Unity of priesthood necessary to the unity of communion in a church with some reflections on the Oxford manuscript and the preface annexed : also a collection of canons, part of the said manuscript, faithfully translated into English from the original, but concealed by Mr. Hody and his prefacer. Bisbie, Nathaniel, 1635-1695. 1692 Approx. 283 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2013-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2). A28225 Wing B2985 ESTC R31591 12181016 ocm 12181016 55643

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A28225) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55643) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1499:5) Unity of priesthood necessary to the unity of communion in a church with some reflections on the Oxford manuscript and the preface annexed : also a collection of canons, part of the said manuscript, faithfully translated into English from the original, but concealed by Mr. Hody and his prefacer. Bisbie, Nathaniel, 1635-1695. 72 p. [s.n.], London printed : MDCXCII [1692] Attributed to Bisbie by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Imperfect: pages stained, with print showthrough and slight loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library

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eng Church of England -- Bishops. Church and state -- England. Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century. 2020-09-21 Content of 'availability' element changed when EEBO Phase 2 texts came into the public domain 2012-12 Assigned for keying and markup 2012-12 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2013-01 Sampled and proofread 2013-01 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2013-02 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

Vnity of Prieſthood Neceſſary to the Unity of Communion in a CHURCH With ſome REFLECTIONS ON THE OXFORD MANƲSCRIPT, And the PREFACE annexed.

ALSO Collection of CANONS, part of the •• id MANUSCRIPT, faithfully tran ated into Engliſh from the Original, but concealed by Mr. Hody, and his Prefacer.

LONDON, Printed in the Year MDCXCII.

THE CONTENTS. 1. UNdertaken at the News of the new Biſhops. 2. Plurality of Biſhops as fatal as plurality of Kings. 3. The Church founded on Biſhops. 4. But one Biſhop in a Church. 5. A Rule generally known and practiſed.. 6. More makes a Schiſm. 7. Novatianus at Rome did ſo. 8. So did Meletius at Lycopolis in Egypt. 9. Majorinus at Carthage, and others elſewhere. 10. Unity of Prieſthood under the old Law. 11. The ſecond Biſhop makes the Schiſm. 12. His Ordination null. 13. His Perſon and Office cenſured. 14. Not ſufficient to be of the ſame Faith with the firſt, 15. Though an Aſſertor of and Sufferer for it. 16. Is rejected by all. 17. The Biſhops renounce Communion with him. 18. The Laity his Preſidency. 19. The Compliers guilty. 20. The Ordainers worſt of all. 21. A Digreſſion touching the Oath of Canonical Obedience. 22. The Schiſm aggravated, 23. Through the unjuſt Deprivation of the Biſhops; as contrary 24. To the Primitive Canons, 25. To the Proceedings and Reſcripts of Chriſtian Emperours, 26. To the Methods of England, Saxon or Norman. 27. Not innovated by the Reformation. 28. State Deprivation a novel and wicked Invention. 29. Through the Primate's being one of theſe Biſhops, without whom 30. Nothing is to be done in the Church, 31. No Ordination counted valid. 32. The Caſe of Abiathar conſidered, 33. As to the being of two High Prieſts at once, 34. As to his Depoſition by Solomon. 35. Regal Depoſitions fatal to the Church. 36. They proved ſo to the Jewiſh, 37. They proved ſo to the Greek: 38. An Apology for both. 39. The Caſe of the deprived Biſhops not the ſame 40. With thoſe in K. Edward the V th's days; as touching 41. Their Inveſtitures, 42. Their Crimes, 43. The Manner of their Deprivations. 44. Nor with thoſe in Q. Elizabeth's days. 45. Preliminary Obſervations reſpecting the ſame; 46. The number of the deprived, 47. Their Titles faulty, 48. Their Crimes inexcuſable, 49. The Authority unexceptionable. 50. The Parliament cannot authenticate Schiſm, 51. No Act of Submiſſion to them, 52. Eccleſiaſtical Matters out of their Sphere, 53. Ne er more unhappy than when meddling in them. 54. The Neceſſity of the preſent Separation evinced, 55. Mr. Hody and his Prefacer detected and confuted.
Vnity of Prieſthood Neceſſary to the Unity of Communion in a Church. SIR,

1. OF all the Ill News you have ſent me ſince the beginning of the late Revolution, none ſits ſo cloſe upon me, nor hath created ſuch deep Thoughts of Heart within me, as the News of a new Primate, and a new Biſhop; the old ones being living, and neither canonically heard, nor judicially deprived: A Project utterly diſſonant to all primitive Practice, to the antient Conſtitutions and Canons of the Church; and which, if not timely compromiſed, muſt neceſſarily beget, and perhaps unavoidably propagate a laſting Schiſm among us, ad natos natorum, & qui naſcuntur ab ipſis.

