de Gracia, assi como la de Abraham en la Escrita, para Ll [...]marse dios de Austria, Dios de Rodolpho, de Philippo e de Ferdi­nando. A Family elected by God in the new Law, as the seed of Abraham in the old, that he might call himself the God of Austria, the God of Rodolphus, of Philip, and of Ferdi­nand.

But to return to the people, amongst whom this dextrous Prince was born, and whom the Polititians equalize to Tiberius and Lewis the XI of France, for a third Idol of their Ragione di Stato; I must add, that they are nothing hos­pitable nor civil to strangers. Their lofty humour is not allaied with so much affibility as that of the Castilians, and it is from this Province, that the Highway-men they call Vandaleros spred themselves even into Castille, making the Roads very unsafe; perhaps, by reason of its being so near a neighbor to the war, its inhabitants in­cline more to Arms then other Spaniards; the Gentry certainly pretends to an effectual Gallantry, by continual protestations, they are ambitious of nothing so much as drawing their swords in their Kings service: neither are they free from the Rodomontados natural to all Spaniards, and I was told that a young Gentleman having mounted himself, with all advantages his purse would reach to, to go in­to [Page 214] to Cat [...]lonia, and serve a Campagnia, pleased him­self above a Month in riding about the streets of Saragossa, sometimes on one horse, sometimes on another; and meeting any that commended his Horses, his Arms, or his own activity; he asked whither with such an equipage and arms as his, it were not easie to draw the Frenchmens teeth: con estas armas y esto Brao no se sacaran las muelas a los Gavachos? He no sooner arrived in Cata­lonia, but he met an opportunity of shewing his courage, but was so unfortunate, he was at first wounded both in his arm and leg, which last was for ever lamed, and he ever since called the Tooth-drawer. In the mean time if the war have in some manner incomoded this kingdom, it hath made it richer, for the passage of the forces and rendezvous of Ammunition have caused the Kings money to Roll up and down in its chief Cities; and having particular privi­ledges, and not governing it self according to the Courts Orders, but its own customs, not­withstanding the war with France, it ever kept up a Trade beyond the Mountains; and the Merchants of Oleron, Tholouse, and other parts of Bearn and Languedoc, pass and repass free­ly, as well to Saragossa as the adjacent quar­ters, nay the greatest part of the Banquiers of Saragossa are of those Countries. It is true they are concerned to make no noise of this, nor to do any thing that may give the least occasion of f [...]lling upon them; for being known to be rich, Justice looks on them as a prey she would be glad to have pretence to seise on. Don Pedro Mi­randa [Page 215] is one of the most splendid of these, and best supported, having married a Wife very well allied in this Country. He is the most curious person in Saragossa, and by every Ordinary re­ceives the Gazets of Paris, and other written in­telligence, but communicates them not except to particular friends. He told us that at the time of the Siege of Arras, there came an Order from Madrid to the Magistrate of this Town, to make preparations for a publick rejoycing for taking a place of so great importance. None doubting to hear very sodainly of its surrender, Scaffolds were begun to be erected for a fight of Bulls; before which were half finished, Miran­da by a particular Letter understood that Arras had been relieved: but not daring to publish such bad news, he (with admiration) saw that work go on, yet could not imagine but the Vice­roy and other of the principal Inhabitants had the same intelligence with him, though they pre­pared for a triumph before a Victory. A while after, and when all was ready for the Festival, the Viceroy received a Letter from Madrid that the Siege of Arras had failed, who sending for the Governor and Magistrates of the Town, when he shewed them his Letter, they were not a little surprised, and for their better satisfaction summoned Miranda, who acknowledged that besides that one of his correspondents in Paris had acquainted him with it eight dayes before, he had then with the Gazets, received a Print which gave all the particulars. One of the Ma­gistrates grew very angry and ready to af­front [Page 216] him, that he had not advertised them to prevent the unnecessary charge, and their being laughed at by the people, threatning that he should be made to pay the four or five hundred pound it had cost the Town. But the Viceroy, and such as were more moderate, pacified that man, and sent away Miranda without ever after troubling him about it. The people in the mean time seemed more concerned for pulling down the Scaffolds erected for the Festival, than for the failing in recovery of Arras.

