Per S. E. M.

LONDINI Excusum, 1654.

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THOMAS, Earle of SOUTHAMPTON, my very Learned and Noble friend, and Allye.

My Lord,

IT were reason enough for a Dedication that I had knowne your Lordship in your tender yeares; for whosoever hath knowne you at any time, must needs ho­nour [Page]and love you, but hee that inwardly now knowes you (as I doe) must honour and admire you; and I have so many Titles to make mee honour you, that I have the greatest reason in the world to Dedicate my whole selfe unto you.

Be pleased to accept this peece, first, of my Bo­ethius, whom I by many reasons may cal mine, having studied him at least these forty yeares, and used at many meanes and helps of Commen­tators and Interpreters as I could get, to make him wholly mine. At last, I found mine owne Genius made me the best Interpreter of him, which worke I now Dedicate to you, that if you please, my Lord, under your name to let it come to publike view, it may, if not, it may rest in si­lence.

I once saw and perused a translation of it in­to English, a very good one, Dedicated to my Lady your Mother, in manuscript. I wish I might come to the view of that againe; it is at least thirty yeares since I saw that: I have now sent your Lordship to peruse a good Translation of him in English Print, signed with G. G. but no [Page]more of his name can I learne, or whether be be dead or alive; but I dare sweare it was not GEORGE GARRARD, whether hee bee so lear­ned or no, I knowe not, but for all his modesty if it had beene his, the world should have taken more notice of his name, who published himselfe GEORGE GARRARD the Bowler.

My worke shall have the signatures of S. E. according to the fashion of the Innes of Court which are the best Courts now.

HENRY Earle of SOUTHAMPTON your re­nowned father, tam Marre quam Mercurio, was of Lincolns Inne, and hath left in that Chappell an everlasting monument of his bene­ficence and Piety: the whole Roofe was his Timber, such is not now to be had for a hundred pound. FRANCIS Earle of RUTLAND, FRAN­CIS Earle of BEDFORD, FRANCIS Earle of WESTMORLAND, IOHN Earle of BRIDGE­VVATER, and his father ELLESMERE, who by his study there became great Chancellor: and was for two dayes together Lord high STEVVARD of England. GEORGE Earle of RUTLAND, and I believe IOHN now Earle of RUTLAND, FRANCIS Earle of CHICHES­TER; [Page]your late father in law, was of Lincolnes Inne in my time, and his brother Mr. ROBERT LEIGH. The Lord VISCOVNT CRAMOND betetr knowne by the name Lord RICHARD­SON, the first of them by his study there ray­sed himselfe and family. The Lord MAR­QVES DORCHESTER, is now of Grayes Inne, a very learned Gentleman: and his Brother PIERPOINT is of Lincolnes Inne now also, a very learned Gentleman. And I, quoth the dog, may come in the reere of the Nobility to make one, who have beene a Dunce there, be­cause I never gate mony by the Law, ever since 1612. now forty two yeares. I had almost for­gotten my Brother Dunce, who neither got any money by the Law, but hee danced not there long Sir BEAVCHAMP Saint IOHNS, wee were ad­mitted both in oue night. All these were of Lincolns Inne, Sir HENRY COMPTON also, and some more that I cannot now remem­ber, and multitudes of other Inns of Court. But these are enough to make that Position good, there are now no such Courts in any place of England.

Yet I hope to make them more glorious when they are made Academies of Musicke, and all the Musicke of the world shall bee made English. A worke I have now in hand, and finde it very fezible, I have made some progresse in it. Then I hope my friends will not pronounce mee an absolute Dunce in all things, though neither by this doe I intend to get money. I am in Love with God and goodnesse and not with Mammon. Pereat Pecunia, male par [...]a cum coacerva­tore ejus. Ergo Auguris votum teneo. Nec paupertatem nec divitias, ne in des pectum aut contemptum veniam ex pauperte, nec in superbiam & obliviscentiam Dei per accu­mulatas divitias.

This is enough if not too much for an Epistle; so now I take the boldnesse to kisse your hands my Lord for a farewell, who have been long in kissing them by this Epistle. And I remaine

My Lord Devoted to your farther service S. E. M.
12 Sept. 1654.


COllectarium primi Libri, compen­diosa succincta (que) resumptio di­ctorum in libros Boethii de Con­solatione Philosophiae.

The gatherings of the first Book, being a compendious and succinct assumption of those things which are said in the Books of Boethius.

The first Book hath seven Meeters, and six Proses. In the first Meeter Boethius bewailes his misery, from the change of his Study, and in part from the decay of his body, and in part from the prolonging of his miserable life, speaks by Apostrophe against his friends.

Primus liber habet 7. Metra, & 6. Prosus. In Metro primo deplangit statum suae miseriae ex parte permutationis studii & ex parte defectus corporalis, & ex parte prolonga­tionis suae miserabilis vitae Apost [...]ophando contra amicos.

In Prosa prima introducit Philosophiam se super sua mise­ria consolantem, & describit dispositiones & proprietates e­jus, vestes (que) tenues, quas practica & theoretica intertexta perornavit.

In the first Prose hee brings Philosophy comforting him against his miseries, and describeth the disposition and properties of her garments, which were thin, which the Practicall and Theorick had interwoven and adorned her with.

In Metro 2. Philosophia deplangit perturbationem men­tis hominis convertendo se specialiter super Boethium.

In the second Meeter, Philosophy bewails the pertur­bation of the mind of man, turnes her selfe especially to Boethius

In prosa 2. Philosophia investigat morbum ex quibusdam signis consolando ipsum ne despereat.

In the second Prose Philosophy findes out the disease from some signs comforteth him lest he should despair.

In Metro 3. Boethius declarat per quibusdam sese quo­modo remotìs impedimentis recuperat vigorem.

In the third Meeter Boethius declares by certain things how he, the impediments removed, may recover his vigor.

In Prosa 3. ostendit quomodo Philosophiam agnoverit & qualiter de praesentia ejus admirari caepit, & quomodo sapi­enti persecutio a vulgaribus non est nova, sed cunctis prae­stantissimis viris communis.

In the third Prose hee sheweth how he knew Philoso­phy, and how hee admired her presence, and how perse­cution is a common thing from the vulgar, to the wisest and best men.

In Metro 4 Philosophia ostendit qualiter hoc de se habet ut persecutiones improbi non praevalent contra ipsum excla­mando cunctos qui timent tyrannos, sibi nectunt catenam, qua trahantur.

In the fourth Meeter Philosophy sheweth how he hath it from her, th [...]t the persecutions of wicked men may not prevail, ex [...]aimeth against him, that all that fear tyrants, knit a chain for themselves by which they are drawn.

In 4. Prosa Philosophia requirit Boethium super atten­tione pradictorum, & hortatur ipsum ad sui morbi tractati­onem. Et Boethius revelat mo [...]bum suum respondens se tur­bari ut his quae injuriose fiebant contra ipsum ex sui in exili­um r [...]legatione & meriti sui frustratione ex injust [...]s sui con­demnatione ex fame sui lasione, & tandem ex his quo [...] vide­bat generaliter injuriosa aliis inferre, & haec omnia fibi eve­nisse propter studia ipsius.

In the fourth Prose Philosophy requires of Boethius upon his attention to those things have beene said, and exhorts him to the handling of his own disease. And Boethius re­veales his disease, answers that he was troubled, that these things were done injuriously against him from the time of his banishment, and the frustration of the reward of his merits, from his unjust condemnation, and hurt of his fame: and at length out of these which hee saw generally injurious things were cast upon others: and all these came upon him by reason of his study in Philosophy.

In Metro 5. Boethius exclamat contra providentiam di­vinam, admittens quod omnia reguntur a Deo praeter actus humanas: sed si homo similis sit, cum turbato Boethio haec videbatur imo rogat Deum ut regeret actus hominum ne sit perversi praevalerent adversus bonos impune.

In the fifth Meeter Boethius exclaims against the provi­dence of God, admiting that all things are governd by God but humane actions: but if man be lighter troubled to Boe­thius these things seemed sore, but hee intreats God that he would govern humane actions, that the perverse should not s [...] prevail without punishment against good men.

In Prosa 5. ostendit quomodo Philosophia se habuit ad suam quaerimoniam, & quid ex ea cognovit, recolligit sub brevitate ea quae Boethium perturbaverant, dicens modum remedii ipsum Boethium.

In the fifth Prose he sheweth how Philosophy behaved her selfe towards his complaint, and what shee gathered out of that, and she briefly recollects what troubled Boe­thius, saying that the meanes of remedy was Boethius himselfe.

In Metro 6. Philosophia probat in omnibus ordinem esse servandum, & facit hoc tribus exemplis.

In the sixth Meeter Philosophy proves, that in all things order is to be observed, and doth this by 3. ex [...]mples.

In Prosa 6. & ultimâ, inquirit cansam radicalem infir­mitatis Boethii, & de circumstantiis gubernatoris mundi, & de principio & fine rerum, colligendo omnes infirmitates [Page 4]Boethii omnes tum esse curabiles, & dicit Philosophia sibi primo velle proponere remedia levia, praeterea gravia reser­vare donce melius conval [...]scat & roboretur.

In the sixth Prose and the last, she enquires the radicall cause of Boethius his infirmity, and of the circumstances of the governour of the world, and of the beginning and end of things, collecting all the infirmities of Boethius, and that all of them are curable, and Philosophy saith, that she would first propose to her selfe slight remedies, and af­terwards reserve the greater till he were better recovered and strengthened.

In Metro 7 & ultima, Philosophia probat per exempla quod caligo perturbationum impedit mentis intuitum, hor­tando ad fugam eorum quae catenant animam scilicet gaudi­um amorem, & spem, & dolorem, & se abjiciendo nonnun­quam potest mens talibus perpedita Philosophari.

In the seventh and last Meeter, Philosophy proveth by examples, that darkness of perturbations is an impediment to the eye of the mind, exhorting us to the abandoning of them seeing they enslave the soule, to wit, by casting a­way joy, feare, hope, and griefe; for it was impossible for the soule to convert it selfe to the study of Philosophy, when it was taken up with passions of this nature.


2. Liber habet 8. Prosus, & 8. Metra. In Prosa 1. o­stendit Boethius quid Philosophia fecit post praedictam. Et Philosophia resumit unam causam doloris Boethii, i. e. de fortuna omnibus mirabilem effectum fortunae, excusans se de resumptione preterita faelicitatis Boethii: omnem opportu­nitatem medendi Boethium, & procedit ad medicamenta.

The second Book contains eight Proses, and eight Mee­ters. In the first Prose Boethius shewes what Philosophy did after which she had layd out before. And Philosophy resumeth one cause of the griefe of Boethius; to wit, con­cerning fortune discovering the admirable effect of for­tune, excusing her selfe concerning the resumption of the past felicity of Boethius: and likewise sheweth the oppor­tunity [Page 5]of curing Boethius, & proceedeth to the Medicines.

In Metro 1. Philosophia describit mores fortuna, viz. quod more rotae semper alternat se.

In the 1. Meteor Philosophy describes the conditions of fortune, to wit, that shee turns her selfe in manner of a wheele.

In Prosa 2. Philosophia in troducit fortunam ostendentem non esse dolendum de ea.

In the 2. Prose, Philosophy brings in fortune shewing, that men ought not to be grieved for her.

In Metro 2. conqueritur de inexpleta cupiditate hominum.

In the 2. Meeter, she complains of the unsatisfied cove­tousness of men.

In Prosa 3. ostendit quod fortuna multa bona Boethio contulit in enumerando ipsa bona praeterita por ordinem.

In the 3. Prose shee shews, that fortune hath conferd many good things upon Boethius, in declaring these good things in just order.

In Metro 3. Philosophia determinat ex tribus exemptis mutabilitatem mundanorum.

In the 3. Meeter Philosophy determines from 3. exam­ples, the mutability of worldly things.

In Prosa 4. Philosophia ostendit quomodo Boethius adhuc multa habuit bona fortunae ex parte Symachi soceri sui & ex parte pudicae conjugis, & ex parte filiorum, & ex his consolatur cum ostendens faelicitatem temporalem nulli posse totaliter evenire, & de quanto aliquis est faelicior tanto levi­ori adversitat [...] prosternitur; & ex hoc concludit falicita­tem fortuitum miseram & amaram, & quod in rebus fortu­itis non possit consistere vera felicitas quod etiam mors cun­ctis debetur.

In the 4. Prose Philosophy shewes, how Boethius had yet many of fortunes good things, from the part of Syma­chus his father in Law, & from the part of his modest wife, and from the part of his children, and from these she com­forts him, shewing that temporall felicity can totally happen to no man, and by how much a man is happier, by [Page 6]so much he is cast down by lighter adversity, and from this she concludes, that the chance of felicity is miserable and bitter, and that in casuall things it cannot consist, be­cause death is due to every one.

In Metro 4. Philosophia commendat viam mediocrem per similitudinemae lificii mediocriter situati.

In the 4 Meeter Philosophy commends a mean life, by the similitude of a building situate in a middle place.

In Prosa 5. ponit remedia pauciora quod fortuna non sit summopere expetenda, ostendens ignobilitatem divitiarum gemmarum agrorum vestium clientium incomparatione ad hominem, & quod homines praedicta nimium diligentes faci­unt injuriam suo conditori.

In the 5. Prose she sets down fewer remedies, that for­tune is not with too much labour to bee sought, shewing the ignoblenesse of riches, jewells, lands, garments, cli­ents, in comparison to man, and that men too much lo­ving the foresaid things, doe injury to their maker.

In Metro 5 Philosophia commendat antiquam aetatem quae multâ pace & sobrietate florebat.

In the 5. Meeter, Philosophy commends ancient age which flourished with much peace and sobriety.

In Prosa 6. Philosophia ostendit quod dignitates & pote­states non sunt magnopere appetendae quia adveniunt malis & solum possunt corpus; scilicet divitiae, vanescunt & peri­culosa.

In the 6. Prose, Philosophy shewes that dignities and powers are not very much to be desired, because they fall to the lot of the wicked, and only can blesse the body, to wit, vain riches they are and dangerous.

In Metro 6. ostendit nequitiam potentis Neronis qui ideo infamis factus fuit, quia imperator [...].

In the 6. Meeter, shee shewes the wickednesse of the mighty Nero, who therefore was made infamous because he was Emperour.

In prosa 7. Philosophia ostendit quod gloria etiam juste acqui­sita non est appetenda, quia mundo est strictus, & gentes sunt [Page 7]multae & quod una gens laudat alia damnat, & quia etiam gloria non peraurat, & quod notanter virtuosi non debent quaerere gloriam. Primo pertinet ad levitaetem arrogantia, 2. quod nihil spectat ad animam quae immortalis est & de­formis.

In the 7. Prose Philosophy shewes, that glory though justly gotten, is not to be desired, because the world is narrow, and the nations are many, and that which one commends another condemns, and because glory also is not lasting. And because by name the vertuous ought not to seek glory, first, because it pertains to the levity of ar­rogance: secondly, because it belongeth nothing to the soul which is immortall and without shape.

