An Historical TREATISE OF CITIES, AND Burghs or Boroughs.

SHEWING, Their Original, and Whence, and from Whom they Received their Liberties, Privileges and Immunities; What they were, and what Made and Constituted a Free Burgh, & Free Burgesses.

AS ALSO, SHEWING When they first sent their Representatives to PARLIAMENT.

WITH A Concurrent Discourse Of most Matters, and Things incident, or Re­lating thereto.

By ROB. BRADY, Dr. in Physick.

LONDON: Prin [...]ed for Samuel Lowndes over against Exeter-Exchange in the Strand. MDCXC.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

WHEN for my own priv [...] Satisfaction I first began to inquire into the Original Consti­tution of Burghs, in this and Foreign Na­tions, what they were, and whence their great Liberties, and Privileges. In our Or­dinary Writers, whosoever they were, that discoursed of them as they came in their way, I found little else but Prescription, and pretended Usage and Possession time out of Mind, vouched for the great Independent Rights they have claimed, and do challenge.

And truly by the Notion these Writers have, and their Rea­ders cannot but have, of them, according to their Informations, they seem to have been Aeternal, or at least Coaeval with the Creation, and so many ready Wrought, and Framed, small Commonwealths, lifted out of the Chaos, and fixed upon the surface of the Earth, with their VValls, Gates, Town or Gild-Halls, Courts, Liberties, Customs, Privileges, Free­doms, Jurisdictions, Magistrates and Officers, in their For­malities, and all Extravagant, Uncontroulable, and Abso­lute Powers, and Absurd Rights, they have of late Years pretended to.

But, whoever will seriously peruse this Treatise, shall find the Dates of their Originals, and Gradual Augmentations, and must confess they have nothing of the Greatness and Au­thority they boast of, but from the Bounty of our Ancient Kings, and their Successors, notwithstanding any other Confirmations, or acquired Right, they may allege, and acknowledge that [Page ii] See Appendix N. 1. b. fol. 6. B. C. D. E. F. and fol. 7. A. B. C. D. E. Prescription, and pretended Immemorial Customs or Usages avail not, when there are Charters or other Records which shew, that in this case (of what weight soever they may be in other,) they are mere Conjectures, Words of Course, and the Popular Assertions of such Men, as either knew not how, or would, or for their more gainful Imploym [...]nts could, not look into those great Monuments of Antiquity, and discoverers of Truth.

And therefore I have opposed matter of Fact, through the whole discourse, to these fond Imaginations, and easie Notions, and for the clearer Demonstration of what I intended to Evince, have produced all the Instances of Cities, Burghs, and Towns in both the Books called Domesday-Books, from whence I could receive any Satisfaction of the Condition and Import of Burghs and Burgesses in the Saxon Times, without any particular Deductions from these Instances, or Remarks upon them.

'Tis easie for any Man that will but note them to observe, that according to the Modern way of Speaking, they then made but a small Figure in the Nation; to be sure the Burghs were not distinct Commonwealths, or Governments, nor the Burgesses Statesmen, or People of much Interest, what­soever some Popular and Factious Writers, who Scrible by Rote, and according to their own Fancies, have delivered to the contrary.

Many other places not Named in this Treatise, are either called Burghs in the Conquerors Survey, or there are Bur­gesses mentioned in the Description of them; several of which are not now esteemed Burghs, nor is there any Light or Infor­mation to be had from them, what Burghs or Burgesses then were, as Torchsey, Louth, and Stanford in Lincolnshire, Stainings in Sussex, Sceptesbury or Shaftsbury in Dorset­shire, Domnitone or Dountone, Theodulveside, Saresberie, Wilton, Malmesbury, Chrichlade, and Caun in Wilts. Lideford and Totnesse in Devon, Colcester and Maldon in Essex, Winchelcumb in Glocestershire Hereford, Snotting­ham, or Nottingham, these have the bare Names only of Burghs, or some Burgesses are said to have lived in them, without any thing relating to their Quality, or Condition.

London and Winchester are not described in this Survey, in Worcester, Derby, and Lincoln, the Name of Burgess not mentioned. Bristol not to be found in the Survey, it was made a City and County 47 Ed. 3. though a Burgh long before, Bridgewater not to be found there, nor Minehead, Lin or [Page iii] Len in Norffolk only mentioned, but not as a Burgh, or Town of note.

'Tis only said of Glocestre. Tempore Regis Edwardi Domesd. f. 126. Col. 1. Reddebat Civitas de Glowcestre XXVI Lib. numera­tas & XII Sextaria Mellis ad mensuram ejusdem Burgi, in the time of King Edward, the City of Glocester paid Thirty Six Pounds by Tale, and Twelve Sextaries or Gallons of Honey, according to the measure of the same Burgh, nothing further of this Burgh or any Burgesses therein.

And of Leicester thus. Civitas de Ibid. f. 230. a. Col. 1. Ledecester Tem­pore Regis Edwardi reddebat per annum Regi XXX Lib. ad numerum & XV Sextaria Mellis. Quando Rex ibat in Exercitu per Terram de ipso Burgo XII Burgenses ibant cum eo. Si vero per Mare in hostem ibat, mittebant ei quatuor Equos, dc eodem Burgo usque Londoniam ad Comportanda Arma, & alia quae opus Essent. That is, The City of Lei­cester in the time of King Edward paid yearly to the King Thirty Pounds by Tale, and Fifteen Sextaries of Honey, when the King marched with his Army by Land, there went with him Twelve Burgesses of this Burgh, when he went by Sea against an Enemy, he had Four Horses sent from the same Burgh to London to carry Arms, or other Necessaries; nothing more of this Burgh, or its Burgesses in the Survey.

We may note from both these last Towns, there was not then much difference between a City and Burgh, both Appellations being given to one and the same Town; Leicester never hadSir Edward Coke, says, all Bishops Sees are Cities, &c. Bishops, and at this time Glocester had none, the great di­stinction grew, after Cities were made Counties by Charter.

Nor was the Condition of London (unless Men would think otherwise from the largeness of the place only,) much better, or the Liberties, and Privileges of it, more, or much greater than those of other Cities, and great Burghs. Notwithstanding the Prodigious Flatteries, and Elevating Haran [...]ues, it hath been puffed up with by the Author of Londinum A Book composed of Fables, and the Perverted Hi­story of some good Authors. Triumphans, Printed and Dedicated to the Men in Authority, in the Year 1682. And by the Writings of many others, Ancient and Modern, who either on purpose, or occasionally, wrote what they found con­cerning this City, without Examination, and so were Deluded by such as went before them, or by their own Imaginations, or Apprehensions. Judging of its former State and Condition, (or at least what in their Opinion it ought to be,) according to the present Splendor, and Appearance of it.

And to Demonstrate what I have here said, I caused the Charters made to the City of London, by Henry the First, Henry the Second, Richard the First, and King John, to be Printed in the Appendix, N. 17. and 18. And likewise the Charters of Winchester, Lincoln, York and Norwich Grant­ed in the same Times, by comparing of which one with another, there will be found but little difference in their Compositions, or in the Immunities, Liberties, and Privileges Granted by them. Except that, the Citisens of London by the Kings Grant, had Power, and Liberty to Distrein the Goods of any other Citisens, or Burgesses, or of anySee the Char­ter of Dunwich N. 3. b. f. 11. A. Inhabitants of the Counties, where such Foreign Citisens or Burgesses lived, that were indebted to them, if found in London, as is to be seen in the Charter of King Henry the First, N. 17. f. 27. A. and the Confirmation of it in General Words, in all the Subsequent Charters, before noted, whereas the Citisens and Burgesses of other Cities, and Burghs, by their Charters, had not Power to Distrein the Goods of a Country-Man, or Inhabitant of the County for their Debts, if they were notSee Dunwich Charter as above. The like in many other Ancient Charters of Burghs. Debtors to them, orSee Dunwich Charter as above. The like in many other Ancient Charters of Burghs. Sureties for others.

The Cities of Norwich, and Lincoln, had all the Liber­ties and Free-Customs, of the City and Citisens of London, in such manner as when they did best, and most freely enjoy them. See Appendix N. 20. and 22. Yet never pretended to, then, such unthought of Liberties.

And after these times, whoever will take the pains to read all the Charters of London, (Translated into English by S. G. Gent. (though not so exactly as he pretends,) and Dedicated to Sir Robert Clayton, when Lord Mayor,) which were Grant­ed by King Henry the First, and our Successive Kings, will find, that all the Great Privileges and Liberties, that City lately enjoyed or pretended to, were the Grants of the Kings Progeni­tors; and also find them Successively, and particularly Granted, as the Citisens Petitioned, Bargained, or Compounded for them. And therefore no Reason for them to plead Immemorial Custom, or Prescription for all, or most things, that might have been found Granted by Charter, if those imployed had had Time, or Will, to have Industriously perused them.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

WHen for my own private Satisfaction I first began to inquire into the Original Constitution of Burghs, in this and Foreign Nations, What they were, and Whence their great Liberties and Priviledges, I could not find any thing in all our Wri­ters, or Books, whosoever, or whatsoever they were, to, and in which a Rational Inquirer might give his Assent, and, in some measure, rest sa­tisfied.

And therefore I had Recourse unto Records, and looked into those Great Monuments of Antiquity, and Discoverers of Truth, that I might bring to light Things themselves, and Matter of Fact concerning them. And for the clearer Demonstration of what I intended to evince, have produced all the Instances of Cities, Burghs and Towns, in Both the Books called Domesday-Books, from whence I could receive any Sa­tisfaction about the Condition and Import of Burghs in the Saxon times.

Many other Places not Noted in this Treatise, are either only called Burghs in the Conqueror's Survey, or there are Burgesses only men­tioned in the Description of them; several of which are not now esteemed Burghs, nor is there any Light or Information to be had from them what Burghs or Burgesses then were; as Torchsey, Louth, and Stanford in Lincolnshire, Stainings in Sussex; yet 'tis said in the Description of this Town, That there were in the Burgh (which was a distinct part of it) CXXIII. Masurae. Houses, that paid a C. Shillings and a C. Pence, that they were built upon a Plough-Land and half, and the Inhabitants in the time of King Edward did Servile Works, at the Lords Court as Vil­lains used to do,Domesday, fol. 17. a. Col. 2. Ad Curiam Operabant, sicut Villani, Tempore Re­gis Edwardi; Sceptesbury or Shaftsbury in Dorsetshire, Domnitone or Dountone, Theodulveside, Saresberie, Wilton, Malmsbury, Chrich­lade, and Caun in Wilts; Lideford and Totness in Devon, Colchester and Maldon in Essex, Winchelcumb in Glocestershire, Hereford, Snot­tingham or Nottingham. These have the Bare Names only of Burghs, or some Burgesses are said to have lived in them, without any thing re­lating to their Quality and Condition.

London and Winchester are not Described in this Survey; in Wor­cester, Derby and Lincoln, the Name of Burgess not mentioned. Bri­stol not to be found in the Survey, it was made a City and County 47 Edw. 3. though a Burgh long before; Bridgewater not to be found there, nor Minhead, Lin or Len in Norfolk, only mentioned, but not as a Burgh, or Town of Note.

'Tis only said of Glocester, Tempore Regis Edwardi Domesd. fol. 126. Col. 1. Reddebat Civitas de Gloucester XXXVI. Lib. numeratas & XII. Sextaria Mel­lis ad Mensuram ejusdem Burgi. In the time of King Edward, the City of Glocester paid Thirty Six Pounds by Tale, and Twelve-Sextaries or Gallons of Honey, according to the Measure of the same Burgh. No­thing further of this Burgh, or any Burgesses therein.

And of Leicester thus,Ibid. f. 230. a. Col. 1. Civitas de Ledecester Tempore Regis Ed­wardi Reddebat per Annum Regi XXX. Lib. ad numerum, & XV. Sextaria Mellis, Quando Rex ibat in Exercitu per Terram de ipso Burgo XII. Burgenses ibant cum eo: Si vero per Mare in Hostem ibat, Mittebant ei Quatuor Equos, de eodem Burgo usque Lundoniam ad Comportanda Arma & alia quae opus essent. That is, the City of Ley­cester, in the time of King Edward, paid Yearly to the King Thirty Pounds by Tale, and Fifteen Sectaries of Honey; when the King marched with his Army by Land, there went with him Twelve Burgesses of this Burgh; when he went by Sea against an Enemy, he had four Horses sent from the same Burgh to London to carry Arms, or other Necessaries; no­thing more of this Burgh or its Burgesses in the Survey.

We may note from both these last Towns, there was not then much dif­ference between a City and Burgh, both Appellations being given to one and the same Town; Leicester never hadSir Edward Coke says, all Bishops Sees are Cities, &c. Bishops, and at this time Glo­cester had none, the great Distinction grew, after Cities were made Counties by Charter.

Nor was the Condition of London much better than other Cities and great Burghs, or the Liberties and Privileges much greater, unless Men would think otherwise from the largeness of the place only, judging of its former State and Condition (or at least what in their Opinion it ought to be) according to the present splendor, and appearance of it.

And to demonstrate what I have here said concerning London, I have caused the Charters made to that City by Henry the First; Henry the Se­cond, Richard the First, and King John, to be Printed in the Appen­dix, N. 17 and 18. And likewise the Charters of Winchester, Lincoln, York and Norwich, Granted in the same Times; by comparing of which one with another, there will be found but little difference, in their Com­positions, or in the Immunities, Liberties and Privileges Granted by them.

The Cities of Norwich and Lincoln had all the Liberties, and Free Customs of the City and Citizens of London, Granted to them, in such manner as when they did best, and most freely enjoy them. See Append. N. 20 and 22. yet never pretended to, then, such great Liberties.

And after these Times, whoever will take the pains to read all the Charters of London, Translated into English by S. G. Gent. (though not so exactly as he pretends) which were Granted by King Henry the First and our Successive Kings, will find that all the Great Privileges and Liberties that Huge City doth now enjoy, or pretend to, were the Grants of the Kings Progenitors; And also find them successively, and particularly Granted, as the Citizens Petitioned, Bargained or Com­pounded for them. And therefore there is no Reason for pleading of Immemorial Custom or Prescription for all or most things, that might have been found Granted by Charter, with small Skill and Trouble.

A TREATISE OF English Burghs, OR BOUROUGHS.

ISAAC CAƲSABON in his Comment upon Strabo, and others will have the Greek [...], and the Latin Burgus to be the same, and the later to be derived from the former, and so to signifie a Tower, a Castle, or City. He adds, That the Thracians and Macedonians pronoun­ced the word [...] in stead of [...].

Cluverius in hisF. 89, 90. Germania Antiqua, contradicts Causabon, and asserts Burg to be a pure German word, and that it signifies,Burg a Ger­man word. The Placing or Situation of many Houses toge­ther, which was called a Vicus or Street, or Rows of Houses close to one another. Not that every Vicus, Street, or Congregation of Hou­ses was a Burg, but such only as were the Head or Chief of some [Page 2] Country or Nation; as Batenburg was the chief Town of the Bata­vi, &c. And further notes, That the word in its most ancient sig­nification denotes an Inclosure or Hedge, which was otherwise called Tuun or Tuyn, Tuun, Ton, Tu [...], Town, Tune, what they were. in the same sense as we anciently used Ton, or Tun, and now do Town, and the Scots Tune: Which by the French are rendred Bourg or Bourgade. To this purposeIbidem. Luitprandus (who lived about the year 940.) speaking of the Burgundians, says, Ipsi Domorum Congregationem quae Muro non Clauditur Burgum v [...]cant, They called a Congregation of Houses which were not inclosed with a Wall, a Burg. That is, it was a great Town, not Walled about.

Burgs why so called. Du Fresn in his Glossary agrees with Cluverius, and says, The Latins, French and Germans at first called Numbers of Houses joyned together Burgs, from whence their great Towns had the same Name, and that afterwards many Towers and Castles were built for the Se­curity of those Towns against the Attempts of Enemies, which were also called Burgs, which is proved by the Termination of ma­ny German Towns in Burg; and therefore asserts the word to be ra­ther French, or German, than Greek.

Bergh or Berg what it signi­fies. Wendelin in his Salic Glossary of Atuatic Words informs us, That Bergh or Berg sometimes signified Receptaculum, a place of Receit, as in Mallo-bergum, a word derived from Mallus or Mallum, a Convention for the Determining of Law-Cases, and Berg the House or Place where it was kept. So in the Laws of theLib. 2. Tit. 45. c. 27. Lombards, Volumus utique, ut Domus à Comite, in loco ubi Mallum tenere debeat, constituatur, ut propter Calorem Solis, & pluviam publica utilitas non remaneat. We will, That a House be built by the Earl where the Mall or Assises ought to be holden, lest the Public Benefit be hindred or put off, by the heat of the Sun, or Rain. Also in theLib. 3. Tit. 57. Capi­tulars, Ʋt in loco ubi Mallos publicos habere solent, Tectum tale Consti­tuatur, Quod in hiberno & Estate Observatum esse possit. We will, That in the place where Public Malls or Law-Conventions ought to be kept, there may be such a Roof or Covering provided, as they may be holden in Winter and Summer; in this sense Hierberg is now an Inn, or House of Common Receit: which was at first a place of Receit for Souldiers, (from Here an Army, and Berg as before) and set upon the Public Roman ways. Whence the same Author ex­plaining the word Berg, saith, That in the Composition of Mal­berg. &c. Non significat Montem aut Tumulum, sed Receptaculum & Tutamen adversus Tempestatum injurias, &c. It doth not signifie an Hill, or Hillock, Barrow, Tomb or Grave, but a place of Receit and Security against the Injury of Weather. Ʋnde Burgen & Bergen est Tegere ac Tueri, &c. from whence Burgen and Bergen signifie to Cover and Defend: And from thence Halsberg in Dutch, is an Iron Gorget or Collar to Defend the Neck. Heutherg. and Haut or Hauberg an Iron Helmet to Defend the Head, and Bainberg Iron Boots to Defend the Legs.

Burg signifies a City, Bo­rough or Town Corpo­rate. Somner in his Saxon Dictionary tells us, That Burg signifies a City, Fort, Fortress, Tower, Castle, a Bourough, Free-Bourough or Town Corporate, and Cites Otfrid for its Derivation from the Saxon Beorgan in Tutum recipere, servare, to preserve and keep to safety.

The Author of theP. 708. 709. Court-Law of Norwey gives the same sense of the word Burch, Burgh, Borgh. Burgum, Munimentum, lo­cus Editus, & Munitus, ad salutem hominum. A Berghen in Tutum recipere, servare.

And whether Burgh was taken for a place of Strength, or a place of Trade, as it was Guarded with the Liberties and Priviledges grant­ed by Princes, then (and perhaps now) altogether necessary to the advantage of Buying, Selling, and Trading, by which Tradesmen quietly and without disturbance enjoy the Benefit of it, Burghs might truly be called Places of Safety, Protection and Privilege. But enough of the Notation of the word. I shall proceed to shew what Cities and Burghs were, in reference to Trade and other Matters, and of what Value and Reputation the Inhabitants or Burgesses were in the Saxon Times, and afterwards; when they became Parlement-Burghs.

NorfulcLittle Domesday, fol. 118. Rex. Est Hund. de Flec.

Gernemwa tenuit Rex Edwardus i. e. as well in the time of King Edward, as at the time of making the Survey. semper LXX Burgenses, King Edward held Yarmouth, Yarmouth. there were always 70 Burgesses. And there is in the Survey it self nothing further said of these Burgesses, what they or their Condition was. But in a ControversieAppend. N. 1. that hap­pened between the Burgesses of Yarmouth and the Tenents of the Ma­ner of Luthinglond in Gorlston and little Yarmouth, in the 12th of Henry the Third, about Lading and Ʋnlading of Goods, it appears they were Merchants and Traders at Sea, and upon the Water. That the Kings of England kept this Burg in their own Hands, and re­ceived by their Officers the Profits of the Port, until the time of King John, who in the 9th year of his ReignAppend. N. 2. Granted the Burg in Fee-Farm to the Burgesses for ever, at the Rent of Fifty Five Pounds by the Year to be paid by the Provost or Bayliff of Yarmouth, and Granted they should yearly chuse a Bayliff amongst themselves, fit both to serve him, and themselves.

Domesday ut supra. Norfulc. Hundred de Tetford Terrae Regis in Tetford, &c. After an Estimate made of the Lands and Mills belonging to the King and Earl or Sheriff, it follows.

In Burgo autem erant DCCCCXLIIII Burgenses Tempore Regis Ed­wardi, de his Rex omnem consuetudinem habet. Thetford. De istis hominibus erant XXXVI ita Dominici Regis Edwardi, ut non possent esse homines Cu­juslibet, sine licentia Regis; Alii omnes poterant esse homines Cujuslibet, sed semper tamen Consuetudo Regis remanebat praeter Herigete. Modo sunt DCCXX Burgenses & CCXXIIII Mansurae vacuae. De istis Bur­gensibus XXI habent VI Carucatas & LX acr. quas tenent de Rege, &c. That is, In the Burg there were 944 Burgesses in the Time of King Edward, and the King had all the Custom they paid, or had of them [Page 4] all sorts of Custom, of those Men there were 36 so much under the Power of King Edward, or so much his Vassals, as they could not be the Vassals of, or have any other Man to be their Patron, with­out his Licence, all the other might put themselves under the Patro­nage or Protection of any other Lord. But so as their Custom al­ways remained to the King, except only the Hereot. Now there are 720 Burgesses, and 224 Houses or Dwellings void. Of these Burgesses 21 have six Plough-Lands and 60 Acres, which they held of the King, &c.

TerraeIbid. f. 304. & f. 311. b. Roberti Malet in Sudfulc.

Dunwich. Dunewit Ibid. f. 304. & f. 311. b. Tenuit Edricus de Lesefelde T. R. E. pro uno Ma­nerio, & modo Robertus Malet Tunc II Caruc. Terra, modo I, Mare abstulit aliam, & semper I Car. in Dominio Tunc XII Bordar. Modo II & XXIIII Franci homines de XL acr. Terrae, & omnem consuetudinem reddunt huic Manerio, & Tunc C & XX Burgenses, & modo CCXXXVI.

Edric de Lesefelde held Dunewit in the time of King Edward for one Maner, and now Robert Malet holds it. Then there were two Plough-Lands, now one, the Sea hath washed away the other, and there was alway one Plough-Land in Demeasn, then twelve Bordars, now two, and 24 French, or Free-Men, each 40 Acres, who pay all Custom to this Maner, and then 120 Burgesses, and now 236, &c.

For the Quality of this Burg and the Condition of the Burgesses, see the Grant and Confirmation of their Liberties, 1 Johannis in theAppend. N. 3. Ap­pendix, N. 3.

Domesday ut supra, f. 118. a.Norfulc.

Norwich. Franci de Norwic. In Novo Burgo XXXVI Burgenses & VI Anglici, & ex Annua consuetudine reddebat unusquisque 5 d. prater Forisfactu­ras, de hoc toto habebat Rex Duas partes, & Comes Tertiam. Modo XLI Burgenses Franci in Dominio Regis & Comitis, & Rogerus Bigot habet L, & Radulfus de Bellofago XIIII, & Hermerus VIII, & Rober­tus Arbalistarius V. & Fulcherus homo Abbatis I & Isac. I & Rad. Viso Lupi I & in Pristrino Comitis III. And then it follows, Tota Terra Burgensium erat in Dominio Comitis, & Ralph de Guader that Rebelled against the Conqueror, &c. Rad. Concessit Regi in Commune ad faciendum Burgum inter se & Regem ut Testat [...]r Vice­comes, & omnes Terrae ista tam Militum, quam Burgensium reddunt Regi suam Consuetudinem.

There were 36 French Burgesses in Norwich, in the New Burg, and six English, and every one paid an Annual Custom of 5 d. besides their Mulcts or Forfeitures. The King had two parts of the whole, and the Earl the third part. Now there are 41 French Burgesses Vassals to the King, and Earl; and Roger Big [...]t hath 50. and R [...]lph de Bellefago hath 14, and Hermer 8, and Robert a Manager of Battering Engines 5, Fulcher Vassal to the Abbat 1, and Isaac [...], and Ralph Wolfs-face 1, and three in the Earls Duke, or Grinding-House. All the Land of the Burgesses (in the New Burg) was the Demeasa of Earl Ralph, who Granted it to the King in Com [...]n [...] with him­self, [Page 5] toThis was the Castle, or the Land about the Castle; which was within its outmost Ditch, or within its more imme­diate Jurisdi­ction. make a Burg, to be (that is the Profits of it) between him and the King; and all those Lands which were the Knights or Bur­gesses paid their Rent to the King.

Norfulc. In the old City, or Burg.

In Domes. ut supra, f. 116. Norwico de MCCXXXVIII Burgensibus Rex & Comes ha­bent Socam, Sacam, & consuetudinem, de L Stigandus habuit Socam, Sacam & Commendationem, de XXII Heroldus habuit Socam, Sacam & Commendationem, & [...]nus eorum ita Dominicus esset ut non potait decedere vel homagium facere sine ejus Licentia.

In Norwich the King, and Earl have the Jurisdiction and Custom of 1238 Burgesses, Stigand had the Jurisdiction and Protection, or Money for the Protection of 50, and Heroid of 22; whereof one was so much his Vassal, as he could not depart or do Homage to any other, without his Licence.

Great Domesd. Book f. 100. a. Col. 1.Devenescire.

In Civitate Exonia habet Rex CCC Domus XV.Excester. minus redden­tes Consuetudinem, in hac Civitate sunt vastat [...] XLVIII Domus post, quam Rex venit in Angliam. Burgenses Exoniae urbis habent Extra Civitatem Terram XII Carucat. Qua nullam Consuetudinem reddunt nisi ad ipsam Civitatem.

In the City of Excester the King hath 315 Houses more or less paying Rent in this City, 48 lying wast, since the King came into England. The Burgesses of the City of Excester have 12 Plough-Lands without the City which pay no Custom, or Rent, unless to the City it self.

This is all that is to be found in the Description of Excestre, con­cerning the Inhabitants or Burgesses of that place.

TerraIbid. Col. 2. Regis.

Rex habet Burgum Barnestaple, Barne­staple. Rex Edwardus habuit in Dominio ibi sunt intra Burgum XL Burgenses & IX sunt Extra Burgum, inter omnes reddant Regi XL Sol. ad pensum, He was pro­bably their Protector, or Patron. Episcopo Constantiensi XX Sol. ad numenum. This is all of this Burg, and its Burgesses.

The King hath the Burg of Barnestaple, King Edward had it in Demeasn, there are within the Burg 40 Burgesses and time without, amongst them all they pay the King 40 s. by weight, and the B [...]shop of Constance 20 s. by Tale.

Rex habet Ibid. Burgum Lideford, Lideford. Rex Edwardus Tenuit in Do­minio, ibi sunt XXVIII Burgenses intra Burgum & XL. Exita, inter omnes reddant Regi LX Sol. ad pensum, & habent If Carac. Terrae Extra Burgum.

The King hath the Burg of Lideford, King Edward held it in De­measn, there are within the Burg 28 Burgesses, and 41 without, amongst them all, they pay the King 60 s. by Weight, and they have two Plough-Lands without the Burg, this is all of this Burg, and its Burgesses.

Domesd. ut supra, f. 56. a Col. 2.Berroche Scire.

In Burgo de Walingford Waling­ford. habuit Rex Edwardus VIII Virgatas Terrae, & in his erant CCLXXVIFrom the Saxon Haegh a House, which was common­ly Ditched, or Hedged about, whence our word Haye, or Hey. Hagae reddentes XI Lib. de Gablo, &c. In the Burg of Walingford King Edward had eight Virgates of Land, upon which were 276 Hages or Houses, paying eleven Pound Rent. The rest of the Description of this Burg is a long and rude Catalogue of all the Hages or Houses belonging to this Town, and their Own­ers being either in Barkshire or Oxford-shire sides. With their Rents or Customes, many whereof belonged to Forreign Maners, not one word of any Burgesses in the Survey. But by the Charter of KingAppend. N. 4. Henry the Second, there were many and large Liberties and Pri­viledges granted them by the Name of Burgesses of Walingford.

Little Domesd. f. 290. a.Sudfolc. De Dimid. Hund. de Gepeswit.

Ipswich. In Burgo erant Tempore Regis Edwardi DXXXVIII Burgenses red­dentes consuetudinem Regi, & habebant XL acr. Terrae. Modo vero sunt CX Burgenses, qui consuetudinem reddunt, & C pauperes Burgen­ses, qui non possunt reddere ad Geltum Regis nisi unum Denarium de suis Capitibus & CCCXXVIII. Vastatae sunt, &c. In the Burg of Gipswic, or Ipswich, there were in the time of King Edward 538 Burgesses which paid Custom to the King, and had 40 Acres of Land, now there are only 110 Burgesses which pay Custom, and 100 poor Bur­gesses, which can only pay one Penny a Head, and 328 Mansions lye waste; nothing more of this Town as a Burg, or of its Burgesses.

Sudfulc. TerraDomesd. ut supra, f. 319. b. Roberti Malet. Hund. de Hertesmera.

Eye. Ejam Tenuit Edricus XII Car. Terrae T. R. E. Modo Tenet R. in Dominio, &c. Et modo [1] mercatum, & [1] Parcus, & in Mer­cato Manent XXV Burgenses. Huic Manerio pertinent XLVIII socmani CXXI acr. Terrae. Ex his socmannis sunt XXXVII in Dominio, &c.

The Land of Robert Malet, in the Hundred of Hartesmer.

Edric held Eye, there were 12 Plough-Lands in the time of King Edward, now Robert holds it in Demeasn, &c. And now there is a Market, and a Pound for Cattle, or rather a Park for Deer. And to the Market belong 25 Burgesses. To this Maner there belonged 48 Socmen, who had 121 Acres of Land, of these Socmen there were [Page 7] 37 in Demeasn, or the Lords Vassals. This is all concerning the Burgesses of this Town.

Great Domesd. Book, f. 143. Col. 1.Bochingham Scire.

Bochingham Bucking­ham. Great Domesd. Book, f. 143. Col. 1. cum Bortone pro una Hida se defendebat T: R. E. & modo similiter facit. Terra est VIII Caruc. in Dominio sunt II & Villani habent III Car. & Dimid. & adhuc Due & Dimid. possunt fieri. Ibi sunt XXVII Burgenses & XI Bordar. & II Servi, Ibi. 1. Molin. de XIIII Sol. Pratum VIII Car. pastura ad Pecuniam Ville. In totis valentiis T. R. E. reddebat X Lib. ad Numerum, Modo reddit XVI Lib. de albo argento.

Ecclesiam hujus Burgi Tenet Remigius Episcopus & Terram IIII Caruc. Quae ad eam pertinet ibi sunt IIII Carucae & III Villani & III Bordar. & X Cotar. Et I Molin. X Solidor. Pratum II Car. Ne­mus ad sepes, valet & valuit VI Lib. T. R. E. VII Lib. hanc Ec­clesiam Tenuit Willielmus Episcopus de Rege E.

In hoc Burgo Episcopus Constantiensis habet III Burgenses quos tenuit Wluvard filius Eddeve hi reddunt VI Sol. & VI Denar. per annum & Q. Whether this not Gel­tum Regis; which is fre­quently said to be paid by Burgesses in General. Regi reddunt XI Denar.

Hugo Comes habet I Burgensem qui fuit homo Burcardi de Senelay hic reddit XXVI Denar. per annum, & Regi V Denar.

Robertus de Olgi habet I Burgensem qui fuit homo Azor f. Toti, hic reddit XVI Denar. per annum, & Regi V Denar.

Rogerius de Juri habet IIII Burgenses qui fuerunt homines ejusdem Azor hi reddunt VII Sol. & VI Denar. & Regi XIII Denar.

Hugo de Bolebec habet IIII Burgenses qui. fuerunt homines Alrici. Hi reddunt XXVIII Denar. & Regi XII Denar.

Manno Brito habet IIII Burgenses qui fuerunt homines Eddeve fe­mine Syre [...] hi reddunt XXIX Denar. Regi nil Debent.

Hascojus Musart Musart. habet I Burgensem qui fuit homo Azor. f. Toti, hic reddit XVI Denar. & Regi II Denar.

Ernulfus de Hesding habet I Burgensem qui fuit Wilaf hic reddit per annum II Sol. & Regi III Denar.

Willielmus de Castellon de Feudo Episcopi Baiocensis habet II Bur­genses, qui fuerunt homines Leuvini Comitis hi reddunt XVI Denar. & Regi modo Nichil. Sed T. R. E. reddebat III Denar.

De Feudo Alberici Comitis I Burgens reddit Regi II Denar.

Lenumus de Neuucham habet V Burgenses & T. R. E. habuit, Hi reddunt ei IIII Sol. per annum & Regi XII Denar.

Bochingham with Borton was Taxed for one Hide in the Time of King Edward, and now likewise, the Arable is eight Plough-Lands. There are two in Demeasn, and the Villans have three Plough-Lands and half, and yet there may be two more and half. There are 27 Burgesses, and eleven Bordars, and two Servants, there is one Mill of 14 s. Rent, Meadow sufficient for the eight Plough-Lands. Pa­sture for the Cattle of the Town, for all Dues it paid in the Time of King Edward Ten Pounds by Tale, now it pays Sixteen Pounds of White Money.

BishopA Norman and Bishop of Lincoln. Remigius holds the Church of this Burg, and four Plough-Lands which belong to it. There are four Ploughs, and three Villans, and three Bordars, and ten Cotars and one Mill of 10 s. Rent. Mea­dow sufficient for two Ploughs, and Wood sufficient for Hedges, it is and was worth Six Pounds by the Year, in the Time of King Edward it was worth Seven Pounds, Bishop Wluui held this Church of King Edward.

In this Burg the Bishop ofIn Norman­dy. The Burgesses of Bucking­ham paid a yearly Rent to their Patrons, or Protectors. Constance hath three Burgesses, which Wlward the Son of Eddeve held; these pay Six Shillings and Six Pence to him by the Year, and to the King Eleven Pence.

Earl Hugh hath one Burgess who was the Comendatus, or under Protection of Burcard of Senelay, he paid Twenty Six Pence by the Year, and to the King Five Pence.

Robert D'oyly hath one Burgess who was the Man, or under the Pro­tection of Azor the Son of Tot, he paid Sixteen Pence, and to the King Five Pence.

Roger de Juri hath four Burgesses which were under the Patronage of the same Azor, these paid Seven Shillings and Six Pence, and to the King Thirteen Pence.

Hugh de Bolebec hath four Burgesses who were the Men, or under the Patronage of Alric, these paid Twenty eight Pence, and to the King Twelve Pence.

Manno a Britain hath four Burgesses, which were the Men, or un­der the Protection of Eddeve the Wife of Syred, these pay Twenty nine Pence, they owe nothing to the King.

Hascoy Musart hath one Burgess who was under the Protection of Azor Son of Tot. He paid Sixteen Pence, and to the King Two Pence.

Ernulf of Hesding hath one Burgess who was Wilaf's, he pays Two Shillings, and to the King Three Pence.

William de Castellon Feudal Tenent to the Bishop ofIn Norman­dy. Bajeux hath two Burgesses, who were under the Protection, or the Men of Earl Leuuin, these paid Sixteen Pence, and nothing now to the King, but in the Time of King Edward they paid Three Pence.

One Burgess was of the Fee of Earl Alberic, and paid to the King Two Pence.

Leuuin of Nenueham hath Five Burgesses, and had them in the Time of King Edward. These pay to him 4 s. by the year, and to the King 12 Pence.

Here are all the 27 Burgesses of this Burg Obnoxious to, and un­der the Protection of Foreign Lords, and Patrons.

Northantscire.

Tempore Domesd. ut supra, f. 219. a. Col. 1. Regis Edwardi fuere in NorthantoneNortham­pton.in Dominio Regis LX Burgenses habentes Totidem Mansiones, ex his sunt modo XIV Vaste. Residue sunt XLVI. praeter hos sunt Modo in Novo Burgo XL Burgenses in Dominio Regis Willielmi.

In the Time of King Edward there were in Northamton 60 De­measn-Burgesses of the King, or 60 Burgesses Vassals to him; that had so many Mansions, of which 14 are now waste. The Residue are 46. Besides these, there are now in theThe New Burg was ei­ther the Ca­stle, or situate within the Precinct of it. New Burg 40 De­measn-Burgesses of King William. This is all I find either concern­ing this as a Burg, or its Burgesses; only a little further 'tis said, Burgenses de Hantone reddunt Vicecomiti per Annum XXX Lib. & X Sol. hoc pertinet ad firmam ipsius. The Burgesses of Hamton pay to the Sheriff 30 Lib. and 10 s. by the year, and it belongs to his Farm, (that is, his Farm of the whole Shire.)

Hertfordscire.

Burgum Domesd. ut supra, f. 132. a. Col. 1. Hertford, Hertford. pro X hidis se Defendebat T. R. E. & modo non facit, ibi erant CXLVI Burgenses in Soca Regis Edwardi.

Alios XVIII Burgenses habet Rex Willielmus, qui fuere homines Co­mitis Heraldi, & Comitis Leuuini, omnes Consuetudines reddunt.

The Burg of Hertford in the time of King Edward was Taxed as much as Ten Hides, now not so much: There were 146 Burgesses under the Liberty or Privilege of King Edward.

King William hath 18 others, that were the Men, or under the Protection of Earl Herald, and Earl Leuuin. They paid all Customs.

Nothing more relating to Burg or Burgesses in this place.

Eurnicscire.

In Eboraco Domesd. ut supra, f. 298. a. Col. 1. York. Civitate Tempore Regis Edwardi praeter Scyram Ar­chiepiscopi fuere VI Scyrae, una ex his est Vastata in Castellis. In Quin­que Scyris fuere Mille & Quadringente & Octodecim Mansiones Such as were let for an an­nual Rent, and the Inhabitants bound to re­side in them. hospi­tate, &c.

De supradictis omnibus Mansionibus sunt modo hospitate in manu Re­gis reddentes Consuetudinem quadringente IX Minus inter Magnas & Parvas. Et CCCC Mansiones non Hospitate, que reddunt Melior I Denar. & alie Minus, & Quingente & XL Mansiones ita vacue quod nil omnino reddunt. Et CXLV Mansiones tenent Francigene.

In York City in the Time of King Edward, besides the Archbishop's Ward or Division, there were six Wards or Divisions, one of these was destroyed when the Castles were built; in five there were 1418 Mansions inhabited, &c.

Of all these Mansions there are in the King's Possession inhabited, and paying Custom 409 great and small, and 400 Mansions notNon hospi­tatae; i. e. they had no con­stant Inhabi­tants tied to Residence, but such as went and came as they pleased. in­habited, the best of which pays one Penny, and others less; and 540 Mansions so uninhabited as they yield nothing at all. The French hold 145. The rest of the Description of this City is taken up, in setting down many particular Proprietors of Mansions, and some particular Customs and Privileges belonging to some of them. No mention of Burgesses, but as it were after the following manner: Sanctus Cutbertus habet I Domum quam semper habuit, ut plures di­cunt, quietam ab omni Consuetudine. Sed Burgenses dicunt non eam fuisse quietam T. R. E. nisi sicut una Burgensium, nisi tantum quod pro­pter eam habebat Theloneum suum, &c. Saint Cuthert, or the Church of Duresm, hath one House which it always had, as many say, free from all Custom; but the Burgesses say it was not free in the Time of King Edward, otherwise than one of the Burgesses Houses was free, except by reason thereof he paid noFor things bought and sold in the Market; espe­cially Victu­als. Toll.

Chenth.

In Civitate Domesd. ut supra, f. 2. a. Col. 1. Cantur­bury. Cantuaria habuit Rex Edwardus L & I Burgenses reddentes Gablum, & alios CC & XII super quos habebat Socam & Sacam, &c. Modo Burgenses Gablum reddentes sunt XIX. de aliis qui fuerant XXXII obierunt, & adhuc sunt CC & XII Burgenses super quos habet Rex Sacam & Money paid for their Li­berty and Pri­vilege. Socam, &c.

Burgenses habuere XLV Mansuras extra Civitatem, de quibus ipsi habebant Gablum & Probably Forfeitures and Toll in this place. Consuetudinem, Rex autem Sacam & Socam, ipsi quoque Burgenses habebant de Rege XXXIII Acr. prati in Gildam suam, has Domus & hanc Terram Tenet Ranulphus de Columbels, habet etiam quater XX Acras Terrae super haec. Quas Tenebant Burgenses in Alodia de Rege, de his omnibus revocat isdem Rannulfus ad Protectorem Epis­copum Bajocensem.

In the City of Canturbury King Edward had Fifty one Burgesses paying Rent, and other 212 under his Privilege and Jurisdiction, &c. Now the Burgesses paying Rent are 19, the others which were 32 are dead, and yet there are 212 under the King's Privilege and Jurisdiction.

The Burgesses had Forty Five Houses without the City, of which they had the Rent and Custom, but the King had the Jurisdiction and Soke. The Burgesses also had of the King Thirty Three Acres of Meadow which was toward the maintenance of their Guild, or be­longing [Page 11] to their Society, besides these, which the Burgesses held freely of the King. For all these the same Ranulf voucheth the Bishop of Baieux for hisHe held them of him, and he was his War­rant for the Possession. Protector. Nothing more here concerning the Burgesses.

Chenth. Terra Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis.

Archiepiscopus Domesd. ut supra, f. 4. a Col. 1. Tenet Aldingtone in Dominio, &c.

In Romeney Domesd. ut supra, f. 4. a Col. 1. sunt quater XX & V Burgenses qui Pertinentes, servi qui ad a­liquem perti­nent, subditi, tenentes, &c. du Fresn, in verbo. pertinent ad Aldintone Maner. Archiepiscopi, & valuerunt & modo valent Do­mino VI Lib.

The Archbishop holds Aldingtone in Demeasn, &c.

In Romeney Romeney. there are Eighty Five Burgesses, which belong to Al­dinton the Maner of the Archbishop, and they were worth, and now are worth to the Lord Six Pounds, (that is, so much by the Year.)

Domesd. ut supra, f. 203. a Col. 1.Huntedune Scire.

In Burgo Huntedone sunt IIIIFerlingus, or, Quarentena Terrae tunc continebat 32 acras Terrae. Hunting­don. Ferlingi. In duobus Ferlingis T. R. E. fuerunt & sunt modo CXVI Burgenses Consuetudines omnes & Geldum Regis reddentes, & sub eis sunt C Bordarii qui adjuvant eos ad persolutionem Geldi. De his Burgensibus habuit Sanctus Benedi­ctus de Ramesyg. X cum Saca & Soca, & omni Consuetudine: Tantummodo Geldabant T. R. E. Hos abstulit Eustachius per vim de Abbatia, & sunt modo cum ceteris in Manu Regis.

Ʋlf Fenisc habebat XVIII Burgenses, modo habet Gislebertus de Gand cum Saca & Soca praeter Geldum Regis.

In the Burg of Huntington there were Four Furlongs. In two of them there are now and were in the Time of King Edward 116 Bur­gesses, paying all Customs, and the Kings Tax, and under them are 100 Bordars which help them to pay the Tax. Of these Burgesses the Abby of Ramesy had Ten with Jurisdiction, and Soke-Money, and all Custom. They were only Taxed in the time of King Edward. These Eustachius (the Earl) took by force from the Abby, and they are now with the rest in the Kings Hand.

Ʋlf Fenisc had Eighteen Burgesses, now Gilbert de Gand hath them, with Jurisdiction and Protection-Money, except the Kings Tax.

The further Description of these Two Furlongs is in noting, who had been Proprietors, and what Houses had been destroyed for a place to build the Castle in.

In aliis duobus Ibidem. Ferlingis fuere & sunt CXL Burgenses ad om­nes Consuetudines & ad Geldum Regis, & isti habebant quater XX Ha­gas pro quibus dabant & dant omnes Consuetudines, de his habebat San­ctus [Page 12] Benedictus de Ramesy XXII. T.R.E. Duo ex his fuere quieti ab om­nibus Consuetudinibus, & XXX reddidere quisque X Denar. per Annum.

In the other two Ferlings there were, and are 140 Burgesses which pay all Customs, and the Kings Tax, and they had Eighty Hages or Houses, for which they did give, and do give all Customs, of which the Abby of Ramsey had Twenty two in the Time of King Edward; Two of these were free from all Customs, and Twenty paid every one Ten pence by the Year, the Residue of the Survey of these two Furlongs is as the other, nothing more of the Burgesses.

Stadford Scire.

In Burgo de Domesd. f. 246. a Col. 1. Stadford habet Rex in suo Dominio XVIII Bur­genses, the King hath in Demeasn Eighteen Burgesses in the Burg of Stafford, Stafford. nothing further particularly about the Burg or Burgesses.

Terra Henrici de Ferrariis, vel Ferieres.

Henricus de Ibid. f. 248. b Col. 1. Tutberie Castle. Ferreres habet Castellum de Toteberie, in Burgo circa Castellum sunt XLII homines de Mercato suo tantum viventes, & reddunt cum foro IIII Lib. & X. Sol.

Henry de Ferrers hath the Castle of Tutbury, in the Burg about the Castle are XLIIi. e. Burges­ses. Men, which only Live upon his Market, and they with the Market yeild Four Pounds and Ten Shillings.

Sumersete.

Rex tenet Domesd. f. 87. a Col. 2. Bath. Bade T. R. E. Geldabat pro XX Hid. Quando Scira Geldabat. Ibi habet Rex LXIIII Burgenses reddentes IIII Lib. & quater Viginti & X Burgenses aliorum hominum reddunt ibi LX Solid.

The King holds Bath, in the Time of King Edward it was Taxed at the rate of Twenty Hides, when the Shire was Taxed. There the King hath Sixty four Burgesses, paying him four Pound by the Year, and there are Ninety under the Protection of other Men which pay Sixty Shillings yearly, nothing more of this Town or its Bur­gesses.

InIbib. b Col. 1. Taunton. Tanton there is only mention of Sixty Four Burgesses which paid Thirty Two Shillings, but there are many Privileges noted to belong to that Town then.

Hantescire.

In Burgo de Domesd. f. 52. a Col. 1. Southamp­ton. Hantune habet Rex in Dominio quater XX homi­nes IIII minus, qui reddunt VII Lib. de Gablo Terrae, & tot idem red­diderunt T. R. E. In the Burg of Hamton the King hath in Demeasn, or his immediate subjection, Eighty Four Men or Tenents at least, which pay Seven Pound Rent for their Land, and so much they paid [Page 13] in the time of King Edward, not one word of any Burgesses in the Sur­vey of this Town, unless these Eighty four Men were such, as there can be no doubt but they were.

Sudsexe. Terra Willielmi de Waren.

Burgum de Ibid. f. 26. a Col. 1. Lewes T. R. E. reddebat VI Lib. & IIII Solid. & III obolos de Gablo & de Theloneo ibi Rex Edwardus habebat CXXVII Burgenses in Dominio. The Burg of Lewes Lewes. in the Time of King Ed­ward did yield 6 l. 4 s. 1 d. ob. for Rent and Toll. There King Edward had 127 Burgesses in Demeasn, or in immediate Subjection to him, or that were his Vassals.

Sudsex. Terra Comitis Meritoniensis.

In Burgo f. 20. b Col. 1. Pevensey. Pevensel T. R. E. fuere XXIIII Burgenses in Do­minio Regis & reddebant de Gablo XIIII Sol. & VI Denar. de Thelo­neo XX Sol. De portu XXV Sol. De pastura VII Sol. & III Denar.

Episcopus de Cicestre habebat V Burgenses. Edmer Presbyter XV, Ormer Presbyter V, Doda Presbyter III.