After we had sojourned eight dayes at Sara­gossa and resolved to return into France rather by Navarre than Catalonia, where, as was re­ported, was neither safety nor convenience for travailers, we took leave of the Duke of Mon­telion, who gave us a Letter for the Earl of St. Stephen, Viceroy of Navarre: the 10th of July we went away, and lodged at Halagon, a poor Village. A Factor of Miranda called Bertrand served us as Guide in this Journey, and we had in our company a Spaniard, a man of parts and good fellow according to that Countries mode. He travailed in a very pleasant equipage; ac­cording to the faishon of Spain; his Valisa he carried before him on the pummel of his Saddle, leaning upon it, at each side and on his thighs hung his Wallet of provisions, instead of Hol­sters two leathern Cases contained two bottles of wine, cooled by ice he put in every time he filled them: for which reason such cases of lea­ther are called Refread [...]res. Every league or half league he drew out a bottle, and very civilly in­vited [Page 217] us to refresh our selves with his wine, which when we excused he made use of Ber­trand (better accustomed to such debauches than we) to bear him company. He told us many pleasant stories, but I have forgot all but two gallantries of the Duke of Ossuna, so fa­mous for wit and humour, when Viceroy of Na­ples. One day, he said, to revenge himself of a Widow that had been something cruel to him, and who, he yet knew, was not so to every body, he caused a certain Frier suspected to be well with her, and that was believed the con­solation of her Widowhood, to be watched: As soon as he knew he was in her house, he came, and with his Gards invested it, command­ding the door to be opened, for a search that was important to the Kings service: it was late in the night, yet the Servants were so much sur­prised, that they let him in whilest the Monk was with their Lady, without giving her any notice. He tarried rallying with her all night, and about 8 in the morning caused the reverend Frier to be taken up behind a Trooper, a Trumpet going before, which was to make a stand at every turn­ing, and after sounding to point him out and say: whoever stand in need of a Frier to comfort Widows at midnight, let them address themselves to this Gallant, and they shall be accommodated; afterwards he sent from Cloyster to Cloyster to enquire which of them had lost a Frier, and when discovered, returned him to his Abbot, who was to be intreated at his going to bed to take with him the Key of that good fellows Cell, least [Page 218] he might wander another time. His other sto­ry was, that three Curtesans living at Naples so excessively proud they hardly bowed when they met him, he caused them one day to be invited to a Collation; they failed not to come drest to all advantages, but with difference, as well in that as in their beauties, though alike proud; so that they played the Queens with this Viceroy, who received them very civily; but perceiving they became nothing more humble, be obliged them to undress themselves on pre­tence of heat, and being two much streightned in their clothes, afterwards causing many Com­fits to be scatte [...]ed in the Chamber, he made them gather them up without quitting their Chioppins, whilst with a Trunck he shot the sugar pellets sometimes at one, some­times at another. The Father of this Spaniard had been the Dukes Servant, and he told us ma­ny such tales, which I shall not trouble my self to repeat, they not deserving it no more then these, which I have set down only to dis­cover the Genius of this Nation, very much ta­ken with trifles and frothy relations. Besides such Gallant Stories which they call Dounosas, or conceits, they have others that they stile He­roick, amongst which are reckoned all the Sen­tences of Ferdinand, Apothegms of Charles the fifth, and Reparties of Philip the second: those of Charles the fifth they say imply Courage, of Philip the second Prudence, of Philip the third Piety, and of Philip the fourth Love; but their greatest esteem is for those of Philip the second, [Page 219] whom they take to have been a Prince of the quickest and sublimest fancy: amongst many o­ther testimonies of which, they with admiration report this of his wit and liberality. A certain Por­tughese having brought to his Court a Diamond of great value, immediately looked on by the Courtiers as the richest Miracle the East had ever produced, he not at all moved, beheld it with in­difference, which the Portughese perceiving, said, Sennor setenta mille ducados que abrevie en este dig­no nieto del sol no son de asquear: Sir, seventy thou­sand Ducats which I have contracted in this wor­thy ofspring of the sun are not contemptible; the King pleased in his confidence, asked what he thought when he laid out so much upon it, and the crafty Portughese answered. That there was a Philip the second. This sublety or flattery was so agreeable, that Gracian who relates it in his Hero, adds that the King immediately not only paid for the Diamond▪ but gave him more. Ostendando (sayes he) la superioritad de su gusto en el precio y en el premio, manifesting the height of his satisfaction in the price and in the reward. The jollity of this Spaniard, who travalled to Biscai, hath made me forget to follow my own way; but having omitted nothing of what I saw or heard, the follies I have now set down may pass amongst the rest. He will give me no farther occasion of digression; for we parted at Tudela, a pretty Town, but as standing on the Frontiers of Castile, Arragon, and Biscay, a Nest of Rogues and Banditi, that have forsaken their Country to escape the punishment due to [Page 220] their crimes; yet in some parts of it there are fair buildings, which makes us believe it is inha­bited by some people of quality amongst the exiles. At our going away the Guards pretend­ed to stop us, but seeing our Passport durst not persist. We were told that the Cardinal de Rets, after he had escaped out of France, passing from St. Sebastians to the Kingdom of Valentia, where he intended to embark for Italy, was stayed and very streightly garded in this City. He came in a Litter with a small Train, and the Alcalde who was then walking on the Bridge, sent to demand who he was, but he unwilling to be known, refused to tell his name and quality, upon which the Alcalde set a Guard upon him in the Inn where he alighted. This surprised him, and he knew not what to think of such usage in a Countrey where he thought he had secured the liberty lately recovered, and that he should not have lost it as soon as he began to rellish it: he therefore dispatched one of his Servants to Pampeluna, with a letter of his arri­val to the Viceroy, desiring him to punish the insolence of that Judge, and deliver him out of his hands: The Alcalde in the mean time sent to the Viceroy and Council of Navarre a formal Narrative of what he had done, accord­ing to the duty of his place, hoping so to avoid the blame might be laid upon him; for having acted rather on account of humor and curiosity, then reason and judgment: then he had no other advantage by his Letter, than the preventing the Cardinals enlargement one day, because the [Page 221] Viceroy was obliged to assemble the Council of Navarre, where the punishment of the Alcaldes insolence was resolved on, and he turned out of his place, and for some time banished the Town, where the Cardinal as soon as known received many civilities, and at his going away was at­tended by the principal Inhabitants with all re­spect and honour. At that time came news that the French had stormed the lines, and beaten the Spaniards from before Arras, but he maintained so effectually that this was impossible, that he left in all places where he came a contrary impressi­on, which continues still amongst those people. Pedro Miranda, or some that belonged to him, being then at Tudela, shewed him Letters of it received from Paris, but he persisted. One may easily perceive he endeavoured to cajole the Spaniards by this flattery, not at all con­cerned that time would destroy it▪ provided it obtained him the better reception in his passage, and made them sensible that he had intirely en­gaged himself in their interests.