In Metro 7. Philosophia probat gloriam non esse quaeren­dam quod caelum latum est & terra strictissima; & addueit viros illustros quorum gloria periit, nisi hoc solum quod a pauoulis literis nominatur.

In the 7. Meeter Philosophy proves that glory is not to be sought after, because heaven is large, and the earth most strict. And he instances in Illustrious men whose glo­ry is perished, unlesse in this only, that they are named in a very few letters.

In 8. & ultimâ Prosâ Philosophia ostendit quod bonum est in fortuna sed melius in adversa quam prospera, & quod adversa fortuna ostendit amicos prospera flores nutrit.

In the 8. and last Prose Philosophy shews, what good there is in fortune, but the greatest good in the adverse, rather then in the prosperous, and the adverse fortune shewes true friends, the prosperous nourisheth a fading flower.

In Metro 8. & ultimo commendat amorem quantum fa­cit bona, sine quo cuncta ad interritum tenet & utinam ge­nus hominum amor divinus regat, tunc vere [...]alix esse posset.

In the 8. and last Meeter, shee commends love, how many good things it doth, without which all things tend to death, and wisheth that mankind were governed by divine love, then might it be truly happy.


Tertius Liber habet 12. Prosas & 12. Metra. In Pro­sa 1. Boethius ostendit se esse quodammodo curatum & pa­ratum ad remedia graviora, & Philosophia haec attestatur. & promittit se velle sibi ostendere faelicitatem veram, & Bo­ethius pet it haec.

The 3 Book hath 12. Proses and 12. Meeters. In the first Boethius shewes, that he is in a maner cured, and ready for stronger medicines, and Philosophy witnesseth this, and promiseth that she will shew him true felicity: and Boethius requires this of her.

In 1. Metro Philosophia commendat ordinem quo primo dicunt nosci similia sapientiae, deinde vera, & facit hoc per exempla quatuor. 1. Agro purgando, melle gustando, imbre fugando, aere mundando.

In the 1. Meeter Philosophy commends order, by which first men say they know like things and then true, and she doth this by fowre examples. First, by clearing a field, tasting honey, avoyding a shower, and purging the ayre.

In Prosa 2. Philosophia ostendit quod omnes hominis na­turaliter appetunt pervenire ad veram beatitudinem, cujus etiam ponit definitionem & quod homines diversis erroribus abducuntur a vera felicitate, & ponit diversas opiniones cir­ca faelicitatem. Et ostendit quod quaerentes divitias velut summum bonum errant: similiter de potentia, reverentia, & celebritate, vel gloria & laetitia.

In the 2. Prose Philosophy shewes, that all men na­turally desire to come to true happiness, and sets downe the definition thereof. And that men are drawne away from true felicity by divers errours. And sets downe di­vers opinions about felicity. And shewes that those who seeke riches as their chiefe good, doe erre. In like man­ner, of power, reverence, celebrity, or glory, and mirth.

In Metro 2. Philosophia ponit quanta sit vis naturae, quod omnia sequuntur suam naturam, Leones, aviculae, [Page 9]quasi virga violenter deorsū tracta, at (que) ita caelum & omnia.

In the second Meeter, Philosophy sets down how great the force of nature is, that all things follow their nature, Lyons, Little-birds, as a young tree violently drawn down­ward, the heaven and all other things.

In 3 Prosa osteudit Philosophia quod verafaelicitas non constat in his quibus homines putant eam consistere. Notanter 1. quod non consistat in divitiis, eo quòd non faciant hominem in his sufficientem. 2. Quod conferant indigentiam. 3. Invebit contra avaros quos divitias intuenti solicitudo a [...]xios reddit, ampliota concupiscere facit, et ne habitae perdantur, pavore continuo compellit.

In the 3 Prose Philosophy shews, that true felicity con­sists not in these, in which men think she is. Namely, first, That it consists not in riches, because they make not a man sufficient. Secondly, That they confer upon him indigen­cy. Thirdly, She inveighs against the covetous, their looking of which renders them suspicious, and carefull makes them covet greater, and lest the gotten should be lost, com­pells them to fear continually.

In Metro 3 ostendit quomodo dives avarus, etiamsi om­nia habeat, attamen adhuc sitire ampliora non cessat.

In the 3 Meeter she shews, how a rich covetous man although he hath all, yet ceaseth not to thirst after great­er things.

In Prosa 4. Philosophia probat quod non conferant ho­minibus ad reverentiam. 1. Quod dignitas non adveniens non aufert honorem. 2. Quia dignitates manifestant vitia improborum. 3. Quod opinione how: num vilescant. 4 Ex temporum mutatione sordescunt et splendere desinunt, hoc ideo quod in sola opinione consistunt.

In the fourth Prose Philosophy proves, that they con­fer not to a man any thing towards reverence, 1. because dignity not comming, takes not away honour. Second­ly, because dignities manifest the vices of the wicked. Thirdly, because they waxe base in the opinion of men. Fourthly, because by the change of times they become [Page 10]sordid and leave their splendour, for this reason, because they have their consistence in opinion.

In Metro 4. Philosophia, conf [...]mat per ner onis exemplum cui bonum fuisset ad imperium non venisse.

In the fourth Meeter, Philosophy confirms it by the example of Niro, to whom it had been good not to have attained the Empire.

In Prosa 5 Philosophia, probat regnum & regni fa­miliares veram potentiam non conferre. 1. Propter pau­citatem durationis regnantium. 2. Propter parvitatem extentionis. 3. Annexum timorem. 4. Propter absentem securitatem. 5. Propter necessitatem manendi in Officio.

In the fifth Prose Philosophy proves, that a Kingdome and Familiars of it do not confer true power. First, by the small lasting of it, and of the rulers, Secondly, by rea­son of the narrownesse of its extent. Thirdly, for the fear that is annexed to it. Fourthly, for the absense of securi­ty. Fifthly, for the necessity of staying in the Office.

In Metro 5 Philosophia ostendit quomodo vera potentia sit acquirenda, viz. animos feroces domando.

In the fifth Meeter Philosophy shews, how true pow­er may be acquired by taming fierce minds.

In Prosa 6. Philosophia ostendit quod gloria mundana non facit hominem beatum. 1. Notanter quodest vana & fallax sed nec illa quae est meritis conquisita, quod sapienti de gloria non est cura, neque de eo quod illa non est ejus sed parentum, cum (que) quodamn odo nobilitate eo necessitat, ut ei filii nobilium bonos parentes sequantur ne degenerent. Ergo gloria mortalium hominum nihil aliud est quam magna animae iustatio.

In the sixt Profe Philosophy shewes that mundane glo­ry makes not a man happy. 1. Signally because it is vaine and deceitfull and not that neither which is got by merit. That a wise man hath no regard of glory. But neither that of nobility because that is not his but his parents, and necessitates him in a sort that the children of good parents should follow their steps, least they should degenerate. Therefore the glory of mortall men is nothing else than a [Page 11]great swelling of the mind.

In Metro 6. Philosophia ostendit quod omnes homines sunt aeque nobiles praeter vitiosos, Dei euim genus sumus.

In the sixt Meeter Philosophy shewes that all men are equally noble besides the vitious, for we are a kin to God.

In Prosa 7. Philosophia probat quod in voluptate non sit beatitudo eo quod multas incōmoditates includit. At (que) etiam si sic esset pecudes tunc beatificarentur. I tem faelicitas nee est in matrimonio quia inde siunt nequissimi filii qui tortores pa­rentum sunt potius quam beatificatores.

In the Seventh Prose Philosophy prooves that in vo­luptuousnesse is not beatitude, because it includes many discommodities. And if so then should beasts be beatifi­ed. Also neither is felicity in matrimony because thereby most wicked sons are begotten, which are rather tormen­tors of their Parents than makers of their happinesse.

In Metro 7. Confirmat predicta per mel & per fixuram a­pis, quia cum dulcedine pungit.

In the Seventh Meeter, shee confirmes the aforesaid by Hony and by the Sting of the Bee because it pricks with the sweetnesse.

In Prosa 8. ostendit quantis malis sunt mutiplicata pre­dicta bona. Ostendit etiam quam vilia sunt bona corporis quae in aliis anim alibut perfectiora sunt ut magnitudo forti­tudo. Quodetiam pulchritudo nimis cito perit quae in tenni cute flavescit.

In the eight Prose shee shewes with how great Evils those foresaid goods are infolded: shee also shewes how base the goods of the body are, which are more perfect in other animals, as greatnesse and streng th, and also that fairenesse too soon perisheth which waxeth yellow in the thin skin.

In Metro 8. Philosophia deplangit errores hominum quē in acquirendo minima bona sunt prudentes, sed acquirendo summum bonum abducuntur ignorantia & haec homines sectantes non adipisci posse, quae pollicentur & pro­bat quod illa quinque sufficientia, potentia, gloria, laetitia & [Page 12]reverentia sunt unum. Et ergo qui quaerit unum sine aliis non invenit quod quaerit, et de isto proponit sibi veram beatitudinō, sed prius vult Dominum invocare ut ipse eam ostendat.

In the eight Meeter, Philosophy bewaileth the error of men who in getting the least goods are prudent, but in the acquiring of the chiefe good are led away with igno­rance, and she exhorts men following her, that they can­not gain that which those things promise: & proves that those five, sufficiency, power, glory, mirth and reverence, are one. And therefore hee that seekes the one without the other finds not that which he seeks; & from that shee proposeth to her selfe true beatitude: but first shee will pray God that he will shew it.

In Metro 9. orationem optimam pro summo bono & ve­ra beatitudine cognoscenda ponit.

In the ninth Meeter, shee maketh an excellent prayer for the chiefe good, and that hee may know true beati­tude.

In Prosa 10. Philosophia probat veram beatitudinem es­se diligenter in quirendam & ostendit in quo consistit vera be­atitudo. viz in Deo, & non in aliquo extrinseco, tanquam a Deo distincto ut in accidente quod probat quadrupliciter. 1. Quod non inest Deo ab extrinseco. 2. Quod sic Deus non es­set summum bonum. 3. Quod est omnium principium. 4. Quod alias essent plura summa bona: Corollarium sequitur quod omnis beatus est Deus, item ista supradicta non sunt partes integrales beatitudinis vel membra quia Deus simplex in essentia nihilominus multa continere beatitudo videtur quae revera ad cum referuntur.

In the tenth Prose, Philosophy proveth that true felici­ty is to be earnestly sought after: and he proceeds to shew in which true happinesse doth consist, to wit, in God, and in no other externall thing that is different from God as an accident, which he confirmes with four reasons. First, because God receives it not from an externall cause. Se­condly, because, if so, God could not be himselfe the chie­fest good. Thirdly, because God is the beginning of all [Page 13]things. Fourthly, because otherewise there would bee more then one chiefest good. Hence the corollarie is, that every one that is happy is a God. Likewise those five be­fore mentioned are not the integrall parts or members of felicity, because God is a simple essence: but yet true hap­pinesse seemes to containe many things which indeed are but referred unto him.

In Metro 10 Philosophia hortatur ad illam veram bea­titudinem pervenire qua inventa habentur ominia.

In the tenth Meeter Philosophy exhorts us to the at­tainment of true happinesse, which being found all things are found.

In Prosa 11. Ostendit quod bonum est quod omnia appe­tunt & inde bonum & unumsunt reciproca & quod omnia ap­petunt esse, & permanere, ut animaliaarbores & plantae cu­jus sunt quatuor signa, scilicet certitudo loci & scitus dispo­sitio partium interionum & exteriorum, & seminis propa­gatio: inanimata etiam moventur ad sua propria loca per naturalem inclinationem, & conservare unitatem per conti­nuationem partium suarum ad invicem nituntur, quare bo­num est finis et desiderium omnium.

In the eleventh Prose he shewes that it is the true good which all doe desire, and that good and one are recipro­call; and that all things desire to bee, and to continue be­ing; as both animals, trees, and plants, which is eviden­ced by four signes, that is the certainty of place and site, the forming of the internall and externall parts, and the increase of their seed: yea inanimate creatures moove to their proper places and centers by their naturall inclinati­ons, and they endeavour to preserve unity and continuati­on of their parts one to another. Therefore that which is good, is the end and desire of all things.

In Metro 11. Philosophia ostendit modum quo possumus per venire adcognitionem veri, scilicet per retractationem ab occupationibus exterioribus & recursum ad interiora cum adjutorio doctrina.

In the eleventh Meeter Philosophy shewes the meanes [Page 14]wherby we may come to the knowledge of that which is rightly true: that is by withdrawing ones selfe from ex­ternall imployments, and by having recourse to more inward things by the helpe of learning.

In Pros▪ 12. & ultima Philosophia ostendit quibus gu­bernanculis mundus regitur, & probat mundum regi a Deo tripliciter. 1. Ex connumeratione partium diversaram. 2. Ex conservatione cunctorum. 3. Ex dispositione motuum & ex parte loci ac temporis spacii & qualitatis, & ostendit quod mundus regitur a Deo per suam bonitatem, & quod Deus omnia disponit f [...]rtiter & suaviter & quod malum nihil est, quia Deus potest omnia sed non potest malum, & dis­cursus omnes esse cognitos in rebus de quibus loquimur.

In the 12 Prose and last Philosophy shewes by whom the world is governed: and hee prooves three wayes that the world is governed by God. First from the conjuncti­on of parts of different nature. Secondly from the preser­ving them thus joyned. Thirdly from the ordering of mo­tions in respect of place, time, space, and quallity. And he shewes that the world is governd by God, by his Good­nesse, and that God disposeth of all things powerfully and pleasantly, and that evill is nothing, in that God can doe all things but evill: and that the discourses of all are known in the things of which we speake.

In Metro 12. Et ultima Philosophia hortatur ad perse­verandum in contemplatione beatitudiuis ostendens per fabu­lam Orphti Cytharistae quomodo affectus mundan [...]rum im­pedit perseverantiam in bon [...] quia faciliter recurris homo ad ca quae dilexerat.

In the twelfth and last Meeter of the 13 Booke Philo­sophy exhorts us to persever in the contemplation of hap­pinesse, shewing by the fable of Orpheus the Musitian, how that the love of worldly things hinders the perseve­ [...]nce in good, because man readily falls backe to that which he formerly loved.


Quar. lib. habet 7. Prosas & 7. Metra egregie pro­bantia quod Divinum regimen optimum est et quod hoc non videtur insipiētibus, eo quod improborum quidam florescunt, quidā justi conculcantur. Nihilominus quod mortales licet boni mysterium non plene intelligunt, id­circo Philosophia benignè ostendit hoc esse rationabile.

The fourth Booke hath seven Proses and se­ven Meeters, most egregiously proving that the Divine government is most excellent, and that this is not seene by the unwise, by reason that some bad men flourish, and just men are trod­den under foot; notwithstanding that mortalls though good, do not fully understand this myste­ry, therefore Philosophy doth benignly shew that this is reasonable.