2. The antient Cry was, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . one God, one Theodor. lib. 2. cap. 17. Hom. I id. lib. 2. Chriſt, one Biſhop; anſwerab le to that of the Poet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . let there be but one King, one Supreme; intimating, that it will be as fatal to the Church to have Biſhop againſt Biſhop, as for the State to have oppoſite Kings: The one ever fills a Nation with Bloodſhed and Devaſtation, the other the Church with Faction and Sedition: The former ruines the Peace, and diſturbs the Quiet of the Common-wealth, diſpoſing it to moſt certain Anarchy and Confuſion; the other ever confounds the Unity and Concord of Chriſtians, till it turns the Houſe of God into a Den of Thieves, and of a Bethel makes it a Bethaven: And if by either of theſe means we come once to be unſettled, and to have our corner Stone diſplaced, we m y ſoon expect that Saying of our Saviour to be verified among us, that an Houſe divided againſt it ſelf cannot ſtand. Mark 3. 25. 1 Cor. 3. 4. This was the fate and ſad condition of the Church of Corinth; ſome were fo Paul, others for Apollos, and others again for Cephas; which at length cauſed ſ ch a Diviſion among them, that, had not the Apoſtle come in 1 Cor. 4. 21. with his ſuperintending Authority, the Church it ſelf had probably been overlaid and ſtifled in its Infancy.

3. There might indeed be many ſubordinate Miniſters and Aſſiſtants in a Church; ſome or bringing in new Converts, ſome for perfecting the o d ones, all for the Work of the Miniſtery, and for the edifying of the Body of Chriſt; (Cornelius, Bp. of Rome, reckons up under him, in his time, no leſs than Euſeb. Hiſt. lib. 6. cap. 35. Edit. Col. Allob. 1612. forty ſix Presbyters, beſides ſeven Deacons, and many other eccleſiaſtical Officers; Epiphanius tells us, that at Alexandria 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to every Church there was an appointed Haereſ. 68. S. 4. Presbyter;) but Biſhop there could be but one, to ſuperintend and preſide over the Church: And therefore St. Cyprian tells us in his Epiſtle ad Florentium Puptanum, That a Church is P ebs Sacerdoti adunata, & Pastori Ep. 66. ſuo grex adherens, a People united to their Biſhop, and a Flock adhering to their Paſtor; and that Hereſies and Schiſms therefore ariſe, quod Sacerdoti Ep. 59. Cornel. Edit. Oxon. Dei non obtemperatur, becauſe the Biſhop is diſobeyed and not acknowledged to be the onely Biſhop, and the onely Judge, for the time being, under Chriſt in the Church. Nay, Ignatius makes this union between a Biſhop and his People ſo abſolutely and indefeaſably neceſſary to a Church, that he will not allow it to be a Church without it; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , without theſe (ſays he) Biſhops and their Clergy, there can be no Ad Fral. c. 3. Church of God, no Aſſembly of Saints, no Congregation of Chriſtians: So doth the aforeſaid St Cyprtan, Scire debes Epiſcopum in Eccleſia eſſe, & Ep. 66. ad Flor. Eccleſiam in Epiſcopo; you ought to know, ſaith he, that the Biſhop is in the Church, and the Church in the Biſhop; and that he who is not with the Biſhop, is not in the Church. And again, at Eccleſia ſuper Epiſcopos conſtituatur, That the Church was to be founded upon Biſhops; divina lege fundatum, Ep. 33. lapſis. and was a Sanction at firſt by the divine Law; and by the various Series of Time, and ſucceſſive Ordinations handed down to us. A Sanction deſigned by Chriſt from the beginning; for (ſaith St. Clemens) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Apoſtles having beforehand fully learned Ep. ad. Cor. 1. cap. 44. from Chriſt, that there would ariſe a Contention in the Church about the Epiſcopal Office, did thereupon conſtitute Biſhops, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and for the future ordered the Rule of Succeſſion for them, that when they themſelves, or the Biſhops conſtituted by them, ſhould happen to dye, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , other Perſons of approved worth might be ſubſtituted in their places. Irenaeus confirms the ſame; for (ſays he) habemus annumer are eos qui ab Apoſtolis inſtituti ſunt Epiſcopi in Eccleſiis, & Succeſſores eorum; we can name the very Men whom the Apoſtles Lib. 3. cap. 3. Baſil. 1528. made Biſhops in ſeveral Churches, and the Succeſſors of them, down to our ſelve ; giving us thereby to know that the Office of Epiſcopacy was as truly of di ine Inſtitution as the Apoſtolate itſelf.