The 12th of July we dined at Laborosso, and traversed Olitor, where the antient Kings of Na­varre kept their Court and something of their Palace still remains, though the Town be now a miserable Place, ruined by warrs between the true Inheritors of the Crown, and such as inva­ded them: we lay at Tessalia, a good Town, and its Territory more fertil than the rest we had passed. Next day we came to Pampeluna, the capital City of that Kingdom, it stands at the end of a large Plain that seems but barren; [Page 222] it is near the Pireneans, yet out of command of any eminence. Its Citadel, so famous in the world, looks towards the Plain, and is on one side environed by a great Marais. The Town is not considerably fortified, and the ground it stands on hath many little risings and descents scarcely perceptible: there is a large Piazza where the Bulls are fought. The people are clownish, much addicted to small Traffick, which they free­ly enough exercise with France, and as if there were no war between the two Crowns: We ar­rived at the end of a Fair, and met many French Merchants: we tarried here three dayes as well because of the indisposition of my Lord— not well recovered of the Fevor he got at Sara­gossa as that one of our horses were lame. The mean while we visited the Earl of St. Stephen, Viceroy and Captain General of this Kingdom▪ and delivered him the Letter we brought for him; he is a little man very civil, and no less cu­rious of all rarities. He received us well, and ordered the Captain of his Guards to shew us the Citadel in the afternoon. Between the Town and Citadel is a spacious place set with trees for Walks: it hath five Bastions, and was built by Philip the second with a great deal of consideration, as a strong Rampier against France: the Bastions are covered with Stone, the Grafts large, in most parts of them water; it hath no Outworks, neither doth it need any, because of the Marais on that side where it may most easily be attacked: it stands on a Rock, but though the most important place of the King­dom, [Page 223] and the only one that can hinder the French from marching to Madrid, after they have passed the Pyreneans, it is not well looked after. The works in many places want repara­tions, and the Garrison is very inconsiderable, there being few Souldiers, for want of which the Country people are to come in on the first summons: of whom they then had sent for a good number, and mixed them with the Soul­diers, that we might not perceive that want: but we could easily distinguish, so little had they the meen of Sword-men, some of them not wearing any, and parading with a Musket only, or an old Pike, which they handled so ill, it ap­peared they were more accustomed to the Pitch­fork. The Body of the place is well designed, for in the middle of the Bracks where the Soul­diers lodge, there is a great round place to draw up in Battaglia, from whence by five broad streets they may march streight to the five Bastions.

They shewed us the Magazins not very well furnished either with ammunition or victual, and a very fair Towr built to keep powder, of which it is altogether unprovided, and serves for a pri­son for greatest Criminals; they shewed a very fine Handmill for turning which they may also make use of horses. It is the best Engin in its kind that I have seen, it hath 4 or 5 Wheels and as many Bins, in each of which they said they could in one day grind 24 load of Corn: but this I thought impossible. I told them that so great a Body composed of so many different pieces, could hardly move long without being disor­dered, [Page 224] and consequently uselese, and that unless the Artist that made it lasted as long as the Mill, nothing amiss in it could be amended, because I took it to be a particular invention, and that none but himself knew the Fabrick, and all the Springs, so as to set them right when broken; but they replied they successivly kept one that understood it, who, that they might never be de­stitute, still taught some Apprentice. Here are two or three Ponds, as they say, derived from Springs. There were not many Sentries on the Rampart, nor at the Canon. It hath a particu­lar Governor, that immediately depends on the King: He was absent, but we were very civily received by his Lieutenant, who after he had led us about the Walls gave us a Collation; his frankness pleased us, and we perceived that as by degrees we got farther from the Gravity of Castile, and severity of Arragon, as little open to one another as to Strangers, we approached a more sociable Country.

Nothing else being to be seen in the Castle, that we might not trespass on the Lieutenants civility, nor tire that of the Viceroys Captain of his Gard, we took leave of the first, expressing our satisfaction in his reception, and went with the other to our Coach. Next day we returned thanks to the Viceroy, and finding him at leisure, had opportunity to discourse with him more particularly than at our first visit. Be­ing a knowing person, and one of the Councils of State and Warre, he presently fell upon the [Page 225] Government of the Low-Countries, making it appear he understood those affairs very well. He told us afterwards that the Earl of Pigne­randa was his near Kinsman, and we could do no less than express the esteem we had for so ac­complished a person one of the ablest Ministers of Spain, and to whom we had especially been recommended; so we took our leaves. The 15th in the Morning when we were about to take horse, that we might get that night to the last Village of the King of Spains Dominions in the upper Navarre, a Servant of the Viceroys Cap­tain of his Guards came to enquire, if his Ma­sters Gloves, which he thought he left in our Chamber the day before, had been found: we ordered search to be made every where, and sent him with my Lord—s valet de Chambre; but having long looked for what had never been lost he went away, and by his meen and com­portment made us well enough comprehend, he came not on that account, but to try, if we would send him some pairs of those perfumed ones we had in our Valises, and that were mentioned in our Passes: but none being deafer than they which will not hear, we let him go, without seeming to understand him. But this served not our turn; for thinking we were not ingenious enough to do so, he sent back his man with a very bad compliment, in plain terms to beg de los no­stros guantes de Ambar. We were amazed at this, and our Valises being on the Horses, and our selves ready to mount, let him see how trouble­some it would be to take them off, and open [Page 226] them, but that if he pleased we would write to our Merchant in Madrid to send him as many pair as he desired. We thus freed our selves with all dexterity possible, not thinking we had done any thing contrary to civility, since he that demands too boldly, and without consideration, ought to take to himself the greatest part of the shame of a refusal Having thus got out of Pam­pelone, we took the great Road of the Pyreneans that leads to France. We were not far from the Town ere we began to ascend a hill, and before we came to the next Village met some Souldiers that belonged to the Garrison of the Castle, who begged, which surprised me, for though the King of Spain wants money, yet he never med­dles with the forty thousand Crowns they say the Kingdom of Navarre brings up, and I have been assured that all that is levied, though it exceed the sum I have spoken of, remains in the Coun­try to pay the Viceroy, who hath a Salary of 10 thousand Crowns (though he of Arragon hath but six) for the entertainments of a President and six Counsellors, and maintaining his Forts and Garisons.