In 1. Prosa Boethius adhuc quasi languens non plene ob­litus pristinae turbationis incipit ingemiscere cum admirati­one & intentionem Philosophiae volentis adhuc plura loqui interrumpit inquiens? Quomodo possit hoc convenire cum praemissis: scilicet ex quibus Deus optimus optime g [...]bernans omnia, quare in suo regno vitia dominarentur, et virtutes Iu­erent supplicia scelerum. Ad hoc Philosophia pulcre respondet omnino istis perversis carere est impossibile, quod in domo bene disposita vilia vasa nullo modo clarescunt, nec pretiosa sordesc [...]nt, sic virtutes semper pretiosae sunt & vitia abjecta monstrantur.

In the First Prose B [...]ethius yet as it were languishing nor fully forgetting his former troubles, begins to groan with admiration, and interrupts the intention of Philo­sophy, willing as yet to speake more, saying how can this agre [...] with the premisses; to wit, by which the best that [Page 16]excellently, governs all, wherefore in his kingdome should vice domincere and virtues suffer the punishment of wick­ednesse. To this Philosophy fairly answereth that altoge­ther, they are wanting all perverse things, this is altoge­ther impossible; in a house well ordered base vessells doe no way shine, nor are the precious sordid: so virtues are alwayes precious and vices are declared abject.

In prim [...] Metro ostendit Philosophia, quomodo possit ho­mo plene curari, atque ut intelligat praedicta viam per quā devenitur ad summum bonum: intimat scilicet, per consi­derationem creaturarum, quae gradatim ascendunt more a­vis sursum tendendo, usquedum perveniatur ad aliquid quod super omni creatura illucescat, & ita per subtilem intelligen­tiam illius supremi rectoris qui omnia temperatissime guber­nat. Tune videbit horrendos tyrannos esse exules.

In the First Meeter Philosophy shewes how a man may bee fully cured, that hee may understand the foresaid, shee intimates the way by which a man may come to the chiefe good, to wit, by the consideration of the creatures which by degrees are to bee transcended after the manner of a bird striving upwards till you come to somewhat that out shines all creatures, and so by the subtiltie of intelligence of that supreame rector who governs all things most tem­perately. Then shall hee see the horrid Tyrant to bee a Banditoe.

In Prosa 2 efficaciter curam adhibet Boethio per ratio­nes mult as probando contra vulgi opinionem, quod soli boni sunt potentes: quod volunt & possunt adipisci bonum▪ & quod mali hoc non volunt, igitur non possunt & per contrariū sunt impotentes. Nam duo sunt ex quibus actus humani procedunt, scilicet voluptas & potestas ex quorum altero nihil educi possit. Item si duo sint qui nolint unum opus fa­ [...]re & debito modo unus procedit alter non valet, puta am­bulare qui claudus est constant quod impotens est. E [...] boni sunt similes recte incedentibus motu pedum, mal [...] vero mann inten­dentibus deficiunt ab eo quia natura maxime intendit scili­ [...]et a bone & ab eo tanto sint impotentiores & miseri quanto [Page 17]numquod negligunt est me [...]ius & dicunt que boni ambu­lant tantum quod nihil viae superest: mali vero in foribus errant. Item malus homo est homo sicut homo mortuus est homo & id quod mali possunt, hoc idem est in potentia corum & ergo potentia malorum est nulla quod solum malum & hoc est nihil, quod Deus potest omnia & non potest malum. I­tem mali non sunt boni, igitur non sunt potentes quod poten­tia est [...]ona [...] item naturaliter omnes app [...]tuut omne quod po­test desiderariscil summum bonum in quo est vera beatitudo. Liquit igitur illos solos potentes qui hoc possunt adipisci sed hoc mali nequeunt quia ad beatitudinem pr [...]bra id est vitia non veniunt.

In the third Prose Philosophy useth efficaciously the cure to Boethius proving by many reasons the contrary to the vulgar opinion, that onely the good are powerfull, because they will and obtain good; And that the bad will not therefore they cannot, and by the contrary are impotent. For two things there are from which mens veiw doth proceed to wit, pleasure and power, of which the one can produce nothing. Also if there be two which will not doe the same work, and one of them proceed in a deue manner, the other, cannot, for instance walk, he that is lame is apparantly impotent. And the good are l [...]ke those that goe up right by the motion of their feet. But the evill like those who endeavour by the hard, be­cause they fail of that which nature principally intends; to wit, good, and by that they are mone impotent and mi­serable by how much the good they neglect is the better, and they say the good walk so far that there is nothing re­maining of their way, but the bad do erre even in their setting forth. Also a bad man is a man as a dead man is a man, and whatsoever a bad man can do this is no more than impotency, and therefore the power of the bad is now, because they can onely do evill and that is nothing, that God can do all things, yet cannot do evill, also the evill are not good therefore they are not powerfull be­cause power is good, Also naturally all desire all that may be desired, to wit, the cheif good in which is the cheife [Page 18]beatitude. Therefore it is plain they are onely potent who can obtain this, but this the wicked cannot, because to beatitude wickedness that is vices come not.

In Metro 2. Ostendit regulam de principibus hujus seculi si sunt mali & quomodo veraciter sint impotentes quia non possunt facere quod volunt, & quasi ligati gravibus catenis, atque etiam acerbis passionum acultis; flagellantur nee unquam tranquilli sunt, sed rabis, superbiâ, libidine, tristitia, & spe vanâ agitantur.

In the second Meeter she shews a rule concerning the po­tentates of this age, that if they be evill, how truly impo­tent they are, because they are not able to do what they would, being as it were fettered with weighty chains. They are also scourged with the sharpe pricks of their pas­sions; nor have any tranquillity, but are actuated with fury, pride, lust, sadness, and vainhope.

In 3 Prosa ostendit malis nunquam de [...]sse sua supplicia, nec bonis deesse sua praemia Nullam esse piaeminis [...] respectu bo­ni: sed boni nunquam carent bono, eo quod nemo potest [...]sse be­nus qui b [...]no caret, igitur nunquam carent praemio. Item om­nis paena est de ratione mali, quia mali nunquam volunt care­re malo, igitur nūquam carēt supplicio, supplicium [...]ui [...] sum­mum est expertem esse boni; haec autem paena quainseperabili­ter adest malis naturam vehementer inficit, & ab huma [...]â conditione dejicit. Ita quod probitate derelicta, unusquisque hominem esse desierit, nic in statum divinum transire possit, & in belluam vertitur ita avarus ut lupus, iracundus, ca­uis, fraudulentut vulpes, accidiosus asinus, inconstans, avis di­cip [...]test. Econtra cum ipsum bonum beatitudo sit bonos om­nes co ipso quo boni sunt fieri, beatot liquet, & quod beat [...] sunt cos convenit esse deo [...], quod utique summum praemium est in auferibile. Et quia praemium bonorum est fieri Deos, supplicium malorum est bestias fieri.

In the third prose she shews that evil men never want their punishments, nor good men their rewardes.

That there is no reward but in respect of good. But good men never want good. Because none can be good [Page 19]who want good, therefore they never want their reward: so likewise all punishment is in respect of evill, because evill men will never want evill, therefore they never want punishment. For it is the greatest punishment to be void of good, but this punishment which inseperably accompanies evill men very much defiles nature, and pre­cipitates from humanity, so that when goodness being re­linquished, any one ceases to be a man, nor can be changed into a divine he is transform'd into a brute, as a cove­tous man may be called a wolfe, an angry man a dogg, a deceitfull man a fox, a sluggish man an [...]sse, an inconstant man a bird: on the contrary good it selfe being a beatitude, it is cleare that all good men are made happy in that wherein they are good, and they who are happy likewise they are good, and their reward is not to be taken away: and because it is the reward of good men to be made Gods, it is the punishment of the evill to be made Beasts.

In Metro 3. Phil [...]sophia solacii causa fabulam introdu­duei Vlissis [...]ujus socii per fae [...]inam quandam qua Circe dicebatur in diversas bestias corporaliter, non mental­liter, quia sensum retin [...]bant, transformati fuerant [...]t con­cludit quod transformatio mentis per vitia, corpore manent [...] e [...]dem, pejor est quam transformatio corporis in billuam, aut pecus animâ suâ manent [...], si talis per naturam transforma­tio possibilis esset.

In the third Meeter, for comfort sake, Philosophy bring­ing the story of Ulisses, whose companions were trans­form'd by one Circe into severall beasts, corporally not mentally, because they retained sence. And she con­ [...]ludes that the transformation of the mind by vices, the body remaining the same, is worse then a corporall Metamorphoses into a beast or brute, the soul remaining. the seme if a transformation by nature could possi­ble be.

In Prosa 4. Boethius rationibut supradictis assentit ma­li sunt infalices, ta [...]en adhuc quasi stato more [...]i [...] indig na­tur [Page 20]qui serviunt in b [...]nos & vellet quod hoc ita non esse pos­s [...]t, sed potius cito auferrentur de medio. Hanc impatienti­am arguit Pihlosophia, & suo loco probare promittit quod non licet sapienti sic indig [...]ari, sed majis compati, fucimus corpotaliter [...]grotis; valde enim miseri sunt vitiosi dum cu­pit a qua volunt perfi [...]iant & miseriores quam si [...]a perfice­re non possunt, & subjungit quod mali sunt faeliciores qui puniti sunt quam qui [...]on sant puniti, & tanto insaeli­ciores quanto diuturniores, & quanto minus puniuntur▪ & quod illi sunt miseriores qui faciunt injuriam quam qui cam patiuntur. Ostendit etiam qua miseria malorum esset sine fine si or um vita esset infinita & quod malitia eorum est miseria, & addit quod malos puniri bonum est. Primo quod aliquan [...]o resipiscunt a malo; secundo quod alii viden­tes corum terrorem, declinat a malo▪ 3. quod [...]orum miseri­ae additur aliquid boni, scil. paena quae rati [...]ne justiciae bona est, & quod propter malum purgatorium vel infernum post mortem requiritur, et quod opinio vulgi contraria est opi­ [...]ni Philosophia, & quod opinioni vulgi non sit assentiendum; & ille qui facit injuria est puniendus & non cui sacta est primus igitur est inferior, atqu [...] iudices potius debenti mi­tari ut compatiantur facientibus injuriam quam eundem pa­tientibus Quia ergo ad sapientium pertinet omne odium a se repellere & cunctis velle prodesse imo debent clementer ex­pectare & provocare discholos ad panitentiam, & pl [...]s com­patihis qui inferunt injuriam, quam qui patiantur tanquam infaelicioribus op [...]rtet.

In the fourth Prose B [...]thius yields to the reasons above mentioned, that evill men are unhappy, yet still after the common custome has indignation for them because they tyrannize over the good, and would that this could not be so, but rather that they might suddenly be cut off. Phi­losophy condemns this passion and promises in it proper place to prove that it is unlawfull for a wife man▪ to be so angry but rather to suffer, as we shew in those who are bodily sick: for wicked men are very miserable even when they bring to passe what they do desire, and more misera­ble [Page 21]then if they did not effect them. And she adds that the evill are more happy who are punnisht then those who are not punisht, and by how much the more durable and less punish'd by so much they are the more miserable. And that they are more miserable who do an injury then who suffer it. Further more she shews that the affliction of the evil are infinite if thire life could be so; and that their malice is their misery, and adds that is good for them to be punished. First because some time they repent them of the evil. Secondly that some apprehending terrours do decline them from evil. Thirdly, because there is some good annex'd to their misery, viz. punishment which in respect of justice is good. And that after death there is purga­tory or hell required for evill. And that the opinion of the vulgar is contrary to the opinion of Philosophy, and that we must not be led by their opinion. The first there­fore is the inferior, and Judges ought to imitate ratherin this thing, that they may have Compassion of them that doe the injury, then on them that suffer it. Therefore they that have any relation unto wisdom, ought to repell from themselves all hatred, and to have a desire to profit all men, yea they ought to expect for and to provoke al­disobedient men to repentance, and ought to have com­passion the more on those which offer the wrong, then those that suffer it, as the more miserable

In quarto Metro Philosophia jucunde confirmat quae dixit et exclamat contra homines illos qui bellicis motibus se i [...]viom ex odio ad m [...]rtem deducunt, hoc dicens quod ne­mo debet mortem malorum desiderare quae de se quam pluri­mus sine bello appropinquat & quod juste quoque diligendi sunt boni & mali misericorditer.

In the fourth Meter Philosophy delectably confirms what she had delivered, and exclaims against such who by warlike commotions proceeding from enmity, mutal­ly kill one another saying, that no man ought to desire the death of the evill, which of it selfe without warrs, ap­proaches many; and that good men are to bee loved [Page 21]of right, and the evill out of compassion.

In Prosa 5. Boethius quafi proficiens in scientiâ plures incipit dubitationes habere quam antea habuit; & ait, per­pendo qu [...]d in bonis fortuitis est aliquid boni, eo quod expedi­ens est Rhetoribus et sapientibus & politiarum gubernatori­bus casden habire & nunc stuporem meum Deus Rector ex­aggerat qui in bonis fortuitis prosperitatem constituit & rectâ ratione mundum gubernat. Quare ergo prospera & adversa accidunt bonis & malis & quasi diceret, si essem pol­lens opibus, bonore reverendus, potentia validus &c. ut o­lim tunc modica ratio sufficeret, sed quia affligor, impatienti me vexat, & idcirco toties ad quaerendum incitor & pro consolation [...], causam husus rei desidero, & quare carceres & cruces inventae propter malos saepissime eveniant bonis: & Philosophia respo [...]dit quod sic videtur esse propter igno­rantiam scil. causa fati & divinae providentiae.

In the fifth Prose Boethius becoming a proficient in knowledg makes more doubts then formerly, and sayes I consider that in contingent goods there is some good, be­cause tis very meet for rulers and wisemen and the Gover­nors of Commonwealths to reflect on them, and now God the ruler of all augments my amazement, who in con­tingent good can place prosperity and governs the world in due order. Why then do prosperity and adversity in­differently befall good and evill men, as if he should say, were I rich, honorable, and potent, &c. as heretofore, then an indifferent reason might satisfie, but seeing I am afflict­ed, I am vexed with impatience, and for this cause have so many incitations to make my complaints, and for con­solation desire the cause of this, and why that prisons and crosses found out for the punishment of the evill, become very often the portion of good men. And Philosophy an­swers that it is ignorance. viz in the cause of fate and di­vine providence that maks it appeare so.

In 5. Metro. Phil. quasi viam praparando ad informandum B [...]thium dicit quod [...]mmu [...] est hominibus res h [...] mi­rari quarum diuig [...]rarant caus [...], sed illis s [...]iti [...] c [...]ssat stup [...]r [Page 22]& eximplum dat demotu siderum arcturo at que Ʋrsa ma­jore, quare scil. tardius movenour, & de eclipsi lunae & so­lis qua ignorantibus mira videntur, quia nemo miratur de inquietudine aquarum slante Borea Zephyro similiter de nivibus a solis solutis sic in proposito si causa cesset cessat & admiratio & durante causae ignorantia, durat admiratio.