4. And as there muſt be one Biſhop, to head and unite the ſeveral Chriſtians into one; ſo (if primitive Inſtitution and Practice may umpire in the caſe) there ought to be but one ſingle Biſhop in one ſingle Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , There is, ſaith Ignatius, but one Fleſh of our Lord Ep. ad Philadelph. cap. 4. and Saviour Jeſus Chriſt, one Bloud of his ſhed for us all, one Bread broken to us, one Cup diſtributed; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but one Altar to a Church, and one Biſhop. Deus unus, & Chriſtus unus; There is, ſaith St. Cyprian, but one God, one Chriſt, one Church, one Chair, Ep. 43. founded by our Lord; another Altar, beſides that one Altar and Prieſthood, cannot be erected. And again, Chriſt warneth and teacheth us in his De unitat. Eccleſ. Goſpel, ſaying, there ſhall be one Flock, and one Sheepherd; and can any man think, aut multos Paſtores, aut multos greges? there can be in one place either many Sheepherds, or many Flocks? The Bees, ſaith St. Jerome, Ep. ad Ruſt. Mon. Edit. Baſil 1565. have their King, the Cranes fly after one; there is one Emperour, one Judge of a Province; ſinguli Eccleſiarum Epiſcopi, one ſingle Biſhop to one ſingle Church. Were there many Biſhops of one City? ſaith St. Hom. 1 in Ep. ad Philip. Chryſoſtome, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by no means. God, ſaith St. Ambroſe, ſingulis Eccleſiis ſingulos Epiſcopos, hath determined to 1 Cor. 12. every Church one proper Biſhop. It cannot be, ſaith Theodoret, that many Biſhops ſhould be at one and the ſame time Paſtors of one and the ſame Church. In 1 cap. ad Philip. Thus it was carefully provided againſt by the Fathers of the firſt Nicene Council, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , That two Biſhops ſhould not be Can. 8. placed in one and the ſame City. The like determination was made in the Council of Conſtantinople, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Can. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , That no Biſhop ſhould be conſtituted in a Church where one that is alive, and had not voluntarily reſigned, is preſiding. And ſo it was alſo decreed by the fifth Aurelian Council, Nulli viventi Epiſcopo Can. 5. alius ſuperponatur, aut ſuperordinetur Epiſcopus; That no Biſhop be ordained or placed over the Head of another, whilſt that other is living. The like in the Cabilon Council, ut duo in una Civitate penitus in uno tempore nec Can. 4. ordinentur nec habeantur Epiſcopi, That two Biſhops are not to be ordained and placed together in one and the ſame City at one and the ſame time. To this Cuſtome, and particularly to the aforeſaid Canon of the Nicene Council, Pope Innocent had reſpect, when writing to the Clergy of Conſtantinople, he ſays, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Soz. l. 8. c. 26. Edit. Col. Allobr. We never knew any ſuch thing to be acted by our Forefathers, but rather forbad, that any ſhould have power 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to ordain another into the Place of one that is living.