They which know this kingdom, averr that the King of Spain receives no advantage from it, besides the securing and extending his fron­tiers, even to the Pyreneans, the true and na­tural barricade God hath placed between France and Spain: yet were the Taxes levied here as in Castille, he might draw something. But the priviledges the people of Navarre reser­ved to themselves, and the consideration that [Page 227] if they should rebel, they might possibly re­turn to the obedience of their natural Prince, for whom yet they have inclinations, son is the reason they are not pressed with Taxes; so that the certainest Leavies for sup­port of the publick charge come from the Cu­stome, and are reported to be 24 thousand Crowns; but the avarice and deceit of those that finger the Money, raised there for main­taining the Garisons that ought to be better paid then any others in Spain, reduce the poor soldiers to beggery, and cause the Kings ser­vice to be so much neglected, that were an Army sent thither, it would probably make ve­ry great progression. It is true, that if we except the inconveniences they would give the King of Spain, there is not expectation enough of advantages from that Quarter to cause the best Troops to be sent thither, which might more profitably be imployed in Flanders, Mi­lan, or Catalonia.

Before our arrival at Burguette, we rather baited then dined at a pitiful village, where the Guardian looked on our Passes with a great deal of civility, and discoursed with us of the times in which he had served in Flanders un-Marquis Spinola. Having traversed Woods, Hills, and Valleys with sometimes good sometimes bad way; we arrived in the evening at the Plain of Roncevalles, famous for the great battle Charle­main, fought, and lost in it, against the Sarazens. My Lords—and—spurring on, got to Burguette before it was dark: They had much [Page 228] ado to find lodging, and were fain to adress themselves to the Justice, who ordered them to be entertained in the house where we pas­sed the night. The next day being the 6th of Iuly, without much suffering by heat in so wide a Plain, encompassed by the Pyreneans, we tra­versed it, and by some Merchants of Oleron that often pass it, were shewed the place where the battle was fought; here said they Roland was killed, notwithstanding the force of his Lance; where this Cross stands, died the brave Renaldo, and had we been curious of all that tradition, true or false, had taught them, I believe they would have pointed out to us where every one of the 12 Peers of France fell, and perhaps have shewed us some of their blood, for that of Hero's never perishes, and they went about to perswade us, that one place is still Red with it; but we, whose curiosity never went so low as to busie it self about dumb objects, look­ed on those things only as we passed by, and went not a step out of our way to taste the air where they said so great persons had rendred, or vomited, the prodigious souls that ani­mated bodies ranked amongst the antient Gi­ants. Spurred on by impatience to be quickly beyond the Pyreneans, we hasted over this Ro­mantick or Historical Valley; Coming to the end of it, we found a Mountain, to whom it gives the name of Roncevalles; we were told this was the highest of the Pyreneans, yet there was no snow on the top of it, though most of the other on our right hand had hoary heads; [Page 229] but notwithstanding this, it seemed to approach nearer Heaven then those that wore its Livery; and that it changed colour betimes, and in the beginning of the Summer, by reason of the seas neighbourhood; the acrimony of whose vapors aids to melt and dissipate its snow sooner then that of such as are more remote. When we were at the heighth of the Mountain of Ron­cevalles, Egregia contemplatione pavimus animum; and we paused to consider, on the one hand Spain, that we had just then abandoned, and on the other France, which we were about to en­ter. The first seemed a scorched Campania, where the bald Mountains discovered only na­ked Rocks, and concealed few Plains or Vallies that bore grass, or any thing else that is useful. The later on the contrary presented us a Gar­den, where Nature had disposed eminencies and depressions, Plains, Hills, Woods, and Valleys, to boast variety on a fair Theater of universal fertility, so plentiully sowed, that the Land we saw, though none of the best of France, was surprizingly delightful, as soon as compared with that we had left. To conclude, without hyperbole or exaggeration, and in a plain man­ner of describing things as they really are, I must declare, that contemplating two so differ­ent objects; me thought that in the one the day of judgement would find little unburnt; and that in the other▪ the flames which shall cele­brate the worlds Funeral, would be last extin­guished, because it seemed the fire of Heaven had already fallen on the first, and almost rost­ed [Page 230] it; and that to the other, it had imparted only a cherishing warmth to animate it: and the Italian perhaps had reason, who vexed at the Doctors that disputed about the seat of Pur­gatory, said, he wondred men of learning should be so ignorant, for had they understood Maps, they would have placed that of Europe in Spain, and that of Africk in Lybia. I shall not determine whither he spoke sense, or raved, but only add, that what I have said of the dif­ference of these two prospects; takes not off my esteem for Spain, nor hinders my admi­ring the wisdom, temperance, prudence, and o­ther moral and political virtues, that are emi­nent in the greatest part of the men it produ­ces: it is not therefore out of contempt of the one, or too elevated an Idea of the other, that I register the difference I observed: I know very well that the fattest soils are not ever most beneficial, neither do they always produce the greatest personages. The ablest of all the Gre­cians was born amongst the rocks of Ithaca; and in Provence there is a certain nook, called la Crau, covered with Flint, whith its Lord will not exchange for any other that abounds with Fruits and Flowers, because in that very seat of barrenness there grows an herb of such vir­tue, that one twig of it is worth many handfuls of those of the most luxurious meddows; this makes appear, that fruits of perfectest savor often abound in the defectiv'st foils, and that though Spain be lean and dry, she is yet strong and vigorous: and experience teaches, that the [Page 231] Spaniards are stouter and more capable of great fatique, then such as are born in more pleasant and plentiful Countreys, and even amongst themselves, the most couragious Races flourish amongst Rocks and Mountains, and in the sandiest Provinces; the other being inhabited by per­sons neither of so warlike spirits, nor elevated fancies, pusillanimity being almost always the companion of fertility; and the Romans were scarce ever more put to it, then in the conquest of this nation; its invincible courage, the dif­ficulty of passage, scarsity of Provisions, and ex­cess of heat, predominating, almost through the whole peninsula, resisted them Sixscore years; neither could it in less time be overcome in our age, were it still as populous as formerly.