Quando Comes de Moritonio recepit, nisi XXVII Burgenses, modo habet ipse in Dominio LX Burgenses reddentes XXXIX Sol. de Gablo. Theloneum IIII Lib. Moneta XX Sol.

Monachi de Moritonio VIII Burgenses de LXVI Denar. Gisleber­tus Vicecomes I Burgensem de XX Denar. Willielmus de Cahainges II Burgenses de II Sol. Ausfridus IIII de II Sol. Giroldus II de VI Sol. And so others that had Burgesses in this Burg to the Number of Forty one Burgesses under several Patrons.

In the Burg of Pevensey in the Time of King Edward there were Twenty four Burgesses in Demeasn of, or Vassals to the King, who paid Fourteen Shillings and Six pence Rent. Tol. Twenty Shillings, Port Custom, or for use of the Port Twenty five Shillings, for Pasture Seven Shillings and Three pence.

The Bishop of Chichester had Five Burgesses, Edmer a Priest Fifteen, Ormer a Priest Five, Doda a Priest Three.

When the Earl of Moreton received this Burg, he had but Twen­ty seven Burgesses, now he hath in Demeasn Sixty Burgesses, pay­ing Thirty nine Shillings Rent, Tol. Four Pound, Money Twenty Shillings.

The Monks ofIn Norman­dy. Moreton had Eight Burgesses which paid them Sixty six pence, Gilbert the Sherif one Burgess which paid Twenty pence. William de Cahainges Two Burgesses that paid him Two Shillings. Ausfrid Four that paid Two Shillings. Girold Two that paid Six Shillings, &c. These were Annual Payments.

In the City ofDomesd. f. 23. a Col. 1. Chichester, Chichester. no mention of any Burgesses, only of Hages, Houses and Dwellings, and that it paid Ten Pound yearly to the King, and Five Pound to the Earl in King Edwards time. That it was then worth but Twenty five Pound, yet it paid Thirty five Pound.

Castrum Ibidem. Harundel inter Burgum & Portum Aquae, & Consue­tudinem Navium reddit XII Lib. & tamen valent XIII.

The Burg and Port, of the Castle of Arundel, Arundel. with the Custom of Ships, yeilded Twelve Pounds, and were worth Thirteen Pounds.

Morinus habet ibi Consuetudinem de II Burgensibus XII Denar. Er­naldus I Burgensem de XII Denar. Sanctus Martinus I Burgensem de XII Denar.

Morin had there the Custom of Two Burgesses Twelve pence. Ernald of One Burgess Twelve pence, the Church of St Martin one Burgess Twelve pence.

Warwic Scire.

In Burgo de Domesd. f. 238. a Col. 1. Warwic Warwicke. habet Rex in Dominio suo CXIII Domus, & Barones Regis habent CXII de quibus omnibus Rex habet Geltum suum.

In the Burg of Warwic the King hath in his Demeasn 113 Houses, and the Kings Barons have 112, of all which the King hath his Tax. And then the Survey notes all the Bishops, Abbats, Earls and Barons, that were possessed of those Houses. Nothing further of the Bur­gesses and Burg to any purpose, except these Words. In ipso Burgo XIX Burgenses qui habent XIX Mansuras cum Saca & Soca & omni­bus Consuetudinibus & ita habebant T. R. E. In this Burg there are Nineteen Burgesses who had Nineteen Houses, with Jurisdi­ction, Protection-Money and all Customs, or Forfeitures incurred in them, and so it was in King Edward's time.

Terra Regis.

Rex tenet Ibid. Col. 1. Coleshelle & Tame­worth. Coleshelle, &c. Et in Tameworde X Burgenses huic Manerio pertinentes. The King holds Coleshull and Ten Burgesses in Tamworth belonging to this Maner. That is, paid their Customs to the Lords of it.

Wiltescire. Terra Regis.

Rex Ibid. f. 64. b. versus finem. habet de tertio Denario de Chrichelade V Lib.

The King hath Five Pounds of the Third Peny of Cricklade.

Rex Ibid. fol. 65. a Col. 1. C 7. fol. 15. Tenet Albeborn, Ghida tenuit T. R. E. Geldabat pro XL Hidis, &c. Huic manerio pertinebant VI Burgenses de Chrichelade red­dentes LXIIII Denarios.

The King holds Albeborn, Ghida held it in the Time of King Ed­ward, to this Maner there were Six Burgesses of Chrichelade Servants, or base Tenents, who paid yearly Sixty four pence.

Episcopus Ibid. f. 66. a Col. 1. Sarisberiensis tenet Ramesberie, &c. In Chrichelade huic Manerio pertinentes V Burgenses, reddunt V Sol.

The Bishop of Salisberie holds Ramesberie, &c. In Chrichelade there are Five Burgesses, Servants, or Base Tenents to this Maner, who paid Five Shillings yearly.

Ecclesia Ibid. f. 66. b Col. 1. Glastinberiensis tenet Badberie, &c. In Chrichelade I Burgensis reddit V Denarios.

The Church of Glastonbury holds Badberie, &c. In Chrichelade, one Burgess paying Five pence by the Year.

Ecclesia Ibid. f. 67. a. Sancti Petri Westmonasteriensis tenet Ecclesiam de Chri­chelade, & habet ibi plures Burgenses, & Tertium Denarium ejusdem Villae. Totum simul Reddit IX Lib. Quod habet Sanctus Petrus West­monasteriensis.

The Church of St Peter at Westminster, holds the Church of Chri­chelade, and hath there many Burgesses, and the Third Peny of the same Town; all together yeild to that Church, Nine Pounds.

Ecclesia Ibid. f. 67. b Col. 2. Sceptheriensis tenet Ledington, &c. In Chrichelade I Burgensis reddit VI Denarios.

The Church of Shaftsbury holds Ledington, &c. In Chrichelade One Burgess (that is, One Burgess belonging to that Maner) who paid Six Pence by the Year.

In Wallia.

In ipso Manerio Ibid. f. 269. a Col. 2. Roelent. Roelend est factum noviter Castellum similiter Roelent appellatum, ibi est Novum Burgum & in eo XVIII Burgenses inter Comitem & Robertum.

In ipso Anno hujus Descriptionis datum est ad firmam hujus Burgi Theloneum pro III Solid.

In the Maner of Roelent there was lately erected a Castle called also Roelent: There is a New Burg, and in it Eighteen Burgesses be­tween the Earl, (that is, Hugh Earl of Cheshire,) and Robert (that is, Robert de Roelent.

In the year of thisThat is, in the year when the Description of Cheshire and this Coun­try was made. Description, the Toll of this Burg was let to Farm for Three Shillings.

By these Instances (which are all can be found in both Domesday Books, that do give any light to the understanding what Burgs and Burgesses were in the Saxon times, and in the Reign of Edward the Confessor, as likewise afterward in the Reign of William the Conque­ror) we find the Burgesses or Tradesmen in great Towns,Tradesmen in the Saxon times, and in the time of the Conqueror had their Patrons, under whose Protection they Traded. had in those times their Patrons under whose Protection they Traded, and paid an acknowledgement therefore; or else were in a more Servile Condi­tion, as being in Dominio Regis vel aliorum, altogether under the Power of the King, or other Lords, and it seems to me that then they Traded not, as being in any Merchant-Gild, Society and Community, but meerly under the Liberty and Protection given them by their Lords and Patrons, who probably might have Power from the King to Licence such a number in this or that Port, or Trading Town.

And any Man would think the Charter of the Conqueror, obtained by William Bishop of London, looked this way, and that it was a meer Instrument of Protection rather than a Charter. The Saxon Words are these, as they are found inVol. 3. f. 15. n. 20. Holinshead.

See these words in more plain Saxon, pat. 2. Ed. 4. part. 5. m. 23. per in­speximus. Williem King grets Williem Bisceop & Godfred Port-Refan, & ealle ya Burghwarn binnen London Frencise & Englise Frendlice, & ic Ki­den eoy, yeet ic wille git ben ealra weera Lagay-Weord, ye get Weeran on Eadwerds Daege Kings. And ic Wille yeet aelc Child by his Fader yrfnume after his Fader Daege. And ic nelle ge Wollian yeet adnig Man eoy aenis Wrang beode. God eoy heald. That is,

William the King Greets William the Bishop, and Godfrey thePort-Reve, from Port an Haven or Har­bour, and Reve, an Officer, Minister, or Bayliff, that doth business for other Men, and the Port-Reve was the Kings Bayliff, that looked after his Cu­stoms and Tolls in the Port of London, before they were let to Fee-Farm. The Interpre­tation of the Conquerors Charter, or protection to the City of London. Port-Reve, and all the Burgesses, or rather Inhabitants of the Burg, within London French and English Friendly. And I declare to you, that I will that you be all Law-Worthy as ye were in King Edward's Days, and I will that each Child be his Fathers Heir, after his Fa­thers Days. And I will not that any Man command any Wrong to be done to you. God you hold, or Keep.

There are two things remarkable in this Charter, (as 'tis call'd.) First, the Burgesses were declared, all to be Law-Worthy. Secondly, That their Children should be their Heirs. Now there were two ways of being Law-Worthy, or having the benefit of the Law. By the State and Condition of Mens Persons, so almost all Free-Men had the free benefit of the Law, but Men of Servile Condition had not, es­pecially such as were in Dominio, in Demeasn, for they received Justice from their Lords, were Judged by them in most Cases, and had not the true benefit of the Law; so neither as to the second ob­servable in this Charter, could their Children be their Heirs, for they held their Lands and Goods at the Will of the Lord, and were not sure to enjoy them longer than they pleased him. The Second way of being Law-Worthy was, when Men had not committed any Crimes, or done any thing for which they forfeited the Law and deserved to be Out-Lawed, then they were said to be Legales homines, recti in Curia, or Law-Worthy, but not so properly as in the first Sense of the Word.

From hence we may make a very probable Conjecture at the true meaning of this Protection or Charter. It is not to be doubted, but that the Burgesses of London had obtained of the Saxon Kings several Liberties and Immunities, amongst which this was one, to be so far Free, as not to be in Dominio, or so Obnoxious to any Lord, but that by reason of their State and Condition, they might be Law-Worthy, that is, have the free benefit of the Law, and had likewise further obtained, (if it was not then a consequent of their Personal State and Condition) that their Children should be Heirs of their Lands and Goods, and in both these were Free from the Injuries, and un­reasonable Demands, and Power of any Severe Lord; So that all the application made by theirHe had also been Bishop of London Six­teen years, in King Edwards time. Bishop William, and not unlikely by Godfrey the Port-Reve, to the Conqueror for them, was, that their State and Condition might be the same it was in King Edward's Days, that their Children might be their Heirs, and that they might in both be Protected from the Injury and Violence of Imperious Lords, which by the Prevalency of their Bishop were granted; considering there­fore that by the foregoing Instances it is clear, that many or most Burgesses of other Burghs, were in Dominio either of the King, or some other Lords or Patrons, in the time of King Edward, and that the Londoners might fear the Conqueror would break in upon their Privileges, and reduce them to the same Condition; this Explication seems to discover the Genuine meaning, and very Import of this Pro­tection, or, as 'tis commonly called, Charter.

How long in most Burghs, A Conjecture when the Free condition of Burghs began. very many Burgesses remained in this Servile State, or others in a Middle or Neutral State of between Ser­vitude and Freedom; I cannot say certainly, but do suppose, until our Ancient Norman Kings granted by their Charters, there should be Merchant or Trading-Gilds, Communities and Societies, in Burghs, and gave themSee Append. N. 1. a & b. & N. 2. concern­ing great Yar­mouth. Free Liberty of Trade, without paying Toll or Cu­stom any where, other than their Fee-Farm-Rent in Lieu of them, where that was Reserved; or to raise and Multiply such Payments by Incouragement of Trade, which by the Grants of such Liberties did mightily Increase, where the Kings Bayliffs collected them.

In France and Countries adjoyning, the Chief and Ruling Inhabi­tants of Cities, Burghs and Towns, that enjoyed these Privileges were called Communities, which in Latin were variously expressed, by the WordsDu Fresn, in verbo. The Commu­nities of Cities and Burghs, here and in Foreign parts erected or confirmed by Kings. Commune, Communia, Communio, Communitas: Du Fresn in his Glossary and Explication of these Words, says, The Kings of France erected these Communities to cheque the Insolencies of their great Vassals, and to protect them from their over-grown Dominion and Extravagant Power over them, that they reputed such Cities and Towns their own, where there were such Communities; and truely, for that the Inhabitants were in a manner Freed from the Dominion of their Lords thereby, and became immediately Subject to their Kings, who by reason of such Establishments had Power to call them forth into their Armies, many such Communities were erected in France by Dukes, Earls and other great Vassals of that King, which were confirmed by his Assent, and Supreme Right, and where he pleased did institute, and take away such Communities without consulting their Lords, if the Inhabitants offended. The same Author says, [Page 18] that inter Communiae Jura praecipua recensentur, The Rights of, or what makes a Community of a City, or Burg. Scabinatus, Colle­gium, Majoratus, Sigillum, Campana, Berfredus & Iurisd­uio. That is, the chief things which constituted a Community, were, a Major, Eschevins or Aldermen, a Body, Society, Fraternity or Com­mon Counsell, out of which they were to be chosen, a Bell-Fry and B [...]ll, to call them together to publick Meetings, a Common Seal and Jurisdiction. He gives an account of Ninety seven in France, and parts adjoyning, which were Erected by Charters of the Ancient Kings thereof, and their great Vassals. The most Antient, I find amongst them,Communities, when they first began to he frequent in France, &c. is the Charter granted by Lewis the Sixth called the Gross, to the Town of St. Riquier in Pontieu, A. D. 1126. He began his Reign, July 26. A. D. 1108, and was Contemporary to our Henry the First, they were much increased and multiplied by his Successor Lewis the Seventh, who was Contemporary to our King Stephen, and Henry the Second.

The Burgh-Laws when first published in Scotland.About the same time the Laws and Customs of the Burghs of Scot­land were published by David the first King of that Nation, who began his Reign A. D. 1124. and was Contemporary to our Henry the First and King Stephen.

It wants not Probability, though it manifestly appears not, that William Rufus, Henry the First and King Stephen, being all Ʋsurpers, granted large Immunities to Burghs; to secure them to their Party; and by the time that Glanvil wrote, which was in the Reign of Henry the Second, Burghs had so great Privileges, as that if a Bond-Man or Servant Glanvil. lib. c. remained in a Burgh as a Burgess or Member of it, a Year and Day, he was by that very Residence made Free, and so it was in Scotland, he was always free and enjoyed the Liberty of the Burgh, if he were able to buy a Burgage, and his Lord claimed him not within a Year and a Day. Si Leg. Burg. Scot. c. 17. homo Comitis vel Baronis seu cujuscunque Servus fuerit, venerit in Burgo; Et emerit sibi Bur­gagium, & manserit in eodem Burgagio per unum Annum & unum Di­em, sine Calumnia Domini sui vel ejus Rallivi: Semper erit Liber, & Libertate Burgi gaudebit sicut Burgensis, nisi sit servus Domini Regis. And in or before the Sixth year of this King, he granted, by Charter before cited, to the Burgesses of Wallingford, many large Privileges for the Service they did him against King Stephen, in recovering his Hereditary Right. Theobald, Archbishop of Canturbury was a Witness to this Charter, who died A. D. 1160. in the Sixth of Henry the Second; Winchester also and Oxford had Charters in the Reign of Henry the Second, as appears by theAppend. n. 5. Charter of Portsmouth in the Fifth of Richard the First, and that ofIbid. n. 6. Andever in the Sixth of King John.

Why these were called Free-Burghs, and why the Tradesmen in them were called Free Burgesses, the Charters themselves will inform us, in the Charter ofAppend. n. 3. Dunwich, Johannis 29 Junii. Sciatis, nos conces­sisse quod Burgum de Dunewiz. Sit Liberum Burgum. So in the Charter of Bridgwater, granted to William Briwer. Append. n. 7 Why Burghs and Burgesses were called Free-Burghs and Free-Bur­gesses. Quod Bruge Walteri, 2 Johannis 26 Junii, sit Liberum Burgum, & quod ibi sit Li­berum Mercatum, and that the Burgesses of the same Burg should be Free Burgesses and quiet of Toll, Passage, Pontage, Lastage and Stal­lage, and should have all Liberties and Free Customs, Quittances, [Page 19] which belonged to the Crown, through all his Territories, and all Ports, except the City of London. Likewise in the Charter of Helleston in Corn­wall, 2 Johan. Ʋt sit Append. n. 8. Burgus noster de Helleston Liber Burgus, &c. After the same manner King John granted to the Burgesses of the Town ofAppend. n. 2. Yarmouth in Norff. Quod Burgenses nostri de Gernemua habeant Burgum de Gernemua ad feodi Firmam in perpetuum; & quod Burgus ille sit Liber Burgus in perpetuum. In the Fifth of the same King, Noveritis ut Villa de Lenna sit Append. n. 9. Liber Burgus in perpetuum. And in the Charter to Hertlepoole in the Bishoprick of Durham Append. n. 10. Sciatis nos concessisse & hac praesenti Charta nostra confirmasse hominibus de Hertlepoole, quod sint liberi Burgenses. Which Liberty granted to the Burgs and Bur­gesses (for all Inhabitants of Burgs were not such) was a Freedom to Buy and Sell freely without disturbance, a Liberty from paying Toll, What the Free­dom of Burgs and Burgesses was, and in what it consi­sted. Pontage, Passage-Money, Lestage, Stallage, &c. In the Mercates and Fairs in these Burgs, and in coming to, and going from them, and for these things, the Burgs were called free Burgs, and the Bur­gesses Free Burgesses, and for nothing else, as is most evident from the Charters themselves.

From the Burg and other Laws of Scotland, What the Free­dom of Burgs and Burgesses was, by the Burg-Laws of Scotland. the same thing is evin­ced; in the Burg-Laws, Tit. de Vigiliis, C. 86, by which every House was bound to find one to Watch and Knock at their Doors with a Staff. Exceptis Viduis, quae tamen si Communicaverint cum Vicinis suis, in Emendo & Vendendo, Vigilare debent, & alia onera supportare; ex­cept Widows, who notwithstanding, if they Bought and Sold as their Neighbours did, ought to Watch and bear other Burthens. Again Cap. 108. Nullus Burgensis qui manet extra Burgum potest ali­quid Emere nec Vendere, nec Liber esse in aliquo Burgo nisi in illo Burgo in quo est Burgensis. And in Chap. 139. Statuit Rex David, quod omnes Burgenses sui sint liberi per totum Regnum suum, tam per aquam quam per Terram, ad Emendum & Vendendum, & ad commodum suum faciendum absque perturbatione, super plenam suam forisfacturam.

King David made a Law, that all his Burgesses should be free to Buy and Sell in his whole Kingdom, as well by Water as by Land, and to make their advantage without disturbance, upon pain of full forfeiture to such as disturbed them. In the Statutes of King William Chap. 35. Item statuit, quod Mercatores Regni habeant Gildam su­am Mercatoriam, & ita gaudeant in pace, cum libertate Emendi & Vendendi, ubique infra limites Libertatum Burgorum, ita quod quilibet sit contentus sua Libertate, & nullus occupet Libertatem alterius, &c. Also he decreed, that the Merchants of the Kingdom should have their Merchant-Gild, and so peaceably with the Liberty of Buying and Selling every where within the Liberties of their Burgs, so that every one be Content with his Liberty, and none shouldThat is, use his Trade. Ʋsurp the Liberty of another, &c. By understanding wherein their Liberty consisted, we come to know what Men, the Burgesses were, to wit, Buyers and Sellers, Ordinary and Common Tradesmen, (then called Merchants) such as are commonly found in ordinary Inland Burgs, & Mercate Towns, such as frequented Fairs and Mar­kets. So in a PleaRiley's Placita Parle­mentar. f. 292, 293, 294, 295. between the Abbat of Westminster, and the Tradesmen that resorted to his Fair there in 30th of Edward the First, they are often called Mercatores Merchants; likewise in the 34th of the same King in the Parlement holden atInter Com­munia de Ter­mino Trinitat. Ann. R. R. Ed. 1. 34. cum Remem. Thes. in Scaccario. Westminster on the [Page 20] morrow after Trinity Sunday, the Citisens, Burgesses, and others of the Kings Demeasn Subjects, granted unto him the 20th part of their Goods, &c. Mat. Westminster, speaking of this very Gift; says,f. 455. lin. 6. Mercatores Vicesimum Denarium concesserunt, and in all Old Authors, English and French, Ordinary Tradesmen are termed Merchants. In the Agreement between Richard the First King of England, and Philip King of France at Messina. Statutum est a praedictis Regibus, quod Mercator, de quacunque Mercatione sit Mercator, non potest emere in exercitu panem ad Vendendum, ne farinam, nisi aliquis Alienigena illam adduxerit, & de illa panem fecerit, nec Bladum nisi de illo si­militer panem fecerit. Hoved. f. 384. b. n. 30. Here Bakers and Sutlers were accounted Merchants. Alii Mercatores, de quacunque Mercatione fuerint, in Decem Denarios tenentur Lucrari unum, Ibid. Here other ordinary Tradesmen, that brought Goods into the Army to sell, were termed Merchants. Aldermannus Gildae Mercatorum Oxoniae, Judex Gilda Oxoniensis. Qui Mercatorum lites dijudicabat. Monast. Angl. Tom. 2. f. 141. Here the ordinary Tradesmen of Oxford, were called Merchants, and that they were so Denominated, the very words, Gilda Mercatoria, do sufficiently prove it, as it was granted to most ordinary Inland Burgs.

For the Gild or Community there did always consist of a Select Number of Ordinary Tradesmen, yet of the most Discreet and Wealthy of the Burg, and by whom the Bulk of the meaner sort of Burgesses (or, as they are now called, Freemen) were Superintended and Governed. In the Iter or Circuit of the Kings Chamberlain, who had the Superin­tendency of all Burgs in Scotland, and went from Burg to Burg, and punished all Faults and Crimes committed there, and also the Chief Officers, if negligent in their Duties, in the Third Chapter of the Iter, intituled, Modus Tenendi Iter, hath this Article; Item, petantur in Scriptis omnia Nomina Burgensium infra habitantium, & extra, videlicet, Nomina fratrum Gildae per se, & Nomina aliorum per se. Also, that all the Names of the Burgesses be demanded in Writing, as well of those that dwell within the Burg as without; that is to say, the Names of the Brethren of the Gild by themselves, and the Names of others by themselves; from hence it is clear, the Gilds or Communities of all the Burgs in Scotland were a Select Number, and so they were in France, Germany, and all other places where they had Burgs, or Municipal Towns, and in England the same.

In theHoved. f. 399. b. n. 20. 30. 40. Year 1191. which was the Second of Richard the First, John Earl of Moreton, the Archbishop of Roven, and all the Bishops, Earls and Barons, with the Citisens of London, met in St Pauls Church-yard on the 11th of October, deposed the Chancellor, Wil­liam Longchamp Bishop of Ely, the King then in the Holy Land, and made Walter, Archbishop of Roven, Chancellor in his stead, and the same Day the said Earl and Archbishop, and other the Kings Justices, Granted to the Citisens of London, to have their Community. Et eo­dem Die Comes Moretonii, A Grant to the Citisens of London, that they should have a Com­munity. & Archiepiscopus Rothomagensis, & alii Regis Justitiarii concesserunt Civibus Londoniarum habere Communiam suam. And the same Year the Earl of Moreton and the Archbishop, and almost all the Bishops, and Earls and Barons of the Kingdom, did Swear firmly and stedfastly to Defend and Preserve that Community, so long as it pleased the King. Et eodem Anno Comes Moretonii, & [Page 21] Archiepiscopus Rothomagensis, & fere omnes Episcopi & Comites & Barones Regni juraverunt Communiam illam firmiter, & inconcusse Servaturos; quamdiu Domino Regi placuerit.

This Community, which was thus granted to the Citisens, was a Select Number, for the better management of the Affairs of the City, for no doubt but the Citisens met promiscuously in St Pauls Church-yard, and to avoid confusion for the future, it was desired by them­selves, and thought requisite by Earl Moreton, the Chancellor and Kings Justices, that they should have such an Establishment, the better to assist them in their Seditious Practices, and for the more advantage of the Citisens; otherwise, why should the Citisens desire it, and the No­bility be Importuned to Swear the Defence of it? The Citisens that were of this Constitution Swear Fealty to the King, and also to his BrotherIbid. n. 40. John Earl of Moreton, against all Men if he should Dye without Heirs, and some Obligation there was upon them without doubt to assist inEdward the Second de­manded of the Citisens of London, Aid against his Queen, in the 19th of his Reign: when she and other Rebels landed with Foreign Force, upon Deliberation, Exire Civita­te sua se nolle fatebantur ad pugnam, nisi possent (juxta liberta­tem eis Conces­sam) ipso eo­dem Die rever­ti ante solis oc­casum, Wal­sing. f. 123. n. 40. War, as well as there was upon the Communities in other Nations, if Earl John, and the Bishops and Barons of his Faction, could have had an opportunity to have used them. In Rigord, and other Ancient French Historians, we read often of the King of France calling out his Communities to War, and Hoveden aforesaid tells usf. 444. b. lin. 28. that A. D. 1197. On the Eve of St Michael, Philippus Rex Franciae Magno congregato Exercitu Militum, & Communiarum Sua­rum, Exiens de Mant. upon the River Scyn in the Isle of France. Mantua profectus est versus Curceles. Here it seems as if he had as much Power to call hisSee du Fresn in the word Hostis, where it evidently appears, that the Communi­ties of Cities and Burghs in France, were to send out their Horse and Foot upon Summons into the Host or Army. Communities out to War, as he had to call his Knights, and this may be the reason why London in the time of Edward the Third, and some other Cities and Burghs in England had Charters of Privilege, and Grants from our Antient Kings, that they should not be called out to War, or forced to march out of the Limits of their own Jurisdiction.

Whether this Community mentioned by Hoveden was the first that was granted to London, or whether they had One before, and it was Dissolved by King Henry the Second, for their constant Rebellion against his Mother Maud the Empress and Himself, and never restored un­till this time, I know not. They had not a Mayor untill the First of Richard the First, the Year before this, and perhaps might not have a Community untill the Second of his Reign. However it was then, it appears, by the CityLib. A. B. C. throughout. Books, that in the time of Edward the first, and the succeeding Kings, it had Communia's, and the first men­tioned in these Books consisted of Two in every Ward, in all Forty, who were Elected by the Probi homines of the Ward, which Probi Homines are explained by these Words, Discretiores, Sapientiores, & Meliores de Warda; the most Discreet, Knowing, and Best Men of the Ward. Such were the Electors, and of such was the Commu­nity to consist, sometimes the Number of the Communia (which word is more frequently used in their Books, than Communitas) was made up of 2, 4, 6, 8. out of every Ward, or out of some Wards more, others fewer, according to the Quantity of the Ward, and the Summons, at least Direction, of the Major, or of him and the Sheriffs.

There is a notable Writ or Record much to this purpose in the time of KingAppend. n. 11. Henry the Sixth, concerning the Election of the Mayor and Aldermen of London; setting forth, that his Progenitors Kings [Page 22] of England, had by their Charters granted to his Citisens of the City aforesaid Liberty to choose a Mayor and Aldermen among themselves, whom they pleased, and to present them to the Lord Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer, the King not being there, that according to Custom they might be Admitted. And that though according to Custom in former times, they were wont to be chosen by the Alder­men, and more discreet Persons of the said City, specially summoned and Warned for that purpose, ('tis not said, how many out of every Ward) yet some that had not, nor ought to have, any Interest in such Electi­ons, came, and with their Noise and Clamors disturbed them. He therefore Commanded the Mayor and Sheriffs to make Proclamation and Prohibit all from coming, that had no right to be there, and that the Elections should be made by the Aldermen and Others, more Discreet and Able Citisens of the said City, specially Summoned for that purpose, according to Custom, letting them know, that if any one was Chosen any other way and presented to Him, or the Treasurer or Barons of the Exchequer, he should not be Admitted, and also directing them to Arrest, and Commit to Prison, all such as they should find doing con­trary to the Proclamation and Inhibition.

In the 29th of Edward the First, John Blund was chosen MayorLib. c. fol. 62. b. How the Mayor and Al­dermen of London were chosen. per Commune Consilium Elye Russel tunc Majoris, and the Alder­men there named; and the Sheriffs, per assensum Duodecim proborum hominum Singularum Wardarum, by Assent of Twelve Good Men of every Ward. In the 31 of the same King, also in the 32 and 33. John Lincoln Ibid. f. 111, 112, 113. and John Blund the third and fourth time chosen by Twelve bonos & legales homines de qualibet Warda Summonitos; Twelve Good and Lawful Men Summoned out of every Ward. In that 31 Year, William de Coumb-Martin, and John de Burford wereLib. c. f. 111. b. elected Sherifs by the Mayor and Aldermen, in praesentia XII de Sin­gulis Wardis Summonitorum ad Eligendum & recipiendum Vicecomites suos, in the presence of Twelve of every Ward, Summoned to choose and receive their Sheriffs.

In the Sixth of Edward the Second,Lib. d. f. 3. a. William Wellesford and another were chosen Sheriffs by the Mayor, Aldermen, and Twelve Summoned out of every Ward. Wellesford Dyes, and Adam Ludkin was Chosen, per Sex & amplius de Singulis Wardis Summonitos, by Six and more Summoned out of every Ward.

In the Seventh of Edward the Second, Nicholas Ibid. b. Farendon was chosen Mayor by the Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriffs, & per Communita­tem, by the Community assembled. TheIbid. Sheriffs chosen the same Year by the Mayor, Aldermen, and per Communitatem Summonitam, &c. by the Community Summoned, &c.

In the Eight of Edward the Second, the Mayor and Sheriffs were chosen as before, andIbid. f. 4. a. per probiores homines Communitatis de qua­libet Warda, by the better Men of the Community of every Ward.

In the 20th of Edward the Third, it wasLondon Liberties, &c. f. 2. & f. 11. Agreed, That from thenceforth there should come the Mayor, Aldermen, and also out of every Ward of the City of London, Twelve, Eight, or Six, according as the Ward shall be great or small of the Richest and Wisest of every [Page 23] Ward; and such Twelve, Eight or Six, with the Mayor and Alder­men, shall intermeddle, and choose a Mayor and Sheriffs for the year following. In all these Elections, and all others in the Times of Edw. 1, 2.3. Rich. 2. Hen. 4, 5, and 6. no mention is made of the Common Council, but there can be no doubt made but that the Com­mon Council-Men in every Ward were all summoned, and the others that were summoned besides them, were sent to by the Mayor's Di­rection, and happily, not without the Advice of the Aldermen and Sheriffs; There being not the least notice of their being chosen by the Ward:

These Elections are recorded by various Expressions, and probably were not made always according to the same exact Form, until the Fifteenth of Edward the Fourth; when theIbid. f. 2. Masters, Wardens, and Liveries of the several Companies were taken in. So that since that time, the Elections of the Mayor and Sheriffs, &c. are made by the Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council, and Them, according to the Act of Common Council then made.

In the year 1650 there was a great Controversie, Whether the Right of Electing Lord Mayors, Sheriffs, &c. rested in the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and the Freemen in general by their Representa­tives to be chosen in every Ward: Or in the Mayor, Aldermen, Com­mon Council, Masters, Wardens, and Liveries of the several Compa­nies; managed by Judge Hales, and Mr. Serjeant Maynard of Coun­cil for the Livery-Men, and Major John Wildman, and one Mr. Price Agents and Speakers for the Freemen, before the Lord Mayor, Court of Aldermen, and Common Council. The Commu­nity of the City of London a Select Num­ber. Now in which soever the Right of Election remained, the Arguments, on both sides, and the Records then produced, and insisted upon by them, do manifestly prove, That the Community of the City, or as 'tis called the Commonalty, did con­sist of a Select Number of the more discreet, able, wise, and rich Citi­zens, and was not the Body of Freemen in General: And that such a Select Number in Cities and Burgs was most frequently expressed, meant and understood, by the Latin Words, Communa, Communia, or Com­munitas. And is, or ought to be so, at this Day.

See theSee Peti­tion, &c. Jan. 13. 1680. in Print. Title of the Common Council holden in the Chamber of the Guildhal of the City of London, before the Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriffs, and the greater part of the Commoners in Common Council assembled.Of what Per­sons the Com­munity of London con­sists. All these together being a Select Number in Common Council assembled, are the Commonalty or Community of the City of London, according to the Ancient Import, and true Signification of those Latin Words in all Nations.

In theScriptor, Norman. Ve­teres, by Du Chesn. f. 10. 6. Establishment or Charter of Roven, and Falaise in Nor­mandy, the Government of the City and Town was by a Mayor, Twen­ty Four Jurats, (so called, because sworn, &c. when they were cho­sen and admitted) and an Hundred Pares or Peers. The Twenty Four Jurats were annually chosen, out of the 100 Peers, by the 100 Peers; What the Community of Roven in Normandy was. whereof Twelve were Eschevins, that is, Aldermen, and the other Twelve, Consultores, Counsellors, and all these together were called the Communia, or Community of that City, and Town with the Castle.

Yet further to make it clear beyond all Exception, what the Com­munity or Commonalty of a Burgh or City was, I will add a Clause in a Private Act of Parlement, made for the Establishment of certain Rents, and other Matters between the Burgh of Plimouth, and the Prior and Convent of Plimpton, in the Time of King Edw. the Fourth, in these English words, as 'tis to be found upon the Parlement Roll, 4 Edw. 4. M. At the end of the 38 Membrane and beginning of the 39th. 38.39. And if the sayd yerely Rent of xxix l. vi s. viii d. be behind in part, or in all, not payd to the same Priour of Plympton, and Covent, and to their Successours in the same Priorye by xv Dayes next after Eny of the said Fests of Payment, That then it be Lefull unto the same Priour and Covent and their Successours, and to their Officers and Ministers to Distreyne in the said Borough, and in Name of Distresse to take all the Goods and Catalles of the said Maire and Comonalte, and of all other Burgeis of the same Borough, and of all other Persones resident and Dwelling in the same Borough and Precinct of the same, Mayor and Commonalty distinct from all other Bur­gesses, &c. and in every Parcel thereof. Here we find the Mayor and Commonalty of Plymouth a Select Number, and distinct from all other Burgesses of that Burgh, and all other Persons Resident and Dwelling within the same. And what the Mayor and Commonalty of this Burgh were, other than the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, or the Mayor and Chief Burgesses, which were the Governing part of the Town, let any one, that can, tell me.

The Seals of Communities.These Communities had their Seals, by which they Ratified their Grants and Charters, and made Authentic all their Matters of Mo­ment, almost as Ancient as their Being. The LearnedDe Re Di­plomat. f. 148. F. 149. B. C. Mabil­lon, after he hath mentioned the Seals of the Communities of some Towns and Burghs, saith, Idem censendum est de aliis Communiarum Si­gillis, When they be­gan to be in use. quae à Seculo duodecimo Originem habuerunt. We are to think the same, of the Seals of other Communities which began to be in use about the Twelfth Century: He might have added, and some time before.

From Treating of the Constitution of Burghs, and shewing what they, and the Burgesses anciently were, and of what Value and Esti­mation in the Nation, I shall proceed to shew, what the Parlement-Burghs were, and when, and for what cause at first they sent Repre­sentatives to Parlement.

In the Reigns of King John, and Henry the Third, we do not find any Citisens or Burgesses in Great Councils or Parlements, unless they were in that of the 49th of Henry the Third; at which time, the Ci­tisens of York and Lincoln, and other Burghs of England were writ­ten unto, To send two Citisens, and two Burgesses according to the form of the Writ directed to the Bishop of Durham. See my Answer to Mr. Petyt, f. 137. A. f. 140. B.

The main cause of the Cities and Burgesses be­ing first Sum­moned to Parlement.The main cause of their being, first Summoned to Parlement, was, to give their Consent to Taxes propounded to, or imposed upon them; before that time in the Reigns of those two Kings, they were Talli­ated or paid Tallage according to the Imposition upon them, or Accep­tance of what they offered by the Kings Officers, or Justices, as also [Page 25] in the time of Edward the First, untill after the 34th year of his Reign, as is manifestly proved in my Animadversions upon a Book, called, Jani facies Nova, Fol. 178, 179. 130. and further appears in Ryley's Placita Parlementaria, in the 33d of this King, Fol. 259. 264. 265. 275, 276. Although several years before, Citisens and Burgesses were Summoned to Parlement, and there gave their Consent to the Raising and Paying of Taxes. In the 32d Year of his Reign he caused aSee the Com­missions, Pat. 32 Ed. 1. in C [...]luia. Tallage, without Common Consent, to be Assessed by Com­missioners in all his Cities, Burghs and D [...]measns, in every County of England, either by Heads, (Capitatim) or in Common, and gave particular direction that the Tallage of Norwich should be Assessed at four Hundred Pounds.

The first time we find any Citisens or Burgesses Summoned to Par­lement, was, in the 23d Year of Edward the First,Citisens and Burgesses first Summoned to Parlement. according to the Tenor of this Writ.

Rex Claus. 23. Ed. 1. m. 4. Dors. De Parliamen­to Tenendo. Vicecomiti Northampton Salutem, quia cum Comitibus, Baronibus, & caeteris Proceribus Regni nostri super remediis contra pe­ricula quae eidem Regno his diebus imminent providendis, Colloquium habere Volumus & Tractatum per quod eis mandavimus, quod sint ad Nos Die Dominica proxima post festum Sancti Martini in Hyeme prox­imè futurum apud Westmonasterium ad Tractandum, Ordinandum, & faciendum qualiter sit hujusmodi periculis obviandum, tibi Praecipimus firmiter injungentes, quod de Comitatu praedicto Duos Milites, & de qualiber Civitate ejusdem Comitatus Duos Cives, & de quolibet Burgo, Duos Burgenses de discretioribus, & ad laborandum poten­tioribus sine Dilatione eligi, & eos ad Nos, ad praedictos Diem & Lo­cum venire facias. Ita quod dicti Milites plenam & sufficientem po­testatem pro se, & Communitate Comitatus praedicti, & dicti Cives & Burgenses pro se & Communitate Civitatum & Burgorum prae dictorum Divisim ab ipsis tunc ibidem habeant. Ad faciendum tunc quod de Communi Consilio ordinabitur in praemissis. Ita quod pro defectu hujusmodi potestatis negotium praedictum infectum non remaneat, quoquo modo; Et habeas ibi nomina Militum, Civium & Burgensium & hoc Breve. Teste Rege apud Cantuariam tertio Die Octobris.

The King to the Sheriff of Northampton-Shire, Greeting. Because we desire to have a Conference and Treaty with the Earls, Barons, and other Great Men of our Kingdom, to provide Remedies against the Dangers the same Kingdom is in at this time, therefore we have Commanded them, that they be with us at Westminster on the next Sun­day after the Feast of St Martin in Winter next coming, to Treat, Ordain and Do, so as those Dangers may be prevented. We Command and Firmly enjoyn thee, that without delay thou dost cause to be Chosen, and to come to us, at the time and place aforesaid, two Knights of the County aforesaid, and of every City, two Citisens, and of every Burgh, two Burgesses, of the most discreet and fit for business. So as the said Knights may have sufficient Power for themselves, and the Community of the County aforesaid, and the said Citisens and Burges­ses, may have the same power, separately from them, for themselves, and the Communities of Cities and Burghs, then to Do in the Pre­misses what shall be ordained by Common, or the Common Council. So that for defect of such Power the business aforesaid may not remain [Page 26] undone; And have there the Names of the Knights, Citisens, and Burgesses, and this Writ. Witness the King at Canturbury the third of October.

The Parlement Prorogued be­fore it met.This Parlement did not meet on the Sunday after St Martin, but was Prorogued before meeting, to the Sunday next before St Andrew the Apostle, which is the 30th. of November. Test. Claus. 23. Ed. 1. n. 2. Dors. De Par­liamento Pro­regando. Rege apud Odmer 2 Die Novembris. And all the Treating, Ordaining and Doing in this Parlement was only to Grant, and Consent to Raise such Supplies as the King Demanded, as will afterward appear.

The not finding any Citisens or Burgesses, Summoned by former Writs directed to Sheriffs, nor particular Writs directed to the Ma­yors, Bayliffs, or Chief Officers of Cities and Burghs, before this, (ex­cept that in the 49th of Henry the Third) might be a sufficient proof, that these were the first Summons of Citisens or Burgesses to Parlement. But to clear this point, beyond all doubt and cavil, we must look back to the 18th of this King, and see what the Style of Parlements was, between that time, and this.

In thisBundle of Summons to Parlement, 18 Ed. 1. Year, there is a Bundle of Writs directed to the She­riffs of several, or most, of the Counties of England, and they are the Ancientest extant, or perhaps that ever were, (except as above) by which two or three Knights were directed to be chosen for each County; but no Citisens or Burgesses. And accordinglyRetorn. Parl. 18. E. 1. Three Knights returned for some Counties, 18. Ed. 1. and two for others Norfolk, Suffolk; Cambridge and Huntingdon-Shires, and Cumberland returned each of them three Knights with Manucaptors for their appearance, all other Counties but two each, &c.

This Parlement gave the King a Fifteenth part of all their Move­able Goods, as appears by theIn officio Pipae apud Westmonast. The Account Roll hereafter mentioned. account upon the Great Roll in the 23d year of this King, in the two last Rolls of that Great Roll. The Title of Account, wherein also we have the Style of that Par­liment, which runs thus.

Compotus Quintae-Decimae Regi Anno Decimo Octavo per Archie­piscopos, Episcopos, Abbates, Priores, Comites, Barones, & omnes alios de Regno, de omnibus bonis suis mobilibus concessae; & per Diversos Collectores, in Diversis Comitatibus, Eodem Anno Decimo Octavo Assessae, Collectae, & Levatae.

The Account of the Fifteenth, Granted to the King in his Eighteenth Year, by the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbats, Priors, Earls, Barons, and all others of the Kingdom, Assessed, Collected, and Levied by Divers Collectors in several Counties, in the same Eighteenth Year. This is the very same Style which was used in the Reigns of King John and Henry the Third, before the Commons or Community of Counties were Represented by Knights, chosen by them. And 'tis here further to be noted, that the two or three Knights, chosen for the Community of the County did Represent them, andAd consulen­dum & con­sentiendum pro se & Commu­nitate illa His quae Comites, Barones, & Proceres prae­dicti tunc dux­erint concor­danda. according to the form of the Writ, Consulted and Consented to a Fifteenth for them, which are here called the Omnes alii de Regno; and were Military Tenents in Capite of the Ordinary Rank, but of the same Order with the Knights.

In the Chequer In the Cu­stody of the Kings Remem­brancer. Inter Communia de Termino, St. Mich. Rot. or n. 5. Roll of the 19th of Edward the First. There is the Form of a Writ, to appoint Taxors and Collectors of this Fif­teenth, in these Words. Edwardus Dei Gratia, &c. Militibus, liberis hominibus, & toti Communitati Comitatuum, &c. Salu­tem. Cum Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Priores, Comites, Barones & omnes alii de Regno nostro, nunc sicut alias nobis & progenitoribus nostris liberaliter concesserunt Quintam-Decimam de omnibus bonis suis Mobilibus, &c. Teste meipso apud Kings-Clipton 22 Die Septembris Anno Regni nostri decimo octavo. Edward by the Grace of God, &c. To the Knights, See my Glos­sary what these Freemen were. Freemen, and the whole Community of Counties, (none named) &c. Greeting, Whereas the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbats, Priors, Earls, Barons, and all others of our King­dom, now as at other times, to us and our Progenitors have freely Granted a Fifteenth part of all their Moveable Goods, &c. Wit­ness our-self at Kings-Clipton the 22d of September in the Eighteenth Year of our Reign. Here we find the same persons only Granted this Fifteenth, which were wont to Grant the same manner of Taxes in the times of his Progenitors, which illustrates what was said before.

The Cities and Burghs, or at least the City of London, this Year also had a Fifteenth Taxed, and Levied upon them,Citisens and Burgesses compliance with the Kings demands, cal­led a Grant. which notwith­standing it was demanded by the King, without their being Summo­ned to Parlement, by Citisens and Burgesses their Representatives, yet their compliance with the Kings demands, was called a Grant.

Georgius de Rokesly, Walterus de Rokesly Executor Testamenti ejus­dem Georgii pro eo, In the same Account-Roll of the same great Roll, as above. Henricus de Waleys, Robertus de Basings, Willielmus de Hereford, & idem Robertus de Basings Executor Testa­menti ejusdem Willielmi pro eo, una cum Magistro Willielmo de Wi­mondham Clerico, Assessores & Collectores Quintae-Decimae in Ci­vitate London, & infra totum praecinctum ejusdem Civitatis Regi concessae. Anno Regni sui decimo octavo reddunt compotum de 2860 l. 13 s. 8 d. de eadem Quinta-Decima sicut continetur in Rotulo de par­ticulis, quem iidem Assessores & Collectores liberaverunt in Thesaurario, &c. That is,

George de Rokesly, Walter de Rokesly Executor of the Testament of the same George for him, Henry de Waley's, Robert de Basings, Wil­liam de Hereford, and the same Robert de Basings Executor of the Testament of the same William for him; together with Mr. William de Wimondham Clerc, Assessors, and Collectors of the Fifteenth By the City upon the Kings demand, and sending to them. Granted to the King in the City of London, and within the whole Precinct of the same City in the Eighteenth year of his Reign, do give account ofThis was the Sum of the whole Fif­teenth in Lon­don, 18 Ed. 1. A. D. 1290. 2860 l. 13 s. 8 d. of the same Fifteenth as it is con­tained in a Roll of Particulars delivered into the Treasury, &c.

Many Compounded, or (as the Phrase was then) fined for this Fif­teenth, as for Example.Ibid. Many admit­ted to a Com­position for their Taxes. Abbas de Sancto Edmundo reddit Com­potum de 666 l. 13 s. 4 d. De fine pro habenda acquietancia Quinta-Decimae omnium Bonorum Suorum Temporalium & Bonorum Conventus sui & Villanorum suorum, & hominum totius Villae Sancti Edmundi, Salua Regis Quinta-Decima Bonorum omnium aliorum libere Tenentium ipsius Abbatis & Conventus praedictorum, sicut con­tinetur [Page 28] in Rotulo de finibus Dibersorum pro Quinta-Decima in The­saurario liberavit per quatuor Taleas & Quietus est. That is,

The Abbat of St St. Edmunds-Bury. Edmund makes his Account of 666 l. 13 s. 4 d. for a Fine (or Composition) to have his Discharge of the Fifteenth of all his Temporal Goods, and the Goods of his Convent, and his Vil­lans, and the Men of the whole Town of St Edmund, saving the Kings Fifteenth of the Goods of all other free Tenents of the Abbat, and Convent aforesaid, as 'tis contained in the Fine-Roll of divers persons for this Fifteenth; he paid this Sum in Money by four Tallies, and is discharged.

It will not be Foreign to this matter, to take notice of the Col­lectors Accounts in an Instance or two, nor unpleasant to the Reader.

Cambr. Ibid.Compotus Henrici de Lascy, & Willielmi de Mortuo Mari Colle­ctorum Quintae-Decimae Regi Concessae, Anno Decimo Octavo in Comitatu Cantabridgiae.

Iidem reddunt Compotum de 3482 l. 16 s. 2. qr. De Quinta-De­cima Bonorum Mobilium Episcoporum, Comitum, Baronum, & omnium aliorum in Comitatu praedicto, sicut continetur in Rotulo de particulis quem liberaverunt in Thesaurario. Exceptis Bonis mobilibus Prioris & Fratrum Sancti Johannis Jerusalem & Villanorum suorum, &c.