In the fifth Meter, Philosophy by preparing the way to inform Beethins, saying that it is usuall with men to ad­mire those things whose causes they have been long igno­rant of, but that all admiration is past asloon as they are known, he instances in the motion of the constellation Arcturus viz the greater Beare why it moves so slow. And in the Eclipse of the moon and sun, which ignorant peo­ple very much admire, so likewise it falls out, why none wonder at the roughness of the waters when the North­west winde blowes, or the suns dislolving the snow, even so in this case the cause and the admiration both cease to­gether, and the admiration of the cause continues as long as the ignorance thereof.

In Prosa 6. Boethius instat propter declarationem quast­ionis superius motae scil. quare malis bona & bonis mala con­tingant. Et Philosophia praemittit ejusdem difficultatem quia subjectum hujus eiusmodi est ut una dubitatione soluta aliae innumerabiles succr [...]scant, sed tamen quoniam afflictis ista scire expedit; ideo saltem de illis pauca narrabit & ponit quod divina mentis stabilitas omnia gubernat, statuit & disponit. Pramittit etiam quod oportet scire quid sit pro­videntia, & quid fatum & tunc ad hoc quod quaritur recto ordine procedit, providentia ergo est ipsa divina ra­tio in summo omnium principe sita, vel planius hoc modo providentia est dispositio divina, sive ordinatio existens in mente divina quâ cuncta inferiora secundum statum sua naturae sunt provisa: slatum vero est dispositio inharens rebus molibus per quam providentia, omni inectit suis ordinibus, & ponit quod providentia & fatum non sunt eadem, & quod fa [...]um cum omnibus sibi subjactanti­bus a providentia dependat: diversas opiniones [Page 24]circa fatum componit. Scil. a quibus vel ex quo exer­ceatur & quod omnia quae fato subiecta sint divinae etiam providentia subjacent & none converso & hoc de circulis super cundem axem ut unum super alterum & quanto ex­primo modus quid firmius divinae providentiae adhaereat tan­to firmius a fatali mutatione servatur; deinde Philosophia comparat habitudinem fati divinae providentiae per quatuor similia comparat & quod fatum habet se ad providentiam sicut ratiocinatio ad intellectum: idquod tactum est ad id quod est a seipso, tempus ad aternitatem: & circulus ad punctum medium, postea ostendit quae sint illa quae fato dis­ponuntur [...] & quod co quae apparent in reb [...]u consusa non in­telligentibus, sunt in divinâ providentiâ & gubernatione ordinata: & qui potest ista animadvertere optimam in singu­lis inveniet rationem. Item quod indifferenter bonis & malis prospera & adversa contingunt quae non fortuito, sed sum, mo rationis libramine & ex providentia ordinatoris proce­dunt quosdam siquidem praemio, quosdam supplico; deinde dignos praecognoscit causam generalem ostendit quare ma­lis bona & bonis mala contingant, scil. quod homines quae sunt in seipsi bona vel mala nesciunt, probans per similitu­dinem medici scientis diversis corporibus diversa convenire medicamenta & quod nescientes varietatem corporum di­ver sificatorum in complexionibus curationis rationem igno­rant, probat etiam hoc ex contrario judicio dei & hominum, allegans Lucanum de judicio Deorum & Catonem deinde cau­sas speciales enarrat, quare malis bona eveniunt: & una est, b [...]ia deteriores fieri potuerunt si hoc bonum eis non evenis­set, quod autem bonis mala non eveniunt fa [...]it torum meri­tum, & ideo [...]is bona eveniunt, ut praevalens improbitas reprimeretur. Item si quidem modesti affligorentur animo fractiessent bonos reprimi & eisdem tot mala evenire hoe e­tiam quia aliqui eorum ex longa faelicitate gloriari possent, & si non his malis exercitarentur superbirent. 2. ut inde ma­lis mereantur & virtutum excitatione consirmentur. 3. ne plus metuerent quam oportet. 4. ne aliquis plus presumit quam debeat. 5. propter preiose mortis gloriam. 6 propter [Page 25]eximplum aliorum. Quod autem mala malis adveniunt nemo admiratur, sed quod eis bona eveniunt. Prima causa est ne fi­ant pojores. 2. ut emendentur. 3. ut carum miseria ma­jor existat: deinde ostendit causam quare mali malos puniant quia ita tales mals fiunt boni. Donique contra hujus rei tractationem ampliorem exclamat.

In the sixt prose Boethius is stil very sollicitous for the declaring the question above mentioned, viz. why good befalls evill men, and evill befalls good men, and Philoso­phy premises the difficulty thereof, because the subject is such that upon the solution of one doubt many more will emerge, but because tis expedient for the afflicted to know these things she will speak somthing of them, and layes down that the stability of the divine power regulates, determines, and disposeth all things. She premises farther, that tis necessary to know what is providence and fate, and then in due order proceeds to the question. Providence therefore is a divine c [...]unsell sited in the prince of allthings. Or more plainly thus, Providence is a divine disposition or ordination in the divine mind, whereby all inferiours things are considered according to the state of their nature. But fate is a disposition inherent in things moveable, wherby providence chains all things in their courses. And she layes down that providence and fate are not the same, and that fate with what ever is subordinate to it, depends on providence. And she layes down severall opinions, concerning fate of whom it is exercised. And that all things that are subject to fate are also subject to divine provi­dence, but not on the contrary. And she manifests this in circles moved one above another, as upon the same axle tree, and by how much any thing adheres the more stedfastly to divine providence, by so much the more cer­tainly it is defended from fatal mutation. Furthermore Philosophy compares the habitude of fate to divine provi­dence by 4 similies, to wit, late hath relation to provi­dence as ratiocination to the intellect, that which is made to that which is of it selfe. Time to eternity; and the cir­cle to the Center. Afterwards she demonstrates which are [Page 26]those things which are disposed by fate, and that those things which appeare confused in matters to those which understand not, are ordained in divine providence and go­vernment, and he which is able to make his observation of these things, shall find excellent reason in every one of them. In like manner that prosperity and adversity wayed indifferently to good and bad, proceeds not by fortune but with the most exact poyze of reason, from the providence of him that ordained, for as much as he knowes some wor­thy of reward, some of punishmont. Afterwards she shewe the generall reason, why good things happen to e­vill men, and evill to the good, to wit because men are ig­norant which things are good and evill in themselves, proving by the similitude of a Physition knowing that dif­ferent medicines are sutable to different constitutions, o­thers being ignorant of the variety of Bodyes diversifyed in their Complexions are ignorant of the reason of the di­versity of theirs, she also proves this from the judgment of man contrary to that of God. Alledging Lucan concern­ing the judgment of the Gods, & Cato: afterwards shelayes down especiall reasons, why good things happen to evill men, & the one is because they might have been worse, if this good had not happened. But first the evill things happen not to good men, their merit is in the cause and therefore good things happen to them that their impiety prevailing may be repressed. Likewise if certain modest men should be afficted, they would be discouraged, because good men are repressed, and evills happen to them: This so fals out because some of them would be apt to boast of the du­ration of their felicity, and were they not exercised, might grow proud. Secondly, that from thence their merits might be the greater, and by this exercise might be con­firmed in their virtues: Thirdly, that some are more fear­full then is requisite: Fourthly, because some presume more of themselves then they ought: Fiftly, for the glory of a pretious death: Sixtly, for the example of others. But why evill things happen to evill men, none admires, but that they should participate of good; the first reason is, that they [Page 27]becom not worse: the second, that there might be some a­mendment: thirdly, that their misery might be the greater. Afterward she declareth the reason, why wicked men punish those that are wicked, because so such evill men become good. Lastly, she exclaimeth on any larger hand­ling of the matter.

In Metro 6. confirmat Philosophia quae dicta sunt per si­militudinem, jucunde alloquens Boethium, ut ita recreatas ad sublimiora tenderet, & divinam commendat providentiam in regimine corporum caelestium, Elementorum temporum, generabilium & corruptibilium, ex authoritate Dei regen­tis. Ait ergo si tibi plac [...]erit pura mente summi Dei judici [...] intelligere, aspice calum, & disciplinam stellarum, & anni cursus quam varii videntur, & tamen unum non confundit alterum, sic in actibus humanis omnia recte ordinantur. In the 6. Meeter Philosophy confirmeth those things which were spoken of by a similitude, pleasantly treating with Boethius that so being refreshed, hee might tend to sublimer matters, and she commendeth the divine power in the government of the celestiall bodies, Elements, Times, Ge­nerables, and corruptibles, from the authority of God ru­ling, shee saith therefore, if thou desirest with a pure minde to understand the judgements of the most high God, re­flect on the Heaven, and the discipline of the stars, and the seasons of the yeare, how different they seeme, and never­thelesse, one confoundeth not another, so in humane acts all things are rightly dispensed.

In Prosa 7. concludit Philosophia ex pradictis quod om­nis fortuna est bona, tanquam adeo infallibiliter administrata unicuique secundum sua merita, nam iucundos renumerat, asperos exercet vel decurtat, & ostendis quod vulgi sententia sit contrarium quasi dicat ô Boethi ne sequaris vulgi opini­onem qui semper de rebus pessime censent sed attende quod mu­tua potestate sit, qualem vis fortunā fingere, et per haec tantem hortatur, fortunam suam magnanimiter tollerare, & in homi­nis potestate constitutum, formare sibi fortunam, qualem vult, concludit.

In the seventh Prose Philosophy concludeth from the premises that all fortune is good, as it were infallibly dis­tributed to every one according to his merits, for she re­wardeth the ple [...]sant, she exerciseth or taketh short the stubborn, and layeth open that it is contrary to the vulgar, as if she should say. O Boethius have a care that thou ad­here not to the opinion of the vulgar, which alwayes judg things in the worst sence. But observe that it is in thy own power to forge out thy owne fortune, and by this exhorts him at length to bear fortune with a courage, concluding it to be in the power of man to frame to himself what for­tune he pleaseth.

In Metro septimo Philosophia suadelam suam exemplo virorum fortium, qui spretis voluptatibus & spe laudis & gloria labores maximos subjere confirmat & per hoc hortatur virtute praeditos ut a proposite suo propter labores non desistāt quia difficile enim me dium tenere, & pouit tres fabulas quasi sola [...]ii causa ipsi Boethio ne nimium seriis gravetur, at (que) sic concludit ô fortes ite nunc per vias altas ad superna, si tanta fecerunt in fideles pro gloria iuani, cur vos inertes & pigri ter­ga virtutis, id est, labores respuit is? quando terrenis & car­nalibus superath praemia vobis celestia largientur.

In the seventh Meeter Philosophy confirmeth her exhor­tation by the example of Couragious men, who despising pleasures for the hope of praise and glory have undergone the greatest labours. By this she exhorteth virtuous men, that they desist not from their purpose because of labours: For it is difficult to keep a mean, it layeth down three fa­bles, as it were solacing Boethius that he might not be op­pressed with serious matters: But she concludes, ô valiant men steere your course towards heaven. If infidels have effected so great things for vain glory, why do ye slug­gards and slothfull men turn your backs, that is, refuse la­bours, seeing earthly and Carnall things being conquered, heavenly rewards shall be abundantly bestowed upon you.

LIber hic De Consolatione, a Praeceptore meo Win­toniensi Doctore Nicolao Love streni loco daba­tur ab ipso pro duodenario nulla expositione adhibitâ. Quid ad me tum pertinebant abstrusa illa Philosophiae capita quae exercitare solent maturissima ingenia, & vix ab aculis expediri solent. Thomas e­nim noster licet Angelicus decimam partem eorum non intelligit. Sed per hunc librum utcunque lectam amor librorum, abhinc animum meum possidebat & ita stu­dio literarum me dabam. In illis multum per spatium duorum annorum profui: legere etiam & intelligere po­tui quam plurima ejusdem libri, sea nec jam perfectè omnia intelligo, & quicunque dicit se per omnia eum perfectè intelligere, dubium erit si opinio ejus non exce­dat rei veritatem. Doctissimi enim sunt qui se per om­nia eum non intelligere fateantur. I am vero proaemii loco pauca adjecienda sunt, liber hic de Consolatione est vere aureus. Hisque temporibus in quibus vel Athei vel Turci sumus sub fatali suo jugo universum hunc mundum fere ad suas nequissimas partes traxerunt, valde itaque necessarius lectuque dignissimus sit: hic e­tiam liber omniafere profert quae sunt scitu necessaria de providentiâ, praescientia, libero arbitrio, fato, for­tunâ, casu, aeternitate, & denique quid non. In studio [Page 30]hujus libri jam nunc per spatium quadraginta annorum permansi, atque adhuc de aliquibus quaero: habemus Barnartium in aliquibus se confitentem reum. Tho­mam vero Aquinatem in multis locis ipsum Boethium obscurantem. Qui Anglico sermone hunc librum tran­stalit optima fide hoc egit, laudeque summa dignus est, bene quoquo ipsis gregarus si rursum tipis mandaretur. Sed hoc non ausim ego sine ejus venia si in vivis, si esset sed cum superstes non sit optime faciet qui impressione nova opus ejus revocare studuerit. Quod ad me spectat quicquid vel ad expositionem vel ad ornatum hujus li­bri faceret omnino non omittendum censeo. Ideoque a­liquid, parum licet, de meo protult & fortassis in pau­cis multa & utilia quod in bonam partem consulat lector ingenuus inveniet. Nunc Boethium ipsum spectet.

Boethianae sunt hae quae sequuntur liniae, incipien­tes in Metro 9. lib. 3. Non quod quae proce­dunt sint inutilia, sed quod quae sequuntur sint Explicatione & Commentario digniora, quas Thomas Aquinas Angelicus licet Do­ctor haud recte interpretatur.

O Qui perpetua mundum ratione gubernas,
Terrarum caeli: que sator, qui tempus ab aevo
Ire jubes, stabilisque manens das cuncta moveri,
Quem non externae pepulerunt fingere causae
Materiae fluitantis opus; verum insita summē
Forma boni, livore carens, tu cuncta superno
Ducis ab exemplo: pulchrum pulcherremus ipse
Mundum mente gerens, simili (que) in imagine formans,
Perfectasque jubens perfectum absolvere partes.

Hic Angelicus Doctor paulam cecutit, & cum haec ad mentem Aristotelis trahere vult Platonicum frustra cona­tus ejus sunt, nihilque obtinet: de Idaeis nunc secundum P [...]atonem dicendum, primo de Idaea materiae fluitantis, id est. materia prima quae ideo sluitans dicitur quia nullam stabilem habebat formam, sed omnium ex aequo formarum capax: Terra erat inanis & vacu & tenebra erant super faciem Abissi. (In fita sumis sorma boni, haec universa­lis Idea & communicative, livere c [...]s) odio etiam & aver­sione, nam Deus vidit o [...]ia qua fecerat & erant valde bona in [...]uncta superno &c. Generalis haec ell Idaea ante­dicti [Page 37] perfectasque jubes perfictum absolvere partes, sed non est anima mundi nisi Deus.

Tu numeris clementa ligas, ut frigor a flammis
Arida conveniant liquidis: ne purior ignis
Evolet, aut mersas deducant pondere terras.