But ere I give over, and that I may do Spain right before I loose the sight of it; I must ob­serve that this sterility and penury objected a­gainst it, is not caused so much by the default (if I may so speak) of the Countrey, as by that of its inhabitants; were they more industrious, and instead of feeding themselves with smoak and vanity in their wretched Cabins, tilled bet­ter their Land, and contemned not mechanick Arts, she would be a liberal mother of all things necessary for life, whither to cloath or feed them, and they might have Corn, Wine, Oyl, and all manner of fruits, to suffice them, without being beholding to their neighbors; and did they understand Husbandry, or would apply themselves to it, it would maintain them in such abundance, that not only the more fertile [Page 232] Provinces would supply the sterility of some that are barrener, but they might vent part to for­rainers, wools of Segovia, Silks of Grenada, Cor­dovans of Ciudad Rodrigo; the Flax and Hemp of Andalusia; the Iron and Copper of Biscai, with many other rich dispoils of its Cattle, Land, and Mines, might croud its Cities with Artifi­cers, and fill them with the best manufactures of Europe; but they send these abroad unwrought, which when Forrainers have metamorphosed and disposed to humane use, part return to them from those who double the money they first paid for them.

I have now passed the Pyreneans, and top of the high mountain that separates France from Spain, and whilst I contemplated those two great Kingdoms, having ventured to compare their Climates, and contract as in one mass all the remarks of my journey; I will conclude by setting against each other the customs and po­liticks of this neighbouring people; no less con­trary then the motions that cause fire to mount and earth to descend. Whilst I stayed at Madrid I used my utmost endeavor to discover; if the antipathy reported to be so natural and recipro­cal, were really and substantially as strong as it seems, and is imagined; but I found that the contrariety attributed to their humors, and com­portment, whither publick or private, proceeds rather from several tempers and Genius's, then any true and real antipathy that renders the French more incompatible with Spaniards, then with Englishmen, Germans, Italians, or any o­ther [Page 233] nations every one of which hath its parti­cular character and specifick impression, as well in body as mind, which may (if I be permitted the expression) be called its principle of distin­ction. If besides this common and general vari­ety, proceeding from the Air we first breath, there be any more express and formal between one people and another; it is caused by some accidents, conjunctures or other circumstances, which as to contempt and hatred have the same influence on nations as on particular persons, who (that excepted) have no more of contrari­ety then two Rivers that run different courses, and ever follow their Channel with equal in­clination, though not always with the same im­petuosity. This granted, I averre, that besides competition of power and State of Rivalship, in which these people have so long continued, and which have been animated by many wars and differences not yet reconciled or ended, no an­tipathy can be observed between them, more then each of them hath with all others: and when these considerations have bern removed, and the causes of aversion of State for State, and publick animosities have ceased they have lived as well one with another, as either of them hath done with other forrainers. My self have seen very many French inhabiting Madrid, and Sa­ragossa, who not concerning themselves in the interest of their Countrey, agree very well with the Spaniards; and the Catalonians and Portu­gueses give convincing testimonies of this ve­rity▪ All the world knows that these renoun­cing [Page 234] the Catholick Kings Dominion, and abju­ring, with the fealty they owed him, all the mi­steries of the Spanish Monarchy, there followed so great confidence and correspondence between them and France, that notwithstanding diffe­rence of humors, they have reciprocally been as well received and looked upon at Paris and Lisbon as they could be at Stockholme or War­sovia, where I suppose no man will imagin any antipathy for either of them: the former of these wheeled a little more, and cast themselves into the arms of France, the difference of cu­stomes and inclinations not preventing their corresponding as well as Spaniards, Neapolitans and Flemings. It is only since that emulation of glory, which beg [...]n with the advancement of the Spanish Empire under Ferdinand, increased under the Charles the fifth, and continued un­der his Successors, that these people cannot brook one another either in publick or particu­lar, and that have added to the difference of their tempers and natures, a spirit of envy, ha­tred, and contempt, which make them incom­patible. For one of them is not only reserved and speculative, but impatient of the gay and sociable humor of the other; one of them is not only slow and dilatory, but cannot suffer the others activity and brisk temper; one of them is not only satisfied to walk as if he counted his steps, but cannot abide the others negligent and interrupted gate: one of them does not only salute by leaning backwards, but scoffs at the o­ther when he bows to do it. In a word one of [Page 235] them hath neither humor nor custom that dis­pleases not the other, and which he blames not out of the principles of jealousie and ambition I have formerly mentioned.