5. And this of one Biſhop (and but of one Biſhop in a place) was a Rule ſo generally known, and ſo univerſally received in thoſe early days of Chriſtianity, that Cornelius upbraids Novatus, (that Father of Puritanes and pretending Goſpeller, as he calls him,) for being ignorant of it, Euſeb. lib. 6. cap. 35. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that but one Biſhop ought to be in one Catholick Church: As if it had been a Rule as neceſſary to be known and practiced for the well governing of the Church, and for keeping it in laſting Peace and Unity, as any one Canon throughout the Scriptures beſides: And therefore St. Auguſtin (though it was his fortune to be ordained Biſhop of Hippo whilſt Valerius lived) would by no means ſuffer Eradius (and perhaps he at that time needed a Coadjutor no leſs than Valerius did) to be ſuperordained upon him, becauſe he then knew it to be an Act uncanonical; his Words are theſe: Scio quod ſcitis & vos, I full Ep. 166. Edit. Pariſ. 1531. well know what ye alſo know, that Eradius is a deſerving Man, and every way qualified to be made a Biſhop; ſed nolo de illo fieri quod de me factum eſt, but I would not have that done to him which was done to me; adhuc enim in corpore poſito, for I was made a Biſhop with him whilſt he was living, and ſate with him in the ſame See; quod ergo reprehendum eſt in me, nolo reprehendi in filio meo; what therefore was reprovable in me, I will not have to be blamed in Eradius my Son; erit Presbyter ut eſt, quando Deus voluerit facturus Ep ſcopus; he ſhall continue a Presbyter in the ſtation he is, and when God wi •• (by taking me away) he ſhall be a Biſhop. Whence we may obſerve, 1. That he looked upon his being conſecrated Biſhop whilſt Valerius his Father and Predeceſſor lived, to be an act reprehenſible in him, and altogether uncanonical. 2. That afterwards knowing the Canon he would not act contrary to it, by having Eradius ſuperordained upon him, though his declining Age needed it, and both Clergy and People deſired it. 3. That it was done at the Requeſt of the Biſhop of the Place, with the approbation of the Primate of the Province; and, as Poſſidonius relates the matter, non tam ſuccedere, quam Conſacerdos accedere; not to dethrone the former, (as now a days its done,) but De vitâ, A guſt. cap. 8. to come into the Copartnerſhip of the Biſhoprick with him, and thereby to aſſiſt in his old Age, that the Affairs of the Church might not be ſuffered to run to Ruine by reaſon of his Infirmities and Inabilities: The onely Caſe perhaps wherein two Biſhops may be allowed in one Church; yea, and not then neither, (as Gratian makes out the Matter,) unleſs the infirm one particularly requeſts it; the Church rather chuſing to Cauſ. 7. q. 1. cap. 11. bear the Infirmity of o d Age in a Bi hop, than to force an Aſſiſtant upon him, leſt thereby Oppoſition ſhould ariſe betwixt them.

Now the Reaſon of all this was to prevent the Miſchief of Schiſm, it being impoſſible to have two oppoſite Biſhops in a Church, without diſturbing the Order, and deſtroving the Ʋnity thereof: For if there be two oppoſite Biſhops, there muſt be two oppoſite Altars, and two oppoſite Communions; each Biſhop pretending a ainſt the other to be the true, catholick, and lawfull Biſhop, to which the Flock ought to adhere. The firſt and true Biſhop will doe what he can to keep the Flock from ſtraying after the ſecond and falſe one, who uſurps upon him; and the Ʋſurper on the other hand will endeavour to the utmoſt to draw them after him, and drain the Congregations of him over whom he uſurps.

7. Thus when that wicked and turbulent Novatianus, the Author and Founder of the Schiſm, was ordained Bp. of Rome over the head of Cornelius, canonically placed there before: He pretended to be the true and rightfull Biſhop, and (to ſtrengthen his own Intereſt) would admit of none, if formerly of Cornelius his Party, to communicate with him, unleſs they would firſt ſolemnly ſwear to become ever after his. And therefore holding both their hands together, with the bread in his, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Euſeb. Hiſt. lib. 6. cap. 35. ſwear, ſays he, to me, that you will never forſake me, nor go back to Cornelius; and ſo delivering the Bread, the Communicant (inſtead of anſwering Amen, as the Cuſtome was,) was forced to ſay, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I will never return to him. And as he was thus forward and active to begin a Schiſm at Rome, ſo he was no leſs ſedulous to propagate it abroad; whereupon St. Cyprian (his Contemporary) reports it of him, That Ep. 55. Antoniano. though there were Biſhops already regularly ordained, and canonically conſtituted throughout all the Provinces, and the ſeveral Cities thereof, (venerable for Age, ſound in Faith, approved in Trials and Perfecutions;) yet he, ſuper eos creare alios Pſeudoepiſcopos auſus eſt, was ſo preſumptuous and daring, as to create over them Biſhops (Falſe-biſhops) of his own, as if he were able by the diſcord he endeavoured to foment to over-run the Church of Chriſt, and to tear in pieces its whole eccleſiaſtical Frame. And indeed ſuch footing it took, that Socrates, ſpeaking of the Sect, tells us, that in the time of Boniface l. which was full an hundred and fifty Lib. 7. c. 30. Edit. Col. Allobr. years after, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they mightily flouriſhed at Rome, enjoyed many Churches, and had under them many great Congregations. Sozomen ſpeaking of them ſays, That though other Sects were generally Lib. 2. cap. 30. short. liv'd, and ſoon decayed, yet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Novatians, or they who had their riſe from Novatus, becauſe their Biſhops were for the moſt part good Men, and they themſelves held the Catholick Faith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , were numerous at firſt, and ſo continued to be.