The Account of Henry de Lascy, and William de Mortemer, Col­lectors of the Fifteenth, in the County of Cambridge, Grant­ed to the King in the 18th Year of his Reign.

The Sum of a Fifteenth in Cambrige-Shire, 18 Ed. 1. A. D. 1290.The same make their Account of 3482 l. 16 s. 2 d. farthing, of the Fifteenth of the moveable Goods of the Bishops, Earls, Barons, and all others in the said County, as it is contained in a Roll of par­ticulars which they delivered into the Treasury. Except the move­able Goods of the Prior and Brethren of Saint Iohn of Ierusalem, and many others who had fined, or compounded for them, as above, &c.

Norff. Ibib. in Dorso.
Compotus Johannis de Breton & Willielmi de Kerdeston Collecto­rum Quintae-Decimae Regi Concessae Anno Decimo Octavo in Comitatu Norff.
The Account of John Breton and William de Kerdeston, Col­lectors of the Fifteenth in the County of Norff. Granted to the King in the Eighteenth Year of his Reign.

The Sum of a Fifteenth in Norff. 18 Ed. 1. A. D. 1290. Idem reddunt compotum de 9782 l. 14 s. 6 d. de Quinta-Decima Bonorum mobilium, &c. The same Collectors give in their Account of 9782 l. 14 s. 4 d. of the moveable Goods, &c. as in Cambridge-Shire. Exceptis, the Goods of such as had Compounded and were Discharged, &c.

In the Twenty Second Year of this King there issued this Sum­mons or Writ.

Rex Cl. 22. E. 1. m. 6. Dors. De Militibus eligendis, & mittendis ad consilium.
Vicecomiti Northumbr. Salutem,

Quia cum Comitibus, Baronibus, & Caeteris Magnatibus de Regno nostro super quibusdam [Page 29] Negotiis arduis, nos & idem Regnum nostrum Contingentibus, in Cra­stino Sancti Martini proxime futuro apud Westmonasterium Colloqui­um habere Volumus & Tractatum, tibi praecipimus, quod eligi facias Duos Milites, de Discretioribus & ad Laborandum potentioribus de Comitatu praedicto & eos ad nos usque Westmonasterium venire facias: Ita quod sint ibi in Crastino praedicto, cum plena potestate pro se & to­ta Communitate Comitatus praedicti, ad Consulendum & Consentiendum pro se & Communitate illa, his quae Comites, Barones & Proceres prae­dicti concorditer Ordinaverint in Praemissis: Et Ita quod pro defectu potestatis hujusmodi idem negotium infectum non remaneat, & habeas ibi hoc Breve.

Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium 8 Die Octobris.

Consimiles Literae Diriguntur Singulis Vicecomitibus Angliae, T. ut supra.

The King
to the Sheriff of Northumberland, Greeting.
In the 22d of Edward the First, no Citi­sens or Bur­gesses Summo­ned to Parle­ment.

Because we desire to Confer and Treat with the Earls, Barons, and the other Great Men of our Kingdom, upon certain difficult Business, that concerns Us, and the same our Kingdom, at Westminster, on the Morrow of St Martin, or 12th of November, we Command thee, That thou dost cause to be chosen out of the County aforesaid, and to come to Us to Westminster, two discreet Knights, and most fit for Business, so as they be there on the Morrow aforesaid, with full Power for themselves and the whole Community of the County afore­said, to Consult and Consent for themselves, and that whole Commu­nity, to those things, the Earls, Barons and Great or Noble Men aforesaid, shall have Ʋnanimously Ordained in the Premisses. And so that for the defect of such Power, the same Business may not remain undone; Have there this Writ.

Witness the King at West­minster the Eight Day of October.

The like Letters or Writs were directed to every Sheriff in Eng­land. Witness, as above.

On theIbidem. next day following, (that is,) on the Ninth of October. The King directed other Writs (reciting in them much of this above) to every Sheriff to cause to be Elected two Knights more, to be added to the former, to come to him at the same time and place. Ad au­diendum, & faciendum, quod eis tunc ibidem plenius injungemus. To hear and do, what he should there more fully enjoyn them. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium nono Die Octobris. The same day the Parlement met, they Grant the King a Tenth. Here was no Citisens or Burgesses Summoned by these Writs, and none but Knights, in Number Four, who with the Earls, Barons and Great Men, on the very Day of their Meeting, gave the King a Tenth of all their Goods, and the Writs or Commissions, whereby Taxors and Collectors of the same Tenth were assigned in every County, were dated the same Day, as is most evident from the Records following.

Decima
Rot. 23. E. 1. n. 72. in that Roll, pe­nes remem. Regis.
Bonorum Temporalium, Regi Concessa in Anglia in Crastino Sancti Martini, Anno Regni Regis Edw. 1. Vicesimo Secundo finiente, incipiente Vicesimo Tertio.
A Tenth of Temporal Goods, Granted to the King in England, on the Morrow of St Martin, ending the Twenty Second Year of [Page 30] King Edward the First, beginning the Twenty Third, he begun his Reign November the Sixteenth, 1272.
Taxatores & Collectores ejusdem Decimae
Ibid.
assignantur in Sin­gulis Comitatibus Angliae in hac forma.
The Taxors and Collectors of the same Tenth are assigned in every County in this Form.
Rex
Ibid. & Pat. 22 Ed. 1. m. 2. in Ce­dula.
Militibus, Libere Tenentibus & toti Communitati Comi­tatus Cumbriae, Salutem, cum Comites, Barones, Milites, & om­nes alii de Regno nostro in Subsidium Guerrae nobis nunc sicut alias Progenitoribus nostris Regibus Angliae liberaliter fecerunt Decimam de omnibus Bonis suis Mobilibus, Exceptu
i. e. their Armor, Plate of ordinary use, Jewels and wearing Apparel.
quae in Quinta-Decima ul­timo nobis Concessa in eodem Regno Excipiebantur nobis curialiter con­cesserint & gratanter. Nos ut Decima illa ad minus Dampnum & Gravamen Populi, &c. Assignavimus Dilectos & Fideles nostros Thomam de Newton & Robertum de Whiterigge vel alterum ipsorum una cum quodam Clerico ad Dictam Decimam assidendam, Taxandam, Levandandam, & Colligendam, & àd Scaccarium nostrum Deferen­dam, & Solvendam: Ʋnam medietatem citra festum Purificationis proxime futurae, & alteram citra Festum Pentecostes, &c. Teste Re­ge apud Westminster 12 Die Novembr. Anno Regni sui 22.
The King to the Knights, Free-Tenents, and the whole Community of the County of Cumberland, Greeting. Whereas the Earls, Barons, Knights, and all others of our Kingdom, have liberally done to us now toward the War, as heretofore to our Progenitors Kings of England. And have Courteously and Willingly or Gratefully Granted a Tenth of all their Moveable Goods, except those things which were excepted, in the last Fifteenth which was Granted unto us. We, that the Tenth may be paid with the least Damage and Grievance to the Peo­ple, have assigned our Faithful and well-beloved Thomas de New­ton, and Robert de Whiterigge or one of them, together with a cer­tain Clerc, to Assess, Tax, Levy and Collect the said Tenth, and to bring it to, and pay it at our Exchequer, one Half before the Feast of the Purification, and the other Half before the Feast of Pentecost. Witness the King at Westminster, the 12th of November in the Twen­ty Second of this Reign.

In this very Twenty Second Year of King Edward the First, Philip King of France having then surprized and seized Gascony, after the Feast of Pentecost aMat. West. Anno Dom. 1294. fol. 421. n. 20. Parlement was assembled, to advise how to regain that Country, in which it was agreed to Recover it by Force and Arms. Toward which War the Clergy had Granted a Moiety, or Half part of the Value of their Benefices, and Goods for that Year, as may appear by the Kings Writ or Commission to the Abbat of Fe­versham in Kent, by which he was appointed Collector for the same in the Province of Canturbury.

Assignatio Collector. Medietatis, Regi a Clero Concessae.

Edwardus Dei Gratia, &c.
Dilecto sibi in Christo
Inter Re­corda de Ter­mino Trinitat. 22 Ed. 1. Rot. vel. n. 68. De Subsidio Regi a Clero Concesso.
Abbati de Feversham, Salutem.

Cum Praelati & Totus Clerus de Regno nostro [Page] [Page] [Page 31] This Grant was made on the Eve of St. Matthew, Septemb. 21. C [...]adunatis Clero & Popu­lo. Mat. West­minst. f. 422. n. 30. 40. Medietatem Beneficiorum & Bonorum Suorum nobis in Subsidium nostrum de Anno praesenti Liberaliter Concesserunt, & gratanter. Ita quod prima Tertia pars ejusdem medietatis in festo omnium Sanctorum proxime futuro, Secunda in Quindena Paschae, Tertia in Quindena Na­tivitat. Sancti Johanis Baptistae proxime futur. nobis persolvantur, &c. Nos de vestra Fidelitate & Diligentia confidentes, assignavimus vos, ad Dictam Medietatem, &c. In Diocesi Cantuariensi Colligen­dam, &c.

Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium 30 Septemb. Anno Regni nostri 22.

Here we have a Moyety given this Year of their Benefices, and Goods by the Clergy, and a Tenth by the Earls, Barons and Knights, for all others of the Kingdom; That is, all Free-Tenents, such as held in Military Service, and others in Soccage, which then were very few. Let us now see, how and what the Cities, Burghs, and Kings Tenents of his Demeasus gave, or paid by themselves, not being then reck­oned, inter omnes alios de Regno, which granted a Tenthpart only.

These then were neither Summoned, or came to a Common Council, or Parlement, Citisens and Burgesses, when not Sum­moned to Par­lement. How they were Taxed. but were required and induced by the Kings Commis­sioners; or Taxors to pay a certain Sum charged upon or demanded of them. Which at this time was a Sixth part of all their Moveable Goods, towards the War. The City of London was first sent to, and that made an Example to all other Cities, Burghs and Towns of the Kings Demeasus, and their Compliance with the Kings Demands passed as, and under the Name of a Grant.

Rex Dilectis & Fidelibus suis Inter Re­corda de Anno 23 Ed. 1. n. vel Rot. 73 pe­ [...]ies Remem. Regis. De Sexta par­te Regi Conces­sa in London. Custodi, Vicecomitibus Alderman­nis & Toti Communitati Civitatis suae London, Salutem. Cum vos in forma qua Nuper Nobis Quintam-Decimam Concesseratis, Sextam partem Bonorum & Mobilium Vestrorum in Subsidium Guerrae nostrae nobis Concesseritis liberaliter & libenter; nos ut illa Sexta pars ad minus Dampnum & Gravamen Vestri & Singulorum Civitatis ejus­dem Levetur & Colligatur providere Volentes, assignavimus, Johanem de Banquelle, Thomam de Romeyn, Hamonem Box, Willielm [...]m de Be­tonia, & Gilbertum de Marchia una cum Dilecto Clerico nostro Magistro Willielmo de Wymundham, &c. And after the Example of London the King sent his Commissioners to Tax or Demand of his other Demeasn Cities, and Towns, a Sixth part through England.

Rex Dilecto & Fideli suo Roberto de Ratford, Salutem, Ibid. Eo­dem Anno & numero. De Diversis assignatis ad petendum Con­similem Sex­tam in Domi­nicis Villis Re­giis in Diversis Comitatibus. Cum Cives & probi homines nostri London, Sextam partem Bonorum suo­rum Mobilium nobis in Subsidium Guerrae nostrae Gratanter Concesse­rint, ut aliis qui sunt de nostris Villis Dominicis exemplum praebe­ant ad Consimile Subsidium faciendum; Assignavimus vos ad petendam hujusmodi Sextam partem in Singulis Dominicis Civitatibus & aliis Villis nostris in Comitatibus Kanciae, Sussex, Surry, & Suthamton Secundum Taxationem Decimae jam nobis in Regno nostro Concessae, & Ideo vobis Mandamus, quod assumptis vobiscum Vicecomi­tibus Locorum, ad Singulas Dominicas Civitates, & alias Vil­las nostras personaliter accedatis, & homines earundarum Civi­tatum, & Villarum ad Concedendam & Preestandam nobis Prae­dictam Sextam partem juxta Taxationem praedictam, diligenter Ex parte nostra requiratis, & efficaciter indutatis, modis quibus [Page 32] videbitis expedire. Et quod inde feceritis, nobis aut Thesaurario & Ba­ronibus nostris de Scaccario sine Dilatione constare faciatis. In cujus Rei Testimonium has literas nostras fecimus Patentes. Teste William Bi­shop of Bath and Wells then Lord Treasu­rer. London an ex­ample to all Cities and Burghs to Grant a Sixth part of their Goods, &c. Vene­rabili Patre, &c, 21 Die Novembr. Anno 23. That is.

The King to his well Beloved and Faithful Robert de Ratford, Greeting. Whereas our Citisens and Good Men of London, have willingly Granted to us, toward maintaining our War a Sixth part of their Moveable Goods, that they might shew an Example to others of our Demeasn Towns, to make the like Aid. We have assigned you to Demand a like Sixth part in every of our Demeasn Cities, and other Towns in the Counties of Kent, Sussex, Surry and Southampton, according to the Taxation of the Tenth now Granted to us in our Kingdom; and therefore we Command you, that taking with you the Sheriffs of Places, ye personally go to every of our Demeasn Cities, and other Towns, and diligently on our behalf require, and effectu­ally induce the Men of the same Cities and Towns, by such means as you think expedient, to give and Grant to us the said Sixth part ac­cording to the Taxation aforesaid, and what you shall do herein, you shall signifie to us, or our Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer, without delay. In Witness of which thing we have made these our Letters Patents. Witness the Venerable Father, &c. The 21st of November, the 23d Year.

Per Ibid. Eo­dem Anno. Num. sive Rot. 73. Consimiles Literas assignantur infra Scripti ad petendam hujusmodi Sextam partem in Singulis Dominitis Civitatibus, & aliis Villis Regiis, in Comitatibus Subscriptis, viz.

Willielmus de Ormesby in Comitatibus Norff. Suff. Cantabr. & Huntingdon.

Magister Petrus de Lek in Comitatibus Northampton, Leycester, Warwick, Roteland, Lincoln.

Johannes de Litegremes in Comitatibus Ebor. Northumberland, Cum­bria, Westmerland, Lancastria.

Magister Johannes Lovel in Comitatibus Wilts, Somerset, Dorset, Devon. & Cornubi [...].

Johannes de Bosco in Comitatibus Nottingham, Derby, Salop. Staf­ford, Wigorn.

Radulfus de Broghton in Comitatibus Oxen, Berks, Bedf. Bucks. Gloucester, Hereford. T. ut supra.

No Citisens and Burgesses Summoned to Parlement be­fore the 23 of Edward the first.By all these Records 'tis most clear, there were no Citisens, Bur­gesses or Tenents of the Kings Demeasns, Summoned to great Councils or Parlements untill the 23d of Edward the First, and also how they were Taxed before that time.

The first Writ of their Summons, and the Prorogation of that Par­lement from the Sunday next after St Martin, (which was the first Day appointed for meeting,) to the Sunday next before St Andrew [Page 33] the Apostle, we have noted before. And I shall further observe, that the Writ directs they should have a Power to Act separately from the Knights of the Counties, and do what by Common Councils should be ordained. Et dicti Cives & Burgenses Plenam & Sufficien­tem potestatem pro se, & Communitate Civitatum, & Burgorum, Di­visim ab ipsis (i. e. Militibus) tunc ibidem habeant, ad faciendum tunc quod de Communi Concilio Ordinabitur in praemissis, and according­ly they made a different Grant, the Earls, Barons and Knights, who then sate, Treated, and Consulted altogether, about Granting Taxes, Gave an Eleventh part of all their Moveable Goods; and the Good Men of his Demeasn Cities and Burghs Granted a Seventh part of all their Moveable Goods.

And according to the Addition made in the Writ of Summons, when the Citisens and Burgesses came first to Parlement, there was also an alteration made answerable to it, in the Writ or Commission for appointing Taxors and Collectors, for the Levying and Collecting of this Eleventh and Seventh part, in the several Counties, which is not to be found in these Writs or Commissions before this time. The Words of the Writ or Commission are these.Pat. 24. Ed. 1. p. 1. m. 22. De undecimà & septimâ Regi Concess. Levand. & Colligend. Rex Militi­bus, Libere Tenentibus, & Toti Communitati Comitatus Roteland, Salutem, Cum Comites, Barones, Milites, & alii de Regno nostro in Subsidium Guerrae nostrae nunc sicut alias, nobis & progenitoribus no­stris Regibus Angliae liberaliter fecerunt Vndecimam de omnibus Bo­nis suis Mobilibus. Et These words were not in former Com­missions, for appointing Taxors and Collectors. Cives, & Burgenses, & alii probi homines de Dominicis nostris Civitatibus & Burgis ejusdem Regis Se­ptimam de omnibus Bonis suis Mobilibus, exceptis his quae in Decima ultimo nobis concessa excipiebantur, nobis Curialiter Concesserint & Gra­tanter, nos ut Ʋndecima, & Septima praedictae, ad minus Dampnum & Gravamen, &c. Assignavimus Dilectos & Fideles nostros Rob. de Flixthorp & Johannem de Wakerley, &c. Ad Dictas Ʋndecimam & Septimam in Comitatu praedicto Assidendas, Taxandas, Levandas, & Colligendas, &c. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium This Parle­ment met by Prorogation, about the 30th of November. Quarto Die Decembris.

According to the Tenor of the Writ of Summons, Citisens and Burgesses, dif­ferent persons from the Alii de Regno, &c. we find by this Commission, that the Citisens and Burgesses were in this Parlement, and that they were different Persons from the Alii de Regno, men­tioned after the Earls, Barons and Knights, for they gave the Eleventh part, and these the Seventh, somewhat more than a Third beyond what they gave; And it became a settled Rule afterward for the Ci­tisens, They gave a 3d part more than the Earls, &c. Burgesses and Tenents in antient Demeasns to give a Third part more, or thereabouts of their Personal Estates, than the Earls, Ba­rons and Knights did Grant.

The Summons to this Parlement directed to the Archbishop of Canturbury is very observable, and may furnish us with the Reason why the King Summoned the Citisens and Burgesses to it.

Rex Venerabili in Christo Cl. 23. Ed. 1. m. 3. Dors. De Parliamen­to Tenendo apud Westmo­nasterium. Patri R. Eadem Gratia Cantuari­ensi Archiepiscopo, totius Angliae Primati, Salutem, Sicut Lex justis­sima provida circumspectione Sacrorum Principum stabilita hortatur & statuit, ut quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus approbetur, sic & innuit evi­denter ut Communibus periculis per remedia provisa Communiter obvietur. [Page 34] Sane satis nostis, & jam est ut credimus per universa mundi Climata Divulgatum, qualiter Rex Franciae de Terra nostra Vasconiae nos frau­dulenter & cautelose decepit eam nobis nequiter Detinendo. Nunc vero praedictis fraude & nequitia non contentus, ad Expugnationem Regni nostri Classe maxima, & Bellatorum copiosa multitudine congregatis, cum quibus Regnum nostrum, & Regni ejusdem incolas hostiliter jam in­vasit, Linguam Anglicanam si conceptae iniquitatis proposito detestabili potestas correspondeat (quod Deus avertat) omnino de Terra delere pro­ponit. Quia igitur praevisa jacula minus laedunt, & res vestra Max­ime sicut Caeterorum Regni ejusdem concivium agitur in hac parte. Vobis mandamus in Fide & Dilectione quibus nobis tenemini, firmiter injun­gentes quod Die Dominica proxime post festum Sancti Martini in hyeme proxime futurum apud Westminster personaliter intersitis. Praemuni­entes Priorem & Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae, Archidiaconum totumque Clerum vestrae Diocaeseos. Facientes quod iidem Prior & Archidiaconus in propriis personis suis, & Dictum Capitulum per unum, idemque Cle­rus per duos Procuratores idoneos, plenam & sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis Capitulo & Clero habentes, una vobiscum intersint modis omnibus. Tunc ibidem ad Tractandum, Ordinandum & Faciendum, nobiscum, & cum caeteris Praelatis & Proceribus & aliis incolis Regni nostri, quali­ter hujusmodi periculis & excogitatis malitiis obviandum. Teste Rege apud Wengeham Tricesimo Die Septembris.

The King to the Venerable Father in Christ, R. by the same Grace, Archbishop of Canturbury, &c. Greeting, As the most just Law established by Princes doth appoint,Why the Citi­sens and Bur­gesses first Summoned to Parlement. That which concerns all should be approved by all. So it evidently shews, that dangers, common to all, should be obviated by Remedies provided by all. You under­stand sufficiently, and as we believe 'tis now Divulged through the whole World, how the King of France fraudulently surprized Gasco­ny, and yet detains it from us. But now not content with that, he hath provided a great Navy and Army, with which he hathAbout the 8th of Septem­ber this year, the French landed at Do­ver, burnt a great part of the Town, and killed an old Monk. Wal­singh. fol. 64. n. 10. Inva­ded our Kingdom, and the Inhabitants thereof, and intends to destroy the English Nation and Language, if his Power were answerable to his detestable purpose, (which God avert.) Because therefore, fore­seen attempts do less hurt us; and not only you chiefly, but the rest of the Inhabitants of the Kingdom are also concerned in this matter, we Command, firmly enjoyning you in the Faith and Love by which you are bound to us, that on the Sunday next after the Feast of St Martin, next coming, you be at Westminster, and that you warn the Prior and Chapter of your Church, the Arch-Deacon and whole Clergy of your Diocess, and cause the Prior and Arch-Deacon in their own persons, and the Chapter by one, and the Clergy by two, fitThese are now called Cleres of the Convocation. Procu­rators or Proxies, having sufficient Power from the said Chapter and Clergy to be present with you, then and there to Treat, Ordain, and appoint with us, and the rest of the Prelates, Great Men, and other Inhabitants of the Kingdom, how to prevent these Dangers, and designed Mischiefs. Witness the King at Wengeham, the 30th of September.

The first Sum­mons of the Commons Clergy to Parlement.This is the first Summons I find directed to the Archbishop, by which he was ordered to cause the Body of the Clergy of his Diocess, and the Chapter to come to Parlement with him, by their Procura­tors or Representatives, and the same Reason given in this Writ, that [Page] [Page] [Page 35] brought them thither, brought also the Citisens and Burgesses, as may appear by the Writ before recited, directed to every Sheriff of Eng­land for the first choice of them, and dated the third Day of October, next following after the date of this to the Archbishop.

The Treating, Ordaining, and Appointing Remedies to prevent the imminent Dangers to the Kingdom, was only to raise Money, to prosecute the War, and defend the Nation against the King of France; and towards that, the Clergy gave a Tenth; the Earls, Barons and Knights, gave an Eleventh; and the Demeasn Cities, Burghs and Kings Tenents of his Demeasns, gave a Seventh part of all their Moveable Goods. There were no Laws made, or other Matters dis­patched in this Parlement, as was hinted before.

Having thus Proved, the Time when, and the Cause why, Citi­sens, Burgesses, and the Tenents of the Kings Demeasns, were at first Summoned to Parlement, we shall proceed to discover what Cities and Burghs sent their Representatives, or Citisens and Burgesses, upon such Summons. The Answer to this is very short,What Cities and Burghs sent Citisens and Burgesses to Parlement. that they were only the Dominici Civitates, and Burgi Regis, the Kings Demeasn Cities and Burghs, such as had Charters from the King, and paid a Fee-Farm Rent in Lieu of the Customs, and other Advantages and Royal­ties that belonged to the Crown,Customs in Cities and Burghs, origi­nally gathered by the Kings Bayliffs, &c. and were originally taken and ga­thered by the Kings Collectors and Officers, whether Bayliffs, Port-Reves, Senescals, or Stewards, or by what other Names they were called. But afterward Collected and Received by Officers, chosen by the Cities and Burghs, according to Licence, Granted by the Kings Charter, to the use of such Cities and Burghs, or perhaps, sometimes by Permission only.

This doth abundantly appear by the Account given of great Yar­mouth, in theN. 1. A. Appendix, where after the Description of that and Gorleston, taken out of Domesday Book, it is said thus. Et Sciendum, quod Progenitores Domini Regis tenuerunt praedictum Burgum in ma­nibus suis propriis, percipiendo omnia proficua exeuntia de portu praedi­cto, usque ad Tempus Regis Johannis, qui Append. N. 2. concessit Villam praedi­ctam Burgensibus Villae praedictae ad feodi firmam, Reddendo sibi & hae­redibus suis Quinquaginta & Quinque libras per Annum, ad quod Sol­vendum, nihil aliud habent nisi consuetudinem & alia proficua proveni­entia de portu praedicto, nec capiant aliquas consuetudines de rebus Venditis vel Emptis in Mercato super terram, nullo Tempore Anni. That is, And it is to be understood, that the Progenitors of the Lord the King held the foresaid Burgh (that is, Yarmouth) in their own hands, untill the time of King John, who Granted it in Fee-Farm to the Bur­gesses, paying to him and his Heirs Fifty Five Pounds by the Year, for the Payment whereof, they had nothing but the Customs, and other Profits of the Port, neither might they at any time of the Year take any Customs of things Bought and Sold in the Mercate upon the Land.

Not long after King John had Granted his Charter, there happen­ed a Controversy, between Gorleston and South-Yarmouth in Luthing­lond, both on the other side of the River, and Great Yarmouth, Append. N. 1. a. about certain Customs and Privileges in the 12th of Henry the Third, [Page 36] andIbid. again, in the 34th of Edward the First, which was d [...]ter­mined in the Exchequer by the Lord Treasurer, the Chancellor of Eng­land, the J [...]stices of both Benches, and others of the King's Counsel. By whichAppend. N. 1. B. Yarmouth hol­den of the King in Fee-farm. Why called a Free Burgh. Record it is evident, That Great Yarmouth was holden of the King in Fee-farm, was styled, Villa Regis, the King's Town, and Liber Burgus, a Free Burgh, and enjoyed such Liberties as be­longed to a Free Burgh, only by, and in respect of the Charter.

It was, and is the General Opinion ofCommons Journal, 1 Maii 1628. A great mi­stake, That Towns that paid Tenths, and sent Re­presentatives to Parlement, were Burghs. Lawyers, That such Towns as sent Burgesses to Parlement, though but very seldom, and paid Tenths when they were granted in Parlement, were Burghs, Not­withstanding they had not, nor perhaps now have any Charter, Fayr, Market, Franchise, or other Liberties which should Constitute, and make them Burghs. But this is a mighty Mistake: For there were anciently, and are yet many Towns that sent their Representatives to Parlement, which were not Burghs, but only Towns of Ancient De­measns, Towns in An­cient Demeasns that were no Burghs sent Representa­tives. and these (in the Granting of Taxes especially) consulted, and gave their consent with the Citizens and Burgesses, who in All Taxes upon Goods and Personal Estates did usually give and pay about one Third or Fourth more than the other Towns which were neither Cities or Burghs, or Ancient Demeasns, before the Tenths and Fif­teenths were constantly and regularly setled.

This will be fully Evinced by the following Records. Edward the First intending to Knight his Son,Cl. 34. Ed. 1. M. 15. Dors. in Cedula. Append. n. 13. summoned the Archbishops, Bi­shops, Abbats, Priors, Earls, Barons, and other Great Men to be be­fore him and his Council, on the Morrow after Holy Trinity, to Treat of, and Grant an Aid which was due upon that occasion. He also sent to all the Sheriffs of England, toAppend. n. 12. 13. cause to come before him and his Council on the same day, two Knights of every County, and of every City two Citizens, and of every Burgh two or one Burgesses, as the Burgh was greater or lesser, to Treat, Ordain, and Consent, &c.

All which Orders of Men beingAppend. n. 13. Assembled before the King's Council, and it having been shewed unto them by the same Council, on behalf of the King, That there was an Aid due to him in the foresaid case, (that is, for making his Son Knight:) And also, That there were manifold Expences, and many other Burthens incumbent on the King in restraining the Rebellion and Malice of Robert de Brus, his Traytor, and his Adherents in Scotland, who had presumed to make War against him.

The sameIbid. Prelates, Earls and Barons, and other Great Men, and also the Knights of Shires, Treating deliberately upon this Mat­ter, and considering there was an Aid due as aforesaid, and that many Burthens were incumbent upon the King by reason of the War aforesaid, at length unanimously Granted to the King for themselves andNote, The Citizens, Bur­gesses, and Te­nents in Anci­ent Demeasns, were no part of the Com­munity of the Kingdom, for they gave a 20th part for, and by them­selves, and Treated apart. whole Community of the Kingdom, a Thirtieth Part of all their Temporal Moveable Goods, which they should be possessed of at the Feast of St. Michael next coming, for a Competent Aid toward the Knighthood of his Son, and also for an Aid toward his Expences which he was to be at in the War aforesaid. But so, as this Grant should notThe reason of this Clause at this time was, for that the Aid for making the Prince Knight, was to have been laid upon Land; i. e. so much upon every Knights Fee; and here it was Taxed upon Goods, whereas it was due upon Knights Fees. prejudice themselves, nor their Successors, and Heirs in future Times, nor be made an Example in the like case. And that [Page 37] in Taxing the Goods aforesaid, all things were to be Excepted, as in the Taxation of the Fifteenth granted to the King by the Commu­ni [...]y of the Kingdom, in the Eighteenth Year of his Reign, for the Banishment of the Jews.

AlsoIbid. the Citisens and Burgesses of Cities and Burghs, and others of the King's Demeasns Assembling together, and Treating about the Premises, considering the Burthens incumbent upon the King, as was before mentioned, unanimously Granted unto him for the Causes abovesaid, a Twentieth Part of their Moveable Goods, and to have them as aforesaid.

Who, and what the Coeteri, the Residue, or Others of the King's Demeasns were, is plainly discovered in another Record about the same Matter.

It is to beIbid. remembred, That on the Morrow of Holy Trinity last past, the Prelates, and the other Great Men of the Kingdom, for themselves and the whole Community of the Kingdom, Granted to the Lord the King, for themselves and the whole Community of the same Kingdom, a Thirtieth Part of all their Temporal Goods, without Cities, Burghs, and the King's Demeasns. And the Citizens, Bur­gesses, and Tenents of the foresaid Demeasns, Granted a Twentieth Part of their Goods, as well towara the Knighthood of Edward the King's Son, as toward the Defence of Scotland against Robert Brus, and his Complices, the King's Enemies, and the Form of the foresaid Grant is more fully noted in the Memorials of Trinity-Term last past.

By this Record it is very plain, That the Prelates, Earls, Barons, The Prelates, Earls, Barons and Knights Treated toge­ther. The Citizens, Burgesses, and Tenents in An­cient Demeasns consulted to­gether, and apart from them. and Knights of Shires Consulted together and Treated about this 30th Part which they granted for themselves and the whole Community of the Kingdom; as also that the Citizens, Burgesses, and Tenents of the Kings Demeasns Treated and Consulted by themselves apart, and Granted a 20th Part of their Goods, which was a Third Part more than the Lords and Knights gave. And that Tenents of the King's Demeasns were Members of Parlement.

The King's Commission, and Assignment of Commissioners to Levy, and Collect the 20th, and 15th Granted in the First of Edward the Se­cond, proves the same thing. Rex Pat. 1 E. 2. p. 1. M. 7. Militibus, Liberis Homini­bus & Toti Communitati Comitatus Middlesex tam infra Libertates quam extra, Salutem. Cum Comites, Barones, Milites, Liberi Homi­nes, ac Communitates Comitatuum Regni nostri, Vicesimam omnium Bonorum suorum Mobilium; Civesque & Burgenses, ac Communitates omnium Civitatem & Burgorum ejusdem Regni, nocnon Tenentes de Antiquis Dominicis Coronae nostrae Quintam-Decimam Bo [...]oru [...] suorum Mobilium Curialiter concesserint & Gratanter, nos, ut Vicesimo, &c. That is, the King to the Knights, Freemen, and whole Community of the County of Middlesex, as well within Liberties as without Greet­ing. Whereas the Earls, Barons, Knights and Freemen, and the Commu­nities of Counties of our Kingdom Courtly, or courteously and grate­fully Granted us a 20th Part of their Moveable Goods, and the Citizens, Burgesses and Communities of Cities and Burghs of the same King­dom, and also the Tenents of the Ancient Demeasn of our Crown a 15th Part of their Moveable Goods, We, that the said 20th Part, &c.

Tenents in an­cient Demeasn sometime o­mitted in Commissions.Some time afterward, the Tenents in ancient Demeasns were left out of the Preambles of the Commissions, and not mentioned as Grantors of Taxes, with the Citisens and Burgesses in the 12th of Edward the Second, in some Commissions they were retained, in others omitted. Edwardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, &c. Inter Re­corda de Term. Sanct. Trin. Anno 12. Ed. 2. penes Remem. Regis. in Scaccario. Commissio ad Levand. & Colligend. 12am. Fidelibus suis Ballivis & Communitatibus Civitatum & Burgorum in Comi­tatu Lincoln, Salutem. Cum Cives & Burgenses Civitatum & Bur­gorum Comitatnum Regni nostri in Parlamento nostro apud Eborum a Die Paschae proximo praeterito in unum mensem convocato pro expedi­tione Guerrae nostrae Scotiae Duodecimam omnium Bonorum suorum Mo­biltum nobis Concesserunt, &c. Nos, ut, &c. Teste meipso, apud Eborum 30 Die Maii Anno Regni nostri 12. Per ipsum Regem.

The Tenents of the Kings ancient Demeasns were not mentioned as Grantors in this Commission.

Yet in this following Commission about Levying the same Tax, they are mentioned as Grantors of it, with the Citisens and Bur­gesses.

Inter Commissiones & Literas Patentes de Termino Sanctae Tri­nitatis Anno 12 R. Rs. Edwardi Secundi penes Remem. Regis in Scaccario.

Oxon. Berks, Bed. Bucks de Levatione 12 & 18 super vidend. & festinand. Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint, Salutem. Cum per Literas nostras Patentes Assignaverimus quosdam Dilectos & Fi­deles nostros ad Decimam Octavam nobis per Note the Earls and Ba­rons and Knights of the Shire, granted this 18th, and therefore the Earls and Ba­rons were part of the Com­munity of the County, which was the Te­nents in Capi­te. At what time the Tenents in ancient De­measns are no longer menti­oned as Gran­tors of Taxes in the Taxors Commissions. The ancient manner of Le­vying Taxes. Communitates Co­mitatuum Regni nostri in Parlamento nostro apud Ebor. a Die Pas­chae proxime praeterito in unum mensem Convocato. Et Duodecimam nobis per Cives, Burgenses, & Tenentes de Dominicis nostris in eodem Parlemento concessas, &c.

But afterwards they were frequently omitted, and after the Eighth of Edward the Third, when the Establishment of Taxes upon Per­sonal Estates became certain, and the way and manner of Levying them was changed, the Tenents in ancient Demeasns are no longer mentioned in the Commissions of the Taxors and Collectors, as Gran­tors of those Taxes.

Before this time there were two chief Taxors appointed by the King in every County, who appointed Twelve in every Hundred, to raise every Mans Personal Estate according to the true value, and then to Levy a Thirtieth, or an Eighteenth part of it, as it was Granted by the Earls, Barons and Knights of Shires in Parlement. They also appointed such and as many as they thought fit in every City, Burgh and Town of the Kings Demeasns, to inquire into every Mans Personal Estate in those places, and find out the true value of it, and then to Levy a Twentieth, or Twelfth part of it, as it had been Granted by the Citisens, Burgesses and Tenents of the Kings ancient Demeasns in Parlement. And that they might Tax and Value every Mans Estate truly and really, the Taxors were Sworn not to do otherwise for Love, Hatred, Favor, Gift or Promise. See theInter Re­corda de Term. Trinit. 34 Ed. 1. pe­nes Remem. Regis. Form of Tax­ing and Levying the 30th and 20th part Granted to King Edward [Page] [Page] [Page 39] the First, made by him and his Council in the 34th year of his Reign, as it was delivered to the Chief Taxors of every County with the Oath. See the likeInter Re­corda. de Term. Trinit. 12 Ed. 2. penes Remem. Regis. Form in the 12th of Edward the Second, for Tax­ing and Levying an 18th Granted by the Earls, Barons, &c. and a 12th by the Citizens, Burgesses, and Tenents of Ancient Demeasns.

In the Eighth of Edward the Third, uponPat. 8 E. 3. p. 2. M. 16. The occasion and manner of the first setling of Fifteenths and Tenths. Complaint of the Barons, Knights, Citizen [...] and Burgesses to the King in Parlement, That the Taxors and Collectors for Bribes spared some Men, and by Colour of their Office extorted from others more than they ought to pay, and applyed it to their own use; with Request to him, That they might pay toward the 15th and 10th then Granted, as they had done to the last 10th and 15th. There were sent Commissioners into every County in England, to Agree and Compound with the In­habitants of every Town that was to pay a Fifteenth; And also with the Communities of Cities and Burghs, and Men of the Towns of An­cient Demeasns, which paid a Tenth; Ad Tractandum & Concor­dandum cum Communitatibus Civitatum & Burgorum, ad Ho­minibus Villarum, & Dominicorum antiquorum, qui hujusmodi De­cimam & Quintam-Decimam solvere tenentur, for the Sums they were to pay; which Sum was fixed upon the particular Towns, Ci­ties and Burghs for the future, and Collected, and Rated most com­monly by the Inhabitants (I suppose) amongst themselves; the chief Collectors and Taxors in every County were reserved to be Taxed by the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer as before.

I could never find the Roll, or any Book of this Establishment of this Eighth year of King Edward the Third. But in aWith the Kings Remem­brancer in the Exchequer. Book of Fifteenths and Tenths in the Third year of King Henry the Fifth, where the particular Sums of every ordinary Town, and of every City, Burgh, andEvery Town there that paid a Tenth, and was neither City nor Burgh, was Ancient De­measn. Town of Ancient Demeasns in all Counties in Eng­land are noted, there is often Reference to the Particulars of such a Roll in that Eighth year. After which time, when Tenths and Fif­teenths were reduced to a certainty, the Parlement for the most part Granted Taxes of those Denominations, half a Tenth, and Fifteenth, a whole Tenth, and Fifteenth, Two Tenths, and Two Fifteenths, &c. according to the Exigency of the King's Affairs.

There hath been often mention made of the King's Demeasn Cities and Burghs, as well as of his Tenents of Ancient Demeasn,What the Kings De­measn Cities and Burghs were. in this Treatise. And it will much tend to the understanding of it, and of ancient Records and History where they are mentioned, to know what they were. And if they be duly considered, they are not much unlike one another, having their Names from the same thing, that is, from holding of the King by Fee-farm.

For those Town and Lands which are found in Domesday-Books un­der the Title of Terra Regis, The Original of Fee-Farms. were then and afterwards kept in his Hands, and managed by Praepositi, or Bayliffs, (as were most of the Towns and Lands of Bishops, Abbats, Priors, Earls, Barons, and other Great Men) and called his, and their Demeasns; which in pro­cess of time were let to Farm to Tenents for a considerable part of their true value, an half part, third or fourth at least, and this Rent was called a Fee-Farm-Rent, the Tenents esteeming what these [Page 40] Estates were above the Rent, or in respect of the Tenure, to be to them, ut, or tanquam de feodo, as if they were holden in Fee, pay­ing their Rent, and Tallages.

Of the same condition were Cities and Burghs; at first they were kept in the Kings Hands, and the Customs and Profits, that arose from Trade, gathered by his Bayliffs and Officers, which afterward were let out in Fee-Farm, to the Communities of Cities and Burghs, which commonly were made such, by the same Charters by which the Customs in kind, or the true value of them, as then Collected, were changed into Fee-Farm Rents, and the Kings Officers, or others in Lieu of them, were made Officers as well to the Cities and Burghs, as to himself. This is clearly apparent from the Narrative of great Yarmouth, in the Appendix N. 1. A. N. 1. B. and from the Charter N. 2, as also from the Second Charter of Donewic, N. 3. B. and from others. And may further be confirmed by the following Record.

Amerciamenta Adventus Vicecom. Anno 5 Ed. 3. finiente, inci­piente 6. in Crastino Sancti Mich. apud Remem. The­saura. in Scac­cario. Hominum & Burgensium Firmariorum Diversa­rum Villatarum ad Feodi Firmam de Rege tenentium qui non venerunt ad Scaccarium ad faciendum Proffrum de firmis suis in Crastino San­cti Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Edwardi Tertii post Conquestum VI incipiente, V finiente.

Northum­berland.De hominibus Villae de Bamburgh quia non venerunt ad Scaccarium ad faciendum Proffrum suum ad Diem praedictum.V Merc.
Bedeford.De Hominibus Villae Bedeford pro eodemV Merc.
Essex.De Hominibus Villae de Colchestre pro eodemV Merc.
Dorset.De Hominibus Villae de Brudport pro eodemV Merc.

Et Memorandum quod hujusmodi Firmarii, & alii Vicecomites & Ballivi consimili modo amerciati sunt pro non Adventu suo ad Proffrum suum Tempore Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici, sicut continetur in Me­morandis Anni XVIII ejusdem inter Communia de Termino Sancti Michaelis.

The Amerciaments of the Men and Burgesses, Farmers of divers Towns, holden of the King in Fee-Farm, who came not to the Ex­chequer or Scaccar, to make the proffer, (i. e. theAt this time they began their Accounts for that half Year, and paid a small Sum in part of their Rent, which was called their proffer. beginning of their Accounts) on the morrow of St Michael in the Year of the Reign of King Edward the Third, after the Conquest beginning the Sixth, ending the Fifth.

Northum­berland.Of the Men of the Town of Bamburgh, because they came not to the Scaccar to make their proffer at the Day aforesaid.Five Marks.
Bedford.Of the Men of the Town of Bedford for the same.Five Marks.
Essex.Of the Men of the Town of Colchester for the same.Five Marks.
Dorset.Of the Men of the Town of Brudport for the same.Five Marks.

It cannot be denied, that many Towns which are now Parlement Burghs were the ancient Demeasns of the Crown, and that the Lands belonging to them were holden in Fee-Farm. But then it must be considered, that the Towns and Lands so holden, were holden by particular Men, by Grant from the Crown, and as Tenents to the Manner, where the Lands lay, or to some other Manner, at some di­stance from them, and therefore for this reason, they could not be called, Civitates & Burgi Dominici Regis. Cities and Burghs why called Demeasn Cities and Burghs. The Kings Demeasn Ci­ties and Burghs, but must be so called, by reason of the Fee-Farm they paid as Cities and Burghs, as Communities, Corporations and Bo­dies Politique, constituted by the Kings Charters, with Liberty of free Trading, from which Trade, or from Tolls and Customs thereby happening, the Fee-Farms of such Communities arose, and from hence the Burgesses of such places, as Burgesses were called the Kings Farmers, or Tenents in Fee-Farm.

Having seen, what the Civitates & Burgi Dominici Regis, the Kings Demeasn Cities and Burghs were, we shall next shew what, and how many of the present Parlement Burghs were ancient De­measns. And in doing this, I will follow the direction of an anci­entOld Regi­ster, fol. 181. B. f. 182. A. Writ, to the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer, in 48th of Edward the Third, when the Men of the Town of Lindon in the County of Roteland, complained to the King, that notwithstanding it was neither Burgh nor antient Demeasn of the Crown, yet it was Tax­ed a Tenth, whereas they should have been Taxed only a Fifteenth, in this case the King Commands the Treasurer and Barons of the Exche­quer, that if it did appear by his Book called Domesday, or by other Rolls and Memorials of the Exchequer, or any other competent way, that it was neither Burgh nor ancient Demeasn, they should accept a Fif­teenth and discharge them of the Tenth, &c. Vobis mandamus quod si per Librum nostrum qui vocatur Domesday, vel per alios Rotulos & Memoranda Scaccarii sive alio modo competenti dictam Villam Bur­gum vel de Antiquo Dominico Coronae nostrae non esse invenire conti­gerit, &c.

From this Book therefore of Domesday, and other Records it will manifestly appear, which of the present Burghs were ancient De­measns.

In Berk-Shire New-Windsor, and Reding in Buckingham-Shire, How many of the present Burghs, were only Towns in ancient De­measn. Wicomb, Wendover, Alisbury then no Burghs. In Devon-Shire, Barn-stable, Plimpton, Tavistoke, Ash-Burton, Tiverton, the four last then no Burghs. Dorset-shire, Melcomb then no Burgh. Essex, Maldon. Glocester-Shire, Tewkesbury, Cirencester, the last then no Burgh. He­reford-Shire, Lemster then no Burgh. Huntington-Shire, Huntington 3 Henry Quinti. Lincoln-Shire, Grantham, Grimesby, then the last no Burgh. Norfolk, City of Norwich, Great Yarmouth, Thetford. Oxford-Shire, Woodstooke, but then no Burgh. Sommerset-Shire, Ilchester, Milborne. Ham-Shire, Andover. Stafford-Shire, Tam-worth. Suffolk, Ipswich. Surrey, Guildford. Wilt-Shire, Wilton, Westbury, and Chepeham, now Chippenham, Cricklade, Bedwin, then the last Westbury and Chepeham no Burghs. York-Shire, Knaresburg, Malton, Threshe, Alvertune, then no Burghs. All these Towns are [Page 42] to be found under the Title of Terra Regis, the Kings Land in Domes­day Books, in the several Counties, except Wicomb, which is to be found in Buckingham-Shire, under the Title of Terra Episcopi Wintoni­ensis, and was allotted to the Monks of Winchester for their Diet, both before and after the Conquest. Hoc Domesd. f. 143. B. Col. 2. Manerium (i. e. Wicomb.) fuit & est ad victum Monacorum Wintoniensium. But how I cannot say, this Town afterwards came into the Kings Hands, and was the Demeasn of the Crown. For in theCart. 5. Johan. n. 210. Fifth of his Reign King John Granted it in Fee-Farm, at the Rent of 20 l. per Annum, and the Service of one Knights Fee, to Alan Basset, and King Henry the Third, in the 33d year of his Reign, when he Taxed his Demeasns at the request of Philip Basset his Son, directed his Writ to the She­riff of Buckingham-Shire to impose a reasonable Tallage upon the Te­nents of Philip in Wicomb, as having been once the Demeasn of his Progenitors as appears by the Writ it self.Claus. 33. Henry the 3d m. 14. Quia Rex Talliari facit Dominica sua Mandatum est Vicecomiti Bucks, quod habere fa­ciat Philippo Basset Rationabile Tallagium de Hominibus suis de eo Tenentibus in Manerio de Wycumb, quod aliquando fuit Dominicum Praedecessorum Regis, Regum Angliae. Teste Rege apud Westminster Vicesimo Octavo Die Decemb.

In Cornwal at theThe time of the making of Domesday Book which see in Cornwal. time of the Survey, none of the now Burghs were placed under the Title of Terra Regis, unless that which was then called Henlistone, and described as an ordinary Town, be now Helston, nor had any of them at the time aforesaid, the Title of Burghs, Domesd. in Cornwal, sub Tit. Terrae Episcop. Ex­cestren. Ecclesia Sancti Germani, that Manner or Parish consisted of Twenty four Hides, whereof the Bishop of Ex­cester had Twelve, and the Canons of the place had Twelve, what belonged to the Bishop was valued at VIII l. by the Year, what belonged to the Canons was valued at an C. Shillings. In hoc Manerio est Mercatum in Die Dominico sed ad nichilum redigitur pro Mercato Comitis Moritonii quod ibi est proximum, in this Manner is a Mercate on the Lords Day, but 'tis reduced to nothing by reason of the Mercate of the Earl of Moreton, that is very near.