These different qualities caused and height­ened by that emulation of grandeur, and thirst of precedence, that hath so long tormented them, and cost Christendom so much blood, are the sourses of the diversity of their Politicks. Not­withstanding all which one of them sometimes borrows something of the nature and qualities of the other, and imitates some of its most sub­til tracings; but the hand and pencil ever differ: neither is it possible so to settle other mens clothes on our own backs, that it will not be dis­covered they were not made for us. There is ever something in their manner of acting, which makes apparent its principles are no more the same then its agents. They which have read the famous contest between Pope Paul the fifth and the Venetians, and observed the forms and ends of those great Potentates, for glory and interest, may find a manifest proof of this verity. It is most certain that in their Politicks they now and then tread in one anothers footsteps; but it is more so, that their pace is never equal which way soever they go. Spain is represent­ed in a Chariot, seated on a Throne of Tortois-shell, drawn by Remora's, who in tedious tra­versing vast spaces of time, lose many opportu­nities: yet her extraordinary patience and close application to the game, with her skill in pack­ing the Cards, oftentimes disturbs the designes of [Page 236] the craftiest Gamesters. When at more violent exercises she never stumbles by too much haste, she waits the rebound of the ball, and if she misses it, is satisfied to have judged it well, and not to have lost her stroke by precipitation, and giving it before it came to ground. By a vast speculation she embraces the whole extent of an object, discovers the most minute parts of it, all its joynts and muscles; and if she makes not her self Mistress of it, it is never because she mistook the most advantageous part of lay hold on, but because too intent in studying the hour and moment, which either passes over, or is snatched away whilst she waits for it, or delibe­rates on it.

It must be acknowledged that this misfortune doth not often happen to her in her Council-Chamber, nor in such affairs as depend on ne­gotiations only. Of all parts of the art of go­verning she succeeds best in this, where her con­siderations fixed on all circumstances are very happy, here she makes appear the ingenious Fabrick of those artificial Springs which give motion to a slow and circumspect proceeding, that secures her of a good effect in what ever she hath leisure and time to manage. But in the field, and affairs of warre, where she hath nei­ther time nor liberty to comply with a long and mature deliberation, such occasions as can­not easily suffer this, and where oppor­tunity must be anticipated, and more usually left to hazard and fortune, than to prudence and reason, she hath not the like advantage, and of­ten [Page 237] comes so short in her reckoning, that she sees her most important designes perish because begun too late, and her self deceived in the hour she destined for their bringing forth. I will not be busie about examples of this truth; for, besides the Siege of Mastricht, (the opportuni­ty of raising which she lost by delaying to un­dertake it as soon as it was begun, and where she pretended so much to force and Council, that she at last employed neither the one nor the o­ther, but in order to receiving a more publick affront) the late warrs might furnish us testimo­nies so well known to all the world, that it were to no purpose to insert them here.

But I will add that this gravity, and two great circumspection, which sometimes makes the Spaniards fall by endeavouring to fix their feet more steadily, is in a manner recompensed by a very considerable quality, which is an extraor­dinary constancy after misfortunes that have been almost destructive to her, and an incessant perseverance with indefatigable vigor to pursue all advantages after good success. If we consider the rude trials of this to which she hath been exposed by insurrections of so many people, re­volt of one of her richest Provinces, and separa­tion of a Kingdom; if we observe the great shocks she hath received both by land and sea, from the Armies of so many Princes allied a­gainst her, and examine the many Battails she hath lost, we shall find cause enough of admira­tion that she is still on her feet, and that it is a grandeur altogether peculiar to that Nation, to [Page 238] endure, so much without fainting, and that no other stomach could digest so many hard mor­sel without loss of appetite: that any thing of which remains is alone to be imputed to that gentle and natural heat which acts without pre­cipitation, and suffers without alteration what it can neither concoct nor evacuate, casting it on time and a more favourable conjuncture: I mean that her policies are so pliable and con­stant, that if her expedients and power often fail, her heart never does so, though contem­plating her condition, she hath nothing many times to comfort her, but patience, and such o­ther vertues as she ever makes use of both in Field and Cabinet, how low soever. Neither hath she been wont to give ove a loser, how unfortunate soever, seldom abandoning the gave and hope of revenge. Though she lately con­sented to the liberty of the United Provinces, and renounced her right to dispute it, it was not till after a war of fourscore years, nor without that absolute necessity which obliges of two evils to choose the least, so that we cannot inferre from it she was sick at heart, nor that she often regorges what she hath once swallowed. And perhaps if she ever disengages her self from the many tyes that restrain her, and gets leisure to make a free use of her power and wisdom, it will appear she laied not aside the Cards, but because she had too many Gamesters upon her hand, and that she will reassume them with this protestati­on, that there is no prescription to Soveraigns; and that the solemnest Othes, if contrary to [Page 239] those of their Coronation oblige them not, and that there may as well happen to them as to the honest Casuist, a certain apprehension that may dispense with their making good their pro­mise.