Nunc collectae aquae erant & te [...]ra apparuit: Aquae voca­baniur Mars, Terra vocabantur Aridum.

Tu triplicis mediam naturae cuncta moventem
Connectens animam per consona membra resolvis.
Quae cum secta duos motum glomeravit in orbes,
In semet reditura meat, mentemque profundam
Circuit, & simili convertit imagine caelum.

Quaeto, quaesivi atque adhuc quaeto interpretationem horum versuum, neque adhuc invenio; neque quisquam, uti spero non expectet solidum: sed qualemcunque habuc­rit boni consulat & uberiorem vel det vel m [...]cum desideret.

Thomas noster, licet Angelicus, non deditimo magis sen­sum eorum obscuravit vultis habere quod loquitur ille ma­gister nostrandus vel noster magistrandus, sic habeto, atta­men nihil habes nisi ejusdom verba.

Hic Philosophia ostendit sapientiam ex animae mundi productione ubi sciendum, quod ita communiter exponun­tur ad intentionem. Platonis, in Timeo, sed quod ista ex­positio est difficillima et modicae utilitatis ego cam per­transeo, & ponam facilem & expeditam quae est ad men­tem Atistotelis, ad cujus evidentiam notandum est quod per animam mundi intelligitur hic intelligentia movens orbem quae per metum suum virtutem in inferioribus addit. Haec intelligentia dicitur media inter deum & anim [...]m huma­nam: sicut enim in dignitate & perfectione exceditur a deo sic ipsi animam nostram excedit: notandum quod in­telligentia hujusmodi dicitur triplicis naturae, propter tres operationes quas habet, movere orbem, intelligere Deum & [Page 35]intelligere seipsam, notandum quod orbes ceelestes dicun­tur consona membra intelligentiae, quod per ipsos tanquam per organa et instrumenta intelligentia inferioribus influat: Licet enim intelligentia prima, intentione moveat prop­ter se, tamen secunda movet propter inferiora, his praemis­sis ita perspicuum est ut dici potest. Tu Deus animam spiritū mundi, quae est intelligentiamedia supple inter te & animam humanam triplicis naturae id est, triplicis operationis cuncta moventem: supple inferiora per influxum illum: tu con­nectens resolvis, id est distinguis eam per consona membra, id est, per convenicutes orbes, quae anima cum secta id est di­visa, quae tum ad operationes glomeravit id est impressit motum in duos orbes supple in orbem primi mobilis & in plenetatum ipsa redditura id est reflexa motu procedit in semetipsam, semetipsam intelligendo quae est una operatio: et ipsa circuit mentem profundam id est divinam, Deum intelligendo quae est alia operatio: ipsa convertit id est mo­vet coelum simili imagine id est intellectione, quod est ter­tia ejus operatio. Notandum etiam quod licot corpora coe­lestia sint diversa, tamen ratione unitatis unum Corpus dici possunt, sic licet intelligentiae sint diversae, tamen pos­sunt dici una intelligentia propter unitatem ordinis in ope­ratione movendi, ergo in singulari dicitur Animam & non Animas.

Haec non egent confutatione ita sibi minime cohe­reant: vis meam sententiam, mallem certe sequi docto­rem quemcumque probubitem quam meam proferre, nam nec mea mihi placet, sed qualiscunque sit in bonam p [...]rtem consules & emendes si placeat sic habe, Tu triplicis mediam naturae cuncta moventem, Connectens animam per consona membra resolvit: tu connectens med [...]um animam triplicis naturae id est, connectis mediam animim humanum (scil.) triplicis naturae id est vegetativae, sensitivae, & rationalis per consona membra id est, per consonas facultates resolvis, quae dum secta duos motum glomeravit in orbes vegetativam & sensitivam facultatem. In semet redditura meat mentemque prosundam Circuit, id est meat in mentem profundam nem­pe [Page 36]suipsius rationalem, Circuit & simili convertit imagine coelum (id est) mentem ipsius: horreo enim dicere quod a­nim a creata mentem divinam circue [...]e p [...]ssie, ita l [...]quitur Thomas Aquinas, sed si licu [...]sset mihi hos versus interpre­tare de anima Christi Dei pariter & hominis, manifestior esset sententiae totius exp [...]sicio.

Tu causis animas paribus, vitasque minores
Provehis, & levibus sublimeis currilus aptans
In coelum, terramque seris: quas lego benigna
Ad te conversas reduci facis igne reverti.

Quamvis vani sua sint quae Thomas profert nihil tamen de iis dicere quoniam nihil sunt.

Tu provehis animas vitasque minores causis, & seris in coelum terramque aptans sublimeis levibus curribus, Quas benigna legereduci facis, et ad te conversus igne reverti.

Platonicum hae nimis sapiunt qui universas animas crea­autumabatur cum luce vera autem Philosophia dicit de a­nimis humanis quod creando infunducitur ex infundendo creantur, nova est enim formatio uniuscujusque hominis & eductio.

Da pater augustam menti conscendere sedem
Da fontem lustrare boni, da luce reperta
In te conspicuos animi defigere visus.
Diljisce terrenae nebulus & pondera molis,
Atque tuo splendore mica, tu namque serenum,
Tu requies tranquilla piis: te cernere finis,
Principium, vector, dux, semita, terminus idem.

Thomas hic mihi satisfecit sua expositione, pluribus non opus est.

Lib. 3. MIT. XI.

QVIS quis profunda mente vestigat verum,
Cupit que nullis ille deviis falli,
In se revolvat intimi lucem visus,
Longosque in orbem cogat inflectens motus.
Animumque doceat quidquid extra molitur,
Suis retrusum possidere thesauris.
Dudum quod atra texit erroris nubis.
Lucebit ipso perspicacius Phoebo.
Non omne namque mente depulit lumen,
Obliviosam corpus invehens molem
Haeret profectò semen introrsum veri,
Quod excitatur ventilante doctrina.
Nam cur rogati sponte recta censetis,
Ni mersus alto viverit fomes corde?
Quòd si Platonis Musa personat verum,
Quod quisquis discit, immemor recordatur.

Expressa sunt haec & facilia ideoque interpretatione non egent.

Prosa 12. incipit Philosophia tractationem de malo sed quia parva profert omittends, donec in tramatur, pleniore rem exponat, existimo.

In Prosa 4. Lib. 4. haec sunt, nullane animarum supplicia post mortem relinquis? & magna quidem inquam, quorum alii paenali acerbitate alii vero purgatoria clementia exer­ceri puto.

De his Thomas noster commentatur, assensum tamen meum praebere non possum Nam post mortem supplicia nulla sunt temporalia, ubi tum Purgatorius ignis: in die tantum iudicii cernitur ubi corpus igne mundatur, & stra­mine a quae comburuntur & corpus tanquam metallum pu­rificatur & ita immortale fiat.

Lib. 5. MET. 3.

QUAE nam discors faedera rerum
Causa resolvit? quis tanta d [...]
Veris statuit bella duobus,
Ut quae carptim singula constent,
Eadem nolent mista jugari?
An nulla est discordia veris,
Sempérque sibi circa cohaerent,
Sed mens, caecis obruta membris,
Nequit oppressi luminis igne
Rerum tenueis noscere nexus;
Sed cur tanto flagrat amore
Veri tectas reperire notas?
Scitne, quod appetit anxia nosse?
Sed quid nota rescire laborat?
Et si nescit, quid caeca petit?
Quis enim quidquam nescitus optet?
Aut quis valeat nescitasequi?
Quove inveniat, quísve repertam
Queat ignarus noscere formam?
An cùm mentem cerneret altam,
Pariter summam & singula nor at?
Nunc membrorum condita nube,
Non in totum est oblita sui,
Summámque tenet singula perdeus.
Igitur quisquis vera requirit,
Neutro est habitu, nam neque nevit,
Nee penitus tamen omnia nescit:
Sed, quam retinens meminit, summans
Consulit, altè visa retractaus,
Ut servatis queat oblitas
Addere partes.

Lib. 5. MET. 4.

QUONDAM porticus attulit
Obscuros nimium senes,
Qui sensus, & imagines
E corporibus extimis
Credant mentibus imprimi,
Ut quondum celeri stylo
Mos est aequore paginae
Quae nullas habeat notas,
Pressas figere literas.
Sed mens si propri is vigoris
Nihil motibus explicat,
Sed tantùm patiens jacet
Not is subdita corporum,
Cassasque in speculi vicem
Rerum reddit imagines,
Unde haec sic animis viget
Cernens omnia notio;
Quae vis singula prospicit,
Quae divisa recolligit,
Aut quae cognita dividit:
Alternumque legens iter
Nunc summis caput inserit,
Nunc desidit in insima,
Tum sese referens sibi,
Veris falsa redarguit?
Haedest efficiens magis
Longè causa potentior,
Quàm quae materia modo
Impressas patitur notas.
Praecedit tamen excitans,
Ac vires animi movens,
Vivo in corpore passio.
Cùm vel lux oculos ferit,
Vel vox auribus instrepit:
Tum mentis vigor excitus,
Quas intus species tenet,
Ad motus similes vocans,
Notis applicat exteris,
Introrsumque reconditis
Formis miscet imagines.

Non hoc Metrum omittendum est totam enim viam & sci­entiae & error is indicat: sed jam recollige quae dispersae sunt in quinque libris de Consolatione Boethianae & si placent Commentariolum tuum adde: Brevissimum certe eri [...]quod de tribus prioribus, libris, agitantur: in primo Bo [...]hius Conditionem suam post ejus exilium plangit & Philosophia cum consolatur. In 2. ostendit nec fortunam, nec ulla alia externa vel bona, vel mala esse. In 3. tractatum habet de faelicitate falsa. In hoc libro sparsae sunt aliquae sententiae quas recolligere necessum erit.

Prosa ultima Li. 3.

Philosophia quaerit num Deus facere malum possit, con­cludit malum, igitur nihil est, cum id facere ille non potest, qui nihil non potest.

Nunc licet paulisper expatiari, si malum nihil sit, quare Deus irascatur nihilo? revera tamen malum nihil est & ta­men ira Dei justa est & reale objectum habet annon haec ludi [...]r [...] sunt: imo seria peccatum fatcare aliquid & hoc solum malum; at si quid peccatum sit quaeris, est aversio [Page 41]mentis a Deo & conversio ejusdem creaturae quam Deus sibi constituit. Hoc situm est in animo malum, sed essentiam in se nullam habet & enim tantum independentiam a deo, conatur quod nec efficere potest animi mala cupiditas quae in eorum animo impedimentum, & nihil aliud est ideoque in rerum natura vere nihil: nam quam materiam vel for­mam habet merus conatus.

PROSA 6. Lib. 4.

I am jam maximo conamine opus est, aude aliquid brevi­bus Gyat is aut coarcere dignum.

Hic ipsa Philosophia ex Boethiana Christiana est, itaque ab Ethnica trahit spiritum anhelum, parce tamen in­quam: ejusmodi namque materia est ut una dubitatione succisa, innumerabiles aliae, velut Hydrae capita succrescunt, nec ullius fecerit modum nisi quis cas vivacissimo men­tis igne coerceat. In hac enim de providentia simplicitate, de fati serie, de repentinis casibus, de cognitione & prae­destinatione divina de arbitrii libertate quaeri solet quae quanti sunt oneris ipse perpendito.

PROSA 1. Lib. 5.

Tractat casum & fortunam & ita textus in se continet: libet ig [...]ur sic definire casum esse: scilicet, inopinatum & confluentibus causis in his quae ob aliquid geruntur, even­rum▪ Concurrere vero & consluere: causas facit ordo ille in­evitabilis connexione procedens qui de providentiae fonte descendens, cuncta fuis locis & temporibusque disponit.


Manet autem liberum arbitrium neque enim fuerit ulla rationalis natura quin eidem libertas assit arbitrii.

Sed hanc non in omnibus aequumesse statuo, nam superiis & divir is substantiis & per [...]picax judicium et imorrup­ta [Page 42]voluntas & efficax optatorum presto est potestas. In hu­manis vero animis libertas quidem esse necesse est cum se in mentis divinae speculatione conservant, minus vero cum dilabuntur ad corpora, minusque etiam cum terrenis actibus colligantur, extrema vero est servitus cum vitiis deditus ra [...]ionis propriae poss [...]ssione exciderint.


Quid igitur quonam modo Deus haec incerta futura pernoscit nam si inevitabiliter eventura censet quae etiam non eventura possibile est, fallitur, quod non sentire modo nefas est sed etiam voce proferre. At si quemadmodum sint, ita ea futura esse decrevit, ut aeque vel fieri ea vel non fieri posse cognoscat quae est haec, praescientia, quae nihil cer­tum nihil stabile comprehendit. At quid hoc prefertur vati­cinio illo Tyrhesiae ridiculo quic quid dicam aut erit aut non erit, quid etiam Divina Providentia humana opinio presti­terit si veluti homines incerta judicat quorum est incertus eventus: Quod si apud illum rerum omnium certissimum fontem nihil incerti esse potest certus corum est eventus quae futura firmiter ille prescivit. Quare nulla est huma­nis consiliis actionibusque libertas quas Divina mens sine falsitatis errore cuncta perspiciens ad unum aligat ac con­stringit eventum, quo semel recepto quantus occasus hu­manarum rerum consequutus esse liquet: frustra enim bo­nis malisque praemia paenaeve proponuntur quas nullus me­ruit liber ac voluntarius motus animorum, idque enim vide­bitur iniquissimum quod nunc aequissimum judicatur vel punire improbos vel remunerare probos, nec vitia igitur nec virtutes quicquam in definiendo fuerint.


Quasi vero nos ea quae Providentiae futura esse prenoscit non esse eventura credamus, ac non illud potius arbitremur: Quod licet eveniant nihil tamen ut evenirent sua natura [Page 43]necessitatis habuisse, quod hinc facile perpendere licet: Plura etenim dum fiant subjecta oculis intuemur: ut ea quae in quadragis moderandis, at que flectendis facere spe­ct [...]ntur aurigae atque ad hunc modum certe aguntur, Num igitur quicquam illorum ita fieri necessitas ulla compellit, frustra esset artis effectus si omnia coicte moverentur, quae igitur cum fiunt carent existendi necessitate eadem prius­quam fiunt sine necessitate futura sunt, quare sunt quaedam eventura quorum exitus ab omni necessitate sint absolutae. Nam illud quidem nullum arbitror esse dicturum quod quae nunc fiunt prius quam fierent esse eventura non fue­rint, nam sicut scientia praesentium rerum nihil istis sit cum fiunt ita praescientia futurorum nihil his quae futura sunt necessitatis importat.