The Earl of Moreton Ibid. Sub. Tit. Terrae Comit. Mori­ton. f. 121. B. Col. 1. holds Liscarret, there described as an or­dinary Town, the same holds Fawintone, there described as an ordi­nary Town, Parish or Village, the same holds Dunhevet (now Lance­ston) ibi Castrum Comitis, there is the Earls Castle, or the Head of the County.

TheIbid. f. 120. B. Col. 2. Church of St. Petroc holds Bodmine, there St. Petroc hath 68 Houses, and a Mercate, the whole is valued at XXXV Shil­lings by the Year.

No other Names of the present Burghs in Cornwal to be found in Domesday Book, or other things of these.

In Devonshire, besides what were mentioned before under the Title of Terra Regis. There is Excester Burgus described by it self, Honetone under the Title of Terra Comitis Moretonensis but no Burgh. Totnais Burgus, under the Title of Terra Judhael de Totnais, and Ochementone (I suppose now Okehampton) Burgus, under the Title of Baldwin the Sheriff. Baldwinus Vicecomes Ibid. f. 105. B. Col. 2. Tenet Ochementone de Rege, ibi sedet Castellum, ibi quatuor Burgenses, & Mercatum valet IIII Solidos.

No other Names of the present Burghs to be found in this County, in Domesday-Book, unless, as hath been noted before, those which are placed under the Title of Terra-Regis.

In Wiltshire, besides what were reckoned before under the Title of Terra-Regis, there isIbid. fol. 64. B. Col. 1. Malmesbery described by it self; Mer­leberg is described as an ordinary Town, no Burgh. Dantone is pla­ced under the Title of Terra Episcopi Wintoniensis, no Burgh, but described as an ordinary Town. Salisbery is under the Title ofIbid. fol. 66. A. Col. 1. Terra Episcopi Salisberiensis, no Burgh, but described as a very great Manner, and as other Country Towns, only thus in part of the Description. In Wiltune vii. Burgenses pertinentes huic Manerio, reddunt lxv. Denarios. [9] Etesbery (I suppose now Hey [...]sbury) under the Title of Terra Aluredi de Ispania, and is thus described; Aluredus Ibid. fol. 73. A. Col. 1. de Ispanta Tenet de Rege Etesberie, Alwi Tenuit Tem­pore Regis Edwardi, valuit iii l. modo iiii l.

No other Names of the present Burghs to be found in the Descrip­tion of Wiltshire, but such as were Ancient Demeasns.

And so it is in other Shires and Counties, such especially as have now many Burghs in them, as Somersetshire, Hamshire, Sussex, Lan­cashire and Yorkshire, in every of these there are now several real or reputed Burghs, whose Names are not to be found in the Conquerors Survey.

And therefore we are next to shew,The Original of our present Burghs. or at least make a probable conjecture, what the Original of many (if not all) our present Burghs was; which to me seems to have been only from Charters. We will begin with those of Cornwal, which are most obscure, and then instance in some others.

For the Burgh of Helleston Helleston. see Appendix, Numb. 8.

Truro, Truro. Truru, or Triuereu, was somtime the Possession of Ri­chard de Lucy, a Person of great Note in the Reigns of King Stephen, and Henry the Second; in the Eighth of whose Reign he was made Justice of England. From him it came to Reginald Fitz-Roy, who was one of the Illegitimate Sons of King Henry the First, and wasDugd. Baron. f. 610. Col. 1.2. Created Earl of Cornwal by King Stephen in the Fifth of his Reign, and died in the 21st of Henry the Second. He, by his Char­ter, Granted to his Free Burgesses of Triuereu, That they should have all their Free Customs, and such as were used in Cities, and the same in all things which they had in the time of Richard de Lucy▪ (That is to say) Sac, Soc, Tol, Them, and Infangenethuf; and Granted them, That they should not Plead or be Prosecuted in Hundred or County-Courts, nor for any Summons should go any where to any Law-Business without the Town of Triuereu; and that they should be Quit from paying Toll through all Cornwal, in Fayrs and Mercats, and wheresoever they bought and sold. And that for the Goods they Trusted, when they were not paid, they might Distreyn their Debtors, when they found them in their Town. The Charter it self runs thus:

Reginaldus Regis Filius Comes Cart. per Inspeximus 13. Ed. 1. N. 61. Cornubiae. Omnibus Baronibus Cornubiae & omnibus Militibus, & omnibus Libere-Tenentibus, & omni­bus Tam Anglicis quam Cornubiensibus, salutem. Sciatis, quod concessi Liberis Burgensibus meis de Triuereu habere omnes Liberas Con­suetudines & Vrbanas, The Charter of Truro. & easdem in omnibus quas habuerunt in Tem­pore Ricardi de Lucy, fcilicet Sacham, & Socham, & Toll, & Them, & Hinfangenethuf & Concessi eis quod non placitent in Hundredis, nec Comitatibus, nec pro aliqua summonitione eant ad placitandum alicubi extra villam de Triuereu, & quod quieti sint de Tholneo dando per totam Cornubiam in feriis, & in foris, & ubicunque emerint & vendiderint, & quod de pecunia eorum accredita, & non reddita Namum capiant, in Villa sua de Debitoribus suis. His Testibus, &c. without Date.

In the same Record it follows thus: Inspeximus etiam Chartam quam Henricus proavus Noster (Henry the Second, who was Great Grandfather to Edward the First) fecit eisdem Burgensibus in hac Ver­ba. Henricus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, & Dux Normanniae, & Aqui­taniae & Comes Andegaviae, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comi­tibus, Baronibus, Justiciiariis, Vicecomitibus, Ministris & omnibus fi­delibus suis Francis, & Anglis, totius Angliae, & Cornubiae, Salu­tem. Sciatis me Conceffisse & Praesenti Carta Confirmasse Burgensibus Richardi de Lucy de Triuereu omnes Libertates & Liberas Consuetu­dines, quas Comas Reginaldus Abunculus meus, (base Son to Henry the First, and so Brother to Maud the Empress) rationabili­ter dedit eis & concessit sicut Carta ipsius Comitis Testatur, quare volo, &c. Testibus R. Episcopo Winton. &c. without date, both which Charters Edward the First Confirmed by his Charter, dated on the 12th of June, in theA. D. 1284. 13th of his Reign, Edmund then Earl of Cornwal being a Witness to it.

Richard, Brother to King Henry the Third, was created Earl of Cornwal in theCart. 15. Hen. 3. M. 4. Fifteenth year of his Reign, who by hisPat. 2. Hen. 5. part. 3. M. 28 per inspexi­mus. Charter, without date made Dunheved or Lanceston Dunheved or Lance­ston. a free Burgh, and amongst other Liberties, Granted to the Burgesses to choose their own Bayliffs, who were to answer the Farm of the Burgh, which was to himself an Hundred Shillings, to the Priory of St Stephen in Lanceston, Sixty Five Shillings and Ten Pence, and to the Lepers of St Leonard of Lanceston an Hundred Shillings of his Alms. He gran­ted them also Ʋnam Placeam, where they should think it most De­cent and Honourable, to erect a Gild-Hall in the same Burgh, to hold of him and his heirs, by a Pound of Pepper to be paid yearly at Michael-mass for all Service and Demand whatever, he Granted also they should not be Taxed when the County was, nor Talliated, by him or his Heirs, when the King Talliated all his Burghs in England. Et Ibid. quod non Talliantur per nos vel Haredes nostros ad Tempus quando Dominus Rex omnes Burgos suos per Angliam Talliaverit. There were Bur­gesses inhabiting in, or belonging to the Castle of this Town in the time of King Henry the Second, who had certain Liberties and Pri­vileges, as appears by the Charter of Helleston in the Appendix, N. 8.

The same Earl Richard made Liskereth or Liskard Leskard. a free Burgh, and Granted to the Burgesses Pat. 2. E. 3. Part. 2. M. 14. per inspexi­mus. all those Liberties and Free Customs, which by his Charter he had Granted to his Burgesses of Lanceston and [Page 45] Helleston. This Charter is dated 5 Junii, in the 24th of his Brother Henry the Third. A. D. 1240.

Edmund Earl of Cornwal his Son in theIbid. Third of Edward the First, Granted this whole Burgh, with the Rent of the same, and his Mills of Bodgara, and Lonvil, with the Hill of Bodgara and the Meadows belonging to the Mills, with the Toll of the Mercat and Fairs, and also all Fines, Mulcts and Perquisites of the same Burgh, belonging to him and his Heirs in Fee-Farm, at the Rent of Eighteen Pounds Sterling, to be paid to him or his Heirs by the hands of his Se­neschal of Cornwal, by equal portions at Easter and Michaelmass, Ibid. except to himself and Heirs, that they might Talliate the said Burgh, as often and when the King of England did Talliate his Cities and Burghs. Salvo nobis & Haeredibus nostris quod praedictum Burgum Talliare possumus, quotiescunque Dominus Rex Angliae Civitates & Burgos suos Talliauerit.

The same Earl Richard, Cart. 13. Ed. 1. n. 9. by Inspeximus. Granted to the Prior and Canons of Bodmin, Bodmin. a free Merchand-Gild, (Gildam Mercatoriam) in that Town, and that their Burgesses should be free and quit of all Customs and Exactions through all Cornwal, for the yearly Rent of 43 s. and 4 d. without date, &c.

The same Earl when he was King of the Romans, Cart. 19. Ed. 2. n. 24. by Inspeximus. in the 12th year of his ReignA.D. 1269. Hen. 3.53. made Lostwithiel Lostwith­iel. and Penknek one free Burgh, and that his Burgesses there should have a Merchant-Gild, and then proceeds and Grants them further Liberties in the same words with those of Truro.

John of Eltham Second Son to Edward the Second, was Earl of Cornwal, whoPat. 1. R. 2. part. 6. m. 7. by Inspeximus. gave and Granted to his Burgesses of Grauntpount, Graunt­pount. or Great-Bridge in Cornwal, the whole Town, and several other Lands abuttalled and bounded in his Charter, and made it a free Burgh, which they were to hold of him and his Heirs for ever in Fee-Farm, paying at the Feasts of Easter and Michaelmass, Twelve Pounds Eleven Shillings and four Pence. This Charter Vid. Cart. 6. Ed. 3. n. 7. To which this John Earl of Cornwal, so named there, was a Witness. bears date the Sixth of October in the Seventh year of his dearest Brother King Edward.

Reginald de Valle Torta, or Vautort, whoDugd. Ba­ron f. 22. Col. 1.2. lived in the time of King John, and died in the 30th of Henry the Third, was Lord of the Honor and Castle of Trematon, which was head of it, to itRot. Es­chaet. 28. Ed. 1. n. 44. belonged Fifty nine Fees of the yearly Value of 259 l. 6 s. 8 d. As the Earls of Cornwal exercised their Jura Regalia in erecting of Burghs in the County, so this Reginald and his Antecessors, exercised theirs in erecting the Burgh of Essa, or Saltash, Essa, or Saltash. within their Honor of Tre­maton.

Pat. 5. Ric. 2. part. 1. m. 10. by Inspeximus. Sciant praesentes & futuri, Quod ego Reginaldus de Valle Torta Dedi & Concessi & hac praesenti Cartâ meâ Confirmavi Liberis Burgensibus meis de Essa omnes Libertates & Liberas Consuetudines suas hic subscri­ptas, quas habuerunt tempore Antecessorum meorum, &c. which were many, and amongst them these, That they should choose their own Bayliff or Mayor; That they should have the whole Toll of Bread, To­tum Panis Theloneum; and, That none of his Burgesses should be taken and carried to his Castle, if they were able to find sufficient Sureties of their Peers, for their Transgressions. This Charter was Confirmed by Richard the Second, ut supra.

This Burgh of Essa is now calledCarew's Survey of Cor [...]wal, p. 111 b. & p. 112. b. prin­ [...]ed A. D. 1602. Saltash, which lies in the same Parish of St Stephens, whe [...]ein the Castle of Tremeton, the head of that Honor now doth, or then did stand. These instances are suf­ficient for Cornwal, some few do follow in other Counties.

Baldwin de Redverys, Cart. 13. Ed. 1. n. 64. by Inspeximus. Earl of Devon and Lord of the Isle (that is, Wight) in the 26th of Henry the Third, Granted to his Bur­gesses of Plympton, Plympton. his whole Burgh of Plympton, with the Market and Fairs, and all appurtenances to the said Burgh belonging, to have and to hold to them and their Heirs of him and his Heirs for ever, so freely and quietly, with all Liberties and free Customs, eo mo­do sicut Cives Exoniae meliùs & libertùs habent vel habere debent in Ci­vitate sua Exoniae, quam de Rege tenent; in the same manner as the Citisens of Excester, best or most freely have; or ought to have in their City, which they held of the King; this Charter was confirmed by Edward the First, as above.

Preston Preston. in Lancashire, Cart. 2 Ed. 3. n. 6. by Inspeximus. made a Burgh by King Henry the Se­cond, had new Liberties granted by King John, when the Earl of Moreton and Lancaster confirmed by King Henry the Third, and Ed­ward the Third.

The same John Earl of Moreton and Lancaster, Cart. 11. Ed. 3. m. 22. n. 39. by Inspeximus. Lancaster. Granted and Confirmed to his Burgesses of that Town, in the fourth of Richard the First, all the Liberties which he had Granted to the Burgesses of Bristol, and furthermore, released to them the Suit they ought to his Mill, and acquitted them from Ploughing his Lands, and performing other Servile Customs. Johannes Comes Moreton omnibus hominibus & amicis suis Francis & Anglicis praesentibus & futuris, Salutem. Sci­atis, me concessisse & hac Carta mea confirmasse B [...]rgensibus meis Lanca­striae omnes Libertates quas Burgensibus Bristol concessi. Praeterea cla­mavi eosdem Burgenses quietos de Secta Molendini, & de Arura, & de aliis Servilibus Consuetudinibus quas facere solebant, &c. This Charter was confirmed by this John, when King, and by Edward the Third, in the Eleventh of his Reign, as in the Margin.

John the eldest Son of the Duke of Britain, and Lord of Richemund, Riche­mund. by his Charter without date for him and his Heirs, Pat. 2. Ed. 3 Part. 1. m. 11. by Inspex­mus. Granted to the Burgesses of Richemund, the Burgh of Richemund, with the Mer­cate and Fairs, and the Tolls, with all Rents of Assize, Attachments, and Pleas, or Mulcts of the said Burgh, and his whole Demeasn, cal­led the Land of Fonteney, &c. At the Rent of Forty Pound per An­num, &c. Which Charter was confirmed by Edward the Third, in the Second of his Reign, as in the Margin.

King John in the Second of his Reign, Granted toCart. 9. Ed. 3. n. 53. by Inspeximus. Baldwin Earl of Albemarle and Hawis or Avis his Countess the free Burgage in Heddun, now Hedon, Hedon. Heydon, or Hodon in Yorkshire, to them and their Heirs in Fee and Inheritance, so that their Burgesses of Heddun might hold freely and quietly in free Burgage, as his Burgesses of York and Lincoln, best, most freely and quietly did hold, with such Customs and Liberties as King Henry his Father, (that is, Henry the Second) Granted to William Earl of Albemarle, by his reasonable Charter.

Johannes Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, &c. Sciatis nos Concessisse Ibid. Baldewino Comiti Albemarliae & Hawisiae Comitissae Ʋxori suae liberum Burgagium in Hedduna eis & Haeredibus suis in feudo & haereditate, ita quod Burgenses eorum Heddunae, liberè & quietè in libero Burgagio tene­ant sicut B [...]rgenses nostri de Eboraco vel Nichol mèliùs, & liberiùs, & quietius tenent, illis Consuetudinibus & Libertatibus, sicut Rex Henri­cus Pater noster Willielmo Comiti Albemarliae per Cartam suam rationa­bilem concessit. Testibus, &c. Dat. apud Caneford 13 Die Decemb. Anno Regni nostri 2. This Charter was confirmed by Edward the Third, as in the Margin. Very many more Instances might be given of Charters of very obscure Burghs, and might also be published in the Appendix, if it were not for making this Treatise too Bulky.

From these Instances we may make a more than probable Conje­cture, that all Free-Burghs, though now never so obscure had their beginning from Charter, which was Granted as well for the Advan­tage of the King, Earl, or other great Man, Lord of the Burgh, as for the profit of the Burgesses themselves. For a Free Burgh in the true sense of the word, was only a Town of free Trading, What a Free Burgh is. with a Merchant Gild, or Community, without paying Toll, Pontage, Passage, Stallage, &c. And being free from certain Fines or Mulcts, from Suit to Hundred, and County-Courts, or being prosecuted, or answering there, or any where else, but within their own Burgh, except in Pleas of the Crown. With other Privileges, Liberties and Customs according to the Tenor of particular Grants and Charters. And a free Burgess was no other, than a Man that exercised free Trade, according to the Liberties and Privileges of his Burgh, whether he resided in it, or whether he had Liberty to live and Trade other where.

Upon Account of these Liberties, the Prince or Lord of the Burgh received Toll and Customs, for the Goods bought and sold, or in pro­cess of time a Fee-Farm Rent, or Annual Composition in a stated Sum, always less than the true value, in Lieu of them. And a reasonable Tallage or Aid, when for his necessity he had reason to impose it.Tallage why paid and impo­sed by our an­tient Kings. And that Tallage was due and paid by Citisens and Burgesses, to our anci­ent Kings, only in Consideration of their Liberty of Buying, Selling and Trading, and the Liberties they had Granted them to that pur­pose and so to do, will be clearly evinced by what follows.

In theRiley's Placit. Par­lamentar. f. 271. The Case of Salisbury a­bout Tallage. Eleventh of Henry the Third, New Sarum was made a City by the Kings Letters Patents, and given to the then Bishop his Successors and Canons there, and their Successors as their proper De­measns, (tanquam proprium Dominicum) and further Granted to the same Bishop and his Successors, that for the necessity of himself or his Church, he might take a reasonable Tallage or Aid of his Citisens, when the King or his Heirs made a reasonable Tallage in his Demeasns. (Concedimus insuper eidem Episcopo, & Successoribus suis, quod pro ne­cessitatibus suis, & Ecclesiae suae, Tallagium vel rationabile auxili­um capiant de praedictis Civibus suis, quando nos vel haeredes nostri Tallagium faciemus in Dominicis nostris.)

In the 33d year of Edward the First, the Bishop of Salisbury Ibid. f. 273. required an Aid or Tallage of the Citisens of New Sarum, according to the Grant of Henry the Third, the Citisens refuse payment, upon [Page 48] application of the Bishop to the King, he granted his precept to the Sheriff of Wiltshire, to Summon, by two legal Men, the Mayor and Community (not all the Burgesses, but the governing part) of New Sarum, to appear before him and his Council at Westminster, to shew cause why they ought not to be Talliated according to the Charter and Grant aforesaid.

They appeared by their Attorneys,Ibid. and Pleaded, that Ri­chard, the Predecessor of the then Bishop with the Concurrence and Assent of the Dean and Chapter, by their Charter, had confirmed to their Free Citisens of New Sarum Ibid. f. 274. that every one of them should hold his free Tenement, (suum Liberum Tenementum) in the City afore­said, and their Heirs likewise, honourably, freely, quietly and peace­ably, rendring to the Bishop and his Successors, (pro plena placea) that is, a full Tenement or Burgage, twelve pence by the year, and he that held more or less should pay according to the same quantity more or less for all Services and Demands, and upon this they produce the Charter of Bishop Richard, and demand Judgment, if as they were Free Men and Free Tenents, (Desicut sunt liberi & libere Tenentes) as it was contained in the Charter aforesaid, and never were as they said Tal­liated, whether they ought then to be Talliated.

The Bishop, notwithstanding the Grant of his Predecessor,Ibid. f. 275. af­firmed, they ought to be Talliated, and pleads the Charter of King Henry III.Tallage paid by Burgesses in respect of their Trading and the use of Burgh Liber­ties. and that the Citisens at their own charge had procued a Con­firmation of it, from King Edward. And the matter having been fully debated before the King and Council in Parlement, it was said, that King Henry in the Grant of their Liberties (which were no other than those of the City of Winton, and many other Cities and Burghs) imposed upon the said Citisens, the Burthen of the said Tallage and reasonable Aid, for the necessities of the said Church, when the King or his Heirs made a Tallage in his Demeasns, and from the time the said Citisens used their Liberties and quietances (that is from Toll, Pontage, Passage, &c.) to their profit, by the said Charter, they ought to bear the Burthen imposed upon them by the same, when 'tis con­sonant to Reason, that those who have the profit should bear the Burthen.

The King therefore did Will and Command, Ibid. that the Citisens should be for that time Talliated, for the profit they had received by their Liberties from the time of the first Grant of their Charter until then. And afterward choose whether they would use their Liberties, and be Talliated according to their Charter for the future, or renounce them, and not be Talliated. The Citisens did choose to renounce their Liberties, and a few days after Surrendred them to the King by the hands of their Mayor.

When by reason of this Renunciation, the Citisens could not use their Liberties, or any one of them, within less than the space of a year, they, with the Bishop, Petition the King to have their Liber­ties Regranted, and do submit to pay Tallage, as it follows in the Charter of this King, after the Repetition of King Henry's Charter, and the precedent Judgment.Cart. 34. Ed. 1. n. 27. Et idem Episcopus & Praedicti Cives jam nobis attentè supplicaverunt, ut de Gratia nostra concedere ve­limus, [Page 49] libertatibus superius expressis, (in the Charter of King Henry) & dictos Cives contingentibus, & per ipsos ut praedictum est Renunciatis, de caetero uti possint & gaudere, Nos licet dicti Cives Libertatibus praedi­ctis Renunciaverint sicut praedictum est, considerantes tamen pium proposi­tum quod dictus Pater noster habuit ad Ecclesiam praedictum, &c. Nec­non & per finem quem praedicti Cives fecerunt nobiscum coram Consilio nostro Volumes & Concedimus pro Nobis & Haeredibus nostris, quod dicta Civitas de Nova Sarum sit Libera Civitas ipsius Episcopi, & Suc­cessorum suorum, ac Ecclesiae suae praedictae in perpetuum. Et quod Cives ejusdem Civitatis ibidem manentes sint Cives ipsius Episcopi & Succes­sorum suorum, & quod per totam Terram nostram de Theolonio, Ponta­gio, Passagio, Paiagio, Lestagio, Stallagio, Cariagio, & omni alia Consuetudine de omnibus rebus suis sint quieti. Et quod habeant in perpetuum omnes alias Libertates & Quietancias per totam Terram no­stram quas habent Cives nostri Wynton & quod omnibus & singulis Li­bertatibus supra Scriptis quatenus eos contingunt de Caetero utantur & gaudeant adeo plenè & integrè sicut in dicta Carta praedicti Patris nostri necnon & in Carta nostrae de Confirmatione praedicta plenius continentur. Quodque idem Episcopus & Successores sui, Tallagium vel rationabile auxilium capiant de praedictis Civibus suis, Haeredibus vel Successoribus suis ratione Libertatum ipsis Civibus per nos sic concessarum quando nos vel Haeredes nostri Tallagium in nostris Dominicis de caetero faciemus. Quare volumus, &c. In English thus.

And the same Bishop and the foresaid Citisens now most earnestly have beseeched us. That of our especial Grace we would Grant them the Liberties above expressed touching the said Citisens, and which were renounced by them, and that they might use and enjoy them; We though the said Citisens have renounced the Liberties aforesaid, considering the Pious purpose our Father had to the Church aforesaid, &c. And also for the Composition or Fine the Citisens made with us before our Council, we Will and Grant for Ʋs, and our Heirs, that the said City of New Sarum be the Bishops and his Successors Free City, forever, and that the Citisens of the same City there dwelling, be the Bishops and his Successors Citisens, and that they be quit of Toll, Pontage, Passage, Paiage, Lestage, Stallage, Carriage, and all other Custom of all their Goods through our whole Land, and that they have for ever all other Liberties, and Quietances through our whole Land, which our Citisens of Winchester have, and that for the future they use and enjoy all and Singular the above Written Liberties, fully and wholly, as they are contained in our Fathers Charter, and our own of Confirmation. Why Tallage paid by Burghs and Cities. And that the same Bishop and his Successors may take a reasonable Tallage or Aid of his Citisens aforesaid their Heirs or Successors, by Reason of the Liberties by us so Granted, when we or our Heirs shall hereafter Talliate our Demeasns. Wherefore we will, &c. Dated the 28th of May at Westminster.

The Emolument and Profit mentioned in this Judgment and Charter, did arise from Buying, Selling and Trading, and the Liberties (by reason whereof the Citisens were Talliated,) there spoken of, were Granted for the Furtherance and Incouragement of them, which all Free Citisens and Free Burgesses injoyed, as Members of a Free City or Burgh. And 'tis evident they were called Free Cities, Free Burghs, Free Cities, why so called. (or more frequently) Free Burghs, and the Members thereof Free Citisens, [Page 50] and Free Burgesses, (almost in all Charters) from these Liberties, and Free Trading only, notwithstanding they were liable to reason­able Tallage imposed by the King, when his necessity required it; and from their paying a Fee-Farm Rent, and being obnoxious to the Kings Tallage, either expressed, or implied in the Charters, by the profit received, most of the Cities or Burghs in England, were called Civitates & Burgi Dominici Regis, as his Demeasn Lands were called Terrae Regis Dominicae, and the Tenents of them, Tenentes Regis Do­minici, for the same reason, and for others as before hath been said.

To this we will add another Record for the proof of the assertion, that Tallage in Cities and Burghs was paid, upon the account of Buy­ing, Selling, Trading or Merchandising, and use of their Liberties Granted by the King, being a Petition in Parlement in the 33d of Edward the First.

Ad petitionem Riley's Placita Parle­mentar. f. 259. Majoris & Burgensium Bristol petentium quod Homines qui Tenent Terras, & Redditus Magistri, & fratrum Templi, in Villa Bristol Tallientur & Contributionem faciant ad Tallagium Re­gis ejusdem Villae cum Burgensibus ejusdem, de sicut ipsi Mercantur, & omnibus aliis Libertatibus & Aisiamentis usi sunt quae ad dictam Villam pertinent, &c.

Ita Responsum est. Distringantur pro Contributionibus, & Tallagiis faciendis, & fiat Justitia Conquerentibus, & super hoc habeatur Breve de Cancellaria Majori & Ballivis Bristol. That is.

To the Petition of the Mayor and Burgesses of Bristol, that the Te­nents of the Master and Brethren of the Temple, in the Town of Bri­stol, might be Talliated, and make Contribution to the Tallage of the same Town paid to the King, with the Burgesses of the same, for that they Traded or Merchandised, and used allNote Tra­ding, a Liber­ty. other Liberties and Easements, which belong to the said Town.

It was Answered. Let them be Distreined for Contributions, and Tallages, and let Justice be done to the Complainants, and upon, or for this, let a Writ go out of Chancery directed to the Mayor and Bai­liffs of Bristol.

By what hath been here Written upon that Head, 'tis mightily probable, that our present free Burghs had their Origin, and recei­ved the Liberties they have of long time used, from Charters only, (especially since the Conquest) and if any Man can shew any Burghs, or Antient Trading Towns, which use the Common Liberties of Burghs, without Charter, or that never had one, undoubtedly (if any such there be) they were Towns holden of the King in Ancient Demeasn; and the Inhabitants upon presumption of being his Tenents, did at first begin to Buy, Sell and Trade, and by Connivence conti­nued so to do, as the Tenents or Men of the Templers did in Bristol, presuming upon their Masters great Privileges.

The Instances used concerning the Original of Burghs, were of such, as have been Erected by, or Granted to Earls. Those Erected by the Charters of Earls, were notwithstanding constituted such, [Page] [Page] [Page 51] by an Implicite Derivative Power from the King, who had Created them Earls, and the Chief Fundamental Dominion of those Burghs re­mained in the King or Crown:The Funda­mental Domi­nion of Burghs remained in the King. For the Earls could not Talliate them at their own Pleasure, but only when the Kings Demeasns were Tal­liated, and then by his Grant, or Precept, as is manifest from these two Records.

Rex Vicecomiti Lincoln, Salutem. Cl. 6. Jo­han. m. 4. Scias quod Commisimus Di­lecto nostro Willielmo Comiti de Warenna Grantham & Stanford cum per­tinentiis habendum quousque Terram suam recuperaverit in Norman­nia, vel quousque ei alibi fecerimus Competens Excambium. Ita tamen quod non possit Talliare Homines de Stanford nisi per praeceptum nostrum. Et ideo tibi praecipimus quod ei inde sine dilatione Sesinam habere facias. Teste Rege apud Westm. 19. Die Aprilis.

By this Record it seems probable, that by the Original Grant, William de Warenna might have Power and Licence to Talliate Gran­tham, but he could not impose Tallage upon Stanford, but by the Kings Precept. The other Record is this.

Rex Vicecomiti Cornubiae, Salutem. Cl. 11. Hen. 3. part. 1. m. 19. De Tallag. in Comitatu Cornub. Scias quod de Consilio no­stro provisum est, quod enxilium Efficax assideri faciamus in omnibus Burgis & Dominicis nostris per totam Terram nostram Angliae, & Volu­mus quod Consimile auxilium assideatur per Totam Ballivam tuam in Do­minicis & Burgis nostris, ad opus dilecti fratris nostri R. Comitis Picta­viae, & ideo tibi praecipimus quod una cum Simone de Brackel, Ballivo pradicti Comitis ad auxilium assidendum in Burgis & Dominicis nostris de Comitatu tuo diligenter intendas, Teste Rege apud Westm. 16 Die Februarii.

Sir William Dugdale in his Baronage, Fol. 762. Col. 1. Says, Richard Earl of Poicton Brother to King Henry the Third, was Cre­ated Earl of Cornwal in the Eleventh of his Reign, if so, the King might Grant this Precept after he was Earl, and call them his De­measn and Burghs, by reason of his Supream Original Dominion, and Prerogative; or if not made Earl of Cornwal until the Fifteenth of that King, as hath been noted before, he might then have the Earl­dom of Cornwal in his Hands by Eschaet, or Forfeiture, and so call the Revenues of the Earldom, and Burghs in that County, his Demeasns. Which way soever it was, his Brother Richard could not impose a Tallage without his Precept. Which was a certain Argument that the Supream Dominion of those Cornish Burghs was in the King.

I shall conclude this Treatise with the Answers to these two Questions.

First, Who named them, and by whose Direction and Appoint­ment it was, that such, or such Burghs chose, and sent Burgesses or Members to Parlement, and not others?

Secondly, Who then were, or ought to be the Electors, in Real or Reputed Burghs?

The Sheriffs at first directed, what Towns or Burghs should send Burgesses to Parlement.To the First. It was left to the Sheriff of each County to Name and Direct which were Burghs, and which were not, by those Indefi­nite and General Words in the Writ. De qualibet Civitate Duos Ci­ves, & de quolibet Burgo Duos Burgenses, &c. eligi facias, &c. To cause to be chosen two Citisens of every City, and two Burgesses of every Burgh.

TheRetorn. Brev. Parl. 26. Ed. 1. in Tur­ri Lond. first Returns Extant of Knights, Citisens and Burgesses are in the Twenty Sixth of Edward the First, and in that of Wiltshire Wiltshire. for that year Annexed to the Writ, there were returned two Knights for the County; two Citisens for New Sarum, two Burgesses for Doun­ton, two Burgesses for the Devises, two for the Burgh of Chippenham, and two for Malmsbury, with their Manucaptors, and the Writ was sent to the Constable of Merleberge, (that is, the Constable of the Castle there,) & Ballivis Libertatis Caln, & Worthe, qui nullum inde dede­runt Responsum. And to the Bayliffs of the Liberty of Caln and Wor­the, who returned no Answer. To the City of New Sarum, and these Six other Burghs, the Sheriff of this year, made his Precepts, and for them only made his Returns.

In theRetorn. Brev. Parl. 12. Ed. 3. Returns of Knights, Citisens and Burgesses to serve for this County in the Twelfth of Edward the Third, in a Parlement holden at York three weeks after Michaelmass, Wilts. the Execution of the Writ was in a Schedule fewed to it, Executio istius Brevis patet in Ce­dula huic Brevi consuta. After the Return of the Knights, the Sheriff for that year, Return only two Citisens for Sarum, two Burgesses for Wilton and two for Dounton, with Manucaptors; and then for two Burgesses for Merleberg; Breve retornatum fuit Constabulario Castri Merleberg, eo quod nulla inde fieri potuit Executio in Balliva mea infra Libertatem praedictam. Et idem Constabularius qui habet Returnum omnium Brevium & Executiones eorundem, nullum mihi inde dedit Res­ponsum. The Writ was returned to the Constable of the Castle of Marleburgh, because it could not be Executed by me in that Liberty, and the Constable, that hath the Return of all Writs and the Execu­tion of them gave me no Answer. The Sheriff of this year made his Precept to two Burghs only, and for them, and no other made his Return, and one of them was not returned in the Twenty Sixth of Edward the First, and then immediately after his Answer concern­ing Marleburgh, closeth the Return thus. Non sunt plures Civitates, neque Burgi infra Ballivam meam, that there were no more Cities, nor Burghs within his Bailywick: That is, within the County, nor­withstanding Bedwin, Caln, Chippenham, Creklade, Devises, Lutger­shal, Malmsbury and Marleburgh had frequently Burgesses returned to Parlement, especially the two later, before this time, as appears by the Returns in Edward the First, Second and Third until this year.

In theRetorn. Brev. Parl. 36. Ed. 3. Return of the Thirty Sixth of this King, after the Return of Knights for the same County, and Citisens for New Sarum, there were by this Sheriff two Burgesses returned for Wilton, Wilts. two for the Burgh of Old Sarum, two for the Burgh of Dounton, two for the Burgh of Chippenham, two for the Burgh of Caln, in the Return. No­mina Burgensium Burgi de Caln, two for the Burgh of Marleburg, two [Page 53] for the Burgh of Devises, two for the Burgh of Malmsbury, two for the Burgh of Creklade, Nomina Burgensium Burgi de Creklade, so in the Return, and two for Bed [...]inde. Then after the Names of the Burgesses for those ten Burghs, with their Manucaptors, the Sheriff closeth his Return with these Words, & non sunt plures Civitates nec Burgi in Comitatu praedicto, Ideo inde ulterius nichil actum est, and there are no more Cities nor Burghs, within the said County, and therefore there is nothing further done in this matter.

The Return of these Burgesses in the Dors of the Writ, is much to our purpose, and runs thus:Ibid. in Dorso Brevis. Ego Henricus Sturmy Vicecomes praetextu istius Brevis de Comitatu infra Scripto, Duos Milites, & de qualibet Civitate ejusdem Comitatus Duos Cives, & de quolibet Burgo dicti Comitatus Duos Burgenses de melioribus, validioribus, & discre­tioribus, Militibus, Civibus & Burgensibus, Comitatus, Civitatum & Burgorum praedictorum eligi feci juxta tenorem istius Brevis, & no­mina dictorum Militum Civium & Burgensium patent in quadam cedula huic Brevi Consuta. That is,

I Henry Sturmy Sheriff, by Virtue or Pretext of this Writ, have caused to be chosen, in the County under-Written two Knights, and of every City of the same County two Citisens, and of every Burgh of the said County two Burgesses, of the best, most able, and dis­creet, Knights, Citisens and Burgesses of the County, Cities and Burghs aforesaid, according to the Tenor of the Writ; and the Names of the Knights, Citisens and Burgesses, are Written in a Sche­dule sewed to this Writ.

WILTS.

In this Return notwithstanding the Sheriff returned that there were no more Cities nor Burghs in his County, yet he left out Lut­gershall, which had sent Burgesses to Parlement, 7th of Ed. 2. twice in the 8th of Ed. 2. the 4th of Ed. 3. the 14th of Ed. 3. and 33d of Ed. 3. before this time, as appears by the Returns of those years.

In the 43d of Edward the Third. TheRetorn. Brev. Parl. 43. Ed. 3. Return is thus upon the Dors of the Writ. Ego Walterus Haywood, Vicecom. Vobis sic Respondeo Mandatum Vestrum Reverenter sum Executus prout patet in Cedula huit Brevi Consuta. I Walter Haywood Sheriff,Wilts. make you this Answer, that I have Reverently, or rather (according to the mean­ing of the Man) Truly, Executed your Command, as is to be seen in the Schedule sewed to this Writ. And then Returns only the Names of the Knights, Citisens for New Sarum, Burgesses for Wilton, Old Sarum, Marleburgh, the Devises, Malmsbury, Creklade and no more, making no Return for Caln, Chippenham, Bedwin, or Lutgershal, nor Excuse why he did not.

In the 26th ofRetorn. Brev. Parl. 26. Ed. 1. Edward the 1st, The Sheriff of Buckingham-Shire made this Return in the Dors of the Writ. Nulli sunt Cives, nec Burgenses in Comitatu praedicto, nor Civitas, Bucks & Bedford. nec Burgus propter quod Cives, nec Burgenses coram vobis venire facere non possum. There are no Citisens nor Burgesses in the County aforesaid, nor City, nor Burgh, for which cause I cannot make Citisens or Burgesses to come before you.

In the 28th of that King, theRetorn. Brev. Parl. 28. Ed. 1. Sheriff returned for Agmunde­sham, Wicomb and Wendover, two Burgesses for each, which were Elected by those Towns or Burghs. B [...]cks, &c.

In the 30th of the same King, there were onlyIbid. 30. Ed. 1. two Bur­gess [...]s returned for Wycomb, Bucks, &c. and none for Agmundesham or Wendover.

In the First and Second of Edward the Second, the then SheriffsIbid. 12. Ed. 2. returned two Burgesses for Wycomb, Bucks, &c. two for Wendover, two for Agmondesham, and two for Great Marlow.

In the 6th of Edward the Second, Parlement atIbid. 6. Ed. 2. Woodstock July 20th, the Sheriff made this Return, Nullae sunt Civitates in Comitatu Bucks, Bucks, &c nec etiam Burgi praeter in Villa de Wycomb. There are no Cities or Burghs in the County of Buckingham, except in the Town of Wycomb.

In the 12th of this King,Ibid. 12. Ed. 6. Wycomb is only returned as a Burgh, and Burgesses for it in Buckingham-Shire, and in the close of the Re­turn,Bucks, &c. Nulla est Civitas nec plures Burgi, in Balliva mea. There is no City or more Burghs in my Bailywick; and so no other Burghs were returned in this County, until after the Reign of Edward the Fourth, or the Parlement in 1641. And there are many omissions of very many other inconsiderable Burghs, for 100, 150, 200, 250, 300. or more years, grounded upon the like Returns, some of which sent Burgesses, but once or twice, before the Years, 1640 and 1641.

In the 21st and 22d of Edward the Third, after theIbid. 21. 22. Ed. 3. Return for Knights of the Shire, for Glocester-Shire, Glocester-Shire. and Burgesses, for Glo­cester and Bristol, the Sheriff Returns, Non sunt plures Burgi seu Ci­vitates in Balliva mea, that there were no more Cities nor Burghs in his County.

In the 11th, 17th, 22d of Edward the Third, after Knights for the County, and only Citisens for Worcester, theIbid. 11.17.22. Ed. 3. Returns were the same as in Glocester-Shire. Worcester-Shire.

And so it was inSee Re­turns of these several Coun­ties. York-Shire, Lincoln-Shire, Cornwal, Dorset, De­von, Somerset, Southampton, Surry, Sussex, and most if not all Counties in England, where there were, at the time of the Returns, any Small, Poor, Inconsiderable Burghs, and where the Sheriffs were more or less kind to them, they returned or omitted them at Pleasure, and for all what ever I could find, notwithstanding all my Endeavour, with­out the direction of the King or his Council.

In the 5th of Richard the Second, there was a Law made,Stat. at large, 5. Rich. 2. cap. 4 p. 169. that if any Sheriff of the Realm should be from thenceforth negli­gent in making his Returns of Writs of the Parlement, or that he should leave out of the said Returns any Cities or Bouroughs, which be bound and of old time were wont to come to the Parlement, he shall be punished in the manner as was accustomed to be done in the said Case in the said time past. But notwithstanding this Law, the Practice of the Sheriffs remained the same it was before, as will be [Page 55] proved by what shall in part next be said concerning the meaning and reason of these Returns.

When the Sheriffs made their Returns, that there was not any, or more Cities and Burghs in such or such Counties, than for which they had Returned Burgesses, no Man can believe they were so Igno­rant, as not to know there were other Burghs, or more than they had Returned Burgesses for, and therefore some other than the very Literal meaning of those Words must be found out.

And to my Apprehension,The reasons of the Returns of non sunt plures Burgi, &c. the reasons (which also shew the mean­ing) of these Returns, in these Words, Non est aliqua Civitas, vel aliquis Burgus, or non sunt plures Civitates, vel Burgi (than what were returned) in Balliva mea, was for that many times, there was no able, fit, Persons for that Service to be found in the other Burghs of the County, at the time of the Return. (The choice being al­ways made in those days out of their own Body, and not of Foreign­ers or Country Gentlemen.) And Secondly, for that the Burghs were so Poor as they were not able to pay the Burgesses their Wages or Expences.

This assertion seems to be manifestly evinced, by some other Re­turns made in different Words, though of the same Sense and Import,Retorn. Brev. Parl. 21. Ed. 3. in the 21 Ed. 3. after the Burgesses Returned for Exon, Barnsta­ble, Plympton, Tavystock, Toryton and Totnes. The Sheriff of De­von Shire closeth his Return with these Words,Devon. Non sunt plures Ci­vitates vel Burgi in Balliva mea quae r [...]onari possant. There are not any more Cities or Burghs in my Bailywick, which can be Returned, omitting all other Burghs in that County, by these Words it should seem, that either there were no Burgesses fit or qualified for the Ser­vice of Parlement in the other Burghs, or that they were so Poor as they could not bear the Expences of such as should serve for them, for the Sheriff denies not that there were more Burghs in his County, but affirms they were such as could not be Returned, and if not for these, 'tis hard to imagine, for what other Reasons they were such.

In theIbid. in those years. Returns for Worcester-Shire in 8 and 12 of Ed. 2. and 12, 14 Ed. 3. the Sheriff ends them thus, after the Returns of Knights for the County, and Citisens for Worcester, Wigorn. Non est aliquis Burgus in Balliva mea, unde aliqui sunt Burgenses qui ad dictum Parlementum venire possunt, there is not any Burgh in my Bailywick, whence any Burgesses can come to Parlement. For the reasons without doubt abovementioned. Though Wyche (now Droitwich) had sent Bur­gesses to Parlement, 26. 28. 29. 30. of Ed. 1. and in 2. and 4. Ed. 2. and in 28. and 29. Ed. 1. they received their Expences, as appears by the Writs, de Expensis Militum, Civium & Burgensium, then directed to the Bailiffs of that Town, and are to be found in the close Rolls in those years.

In the 27. 28. 29. 33. of Hen. 6. the Sheriffs ofIbid. in those years. York-Shire, after the Return* only of the Burgesses for Scardeburgh conclude [Page 56] thus. Et non sunt Aliquae Civitates, vel aliqua Civitas, nec plures Burgi in Comitatu Eborum, unde aliquis Civis, ceu plures Burgenses ad Parliamentum praedictum ad praesens venire facere possum. And there are not any Cities, or City, or more Burghs in the County of York, from whence I can make any Citisens, or more Burgesses at present come to the foresaid Parlement. I see not what could be a Temporary reason why at that present the Sheriff of York-Shire, could not cause more Burgesses to come to those Parlements, from other Burghs than Scardeburgh, except one, or both of those abovementioned.

In the 29 Hen. 6. only Citisens Ibid. 29. Hen. 6. for Norwich, Burgesses for Lin and Yarmouth Returned for Norffolk, and only for Ipswick and Donewick for Suffolk. Norff. & Suff.

InIbid. 28. Hen. 6. Cornwal, Cornwal. 28th of the same King, Burgesses returned only for Launceston, Leskard, Bodmin, Lostwithiel, Truro, Helleston, and then follows, Nullae sunt Civitates infra Ballivam meam, nec sunt plures Burgi infra Ballivam meam.

InIbid. 28. Hen. 6. Devon, Devon. the same year Burgesses Returned only for Exon, Dartmouth, Totnes, Plimouth, Plimpton, Tavestock, Barnstable.

In the 26th of Ed. 1. after the Knights of the ShireIbid. 26. Ed. 1. Ralph Fitz-Thomas and William le Chantour were Returned for the Town of Lancaster, Lanca-Shire. and Adam Fitz-Ralph, and Adam de Biri for Preston.

In the 8th of Ed. 2. onlyIbid. 2. Ed. 2. Knights of the Shire Returned, no Burgesses for any Burghs.Lanca-Shire.

In the 19th of Ed. 2. forIbid. 19. Ed. 2. Lancaster, William Laurence, John Brokeholes, no Return then for Preston, and the Words of the Sheriffs Return are,Lanca-Shire. Non sunt aliquae Civitates in dicto Comitatu nec Burgi praeter Lancaster in Balliva mea, there are no Cities in the said County, nor Burghs, beside Lancaster in my Bailywick.

In the 1.Retorn. Brev. Parl. 1. Ed. 3. of Ed. 3. at the Parlement at Lincoln, that year John le Ken, and Laurence de Bulke were returned for Lancaster, and John Starkey and Henry Banaster for Preston, and no Returns for other Burghs.Lanca-Shire.

He began his Reign January 25th A. D. 1326.In theIbid. Eodem Anno. same year at the Parlement at York, Nich. de Lancaster and Henry Burgeis were Returned for Lancaster, but none for Preston, or any other Burgh.

In theIbid. 2. Ed. 3. Second of the same King, in the Parlement at Northamp­ton three Weeks after Easter. Lanca-Shire. The Writ of Summons dated 5. Martii. John de Burghton Sheriff. Adam Fitz-Simon, John le Ken, were Returned for Lancaster, and then the Return was thus closed. Non sunt aliquae Civitates vel Burgi in Balliva mea praeter Burgum Lanca­ster. There are no Cities and Burghs in my Bailywick, except the Burgh of Lancaster. No Return for Preston this Parlement.

In theIbid. Eodem Anno. same year of the same King, in the Parlement at New Sarum on Sunday next after Fifteen days after Michaelmass, the Writ [Page 57] of Summons dated 26 Augusti, and the same John de Burghton She­riff, John le Ken, and Robert de Bolroun were Returned for Lanca­ster; and for Preston, William Fitz-Paulin, and Nich. de Preston, and then the Return ends thus, Non sunt aliquae Civitates in Balliva mea. There are no Cities in my Bailywick.

In theIbid. 4. Ed. 3. 4th of Edward the Third, in the Parlement at Winchester on the Sunday next before St Gregory, Lanca-Shire. the Writ of Summons dated 25 Januarii, John de Denom Sheriff, William de Bolleroun, John de Bulke Returned for Lancaster, but no Burgesses Returned for Preston, nor doth the Return end with, Non sunt alii Burgi, &c.

In theIbid. the same year. same year of the same King, in the Parlement at West­minster on the Monday before the Feast of St Katherine, (i. e. No­vember 25th.) the Writ of Summons dated 23 Octobris. The same John de Denom Sheriff, Robert de Bolleroun and John de Ken were Returned for Lancaster; and William Fitz-Paulin and Henry Hay­doke for Preston, and then the Return is thus concluded, Non sunt alii Burgi in Balliva mea.