If we consider on the other side (to return to what I have said of the equality of their vigour in prosperity) how we [...] the Spaniards under­stand to make use of the favours of fortune, and all their advantages, when heaven hath compli­ed with that circumspection and remote fore­sight according to which they act, we must needs acknowledge all other policies come short of theirs, being boldest, activest, and most vigilant after good success, that best pursue the gain of a battail, and carefullest secure a Town after its surrender, that most aptly impose fetters on Peo­ple they have conquered, or reduced to their ancient subjection, if straied from it; and that bet­ter than any other accommodate to their own interests, those of the Princes allied with them; (in a word) that after victory are more solicitous to gather all the fruits that can be derived from it, and draw all the good consequences it can possibly afford. Others in prosperity languish, and their industry stackens after conquest, chu­sing rather to enjoy the fruits of their good for­tune, than to make an advantageous use of it, and to lose the honor and profit of their great­est actions, then not to repose and take breath at the end of the course. Such politicks belong only to those that have better arms then heads, and that value not the Prise so much as the [Page 240] Race, nor Crowns and Triumphs as Battails and Victories; I mean that preferre the way before the end, and great actions above the felicities they lead to.

To the two high advantages I have mention­ed of the Spanish Politicks, derived from the great circumspection that attends them, a third may be added, which is that whensoever they have any design in hand, they can so secretly give it maturity, that nothing is discovered of it till at once it surprises and ashonishes. They work under ground, and with much care that nothing of their design takes vent, least which may be discovered by their meen & countenance they counterfeit sleep when most awake, at Sen­try, and ready to discharge, and (though at other times very jealous of reputation) are not then displeased to have their power decried, nor to be accused of weakness, that such erroneous judgment may cause their enemies so much to neglect standing on their Gard, they may take them unprovided and overthrow those that think them to be in a condition neither to attacque, nor defend themselves. Shadowed by such secresie, and secured by such artifice, they have some­times very sodainly advanced, and passing by the conquest of all Sicilia, it is known that in our daies they have successfully done this, and when least apprehended appeared before Tarra­gon and Lerida with more forces then they were thought to be Masters of. In a word they have ever been secret to admiration and so excellent­ly practised in that politick dissimulation, so use­full [Page 241] in governing, and that can so well aid it self with disguise, that they have often by it ob­tained such effects, as by force they could never have arrived at. And when these little Max­ims fail of success in warr, they have recourse to Treaties and Conferences, where they so dexterously make use of them, that in one ma­ner or other they gain all advantages can be ex­pected from them. On account of which I must needs take notice, that they obtain the better in Negotiations, by means alone of that flegma­tick and extraordinary patience, that tires and quenches the heat of other people, leading them about through so many labyrinths, that at last weary of conferring so long, and concluding nothing, they comply with part of what is de­sired, and perhaps in conclusion yield to the rest, so to purchase that repose Spain seems so un­willing to grant them, because sensible of their weakness, and that they pursue with impatience whatsoever they have once hoped for.

Thus by a judicious obstinacy they oftentimes overcome the greatest opposition against what they design, and by compliance possess them­selves of what they cannot obtain by contesta­tion.

But to stay no longer on consideration of Po­licies that have within themselves turnings and windings very particular, I will only add that it is conceived something might be amended in their Catholicon, I mean in that excess of zeal, real or pretended, they make appear in matters of Religion. It is very evident that this fire [Page 242] sometimes warms Spain to its prejudice, and may sooner consume her, than convince those she would by it win to her interests: And no less known that the Popes are not kinder to her on this account, but suspect her passion for the Church of an humane infirmity, that stretches toward heaven only to grow higher upon earth: and that she gains no friends intirely, but a share only of their inclinations, by those wayes that make her real enemies, that have a perfect hatred and aversion for her. In a word her con­stant designe, and to which she seems engaged as by oath not to suffer Protestants in her Do­minions, and to persecute them in their own, is a state secret that hath been so well examined by Catholicks, that its true price and value is sufficiently understood by them, and no less by those against whom it is directed, which causes them to apprehend, that on such specious principles, she engages to their ruine, to satisfie her ambition, and that high aim of which she is accused, by uniting in one body so many dif­ferent Dominions, to become head of Christen­dom. In the mean time the present composure of Europe, and form of the establishment of Christianity considered, she ought to cast off this thought, and recollect that the two parties into which it is divided, are almost equal, and if they should come to a shock with the Body of their Forces, victory would a long time hover incer­tain which side to take, and perhaps not hers, though seconded by all the Roman Legions. She ought to understand her Catholicon to be but [Page 243] a thin visard to her Ragione di stato that it hath often discovered the secret, which hath been known every where; and to examine how small the advantages are of following Maxims that ex­asperate one party, and gain not the other. My meaning, is she should confine her self within the limits of temporal interest, without mixing Re­ligion with it, which descended not from heaven to destroy Society, and that it will nothing avail her to make so many signes of the cross, against Protestants. Let her therefore permit them to live, and living with them make them under­stand, she hath absolved her self from that vow (at least if there were any such) which obliged her on all occasions to endeavour their destru­ction and that of their Church. From such a change of conduct she would derive two great advantages, for she would be more considerable at Rome by seeming less attached to the interests of that Court, and more redoubted by France, by diverting part of the inclination of those of the Reformed Religion, which it believes it self alone possesses, with exclusion of all other Ca­tholick Princes, never giving testimonies of open hatred, nor persecuting with fire and fagot, that which ought to be the object only of prayer and perswasion.