8. Such a Miſchief aroſe by Meletius of Lycus in Egypt, from whom the Meletian Faction took both its Name and Riſe. He, quarrelling with Peter his Patriarch, the Bp. of Alexandria, for that he admitted the Lapſi, being then both in Priſon together, and with them many other Bishops, Eccleſiaſticks, and Confeſſors, (the ſame Quarrel that Novatianus fifty years before had with Cornelius,) took part againſt him; which Peter perceiving, and willing to try how the reſt ſtood affected, threw his Mantle croſs the Priſon, crying out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they that are for Epiph. ad Haereſ. lib. 2. T. 2, Haer. 68. me and my opinion, let them come hither, and they that are for Meletius let them go to him; which being done, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the company, ſaith Epiphanius, was divided, and the greateſt number of them Loc. cit. cap. 3. went to Meletius; and from thenceforth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they parted Companies, and in acts of divine Worſhip kept their ſeparate Aſsemblies: Nay, as ſoon as ever releaſed out of Priſon he, whereever he went, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ordained Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons of his own, againſt the Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons conſtituted before by Peter, and thereupon erected Churches for his own Faction; and ſo divided the Church, that each Party refuſed to communicate with the other; diſtinguiſhing their Aſſemblies (as the aforeſaid Author has it) by an Inſcription over their Church doors; thoſe who followed Peter taking to themſelves the ancient name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Catholick Church; and thoſe who went after Meletius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Church of Martyrs. Nay, though many of both ſides were afterwards condemned to the Mines, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they would not even there ſo much as communicate or pray together: A breach of ſo ill conſequence to the Church, that being brought before the Nicene Fathers, they diſabled the Biſhops which Meletius had made, till confirmed by a more holy and warrantable Ordination; and as for himſelf, they confined him to his own City, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , allowing him no power for the future to elect Socr. l. 1. c. 6. or to lay hands on any; declaring him to be ſuch an Offender in the Caſe, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , according to the rigour of Juſtice he deſerved no Favour at all.