In theIbid. 34. Ed. 3. 34th of Edward the Third, the Writ of Summons dated the 20th of November, Lanca-Shire. for a Parlement to be holden at Westminster on the Sunday before the Conversion of St Paul was directed to Henry Duke of Lancaster, or his Deputy, who made this Return. Henricus Dux Lancastriae sic respondet. Nomina Militum ad respon­dendum, faciendum, & consentiendum in praesenti Parliamento prout idem Breve requirit pro Communitate dicti Ducatus, Willielmus de Radecliffe, Ricardus de Tounkay. In eodem Ducatu non est aliqua Ci­vitas, nec Burgus qui ante haec Tempora, in aliquo Parliamento respon­dit per Burgenses. Henry Duke of Lancaster answereth thus. The Names of the Knights who are to answer, do and consent in the pre­sent Parlement, for the Community of the said Dukedom, as the same Writ requires, William de Radcliffe, Richard de Tounkay. There is not any City in the same Dukedom, nor Burgh, which before this time answered in any Parlement by Burgesses. It wants not proba­bility, that from the 4th of Edward the Third, to this 34th of the same, there might be Thirty years intermission and omission of Bur­gesses for these Burghs, (in all that time there being no Return of Burgesses for this County,) which might be the reason of this Return.

In the 38th of this King, theIbid. 38. Ed. 3. Sheriff of Lanca-Shire after the Return of the Knights, gives the reason why Citisens and Bur­gesses ought not, nor were wont to come, in these Words. Et non sunt aliqui Civitates seu Burgi infra Comitatum de quibus aliqui Cives seu Burgenses ad dictum Parliamentum venire debent seu solent, prop­ter eorum debilitatem seu paupertatem. That there were not any Ci­ties, or Burghs within that County, from which any Citisens or Bur­gesses ought, or were wont to come to the said Parlement, for, or by reason of their Inability or Poverty.

In the 39th of Edward the Third, the Return isIbid. 39. Ed. 3., Non est aliqua Civitas seu aliquod Burgum de quibus aliqui Cives seu Burgen­ses venire possunt seu solent secundum tenorem Brevis propter eorum debilitatem & paupertatem. There is not any City or any Burgh from [Page 58] which any Citisens or Burgesses, can or were wont to come, by rea­son of their Low Condition or Poverty. The same Words are in the 50th of Edward the Third. And the Returns of this County are closed after this manner with some small variation, in the Reigns of Edward the Third, Richard the Second, Henry the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth, and Edward the Fourth, and no Burgesses Returned for any Town or Towns in all that time from the 33d of Edward the Third, which was 124 years, and how much longer it cannot well be known.

In the 10th of Henry the Fourth, there was this Return made af­ter the Knights, &c. Ibid. 10. Hen. 4. Et non sunt aliqui Cives aut Burgenses in­fra dictum Comitatum Lancastriae qui ad dictum Parliamentum venire possunt propter eorum paupertatem & debilitatem. The same Return is Word for Word in the 2d of Henry the Fifth.

In the 7th, 25th, 28th, 33d of Henry the Sixth. The Returns were with this small Variation.Ibid. 7. 25. 28. 33. H. 6. Et non est aliqua Civitas infra Comitatum praedictum nec Burgus qui ad aliquod Parliamentum Tempo­ribus retroactis aliquos Cives aut Burgenses Mittere solebant propter eorum paupertatem & debilitatem, ideo de Civibus & Burgensibus nulla fit mentio. And there is not any City within the County aforesaid, or Burgh, which used to send any Burgesses or Citisens, to any Par­lement in former times, by reason of their Poverty and Inability. Therefore no mention is made of Citisens or Burgesses.

In the 27th of Henry the Sixth. The Return after the Knights Names, is somewhat different from others.Ibid. 27. Hen. 6. Et non est aliqua Civitas infra Comitatum praedictum nec Burgus qui ad aliquod Parlia­mentum temporibus retroactis aliquos Cives aut Burgenses solebant in­venire propter eorum debilitatem & paupertatem, Lanca-Shire. ideo, &c. And there is not any City within the County aforesaid, or Burgh, which in for­mer times were wont to find Citisens or Burgesses in any Parlement by reason, &c.

In the 17th of Edward the Fourth, on the Dors of the Writ of Summons for Election of two Knights for the County, two Citisens for every City, and two Burgesses for every Burgh, in the Return after the Indorsment of the Knights for the County and their Manu­captors, it follows. Et quia non est aliqua Civitas infra Comitatum praedictum, aut Burgus qui ad aliquod Parliamentum temporibus retroa­ctis aliquos Cives aut Burgenses Mittere solebant propter eorum pauper­tatem & debilitatem, coram Domino Rege & Consilio suo, ideo de Civi­bus & Burgensibus non est mentio. And because there is not any City within the said County or Burgh which in former times sent any Ci­tisens or Burgesses to Parlement before the King and his Council by reason of their Poverty and Inability, therefore no mention is made of Citisens and Burgesses. The same Words are in the Sheriffs In­denture of Return of Knights of the County annexed to the Sheriffs Precept, and the same Returns were in the 7th and 12th years of this King.

In the Seventh of Edward the Fourth, (who began his Reign March 4th A. D. 1461.) in the Parlement at Westminster on the Third of [Page 59] June, theRetorn. Brev. Parl. 7. Ed. 4. Writ of Summons dated February 28. in the sixth of his Reign, Henry Barle Sheriff of Essex and Hertfordshire, after the Returns of Knights for each County, and Burgesses only for Colchester and Maldon, adds this Clause; Et in praedicto Comitatu Hertford non est Aliqua Civitas, nec aliquis Burgus, unde Aliqui Cives sive Burgenses, nec aliqua Civitas, neque plures Burgi in Dicto Comitatu Essex, unde plures Burgenses neque aliqui Cives Eligi possunt. That is,

And in the foresaid County of Hertford, there is not any City, or any Burgh from whence any Citisens or Burgesses may be chosen. Nor is there any City, or more Burghs in the said County of Essex, from whence any Citisens, or more Burgesses may be chosen.

By these few Returns and Instances, of very many more which might have been produced, if needful, 'tis abundantly proved, That from the 23d of Edw. 1. when the First Writs were sent forth for the choice of Citisens and Burgesses, The first Writs sent for the Choice of Citi­sens and Bur­gesses. and also during the Reigns of Edw. 2. and 3. Rich. 2. Hen. 4.5. and 6. and Edw. 4. it was left to the Discretion and Judgment of the Sheriffs, which Burghs were fit and able to send Burgesses, and which not.Sheriffs Judges of what Burghs were fit and able to send Burgesses, and what not. And that if antient able Burghs became poor and indigent, and unable to pay the Expences of their Burgesses, or had none fit to chuse, it was a just Ground for the Sheriff to excuse them from the trouble and charge of Electing and sending Burgesses, notwithstanding the Statutes 5 Rich. 2. c. 4. 1 Hen. 5. c. 1. 8 Hen. 6. c. 7. 23 Hen. 6. c. 15. And also, That the plain Negative Returns, The reason and meaning of Sheriffs Ne­gative Re­turns. of Non sunt aliqui Civitates vel Burgi in Balliva mea, or Non sunt plures Civitates vel Burgi in Comitatu praedicto, &c. are to be explained by those other Returns of Non sunt aliquae Civitates, vel aliqua Civitas, nec plures Burgi, (in this, or that County) unde Cives vel Burgenses venire facere possum, or unde Cives & Burgenses venire possunt, vel venire debent, vel venire solebant, and other different Expressions before mentioned. Propter debili­tatem eorum & paupertatem. Those Absolute Negatives in Terms on­ly, being equivalent in signification to the other, and import no more, than, that those Burghs the Sheriffs did not return, at such times, were poor and inconsiderable, and that either they had not fit Persons to send, or for their poverty could not pay their VVages, or bear the Expences by Law due to them. And all this was done by Vir­tue of the General Clause in the VVrits, De qualibet Civitate duos Cives, & de quolibet Burgo duos Burgenses, &c. For in the Charters of Antient Burghs, there was no Clause or Grant for the choice or sending of Burgesses to Parlement, nor have I ever seen or heard of any particular Directions from the King and Council, or others, to the Sheriffs, for the sending their Precepts to this or that Burgh only, and not to others.

I shall finish the Answer to the first Question with this Remarque; No Complaint made by the Burghs of She­riffs for not sending Pre­cepts to Elect Burgesses, &c. That the Burghs during the time of all these Kings Reigns, never complained of the Sheriffs for not Returning them Burghs, or not send­ing Precepts to them, or taking away their Birth-Rights. Nor did they clamor against hard usage, or injustice. Nor did the King, Lords, or Commons in Parlement, ever blame, complain of, or question the Sheriffs for sending, or not sending Precepts to this, or that Burgh; to all, or any of them, and making Returns accordingly. Nor was [Page 60] it accounted an Advantage, Honor, or Priviledge, to be bound to send Burgesses to Parlement, but rather on the contrary, it was reputed a Burthen and a grievance for Poor and Small Burghs to send them, as in the Case ofPat. 42. Ed. 3. part. 1. m. 8. Torriton in De­von-Shire dis­charged from sending Bur­gesses. Toriton in Devon-Shire, that Petitioned the King in Parlement to be discharged of sending Burgesses to Parlement, sug­gesting it was great Trouble and Charge, and to their manifest Dam­mage and Depression, and their Petition was Granted, and the Town or Burgh Exonerated and Excused for ever after, notwithstanding it had sent Burgesses Thirty two times before.

The Second Question, who were or ought to be the Electors in real or pretended Burghs, hath much exercised the House of Com­mons, (since they have taken upon them to determine those Cases) and perhaps there hath scarcely been given a direct and true Solution of it to this day. In the 22d of KingCommons Journal, die veneris 21 Maii 22 Jacobi. A. D. 1624. James in a contest be­tween Sir William Masters, and Sir Maurice Berkley, upon an Election made at Cirencester in Glocester-Shire, upon the Question, it was Re­solved, that no consent of Parties, Competitors, can alter the Legal course of Elections. Where no Charter or Cu­stom, how Ele­ctions to be made? That where no Charter or Custom to the contra­ry, the Election to be made by all the Houshoulders; that Sir William Masters duly Elected, that he had the greater Number of Inhabitants and Freeholders; and that wherei. e. in truth where there is not, nor can be a Burgh. neither Charter nor Custom, nor free Burgesses in any Borough, there the Election to be made by Hous-holders, and not only Freeholders.

In the 4th of KingCommons Journal. vene­ris 28 Martii 4. Car. 1. A. D. 1628. Charles the First, Report made from the Committee of Privileges, (now the Committee of Elections) by Mr. Hackwill.

Colchester, one only Return made by the Bailiffs, in which Sir Thomas Cheek, and Mr. Alford returned. That the Bailiffs, Alder­men and Common Council, Two Electi­ons, one by the Mayor Alder­men and Com­mon Council, the other by the common sort of Bur­gesses. An insufficient prescription. consisting of Forty two in an upper Room, read the Writ and there Elected Sir Thomas Cheek, and Mr. Alford. In a lower Room the Common sort of Burgesses in General, Elected Sir Thomas Cheek, and Sir William Masham.

That the Bailiffs, &c. made their Prescription, by Election, as they now made it. Against this alleged, that till Richard the First, no Bailiffs, nor then, no Common Council, till Edward the Fourth, then Sixteen appointed by a new Charter, which by Constitutions si­thence they have increased to —

Upon this the Prescription holden Insufficient, that the Committee is also of Opinion, that the Election of Sir William Masham is Good, and his Name to be put in by the Bailiff instead of Mr. Alford.

Upon Question Sir William Masham duly Elected, and his Name by one of the Bailiffs was Inserted at the Board, in stead of Mr. Alfords.

Mr. Hackwill Commons Journ. Sabbat. 12 April. 4. Car. 1. 1628. Whether the Commons or chief Burges­ses, Electors. Reporteth from the Committee of Priviledges the Case of the Burgh of Bridport. The Question whether the Com­mons, or the two Bailiffs and Thirteen Capital Burgesses are Electors. There the last claiming by Prescription the sole Power, this proved [Page 61] by two Witnesses for Forty Six years, primo Jacobi claimed it, but were denied.

A Certificate of Disclaimer under the Hands of 80 Commoners of­fering to justifie it upon Oath, and affirmed they could have proved it by Forty Commoners more.

On the other part Records produced the 6th of Edw. 6.These the very words of the Journal. Indenture returned the Election to be per Ballivos per assensum Communitatis, 2. & 3. Philip. & Mariae Election accordeth, 1 Eliz. accordeth, 1 Jacobi accordeth. This also proved by two Witnesses, above 40 Commoners gave Voices primo Jacobi. Another that above 60 years ago the Commoners had Voice, and that he himself, then a Commoner, gave Voice.

Replyed to this, That the Addition of the Commonalty, And these. because that the Name of the Corporation, that so they make their Leases, yet the Commoners never meddle.

Exception to one of the Witnesses, That he, a Commoner, And these, and so to the end of this Case. and very aged Man, scarce could hear, or be heard; That the other have been Disfranchised, and therefore spake out of spleen.

Alledged for them, That primo Jacobi the Commons called, be­cause they were to Contribute towards Wages.

Agreed by the Major part of the Committee, That the Commoners had Voice in Election.

Resolved also here no good Election, because the Commons having right of Voice, had no Warning as they ought to have had.

Resolved upon the Question, The Commonalty in General ought to have Voices in the Elections of the Burgesses for Parlement.

Upon the Question, The Election void in respect of the want of Warning to the Commonalty.

A new Writ for a new Election.

Mr. Hackwill Commons Journal, Jovis 8 Maii, 4 Car. 1. 1626. reporteth from the Committee of Privileges the Case of Boston in Lincolnshire, Mr. Bellingham the Recorder, and Mr. Okeley chosen.

The Question, Whether a Select Number, or the Commonalty were to chuse. SirHe of my own Know­ledge a Friend to the Cause. Anthony Irby chosen by Majority of Voices of the Commonalty, and 14 of the Select Number.

Agreed by the Committee, That the Election of Burgesses in all Bur­roughs did of Common Right belong to the Commoners, Voted to whom the right of Ele­ction belongs in all Burghs. and that no­thing could take it from them, but a Prescription and a constant usage beyond all memory.

1. Upon the Question, the right of Election for Burgesses to serve [Page 62] in Parlement for Boston, resteth in the Commonalty, and not in the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council.

2. Upon the Question, Mr. Okely not duly Elected or Returned.

3. That Sir Anthony Irby duly Elected, and ought to have been Re­turned.

4. That the Mayor of Boston shall be sent for, to put out Mr. Okely's Name, and put in Sir Anthony Irby's.

Mr. Hackwill Commons Journ. Sabbat. ultimo Maii, 4 Car. 1. 1628. reporteth from the Committee of Privileges the Case of Warwick. Question, Whether the Election to be made by the Mayor and Common Council, or by the Commons in general? That a Petition produced whereby above 200 Commoners Disclaim to have any Right of Election.The Case of Warwick. But that refused to be accepted by the Com­mittee, because if but one Commoner appear to sue for his Right, they will hear him.

1. Upon the Question, The Right of Election for the Town of War­wick belongs to the Commonalty.

2. That Mr. Robert Grevill and Mr. Francis Lucy unduly Elected.

3. A new Writ to issue for a new Choice in their Rooms.

By these Five Instances it appears how perplext and conjectural the Opinions of the Committee, and Resolves of the House of Com­mons were, concerning the Right of Electing of Burgesses to serve in Parlement, and the Persons in whom it was Lodged. They judg­ed, the Communities or Commonalties of Cities and Burghs to be only the ordinary and lower sort of Citisens, Burgesses, or Freemen in Ge­neral. And that the Right of Election of Burgesses in all Burghs did of common Right belong to the Commoners, (meaning) the ordinary sort of Burgesses or Freemen, and not to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, as in the Cases of Boston, Colchester, and Warwick, nor in the Bayliffs and Capital Burgesses, being a Select Number, as in the Case of Bridport.

The Ground of this popular Error was, That this Committe (not­withstanding the two great Antiquaries Ibid. Jovis 20 Martii, 3 Car. 1. 1627. Sir Robert Cotton, and Mr. Selden, and the Oracle of Law (so called) Sir Edward Coke, were Members of it) did not truly understand the meaning of the words Communitates Civitatum, & Burgorum, the Commonalty of Cities and Burghs; which always signified the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, The Commu­nities or Com­monalties of Cities and Burghs are the Governing part of them. where they were to be found, or the Steward or Bayliff, and Capital Burgesses, or in short the Governing part of Cities and Towns, by what Persons soever they were Governed, or Names and Titles they were called and known, which hath been sufficiently evinced by what hath been said before in this Treatise, upon that Subject. So that, if the Communities of Cities and Burghs had been truly under­stood, the Committee ought to have Determined, and the House Re­solved, That the Right of Election in very many, if not in most, or all Cities and Burghs, ought to have rested in the Governing part of them, which is always a Select Number. And therefore I shall pro­duce many Instances from the Returns of Parlement Writs upon Re­cord, to Confirm this Opinion.

In the 26th of Edward the First, in most Counties, Cities and Burghs, the Knights, Citisens and Burgess [...]s are only named with their Manu­captors, or Sureties, in the Dors of the Writ, as for Example.Retorn. Brev. Parl. 26. Ed. 1. The first Returns Extant. Nomina Duorum Militum Comitatus Hereford, with each of them four Manucaptors, there named. Nomina Duorum Civium Civitatis Here­ford, with each two Manucaptors or Sureties there named. Nomina Duorum Burgensium de Burgo Leominster, with each two Manucap­tors, there named. But not said by whom Elected, and so in many others, with some, not very material, Variation.

Yet in some, the Elections are said to be made by the Bailiffs, with the assent of the Community, or for the Community of the Burghs. So the choice was made for the Town of Derby. Et Breve Ibid. istud re­turnatum fuit Willielmo Oyler, Ballivo Libertatis Villae Derby, qui ple­num Returnum Brevis habet pro duobus Burgensibus ejusdem Villae, & mihi Respondit, quod elegit assensu Communitatis Totius Villae praedictae Magistrum Willielmum Broun de Derby, & Nicholaum Latimer de ea­dem. And that Writ was Returned to William le Oyler Bailiff of Derby, who hath full Return of the Writ for two Burgesses of the same Town. And he Answers me, he hath chosen by the assent of the Community of the whole Town aforesaid, Master William Broun of Derby, and Nicholas le Latimer of the same, who have two Manucap­tors for each Returned. In like manner for the Town of Nottingham. Et Breve istud Ibid. Retornatum fuit Ballivis, &c. Qui michi Res­ponderunt quod elegerunt assensu Communitatis Villae praedictae Johan. le Fleminge de Nottingham, Adam le Fleminge de eadem, and that Writ was Returned to the Bailiffs of the Liberty of Nottingham, &c. Who Answer me, that they have chosen by the assent of the Commo­nalty of the Town aforesaid, John the Fleming of Nottingham afore­said, and Adam the Fleming of the same, who found each two Sure­ties for their Appearance in Parlement. So two Burgesses chosen,Ibid. pro Communitate Burgi Colecester, for the Community of the Burgh of Colechester, with four Manucaptors or Sureties each, likewise,Ibid. Johannes de Westreet de Hertford Simon Walle de eadem, electi sunt duo Burgenses per Communitatem Burgensium Hertford, &c. And gave Security for their Appearance by four Manucaptors each.

Accordingly two Burgesses were Elected for the Community of the Burgh of Newcastle upon Tine, with their Names, and Manucap­tors Names in a Schedule. Nomina Ibid. Burgensium pro Communi­tate Burgi Novi Castri super Tinam, sunt in Cedula huic Brevi Annexâ.

In the 27th of Edward the Third, that King directed his Writ to the Bailiffs of the Town of Boston Boston. in Lincoln-Shire. Edwardus Retorn. Brev. Parl. 27 Ed. 3. Dei Gratia, &c. Ballivis Villae de Sancto Botolpho, &c. And then after the Introduction to, and Causes of the Precept itself, which follows in these Words, Vobis praecipimus firmiter injungentes quod du­os Burgenses de provectioribus, & discretioribus, & magis expertis Bur­gensibus Villae praedictae, de assensu ejusdem Villae sine dilatione eligi, & eos ad Diem & Locum praedictos venire faciatis, ita quod iidem Burgen­ses pro se & Communitate Villae praedictae sufficientem potestatem ha­bent, ad Tractandum, Consulendum, & Consentiendum his quae tunc Di­vina favente Clementia de Communi Consilio contigerit Ordinari, &c. [Page 64] We command, firmly injoyning you, that without delay you cause to be chosen two Burgesses, of the more Grave, Discreet and Experi­enced Burgesses of the Town aforesaid, by the assent of the same Town. So that the same Burgesses may have sufficient Power for themselves and the Community of the Town aforesaid to Treat, Consult of and Consent to those things, which, Divine Clemency favoring, shall hap­pen to be ordained by common advice, &c.

The Return in the Dors of the Writ was answerable to the Words of the Precept of this Writ. Respons. Ibid. Johannis de Morys, & Ricardi de Rede Ballivorum Villae de Sancto Botolpho.

Manucaptores Johannis de Skirbek de Sancto Botolpho unius Burgen­sium Villae de Sancto Botolpho, de assensu ejusdem Villae electi ad Tractan­dum, Consulendum, & Consentiendum secundum Tenorem hujus Brevis.

  • Thomas de Tumby de Sancto Botolpho.
  • Johannes de Gosberkirk de eadem.

Manucaptors or Sureties of John de Skirbek of Boston, one of the Burgesses of Boston, chosen by assent of the same Town, to Treat, Con­sult and Consent according to the Tenor of this Writ.

  • Thomas de Tumby of Boston,
  • John de Gosberkirk of the same.

The same Return, and in the same Words, is for William Bayard, the other Burgess with two Manucaptors. This Town of Boston ne­ver Elected, or Returned any Burgesses during the Residue of this Kings Reign, nor in the Reigns of Richard the Second, Henry the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Edward the Fourth.

In the Writ directed to the Mayor and Bailiffs of Bristol Bristol. to choose Burgesses for the same Great Council, the Precept is the same.Ibid. Vobis praecipimus firmiter injungentes, quod duos Burgenses de provecti­oribus, & discretioribus & magis expertis Burgensibus Villae praedictae de assensu ejusdem Villae sine dilatione eligi, & eos ad diem & locum praedi­ctos venire faciatis. Ita quod iidem Burgenses pro se & Communitate Villae praedictae sufficientem potestatem habent, &c. As in the former Writ for Boston.

To the Precept of this Writ, the following Return was made.Ibid. in Cedula. Virtute Brevis Domini Regis praesentibus annexi, nos Major & Ballivi Villae Bristol, de assensu Communitatis Villae praedictae eligi fecimus Tho­mam Babbecary, & Willielmum Coumbe de essendo ad diem & locum infra Breve contentos ad faciendum quod ex parte Domini Regis eis tunc ibidem injungetur. That is,

By Virtue of the Kings Writ annexed to these Presents, we the Mayor and Bailiffs of the Town of Bristol, by assent of the Community of the Town aforesaid, have caused Thomas Babbecary and William Coumbe to be chosen, to be at the time and place contained in the Writ, to do what on the behalf of the Lord the King, shall then, and there be injoyned them.

It appears by this Writ and Return, that the words Assensus Villae, and Assensus Communitatis Villae, signified the same thing; and that as the Community of the Town, so the Town itself, Government of the Town, and Body Politique were, and did consist of a select Number.

The words of the Writ directed to the Mayor and Bailiffs of Ex­cester Excester. for the choice of Burgesses for this Great Council, are the same with those of Boston and Bristol, Ibid. Vobis praecipimus firmiter injun­gentes quod Duos Burgenses de Provectioribus, Discretioribus, & ma­gis Expertis Burgensibus Civitatis praedictae, de affensu ejusdem Civitatis sine Dilatione Eligi, &c. Ita quod iidem Burgenses pro se & Commu­nitate Civitatis, &c. sufficientem potestatem habent, &c. The Return was, as hereunder written.

Roberti de Brideport Ibid. in Dorso Brevis. Manucaptores

  • Johannes Spicer.
  • Willielmus Wike.

Roberti de Hugheton Manucaptores

  • Willielmus Sleght.
  • Richard Oliver.

Responsio Ibid. Roberti de Brideport Majoris Civitatis Exon. & Ri­cardi Oliver & Thomae Spicer Ballivorum ejusdem Civitatis, ac Commu­nitatis Civitatis praedictae, talis est. Quod ipsi eligerunt praedictos Rober­tum de Brideport, & Robertum de Hugheton Burgenses dictae Civitatis, ad faciendum secundum Tenorem istius Brevis. In English thus:

The Answer of Robert de Brideport Mayor of the City of Exon, and Richard Oliver and Thomas Spicer Bailiffs of the same City, and the Community of the City aforesaid, is such; That they have chosen the foresaid Robert de Brideport, and Robert de Hugheton Burgesses of the said City, to do according to the Tenor of the Writ.

The words of this Return do illustrate the words of the former, and make it most evident, That the Assent of the Mayor, Bailiffs, and Community of the City of Exon, which was the Government of it, was the Assent of the City itself.

The form and words of the Writ for the choice of Citisens for the same Great Council, directed to the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City of London, London. are the same.Ibid. Vobis praecipimus, &c. Quod duos Ci­ves, &c. de assensu ejusdem Civitatis sine Dilatione eligi, &c. The Return was as follows.

Eligi Ibid. in Dorso Brevis. fecimus Thomam Leggy & Thomam Dolseley duos Cives Civitatis London de assensu ejusdem Civitatis ad interessendum coram vo­bis in instanti Consilio sufficientem potestatem pro se & Communitate Civitatis praedictae habentes ad Tractandum, Consulendum, & Consenti­dum his, quae, Divina favente Clementia, de Communi Consilio tunc contigerit Ordinari.

  • Et praedictus Thomas Leggy attachiatus est per Radulphum de Cauntebrigge, & Johannem Herewardstoke.
  • Et praedictus Thomas Dolseley attachiatus est per Thomam Wil­chir, & Rogerum de Reygate.
[Page 66] Responsio Adae Franceys Majoris, & Johannis de Stodeye, & Johannis Pecche Vicecomitum.

The Return is thus made English:

We have caused to be chosen Thomas Leggy and Thomas Dolseley, two Citisens of the City of London, by Assent of the same City, to appear before you in the Council next to be holden, having suffici­ent Power for themselves, and the Community of the foresaid City, to Treat, Consult, and Consent to those Things which by Divine Clemency shall happen to be Ordained by Common Advice.

  • The foresaid Thomas Leggy hath given Security for his being in Parlement by John de Cauntebrigge, and John Here­wardstoke.
  • And the foresaid Thomas Dolseley hath done the same, by Thomas Wilchir, and Roger de Reygate.
The Answer of Adam Franceys Mayor, and John de Stodeye, and John Pecche Sheriffs.

What is here meant, by the Assent of the City, and the Power they had to Treat for themselves, and Community of it, and what the Community itself was, hath been cleared by what hath been ob­served upon the Returns of Bristol and Exon; and is confirmed by the following Record beyond all Contradiction.

Retorn. Parl. 12 Ed. 2. Excellentissimo Principi & Domino suo carissimo Domino Edwardo Dei Gratia Illustrissimo Regi Anglie Domino Hibernie & Duci Aquita­nie Johannes de Wengrave Major Civitatis London. London. Aldermanni, Viceco­mites, & tota Communitas ejusdem Civitatis, se & sua. Noverint Ex­cellentia vestra nos assignasse dilectos Concives nostros Johannem de Cher­leton, Willielmum de Flete & Rogerum le Palmere vel duos eorum, ac eisdem vel duobus eorum plenam & sufficientem potestatem dedisse per presentes ad faciendum in hoc instanti Parliamento vestro à die Sancti Michaelis ultimo preterito in tres septimanas apud Ebor. quod de Communi Consilio ordinabitur in Parliamento praedicto juxta formam Brevis vestri nuper nobis inde directi. In cujus rei testimonium has li­teras nostras eisdem fieri fecimus Patentes. Sigillo Communitatis no­stre predicte signatas. Dat. London. Sextodecimo die Octobris, Anno Regni vestri duodecimo.

To the most Excellent Prince, and their most Dear Lord, the Lord Edward by the Grace of God the most Illustrious King of Eng­land, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitain, John de Wengrave Mayor of the City of London, the Aldermen, Sheriffs, and the whole Community of the same City, Themselves and Theirs. Your Excel­lency may know we have assigned our beloved Fellow-Citisens John de Cherleton, William de Flete, and Roger le Palmere, or two of them, and have given to them, or two of them, full and sufficient Power by these Presents, to do in this your instant Parlement, to be holden at York three weeks after Michaelmas, what shall be Ordained in the foresaid Parlement by Common Advice, according to the form of your Writ lately to us directed. In witness whereof we have made these our Letters Patents, to be sealed with the Seal of our Community or Commonalty aforesaid. Dated at London the 16th day of October, in the 12th year of your Reign.

There can be no doubt, but what was called the City in the pre­ceding Record, was the same with the Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriffs, and whole Community or Commonalty in this Record.

The Writ upon which this Return was made, was dated at Not­tingham, August 25th, and directed only to the Sheriffs of London, not to the Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriffs and Community, as the Return insinuates, and the Precept was only to choose two Citisens, though there are three Returned as chosen.

Edwardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, &c.
Vicecomitibus London,
Retorn. Brev. Parl. 12 Ed. 2.
Salutem.

Quia pro diversis & arduis negotiis nos & statum Regni no­stri specialiter tangentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Eborum a Die Sancti Michaelis proximo futuro in tres septimanas tenere ac cum prae­latis, &c. Vobis praecipimus firmiter injungentes quod de Civitate nostra praedicta duos Cives de discretioribus, &c.

Teste meipso apud Nottingham 25 Die Augusti. Anno Regni nostri duodecimo.
Per ipsum Regem & Consilium.

In the Second of King Henry the Fifth, the Mayor of York York. and thirteen more Concives, Fellow-Citisens named in the Return,See the Re­turns of Parle­ment Writs for these years. Ple­nam potestatem de tota Communitate Civitatis habentes, eligerunt duos Cives jdoneos, &c. Having full power from the whole Community of the City, chose two fit Citisens, &c. In Witness whereof they put their particular Seals to the Indenture of Return.

In the Indenture of Return for the Town of Derby Derby. in the Twelfth of Henry the Fourth, after Six of the Electors Names,Pryn's Brevia Parl. Rediviva. p. 267. which were of the Community, it follows, & per Multos alios de Communitate prae­dicti Burgi Derby, qui in Curia Burgi interfuerunt Electi sunt duo Burgenses, and by many others of the Community of the Burgh of Derby, which were present in the Court of the Burgh, two Burges­ses were Elected, &c.

In the Second of Edward the Third, for the Parlement at York, Bailiffs & Communaltie de la Ville de Geppewic de nostre Commun assent avons Eluz. nous Comburgois Geffrei Stacy & Christophre Del Bois de Estre pur nostre dit Ville al Parlement avaundite, &c. Not to be found amongst the Returns of this year. The Bailiffs and Communalty of Ipswich, Ipswich. by our Common assent have chosen of our Fellow Burgesses, Geofry Stacy and Christopher Del Bois, to be for our said Town at the Parlement aforesaid.

In the Second of Henry the Fifth, the Mayor, Aldermen, Bailiffs and whole Community of the Burgesses of the Town of Oxford, Oxford. chose Burgesses for the Parlement at Westminster. Omnibus ad quos praesen­tes literae pervenerint, Major, Aldermani Ballivi & Tota Communitas Burgensium Villae Oxon. Salutem, &c. Sciatis nos unanimi assensu & consensu nostris, &c. Elegisse dilectos Comburgenses nostros Johannem Merston, & Thomam Coventry essendum ad Parlementum, &c. In cu­jus rei Testimonium praesentibus Sigillum nostrum Commune apposuimus Dat. in Gihala Villae praedictae, &c. 2 Regis Hen. quinti.

Oxford.In the Twenty fifth of Henry the Sixth, for a Parlement to be hol­den at Cambridge, Johannes North Major Villae Oxon. & Johannes Barton, & Thomas Wymond Ballivi ac tota Communitas dictae Villae eligerunt Thomam Dagfield & Robertum Watford Comburgenses suos, personas jdoneos & discretos ad comparendum, &c. John North Mayor of the Town of Oxford, and John Barton and Thomas Wymond, and the whole Community of the said Town chose Thomas Dagfield and Ro­bert Watford their Fellow-Burgesses, fit and discreet Persons to appear, &c. In cujus rei Testimonium hiis Indenturis tam Sigillum Dictorum Majoris Ballivorum & dictae Communitatis, quam Sigillum Officii Vice­comitis Oxon. est appensum.

The later Return explains the former, and shews that the Commu­nitas Burgensium Villae, and Communitas Villae, was the same.

Oxford.In the Seventh of Edward the Fourth, the Return was thus, Prae­sens Billa indentata facta, &c. Testatur quod Richardus Bustrad & Thomas Halman Ballivi Burgi Oxon, & Comburgenses Burgi praedicti ex unanimi assensu & consensu eligerunt Willielmum Bedston & Willi­elmum Dayvile Burgenses essendi ad Parlementum, &c. The present Bill indented made, &c. Witnesseth that Richard Burstrad and Thomas Halman Bailiffs of the Burgh of Oxford, and their Fellow-Burgesses of the said Burgh, by one assent and consent chose William Bedston and William Dayvile Burgesses to be at the Parlement, &c. In cujus rei Testimonium Commune Sigillum apposuerunt, &c. In Witness whereof they put to the Common Seal, &c.

Bailiffs and Fellow-Burges­ses the same with Bailiffs, and Commu­nity or Com­monalty.It is not to be otherwise thought, but the Bailiffs and Fellow-Bur­gesses were the same persons in this Return, with the Bailiffs and Community of the Town of Oxford in the others, and that the Ele­ction was now made as formerly, notwithstanding the different ex­pressions, and Clerkship of the Return; and that these Comburgenses, Fellow Burgesses, were of the same Rank and Order; with the Mayor, Bailiffs and Aldermen, before they had been chosen and promoted by, and out of their Fellow Burgesses, and were not of the most ordinary and poor sort of Burgesses or Freemen, who never were ordinarily or regularly of the Community or Common Council of any Town or Burgh.

To confirm what hath been last said, I shall produce the Returns of Wallingford in the Eleventh of Henry the Fourth, and Fifth of Henry the Fifth.

Retorn. Brev. Parl. 11 Hen. 4. In Pryn's Brev. Parle­mentar. Redi­viva, p. 288. Viso Breve Domini Regis nos Johannes Derby Major Burgi Walling­ford, & omnes ejusdem Burgi Comburgenses, Scrutinio veritatis eligi­mus, & ordinavimus Johannem Cotterel, & Willielmum Cotterel, no­stros Burgenses in peritia abiles, & honestos procuratores ad Westmona­sterium ad Parlementum Domini Regis, ipsis conferentes nostram plena­riam potestatem ad Omnia & Singula ibidem legalia facienda, Walling­ford. & in Testimonium Ordinationis & Electionis praefatarum, nos ante dicti Major, & praefati Burgi Comburgenses huic Indenturae secundum dicti Brevis exigentiam Sigilla nostra apposuimus. Sicut patet in Scriptura inferius nominatim.

Johannes Derby, Willielmus Arnegat, Thomas Swallwyke, Rogerus Baker, Willielmus Morgan, Johannes Culham, Willielmus Essex, Johannes Payable, Robertus Colsill, Galfridus Littell, Johannes Breewood, Ro­bertus Dessont, Johannes Hert. The English of which runs thus:

Having seen the Kings Writ, we John Derby, Mayor of the Burgh of Wallingford, and all the Fellow-Burgesses of the same Burgh, have by true scrutiny chosen and appointed John Cotterell and William Cotterell, our skilful Burgesses, and honest Procurators in the Parle­ment of the Lord the King at Westminster, conferring upon them our full Power, to do there all and singular Legal Things; And in witness of the Appointment and Ordination aforesaid, we the foresaid Mayor and Fellow-Burgesses of the foresaid Burgh, according to the Exigency or Command of the said Writ, have put to our Seals to this Indenture, as it doth appear here underwritten Name by Name.

John Derby, William Arnegat, Thomas Swallwyke, Roger Baker, Wil­liam Morgan, John Culham, William Essex, John Payable, Robert Col­sill, Geofrey Little, John Breewood, Robert Dessont, John Hert. We see here the Omnes Comburgenses ejusdem Burgi, all the Fellow-Bur­gesses of the Burgh of Wallingford were then but Twelve, and it may easily be believed, That no Man can think, but that these Twelve, with the Mayor, were the Community, or Governing part of the Town, or at least the more part of it.

The other Return in the 5th of Hen. the 5th, runs thus:Walling­ford, ibid. Viso Breve Domini Regis nos Johannes Derby, Willielmus Arnyat, Johannes Chal­mer, Galfridus Little, Thomas Swalewit, Ricardus Algate, Johannes Denby, cum assensu & consensu omnium Comburgensium nostrorum, Ele­gimus & Ordinavimus Johannem Cotterel, & Johannem Derby, nostros Comburgenses perrecturos ad Parlementum Domini Regis ad certum diem & locum in Breve contentos. Ad quam Ordinationem & Electionem, illi qui ejusmodi Electioni interfuerunt sigilla sua apposuerunt.

Having seen the Writ of our Lord the King, we John Derby, Wil­liam Arnegat, John Chalym, Geofrey Little, Thomas Swalewit, Richard Algate, John Benby, with the consent and assent, of all our Fellow-Burgesses, have chosen and appointed John Cotterel and John Derby, our Fellow-Burgesses, to go to the Parlement of our Lord the King, at the day and place conteined in the Writ. To which Election and Appointment, those which were present at the Election put to their Seals.

By this second Election it is manifest, That the Fellow-Burgesses, or the absent our Fellow-Burgesses, were equal in their ordinary Qua­lity to John Derby, who was, or had been then Mayor of the Town, and to William Arnegat, and others, who doubtless were Aldermen or chief Burgesses of the same, and not Burgesses of the lower Rank.

In the Return of the Writ for Wallingford Walling­ford. in the 7th of Edward the Fourth, 'tis thus: Haec Billa Indentata, &c, Testatur quod Hen­ricus Glasyer, & Johan. Medowys Ballivi Burgi de Wallingford & Com­burgenses Burgi praedicti ex unanimi assensu & consensu eligerunt Jo­hannem Colynggrugge & Robertum Hoptoik Burgenses essendi ad Parle­mentum Domini Regis, &c. In cujus Rei Testimonium Sigillum Com­mune apposuerunt.

Here in this indented Bill of Return 'tis said the Bailiffs of the Burgh of Wallingford and the Fellow-Burgesses made the Election, in witness whereof they put the Common Seal of the Burgh to this Bill; whereas in the former every one set his particular Seal to the Returns. Now who they were that had the disposal, ordering, and directing of the use of the Common Seal of any Burgh, see hereafter in the Observations upon the Return for Windsor, in the same 7th year of this King.

In the Return of Helston Helston. in Cornwal, in the 7th of Edward the Fourth, the words are these: Haec Indentura facta apud Helston-Burgh, &c. inter Johannem Colshill Militem Vicecomitem, &c. ex parte una, & Ricardum Lanargh Majorem Burgi praedicti, Johannem Em­mont, & Johannem Harry Ricchowe, Ballivos ejusdem Burgi & Henri­cum Gellyot, & omnes alios Comburgenses suos Burgi praedicti ex parte altera Testatur. Quod iidem Ricardus, Johannes Emmont, Ricardus Harry Ricchove, Henricus, & omnes alii Comburgenses sui unanimi assensu & consensu, &c. Eligerunt Edwardum Gower & Willielmum Stavely, &c.

This Indenture made at Helston-Burgh, &c. between John Colshill Knight, Sheriff, &c. on the one part, and Richard Lanargh, Mayor of the Burgh aforesaid, John Emmont, and John Harry Ricchowe, Bai­liffs of the same Burgh, and Henry Gellyot, and all other their Fellow-Burgesses of the Burgh aforesaid, on the other part, witnesseth, That the same Richard, John Emmont, Richard Harry Ricchowe, Henry, and all other their Fellow-Burgesses, by their unanimous assent and consent, &c. chose Edward Gower and William Stavely, &c.

Here the Comburgenses, or Fellow-Burgesses of this Town, were in their ordinary value and esteem, Equals to the Mayor and Bailiffs, as being their Fellow-Burgesses; so that 'tis not hard to believe they were the Community, or Governing part of the Burgh.

In the 25th of Henry the Sixth, the Return for Windsor Windsor. was thus: Haec Indentura facta, &c. Testatur quod Major & Communitas Burgen­sium Burgi de Nova Windsore eligimus & nominavimus de Communi Consilio nostro Rogerum Fasnam, & Rogerum Scherman dicti Burgi Bur­genses ad comparendum, &c. In quorum Testimonium Sigillum Com­mune omnium & singulorum Burgensium, & Communitatis praedictae In the Re­cord 'tis habe­mus Electio­nem. ha­bentium Electionem interessentium praesentibus est appensum. Dat. apud Windsore, &c. praesentibus Johanne Avelyn Majore Burgi praedicti, Wil­lielmo Scherman, Willielmo Trowe, Rogero Weyte, Johanne Notewey Ballivis, Johanne Bethewood, Thoma Swan, Johanne Ruwelond, Thoma Pers, Ricardo Bernard, Constabulariis & aliis.

Here we find the Parlement Burgesses of New Windsor chosen by the Mayor and Community of the Burgesses of that Burgh. In wit­ness whereof, the Common Seal of all and singular Burgesses, and of the Community aforesaid, which had Voices in the Election, was affixed to the Indenture. Dated, &c. in the presence of John Avelin Mayor, William Scherman, William Trowe, Roger Weyte, and John Notewaye Bailiffs, John Bethewood, Thomas Swan, John Ruwelond, Thomas Pers, Richard Bernard Constables, and others.

But in the Seventh of Edward the Fourth, about Twenty four years afterward, the Return is much different, Praesens Billa indentata fa­cta, &c. Testatur quod Johannes Scot, & Willielmus Kemsale Ballivi Burgi de Windsore, Windsore. & Comburgenses Burgi praedicti eligerunt Williel­mum Evinton & Henricum Franceys Burgenses essendi ad Parlementum, &c. In cujus rei Testimonium Sigillum Commune apposuerunt, id est, Ballivi, & Comburgenses, Sigillum apposuerunt.

The Communitas Burgensium, in the former Return, and the Com­burgenses in the later were the same Body of Men; that is, those with the chief Officers made the governing part of the Burgh, who in most, if not all, Corporations have the Common Seal at their disposing, and by their only consent, it is to be affixed to any Writing. See the Returns for Oxford, in the Second of Henry the Fifth, and 25th of Henry the Sixth, here before mentioned, for the clearing of this matter.

In the same 25th of Henry the Sixth, the Return was the same for Reding. Reding. Haec Indentura, &c. Testatur, quod nos Major & Commu­nitas Burgi de R [...]dynge ordinavimus eligimus, & nominavimus de Com­muni Consilio nostro Simon Kent & David Gower dicti Burgi Burgenses ad comparendum, &c. In quorum Testimonium Sigillum Commune om­nium & singulorum Burgensium & Communitatis praedictae In the Re­cord 'tis, Ha­bemus Electio­nem. habentium Electionem interessentium praesentibus est appensum. Dat. apud Reding, &c. Praesentibus Johanne Sawyer Majore Burgi praedicti, Roberto Morys, Willielmo Stapper, Willielmo Stapper, Edwardo Linacre, Jo­hanne West, Thoma Goldoure Constabulariis Ricardo Farle, Bartholom. At More Ballivis, & aliis.

So in the same 7th year of Edward the 4th,Reding. the words of the Return were the same, except the Names. Praesens Billa indentata, &c. Testatur quod Willielmus Bluet & Johannes Brode Ballivi Burgi de Reddinge & Comburgenses Burgi praedicti ex unanimi assensu & consensu eligerunt Johannem Bukke & Johannem Ʋpston Burgenses essendi ad Parlementum Domini Regis, &c. In cujus Rei Testimonium sigillum commune prae­sentibus apposuerunt. There needs no other Observation here, than what was made upon the foregoing Returns for Windsor in the same years.

The Return for Len Len. in Norff. Seventh of Edward the Fourth was, Major & Communitas eligerunt Henricum Bermingham & Willielmum Pilton Burgenses Villae sive Burgi Len, &c. In the Twelfth of Ed­ward the Fourth, it was the same, in the 17th, it was Major & Bur­genses pro se, & Communitate eligerunt, &c.

So for Great Yarmouth Yarmouth. in that County, for the same year. Balli­vi & Communitas Villae Magnae Jenemuthe eligerunt Johan. Russ, & Johan. Tymperley ad Essend. ad Parlementum, &c. In the 12th of this King it was, Ballivi de Communi assensu Villae eligerunt, &c. In the 17th of the same King it was, Ballivi & Communitas unanimi as­sensu eligerunt, &c. The meaning and intent of the Returns was the same.

In the 12th of Edward the Fourth,Wells. Major & Communitas unanimi assensu & consensu eligerunt Johannem Beynton & Willielmum Abury [Page 72] Cives Civitatis Wellensis ad interessend. in proximo Parlemento apud Westminst. &c. As by the Return for Wells in Sommerset-Shire, for that year appears and the like Return changing the Names is in the 17th year of that King.

In the Return for Brideport Bridport. 17th of Edward the Fourth. Ballivi & Burgenses de Brideport per assensum & consensum totius Burgi Com­munitatis eligerunt Thomam Neburgh & Robertum Hill duos Burgenses, &c.

Colchester.In the Seventh of Edward the Fourth, only five Burgesses of Col­chester, named in the Return, choose two Burgesses, William Forde and John Boteler in the County-Court holden at Chelmsford for the Parle­ment mentioned in the Writ, &c.

In the 12th and 17th of that King, the Returns were thus, Ballivi Burgi Colchester, &c. Eligi fecerunt per majorem partem Burgensium magis sufficientium Johan. Wright & Johan. Boteler. Essend. pro Burgo illo ad Parlementum, &c.

In the Seventh of that King John Herthull Esq John Fisher of Warwick, Warwick. and only Ten more Named in the Indenture of Return, did in the County-Court holden at Warwick, on the Monday next before Whitsunday, choose Edward Durant and Benedict Lee, Burgesses pro Burgo Villae Warwick, to which Indenture the Sheriff on one part and all the twelve Electors on the other part put to their Seals.

'Tis not said in the Return of what quality any of these Electors were, whether Mayor, Bailiffs or what others, yet it cannot be doubted, but they were of the best and most substantial Burgesses, and were at least part of, if not the whole Community, or Government of the Town.

In the 12th and 17th years of that King, the Burgesses were also chosen in the County Court, but not said how, or by whom, for their Names are only Indorsed on the Writ, with their Manucap­tors, and likewise only mentioned in the Indenture of Return for the County. Yet, by a paralel Return, we may make a more than pro­bable Conjecture, they were chosen by the chief Magistrate, or Ma­gistrates, and the Community of the Town.

For in the 15th of Edward the Second, after the Knights of the Shire Indorsed on the Kings Writ of Summons, the Citisens of Lin­coln Lincoln. follow in the same method with their Manucaptors, and in the same Form here underwritten.

Manucaptores Henrici de Hakethorn, unius Civium Civitatis Lin­coln.

Johannes Fowler de Lincoln.

Adam del Marrays de eadem.

Manucaptores Thomae Gamel, alterius Civium Civitatis de Lincoln.

Philippus Millays de Lincoln.

Rogerus Ingloys de eadem.

The like Returns are in the Dors of the Writ for Grimsby and Stanford, Grimsby and Stan­ford. and then it follows, Et non plures Civitates seu Burgi in Comitatu Lincoln, Boston and Grantham being omitted.