Having drawn some lines of the nature and qualities of the Spanish policies, it remains that I give such a draught of those of the French, as may discover part of their extent and Forces, that by comparing them we may judge which is like­ly to get the better of its rival: The later are [Page 244] so variable, and of a form so transient, that hours and moments, which ever fly, have no swifter revolution; and the former are as con­trary, and appropriated to fixation; it is very difficult to paint the one because of the rapidity of its course, and no less so to determine which of the two is more potent, by reason of the continual conflict they have so long strugled in, without yielding on either side. One would think they had divided between them all the skill of the Fencing-school, and that the one comes on with better grace, and hath its arm more supple, but that the other reaches farther, and makes its thrust more home: Thus Heaven to preserve the power of these Nations near an equality, hath opposed to the vivacity and spirit of one of them the prudence and constancy of the other, that what the last comes short in a­gility, may be recompensed by its attention to all it undertakes; and what the first wants of circumspection and patience may be supplied by incredible diligence.

It is yet probable that the French fire so allay­ed, as not to dasle the judgment, produces grea­ter effects than the Spanish [...]eam, how conside­rable soever. It is capable of all that is Heroick even to miracle, it forces an alteration in the face of affairs, and chains fortune and victory to attend its banners; when they seem inclining to forsake it. It is as quick in discovering and pre­venting mischiefs as in applying remedies to those that surprise it. Its eye, hand, and heart are continually directed to what may help or [Page 245] hurt it; the first is usefull to embrace or avoid, the second to seise whatever is advantagious, and repel all that may be fatal, whilst the last ani­mates to support all burthens, and often attains what its strength could not extend to, whilst with all three it on one side levels a way for mis­fortune, and banishes it, and on the other opens a door to success and meets it: Whereas the profound intellect of the Spaniards, by means of frosty irresolution and tedious deliberation, suf­fers the fruits of its best Enterprises to be nipt in the blossom, because not so diligent to execute as subtle to invent them. I could draw examples from our present times conclusive enough of this truth, if I were not desirous to make an end. I will therefore only add that that I am not un­sensible, that the French airiness often causes their designes to miscarry, that their diligence is not alwayes joyned with prudence, and that it sometimes hastens with so little discourse and reflexion, it observes nothing, and as if it had no other members but hands and feet, violently plunges into confusion, and falls headlong into misfortune, by reason of that precipitation which often astonishes, and puts it besides it self, so much that its great courage abandoning it, it retreats in disorder. The reproach of this is ne­vertheless much out of date, by reason of ma­ny modern great and couragious actions and en­terprises, where it hath made appear a diligence in executions, as little destitute of judgement as courage.

This was long ago, when experience had not [Page 246] purified their fire, nor moderated that excess of it which made them begin well and end ill, on which account all they did was attributed to furie and a blind transport, that after the first attempt was changed into fear: but they are no more the same men, neither, after going on like Lions, do they come off like Hares; and when their enterprises fail of success, they ma­ny times retreat with honor, and without con­fusion. And certainly the greatest promptitude when accompanied by reason and judgement is as often the Mother as Stepdame of good for­tune. Alexander conquered all because he would leave nothing for the morrow; and Caesar al­lowed but a moment between deliberation and action, apprehending that either the greatness of the design might discourage it, or the oppor­tunity be passed if he took time to examine it: but as the celerity of these two Heroes was ever fortunate, by reason of their prodigious Capa­cities in all they undertook, and the circumspe­ction and delays of Fabius Maximus and the great Gonsalvo re-established Empire, and con­quered Kingdoms, we may say that each of these Nations, according as their predominant humor is allaied by prudence, and illuminated by rea­son, can disgest the toughest morsels, and diffi­cultest thwartings of fortune, though one of them hath defects of stomach, that sometimes cause vomitings, and the other is now and then afflicted with megrims that oblige it to repose. Augustus had felt the pulse of both of them when he pronounced his Festina lente: and we [Page 247] may infallibly conclude that a third Constituti­on participating of the French promptitude and Spanish solidity, were alone capable not only of conquering the World but governing it. And a great and wise Frenchman having owned l interest d' Angleterre estant bien suivi establira dans la Chretientè vne troisiem puissance: that England pursuing her true interest will become a third Power, equal to France and Spain (and this meant in regard of her scituation & strength alone) I think I may modestly enough add, that the equality and harmony of her temper (which neither heavily slumbers away opportunities, nor rashly snatches at them before maturity) considered, did not some mistaken principles, introduced by a fond doting on such a liberty as is inconsistent with Government, make the sub­ordinate wheels too heavy, and the Spring (that is the supreme power) too weak to produce re­gular and vigorous motions in them, by a per­fect submission to her Soveraign, she might un­der his conduct be able to make a farther progres­sion towards giving laws to mankind than any other people ever arrived at.