Erroris causa est quod omnia quae quisque novit ex ip­sorum vi atque natura cognosciaestimat quae sciuntur quod rationi contrarium est: omne enim quod cognoscitur non secundum sui vim sed secundum cognoscentium potius comprehenditur facultatem, nam ut hoc brevi liqueat ex­emplo eandem corporis rotunditatem aliter visus, aliter tactus agnoscit, ille eminus totum (scil.) jactis radiis in­tuetur hic vero cohaerens orbi atque conjunctus circa ip­sum motus ambitum rotunditatem partibus comprehendit, ipsum quoque hominem aliter sensus, aliter imaginatio, a­liter ratio, aliter intelligentia contuetur, sensus figuram in subjecta materia constitutam, Imaginatio solam sine mate­ria judicat figuram, ratio hanc quoque transcendit, speci­emque ipsam quae singularibus inest universali considerati­one perpendit: Intelligentiae celsior oculus existit, & super gres [...]one facta universitatis ambitum & ipsam illam sim­plicem forman purae mentis acic contuetur.


Aeternitas est, in terminabilis vitae tota simul & perle­cta possessio.

Nota quod in verbo vitae, omnia quae snot ejus vitae [Page 44]comprehenduntur scilicet potentia, scientia, sapientia, gau­dium complacentia, &c.

Quid igitur postulas, ut necessaria fiant quae divino lu­mine lustrantur cum ne homines quidem necessaria faciant esse quae videant. Num enim quae presentia cernis aliquam eis necessitatem addit intuitus, at qui si est divini huma­nique presentis digna collatio sicut vos hoc temporario presenti quaedam videtis ita ille divino suo aeterne cerneret, sed duae sunt necessitates, simplex una veluti quod necesse est omnes homines esse mortales: Altera conditionis ut si aliquem ambulare scies cum am [...]ulare necesse sit, quod quis novit id esse aliter ac notum est nequit.

Fiunt productio ne cuncta quae futura D [...]us esse prenos­cit, sed quaedam de libero arbitrio sunt, quae quamvis eveni­ant exinde tamen naturam propriam non amittunt.

Commentariolum tuum Domine inquies lector uti sit non video notae quaedam & scholi, tantum cernuntur. Imo Lector dispositio & ordinatio sententiarum Boethanarum naturam aliquid loco commentarii faciunt, magis enim ad ipsum Lectoris intellectum reddit Boethius. Ipse sed quo­niam Commentariolum meum ita efflagitus, accipe super hos versus:

Tu triplicis mediam naturae cuncta moventem,
Connectans animam per consona membra resolvis, &c.

Hos versus & qui sequntur sic secundum mentem Boe­thianam interpretari licebit, & completa erit veritas corum, anima haec triplicis naturae est anima Christi. Dei & hominis, media anima etiam est inter Deum & hominem. Deus ille erat cuncta movens ab aeterno & tem­pus abaevo movere jubebat, per cum omnia sunt facta quae fuirunt facta & sine eo nihili. Per consona membra resolvis &c. Adaptasti corpus animae educta a Marla Virgine vi Spiritus Sancti & obumbrationem ejus Sanctum illud quod non vidit corruptionem internam vel externam Cabalistae habent 7. Sepheroth p [...]imus eorum est Trinus: Intelligen­ria, Sapientia Energia seu amor activus: Sapientia est hic [Page 45]noster persona & media, filius intelligentiae, a quibus spiri­tus seu amor activus, procedit.

Quae dum secta duos motum glomeravit in orbes,
In semet reditura meat mentemque profundam
Circuit &c.

Secta, id est, inter divinam & humanam naturam nam in perfectione habet utramque & ratio tantum dividit inter ea & sunt ratione tantum divisa re nunquam. Non per mortem Christi licet anima humana vire a corpore per spi­tium trium dierum divisa fuit.

In semet reditura meat &c. Circul non scil facit cōpletum in reflexione sui ipsius, mentemque profundam Circuit, &c. id est dietatis, & quis hoc potuit nisi Christus Jesus, sed Circulus hic internus & per reflexum mutuumque amorem & complacentiam est.

Et simili convertit imagine Coelum similima certe ima­gine circumgirat Coelum vocatum Primum Mobile. Haec interpraetatio uti reor salva fide Catholica & orthodoxa est & ex nulla parte inconveniens fieri potest.

Laus Deo Trino & Gloria in [...]ternum.

Quae addenda sunt non crunt loco commentarii sed su­perstructurae quaedam necessariae, non ex naturae & Philosophiae puteis sed ex fonte limpidissimo scripturarum exhaustae.

Ipse Boethius ut refert Author Commentarii in librum sequentem Boethianum ex literatorum relationes de Tri­nitate quaedam locutus erat quae adjicienda essent libris de Consolatione, sed quoniam amissae sunt de eis nihil certum statui possit.

Nos in superstructuris nunc operam impend [...]mus, & pri­mo de altiore scientia non enim intuitiva & instans tan­tum est in deo scientia, sed ut omnisciens est ita omnimo­dum habet, scientiam & ex se & in se.

Scientiam habet perspectivam prospiciens omn a, videt onim omnia quae fecerat & erant valde bona, & [...]aec visio prospectiva erat intuitiva est interna scientia, perspectiva autem rerum ad extra, deus enim recolligit prospectum ad extra & eum ad internam, ideam sive insitam summi fo [...] ­mam boni reducit & in illa universali idea omnia per­specta ad extra revocantur, haec est vera & divina Philoso­phia summeque metaphysica.

Satis antea de malo & peccato dictum est, sed de ira & exscandescentia Dei parum aut nihil, de illis ita (que) ali­quid dicendum. Haec autem est vis & virtus punitaria in Deo, sed sine passione & altercatione more humano D. us irasci aut excandescere dicitur. Notandum etiam quod a­deo obstrusa & recondita sunt haec in natura Dei, eo quod nihil nisi peccatum haec potuit educere; ipse amor & bo­nitas nihil nisi amabile & bonum proferre potuit: malum hoc ergo ut ante dictum, nihil est eo quod qui omnia potest illud non potest facere, aliquid autem de malo consideran­dum ut antea, propter hoc quod justam vindictam Dei po­stulat; sed de his satis, & n [...]hil sicut spero superfluum,

Nunc de lapsu hominis aliquid dicendum per quod mors in mundum intravit, super omnes homines & triumphavit poenas infernales, & aeternas introduxit.

De Redemptione etiam Christi Jesu multa dicenda sunt, & cognitu necessaris, amor enim ipsius humano gene­ri jam lapso exprimi non potest: non dico tamen, quamvis vere dici potest, faelix peccatum quod talem meruit Re­demptorem, sed potius infaelix peccatum quod tale onus humeris suis imposuit & quidem talis & tanti Redempto­ris, qui crucem ligneam impositam humeris ipsius habnit, sub qua succubuit, non tale onus imposuerunt milites mul­tis gradibus excedat onus peccatorum quod ipse Jesus tu­lit, cum enim Simon crucem ligneam ejus onere vacuum, bajulabat, leviter praeterit crux enim illa lignea vacua fuit oneris peccatorum, sed ipse Christus, illud peccatorum o­nus & Torcular irae & vindictae summi D [...]i, solus ipse tulit.

Mirabilis ceriè est ejus Incarnatio mirabilia sua omnia quae sustinuit & fecit in carne, si dicturus eram; eorum numerus Caput & Cap [...]um meum; super grederetur nume­rum citius stellarum indicarem aut arenas Maris numera­rem omnia quae fecerat Deus ille & Salvator Noster ad glo­riam & immortalitatem nostram efficiunt, cujus nomini sit Laus & Gloria in aeternum: Sed observandum est quod licet Deus & homo fuerat Christus ideoque ab omnibus adorandus, nunquam tamen quamdiu fuerat in terris pro­strationem tulit, in via status humiliationis suae. Imo nec post resurrectionem ejus admisit Mariae enim dixit quum cum adorare vellet, Noli me tangere nondum enim ascendi; ultima pars ejus humiliationis erat in terris per quadra­gin [...]a dies quiescens mora.

Nunc autem venite exultimus Domino, jubilemus Deo Salvatori nostro.
Veniamus ante faciem ejus gratias dantes & latemur in eo cantantes Psalmos.
Magnus enim est Deus noster, & Rex magnus super om­nes Deos.

Venite adoremus & prostramus & flectemus gen [...]a ante Dominum & refectorem nostrum, quoniam misericordia ejus extendit se usque ad Coelum, & veritas ejus usque ad nubes, [Page 48]& aquas supra coelestes quae universum circumgirant cona­mine enim eorum tendunt ad Centrum & cum non des­cendere permittuntur per primum Mobile se movent & secundum motum eorum movetur primum Mobile,

Mentemque profundam Circuit, &c.

Qualis est hic Circuitus, Internus certe, nam neque ipse Deus Circuere seipsum potest, nam sic extra se esset quod est impossibile & implicat contradictionem & Circuens erit major Circuito. Quanto minus possunt res Creatae quae non mentem prosundam possunt Circuitu interno comple­cti. Sic enim Deo aequiparatentur quod etiam foret im­possibile. Absit itaque quod quisquam diceret mentem creatam aliquo modo posse mentem divinam Circuire: Thomas autem hoc dicit non ergo sic explicatur Boethius sed obscuratur.

Nunc de aeternitate Dei loquendum, sciendum etiam est quod licet Deus sit aeternus, est etiam perpetuo durabili: Qui est, qui erat, & qui venturus est, quam ultimam parti­culam potius reddendum esse censeo per haec verba qui per­petuo est duraturus, nam haec verba qui venturus est ali­quantu [...]um in aeternitatem impingunt: Scientia etiam ejus perspectum habet in duratione rerum, Reflexum etiam in ea quae fuerunt. His premissis nunc de Deo salvatori no­stro u [...]terius dicendum, a quo sola Beatio nostra & faelicitas dependit. Ipse confratres & cohaeredes aeternitatis nos se­cumveat, Hic est veritas & vita, Atque ita inquit Boethius noster.

Te Cernere finis.

Principium Vector Dux semita terminus idem.

Quisquis igitur faelicitatem vel precatur vel optat hunc sequi ducem necessum, est ipse enim est Lumen illuminans universumque, ipse fons omnis bonitatis & beatitudinis, Ipse Salvator & Redemptor qui super mortem & Gehen­nam triumphavit, Ipse preparavit nobis mantiones aeter­nus in Coelis, & in nova Jerusalem, utque in facie ejus vi­debimus Deum ad vitam [...]ternam.

Da Pater Augustum mente conscendere sedem.
Da sontem lustrare bonis da luce reperta,
In te conspicuos animi desigere visus.

Te Cernere finis.

Principium Vector, Dux, semita, terminus Idem.

Uoum maxime notandum quod cum Salvator noster esset sapientia Patris, se tamen adeo humiliavit cum par­vulis & infantibus commercium habere voluit & ulnis suis eos recepit & manus suas eis imposuit & benedixit eis, & dixit Sinite parvulos venire ad me nam illorum est reg­num: si illorum sit regnum, illorum est Spiritus Sanctus, nam sine Spiritu nemo intrat Regnum, si Spiritus illorum sit, quare aquam baptismi iis denegetis? Quomodo aquam denegate possitis quum aeque vobiscum Spiritum Sanctum receperunt, O duri infantum soceri Anabaptistae qui nec baptizare nec in baptismo Infantes permanere sinitis sed copiosam illam redemptionem rejicitis, & baptisinum ejura­tis Diabolus ab Auruspicibus suis nihil magis requirit: J am vero totum hoc opus fere expedivi, unicum tantum restit quod a Thoma exhaurias. & breviarum est quinque libro­rum ordine digestum quod & Latino & Anglico Sermone tenemus, & proculdubio optime sonat ejus commentarium, & si nihil fecisset ulterius perbelle a se factum esset.

Tu Provehis causis animos vitasque minores.

Si qua vera Philosophia ex his elicere posset prompte pro­feram si non Platonicam dimittam falsitatem, quae apud eos raro evenit. Nam propemodum veraces sunt P [...]ato­nici & ex maxima parte vera loquuntur.

Tu provehis seu promoves causis animas vitusque mino­res, id est vegetativas & sensitivas, rationales excipe, & vere haec sonant.

Et Levións sublimes curribus aptans,
in coelum terramque serio.

In hoc etiam nihil falsi reperio, sed pro his quae sequuntur meam non possum dare sententiam.

Quas lege benigna.

Ad te Conversus reduci facis igne reverti

Immortalitatem brutorum & Arborum vix patior immor­talitati enim animarum humanarum praejudicat, licet autem falsum sit nihil tamen inconvenientiae ulterius ponit.

O qui perpetua mundum ratione gubernas, &c.

O thou who with perpetuall reason govern'st
This World, Maker of Earth and Heaven for ever blest,
Who dost from aye make time proceed to all past motion,
Thy self stil standing firm, not press'd with the devotion
Of outward causes to frame the flued matter
Of which Philosophers so vainly chatter,
But by blest Ideal forme, no wayes envying,
Or that exact supernall samplar once denying,
In fairest mind this fair world bearing,
And right unto the patterne it appearing.

Perfectasque jubes perfectum absolvere partes: And dost command the perfect to make perfect partes.

Tu numeris elementa ligas, ut frigora flammis
Arida conveniant liquidis nec purior ignis,
Evolet aut mersas, deducunt pondere terras.
[Page 51]
The Elements with numbers thou dost chaine,
That frost with flames, dry things with moyst may con­cord claime,
Lest the pure fire should flee away,
Or earth subside with its dull clay.

Tu triplicis mediam naturae cuncta moventem, &c.

Thou the triple nature of th' all-moving soul dost bind,
Which being cut, her orbes doth with its motion twin'd,
Then doth it go into it self, and Circle round
That most deep mind we rightly call profound,
And with like image turns the Heavens round.

Tu causis animas, &.

Thou carryest on with causes the souls and lesser lives.
Fitting the lofty with light Chariots, & thus she drives,
And sows in Earth & Heaven, and with a blessed Law
When they return those lights, thou to thy self dost draw.

Da Pater Augustam menti conscendere sedem &c.

These Verses are done to the mind of the Author by the English Translator, wherefore for ease I will make use of them al [...] but the last.

Dear Father let my mind thy glorious seat ascend,
Let me behold the spring of gra [...]e, and find the light,
That I on that may six my soules well [...]l [...]ered sight,
Cast off the earthly weight wherewith I am opprest,
Shine [...]s thou art, most bright, thou only calm and rest
To pious m n, whose end is to behold thy Ray,
Who art their first, Conveigher, Guide their last, & way.

I will make use of the Translator in all that followeth in verse.

He that would seek the truth with thought profound,
And would not stray in wayes which are not right,
He to himself must turn his inward sight,
And guide his motions in a circled round,
Teaching his minde what ever she designe
Her selfe in her own Treasure doth possesse;
So that which late lay hid in cloudiness,
More bright and cleer then Phoebus beams shall shine.
Flesh hath not quenched all the spirits light,
Though this oblivious lump holds her possest,
Some seed of truth remaineth in our brest,
Which skilfull Learning easily doth excite.
For being ask't, how can we answer true,
Ʋnlesse that grace within our hearts did dwell,
If Plato's heavenly Muse the truth doth tell,
We learning things remember them a new?

Lib. 5. MET. 3.