Here is only a bare Return of the Names of the Citisens of the City of Lincoln, with their Sureties, who were to be at the Parlement to be holden at York, three Weeks after Easter, without any mention, how, or by whom chosen. Yet, by the Petition, Certificate, or Return following, which is now sewed to the Kings Writ, directed to the Sheriff of Lincoln-Shire, it appears they were Elected by the Mayor and Communalty of the City of Lincoln.

A tres Noble Home & Sage Sire William de Eyrminne Meire & la Comminalty de Nicole, quant quit devent & poent, D'onors & Reve­rences, pur ceo Sire, qui nous avons Estutz, Henry de Hakethorn, & Tho­mas Gamel nos Conciteyns, de venir au Parlement nostre Seigneur le Roi, par la citee de Nicole selonc le purport le Brief le dyt nostre Seigneur le Roi, & ore le dyt Thomas ne se Deggne venir pur riens que nous savoms faire, pur quoy Sire nous avoms Eslutz Alayn de Hodelston en le leiu le dyt Thomas, a faire & assentir pur la Dite Citee solonc le tenure le dyt Breif, & vous Prioms Cher Sire, Sil vous plest, que le dit Hen. Et Alayn voilets Resceivire pur la Citee avant Dite. En Tesmoygnance de quelque chose a cestrez praesents avoms Mis le Seal de nostre Meiretee. Don a Nicole le Seconde jour de May lan du Reign nostre Seigneur le Roi Edward que orest qui Dieu Garde. Quinszime.

Besides, that 'tis manifest from this Certificate and Return, that the Mayor and Commonalty of the City of Lincoln, Elected these two Citisens to represent them in Parlement; there are several other things may be observed from it: As First, that Thomas Gamel one of the Citisens, though he had two Manucaptors Returned with him on the Dors of the Writ, yet would not go to the Parlement, for any thing the Mayor and Commonalty of the City knew what to do. Secondly, that they without any other, or new Writ, after his Name was Returned to the Sheriff, and by him Indorsed on the Writ, and Returned with two Manucaptors for his Appearance at the Day and place appointed for the Parlement, Elected another Citisen, Alayn de Hodelston in his place, and desired Sir William Eyrminne, (then Ma­ster of the Rolls, and Keeper of the Seal, in the absence or time of indisposition of John Bishop of Norwich, then Lord Chancellor,) that he being thus Elected by them, according to the Form of the First Writ of the King, might be received with the other Citisen Henry de Hakethorn, first Elected with Gamel, as Citisen for this Parlement, upon the Mayors Seal of Office affixed to this Certificate. Thirdly, if Hodelston Sate, as in all probability he did, there could not then be such fine Niceties and Punctilioes in the Return of Parlement Writs, as at this present.

How Cirencester in Gloucester-Shire came to send Burgesses, 22 Ja­cobi, I know not, it sent None before that time that I can find.

In the Return for the City of Rochester, Rochester. in the 17th of Edward the Fourth, the Words were very General, and these following. Haec Indentura facta apud Rochester, &c. Testatur quod Willielmus Munge­ham Major Civitatis Roffen una cum omnibus, & Singulis Civibus, & [Page 74] Communiariis ejusdem Civitatis eligerunt & nominaverint Johan: Kyr­ton & W [...]ll [...]elmum Revers ad Essend. Cives pro Civitat, &c.

The meaning whereof is, that the Mayor together with all and Singular Citisens, and Communers, that is, with all and every Ci­tisen who was a Communer, and of the Community of the City, which was as much as to say, the whole Community of the City chose them for the Communiarii, or Comminiarii of the City of Lon­don, are the Common Council Men thereof, and a Select Number of the most Worthy, and able Citisens, as appears by the Style of the Common Council in the City Books. Commune Concilium tent. in Camera Guildhall Civitatis London, &c. Coram Tali, Majore Civi­tatis, &c. Then after the Names of the Aldermen present, and She­riffs, it follows, Nec non Majore parte Comminariorum dictae Civitatis in Communi Concilio tunc & ibidem assemblat, and it cannot be doubt­ed but the Commoners of the City of Rochester were Persons of the same Condition.

Bath and Bridge­water.In the 12th and 17th years of Edward the Fourth. The Returns of Bath and Bridgewater in Sommerset-Shire, are thus Penned. Haec Indentura, &c. Testatur quod Cives Civitatis Bathon. Ex vnanimi assensu eligerunt, &c. Willielmum Haynes & Robertum Baten, &c. Ad Essend. ad Parliamentum, &c. So for the Burgh. Haec Inden­tura, &c. Testatur quod Burgenses Burgi de Briggewater unanimi assen­su elegerunt Thomam Tremayle, & Johannem Kendale, pro Burgensi­bus dicti Burgi ad essendum ad Parliamentum, &c.

How the Elections have been made in the Burgh of Bridgewater, since the date of these Writs, and of late times, I cannot say. But in the City of Bath, they have always been madePryn's Brev. Parl. Rediviva. p. 317. only by the Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council, consisting of Thirty one Per­sons and no more, notwithstanding these General Words, Cives or Burgenses, or at least, Major, Aldermanni, & Cives elegerunt, have been in most of their Returns.

In the 13th year of King Charles the Second, 1661. Alexander Pop­ham, and William Pryn Esquires, were chosen Citisens for the City of Bath, by the Mayor, Aldermen, and Citisens as in theIbid. p. 313. Return, of which the whole Number that Elected them were but Twenty one Persons of the Thirty one above mentioned. There happened a Controversie about this Election, there being two CompetitorsIbid. p. 317, 318. chosen by one Aldermen, Five Common Council Men, and Thirty two Freemen, the question before the Committee of Privileges, and the Parlement was,Ibid. p. 318. whether all the Freemen and Citisens of Bath had, and ought to have Voices in the Election of Citisens to serve in Par­lement, or only the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the City. That the choice had been always made by the later was clearly proved.

The principal matter thenIbid. p. 320. insisted upon by the Competitors Counsel, was, that the Elections were made in the Name of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Citisens of Bath, which Word Citisens, must necessari­ly, and of Common Right be intended of all the Citisens, and Freemen of the City, who are Citisens, and not of the Citisens only, that are Common C [...]uncil Men.

To this it was, or might have been answered, That Knights of the Shire are said to be chosen by the County, or the whole Community of the County, and yet those Words do not extend to all the Inhabitants of the County, though never so Rich, for Tradesmen, and others whose Estates are in Money or Goods, nor Copyholders, or Leasehol­ders have any Voice in such Elections. And the Commons assembled in Parlement, are usually styled the Commonalty of the Realm, nay, all the Commons of the Realm, as in the Stat. of Provisors, 25 Edward the Third, and others; yet are a Select Number of Persons, Ele­cted, Intrusted, and Authorized not by half the Inhabitants of Eng­land. So that though the Words Cives & Burgenses may in some Cases, and in their full Latitude, extend to all Citisens, Burgesses, or Freemen, and Inhabitants also of Cities and Burghs, yet in many others, and most frequently in this particular case of Electors, they are re­strained to some Select Number of Citisens and Burgesses, or to the Chief Magistrates, and Common Council. Whoever desires further sa­tisfaction in this point, may peruse Mr. Pryn's Brevia Parliamenta­ria Rediviva, from page 320 to page 328.

In several Counties the Citisens and Burgesses were chosen in the County Courts Citisens and Burgesses cho­sen in County Courts. with the Knights, on the day of the Knights Election in the same Court, and joyntly Returned in one Indenture especially be­fore the Stat. of the 23 of Henry the Sixth, and in some after that; there were commonly sent four or five Citisens or Burgesses from the Respective Cities, or Burghs, whereof the Mayor, or Chief Magistrate was usually one, to the County Court. Qui de assensu totius Com­munitatis, Civitatis vel Burgi eligerunt, &c. Who by assent of the whole Community of the City or Burgh, from which they were sent, did choose Citisens and Burgesses, who gave them full and sufficient Power for themselves, and the Community of the Cities and Burghs, to do and consent to such things, as by Common Council should be or­dained. One Example of these Returns may be seen in theN. 14. Ap­pendix which was made for Sommerset-Shire, in the Second of Henry the Fifth, and the like is upon Record for Dorset-Shire, in the same year; there is also in that year one for Wilt-Shire, though not in the very same Form, for which see theN. 15. Appendix for Devon-Shire in the 27th of Henry the Sixth, for Cambridge and Huntington, Warwick, and Kent and other Counties and Shires, in other years.

To all these Instances for the greater proof, that the Communities of Cities and Burghs did and ought to choose, may be added, that the Citisens and Burgesses constantly had from their particular Cities, and Burghs, Power to Treat, Do and Consent for themselves, and the said Communities, according to the Tenor of all Writs, in all times, and those, for whom they were to Treat, Do and Consent, did, or most certainly ought to send them: For the Citisens and Burgesses Represented the Cities and Burghs, and were Trustees for them in Par­lement, as the Community, or Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Coun­cil, or the Chief Magistrate, and Capital Burgesses Represented them at home, in the Cities, and Burghs themselves, and were Trustees for them there. For before Bribery, Meat, and Drink, with Insinuation, and Artifice, prompted to the Mean, and Ordinary poor sorts of Bur­gesses, a right which anciently they never Dreamt of, there were no [Page 76] contests between them and the Communities, or Commonalties, or the Governing part of Cities and Burgesses about the Election of Citisens and Burgesses to Represent them in Parlement, seeing when they Re­ceived Wages, it was a Burthen to those that chose and sent them. And it is not easily to be imagined, Poor Ordinary Men would contend for a Burthen, or seek a Trouble.

Returns of Writs as to Form incer­tain.Besides, the Returns are very incertain, and different in Form, som­times the Names of the Knights, Citisens, and Burgesses only with their Sureties are Returned. Somtimes they are made according to the Tenor of the Writ, but mostly according to the Form, Fancy, and Invention of the Clerk that drew them up, without any strictness of Words or design to inform posterity, Who were, or ought to be Electors. The Writs were commonly in the nature of a venire fa­cias, and the Cities and Burghs took care only to send their Citisens and Burgesses according to the Precept, which was the Business of the Government of the places, to which the Writs were directed, and that was the best Judge Who was fittest to serve them; there was then no striving for Votes, or making Parties or Factions to be Elected.

Hitherto of the great probability, if not certainty, Who anciently were, and now ought to be the Electors in all Cities and Burghs, which have Charters, and Free Burgesses. But the difficulty is, Who ought to be Electors in such Towns or Burghs, that have neither Charter, Custom, or Free Burgesses, as in the case ofFol. 60. A.B. Cirencester above-men­tioned.

To this I say, First, that where there is neither Charter, Custom, or Burgesses, there can be no Burgh.

Secondly, as to this particular Case, I am apt to beleive Cirencester was anciently no Burgh, for amongst all the Returns in the Tower, from the 26th of Edward the First, to the 17th of Edward the Fourth, there is not one for that Town.

Thirdly, I say, that because several Towns have sent Burgesses or Members to Parlement, therefore to assert according to the Vulgar Opinion, they must be Burghs, or, as they call them, Burghs by Pre­scription, as not having Charter or Burgesses, is an errour occasioned by want of due Observation and Perusal of Ancient Records.

For, no Man that I know of hath taken notice of Tenents in An­cient Demeasns, having been sent to, and having sat in Parlement. And several of those Towns that sent them, were such as might have no Charters constituting them Free Burghs, and consequently had no Free Burgesses, for, as it hath been said and proved before, these were made such byHere f. 47. 49, 50. and and Append. n. 1. b. Charters only, and the Grant of Royal Liberties, by which Cities and Burghs were constituted.

But it will be said, that never was any Writ or Summons directed to the Sheriffs, to send to any Town of the Kings Ancient Demeasns, to choose and send two Tenents to Parlement, as there was for Cities, and Burghs, to send Citisens, and Burgesses.

To this I reply, and do confess, I never did see such Writs or Sum­mons directed to any Sheriffs, or Tenents in Ancient Demeasns, to send any of their own Number to Parlement, nor was there any need of it,Tenents in Ancient De­measns, how and by whom Represented. for the Representatives of such Towns as were Burghs by Char­ter, and also the Kings Ancient Demeasns, Represented both the Burgesses and Tenents too, and in some places might therefore be chosen by them both.

Secondly, when it was left to the Sheriff as hath beenHere f. 52, 53, 54. &c. shewn before, to direct his Precepts to what Burghs, Towns, or Places he pleased, he might send them to such large Towns of the Kings Ancient Demeasns as had a Market only by Connivence and Permission, or Charter, without the constitutive clause of a Burgh, or Free Bur­gesses, for it was a hard matter to distinguish such Market Towns from Burghs, which by outward appearence, in many things could not be distinguished, seeing they always paid the same Tallages, and Taxes, that Burghs did, they were free fromRegister of Writs, f. 261. b. Toll all over the Kingdom, free fromAppend. n. 16. contributing to the Wages of Knights of the Shire, and free from Suit to Hundred, and County Courts, as Burghs were. They only wanted Burgh Liberties and Royalties, Free Burgesses, a Merchant-Gild, or Community and peculiar Officers, which were the Characteristicks of a Burgh, and were Created and passed by Charter, which the Sheriffe might not take notice of.

Lastly, when some Sheriffs might call for the Charters, and en­quire after the Free Burgesses of some Towns, they might not find any; or be informed there was none, which somtimes might be the cause of some Negative Returns, that there were no more Burghs in such or such a County, than what they then Returned.

When therefore there doth arise a dispute about Elections, by whom they ought to be made, in such Towns as have neither Charter, nor Burgesses. The Answer is ready, that they ought to be made by the Freeholders, such as are possessed of the Ancient Demeasn Lands, or those which anciently by one way or other had been in the Crown.

From the 17th of Edward the Fourth, which are the last Returns of Parlement Writs in the Tower, now known,Most of the Writs and Re­turns lost, since the Reign of Edw. the 4th. to the First of Edward the Sixth, the Returns are all lost; there are two Bundles in the Chappel of the Rolls in the time of Henry the Eighth, but not Legi­ble. Two other Bundles in the Reign of Edward the Sixth, 1st and 6th. Five Bundles in Reign of Queen Mary. Seven in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. Three in the Reign of King James the First, and Five in the Reign of King Charles the First, and no others either in the Petty-Bag, Crown-Office, or in any other known place, until the Reign of King Charles the Second.

And these Returns here are not much unlike those in the Tower, Returns since King Henry the Eighth. as may appear in these few instances, being also different in most pla­ces, according to the Clerkship of those that made them.

Cheping-Wicomb Wicomb. in Buckingham-Shire. Retorn. Brev. Parl. 1 Ed. VI. In Capella Rotu­lor. H [...]c Indentura testatur, &c. Quod Major & Burgenses unanimi assensu & consensu elegerunt, &c. In cujus rei Testimonium Major & Burgenses Sigillum suum appo­suerunt.

For the same Town, H [...]c Ibid. 6 Ed. 6. Indentura testatur, &c. Quod Ma­jor, Ball [...]vi, & Burgenses unanimi assensu elegerunt, &c. In cujus rei Testimonium Major Ballivi & Burgenses Sigillum suum apposuerunt, The same Return in 1 Mariae. And the Elections of Mayor, Burges­ses, and Town Officers, were then made by a Select Number, under the Name of Mayor, Bailiffs and Burgesses, ever since, except for a few years last past, as also the Parlement Members Exclusive of the Ordinary Freemen.

Reding Reding. in Bark-Shire. Hec Ibid. 1 Mariae. Indentura Testatur, &c. Quod Major, Burgenses & Communitas Burgi, Ordinavimus, Elegimus, & nominavimus, &c. In cujus Rei Testimonium Major & Burgenses Sigillum suum Commune, &c.

New Windsor, New Windsor. nos Major Burgenses & Communitas Ibid. 1. Mariae. Novae Windsor ex unanimi assensu & consensu nostris elegimus, &c.

Thetford Thetford. in Norff. Hec Ibid. 1. Mariae. Indentura Testatur, &c. Quod Ma­jor, Burgenses & alii homines de Communi Concilio, & congregatione dicti Burgi, una voce elegimus, confecimus, ordinavimus & in loco nostro posuimus, &c. In cujus Rei Testimonium nos Major & Burgenses Si­gillum nostrum Commune apponi fecimus. The same Return is in the First of Elizabeth, the Burgesses Names only excepted. Here the Mayor, Burgesses, and other Men of the Common Council, and such as used to come to Town or Burgh-Meetings, were the Electors, which agrees with the Practice at this Day.

In the Case between Sir Joseph Williamson, and Mr. Heveningham, The Case be­tween Sir Jo­seph William­son and Mr. Heveningham at Thetford. the first chosen by the Mayor, Burgesses, and Commonalty of Thetford, the other chosen by some of the forementioned Electors, and also by the Major part of the Freemen of the Town.

The Report of theCommons Journal. Mer­cur. 17 Jun. 1 Jacob 2. 1685. f. 193. Committee of Elections to the House con­cerning the Election at [...]hetford.

Resolved, that 'tis the opinion of this Committee, that the Right of Election is in the Mayor, Burgesses, (which are Ten,) and in the Commonalty, or Common Council (which are Twenty,) amounting in the whole to Thirty-one.

Resolved,Ibid. that this House doth agree with the Committee, that the Right of Election is in the Mayor, Burgesses, (which are Ten,) and in the Commonalty, or Common Council, (which are Twenty,) amounting in the whole to Thirty one.

By all these Ancient, and later Returns, but more especially if com­pared one with another, it is manifest, that in very many Contro­versies about Elections, the House of Commons have been frequently mistaken in the meaning of these indefinite expressions, The House of Commons mi­staken in the meaning of some indefi­nite expressi­ons in the Re­turns of Writs. Major & Ci­ves, Major & Burgenses, Major & Communitas, or Major, Burgenses, & Communitas elegerunt, understanding thereby all Citisens, Burges­ses, or Freemen in General of such Cities and Burghs, when as they were only a Select Number, which managed the Affairs and Govern­ment of those places.

Nay, when or where it is said in some few Returns Major, & om­nes Burgenses, & Comminarii elegerunt, those Words are most common­ly, if not always to be understood in a Limited and Restrained Sense, which was, that the Mayor, and all the Chief Burgesses, or the Mayor and all such Burgesses (which were the same with Aldermen, though they wanted the Title,) and Commoners such as were of the Common Council, or ought to be at City or Burgh Congregations or Meetings did choose, &c. Who always were a Select Number, Exclusive of the Bulk of Common, Ordinary, Poor Freemen, Citisens, or Burgesses of the lowest Rank. And the omnes Burgenses Comminarii, & alii homi­nes Burgi, did mostly signifie no other Persons than all the Burgesses, Men, and Commoners, who were or ought to be at publick Meetings of the Burgh or City, and did transact the usual business of the place.

Add to this, what hath been said before, concerning the great errour about the meaning and signification of the Word Communitas, and that there were very few ancient Writs and Returns made upon them, to be seen in the Record-Office in the Tower, before Mr. Pryn, in the years 1660, and 1661. found so many lying confusedly amongst other Records in the White Tower, as made Ninety Seven Bundels, which he mentions in his Brevia Parliamentaria Rediviva; by which Men might have been better informed. And it will seem no great wonder to find Men guided only by the Sounds of Words, and Byassed by Popularity, to run into Opinions both pleasing to themselves, and the Vulgar, and of late years, to have determined Controversies about Elections accordingly, contrary to the most common and frequent ancient usage, in Electing Citisens and Burgesses, and Tenor of the Returns of Parlement Writs in those times.

FINIS.

THE APPENDIX.

De Burgo Magnae Jernemu.

MEmorandum quod Villa Magnae Jernemu non modico tem­pore ante conquestum extitit Situata per progenitores Regis Angliae super portum Magnae Jernemu, In Bibliotheca Cotton. Clau­dius, E. 8. f. 5. A. Col. 1. occasione proficui provenientis de eodem portu, N. 1. a. ad meliorationem ejus Villae percipiendi, & factus fuit Burgus Regis. Unde in libro qui vocatur Domesday reperiuntur verba quae sequuntur.

Gernemu tenuit Rex Edwardus semper septuaginta Burgenses tunc valuit cum duabus partibus Soche de tribus Hundredis 18 l. ad nu­merum & pars Comitis 9 l. ad numerum,Nordfulc. Ibid. Little Domes­day Book, f. 118. a. modo duae partes Regis 17 l. 16 s. & quatuor Denarios blancas, pars Comitis 10 l. blancas, & Vicecomes habet quatuor libras & unum ancipitem Terrae de Gersu­ma, has quatuor libras dant Burgenses gratis & amicitia. In eadem habuit tempore Regis Edwardi Ailmarus Episcopus quandam Eccle­siam Sancti Benedicti, eandem modo habet W. [...] Episcopus de Episcopatu & Valet 20 s. totum reddit 12 d. de gelto.

Dimidium Hundredi de Luthinglond Gorleston tenuit Guertus tem­pore Regis Edwardi quinque carucas Terrae pro uno Manerio,Sudfulc. Ibid. f. 283. a. tunc viginti Villani modo duodecim, semper quinque Bordmanni, tunc quinque Servi, modo quatuor, tunc in Dominico duae carucae modo una, tunc boves V. caruc. modo III. Silvae quinque porcorum decem acrae prati, tres Salinae tunc II. Runcini, modo duo, semper trecentae oves, in Gernemu viginti quatuor piscatores pertinent huic Manerio.

ET Sciendum quod Progenitores Domini Regis tenuerunt praedictum Burgum in manibus suis propriis percipiendo omnia proficua exeun­tia de portu praedicto, usque ad tempus Regis Johannis Here qui conce­ssit Villam praedictam Burgensib [...] Villae praedictae ad feodi firmam red­dendo sibi & haeredibus suis quinquaginta & quinque libras per annum, N. 2. ad quod solvendum nihil aliud habent nisi consuetudinem, & alia profi­cua provenientia de portu praedicto, nec capiant aliquas consuetudines de rebus venditis vel emptis in mercato super terram, nullo tempore anni.

Et postmodum tempore RegisViz. Ter­tii. Henrici Anno Regni sui duo­decimo ortis aliquibus contentionibus inter homines de Jernemu, & Rogerum filium Osberti custodem Manerii de Luthinglond de consuetu­dinibus quas idem Rogerus cepit in portu praedicto contra libertates ipsorum hominum de Jernemu [...], idem Dominus Rex Anno Regni sui praedicto volens certiorari quae consuetudines pertinuissent praedictis hominibus de Jernemu, & quae Manerio suo de Luthinglond, assig­navit Martinum de Pateshull ad inquirendum super praemissis. Et facta fuit inquisitio apud Magnam Jernemu Anno Regis Henrici duo­decimo, Sacramento viginti quatuor de Comitatu Norfolciae, & viginti quatuor de Comitatu Suffolciae tam Militum quam aliorum, per quam quidem inquisitionem fuit compertum, quod omnia magna mercimo­nia vendi deberent & discarcari apud Magnam Jernemu, & quod tota aqua spectabat ad Homines de Jernemu, sed quod minuta mercimonia & victualia discarcari poterant versus partes de Luthinglond, vel versus Jernemu pro voluntate eadem adducentium, prout in Recordo habito co­ram praefato Martino, & Sociis suis plenius apparet, Unde patet quod Praescriptio omnium rerum venalium, quam Johannes de Bri­tannia, Comes Richmond Homines & Tenentes sui Villarum Parvae Jernemu & Gorleston penitus est interrupta.

Postea vero praedicti Burgenses percipientes quod per praedictam inquisitionem fuerunt damnificati in hoc quod naves cum victualibus poterant discarcare versus partes de Luthinglond, praecipue cum sei­sona piscationis fuit potissimum eorum proficuum; accesserunt ad prae­dictum Dominum Regem Henricum & obtinuerunt ab ipso quod idem Rex Henricus Anno Regni sui quadragesimo praedicto Manerio de Luthinglond in manu sua existente per Cartam suam concessit iisdem quod omnia mercandisae & mercimonia tam de piscibus quam de aliis rebus, ad portum de Jernemu in navibus vel extra inventa per manus hujusmodi Mercandorum deferentur apud magnam Jernemu, ven­dantur, &c. Quibus quidem libertatibus praedicti Burgenses & An­tecessores sui usi fuerunt pacifice.

Declaratio Cartae Regis Henrici tertii super liber­tatibus portus Magnae Jernemu.

SED postea quia videbatur praefatis Burgensibus quod verba con­tenta in Carta Domini Regis Henrici praedicta nimis extiterant obscura, accesserunt ad nobilem Regem Dominum Edwardum Avum [Page 3] Domini Regis nunc, & petierunt sibi declarationem fieri de verbis antedictis, qui quidem Rex Edwardus Avus, &c. per avisamentum magni Concilii sui, prout patet inSee this Re­cord hereafter following, by the latter clause whereof it evidently ap­pears what, a free Burgh was. memorandis de Scaccario suo anno Regni sui tricesimo quarto, de Termino Sanctae Trinitatis, non obstante reclamatione Adae Bacoun Clerici, Johannis Kybel, & Jo­hannis de Belton missorum ibidem per homines de parva Jernemu & Gorliston praedicto Manerio de Luthinglond in manu ipsius Regis Avi existente, concessit etiam Burgensibus & Successoribus suis quod omnia mercandisae & mercimonia quaecunque fuerint sive de piscibus, seu de aliis rebus quibuscunque, quae infra dictum Portum dictae Villae nostrae magnae Jernemu in Navibus aut batellis seu alio modo adduci seu deferri contingeret, ut ibidem negotiaretur de eisdem apud ean­dem Villam de magna Jernemu & non alibi infra portum praedictum discarcarentur, & Causam exprimit in eadem Carta,Note this reason. pro eo quod praedicta Villa sua de magna Jernemu fuit Note this reason. liber Burgus suus, & per progenitores suos situata extitit super portum suum praedictum, oc­casione proficui de eodem portu suo provenientis, ad meliorationem Villae suae percipiendi, quibus quidem libertatibus iidem Burgenses post confectionem ejusdem Cartae usi fuerunt & gavisi, eo quod omnia mercandisae & mercimonia infra portum praedictum adducta tam in Navibus Hominum, & Tenentium ipsius Comitis Villarum parvae Jernemu & Gorleston, quam in Navibus aliorum quorumcunque exposita fuerunt venditioni, vendita & discarcata apud magnam Jer­nemu virtute Cartae praedictae, & juxta tenorem ejusdem quod omni­bus est publicum & notorium in partibus eidem Villae magnae Jerne­mu circumjacentibus.

Et Sci [...]ndum est, quod omnes libertates praefatis Burgensibus con­cessae per Cartas Regis superius [...]nnotatas sunt confirmatae per Do­minum Edwardum Patrem Regis nunc, & per Dominum Regem nunc; Et in confirmatione Patris Regis nunc, continetur, quod licet Bur­genses praedicti, vel eorum Successores, aliqua vel aliquibus libertatum praedictarum hactenus usi non fuerunt, eisdem tamen gaudeant & utantur.

Carta Regis Edwardi tertii de libertatibus Portus Magnae Jernemu.

EDwardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Hyberniae, & Dux Aquitaniae,
omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint, Salutem.

Sciatis quod cum celebris memoriae Dominus Edwardus nuper Rex Avus noster per Cartam suam quam Dominus Edwardus nuper Rex Angliae Pater noster per Cartam suam, & nos similiter per Cartam nostram confirmavimus, concessisse Burgensibus nostris Villae nostrae magnae Jernemu, quod omnia mercandisae & mercimonia quae­cunque sint, sive de piscibus sive de aliis rebus quibuscunque quae infra portum nostrum dictae Villae nostrae magnae Jernemu in Navibus aut batellis seu alio modo adduci seu deferri contigerit; ut ibidem negotietur de eisdem licite & aperte, apud eandem Villam de magna Jernemu & non alibi, in portum praedictum discarcentur, & per ma­nus mercandisas & mercimonia illa ducentium seu deferentium, & ea [Page 4] ibidem vendere volentium, seu per manus servientium suorum ven­ditioni exponantur, & ibidem quibus voluerint libere vendantur, & emantur, absque aliquo forstallamento, vel abrocamento, seu alio quovis impedimento. Ita quod nullus forstallarius, abrocator, vel alius quicunque obviam eat. Mercatoribus cum piscibus, aut aliis mercandisis, & rebus venalibus versus praedictam Villam nostram ve­nientibus, ad aliqua inde emenda, seu forstallamenta, vel abroca­menta in dicta Villa vel extra inde facienda sub forisfactura rei emptae, per quod dicti Burgenses, seu aliqui mercatores hujusmodi mercandi­sas & mercimonia ibidem ducentes super emptionibus & venditionibus suis apud eandem Villam nostram de magna Jernemu faciendis, ad detrimentum ejusdem Villae aliqualiter impediantur, prout in Carta nostra plenius continetur. Ac inter Johannem de Britannis Comitem Richemond & Homines & Tenentes suos Villarum parvae Jernemu & Gorleston ex parte una, & communitatem dictae Villae Magnae Jernemu ex altera, occasione quorundam impedimentorum factorum per praefa­tos Burgenses colore dictae Cartae dicti Avi nostri (ut dicebatur) eis­dem Hominibus & Tenentibus Villarum parvae Jernemu & Gorleston de proficuis capiendis de carcatione & discarcatione navium venire vo­lentium ad easdem Villas parvae Jernemu & Gorleston, & de empti­one & venditione rerum venalium, Idem placitum in diversis Curiis no­stris tam Parliamentis quam aliis habitum fuisset, quod in placito illo inter easdem partes per nos & Concilium nostrum consideratum fuit quod idem Comes, & Haeredes sui, nec non Homines & Tenentes di­ctarum Villarum parvae Jernemu & Gorleston Haeredes & Successo­res sui proprias naves suas cum rebus & mercandisis in eisdem Navi­bus carcatis, seu de allece, seu de aliis piscibus, rebus, & mer­candisis quibuscunque ad easdem Villas parvae Jernemu & Gorle­ston carcare & discarcare, & res & mercandisas suas ibidem venditi­oni exponere, & alias commodum suum inde facere valeant, pro eo­rum libito voluntatis, solvendo inde ibidem illis quos nos vel haeredes nostri ad hoc deputabimus custumas debitas & consuetas quadam sub missione quorundam hominum, & tenentium, dictarum Villarum par­vae Jernemu & Gorleston, & etiam quorundam Burgensium dictae Villae magnae Jernemu, ad quosdam de consilio nostro adSee the next Record. N. 1. b. dictum negotium inter partes praedictas finaliter terminandum, nec non quadam ordi­natione per ipsos de eodem Consilio inter easdem partes inde facta, seu praedicta Carta ipsius Avi nostri non obstante. Ita videlicet, quod eorum naves Laniis Coriis & pellibus lanutis suis, de quibus magnae custumae dari debent, in eodem portu in loco ubiOur Beam, and the Seal called Coc­quet. Thronus noster &Our Beam, and the Seal called Coc­quet. Sigillum nostrum quod dicitur Coket existunt, & non alibi car­cen [...]ur. Et quod voluntas nostra & intentio nostra & ipsius Consilii nostri fuit, quod dicta Carta ipsius Avi nostri praedictis Burgensibus Villae magnae Jernemu, ut praemittitur, facta per istam considerati­onem, quoad alios in nullo sit restricta, sed quod locum suum habeant & effectum in omnibus, & gentes omnes, tam indigenas, quam ali­enigenas, praeterquam eosdem Comitem, Homines, & Tenentes di­ctarum Villarum parvae Jernemu & Gorleston, Haeredes & Successo­res suos in forma supradicta, Salvo jure Civium Civitatum London, Norwici, Baronum de quinque portubus, & aliorum quorumcunque si quod habeant per Cartas de antiquiori data cartae ipsius Avi nostri vel alio modo in hac parte. Et quod dictum fuit & inhibitum per nos & dictum Consilium nostrum praesatis Comiti, Hominibus & Te­nentibus dictarum Villarum parvae Jernemu & Gorleston, ne sub [Page 5] gravi forisfactura nostra ad easdem Villas parvae Jernemu & Gorleston naves aliorum attraherent quo vis modo, nec mercandisas aliquas in Aquam portus praedicti cum aliquibus per praedictam Cartam dicti Avi nostri restrictis exerceant, nec impedimentum aliquod faciant quo minus iidem Burgenses dicta Carta ipsius Avi nostri gentes alias sicut praedictum est in omnibus suis articulis juxta vim & efficaciam ejusdem uti valeant & exercere. Et quod dictum fuit & inhibitum tam praefatae Communitati quam praefatis Hominibus & Tenentibus parvae Jernemu & Gorleston, ne quicquam contra considerationem dictam & inhibitionem praedictas attemptare praesumant sub forisfactu­ra supra dicta prout in Recordo & processu inhibitis, & in Cancellaria nostra residentibus plenius continetur. Nos ne praemissa quae pro tranquillitate & quiete partium praedictarum & justitia manutenenda per nos & praefatum Consilium nostrum sic considerata fuerunt, futu­ris temporibus in dubium revocentur, ea tenore praesentium duximus testificanda. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes.

Teste me ipso apud Wodestok, decimo die Julii Anno Regni nostri Sexto.

Inter Recorda de Termino Sanctae Trinitatis Anno tricesimo quarto Edwardi primi Rot. vel. N. 43.

MEmorandum quod congregatis in Scaccario Regis apud West­monasterium modo die Jovis in Vigilia Natalis Sancti Johan­nis Baptistae venerabili Patre W. [...] Coventrensi & Lichfield­ensi Episcopo, Domino Regis Thesaurario,North. Suff. de hominibus de Jernemuth, & Luthinglond. N. 1. b. Willielmo de Hamelton Cancellario Angliae R. [...] le Brabazon Justiciario ad placita co­ram Rege placitanda deputato, Baronibus de Scaccario, praedictis Justiciariis de Banco, & quibusdam aliis de Consilio Regis praedicti super quibusdam negotiis Regis tranctantibus, venerunt coram eis Henricus Rose, & Willielmus Fastolft Burgenses Villae Regis magnae Jernemuthae, & supplicarunt pro se & aliis Burgensibus Villae prae­dictae, quod cum per Cartam Domini Regis Henrici quondam Regis Angliae progenitoris Regis nunc, quam ipse Rex nunc confirmavit inter caetera contenta in Carta praedicta concessum fuit Burgensibus de Villa de magna Jernemutha, quod omnia mercandisae & mercimonia tam de piscibus quam de aliis rebus ad portum de Jernemutha venien­tia in Navibus vel extra, libere & aperte per manus hujusmodi merci­monia deferentium absque alicujus impedimento vendantur & emantur, ita tamen quod non sint abrocatores in praedicta Villa de Jernemutha, per quos venditores vel emptores de venditionibus vel emptionibus suis libere faciendis impediantur ad detrimentum Villae memoratae, quod ad majorem notificationem & expressionem praemissorum concedatur eis inde declaratio sub hac forma (videlicet) quod mercandisae & merci­monia quaecunque, sive sint de piscibus sive de rebus aliis quibuscunque, quae infra portum Villae praedictae vel ad eandem Villam per terram vel per mare causa negotiandi ibidem, de eisdem adduci seu deferri contigerit libere & aperte apud eandem Villam de magna Jernemutha per manus [Page 6] mercandisas & mercimonia illa ducentium, & ea ibidem vendere volen­tium, seu servientium suorum venditioni exponantur, & ibidem ven­dantur & emantur absque aliquo forstallamento vel abrocamento seu alio quovis impedimento, ita quod nullus forstallarius, abrocator vel alius qui­cunque obviam eat mercatoribus cum piscibus vel aliis mercandisis aut aliis rebus venalibus per terram vel per aquam versus dictam Villam ve­nientibus ad aliquae inde emenda, vel forstallamenta seu abrocamenta in­de facienda sub forisfactura rei emptae, per quod dicti Burgenses seu ali­qui mercatores hujusmodi mercandisas & mercimonia ibidem ducentes super emptionibus & venditionibus ad detrimentum Villae praedictae ali­qualiter impediantur.

Et super hoc obtulerunt se coram Concilio praedicto Adam Bacon Cle­ricus, Johannes Kybel de Gorleston, & Johannes de Belton de Suth Jer­nemutha quae sunt in Ludinglond, dicentes & proponentes quod dicta declaratio si concessa fuerit, multum cederet in praejudicium & perpetu­am deteriorationem hominum Villarum earundem, quae quidem Villae sitae sunt prope portum praedictum: dicunt enim, quod semper retroactis tem­poribus naves ingredientes portum illum in seisona piscationis allecis dis­carcari solebant pro voluntate Magistrorum navium illarum, tam ad illas Villas quam ad magnam Jernemutham, (videlicet) ad quem loco­rum praedictorum illi quorum intersit vendere mercimonia in hujusmodi Navibus carcata vellent exponere ea venditioni & ibidem vendi & emi absque allo impedimento; & per praedictam declarationem si concessa esset, in forma praedicta, attraherent Burgensibus Magna Jernemuthae toto tempore anni omnimodas naves cum quibuscunque mercimoniis appli­cantes in portu praedicto ad eandem Villam, & non permitterent hujus­modi naves alibi discarcare nec aliqua mercimonia in eisdem navibus adducta alibi venditioni exponere, &c. Unde petierunt pro Statu hominum Villarum praedictarum in Ludinglond quod nulla concessio fiat in hac parte in laesionem vel derogationem consuetudinum suarum pacifice hactenus obtentarum super emptionibus & venditionibus facien­dis ad easdem Villas, ut praedictum est, &c.

Et praedicti Henricus & Willielmus dicunt, magna Jernemutha estNote here what Liber Burgus a free Burgh was. To wit, a Town that had special Li­berties granted by the Kings Charter. Liber Burgus Regis, & tenetur de ipso Rege ad feodi firmam quin­quaginta quinque librarum per annum, eo quod non est aliquodi. e. no Lands or certain Rents. certum in Villa praedicta spectans ad firmam illam, unde aliqua pars inde exeat vel emergat, sed quod ipsi Villae ejusdem ratione proficui quem habent & habere clamant, de rebus venalibus adductis ad por­tum praedictum vendendis ad eandem Villam, & pro aliis libertati­bus quae ad liberum Burgum pertinent & quas Rex ScilicetKing John. Avus Regis nunc, & Rex Henricus Pater Regis nunc, per cartas suas eis con­cesserunt, & ipse Rex nunc per cartam suam confirmavit, solverunt annuatim firmam supradictam, &c. Et ostendunt Cartam Regis nunc de confirmatione cartarum praedictarum Avi sui & Patris sui quae testatur magnam Jernemutham esse liberum Burgum, & Et de Rege teneri ad feodi firmam, &c. Et plures & diversas libertates hominibus ejusdem Villae & eorum Haeredibus & Successoribus esse concessas, in­ter quas ad plenum continetur quod superius in principio hujus pro­cessus de concessione Patris Regis nunc exprimitur, &c. Et petunt quod explanatio sive declaratio quam petunt super concessione illa concedatur, non obstante reclamatione dictorum Adae, Johannis & Johannis pro hominibus praedictis de Ludinglond, praesertim cum ipsi [Page 7] non ostendant, nec ostendere poterunt quod Villae de Suth-Jernemu­tha & de Gorleston sint Burgi, vel aliquam libertatem adNote here the same. Libe­rum Burgum pertinentem habeant per Cartam Regis, &c. Adjicientes, quod nisi inhabitantes Villas illas, qui ex concedione Regia nullas habent libertates, &c. compellantur subtrahere & delere usurpationes & foristallamenta quae faciunt & indies facere nituntur contra liber­tates magnae Jernemuthae, &c. Attrahentes eis mercandisas & mer­cimonia quorumcunque adducta ad praedictum portum, & non per­mittentes mercimonia hujusmodi transduci seu transferri ad Villam magnae Jernemuthae ibidem venditioni exponenda & vendenda, ad quam Villam & non aliam spectat portus praedictus eadem in proximo penitus adnullabitur, unde pro Rege & Statu Villae suae opportunum re­medium petent eis adhiberi in hac parte; & habito inde tractatu per Concilium Regis praedictum, visaque & examinata Carta Regis prae­dicta, &c. Et quesito etiam a praefatis Ada, Johanne, & Johanne, si aliquam Cariam Regis habeant de aliquibus libertatibus concessis ho­minibus Villa parvae Jernemuthae, & Gorleston, & obtento quod non, visum est concilio praedicto quod per verba expressa in praedictis Cartis Regum Johannis & Henrici confirmatis per Regem nunc, &c. Et per hoc quod praedicta Villa de magna Jernemutha estNote again what Liber Burgus was. Liber Bur­gus, &c. quod omnia mercimonia adducta ad portum praedictum tum de piscibus quum de aliis rebus vendenda, &c. Exponi debent vendi­tioni & vendi ad Villam magna Jernemuthae, &c. & non ad praedictas Villas in Ludinglond, quae non sunt Burgi, &c. Unde dictum est per dictum Concilium ex parte Domini Regis firmiter injunctum praefatis Adae, Johanni & Johanni de Belton, quod ipsi scire faciant hominibus praedictarum Villarum in Ludinglond pro quibus sequun­tur quod nullus eorum praesumat attrahere ad suas partes aliquas naves [...]pplicantes in portu praedicto cum aliquibus mercandisis seu merci­moniis vendendis, nec de hujusmodi mercandisis seu mercimo­niis venditiones seu emptiones ibidem facere quoquo modo, quo mi­nus mercandisae & mercimonia illa libere & aperte absque impedi­mento seu aliquo foristallamento transduci possint ad praedictum Bur­gum Regis Jernemutham, & ibidem prius exponi venditioni & vendi per manus illorum quorum mercandisae & mercimonia illa fuerint vel At­tornatorum eorundem prout justum fuerit, & prout per libertates ho­minibus Burgi pradicti a Domino Rege & Progenitoribus suis conces­sas fieri debet, &c.

By this Plea and Controversie in the Exchequer, between the Burgh of Great Yarmouth, Prescription not allowed, against the Li­berties of free Burghs, &c. and the Men of Little Yarmouth and Gor­leston in Lovinglond, it appears, That Prescription, seeing they were no Burghs, prevailed not to assert and make good a liberty of unlading Goods, and exposing them to Sale in those Towns, though it had been always done in foregoing times. By the same it is also evident, that Liberties belonging to free Burghs were only to be had and obtained by the Kings Charter, and that where they were used without it, they were esteemed and judged Ʋsurpations. Especially if practised, and continued to the prejudice and damage of a free Burgh.

Cart. 9. Johan­nis, N. 20. Carta Burgen­sium de Ger­nemuth. N. 2.JOhahnes Dei Gratia, &c. Sciatis non concessisse & praesenti Carta nostra confirmasse Burgensibus nostris de Gernemua quod habeant Burgum de Gernemua ad feodi firmam in perpetuum, & quod Burgus ille sit liber Burgus imperpetuum, & habeant[a] Socam &[b] Sacam,[c] Tol &[d] Theam, &[e] Infan­genethef &[f] Utfangenethef, & quod ipsi Burgenses per totam terram nostram, & per omnes portus maris sint quieti de[g] Theo­loneo,[h] Lestagio,[i] Passagio,[k] Paagio,[l] Pontagio,[m] Stallagio, & de[n] Leve, & de[o] Denegeld, & omni alia con­suetudine, salva libertate Civitatis London, & quod nullam sectam Comitatuum vel Hundredorum faciant de tenuris infra Burgum de Gernemua. Concessimus etiam eisdem Burgensibus, & hac Carta nostra confirmavimus quod nullus eorum placitet extra Burgum de Gernemua de nullo placito praeter placita de tenuris exterioribus. Concessimus etiam eis quietanciam murdri infra Burgum de Gerne­mua, & quod nullus eorum faciat[p] Duellum, & quod de placitis [Page 9] ad Coronam pertinentibus se possint dirationare secundum legem & consuetudinem Oxon, & quod infra Burgum praedictum nemo capiat hospitium per vim, vel per liberationem Mareschallorum, & quod in Burgo illo in nullo placito sit Meskenninga, & quod Husting semel tantum in ebdomada teneatur. Concessimus etiam eis Gildam Mer­catoriam, & quod terras, & tenuras, vadia sua, & debita sua, om­nia juste habeant quicunque eis debeat, & de terris suis & tenuris quae infra Burgum praedictum sunt rectum eis teneatur, secundum legem & consuetudinem Burgi Oxon, & de omnibus debitis suis quae accommodata fuerint apud Gernemuam, & de vadiis ibidem factis placita apud Gernemuam teneantur. Et si quis in tota Anglia The­olonia vel consuetudines a Burgensibus de Gernemua ceperit, excep­tô, ut superius, dicta Civitate London, postquam ipse a recto defe­cerit, Praepositus de Gernemna Namium apud Gernemuam capiat. Insuper ad emendationem praedicti Burgi de Gernemua concessimus quod quinque Mercatores petierint Burgum de Gernemua cum Mer­cato suo de quocunque loco fuerint sive extranei, sive alii qui de pace nostra fuerint vel de licentia nostra in terram nostram venerint, ve­niant, morentur, & recedant, salvâ pace nostrâ reddendo rectas consuetudines illius Burgi. Prohibemus etiam ne quis praedictis Burgensibus injuriam vel dampnum vel molestiam inferat super foris­facturam decem librarum. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus quod praedicti Burgenses de Gernemua, & eorum haeredes habeant & teneant imperpetuum omnia praedicta haereditarie, bene & in pace, liberè, quiete, integre, plenarie & honorificè reddendo inde annua­tim quinquaginta & quinque libras numero, per manum Praepositi de Gernemua ad Scacarium nostrum ad Terminum Sancti Michaelis: & Burgenses de Gernemua facient Praepositos de se per annum qui sint idonei nobis & eis. Testibus Domino H. [...] Wintoniensi, Do­mino J. [...] Norwicensi, S. [...] Sarisberiensi Episcopis, G. [...] Filio Petri, W. [...] Marescallo, Comite Pembroke, W. [...] fratre nostro, Comite Sarum, W. [...] Comite de Ferra­riis, Petro filio Herberti, W. [...] Briwer, H. [...] de Nevill, Adamo de Portu, Garino filio Geroldi, Willielmo de Cantilupo, Jo­hanne de Bassing, Galfrido Lutterell, Thoma filio Adae. Datum per manum H. [...] de Well Archidiacono Wellensi apud Merle­berg decimo octavo die Martii, Anno Regni nostri nono.

1 Johannis, N. 164. Carta Burgensium de Dunewic. N. 3. a.JOhannes Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Yberniae, Dux Nor­manniae, Aquitaniae, Comes Andegaviae, Archiepiscopis, Epis­copis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciariis, Vice-Comi­tibus, Praepositis & omnibus Ballivis & fidelibus suis, Salutem. Sci­atis nos concessisse & praesenti Carta confirmâsse Burgensibus nostris Dunewici quod Burgum de Dunewic sit liberum Burgum nostrum, & habeat Socam, & Sacam, & Toll, & Theam, Infangenetheof, & quod ipsi per totam terram nostram sint quieti de Theloneo, & Lestagio, & Passagio, & Pontagio, & Stallagio, & de Leve, & de Danegeld, & de[a] Ewagio, & de[b] Wrec, &[c] Lagan, & de omnibus aliis consuetudinibus, Salva libertate Civitatis London, & quod ipsi rectam & Solitam firmam suam per manum suam reddant ad Scac­carium nostrum, & quod nullam Sectam faciant Comitatuum vel Hundredorum nisi coram Justiciariis nostris; Et cum summoniti fue­rint esse coram Justiciariis mittant pro se duodecim legales homines de Burgo suo, qui sint pro eis omnibus. Et si forte amerciari debue­rint, per sex probos homines de Burgo suo, & per sex. probos homi­nes extra Burgum, amercientur. Concessimus etiam eis quod[*] filios & filias suas possint libere ubi voluerint in terra nostra maritare, & viduas similiter per consilium amicorum suorum, &[*] perquisi­tiones suas de terris & aedificiis in Villa sua possint dare aut vendere, aut facere inde quod voluerint, & quando voluerint. Concessimus etiam eis[d] hansam, &[e] Gildam Mercatoriam, sicut habere consueverint. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus, quod prae­dicti Burgenses nostri praenominatas libertates & liberas consuetu­nines habeant, & teneant liberè, pacifice, & integre sine omni im­pedimento. Testibus Eustachio Elyensi Episcopo, Willielmo Ma­reschallo, Comite de Pembroke, Johanne de Pratell, Ga. [...] Data per manum Huberti Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi, Cancellarii nostri apud Rupem Aurmall Vicesimo nono Die Junii, Anno Regni nostri primo.