9. Such another Schiſm was that in Affrica, begun at Carthage by Majorinus his being made Biſhop there, whilſt Caecilian, the preordained Biſhop, Adverſ. Parm. lib. 1. p. 19. Aug, contra Parm. lib. 1. cap. 3. Pariſ. 1679. was living. The Promoters were few, (as Optatus obſerves,) two baffled Competitors, two or three ſacrilegious Church-robbers, potens & factioſa Mulier, a rich, factious, and exaſperated Woman: The Abetters not many more, (among whom Donatus, who gave name to the Faction,) all Traditors, and ſo uncapable of ordaining others, or continuing in their own Orders. But though ſo deſpicable Infects at firſt, yet Cyp. Ep. 65. no ſooner embodied and winged, but, like the Locuſts in the Revelations, they ſoon overſpread and covered the Land, filled all the Territories and places thereof; inſomuch that in their Council at Bagaia you ſhall Aug. cont. Ep. Parm. l. 1. c. 4 Edit. Pariſ. 1531. Cont. Parm. lib. 1. p. 22. find no leſs than three hundred and odd Biſhops of their brood: Nay, ſo numerous, that whereas formerly men were accuſtomed to bluſh and be aſhamed of their Actions, there were none at that time, ſaith Optatus, to do it, quia praeter paucos Catholicos peccaverunt univerſi; foraſmuch as all were become Sinners, and all (a few Catholicks excepted) Apoſtates from the Ʋnity of the Church. A Schiſm that laſted near an hundred years; Aug. lib. 3. cont. Julianum. and might have continued much longer in the Church, had not the pars Donati (upon the death of Parmenian their Biſhop) put two new ones, Primianus and Maximianus, together in the Chair at once, of whom Saint Auguſtine makes this Remark, that for any Worth or Excellency in them Ep. 162. (other than to head a Faction) Maximianus might have been Minimianus, and Primianus might have been Poſtremianus. However this Biſhop upon Biſhop ſo divided and ſubdivided the Party, that it broke their Ʋnity, and made as much Havock and Deſtruction in the Schiſmatical, as it had done Id. Ep. 50. before in the Catholick Church. Other Inſtances might be given, and always producing the like effect; as at Antioch, when Paulinus was added Socr. l. 5. c. 2. to Meletius without his Conſent; at The d. ſib. 2. cap. 17. Rome, when Foelix was put over the head of Liberius; at Sozom. l. 8. cap. 23. Conſtantinople, when Arſacius invaded the Throne of St. Chryſoſtome. In ſhort, Ambition, Pride, and Intereſt will never want a Biſhop for any See or any Church. Facite me Romanae urbis Epiſcopum, make me but Primate or Metropolitane of Rome, (ſaith Praetextatus, Hierom. ad Pameracb. adv error. Hieroſol. po. 2. p. 165. that unbaptized Heathen,) and I will forthwith become a Chriſtian; and if once a Biſh p, he will ſoon have his Altar and Party; tho' aſſoon as ever he be in, he by his Separation and Schiſm will put himſelf out of the Church again, and turn as rank an Infidel perhaps as ever he was before.

10 Now this Ʋnity of Prieſthood and Altar was firſt commanded under the Law, as the onely Preſervative and Remedy againſt Schiſm in thoſe days; and therefore God, to keep his People the Jews in one uniform way of Worſhip throughout the Land, appointed but one Altar, one Place of Sacrifice, and one High Prieſt; inſomuch that to ſet up another High Prieſt againſt the High Prieſt already eſtabliſhed, though of the Seed of Aaron, as in the caſe of Manaſſes againſt Jaddus; or another Altar againſt the Altar of Jeruſalem, though built according to the Pattern of the other, as in the caſe of Jeroboam, was to multiply Sin as well as Prieſts and Altars; becauſe Ephraim, as it is in Hoſea, hath made many Ch. 8. v. 11. Altars to Sin, Altars ſhall be to him for a Sin. Nay, by this very Strategem it was that Jeroboam kept up the Rent and Schiſm which he had made between Judah and Benjamin, and the other ten Tribes of Iſrael: For, ſaith he, If this People go up to doe Sacrifice in the houſe of the Lord at Jeruſalem, 1. Kings 12. 27. as of old, then ſhall the heart of this People turn again unto their Lord, even to Rehoboam, the King of Judah: Whereupon he made an Houſe, ſet up an Altar, and thereunto conſecrated Prieſts of his own; an action ſo infamous and criminal, that though God permitted him to keep the Kingdom to his dying day, yet he would ſcarce ſuffer his Name ever after to be mentioned, without an eternal Blot upon it, this is that Son of Nebat, which made Iſrael to ſin: Yea, and ſo hatefull and provoking, that for that very cauſe, and that cauſe onely, the Lord rejected all the 2 Kings 17. 20, 21. Seed of Iſrael, and afflicted them, and delivered them into the hand of Spoilers, untill he had caſt them out of his ſight. And to this St. Cyprian alludes, when he would beat down the like Practices among Chriſtians; quam inſeparabile Ʋnitatis Sacramentum, how inſeparable the band of Unity is, and how without hope, ſays he, they pull down the wrath Cyp. Ep. 69. p. 182. Magno. of God upon them, who divide the Church, and by caſting off their own Biſhops, aſſume falſe ones to themſelves, they may ſufficiently be admoniſhed from the Sciſſure made in Iſrael, by their making to themſelves falſe Kings: God never ceaſed plaguing them till he ſent them away Captives, and brought others into their room; and without doubt tanta Indignatio adverſus illos qui Schiſma faciunt, no leſs Calamity and Deſtruction will befall thoſe who rend the Church, and by ſetting up new Biſhops of their own, break the Unity of it.