What cause of discord breaks the bonds of love?
What God betwixt two truths such wars doth me,
That things which severally well setled be,
Yet joyn'd in one will never friendly prove,
Or in true things can we no discord see,
Because all certainties do still agree;
But our dull soule cover'd with members blind
Knows not the secret Law which things do bind,
By the drown'd light of her oppressed fire,
Why then the hidden Notes to find
Doth she with such a love of truth desire,
If she knows that which she doth so require.
Why wisheth she known things to know again?
If she knows not, why strives she with blind pain?
Who after things unknown will strive to go?
Or will such ignorant pursuit maintain?
How shall she find them out? or having so,
How shall she then their formes and natures know?
Or when this soul the highest mind did view,
Must we needs say, that it all natures knew?
Now she, though clouds of flesh do her debar,
Forgets not all that was her ancient due,
But in her mind some generall notions are,
Though not the skill of things particular.
He that seeks truth in neither course doth fall,
Not knowing all, nor ignorant of all;
He marketh gen'rall things which he retains,
And, matters seen on high, doth back recall,
And things forgotten to his mind regains,
And joyns them to that part that there remains.

Laurentius Valla Gramaticus vocat Boethium erudito­rum ultimum, non ordine aut gradu sed tempore, tum enim Gothi & Vandali in Romanam ditionem irruptionem fece­runt cum Theodoricus erat Imperator, Boethius autem Romanorum eruditissimus eju [...]aetatis, vel a retro per mul­tos annos fuit ut opera ejus testantur.

Ancients in Schools once too obscurely taught,
That sence and shape presented to the thought
From outward object, their impression take,
As when a paper smooth and plaine,
On which, as yet, the marks of Ink hath layne,
We with a nimble pen do letters make.
But if our mind to nothing can apply
Their proper motions, but do patient lie
Subject to forms which do from bodies flow,
Like to a Glasse, rendring the shape of things;
Who then can shew from whence that motion springs?
By force of which the minde all things doth know.
Or by what skill are severall things espy'd?
And being known, what power doth them divide,
And thus divided doth again unite,
And with a various journey oft aspires
To highest things, and oft again retires
To basest, nothing being out of sight.
And when she back unto her selfe doth move,
Doth all the falshoods by the truth reprove?
This vigour needs must be an active cause,
And with more powerfull forces must be deckt,
Then that which from these formes that do reflect
From outward matter all her vertue drawes,
And yet in living bodies passions might
Doth go before, whose office is to wait,
And the first motions in the minde do make,
As when the light unto our eyes appears,
Or some loud voyce is sounded in our ears,
Then doth the strength of the dull mind aw [...]ke
Those Phantasies which she retains within,
She stirreth up such motions to begin,
Whose objects with their natures best agree;
And thus applying them to outward things,
She joynes th'externall shapes with those she brings,
With forms which in her selfe included bee.

THE LIFE and DEATH OF Anicius Manlius Torquatus Se­verinus Boethius.
Taken out of Peter Bertius, and Jul. Martianus Rota.

ANicius Severinus Boethius was a Roman, one eminent both by the Nobility of his An­cestors, & the endowments of his soule. His life befell him in those times when Italy was held & oppressed by the Barbarians. For he was borne not long after Rome was taken by A­leric, and flourished in King Theodoricks time. This Theodorick being assisted by Zeno with many thousands, took to himself Italy after he had ta­ken it away from Odoacer, and planted his King­ly seat at Ravenna, doing what ever him listed; [Page 58]which Boethius well seeing, he applyed his mind to honest studies. Being therefore well skilled in Greek and Latine learning, he first translated something out of Euclide, and to them added some things of his owne. And that which was not f [...]und in Aristotles age, he taught to make a Square equall to a Circle. And hee rendred in Latine Nichomacus Arithmetick, not as a bare interpreter, but as one that knew how to do it in the best manner. Then Musick a most per­plexed and inturned Art, was collected by him out of the best; in which he gave a full expres­sion of Aristoxenis and Pythagoras. There is ex­tant an Epistle of Theodorick to Boethius, which shews, that he translated into Latine both Ptole­mies Syntaxis, and Archymedes his Mechanick. He shewes in his owne words that hee intended to translate Aristotle, what ever of Aristotles works shall come to my hands, I will turn them into the Roman stile and Language, Every little of them will I make to speak Latine, that what e­ver shall be of the subtilty of Logick of the Pru­dens of the morals & whatsoever is set down by Aristotle out of the quick ingeny of the Naturall, all that will I ordinately transfer and illustrate with a cle [...]r light of Commentation.

He explained that Porphery whom Cornelius Apher after had translated in a compēdious man­ner, & illustrated the same with new Expositi­ons. Assoon as he had put his hand to the Predi­caments, behold he was made Consul of Rome; this he expresseth in his owne words. And al­though [Page 59]the cares of the Consular Office do hin­der me, by which meanes I cannot imploy all my vacancies and my full industry in these stu­dies, yet it seems to pertaine to some part of the care of the Common-wealth to instruct the Ci­tizens in any elucubrate part of learning. Nor shall I deserve ill of my fellow Citizens, seeing the ancient vertue of men of the other Cities have transferred the Empire and Government to this only Common-wealth, I to that alone which is left may instruct the mode of our City in the Arts of the Greek Wisdome. Therefore this is not impertinent to the Consular Office, seeing it hath been alwaies the custome of Rome, that in what Nation soever that which was the most faire and excellent to make that more and more splendent by immitation. Thus he. But he came to be Consul a yong man, by the favour of the chiefe of the City, for they took the charge of him being a Boy, being they knew hee was from the ancient family of the Manlii Torquati, & saw the ingenuity of the Anician great Grand­father budding in him. In his first Consulate the King of the Huns and Italy Odoacer, by Pheba the Captain of the Rugi, hee was taken and pos­sest and injoyed as C [...]ssi [...]dore relates, who names Boethius only but twice, Consull once with Syma­chus. And he not only obtain'd this honour, but his two sons, which had never before happened, he saw Patricius and Hyparius at the same time Consuls. That very year Theodorick being called to the Court at Rome in the name of S. P. Q. R. [Page 60]Boethius made a Panegyrick with the highest elo­quence in Theodoricks praise, betwixt the two Consuls, when he made a triumphall feast to the multitude.

In his last Consulate he had to collegue Syma­chus his Father in Law.

A sore famine oppressed Campania, and above all, a more bitter levy and exaction was deman­ded by the Tyrants Exactors, which this Con­sull would not suffer to be gathered.

Peter Bertius saith, there were divers who wrote upon the Books de Consolatione: to wit, of the more ancient Albertus Magnus, and Tho. A­quinas; after them Rodolphus Agricola Frisius Joan­nes Murmellius, Ruremontanus, & nuper admodum Joannes Bernartius & Theodorus Zitzmannus. This Booke was lately by mee read upon in my publick Lectures in the Academy. It appeares evidently that Philip the faire (the French King) did so highly esteem these Books, that though he well understood the Latine, yet hee tooke it as a benefit at the hands of John Magdunensis or Mouns the Poet, who dedicated to his Name his French Translation of it. This Booke was writ­ten in the Prison of Ticinum, where afterwards Boethius lost his head.

There were more Boethiuses then this one. One Laertius names, that was a Stoick. Another Plu­tarch names, who was an Epicurean. A third ci­ted by Galen, a Certian, a Studier of Aristotle, a Consular man. And our Boethius names a fourth in his Comment upon Porphyry anciently cited [Page 61]by Amonicus and Symplicius. A fifth was Boethius his own Father.

Our Boethius his first name is taken from the Anicii, the antiquitie and nobleness of whose name S. Hierom not in one place alone sets forth. The most eminent of the Anicii was Boethius his great Grandfather, Anicius Sextus Petronius Probus, of whom there is frequent mention in Amianus Marcellinus, Ausonius, Symachus, and in the Code of Theodosian, Claudian doubts not to prefer this Anisius before all the Romans then living, for his Nobility.

Quemcunque requiris (inquit.)
Haec de stirpe virum, certum est de consule nasci
Per fasces numerantur Avi, semperque renata
Nobilitate virent, & prolem Fata sequuntur,
Nec quisquam procerum tentat licet aere vetusto
Floreat, & claro cingatur Roma Senatu.
Se jactare parem.
Quia Manlii gens Torquata erat eo factum est ut no­ster Boethius dictus fuerat Torquatus.

But how our Boethius came to bee named Se­verinus it seems to bee doubtfull; some draw it from the severity of the Manlian family, to which I cannot assent; for though I finde many of th [...]t family to have beene abundantly severe, yet I finde none of them to be named either Se­veri or Severine. Therefore I had rather ascribe it to the name of the Family of the Severines. And [Page 62]indeed there were many of that name and fami­ly Consuls u [...]der the Emperours Leo and Zeno. It may be Manlia the daughter of Theodorus was married to a Severyne, the Grandfather of our Boechius. Our Boethius was born the same yeare his Father was kill'd, to wit, the yeare of our Lord [...]55. I do not doubt but the praenomen or first name of Boethius was Flavius. For I finde in the Ecclesiastical acts these words Fl: Boethii V.C. Consule die 3. Iduum Martiarum in Basilica Constan­tiana residente venerabili viro Papa Felice &c. which words are to be referred to Boethius his first Con­sulship. Boethius was borne the year of our Lord Boethius bestowed 11 yeares at Athens, that he bestowed 11 years there, his Booke de Disci­plina Scibolarium confirms it.

The first Wife he married was Elpis a Sicilian, a noble Virgin, by whom he had two sons, Pa­tricius and Hypatius. Of her making it is belie­ved the two Hymns Aurea lux & faelix per omnia were, which are now sung in the Church.

The first Consulat was the 487. year of Christ before Theodorick came to the Kingdom of Italy 2 years. His sons Patritius and Hypatius were Con­fuls 13 years after him, which was the year of our Lord 500. Boethius his second Consulat was the year of our Lord 510. of Theodoricks 18. He had a Library full fraught with Bookes of all Languages, whose wall shone with Ivory and glasse.

With this fulnesse being instructed, Boethius did intend to [...]l [...]ustrate all Philosophy in the La­tine [Page 63]tongue, for thus he writes. For I turne eve­ry worke of Aristotle which shall come to my hand into the Roman Stile; will write out all of them in the Latine speech; that whatsoever of his, either subtiltie of Logick, for the skill of morall gravity, or the shortnesse of naturall ve­rity, made transparent, by Aristotle, all that I will ordinately transfer and illustrate, with some kinde of light and commentary.

These things hee with much labour in uni­sall Philosophy, did turne either out of the Greek, or himselfe write in Latine.

In Logick these things.

To the Isagoge of Porpherie, 2 bookes.

Of the second Edition, one.

Upon the Categories of Aristotle, 2 bookes.

Upon the booke of Perihermenias, 1 booke.

Of the second Edition, 6 bookes.

Of Division, 1 booke.

Of Definitions, 1 booke.

Upon Categoricall Sylogismes, the Introducti­on, 1 booke.

Upon the Topicks of Cicero, 6 bookes.

Of Topicall Differences, 4 bookes.

Of the Categoricall Sylogisms, 2 bookes.

Of the hypotheticall Sylogism, 2 bookes.

In the Retoricks. Of Retoricall places, 1 booke.

In Arithmetick, he translated Nichomacus his A­rithmeticke, Cassiodore his Arithmeticke: this a­mongst the Greeks Nicomachus did diligently ex­pound [Page 64]whom first Maudacensis Apuleius, and then the magnificent man Boethius did give to the Romans translated in the Latin speech. Of A­rithmeticke, two bookes.

In Musick he translated Pythagoras the Musiti­an: he writ of Musick 5 bookes.

In Geometrie he translated Euclide; Cassiodore speaking of Geometry, whose discipline he saith among the Greeks Euclide, Apollonius, Archime­des, and also other writers to bee observed who are extant, of which the magnificent man Bo­ethius did give in the Roman tongue; who if he bee diligently read, that which of Divisions be­fore said is apparent, shall bee knowne by ma­nifest understanding and cleare truth.

He writ upon the Geometrie of Euclide, three bookes Of the quadrature of the Circle.

In Geography and Astronomie hee translated Ptolomeus Alexandrinus

In the Mathematicks he translated Archimedes his Mecanicks.

Besides these hee put forth Plato turned by him. Epistles to diverse 1 booke.

Also he attempted the concord of the Philo­sophy of Aristotle with Plato.

Of weekes 1 booke.

I might believe even at Rome, that either extraordinarily he taught some noble young men, or did oversee some others that taught them; did institute various exercises of all sapientes, at his own house; for Rome was then excellent in all learning & Philosophy & humane discipline, as [Page 65]may be seen out of the rescript of Theodorick the King, to Symachus, Boethius his Father in Law, in which hee calls Rome the Mother of eloquence, and the large Church of all vertue, lest the Va­lri [...]n children that came from the Syracusan City for the cause of study to Rome, without consul­ting with him or his knowledge should returne to their Father.

Boethius was very busie in Translations and writing Bookes when Elpis his deare Wife was taken away by death. A faithfull Companion of his cares, joyes, and studies. Her Epitaph un­certaine whether written by Boethius or some o­ther, such as it is, is thus read.

Elpis dicta fuit Siculae regionis alumna
Quem procul Patria conjugis egit amor
Quo sine maesta dies nox afraflebilis hora.
Porticibus sacris jam nunc peregrina quiesco,
Judicis aeternt testificata Vironum.

Elpis being dead, Boethius married a second Wise, Rusticena the daughter of Symachus, a Se­nator and Consular man, by whom he had two sons. After this comes Boethius his last Consular, which he bore with Symachus his Father in law, the year of our Lord 522. and of his owne age 67. Unto Symachus the Senators of new Rome, to Boethius the Senators of old Rome, gave the Con­sular. To this Symachus Boethius inscribed a Book made by him of the holy Trinity, against Nesto­rius [Page 66]and Eutiches. For Boethius was specially stu­died in Theology, and at that time the more di­ligent, because he saw Orthodox sentence of the holy Trinity to be opposed vehemently, by the Arrian Eastern Gothes and Theodorick their King; Therefore he wrote of the Unity of the Trinity, whether the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost doe predicate substantially of the Divinity. Moreover of the Faith to John the Deacon, of the two na­tures in Christ. But Boethius having put out those Workes, did excite the hatred of Theodorick the King, and raised a suspition in him, that he inten­ded to change the Common-wealth to vindi­cate its liberty. Nor were there men wanting, who upon this occasion did oppose openly upon this point, and did oppose openly his Consular authority, to which Boethius enjoying a good con­science valiantly opposed himselfe, and was not afraid for the defending of the Common-wealth and private Citizens right to undertake the en­mity of great men. Then hee represt Conigastus the exactor who invaded wickedly the fortunes of the miserable Citizens. Nor did he that once only in his Consulship, but often. After that Triguilla the Prefect, or Steward of the Kings house, he call'd back from his begun, and now almost perfected injury.

Boethius complained to Theodorick of the un­doing of the Provinces by the rapines of the Pre­fects and publick Levies. In the famine of Cam­pania and other intollerable exactions, by which it was almost ruin'd, hee for the common good [Page 67]had a combate with the Prefect of the Preto­rians, and the King himselfe knowing of it, hee contended vehemently for Campania, and by the force of his Oratory he effected the prohi­bition of that coemption.