JOhannes Dei Gratia, &c.Cart. 7 Johan. m. 6. n. 45. Sciatis quod remisimus & perdonavi­mus Burgensibus nostris de Dunwico quadraginta libras in per­petuum de firma sua quam nobis reddere solebant pro Villa de Dun­wico, scilicet,N. 3. b. de[a] sexties viginti libris & viginti quatuor mille allecum & una Marca. Ita quod reddent nobis & haeredibus nostris de caetero singulis annis quater viginti libras & viginti quatuor mille allecum & unam Marcam pro praedicta Villa de Dunwico tenenda in perpetuum ad feodi firmam. Quare, &c. quod praedicti Bur­genses nostri & haeredes sui quieti sint in perpetuum a nobis & haere­dibus nostris de praedictis quadraginta libris de praedicta firma, sicut praedictum est. Concessimus etiam eis & hac Carta nostra confirma­vimus quod nonShould not be distreined. namientur pro aliquo debito unde non fuerint vel plegii vel capitales debitores nisi ipsi super hoc quieti in Justicia exhibenda defecerint, & nisi in locis quibus libertatem & potestatem hujusmodi namia capiendi concessimus. Testibus W. [...] Comite Sarum, W. [...] Comite Arundell, Willielmo Briwer, Hugone de Neville, Warino filio Geroldi, Thoma Basset. Data per manum Hugonis de Well [...] Archidiaconi Wellensis apud Freit­mantell quinto die Novembris anno, &c. Septimo.

Dunwich paid to the King Three Hundred Marks for to have their Liberties granted to them, in their Charter in the First of King John besides Ten Falcons, and Five Girfalcons.

DunewicRot. oblat. 1 Johan. M. 19. dat Domino Regi trecentas Marcas pro habendis Libertatibus suis secundum tenorem Cartarum suarum quas habe­bunt. Item dant pro eodem decern Osterios, & quinque Girfal­cones.

The Burgesses or Men of Dunewic further gave the King an Hundred Marks of Silver, that they might have and enjoy their Charter of Liber­ties which was then detained, as may be supposed by what follows.

HominesIbid. M. 9. de Dunewic dant Domino Regi centum Marcas Ar­genti ut Carta Domini Regis de libertatibus suis teneantur. Scilicet quinquaginta Marcas ad Pascha, & quinquaginta Marcas ad Festum Sancti Michaelis.

The Burgesses of Dunewich gave more to the King 200 Marks and 500 Eeles, for having Wrec and Lagan inserted into, or Granted by their Charter, and the Charter was delivered to Geofry Fitz-Peter, until provision was made for the Security of 300 Marks first promised, and 100 Marks promised the second time.

BurgensesIbid. M. 1. de Dunewic dant Domino Regi ducentas Marcas & quinque mille Anguillarum pro habenda Wrec & Lagan in Carta sua [...] Cartam G [...] Fil. Petri ut provideatur de secu­ritate de trecentis Marcis primo promissis, & de centum Marcis secundo promissis.

Cart. 51 H. 3. M. 10. N. B. by Inspeximus. Note, there are in this Roll two M. 10.HEnricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, &c.
Archiepiscopis, Episco­pis, &c. Salutem.

Inspeximus Cartam quam bonae memo­riae Henricus quondam Rex Angliae Avus noster fecit Burgensibus Wallingfordiae in haec verba.

N. 4.Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, & Dux Normanniae & Aquitaniae & Comes Andegaviae
Archiepiscopis, &c. & fidelibus totius Angliae & Normanniae, Franciae & Aquitaniae, Salutem.

Normanniae ubicunque sint; & sciatis me dedisse & concessisse eis imperpetuum libertates & leges suas om­nes & consuetudines bene & honorifice sicut melius & honorabilius eas habuerunt [a] tempore Edwardi Regis & tempore Atavi mei Regis Willielmi, & ejus filii alterius Regis Willielmi & tempore Henrici Regis Avi mei, scilicet, Gildam Mercatoriam cum omnibus consuetudinibus & legibus suis libere habeant, ne Officer or Sheriff. Praepositus meus vel aliqua Justicia mea de Gilda eorum se intromittat nisi proprie Aldermannus & Minister eorum. Et si Ministri mei vel aliqua Ju­sticia aliquo placito vel occasione calumpniaverit illos, vel in cau­sam ducere voluerit, prohibeo & praecipio ne ullo modo respondeant nisi illorum proprio portimoto. Et si ipse Praepositus eos aliqua oc­casione sine calumpniatore implacitaverit non respondeant. Et si aliquo forisfacto vel recto judicio aliquis eorum forisfactus fuerit per rectam considerationem Burgensium erga Praepositum illud emendet. Prohibeo etiam & praecipio ne aliquod Mercatum sit in [b] Crau­mersa, nec Mercator aliquis nisi sit [c] Gilda Mercatoria, & si ali­quis exierit de Burgo Wallingford, & vivat de Mercato ipsius Wal­lingford, praecipio ut rectum Gildae Mercatoriae faciat ipsis Burgen­sibus ubicunque sit infra Burgum vel extra. Sciatis praeterea me de­disse & concessisse imperpetuum omnibus hominibus Wallingford plenam quietanciam de annuo [d] Gablio meo quod solebant red­dere de Burgo Wallingford, de eo, scilicet, quod ad me pertinet in Burgo has leges & consuetudines, & libertates & quietancias omnes [Page 13] dono eis, & concedo imperpetuum, & alias omnes quas poterunt ostendere antecessores suos habuisse libere, quiete, & honorifice sicut Cives mei Winton melius unquam habuerunt, & hoc pro Servitio & labore magno quem pro me sustinuerunt in acquisitione haeredita­rii juris mei in Anglia. Concedo etiam eis quod ubicunque ierint in Mercationibus suis per totam terram meam Angliae & Norman­niae, Aquitaniae & Andegaviae, by Gater and by Stronde, by Wode and by Londe, quieti sint de Tolneto & Passagio & omnibus Consue­tudinibus & Exactionibus, ne super hoc ab aliquo inquietentur su­per forisfacturam decem librarum. Prohibeo etiam & praecipio super eandem forisfacturam ne Praepositus Wallingford [e] Scota­liam faciat, & ne [f] Geresumam ab aliquo quaerat, & quod nul­lam consuetudinem in Wallingfordia statuat quae noceat Burgensibus Villae hujus Donationis & Concessionis. Testes sunt Thebaldus Ar­chiepiscopus Cantuariensis & alii. Data apud Oxeneford primo Idus Januarii. Nos autem praedictas donationem & concessionem ratas habentes & gratas eas pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, praedictis Bur­gensibus & eorum Successoribus concedimus & confirmavimus prout Carta praedicta rationabiliter testatur. Volumus etiam & concedi­mus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris quod licet Burgenses praedicti a principio turbationis dudum post Parliamentum habitum apud Oxon in Regno nostro suscitatae, aliquo articulorum libertatum praedicta­rum minus plene hactenus usi fuerint ipsi tamen & eorum Successores nichilominus de caetero libere & sine impedimento aliquo utantur li­bertatibus ante dictis sicut praedictum est. His testibus Roberto Walraund, Roberto Aguyloun, Nicholao de Leukenore, Willielmo de Aete, Johanne de La Lynde, Petro de Neville, Radulpho de Ba­kepuz, Willielmo Belet, Bartholomaeo Bigod, & aliis.

Data per manum nostram apud VVestmonasterium duodecimo die Januarii, Anno Regni nostri quinquagesimo primo.
[a]
Modo sunt in ipso Burgo Consuetudines omnes ut ante fuerunt, This follows in a distinct Line by itself, immediately after what is written out of Domesday Book further on. The word Consuetudines here seems to signifie Rents, and the whole to sound no more, than that the Rents of Houses were not raised in that Burgh after the Conquest; or they might have the same other Customs, though they paid more for them, for the Farm of the Town was raised from 30 to 60 l. per Annum, Domesd. f. 56. b. Col 1.
↵
[b]
Craumersa is a Village or small place over against Wallingford Castle or the Town, where there was an Anti-Castle or Fortress built, to restrain and keep in the Garison in that Castle in the time of King Stephen; this appears by the great Ditches and Trenches to be seen before the place where the great Castle-Gate was.
↵
[c]
At this time it was thought a great Privilege at least, if not a Livelyhood to be a Mem­ber of a Trading or Merchant-Gild; and where-ever a Burgess dwelt, if he lived upon, or used the Mercate of Wallingford, he was to perform all Duties to the Gild, and be judged according to the Rules and Laws of it, whether he lived within a Burgh, or without. ‘Et si quis exierit de Burgo Wallingford, & vivat de Mercato ipsius Wal­lingford, praecipio ut rectum Gildae Mercatoriae faciat ipsis Burgensibus, ubicunque sit, infra Burgum, vél extra.’
↵
[d]
In Burgo de Wallingford habuit Rex Edwardus octo virgatas. Terrae, & in his erant 276 Hage reddentes undecem libras de Gablo, & qui ibi manebant faciebant Servitium Regis, cum Equis, vel per Aquam usque ad Blidberiam, Reddinges, Sudtone, & Bensentone (all Towns in Berkshire) & hoc facientibus dabat Praepositus (Burgi) Conredium (their Diet) non de censu Regis sed de suo, Domesd. f. 56. a. Col. 2. Blubery, Reding, Sutton-Courtney and Besington all in Berkshire, upon or near the Thames, above and below Wallingford, and the service here meant was Water and Land Carriage.
↵
[e]

Scotale, what it was. Scotale from Scot, a gathering or shot, and Ale in the known signification, Scotales were abuses put upon the Kings People by his Officers, who invited them to drink Ale, and then made a Collection, to the end they should not vex or inform against them, for the Crimes they had committed or should commit.

↵
[f]

Geresumma, or Jeresumma. Geresumma, or sometime Jeresumma, is properly an Income or Fine paid for the en­trance upon some Place, Estate or Office. Here it signifies plainly a Bribe, or Money given to the Kings Officer to connive at, and not to prosecute those that gave it in Cri­minal Cases.

↵

This was a large Charter, and was granted unto the Burgesses of VVallingford for the good service they did King Henry the Second, and his Mother Maud the Empress, against King Stephen.

Cart. 5 Ricar­di 1.RIcardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, &c.
Archiepiscopis, Episco­pis, &c. Salutem.

Sciatis nos retinuisse in manum nostram Burgum nostrum de Portesmue,N. 5. cum omnibus ad eum pertinentibus, & in eo stabilisse & dedisse & concessisse N [...]ndinas duraturas semel in anno per quindecem dies ad vincula Sancti Petri, scilicet. Concessi­mus etiam quod omnes homines Angliae, Normanniae, Pictaviae, Wal­liae, Scotiae & omnium terrarum nostrarum, & aliarum veniant ad praedictas Nundinas, & eant & redeant bene & in pace, & habeant omnes quietancias & libertates quas habent ad Nundinas Winton, vel Hoiland, vel alibi in terram nostram. Concessimus etiam quod Burgenses nostri in eodem Burgo habeant singulis Ebdomadis anni una die septimanae, scilicet die Jovis, Mercatum cum omnibus liber­tatibus & liberis consuetudinibus quas cives nostri Wintoniae, vel Oxoniae vel alii terrarum nostrarum habent vel habere debeant. Con­cessimus etiam quod praedicta Villa de Portesmue, & omnes Burgenses nostri in eâ, & de ea tenentes sint quieti & liberi de Thelonio, & Pontagio, & Passagio, &Pedagium and Paagium are the same. Pedagio, & Paagio, & Stallagio & Tal­lagio, & de Schiris, & Hundredis, & de Sectis Schirarum & Hun­dredorum & de summis, & auxiliis Vicecomitum & Servienti­um & de placitis & querelis omnibus, & de[a] Blodwyta, & de[b] Sichwyta, & de[c] Leirewyta, & de[d] Wapentake, & de placito Forestae, & Guardo, &[e] Reguardo Forestae, & de omni­bus aliis secularibus exactionibus tam per mare quam per terram ubi­cunque venerint in totam terram nostram. Quare volumus & fir­miter praecipimus, quod praedicta Villa de Portesmue, & Burgenses nostri in ea tenentes Mansiones suas & possessiones habeant & teneant, cum Thol, & Theam, & Infangenetheof, & Ʋtfangenetheof, & cum omnibus libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus ita bene & in pace, libere & quiete sicut Cives nostri Wintoniae, vel Oxoniae, vel alii de terra nostra melius habent & tenent. Et prohibemus ne ponan­tur in placitum de aliquo tenemento ejusdem Villae, nisi coram no­bis. Et prohibemus ne quis eos disturbet in aliquo super forisfactu­rami. e. 10 Lib. nostram.

His testibus, &c.

Data per manum Willielmi de Longo Campo Elyensis Episcopi Cancellarii nostri apud Portesmue. Secundo die Maii, Anno Regni nostri quinto.
JOhannes Dei gratia, &c.Cart. 6 Johan. n. 15.

Sciatis nos concessisse hominibus de Andever quod habeant Gildam Mercatoriam in Andever & quod sint quieti de Theloneo & Passagio & consuetudine per totam terram nostram sicut Burgenses Wintoniae qui sunt de Gilda Mercatorum sunt quieti,N. 6. & super hoc nullus eos injuste disturbet pro consuetudine super decem librarum forisfactura, sicut Cartae Henrici Patris nostri, & Ricardi Fratris nostri quas inde habent rationabiliter testantur.

Testibus R. [...] Comite Cestriae, Warino filio Geroldi, W. [...] de Braosa, Petro filio Herberti, Henrico Bisset, Hugh de Lascy, Pe­tro de Stok.
Data per manum J. [...] de Well apud Radinge primo die Maii Anno Regni nostri sexto.
JOhannes Dei gratia, &c.Cart. 2 Johan. p. 2. n. 132.

Sciatis nos dedisse & concessisse & hac praesenti Carta nostra confirmasse dilecto & fideli nostro Williel­mo Briwer quod Bruge Walteri sit liberum Burgum & quod ibi sit liberum Mercatum,N. 7. & una feria singulis annis per octo dies duratu­ra, scilicet, a die Nativitatis Beati Johannis in octo dies cum Thelo­neo, Paagio, Pontagio, Passagio, Lestagio, Stallagio & cum omni­bus aliis libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus ad liberum Burgum & ad Mercatum & Feriam pertinentibus. Concessimus etiam praedicto Willielmo quod praedicti Burgenses sui de praedicto Burgo sint liberi Burgenses, & sint quieti de Theloneo, Paagio, Pontagio, Passagio, Lestagio & Stallagio, & habeant omnes libertates, & liberas consue­tudines & quietancias quae ad nos pertinent per totam terram no­stram, & per omnes portus terrae nostrae, excepta Civitate London. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus quod praedictus Willielmus & haeredes sui post ipsum habeant & teneant omnia praedicta bene, & in pace, libere & quiete, integre, plenarie, & honorifice cum omnibus libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus suis sicut praedictum est.

Te­stibus W. [...] Marescallo Comite de Penbroc, R. [...] Comite Cestriae, Willielmo Comite Sarum, Willielmo de Rupibus Senes­challo Andegaviae, &c.
Data per manus S. [...] Wellens Archi­diaconi Gloucestriae apud Turon vicesimo sexto die Junii, Anno Reg­ni nostri secundo.
JOhannes Dei gratia, &c.Cart. 2 Johan. n. 47.

Sciatis nos concessisse & praesenti Carta nostra confirmasse, quod Burgus noster de Helleston sit liber Bur­gus & quod Burgenses nostri de eadem Villa habeant Gildam Merca­toriam & quietanciam per totam terram nostram de Theloneo,N. 8. Pon­tagio, Passagio, Stallagio, Lestagio &[a] Sollagio salvis in omni­bus libertatibus Civitatis London. Concedimus etiam eis quod non placitent nisi infra Burgum suum de rebus vel tenuris pertinentibus ad villam suam praeterquam de placitis ad Coronam nostram per­tinentibus & placitis de terris forinsecis. Volumus etiam quod [Page 16] habeant omnes alias libertates & liberas consuetudines quas habue­runt Burgenses nostri de Castello de Lanceston tempore Regis Hen­rici Patris nostri. Ita quod nullus Burgensium praedictorum[b] nisi residens fuerit in praedicta Villa de Helleston has habebit libertates.

His testibus W. [...] Comite Sarum, W. Briwer, Roberto de Turn­ham, Roberto de Tresgos, Sim. [...] de Pateshul, Radulpho de Stok, Eustachio de Faruberge.
Data per manum S. [...] Wellensis Archi­diaconi apud Craneburn decimo quinto die Aprilis, Anno Regni no­stri secundo.
Rot. Cart. 5 Johan. n. 112.JOhannes Dei Gratia, &c.

Noveritis nos ad instantiam & petitio­nem venerabilis Patris nostri Johannis Norwicensis Episcopi Se­cundi, concessisse & hac praesenti Carta nostra confirmasse quod Villa de Lenna sit liber Burgus in perpetuum,N. 9. & habeat omnes libertates & liberas consuetudines quas[c] liberi Burgi habent, omnibus salvis ipsi Episcopo & Successoribus suis, & Willielmo Comiti Arundell, & haeredibus suis libertatibus & consuetudinibus quas ipsi in praedicta Villa antiquitus habuerunt. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus quod praedicta Villa de Lenna sit liber Burgus in perpetuum & habeat omnes libertates & consuetudines liberas quas liberi Burgi nostri ha­bent in omnibus bene & in pace, libere & quiete, & integre, plenarie & honorifice sicut praedictum est.

Testibus Domino Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo, W. [...] London Episcopo, G. [...] filio Petri Comite Essex, R. [...] Comite Cestriae, Gaufrido de Say, &c.
Data per manum Summi Praepositi de Beverl, &c. apud Lambe Vicesimo Septimo Die Januarii Anno Regni nostri quinto.
Cart. 2 Johan. n. 19.JOhannes Dei Gratia, &c.

Sciatis non concessisse & hac praesenti Carta nostra confirmasse hominibus de Hertlepole quod sint liberi Burgenses,N. 10. & quod habeant easdem libertates & leges in Villa sua de Hertlepole quos Burgenses nostri de Novo Castello super Tinam ha­bent in Villa sua de Novo Castello. Quare volumus & firmiter prae­cipimus quod praedicti Burgenses habeant & teneant praedictas liber­tates & leges bene, & in pace, libere, & quiete, & integre sicut prae­dictum est.

His Testibus Willielmo de Stutevill, Hugone Bard, Pe­tro de Patell, Willielmo Briwer, Hugone de Neville, Roberto de Ros, Eustachio de Vescy, Petro de Bruis, &c.
Data per manum S. [...] Wellensis Archidiaconi apud Duneim. Octavo Die Fe­bruarii, Regni nostri Anno Secundo.
REX
Majori & Vicecomitibus London, Salutem.
Claus. 22. H. 6. m. 25. Dors. De Proclama­tione facienda.

Cum per Cartas Progenitorum nostrorum quondam Regum Angliae quas confirmavimus, concessum sit Civibus nostris Civitatis praedictae quod Majorem & Aldermanos de se ipsis quos voluerint eligant & ip­sos, nobis apud Westmonasterium non existentibus,N. 11. Thesaurario & Baronibus nostris de Scaccario praesentent, ut ibidem prout moris est admittantur; Ac jam intellexerimus quod quamquam hujusmodi electiones per Majorem & Aldermannos nec non discretiores dictae Civitatis ad hoc specialiter summonitos & praemunitos temporibus retroactis fieri consueverint, nonnulli tamen qui aliquod interesse in electionibus hujusmodi non habent nec habere debent electionibus illis ausu temerario se ingerunt, immiscent, & multociens electiones, quae rite & pacifice fierent, suis validis clamoribus & importunis mul­tipliciter impediunt & perturbant, ad intentionem quod tales eligeren­tur qui suis malefactis & erroribus postmodum favere possent, & ea sub dissimulatione dimittere impunita; quod si fieri permitteretur, in nostri ac Coronae & dignitatis nostrae laesionem, neenon status Civita­tis praedictae subversionem civiumque nostrorum ibidem perturbatio­nem & commotionem cederet manifeste. Nos igitur quieti & tran­quillitati popoli nobis subjecti providere & congruum remedium in hac parte volentes adhibere, ut tenemur, vobis praecipimus firmiter injungentes, quod ante tempus electionis Majoris Civitatis praedictae proximo faciendae per totam Civitatem illam & libertatem ejusdem ex parte nostrâ publice proclamari & firmiter inhiberi faciatis, ne quis hujusmodi electioni nisi qui de jure & secundum consuetudinem Ci­vitatis praedictae interesse, debeat, illi intersit, quovis modo nec se de electione illa quoquo quaesito colore intromittat, neque eam impe­diat, vel perturbet, sed quod electio illa per Aldermannos & alios Cives discretiores & potentiores Civiratis praedictae ad hoc specialiter praemunitos & summonitos fiat & habeatur, prout secundum consue­tudinem supradictam fuerit facienda. Scientes pro certo, quod si­quem alio modo quam ut praemittitur electum nobis vel Thesaurario & Baronibus de Scaccario praesentaveritis, illum nullatenus admitte­mus, & omnes illos quos contrarium proclamationis & inhibitionis praedictarum inveneritis facientes arestetis, & eos prisonae nostrae committatus ibidem moraturos, quousque pro eorum deliberatione duxerimus demandandum.

Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium Sep­timo die Octobris.
Per Consilium.
EDwardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae,Retorn. Brev. Parl 34 Ed. 1. & Claus. 34 Ed. 1. m. 15. in Cedula. Dominus Hiberniae & Dux Aquitaniae
Vicecomiti Bedford & Buckingham, Salutem.

Quia ordinavimus quod Edwardus filius noster primogenitus in festo Pen­tecostes proximo futuro, Deo propitio, cingulo Militiae decoretur, per quod de jure Coronae nostrae in hujusmodi casu auxilium fieri no­bis debet,N. 12. tibi praecipimus quod de utroque Comitatu tuo duos Mi­lites & de qualibet Civitate in Balliva tua duos Cives & de quolibet Burgo duos Burgenses vel unum secundum quod Burgus fuerit major vel minor venire facias coram nobis & consilio nostro apud Westmona­sterium in Crastino Sanctae Trinitatis proximo futurae ad tractandum [Page 18] & ordinandum de auxilio nobis in casu praedicto faciendo, & ad con­sentiendum hiis quae ordinabuntur in hac parté. Scire etiam facias Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, & aliis viris reli­giosis per totam Ballivam tuam quod per se vel sufficientes procura­tores vel attornatos suos tunc sint ibidem ad tractandum & ordi­nandum similiter de praemissis ac ad consentiendum eisdem prout su­perius est expressum, & habeas ibi nomina Militum, Civium & Bur­gensium praedictorum, & hoc Breve.

Teste Meipso apud Wynton quinto die Aprilis, Anno Regni nostri tricesimo quarto.

Inter Communia Brevia de Terminis Sanctae Trini­tatis, Anno Regni Regis Ed. 1. 34 Rot. vel N. 40. penes Remem. Regis in Scaccario.

Anglic. de auxilio Con­cesso ad Mili­tiam Regis.MEmorandum quod cum nuper D [...]rdi [...]us Rexilordinasset quod Edwardus filius suus primogenitus in festo Pentecostes, Anno Regni sui tricesimo quarto Cingulo Militiae decoraretur, Et Mandatum esset Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus,N. 13. Baronibus, & aliis Magnatibus Regni quod essent coram ipso Domino Rege & Concilio suo apud Westmonasterium in Crasti­no Sanctae Trinitatis proximo sequenti ad tractandum & ordinandum de auxilio Regis faciendo ad Militiam praedictam & ad consentien­dum hiis quae ulterius ordinarentur in hac parte, vel quod procura­tores aut attornatos suos sufficienter instructos ad praemissa loco eo­rum facienda mitterent tunc ibidem.

Ac etiam praeceptum fuisset singulis Vicecomitibus Angliae, quod eorum quilibet venire faceret de Comitatu suo ad praefatos diem & locum duos Milites & de qualibet Civitate Ballivae suae duos Cives, & de quolibet Burgo ejusdem Ballivae suae duos Burgenses, vel unum, &c. ad tractandum, ordinandum & consentiendum sicut praedictum est.

Venerunt personaliter coram Rege & Concilio suo apud Westmo­nasterium, ad diem illum Antonius Bek Patriarcha Jerosolomitanus Episcopus Dunelmensis, W. [...] de Langeton Coventrensis & Lich­fieldensis, Radulfus de Baldok London, Episcopi, H. [...] de Lacy Comes Lincolniae, J. [...] de Warenna Comes Surriae, R. [...] de Monte Hermerii Comes Gloucestriae & Hertfordiae, H. [...] de Boun Comes Herefordiae, G. [...] de Bello Campo Comes War [...] ­wici, Robertus filius Walteri, Hugo le Dispenser, Johannes de Ha­stinges, Hugo de Veer, Willielmus Martyn, Henricus le Tyeys, Jo­hannes Lovel, Rogerus de Mortuomari, Johannes de Mohun, Ala­nus la Zouche, Willielmus de Leyburn, & Robertus de Burghersh, Custos Quinque Portuum cum quibusdam Baronibus Portuum eo­rundem.

Ac etiam per Procuratores & Attornatos Robertus Cantuariensis & Willielmus Eborum Archiepiscopi, Thomas Exoniensis, Richar­dus Herefordensis, Johannes Wintoniensis, Johannes Cicestrensis, Thomas Roffensis, Robertus Elyensis, Johannes Norwicensis, Johannes Lincolniensis, Simon Sarum, Willielmus Wigorniensis, Walterus Bathoniensis & Wellensis, & Johannes Karliolensis Episcopi; Abbates Westmonasterii, Sancti Edmundi, Sancti Augustini Cantuariae, San­cti Albani, Glastoniae, Burgi Sancti Petri, Rammeseye, Thorneye, Seleby, & Malmesbury, Sancti Petri Gloucestriae; Rogerus Comes Norfolciae & Marescallus Angliae, Thomas Comes Lancastrensis, Ed­mundus Comes Arundel, & quam plures alii Praelati, Magnates, & Proceres Regni, nec non de quolibet Comitatu Regni ejusdem duo Milites, & de qualibet Civitate duo Cives & de quolibet Burgo duo Burgenses electi per C [...]mmunitates Comitatuum, Civitatum, & Bur­gorum eorundem ad praemissa, loco Communitatum eorundem, tra­ctanda, ordinanda & consentienda similiter venerunt.

Quibus praedictis omnibus congregatis coram Concilio Regis prae­dicto ipsisque ostenso per idem Concilium ex parte Regis quod de jure Coronae Regiae auxilium Domino Regi fieri debuit in casu prae­dicto; Ac etiam quod expensae multiplices & alia quam plura one­ra eidem Domino Regi incumbent ad rebellionem & malitiam Ro­berti de Brus proditoris ipsius Domini Regis & sibi in partibus Sco­tiae adhaerentium, qui adversus ipsum Regem jam in illis partibus guerram movere praesumpserunt, reprimendas.

Iidem Praelati, Comites, Barones, & alii Magnates, nec non Mi­lites Comitatuum Tractatum super hoc cum deliberatione habentes considerantesque auxilium deberi ut praedictum est, & quam plura onera Regi incumbere propter guerram praedictam, tandem unani­miter Domino Regi concesserunt pro se & tota Communitate Regni tricesimam partem omnium bonorum suorum temporalium mobi­lium, quae ipsos habere continget in Festo Sancti Michaelis proximo futuro, habendam pro auxilio eidem Domino Regi competente ad Militiam filii sui praedicti, ac etiam in Auxilium Misarum quas ipse est facturus circa guerram praedictam; ita tamen quod ista concessio ipsis vel eorum Successoribus aut haeredibus futuris temporibus nulla­tenus cedat in praeiudicium, nec in casu hujusmodi trahatur in ex­emplum, & quod in taxando bona praedicta excipiantur omnia quae in taxatione Quintae-Decimae a Communitate Regni Domino Regi anno Regni sui decimo octavo concessae propter exilium Judaeorum fuerunt excepta.

Cives quidem & Burgenses Civitatum ac Burgorum ac caeteri de Dominicis Regis congregati & super praemissis tractatum habentes considerantesque onera Domino Regi incumbentia ut praemittitur, eidem Domino Regi unanimiter concesserunt ob causas supradictas vicesimam partem bonorum suorum mobilium habendam ut praedi­ctum est.Inter Commu­nia Brevia de Term. Sancti Mich. Anno 34 Ed. 1. pe­nes Remem. Thesaurar. in Scaccario.

Memorandum quod ad crastinum Sanctae Trinitatis proximo prae­teritum Praelati & caeteri Magnates Regni pro se & tota Communi­tate ejusdem Regni concesserunt Domino Regi Tricesimam bonorum [Page 20] suorum omnium temporalium extra Civitates, Burgos, & Dominica Domini Regis; & Cives, & Burgenses, & tenentes Dominicorum praedictorum, vicesimam bonorum suorum tam ad Militiam Edwar­di filii Regis praedicti, quam ad subsidium defensionis terrae Scotiae contra Robertum de Brus, & ipsius Complices inimicos Regis, &c.

Retorn. Parl. 2 Hen. 5.HAec Indentura facta apud Ivelcestre Die Lunae 12 Die Novem­bris, Anno Regni Regis Henrici Quinti post Conquestum se­cundo inter Walterum Hungerford Militem Vicecom. Somerset in pleno Comitatu eodem Die ibidem tento ex parte una,N. 14. & Radul­phum Hunt Majorem Civitatis Bathon. Johannem Skittish, Johan­nem Savage, & Johannem Haygoby Cives Civitatis praedictae, qui de assensu totius Communitatis Civitatis praedictae, Eligerunt Ricar­dum Wydecombe, & Willielmum Radestoke Duos Cives pro Com­munitate Civitatis praedictae, Essend. apud Westminster ad Parlia­mentum Domini Regis tenendum Die Lunae proximo post Octavas Sancti Martini proximo futuras, secundum formam Brevis Domini Regis quod est huic annex. eidem Vicecomiti inde Direct. & Jo­hannem Herewode, Johannem Russel, Walterum Dyere, & Lucam Wilton Burgenses Burgi de Wells, qui in forma praedicta Eligerunt Thomam Dynt, & Johannem Hindon duos Burgenses Burgi praedicti Essend. tunc ibidem pro Communitate Burgi praedicti secundum for­mam praedicti Brevis. Et Johannem Ward, Willielmum Goffe, Ri­cardum Ward, & Thomam Cave, Burgenses Burgi de Bruggewater, qui in forma praedicta Eligerunt Willielmum Gascoigne, & Johan­nem Redwelly duos Burgenses Burgi praedicti secundum formam di­cti Brevis. Et Thomam Wiger, Walterum Portman, Edmundum Tailleur, & Johannem Northmore, Burgenses Burgi de Taunton, qui in forma praedicta Eligerunt Johannem Merchant & Edmundum Dyere duos Burgenses Burgi praedicti, Essend. tunc ibidem pro Com­munitate Burgi praedicti secundum formam praedicti Brevis, Dantes & Concedentes Civibus & Burgensibus praedictis plenam & suffici­entem potestatem, pro se & Communitate Civitatis & Burgorum praedictorum ad faciendum & consentiendum iis quae tunc ibidem de Communi Consilio ordinari contigerit super negotiis inibi Tra­ctandis. In cujus Rei Testimonium, &c.

Here were Returned to this Parlement Citisens only for the City of Bath, and three Burghs, Wells, Bridgwater and Taunton in the Coun­ty of Somerset. Three of the present Burghs being omitted, Minehead, Milborn-Port and Ilchester, notwithstanding the County-Court was holden there, in which the Election was made.

The words of the Indenture or Return for Dorsetshire for this Par­lement are the same with the words of this, (mutatis mutandis) there being then the same Sheriff for both Counties. Pool and Corf-Castle, two only of the present Burghs, were omitted.

HEnricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae,Breve & Re­torn. Parl. 2 Hen. 5. & Dominus Hi­berniae
Vicecomiti Wilts, Salutem:

Quia de avisamento con­silii nostri, pro quibusdam arduis & urgentibus negotiis nos, statum & defensionem regni nostri Angliae ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae contingen­tibus, quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westmonast.Wiltshire. die Lunae proximo post Octavas Sancti Martini proximo futuras teneri ordina­vimus, & ibidem cum Praelatis,N. 15. Magnatibus & Proceribus dicti regni nostri colloquium habere & tractatum: Tibi praecipimus firmiter injungentes, quod facta proclamatione in proximo Comitatu tuo post receptionem hujus Brevis, tenend. de die & loco praedictis, duos Milites gladiis cinctos, magis idoneos & discretos de Comitatu prae­dicto; & de qualibet Civitate Comitatus illius duos Cives; & de quolibet Burgo duos Burgenses de discretioribus & magis sufficien­tibus libere & indifferenter per illos qui Proclamationi hujusmodi interfuerint, juxta formam statuti inde editi & provisi, eligi ac nomi­na eorundem Militum Civium & Burgensium sic eligendorum in qui­busdam Indenturis inter te & illos, qui hujusmodi electioni interfue­rint, inde conficiendis, licet hujusmodi eligendi praesentes vel ab­sentes fuerint, inseri eosque ad dictos diem & locum venire facias. Ita quod iidem Milites plenam & sufficientem potestatem pro se & Com­munitate Comitatus praedicti & dicti Cives & Burgenses pro se & Communitatibus Civitatum & Burgorum praedictorum divisim ab ipsis habeant ad faciend. & consentiend hiis, quae tunc ibidem de com­muni consilio dicti regni nostri, favente domino, ordinari contigerit super negociis antedictis. Ita quòd pro defectu potestatis hujus­modi seu propter improvidam electionem Militum, Civium aut Burgensium praedictorum dicta negocia infecta non remaneant quo­vis modo. Nolumus autem, quod tu seu aliquis alius Vicecomes regni nostri praedicti aliqualiter sit electus & electionem tuam in ple­no Comitatu tuo factam distincte & aperte sub sigillo tuo & sigillis eorum, qui electioni illi interfuerint, nobis in Cancellaria nostra ad dictos diem & locum certifices indilatè, Remittens nobis alteram partem Indenturarum praedictarum praesentibus consutam, una cum hoc Brevi.

Teste meipso apud Westmonast. Vicesimo sexto die Sep­tembris, Anno Regni nostri secundo.
WROTEHAM.

Dorso. Ego Elias de la Mare, Vicecomes, vobis significo, quod Breve istud in omnibus executus sum secundum te­norem & effectum ejusdem, prout in altera parte In­denturarum inde confectarum & in quadam cedula huic Brevi consutâ pleniùs continetur.

Haec Indentura facta apud Wilton in pleno Comitatu Wilts, tento die Martis proximo ante festum Omnium Sanctorum, Anno Regni Regis Henrici quinti post Conquestum secundo inter Eliam de la Mare Vicecomitem Comitatus praedicti ex parte una, & Willielmum Danngens, Johannem atte Borwe, Willielmum Besiles, Robertum Erle, Nicholaum Lye, Robertum Asshelegh, Thomam Martyn, Johannem Wichford, Laur. Gowayn, Thomam Godefray, Johannem Brid, Johannem Benger, Johannem Byngham, Johannem Niweton, Henr. Stauley, Johannem Perham, Rogerum Alewyne, Johannem Hardy, Thomam Hat, Thomam Vellard, Johannem Bil­lyndon, Rogerum Wodman, Johannem Coof, Thomam Shawe, Thomam Stabbere, Ricardum Hoke, Jacobum Hemyngby, Gal­fridum Cowebrigge, Willielmum Depeden, & Johannem Warham ex parte altera, testatur quod praedictus Willielmus Danngens & om­nes alii superius nominati ad diem & locum supradictos existentes, & per praedictum Vicecomitem Virtute Brevis Domini Regis eidem Vicecomiti directi & huic Indenturae consuti singulariter examinati elegerunt Willielmum Esturmy Chivaler, & Thomam Bonham Mi­lites pro Communitate Comitatus praedicti, & similiter elegerunt Walterum Shirle & Johannem Becket Cives pro Communitate Ci­vitatis Novae Sarum, Johannem Harleston & Johannem Whithorn Bur­genses pro Communitate Burgi de Wilton, Willielmum Covyntre & Thomam Covyntre Burgenses pro Communitate Burgi de Devyses, Thomam Hiwey & Johannem Goore Burgenses pro Communitate Burgi de Malmesbury, Johannem Brid & Thomam Hatheway Bur­genses pro Communitate Burgi de Marleborgh, Robertum Salman & Robertum Roude Burgenses pro Communitate Burgi de Calne in Comitatu praedicto, ad omnia & singula juxta tenorem praedicti Brevis in Parliamento dicto Domini Regis apud Westmonast. die Lunae proximo post Octavas Sancti Martini proximo futuras, assign. & ordinat. cum aliis communicand. tractand. faciend. similiter & terminand. prout dictum Breve exigit & requirit. In cujus rei te­stimonium, uni parti istius Indenturae penes praedictum Vicecomi­tem remanenti praedictus Willielmus & omnes alii superius nomi­nati sigilla sua apposuerunt; Alteri vero parti ejusdem Indenturae penes praedictum Willielmum & omnes alios superiùs nominatos re­sidenti, praedictus Vicecomes sigillum suum apposuit.

Dat. die, loco & anno supradictis.
Nomina Militum, Civium & Burgensium Comitatus Wilts, Electorum ad Parliamentum Domini Re­gis apud Westmonast. die Lunae proximo post Octa­vas Sancti Martini, Anno Regni Regis Henrici quinti post Conquestum secundo.
Wilts.MAnucaptores Willielmi Estur­my Chivaler, unius Militum electi pro se & Communitate Co­mitatus praedicti ad Parliamentum praedictum.Petrus Braknal. Willielmus Rey­mond.
Manucaptores Thomae Bonham al­terius Militum electi ad Parlia­mentum praedictum.Johannes Denyas. Johannes Cory.
Civitas Novae Sarum.Manucaptores Walteri Shirle unius Civium Civitatis praedictae electi ad Parliamentum praedictum.Johan. Durneford. Johan. Coscombe.
Manucaptores Johannis Beckot alte­rius Civium ejusdem Civitatis electi ad Parliamentum prae­dictum.Willielm. Donyng. Willielmus Slegge.
Wilton.Manucaptores Johannis Harleston unius Burgens. ejusdem Burgi ele­cti ad Parliamentum praedictum.Johannes Pershore. Johannes Richman.
Manucaptores Johannis Whithorn alterius Burgens. ejusdem Burgi electi ad Parliamentum prae­dictum.Ricardus Lamprey. Johannes Digon.
Devyses.Manucaptores Willielmi Covyntre unius Burgensium ejusdem Burgi electi ad Parliamentum prae­dictum.Johannes Pshore. Johannes Richman.
Manucaptores Thomae Covyntre al­terius Burgensium ejusdem Bur­gi electi ad Parliamentum prae­dictum.Willielmus Neek. Henricus Lamkyn.
Malmsbu­ry.Manucaptores Thomae Hiwey unius Burgens. ejusdem Burgi electi ad Parliamentum praedictum.Nicholaus Penpas. Willielmus Palmer.
Manucaptores Johannis Goore alte­terius Burgens. ejusdem Burgi electi ad Parliamentum praedictum.Ricardus Felice. Willielm. Robardes.
Marle­borgh.Manucaptores Johannis Brid unius Burgens. ejusdem Burgi electi ad Parliamentum praedictum.Ricardus Hesham. Johannes Bide.
Manucaptores Thomae Hathewey alterius Burgens. ejusdem Burgi electi ad Parliamentum praedictum.Johann. Shirwode. Willielmus Warner.
Calne.Manucaptores Roberti Salman unius Burgens. ejusdem Burgi electi ad Parliamentum praedictum.Robertus Grene. Robertus Lary.
Manucaptores Roberti Roude alteri­us Burgens. ejusdem Burgi electi ad Parliamentum praedictum.Willielmus Stokke. Johannes Domel.

The Sheriff, notwithstanding he says in that part of the Return be­fore the Indenture, That he had in all things executed the Writ accor­ding to the Tenor and Effect thereof, yet returned only two Citisens for New Sarum, and Burgesses for only five Burghs; having omitted nine of the present Burghs, viz. Downton, Hindon, Westbury, Heitsbury, Chippenham, Crickelade, Bedwin, Lutgershal, Old Sarum, and Wootton-Basset; And the Citisens and Burgesses sent to this Parlement were chosen by the same Persons, that chose the Knights of the Shire.

Retorn. Parl. 2 Hen. 5. The Return for Devonshire for the same Parlement was without In­denture, only the Names of the Knights, Citisens and Burgesses, with their Manucaptors or Sureties, were returned. And that two Citisens only for Exon, and Burgesses for five Burghs, Plympton, Tottones, Tavystok, Barnstaple, and Dertmouth; And then the Return is closed with these words, Et non sunt plures Civitates, seu Burgi infra Co­mitatum praedictum. The Sheriff having omitted six of the present Burghs, viz. Plymouth, Okehampton, Honiton, Ashburton, Be­ralston, and Tiverton.

REx
universis & singulis Vicecomitibus, Majoribus, Ballivis,
Pat. 3 II. 4. p. 2. M. 23.
Constabulariis, Ministris & aliis fidelibus suis tam infra liber­tates quàm extra ad quos, &c. Salutem.

Sciatis,N. 16. quòd cùm secun­dum consuetudinem in regno nostro Angliae hactenus obtentam & approbatam, homines de antiquo dominico Coronae Angliae quieti sint & esse debeant a praestatione Theolonei per totum regnum An­gliae. Vobis mandamus, quòd homines de Manerio de Aisbertone, quod de antiquo Dominico Coronae Angliae existit, sicut per quandam Certificationem per Thesaurarium & Camerarios Domini Ricardi nuper Regis Angliae secundi post conquestum in Cancellariam suam de Mandaro ipsius nuper Regis missam, & in filaciis Cancellariae ejusdem nuper Regis residentem plenè liquet, de hujusmodi prae­statione Theolonei vobis praestanda quietos esse permittatis, juxta consuetudinem supradictam. In cujus, &c.

Teste Rege apud West­monast. vicesimo sexto die Aprilis.

Note this then a Town in Antient Demeasn, and no Burgh, yet in 26 E. 1. and 8 Hen. 5. it sent Members to Parlement.

London. by Inspeximus, Tempore Hen. 1. Hen. 2. Ric. 1.

REx
omnibus ad quos, &c. salutem.
Pat. 2 E. 4. p. 5. M. 23.

Inspeximus tenorem Car­tae DominiHen. 1. Henrici quondam Regis Angliae Progenitoris no­stri factam in haec verba.

Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae
Archi­episcopo Cantuariensi, & Episcopis, & Abbatibus, & Comitibus,
N. 17.
& Baronibus, & Justiciariis, & Vicecomitibus & omnibus fidelibus suis Francis & Anglicis totius Angliae, Salutem.

Sciatis me concessisse Civibus meis Londoniae Tenendum Middlesexiam ad firmam pro tre­centis libris ad computum ipsis & haeredibus suis de me & haeredi­bus meis. Ita quod ipsi Cives ponent Vicecomitem qualem voluerint de seipsis & Justiciarium quemcunque vel qualem voluerint de se­ipsis ad custodienda placita Coronae meae, & ad eadem placitanda, & nullus alius erit Justiciarius super ipsos homines Londoniae, & Cives non placitabunt extra muros Civitatis pro ullo placito, & sint quieti de [a] Schot, & de [b] Loth, & de [c] Danegeld, & de [d] Murdro & nullus eorum faciat bellum, & siquis Civium de pla­citis Coronae implacitatus fuerit per Shall purge himself by Oath. Sacramentum quod judica­tum [Page 26] fuerit in Civitate se disrationet homo London, & infra muros Civitatis nullus [f] hospitetur, neque de mea familia neque de alia vi alicui hospitium liberatur. Et omnes homines Londoniae sint quieti & liberi, & omnes eorum res per totam Angliam & per por­tus maris de Theoloneo & Passagio & Lestagio & omnibus aliis con­suetudinibus, & Ecclesiae & Barones [g] & Cives habeant & teneant bene & in pace [h] Socas suas cum omnibus consuetudinibus. Ita quod hospites qui in Sokis hospitabuntur nulli dent consuetudines, nisi illi cujus [i] Soka fuerit vel ministro suo quem ibi posuerit, & Homo Londoniae non judicetur in misericordia pecuniae nisi ad sa [k] Were, scilicet ad centum Solidos, dico de placito quod ad pe­cuniam pertineat, & amplius non sit [l] Meskenninge in [m] Hu­stengo neque in [n] Folkesmot, neque in aliis placitis infra Civi­tatem, [Page 27] & Hustengum sedeat semel in Ebdomada, videlicet, die Lunae, & terras & Pawns. vadimonia & debita Civibus meis habere fa­ciam infra Civitatem & extra, & de terris de quibus ad me clama­verint rectum eis tenebo lege Civitatis. Et siquis theoloneum vel consuetudinem a Civibus meis Londoniae ceperit, Cives Londoniae capiant de Burgo vel de Villa ubi theoloneum vel consuetudo capta fuerint quantum homo Londoniae pro theoloneo dedit, & proinde de dampno receperit, & omnes debitores qui Civibus London debita debent eis reddant in Londonia vel in Londoniâ se disrationent quod non debent, quod si reddere noluerint, neque quod non debent ad disrationandum venire, tunc Cives Londoniae quibus debita sua de­bentur capiant namia sua in Civitate London de Burgo vel Villa vel de Comitatu in quo manet qui debitum debet. Et Cives Londoniae habeant Their Huntings. fugationes suas ad fugandum sicut melius & plenius habuerunt Antecessores eorum, scilicet, in Chiltre & Middlesexe & Surreie.

Testibus Episcopo Wintoniensi, & Roberto filio Richier & Hugone Bigot & Alnero de Toteneis & Willielmo de alba Spina & Huberto Regis Camerario & Willielmo de Mountfichet & Hau­gulfo de Taney & Johanne Bellet & Roberto filio Siwardi
apud West­monasterium.

There is the same Charter by Inspeximus in 1 Hen. 4. 25 Mali.

INspeximus insuper cartam Domini Henrici Secundi quondam Regis Angliae Progenitoris nostri factam in haec verba.Hen. 2.

Henri­cus Rex Angliae, & Dux Normanniae & Aquitaniae & Comes Ande­gaviae
Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciariis, Vicecomitibus, Ministris & omnibus fidelibus suis Fran­cis & Anglis totius Angliae, Salutem.