11. Thus far then it is plain and evident, That in one Church or Dioceſs there can be but one Biſhop at a time; and that if more happen to be placed therein, there will ariſe a Schiſm. Let us then once more, as the Prophet Jeremy adviſeth, ask for the old Paths, and enquire for Ch. 6. v. 16. the old Way, and we ſhall find it altogether as evident and plain, that the firſt Biſhop (if canonically placed in the See, was ever accounted the true and catholick, and the ſecond the falſe and ſchiſmatical Biſhop; and that the Church was ever adjuged to go along with thoſe, who by a lawfull Ordination were firſt ſet up in it; and the Schiſm with thoſe who were afterwards ſuperinduced and clapt upon them. Videndum eſt, we are to obſerve, ſaith Optatus, who keeps Apoſtolical Succeſſion, and who deſerts Ad. Parm. l. 1. p. 18. Edit. Pariſ. 1679. it; quis Cathedram ſederit alteram, quae ante non fuit; who ſits in a Chair that none ſate in before, who it is that erects Altar againſt Altar; quis Ordinationem fecerit ſalvo altero ordinato, who ordains another when one was ordained before, who it is that falls under the Apoſtle's Saying, that many Antichriſts ſhould go forth, becauſe they were not of us. And 1 John 2. 19. p , ad Parm. l. 2. p. 35, 36. again, We muſt be ſure to obſerve, qui prior Cathedra ſederit, who the firſt is that was placed in the Chair; ut jam Schiſmaticus & Peccator, qui contra ſingularem Cathedram alteram collocaret, for he is the Schiſmatick and Sinner, who erects another Chair againſt that ſingle Chair. Hence was the Novatian Schiſm laid at the door of Novatianus, Cornelius being in the Chair, and firſt Biſhop of the place. Eccleſia una eſt, the Church, ſaith St. Cyprian, is one; and if it be with Cornelius, who ſucceeded Fabian, Ep 69. p. 181. Mag. and was firſt ordained, Novatian cannot be in the Church, neither is he to be accounted a Biſhop thereof; Evangelica & Apoſtolica Traditione contempta, for in as much as he contemns the Evangelical and Apoſtolical Tradition, he ſucceeds none; à ſcipſo ortus, but is ſelf-begot, and ſelf raiſed. Again, Cornelins factus eſt Epiſcopus de Dei & Christi ejus judicio, Cornelius Ep. 55. p. 104. Antoniano. is made Biſhop according to the appointment of God and his Chriſt; wherefore whoſoever is made Biſhop after him, foris fiat, muſt be without, and not of the Church; qui poſt unum qui ſolus eſſe debet, he that is made Biſhop after one which muſt needs be alone, non jam ſecundus eſt ille, ſed nullus, he is not a ſecond, but no Biſhop at all. The like was laid unto the Charge of Majorinus, who was by a ſet of Traditors ordained over the head of Caecilian of Carthage; Whereupon, ſaith Optatus, in Affrica ſicut Adverſ. Parm. l. 1. p. 17. in caeteris Provinciis una erat Eccleſia, there was but one Church in Affrica, as in all other Provinces, till divided by the Ordainers of Majorinus: For till then conferta erat Eccleſia, the Church was thronged with People, the Page. 21, 22. Epiſcopal Chair crouded, the Altar remained in its proper place, whereat St. Cyprian, Lucian, and many other peaceable Biſhops before had miniſtred; but upon the unlawfull Ordination of Majorinus, exitum eſt foras, there was a going forth, and Altar was ſet up againſt Altar: And ſo manifeſtum eſt, it is evident and clear, exiiſſe de Eccleſia & Ordinatores & Majorinum qui ordinatus eſt, that Majorinus and his Ordainers, and not Caecilian and his Followers, went out of the Church, and made the Schiſm: And therefore ſaith the ſame Optatus to Parmenian, one of the Succeſſors to Majorinus, video te adhuc ignorare, I perceive thou art ſtill ignorant, Lib. 1. p. 11. that the Schiſm was made firſt by your Leaders and Predeceſſors; quare harum originem rerum, look but into the firſt beginning of it, and you will find that Caecilian did not go out from Majorinus, but Majorinus from Caecilian; neither did Caecilian break the Succeſſion by departing from the Chair of St. Cyprian, but Majorinus. And ſince ſo it was, it is evident vos Haeredes Traditorum & Schiſmaticorum, that You and Yours are the Offspring of Traditors and Schiſmaticks; and not Caecilian and his Party.