These things being don by Boethius in the time of his Consulat when the hate of the King and his Courtiers were inflamed. The next year Maxi­mus being Consul, hee was accused by Basilius Opilius and Gaudentius, men most flagitiously wicked, and (because of the Kings example, they followed the most impious tenent of Arrius) most bitterly against the Orthodox: Amongst these Basilius who had been discharged from the Kings service, being very much indebted in hope of the Kings favour he accused Boethius, but Opi­lio and Gaudentius who for many heinous crimes were destin'd to banishment, defended them­selves by Sanctuary (although the King had made an edict, that if they departed not within their appointed day from Ravenna, they should be pul'd out from the Temple, they should be dri­ven out with burnt marks in their forehead. Yet when they professed the accusation of Boe­thius, that very day designed for their Banish­ment, they were admitted, heard, and received into the Kings favour, and restored to their pristine dignity.

The sum of his accusation, or rather dela­tion, was, because Boethius wished all well to the Senate and its Authority. That he opposed the Delator, lest hee should bring Instruments [Page 68]by which hee should prove the Senate guilty of high Treason. That he endeavoured the restiui­tion of the Roman Empire, to the confirmation of which head, they produced Letters, as writ­ten by Boethius, when they were forged by them­selves. They said also that Boethius through the ambition of dignity had polluted his conscience with sacriledge. Theodorick the King, who had before born himselfe moderate to the Orthodox, from this very time began to be cruel; so that believing in such feigned things, so that he con­demned Boethius unguilty, than whom to him there was not another more beloved and lovely: and having declared all his Goods forfe it, hee sent him to the Prison of Ticinum (which the later men call Papia) 500 mile from the City.

In this Prison (according to the example of Socrates) he first wrote a Booke an Apology and Defence; and there also hee wrote a Booke to Symachus of the Trinity. Hee did not perfect his worke de Consolatione; for I have most certaine arguments by which I can evince, that the pur­pose of Boethius was to adde those things out of the Christian Doctrine, that the minde might be the most exalted in the consideration of eter­nall life. And take it for last.

Himself proposing these Philosophical things, doth promise some other things more high and excellent than those. Adde to these that which he saith in his 4. Book, he calls Philosophy the passable way to true light, therefore he means not to make a full stop in that part, but to goe [Page 69]on forward to the greater light. I had thought now to have stept from Bertius, and to have re­turned to Martianus Rota; but finding Bertius more punctuall and significant in describing the life of Boethius, I shall proceed with him first.

In the Prison of Ticinum Boethius lost his head the year of our Lord 526. of Theodoricks reigne 34. of his own life 71. The Citizens buried his body in S. Peters Church, under the golden Hea­ven in S. Augustines Chappel, where the ascent begins.

His Epitaph.
Maeoniae & Latiae linguae clarissimus etqui
Consul eram hic perii missus in exiliam,
Sed quem mors rapiut probitas evexit ad aura [...],
Et nunc fama viget maxima, viget opus.

After his death Amalisuenta Theodoricks daugh­ter, the Mother of Ahalerick, the Widdow of Eutharicus erected all the Satua's of Boethius that were levelled in Rome, and restored to his Heires the whole patrimony. Also Theodebate the King to whom Amalisuenta his sister promoted to the Crown as it is with Cassiodore l. 10. Epist. 11. cal­led one Maximus one of the Anician family to the dignity of the Primiceriat, and hee tooke a Wife of the Kingly stock.

To conclude 270 yeares after, to wit, in the yeare of our Lord 996. Otho the 3. Augustus took the bones out of the Sepulchre: in which those of Boethius had layn hid, and removed them, and exalted them to a marble Tomb. In memory [Page 70]of which act, Gerbertus is, that having abandoned the Arch Bishoprick of Rhemes; betook himselfe to the Bishoprick of Ravenna, and last of all was Pope of Rome, by the name of Sylvester the second, made this Verse at that time.

Roma potens dum jura sua declarat in orbe
Tu Pater & Patriae lumen Severine Boethi
Consulis officio rerum dispones habenas,
Infundis lumen studiis & cedere nescis
Graecorum ingeniis: sed mens divina coercet
Imperium mundi gladio bacchante Gothorum
Libertas Romana perit Tu Consul & exul
Insignes titulos praeclara morte relinquis,
Nunc decus imperii summas qui praegravat artes,
Tertius Otho suum sua dignum te judicat aula,
Aeternumque tui statuit monumenta laboris,
Et bene pro meritum meritis exornat honestis.

To the five Books de Consolatione, if a sixt h [...]d been added of eternall life, wee had had a con­summate consolation against all the evils of this life.

I now come again to Martianus Rota. Tycinum was a City placed amongst the Insubrians, now Savoyards.

Boethius in writing his Books, consulted the best Authours, to wit, Theophrastus Eudemus, Andro­nicus, Aspatius, Herminius, Alexander, Syrianus, Por­phyrius, Themistius, of whose opinions, as an ho­norary Arbitrator, he gave his dicision.

He himselfe attests this in his Exposition on [Page 71] Aristotles book de Enuntiatione, in the 3. of which books when on the manner of Contingents, hee there declares, that hee had written better of them in his Physicks. Thereupon hee gives us occasion to conjecture, that hee left also enucle­ations over naturall Philosophy.

But hitherto these Books are missing, though they have beene brought lately to Tarvisium as well as those which he wrote on the Analyticks and Topicks, seeing that he himselfe cytes these. And upon the Topicks of Cicero hee wrote seven Books, as himselfe professeth. He also takes upon him to Latinize Plato's Dialogues, that they were done, Cassiodore affirmes. I should wonder at the multitude and largenesse of these Workes, but that I know that those divine Commentaries upon Aristotles Book de Interpretatione was done by him in two years, which time would scarce serve to turne over so many Commentators as wrote upon it. For among the Peripateticks, there is scarce one famous that hath not written upon that Book: Boethius Commented upon this Book when Theodorick passed the Alps, and over­threw his Father in law Clodoveus, or Lewis the French King in a great battell. Boethius wrote 4 excellent Books of Topical differences, by which he dissevers the Logick from the Rhetorick, and as many more of both Sylogisms. Also of Divi­sion & on each 1. That which is the Introduction to the Categoricall Sylogisme is falsly inscribed with the Books of Aristotle of the Eununciation. For either it is a Breviary, as he calls it, or cer­tainly [Page 72]the same with the first upon the Catego­ricall Sylogism. And that Worke de Disciplina Scholarium, belies not only the title, but also the elocution and invention. For Boethius would have written otherwise; but let that alone, and let us bring somwhat of his Weeks to light. The Work of the Weeks is distributed into 7 parts. Varro first wrote upon the Weeks, and then our Authour, out of which the little Booke of the good of substance, or substantiall good, and that other of the Unity, or One, are taken. He com­posed the Weeks a yong man, as also of that on the two Natures and one person of Christ. Up­on the Commotions of the Acephali there was an handle or holdfast given to our Boethius to compose a Book against Nestorius, who joyned to the two Natures as many persons, and against Eutiches, who allowed but one Nature and one person.

The Inhabitants of Tycinum doe alwayes con­stantly assever this tradition from their Ance­stors, that our Severyne when hee was mortally wounded by the Kings Darter, to have carryed up his irrased head with both hands, & being as­ked of whom he thought he was wounded? an­swered, by the impious, & so when he came into the neighbouring Church, and with [...]ended knees had received the holy things of the A [...]ter, expired presently after. Being dead, he obtained Sainting honours amongst ours, because he suf­fered death because hee maintained the Catho­lick Doctrines against the perfidies of the Ar­ [...]ian.

He had an Eulogy besides his Epitaph before recited, before he was quietly laid, by Luitpran­dus King of the Lumbards.

Ecce Boëthus adest in Coelo magnus, & omni
Perspectus mundo, mirus habendus homo
Qui Theodorico Regi delatus iniquo
Ticini senium duxit in exilio,
In quase maestum solans dedit urbe libellum
Post ictus gladio exiit e medio.

I cannot omit what is said of Symachus the Colleague, and Father in Law of Boethius, of them two remembred by my present Authour Marianus Rota. There were two of the Symachi of great estimation for learning each of them; the first lived in Gracian and Valerians, the last in the times of Zeno and Anastasius; his Epistles are extant, and in esteem carried about by many, and he is often mentioned in Macrobius his Satur­nals. Of this other there is nothing, but to pre­termit the testimony of Boethius. Priscian of Cae­sarea writing of weights, doth so commend him, that he doth appear thereby to have attained all the tops of all Disciplines.

And now I shall close all with Rota's Eulogy. This was the end of this excellent man, who for eloquence, honesty, and learning, did very much excell. The last of all the Romans who did con­secrate any thing to literatures monuments; the first of all who did illustrate Aristotle in the La­tine tongue. Of so great authority with poste­rity, [Page 74]that there was almost no appeale from his sentences. By his death wee lost Plato and Ari­stotles Concordance, which hee promised, and had done, if not cut off by violent and im­mature death, and he only could do it.

But the revenge, or rather vengeance, stayed not long inflicted by Gods hand. For Theodorick supping when a fishes head was set before him, the King thought hee saw in that, Symachus his face biting his nether lip, and with fierce eies threatning; being struck with the spectacle, the Tyrant fell into a sickness, and assoon as hee confessed what he had seen, expired. His fami­lies divulged his death to be by a bloudy stroke. But Amalasiunta knowing well the thing, when shee succeeded in the Kingdome, rescinds all her Fathers acts done against Law and right, and restored all Severynes and Symachus his Goods to their children.

I Am glad to hear it from Bellarmin that Aqui­nas was not the Author of that unhappy Com­mentary that goes under his name upon Boethius. But sure that Commentator was ancient, for I have him printed above an hundred years since. I wish wee had the right Aquinas and Albert [...] Magnus, for these latter Commentators under­stand him not, and are meere Mountebancks; else I wish wee had Bertius his Lectures upon him.

I should bee glad that some man would finde out a convenient sence for those Verses of Boe­thius, [Page 75]if mine do not altogether please them; for I put no obligation upon any man to follow me.

Tu triplicis medium naturae cuncta moventem
Connectens Animam per Consona membra resolvis
Quae dum secta duos motum glomeravit in orbes,
In semet reditura meat mentem (que) profundam,
Circuit, &c.

And therefore I add this to my former inter­pretation and say, this Circuitus mentis profundi si­ve Divini, may perhaps mean no more than the intuitive comprehension of the Ideal form in the mind of God, by which the Heavens are turned round. And this sence is facile and easie, and then this Anima triplicis naturae & media, may well be the soul of man, without any danger of error or blasphemy. And the foolish opinion of Anima mundi, or intelligentia movens orbem, may be discarded and exploded.

Optime Southamptoniae Princeps Regis Comes.

Q Ʋi sis fulcrum unicum Do­mus praeclarissimae adhuc Wryotheslianae South­hamptoniae: sed humiliter precor Deum Opt. Max. qui filium dedit Abrabae tum fere mortuo, quod & ipse omnipotens fi­lium tibi dabit ex charissima conjuge, ne ex­tinctum in te sit nomen celebre Wryotheslianum defectu haeredis masculi. Perire autem nomen illud (licet sine prole masculo exeas) non sinit & fama propria & patris excellentissimi, avi­que avorum tuorum praeclarissimorum; haec autem vocalis & aeria tantum fama, quam vellem tibi substantialem ex lumbis propriis superfuturam, claritatis & nominis continu­ationem, imo ut videas filios filiorum & pa­cem [Page 78]& religione [...], proseripiam in terra hac nostra Anglicana, restitutam & denuo reslo­rescentem Viteriores sunt mibi supplicationes quas loqui non licet, nec dum convenit, licebit autem posthac Deo volente iubenceque.

Namque dabit Deus his quoque finem.

Sed quanta est tibi mei cura, vir literatis­sime, & fame ut non sinas Boethiana mea prae­lo mandari, sine circumspactione [...]ua & judi­cio? Sed ve mibi, impresse sunt aliquae schaedae ut mihi videtur, non bene excusae. Et ni ocius remittas mibi chartas meas male exara­tas, opus finitum [...]rit priusquam a ter recipiam eas, quod d [...]l [...]ncer dico. Sed hoc magnopere flagito, quod cum jam innotuit tibi ubi sit tran­slatio illa optima (matri tuae optimae dedicata) eam mibi celeri maun mittas. Nam operi meo Boethiano ea translatio multum attulerit, & hoc a te vebemeuter peto. Valo Decus Angliae. Ex aedibus Bos [...]omianis 11 Octobris bo­ra 12. nocturna 1654.

Tibi Deditissimus S. E. M.


IN the Tule Page, line 4. read Anglo Latine. l. 6. r. S.E.M. Epistle p 3. l. 8. S.E.M. Pa. 5. l. 11. r. ego. Pa. 2.10. sese per quae dam. l 11. reeuperet. l. 24. sibi nectere catenam. Pa 3.13. hum [...]nos, r Boethio ut haec. l. 14. videbansur. l. 18. read alike. Pa. 4.1. dele omnes. l. 12. ultimo. l. 15. amorem, spem. l. 16. pre­pedita. l. 15 [...] le. [...]. Prosas. l. 30. Boechium promittit. l. 33. read after that which. Pa. 5. l. 4. Meeter. Pa. 6. 25. corpus beare. Pa. 7.32. ad interitum tendunt. Pa. 9.10. in tuentes. Pa. 18.18 nullum esse praemium. Pa. 19.20. ducit. l. 34. same. Pa. 20.1. saeviunt. l. 3. Philosophia. l. 4. magis compati uti facimus. l. 5. & 6. cupiunt ac. l. 12. si corum vita. l. 15. decllnant. l. 21. & 22. debent imitari. l. 23. sapientiam. Pa. 21.6. afflict ons. l. 7. their. l. 8. that it is. Pa. 23.33. fatum. l. 34. mobilibus. ibid. omnis nectit. Pa. 27.8. recreatus. l. 12. judicia. l. 30. remunerat. l. 31 sententiae. l. 32. contraria. l. 33. & 34. in tua. ibid. tandem. Pa. 28, 17, pro enim le [...]est l, 21, vertetis Pa 29, 6, acutissimis l, 8 lectum l, 17 adjicienda Pa. 30, 7 dele ipsio gregarius l, 8, pro esset le. sit l, 9 pro cum le. si l, 14 dele inveniet Pa 37, 15 a me l, 16 consulet l, 28 motum l, 31 ipsa Pa 28 11 vanissima l, 12 dicere velim l, 16 creatas Pa 29, 18 19 l, 25 meum ei praebere Pa 38, 6 certa Pa 40, 15 placeat l, 22 quas Pa 41, 3 est l, 10 carcers l, 16 providentiae l, 30 supernis Pa 42, 6 exciderit Pa 44 16 ubi l, 17 scholiae l, 19 aliquam l, 20 Boethium l, 24 connectens l, 32 eductum l, 33 per Pa 45, 9 anima humana separata ibid. spatium l, 10 circulum.

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