Sciatis me concessisse Civibus meis Londoniae quod nullus eorum placitet extra muros Civitatis Lundoniae de ullo placito praeter placita de tenuris exterioribus (ex­ceptis Which were reserved to his own Court. Monetariis & Ministris meis.) Concessi etiam eis quie­tanciam Murdri infra urbem & in See Notes on this Charter. [b] Portsoka, & quod nullus eo­rum faciat duellum, & quod de placitis ad Coronam pertinentibus se possint Vide Cart. Hen. 1. disrationare secundum antiquam consuetudinem Civita­tis praedictae, & quod infra muros Civitatis nemo capiat hospitium per vim vel per liberationem Marescalli. Hoc etiam eis concessi, quod omnes Cives Lundoniae sint quieti de Theoloneo & Lestagio per totam Angliam & per portus maris, & quod nullus de Vide Cart. Hen. 1. misericordia pecuniae judicetur nisi secundum legem Civitatis quam habuerunt tempore Regis Henrici Avi mei, & quod in Civitate in nullo placito sit Meskenninga, & quod Hustingum semel tantum in ebdomada te­neatur, & quod terras suas & tenuras & vadimonia & omnia debita juste habeant quicunque eis debeat. Et de terris suis & tenuris quae infra urbem sunt rectum eis teneatur secundum consuetudinem Civi­tatis, & de omnibus debitis suis quae accommodata fuerint apud Lon­doniam, & de vadimoniis ibidem factis placita apud Lundoniam tene­antur. Et si quis in tota Anglia Theoloneum vel consuetudinem ab hominibus Lundoniae ceperit, postquam ipse a recto defecerit, Vice­comes Lundoniae Namium inde apud Lundoniam capiat. Concedo [Page 28] etiam eis, quod habeant fugationes suas ubicunque eas habuerunt tem­pore Regis Henrici Avi mei. Insuper etiam ad emendationem Civi­tatis eis concessi quod omnes sint quieti de [e] Bridtol, & de [f] Childwite, & de [g] Jeresgieue, & de [h] Scotale, ita quod Vice­comes noster Lundoniae vel aliquis alius Ballivus Scotale non faciat. Has praedictas consuetudines eis concedo, & omnes alias libertates & liberas consuetudines quas habuerunt tempore Regis Henrici Avi mei quando meliores vel liberiores habuerunt. Quare volo & firmiter praecipio, quod ipsi & haeredes eorum haec omnia praedicta haereditarie habeant & teneant de me & de meis haeredibus.

Testibus T [...] Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi R [...] Episcopo Londinensi Ph [...] Episcopo Baiocensi, Ern [...] Episcopo Lexoviensi, T [...] Cancellario, R [...] de novo Burgo R [...] de Sancto Walrico R [...] de Warenna Walth [...] Maminot Ricardo de Lucy Guar [...] filio Geroldi Ma [...] Biset Loc [...] de Ballolio,
apud Westmonasterium.

INspeximus etiam Cartam Domini Ricardi primi quondam RegisRic. 1. Angliae Progenitoris nostri factam in haec verba.

Ricardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, Dux Normanniae, Aquitaniae, Comes Andegaviae,
Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justi­ciariis, Vicecomitibus, Ministris, & omnibus fidelibus suis Francis & Anglis totius Angliae, Salutem.

Sciatis nos concessisse Civibus no­stris Londoniae, quod nullus eorum placitet extra muros Civitatis Londoniae de ullo placito praeter placita de tenuris exterioribus (ex­ceptis Monetariis & Ministris nostris.) Concessimus etiam eis quie­tanciam Murdri infra urbem & in Portsoka, & quod nullus eorum fa­ciat duellum, & quod de placitis ad Coronam pertinentibus se possintVid. Char­tam. Hen. 1. disrationare secundum antiquam consuetudinem Civitatis, & quod infra muros Civitatis nemo capiat hospitium per vim vel per liberatio­nem Marescalli. Hoc etiam eis concessimus quod omnes Cives Lon­doniae sint quieti de Theloneo & Lestagio per totam Angliam & per portus maris, & quod nullus de misericordia pecuniae judicetur nisi secundum legem Civitatis quam habuerunt tempore Regis Henrici Avi Henrici Patris nostri. Et quod in Civitate in nullo placito sit Meskenninga, & Hustingum semel tantum in ebdomada teneatur, & quod terras suas & tenuras, & vadimonia & debita omnia juste habe­ant quicunque eis debeat, & de terris suis & tenuris quae infra urbem sunt rectum eis teneatur secundum consuetudinem Civitatis, & de omnibus debitis suis quae accommodata fuerint apud Londoniam te­neantur. Et siquis in tota Anglia Theoloneum vel consuetudinem ab hominibus Londoniae ceperit postquam ipse a recto defecerit, Vice­comes Londoniae namium inde apud Londoniam capiat. Concedimus etiam eis quod habeant fugationes suas ubicunque eas habuerunt tem­pore Regis Henrici Avi Henrici Patris nostri. Insuper etiam ad emen­dationem [Page 29] Civitatis eis concessimus, quod omnes sint quieti de Bridtol, & de Childwite, & de Jeresgieue, & de Scotale, ita quod Vicecomes noster Londoniae vel aliquis alius Ballivus Scothale non faciat. Has praedictas consuetudines eis concedimus & omnes alias libertates & li­beras consuetudines quas habuerunt tempore Regis Henrici Avi Hen­rici Patris nostri quando meliores vel liberiores habuerunt. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus, quod ipsi & haeredes eorum haec omnia praedicta haereditarie habeant & teneant de nobis & haeredibus nostris. Testibus Huberto Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo, Ricardo Londinensi, Hugone Dunelmensi, Gileberto Roffensi, Hugone Lincolniensi Epis­copis, Ran [...] Comite Cestriae, Ricardo Comite de Clare, Wil­lielmo Marescallo, Rogero Bigot, Gaufrido filio Petri, Hugone Bar­dolfe, Willielmo Briewer, Willielmo de Warenna.

Data per manum Willielmi Eliensis Episcopi Cancellarii nostri apud Wintoniam Vice­simo secundo die Aprilis, Anno Regni nostri quinto.

INspeximus insuper quandam aliam cartam ejusdem Domini Regis Progenitoris nostri factam in haec verba.Ric. 1. Chart. 2.

Ricardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, Dux Normanniae, Aquitanniae, & Comes Andegaviae,
Archie­piscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciariis, Vicecomitibus, Senescallis, Castellanis, Constabulariis, Ballivis, Ministris & omnibus fidelibus suis, Salutem.

Noverit Ʋniversitas vestra nos pro Salute animae nostrae & pro Salute animae Henrici Regis Patris nostri, & animarum antecessorum nostrorum, necnon & pro communi utilitate Civitatis nostrae Londoniae, & totius Regni nostri concessisse, & firmiter praecepisse, ut omnes Kidelli qui sunt in Tha­misia amoveantur ubicunque fuerint in Tamisia; & ne de caetero Ki­delli alicubi ponantur in Tamisia. Quietum etiam clamavimus omne id quod Custodes Turris nostrae Londoniae annuatim percipere sole­bant de praedictis Kidellis. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus, ne aliquis Custos praefatae Turris aliquo tempore post hoc aliquid exigat ab aliquo, nec aliquam demandam aut gravamen sive molestiam ali­cui inferat occasione praedictorum Kidellorum. Satis enim nobis con­stat, & per venerabilem Patrem nostrum Hubertum Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum & per alios fideles nostros nobis sufficienter datum est intelligi, quod maximum detrimentum & incommodum praedictae Civitati nostrae Londoniae, nec non & toti regno nostro occasione Kidellorum illorum proveniebat, quod ut firmum & stabile perseve­ret imperpetuum praesentis paginae inscriptione & sigilli nostri apposi­tione communivimus.Note this. His Testibus Huberto Cantuariensi Archie­piscopo, Johanne Comite Moritoniae, Ran [...] Comite Cestriae, Roberto Comite Leicestriae, Willielmo Comite Arundel, Comite Willielmo Marescallo, Willielmo de Sanctae Mariae Ecclesia, Petro filio Hereberti, Matthaeo fratre suo, Sym [...] de Kyma, Seherio de Quinceo.

Data per manum Magistri Eustachii Sarum Decani Vi­ces Cancellarii tunc agentis apud InsulamIsle of An­dely in Nor­mandy. Andeliacam decimo quarto die Julii, Regni nostri Anno octavo.

London. 1 Johannis.Cart. Antiq. C. n. 26.

JOhannes Dei Gratia, &c.
Archiepiscopis, &c.

Sciatis. Nos concessisse Civibus nostris Londoniae, quod nullus eorum placitet extra muros Civitatis Londoniae de nullo placito praeter placita de te­nuris exterioribus,N. 18. exceptis Monetariis & Ministris nostris. Conces­simus etiam eis quietanciam murdri infra urbem & in Portsocha, & quod nullus eorum faciat duellum, & quod de placitis ad coronam per­tinentibus se possint disrationare secundum antiquam consuetudinem Civitatis, & quod infra muros Civitatis neque in Portsocha nemo ca­piat hospitium per vim vel per liberationem Marescalli. Hoc etiam concessimus quod omnes Cives Londoniae sint quieti de Theloneo & Lestagio & omni alia consuetudine per omnes terras nostras citra mare & ultra & quod nullus de misericordia pecuniae judicetur nisi secun­dum legem Civitatis quam habuerunt tempore Regis Henrici Avi Henrici Patris nostri. Et quod in Civitate in nullo placito sit Mes­kenninga, & quod Hustinga semel tantum in ebdomada teneatur & quod terras suas & tenuras & vadimonia & debita omnia juste habe­ant quicunque eis debeant. Et de terris suis & tenuris quae infra ur­bem sunt eis rectum teneatur secundum consuetudinem Civitatis, & de omnibus debitis suis quae accommodata fuerunt apud Londoniam & de vadimoniis ibidem factis placita apud Londoniam teneantur. Et siquis in aliquam terrarum nostrarum citra mare vel ultra sive in portubus maris citra vel ultra Theloneum vel aliquam aliam consue­tudinem ab hominibus London ceperit postquam ipse a recto defece­rit Vicecomites London Namium inde apud London capiant. Con­cessimus etiam eis quod habeant fugationes suas ubicunque eas habu­erunt tempore Regis Henrici Avi Henrici Patris nostri. Insuper etiam ad emendationem Civitatis eis concessimus quod omnes sint quieti de Bridtol & de Childwite &The same with Geresuma, see Walling­ford Chart. Jeresleue & de Scotale, ita quod Vice­comes noster Londoniae nec aliquis alius Ballivus Scotale non faciat. Has praedictas consuetudines eis concessimus & omnes alias libertates & liberas consuetudines quas habuerunt tempore Henrici Regis Avi Patris nostri quando meliores & liberiores habuerunt. Quare volu­mus & firmiter praecipimus quod ipsi & haeredes eorum haec omnia prae­dicta haereditarie & integre habent & teneant de nobis & haeredibus nostris. Testibus Huberto Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo Cancellario nostro, W. [...] Londoniae Episcopo, &c.

Data per manum prae­dicti Huberti Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi Cancellarii nostri apud Sorham decimo Septimo die Junii, Anno Regni nostri primo.

The Citisens of London gave 3000 Marks for the Confirmation of their Liberties by this Charter, as appears by the 1 Johannis, M. 20. Oblata Roll of this year, and it was left in the Hands of Geofry Fitz-Peter until they paid the Money.

Cives London dant Domino Regi tria Millia Marcarum pro haben­da confirmatione Domini Regis de Libertatibus suis in Carta, & libe­rabitur Galfrido filio Petri per sic, Quod si illa tria millia Marcarum volunt dare suam Cartam habebunt, sin autem non, Cartam non ha­bebunt.

Winton. 1 Ric. 1.Cart. Antiq. R. n. 30.

RIcardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, Dux Normanniae, &c.
Archi­episcopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Ju­sticiariis, Vicecomitibus,
N. 19.
Ministris & omnibus Ballivis & fidelibus suis totius terrae suae, Salutem.

Sciatis nos concessisse Civibus nostris Wintoniae de Gilda Mercatoria, quod nullus eorum placitet extra mu­ros Civitatis Wintoniae de ullo placito praeter placita de tenuris exte­rioribus, exceptis Monetariis & Ministris nostris. Concessimus etiam eis quod nullus eorum faciat duellum, & quod de placitis ad Coro­nam nostram pertinentibus se possint disrationare secundum antiquam consuetudinem Civitatis. Haec etiam eis concessimus quod omnes Cives Wintoniae de Gilda Mercatoria sint quieti de Theloneo & Lesta­gio & Pontagio in feria & extra & per portus maris omnium terrarum nostrarum citra mare & ultra, & quod nullus de Misericordia pecuniae judicetur nisi secundum antiquam legem Civitatis quam habuerunt tempore antecessorum nostrorum, & quod terras & tenuras suas & va­dimonia & debita omnia juste habeant quicunque eis debeat, & de terris suis & tenuris quae infra urbem sunt rectum eis teneatur secun­dum consuetudinem Civitatis, & de omnibus debitis suis quae accom­modata fuerint apud Wintoniam & de vadimoniis ibidem factis pla­cita apud Wintoniam teneantur, & si quis in tota terra nostra The­loneum vel consuetudinem ab hominibus Wintoniae de Gilda Mercato­ria ceperit, postquam ipse a recto defecerit Vicecomes de Southamton vel Praepositus Wintoniae Namium inde apud Wintoniam capiat. In­super etiam ad emendandam Civitatem eis concessimus quod omnes sint quieti & deThe same with Geresu­ma, see Wa­lingford Char­ter. Jeresgiene & de Scotteshale ita quod si Vicecomes noster vel aliquis alius Ballivus Sotthale faciat. Has praedictas con­suetudines eis concedimus & omnes alias libertates & liberas consue­tudines quas habuerunt temporibus Antecessorum nostrorum quando meliores vel liberiores habuerunt; & si aliquae consuetudines injuste levatae fuerunt in guerra cassatae sint, & quicunque petierint Civita­tem Wintoniae cum mercatu suo de quocunque loco sint, sive extra­nei sive alii, veniant, morentur & recedant in Salva pace nostra red­dendo rectas consuetudines, & nemo eos disturbet super hanc Cartam nostram. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus quod ipsi & haeredes eorum haec omnia praedicta haereditarie habeant & teneant de nobis & haeredibus nostris. Testibus Waltero Rothomagensi Archiepiscopo, R. [...] Bathoniensi, H. [...] Coventrensi Episcopis, Bertram [...] de Verdun, Johanne Marescallo, W. [...] Marescallo.

Data per ma­num Johannis de Alencon Archidiaconi Lexoviae Vicecancellarii no­stri apudIn Norman­dy. Nunancurt decimo quarto die Martii, Anno primo Regni nostri.

Lincoln. 1 vel 2 Ric. 1.Cart. Antiq. F. n. 16.

RIcardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae, Dux Normanniae, Aquitania, Comes Andegaviae
Archiepiscopis, Episcopi [...], Abbatibus, Co­mitibus,
N. 20.
Baronibus, Justiciariis, Vicecomitibus, Ministris & omni­bus fidelibus suis tam Francis quam Anglis, Salutem.

Sciatis nos concessisse Civibus nostris Lincolniae quod nullus eorum placitet extra Civitatem Lincolniae de aliquo placito praeter placita de tenuris exte­rioribus, exceptis Monetariis & ministris nostris. Concessimus etiam quietanciam murdri infra Civitatem & in Portsocha & quod nullus eorum faciat duellum, & quod de placitis ad coronam pertinentibus se possint disrationare secundum consuetudinem Civium Civitatis Lin­colniae, & quod infra Civitatem illam nemo capiat hospitium per vim vel per liberationem Marescalli. Hoc etiam eis concessimus quod omnes Cives Lincolniae sint quieti de Theloneo & Lestagio per totam Angliam & per portus Maris, & quod nullus de Misericordia pecu­niae judicetur nisi secundum legem quam habent Cives nostri Lundo­niae, & quod in Civitate illa in nullo placito sit Meskenninga, & quodThe Burgh or Folkmot, or Court of the Inhabitants of the Burgh or City. Burwaremot semel tantum in ebdomada teneatur; & quod terras & tenuras & vadia sua & debita sua omnia juste habeant quicunque eis debeat, & de terris suis & tenuris quae infra Civitatem sunt rectum eis teneatur secundum consuetudinem Civitatis, & de omnibus debi­tis suis quae accommodata fuerint apud Lincolniam & de vadiis ibi­dem factis placita apud Lincolniam teneantur. Et siquis in tota An­glia Theloneum vel consuetudinem ab hominibus Lincolniae ceperit postquam ipse a recto defecerit, Praepositus Lincolniae Namium apud Lincolniam capiat. Insuper etiam ad emendationem illius Civitatis illis concessimus quod sint quieti de Bridtol, & de Childwite & de Ge­resgiene & de Scothale, ita quod Praepositus nec alius Ballivus Scotha­lam faciat. Has praedictas consuetudines eis concessimus & omnes alias libertates & liberas consuetudines quas habuerunt vel habent Cives nostri Lundoniae quando meliores vel liberiores habuerunt secundum libertates Lundoniae & leges Civitatis Lincolniae. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus, quod ipsi & haeredes eorum haec omnia praedicta habeant & teneant haereditarie de nobis & haeredibus nostris reddendo per annum novies viginti libras numero de Lincolniâ cum omnibus pertinentiis ad Scaccarium nostrum duobus terminis, ad Pascham, Scilicet, & ad Festum Sancti Michaelis per manum Praepositi Lincol­niae. Et Cives Lincolniae faciant Praepositum quem voluerint de se per annum qui sit idoneus Nobis & eis. Testibus his Huberto Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo, Willielmo Marescallo, Gaufrido filio Petri, Hugone Bam [...]

Data per manum Willielmi Eliensis Episcopi Cancellarii nostri apud Winton.

William Longchamp, Bishop of Ely, was Chancellor of England be­fore he was Consecrated Bishop of that place. Anno Domini 1189. 1 Richard 1. and was deposed from his Chancellor-Ship A. D. 1191. So that this Charter was dated by him, either in the First, or Second year of King Richard the First.

York. 1 Johannis.Cart. 1 Johan. p. 1. n. 75.

JOhannes Dei Gratia, &c.

Sciatis nos concessisse Civibus nostris de Eboraco omnes libertates & leges & consuetudines suas & no­minatim Gildam suam Mercatoriam & Hansas suas in Anglia,N. 21. & Nor­mannia, & Lestagia sua per totam Costam maris quieta sicut ea un­quam melius & liberius habuerunt tempore Regis Henrici Avi patris nostri. Et volumus & firmiter praecipimus, quod praedictas libertates & consuetudines habeant & teneant cum omnibus libertatibus praedi­ctae Gildae suae & Hansis suis pertinentibus, ita bene & in pace libere & quiete sicut unquam melius liberius & quietius habuerunt & tenue­runt tempore praedicti Regis Henrici Avi patris nostri, sicut Carta ejusdem Patris nostri & Carta Regis Ricardi fratris nostri rationabili­ter testantur. Praeterea Sciatis nos concessisse & praesenti Carta con­firmasse omnibus civibus nostris Eboraci quietanciam cujuslibet The­lonei, & lestagii, &Forsan de Wrec. Dewree, & Pontagii, & Passagii & de trespas & de omnibus Costivis per totam Angliam & Normanniam, & Aqui­taniam & Andegaviam & Pictaviam, & per omnes portus & Costas maris Angliae & Normanniae Aquitaniae Andegaviae & Pictaviae. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus quod inde sint quieti, & pro­hibemus ne quis super hoc disturbet super decem libras forisfacturae, sicut Carta Ricardi Regis fratris nostri rationabiliter testatur. Te­stibus G. [...] Eboracensi Archiepiscopo, Ph. [...] Dunelmensi Episcopo, Gaufrido filio Petri Comitis Essex, &c.

Data per manum S [...] Wellensis Archidiaconi & Johannis de Gray apud Eboracum Vicesimo quinto Die Martii, Anno Regni nostri primo.

Norwich. 1 Johannis.Cart. 1. Johan. p. 1. m. 11. n. 146.

JOhannes Dei Gratia, &c.
Archiepiscopis, &c.

Sciatis nos con­cessisse Civibus nostris Norwici quod nullus eorum placitet extra Civitatem Norwici de nullo placito praeter placita de tenuris exterio­ribus, exceptis Monetariis & Ministris nostris.N. 22. Concessimus eis etiam quietantiam murdri & Gawitam infra Civitatem, & quod nullus eo­rum faciat duellum, & quod de placitis ad coronam pertinentibus se possint disrationare secundum consuetudinem Civitatis Londoniae, & quod infra Civitatem illam nemo hospitetur vel capiat quicquam per vim. Hoc etiam concessimus eis, quod omnes Cives Norwici sint qui­eti de Theloneo & Lestagio per totam Angliam & per portus maris, & quod nullus de misericordia pecuniae judicetur nisi secundum legem quam habent Cives nostri Londoniae, & quod in Civitate illa in nullo placito sit Miskenninga, & quod Hustinga semel in ebdomade tan­tum teneatur & quod terras suas & tenuras, & vadia sua & de vita sua omnia juste habeant, quicunque eis debeat, & de terris suis & te­nuris quae infra Civitatem sunt, rectum eis teneatur secundum con­suetudinem Civitatis, & de omnibus debitis suis quae accommodata fuerint apud Norwicum & de vadiis ibidem factis placita apud Nor­wicum teneantur. Et siquis in tota Anglia Theloneum vel consuetu­dinem [Page 34] ab hominibus Norwici ceperit, postquam ipse a recto defece­rit, Praepositus Norwici Namum inde apud Norwicum capiat. Has praedictas consuetudines eis concessimus & omnes alias libertates & li­beras consuetudines quas habuerunt & habent Cives nostri Londoniae, quando meliores vel liberiores habuerunt secundum libertates Londo­niae & leges Civitatis Norwici. Quare volumus & firmiter praeci­pimus, quod ipsi Cives & haeredes eorum haec omnia praedicta cum Civitate & pertinentus ejus haereditarie habeant & teneant de nobis & haeredibus nostris, reddendo per annum Centum & octo libras Sterlin­gorum blanceas de Civitate Norwici per manum Praepositi Norwici ad Scaccarium nostrum in termino Sancti Michaelis. Et Cives Nor­wici faciant Praepositos de se per annum, qui sint idonei Nobis & eis. Testibus H. [...] Sar. [...] Episcopo, S. [...] Wellensi Archidiacono J. [...] de Gr. [...]

Data per manum H. [...] Cantuariensis Archidiaconi Cancellarii nostri apud Genom. [...] Vicesimo secundo die Septembris anno Regni nostri primo.
FINIS.

THE INDEX.

A.
  • ARundel-Castle, on whom it held, and what it paid Fol. 14. A.
B.
  • BArnstaple, on whom it held, and who their Patron in the Conqueror's time, Fol. 5. F.
  • Barons of London, who, and why so called Append. Fol. 26. C. D.
  • Bath, when made a Burgh, on whom it held, and what it paid Fol. 12. D.
  • Blodemyta, what Append. Fol. 14. A
  • Boston Case about Elections Fol. 61. E. F.
    • No Burgesses sent from thence to Parlement for many Kings Reigns Fol. 64. C.
  • Bridport Case about Election of Burgesses Fol. 60. F.
  • Bridtol, what it means Append. Fol. 28. F.
  • Buckingham, on whom it held in the Conqueror's time Fol. 7. A.
    • Under the Protection of Foreign Lords and Patrons Fol. 9. A.
  • Burgh, a German word Fol. 1. F.
    • From whence derived, and what it signifies Fol. 2. 3.
    • How and when Burghs became Parlementary Fol. 24. E. F.
    • What they were in the Saxons times, and in the Reign of William the Conqueror Fol. 4. to the 16.
    • What Number found in Domesday-Book Fol. 16. A.
    • Many of our present ones, not found in Domesday Fol. 43. B. C.
    • All had their Patrons and Protectors Fol. 16. B.
    • When their free Condition began Fol. 17. D.
    • Erected and Confirmed by the Kings Grants Fol. 17. E. F.
    • Why called Free Fol. 18. F. & 47. B. 49. F.
    • What their Freedom was, and wherein it consisted Fol. 19. A. B.
    • Who of them sent Burgesses to Parlement Fol. 35. D. E.
    • Why called Demeasn Fol. 41. A.
    • How Amercied by King Edward the Third Fol. 39. C.D.
    • Their Origin from their Charters Fol. 50. E.
    • Such as were Erected by Earls had their Dominion from the King Fol. 50. f. & 51. A.
    • The Sheriffs directed which of them should send Burgesses to Par­lement Fol. 52. A. &c.
    • Many never sent Burgesses constantly till 1641. & 1642. and the Reasons for this Intermission Fol. 55. 56. 57.
  • [Page 36]Burgesses, when first summoned to Parlement Fol 25. B. and 32. F.
    • Their Compliance with the K. Demands called a Grant Fol. 27. C.
    • None summoned to Parlement the 22d of Edw. the First Fol. 29. B
    • How Taxed when not summoned Fol. 31. C.
    • They were distinct from the Alii de Regno Fol. 33. E.
    • They gave one Third more than the Earls, Bar. and Knights Ibid.
    • Why summoned to Parlement Fol. 34. C.
    • Frequently excused upon Account of their Poverty Fol. 57. 58.
    • They never complained for being omitted Fol. 59. F.
    • Who were Electors Fol. 60 B.
    • They only named in the Dorse of Writs Fol. 63. 64.
    • Somtimes chosen in County-Courts Fol. 75. C. D.
    • Of Dunwich, not to Marry their Sons or Daughters but by the King's Licence Append. Fol. 10. E.
    • They paid Tallage for their free Trading and Liberties, Fol. 48. 49. 50.
  • Burgi Dominici Regis, what they were Fol. 35. B. and 50. A.
  • Burgh-Laws of Scotland, when first published Fol. 18. B.
    • What Freedom was given by them Fol. 19. C. D.
C.
  • CAnturbury, how many Burgesses, and on whom they held in the Conqueror's time Fol. 10. F.
  • Charter of the Conqueror granted at the Request of William Bishop of London, to the Citisens Fol. 16. C.
    • Interpreted, it was a Protection rather than a Charter, Fol. 17. A.B.C.
  • Cirencester antiently no Burgh Fol. 76. D.
  • Citisens, Vid. Burgesses.
  • Civitates Dominicae, what they were Fol. 35. B. C.
  • Clergy, when first summoned to Parlement by their Proxies Fol. 34. E. F.
  • Commonalties, or Communities of Cities and Burghs by whom Erected, Fol. 17. E.F.
    • Interpreted to be a select Number, Fol. 20. C. 21. A. B.
    • 23. C. D. E. 75. A. B. 79. A.
    • What Constitutes them, and when they first began in France, Fol. 18. A.
    • Large Immunities granted to them by William the Second, Henry the First, and King Stephen Ibid. C. D.
    • Of London, by whom, and when granted Fol. 20. E. F.
    • Of Roven in France Fol. 23. F.
    • They were distinct from other Burgesses Fol. 24. A. B.
    • When the use of Corporation-Seals began Ibid. C. D.
    • Signifie the Governing Party Fol. 62. E.F.
  • Communitatis, and Villae Assensus, the same Fol. 65. 67. 68.
  • Composition for Taxes admitted by the King Fol. 27. F.
  • Cricklade, on whom it held, what it paid to the King, and its Patrons, Fol. 14. F.
  • 15. A. B. C.
D.
  • DAnegeld, what Append. Fol. 8. F.
  • Demeasn Cities and Burghs what they were Fol. 39. D. E.
    • Their Number in the Reign of Edward the Third Fol. 41. E. F.
  • Dunwich, how, and by whom held in the Conqueror's and Confessor's time, Fol. 4. B.
E.
  • ELections, how to be made where no Charter or Custom Fol. 60. B. C.
  • Made by Bayliffs with the Assent of the Communities Fol 63. B.
  • Electors of Burgesses, who Fol. 60. B.
  • Ewagium, what it means Append. Fol. 10. D.
  • Excester, how it held in the Conqueror's time Fol. 5. D.
  • Eye, on whom it held in the Confessor's time, and the Number of Burgesses, Fol. 6. F.
F.
  • [Page 37]FEe Farms, the Original Fol. 39. F.
  • Fifteenth granted to Edward the First Fol. 26. D.
    • Several Cities, Counties and Abbies Composit. for them Fol. 27. 28.
    • Upon what account granted, and how settled Fol. 39. A. B.
  • Folkmot, what it signifies Append. Fol. 26. F.
  • Free-Tenents, who they were Fol. 31. B.
G.
  • GEresgive, what it signifies Append. Fol. 28. F.
  • Geresumma, what it means Append. Fol. 13. D.
  • Gilda Mercatoria explained Append. Fol. 10. F.
  • Grauntpont made a Burgh by John Earl of Cornwal Fol. 45. B.
H.
  • HAnsa, what Append. Fol. 10. E.
  • Hedon made a Burgh by King John Fol. 46. F.
  • Henry the Second made Preston a Burgh Fol. 46. B.
  • Hertford, the Number of the Burgesses, and how Taxed in Domesday Fol. 9. D. E.
  • Huntington, the Number of Burgesses, on whom they held, and what they paid, Fol. 11. C. D.
  • Hustengs, how interpreted Append. Fol. 26. F.
I.
  • INfangthef, what it signifies Append. Fol. 8. D.
  • John Earl of Cornwal made Grauntpont a Burgh Fol. 45. D.
    • Earl of Moreton made Lancaster a Burgh Fol. 46. C.
    • Eldest Son of the Duke of Britain made Richmund a Burgh, Fol. 46. E.
    • King of England made Hedon a Burgh Fol. 46. F.
  • Ipswich, on whom it held, and what Burgesses in the Confessor's time Fol. 6. D.
L.
  • LAgan explained Append. Fol. 10. E.
  • Lancaster, when, and by whom made a Burgh Fol. 46. C. D.
  • Lanceston, when, and by whom made a Burgh Fol. 43. D. E.
  • Law-worthy, who, and by what means made so Fol. 16. E.
  • Leirwyte, what it signifies Append. Fol. 14. E.
  • Lescard, when, and by whom made a Burgh Fol. 44. F.
  • Lestagium explained Append. Fol. 8. D.
  • Leve, what it means Ibid. F.
  • Lewes, on whom it held, and what it paid Fol. 13. A.
  • Lideford, how held in the Conqueror's time Fol. 6. A.
  • London, when Constituted a Community Fol. 20. F. 21. D. E.
    • When Divided into Wards Ibid.
    • Who to chuse the Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs Fol. 22. A. B. C.
    • The Conqueror's Charter, a Protection only Fol. 16. B. &c.
    • How interpreted Ibid. E. F. and 17. A. B. C.
    • No stranger to be lodged there Append. Fol. 26. B.
M.
  • MAsham (Sir William,) declared duly Elected Burgess for Colchester, Fol. 60. F.
  • Merchants, who they antiently were Fol. 20. A. B.
  • Meskenninge explained Append. Fol. 26. E.
  • Murdrum, how understood Append. Fol. 25. F.
N.
  • [Page 38]NOrthampton, the Number of Burgesses, and on whom it held in the Con­queror's time Fol. 9. B.
  • Norwich, the Number of Burgesses, and on whom they held Fol. 4. D. 5. B.
P.
  • PAagium and Passagium interpreted Append. Fol. 8. D.
  • Parlement-Burghs, what they were, and when they first began Fol. 24. E. F.
  • Pevensey, on whom it held, how many Burgesses, and what they paid Fol. 13. C. D.
  • Plympton, by whom Erected into a Burgh Fol. 46. A.
  • Pontagium, what Append. Fol. 8. E.
  • Port-Reeve, from whence derived Fol. 16. D.
  • Portsoka, what Append. Fol. 27. F.
  • Prescription only cannot make a Burgh Fol. 76. D. E.
    • Not allowed against the Liberties of Free Burghs Append. Fol. 7. E.
  • Preston made a Burgh by Henry the Second Fol. 46. B.
  • Procuratores Cleri, when first summoned Fol. 34. E. F.
  • Protection and Charter of London in the Conqueror's time the same Fol. 17. A.
R.
  • REgard and Regarders, what and who Append. Fol. 14. F.
  • Reginald Earl of Cornwal, his Charter to Truro Fol. 44. A.
  • Returns of Writs the first that are extant Fol. 63. &c.
    • Of Boston Fol. 64. A.
    • Of Bristol Ibid. E.
    • Of Excester Fol 65. C.
    • Of London Ibid. E.
    • Of York Fol. 67. A. B.
    • Of Derby, Ipswich and Oxford Ibid. C. D. E.
    • Of Wallingford Fol. 68. 69.
    • Of Helston and Windsor Fol. 70.
    • Of Reding, Len, Yarmouth, and Wells Fol. 71.
    • Of Bridport, Colchester, Warwick and Lincoln Fol. 72.
    • Of Grimsby, Rochester, Bath and Bridgwater Fol. 73. 74.
    • Under no certain Form Fol. 76. A.
    • Their Form since Henry the Eighth Fol. 77. F.
  • Richard Earl of Cornwal, made Lanceston and Lescard Burghs Fol. 44. D. E. F.
  • Richmund, by whom made a Burgh Fol. 46. E.
  • Roelent, when Erected into a Burgh, and on whom it held Fol. 18. E. F.
  • Romeney, on whom it held, and how many Burgesses in the Conqueror's time, Fol. 11. B.
S.
  • SAca, what it signifies Append. Fol. 8. B.
  • Salisbury, when made a City, and granted to the Bishop as his proper De­measn Fol. 47. E.
    • How Tallaged by the Bishop Fol. 48.
  • Saltash, by whom made a Burgh Fol. 45. E.
  • Scotale, what it means Append. Fol. 13. D.
  • Seals of Communities, when first used Fol. 24. C. D.
  • Sheriffs at first directed what Burghs should send Burgesses to Parlement Fol. 52.
    • A. and 53. 54. 59
    • The reason why they returned Non sunt plures Burgi, &c. Fol. 55. A.
    • They were never complained against, or questioned for such Re­turns Fol. 59. F.
  • Soca, what Append. Fol. 8. B.
  • Southampton, on whom it held, and what it paid Fol. 12. F.
  • Stallagium, how interpreted Append. Fol. 8. B.
  • Stafford, the Number of Burgesses, and on whom they held Fol. 12. B.
T.
  • [Page 41]TAllage why paid and imposed Fol 47 D.
    • Paid by Citisens and Burgesses for free Trading and their Liber­ties Fol. 48. 49. 50.
  • Taunton how many Burgesses, and what they paid Fol. 12. E.
  • Taxes how anciently levyed Fol. 38. F.
  • Tenents in antient Demeasus distinct Members in Parl. from Burgesses Fol. 37. D.
    • Somtimes omitted in Commissions Fol. 38. A.
    • By whom represented Fol. 77. A.
  • Theam explained Append. Fol. 8. B.
  • Thetford, the Number of Burgesses, and on whom they held in the Confessor's time Fol. 3. F.
    • The Case of the Right of Electors Fol. 78. D. E.
  • Toll, what it signifies Append. Fol 8. B.
  • Toriton discharged from sending Burgesses upon their Petition to the K Fol 60. A.
  • Towns that sent Representatives to Parlement, and paid Tenths, were not all of them Burghs Fol. 36. A. B.
    • Frequently signifies Community Fol. 65. A.
  • Tradesmen in the Saxons and Conqueror's time had their Patrons Fol. 16. A.
    • They were the Antient Burgesses and Merchants Fol 9. F.
  • Truro, by whom made a Burgh Fol. 43. E.
  • Tutbery-Castle how many Burgesses, on whom they held, & what they paid Fol. 12. C.
U.
  • UTfangthef how explained Append. Fol. 8 D.
W.
  • WAllingford, how and what it held in the Confessor's time Fol. 6. A.
  • Warwick-Case about Election of their Burgesses Fol. 62. A. B.
    • On whom it held, and by whom Taxed Fol. 14. C.
  • Wrec what it signifies Append. Fol. 10. D.
  • Writs and Returns from the 17 of Edw. 4th, to Edw. 6th, all lost Fol. 77. E.
Y.
  • YArmouth when made a Royal Burgh, and what it paid to the King Fol. 3. D.
    • and 35. D.
    • Why called a Free Burgh Fol. 36 A.
    • How it held in the Confessor's time Fol. 3. C.
  • York how many Mansions, and how taxed in Domesday Fol. 10. A. B.
FINIS.

A SUPPLEMENT TO THE Preceding Advertisement; And to be read with, and after it.

AD Petitionem Comunitatis Villae de Huntingdon & Simonis de Broughton Magistri Hospitalis Sancti Johannis de Hunting­don suggerentium Regi Quod licet idem Simon jam per viginti Annos & amplius Magister praedicti Hospitalis Extitisset & ad Epi­scopum istius loci per Comunitatem praedictam praesentatis, Rot. Parl. 8. Ed. 2, n. 235. Pro Comuni­tate & Magi­stro Hospitalis Sancti Johanis de Hunting­don. & ad ipsorum Praesentationem in dicto Hospitali prout Praedecessores ejusdem praesentati semper hactenus extiterunt Institutus fuisset; Willielmus de Làngeele nihilominus Domino Edwardo Regi nunc, dedit intelligi non est Diu quod dictum Hospitale vacabat. Quod (que) Praesentatio ejusdem ad Regem pertinuit, per quod idem Willielmus de Làngelee versus Comunitatem, & Magistrum praedictos diversa Brevia de Quare Impedit, ad certos Dies coram Justiciariis Domini Regis de Banco returnabilia; Nomine Regio Impetravit, ad quos Dies idem Willielmus de Làngelee us (que) finem Termini, ut ipsos Comu­nitatem & Magistrum vexaret inde indebitè & gravaret, se vo­luntarie & maliciose absentavit, in ipsorum Comunitatis & Ma­gistri Damnum, &c. Unde petunt, &c.

Responsum est per Concilium.

Mandetur Justiciariis coram quibus Loquela ista pendet quod procedant indilate,Ibm. eo non obstante quod Willielmus de Langelee qui sequitur pro Rege se per Maliciam sic absentat, quia Rex non vult quod per hujusmodi Maliciam, Justicia deferatur.

Upon the Petition of the Comunity, For the Co­monalty and Master of the Hospital of St. John in Huntington. or Comonalty of the Town of Huntingdon, and Simon de Broughton, Master of the Hospital of St. John of Huntingdon, suggesting to the King, That altho' the said Simon had been Master of the said Hospital above twenty [Page 90] Years, and was presented by the said Comonalty to the Bishop of the Diocese, and instituted to the said Hospital according to their Presentation, as his Predecessors always had been, Nevertheless William of Làngele informed the Lord Edward that now is King, That the said Hospital was not long since void, and that the Pre­sentation to the same belonged to him. By which the same Wil­liam obteined in the King's Name divers Writs of Quare Impedit against the Comonalty, &c. returnable at certain Days before the Justices of Common Pleas, at which Days, the same William of Làngele until the end of the Term willingly and maliciously ab­sented himself, That he might thereby unduly vex and disturb the said Comonalty and Master, to their Damage, &c. Whence they begg, &c.

To which Petition 'twas answered by the Council.

Let the Justices, before whom the Suit is depending, be com­manded to proceed without Delay, notwithstanding William de Làngele, who sues for the King, by Malice absents himself, be­cause the King will not, That Justice should be delayed, by such Malice.

No man I think can affirm otherwise, Then that this Comonalty was the Corporation, the Body politic, or Governing part, of the Burgh or Town of Huntington, that presented to the Bishop the Master of the Hospital to be Instituted, that was sued by Writ of Quare Impedit for so doing: For no number of Ordinary Freemen, as such only, could have a Capacity to do such Acts, and to be sued for doing them; nor the Herd of Common Freemen or Burgesses, who in themselves never were or can be qualified for any such Purposes, as Distinct from, and not Members of the Body politic or Governing part of the Town.

To this ancient Record I shall subjoin several modern Charters, by which Burghs have been erected, that prove the meaning of the Word Comunity or Comonalty, and who were the Como­nalty or Comunity in Burghs or Corporations.

The first shall be that of Banbury, Pat. 1. Mariae, parte 10. in the Rolls Chappel. She granted Inhabitantibus Villae de Banbury, quod dicta Villa de Banbury de coetero sit & erit liber Burgus cor­poratus; in re, facto, & nomine, in perpetuum; De Ʋno Balivo, Duodecim Aldermannis, ac Duodecim Burgensibus, per Nomen Ba­livi, Aldermannorum & Burgensium Burgi & Parochiae de Ban­bury. Ac quod Ballivus, Aldermani & Burgenses Burgi & Paro­chiae praedictorum sint & erunt Corpus corporatum & politicum, & una Comunitas perpetua de se, in re, facto, & nomine, in per­petuum, per Nomen Ballivi, Aldermannorum, & Burgensium Burgi praedicti & Parochiae de Banbury, habeant (que) Successionem perpetuam, Ipsos (que) Ballivum, Aldermannos, & Burgenses, unum Corpus cor­poratum, & unam Comunitatem de se, realiter & ad plenum erigimus, facimus, ordinamus & creamus, pro Nobis, Haeredibus & Successoribus Nostris, in perpetuum per Presentes, &c. Then it follows, That the same Baylif, Aldermanni, & Capitales Burgenses, [Page 91] facient & erunt ac vocabuntur Comune Consilium Burgi praedicti, pro omnibus rebus, materiis, causis & negotiis, Burgum praedictum ac Re­gimèn & Gubernationem inde tangentibus & concernentibus. After the Erection and Constitution of the Burgh, She Grants there should be one Burgess to serve in Parliament for this Burgh, and that only the Baylif, Aldermen and Burgesses, should choose him. Volumus ac pro nobis & Successoribus nostris per Praesentes concedimus & ordinamus quod sit & erit in dicto Burgo de Banbury unus Bur­gensis Parliamenti nostri, Haeredum & Successorum nostrorum. Quod (que) praedicti Ballivus, Aldermanni, & Burgenses dicti Burgi & Pa­rochiae de Banbury & Successores sui super Brevi nostro Successorum & Haeredum nostrorum de Electione Burgensis Parliamenti eis directo, habeant & habebunt Authoritatem, Potestatem & Facultatem, eligendi & nominandi unum discretum Virum dicti Burgi, fore Bur­gensem Parliamenti nostri, Haeredum & Successorum nostrorum, pro eodem Burgo. Eundem (que) Burgensem sic electum ad onera & custagia dicti Burgi, Parochiae, & Comunitatis, mittent ad Parliamentum nostrum, Haeredum & Successorum nostrorum ubicun (que) ad tunc tentum fuerit iisdem modo & forma prout in aliis Burgis Regni nostri Angliae usitatum & consuetum fuerit. Quem quidem Burgensem sic el [...]ctum & nominatum volumus interesse, & moram facere ad Parliamenta no­stra & Successorum nostrorum ad onera & custagia dicti Burgi, & Pa­rochiae & Comunitatis ejusdem, durante tempore quo hujusmodi Par­liamenta teneri contigerunt in eodem modo & forma prout alii Bur­genses Parliamenti pro quibuscun (que) aliis Burgis aut alio Burgo quocun (que) infra dictum Regnum nostrum Angliae faciunt seu facere consueverunt. Et qui quidem Burgensis in hujusmodi Parliamentis nostris, Haeredum & Successorum nostrorum habebit vocem suam, tam affirmativam quam negativam, caetera (que) omnia & singula faciet ibidem & exequetur quae alii Burgenses, aut alius Burgensis Parliamenti nostri, pro quibuscun (que) aliis Burgis aut alio Burgo quocun (que) facient aut exequantur, aut ha­bere, facere aut exequi valeant, Ratione aut Modo quocun (que)

By this Charter 'tis very manifest, That the Corporation, and Comunity or Comonalty of this Burgh, were the same thing, and that the Bayliff, twelvè Aldermen, and twelve Burgesses, who all together were the Common Council of the Burgh, were that Cor­poration and Comunity or Comonalty, and had only the power and authority to choose a Burgess or Parliament man.

In the second and third of Philip and Mary, part. 8. the Patent by which Higham Ferrers in Northamptonshire was made a Burgh, runs thus. Concedimus Inhabitantibus Villae de Higham Ferrers, quod dicta Villa sive Burgus de Higham Ferrers de caetero sit & erit Liber Burgus corporatus in re, facto, & nomine, in perpetuum; de uno Majore, septem Aldermannis, & tredecem Burgensibus Burgi & Parochiae de Higham Ferrers. Ac quod Major, Alder­manni, & Burgenses Burgi & Parochiae praedictorum, sint & erunt Corpus corporatum & politicum, & una Comunitas per­petua, de se, in re, facto, & nomine, in perpetuum, per nomen Ma­joris, Aldermannorum, & Burgensium Burgi & Parochia de Higham Ferrers, &c. as in Banbury; and then Orders that seven of the best, most able, and discreet Inhabitants, should be called Al­dermen, and thirteen more of the best and most able should be cal­led [Page 88] Capital Burgesses, and that the said Mayor, Aldermen, and Bur­gesses, should be the Common Council of the Burgh and Town, to transact all things belonging to it; and then gives the Mayor, Al­dermen and Burgesses only, Power and Authority to choose one Bur­gess for Parliament, &c. Quod (que) Major, Aldermanni, & Bur­genses dicti Burgi, &c. habeant & habebunt Potestatem, Autho­ritatem & Facultatem, elegendi & nominandi unum discretum Hominem Burgi, fore Burgensem Parliamenti, &c. ad onera & cu­stagia dicti Burgi, Parochiae, & Comunitatis ejusdem, &c.

In the same year of the same King and Queen, part. 6. Paten­tium, Abington in Oxfordshire was made a Burgh and Corporation, consisting of a Mayor, two Bayliffs, and nine Aldermen; which twelve were to be called principal Burgesses, and there named who had power to elect sixteen or more secundary Burgesses, to be with them the Common Council of the Town for all Things. Ac quod idem Major, Ballivi, & Burgenses ejusdem Burgi, &c. erunt unum Corpus corporatum & una Comunitas perpetua, &c. who only, and their Successors, had a Grant to choose one Burgess for Parliament. Concedimus praefatis Majori, Ballivis, & Burgensi­bus, & Successoribus suis, quod habeant & habebunt (as often as there should be Summons to Parliament) Potestatem, Autho­ritatem & Facultatem elegendi & nominandi unum discretum & probum Virum dicti Burgi fore Burgensem Parliamenti, &c. as in all things in the Patents or Charters of Banbury and Higham Ferrers. And there needs nothing further to be observed upon these two places than hath been upon Banbury.

All the time of Queen Mary, the Returns for these new erected Burghs are either lost, or so much perished and rotten as they are not legible. Yet the Returns about this time of some other Towns and Places not far distant are answerable to this Constitution; as of Oxford in the first of Queen Mary, and the first and second of Phi­lip and Mary.

Haec Indentura facta apud Civitatem Oxon. &c. inter Johanem Williams Militem, &c. ex una parte, &c. & Richardum Atkinson, Majorem Civitat. praedict. & totam Comunitatem Civitatis prae­dict. ex altera parte, Testatur quod praedicti Major & Comunitas Virtute, &c. unanimi Assensu & Consensu suis eligerunt Thomam Walkinson & Edwardum Clinton, duos idoneos Cives, &c. Data apud Oxon. 27 die Martii, Anno Regni Reginae primo.

And also of Wallingford, in the first of Queen Mary, Haec Inden­tura facta apud Wallingford — inter Robertum Cockson Majorem & Comunitatem Villatae & Bur­gi Wallingford ex — Vicecomitem Oxon. & Berks. ex altera parte, Testatur, Quod nos dicta Comunitas Vil­latae & Burgi praedictorum — Edmundum Asschesyld & Robertum Cockson Majorem Villae & Burgi antedictorum Burgenses, ad — In quorum Testimonium Sigillum nostrum Commune, nomine om­nium Interessentium prae sentibus est appositum.

FINIS.

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