12. Nay, ſo far did this Priority of Ordination upon a due and legitimate Succeſſion prevail, that it not onely null'd the Ordination of the ſuper ordained, but thruſt both him and his Ordainers as well out of the Catholick, whoſe Rules they had broke, as out of the Particular Church, whoſe Chair they had invaded. Epiſcopatum tenere non poſſet, etiamſi Epiſcopus Ep. 55. p. 112. Antoniano. prius factus, He cannot, ſaith St. Cyprian, hold a Biſhoprick, though he really a Biſhop himſelf, whoſoever ſeparates from the Unity of his Fellow Biſhops, and thereby divides the Church; for in ſo ſeparating he makes a Defection, and can no longer retain, nec Epiſcopi Poteſtatem nec Honorem, either the Power or the Honour of a Biſhop. And again, Chriſt, Ep. 69. p. 182. Magno. ſaith he, inſinuating to us his deſire of Unity, farther adds, There ſhall be one Flock and one Sheepherd; and if one Flock, quomodo poteſt gregi annumerare? how can he be accounted to be of that Flock who is not one of it? Aut Paſtor haberi quomodo poteſt? Or how can he be a Sheepherd there, who (whilſt the true Sheepherd is alive) ſucceeds none, but is ſelf-created, and ſelf ſet up; a perfect Enemy to divine Unity; not of the fold, in aſmuch as none dwell there but who live in Unity and Concord? Nay, if he muſt be an Heathen man and a Publican who neglecteth to hear the Church, much more muſt they be ſo, qui falſa Altaria, illicita Sacerdotia; who feign to themſelves falſe Altars, unlawful Prieſthoods, unhallowed Sacrifices, corrupt and adulterous Titles.

13. It would almoſt amaze a man in theſe looſe times to hear what hard language the holy Fathers beſtow upon theſe unholy Perſons, their Ordinations, their Altars, and their Oblations. As for themſelves, they are deſcribed to be Opt. l. 2. Peccatores, Schiſmatici, Cyp. Ep. 59. Adulteri, Extranei, Ibid. Pſeudoepiſcopi, Ep. 69. Fidei Praevaricatores, Eccleſiae Proditores, Dominicae Pacis ac divine Ʋnitatis inimici, nemini ſuccedentes, a ſeipſo orti, nulli; Sinners Schiſmaticks, Adulterers, Outliers, Mockbiſhops, Falſifiers of the Faith, Betrayers of the Church, Enemies to divine Peace and Unity, ſucceeding none, from themſelves proceeding, and in reality no Biſhops at all; their Ordination Cyp. de unit. Eccl. contra Ordinationem Dei, Id. Ep. 4. 43. contra Diſpoſitionem divinam, Ep. 45. contra Sacramentum ſemel traditum divinae Diſpoſitionis & catholicae Ʋnitatis, Ep. 55. contra Dei Traditionem, Ep. 46. Opt. lib. 2. contra eccleſiaſticam Diſpoſitionem, contra evangelicam Pacem, contra Inſtitutionis catholicae Ʋnitatem; contrary to divine Tradition and Appointment, eccleſiaſtical Sanction, evangelical Order, catholick Inſtitution and Unity. Their Chair Cathedra Peſtilentiae, a Chair of Peſtilence, that firſt infects, then kills, and ſends to Hell. Their Altars Cyp. Ep. 68, & 69. falſa & prophana, falſe and prophane. Their Sacrifices Ep. 68. ſacrilega, irreligioſe & illicite contra jus divinae Inſtitutionis oblata; ſacrilegious, unlawfull, and affrontive of the divine Inſtitution, The Schiſm occaſioned thereby Aug. Ep. 162. horrendum ſcelus, Cyp. de unit. Eccleſ. ſummum, malum, a moſt horrid Sin, the chiefeſt of Crimes; pejus quam quod admiſiſſe lapſi, worſe than the Sins of thoſe that fell by offering to Idols; yea, and of ſo deep a ſtain, nec Sanguine abluitur, that it is not to be waſhed out with the Blood of Martyrs; neither will their unity of Faith, or their being Confeſsors for it, excuſe them from ſo foul a Charge.

14. In vain do they pretend to the ſame Religion, to the ſame Symbol of Faith, to the ſame Profeſſion; what if they continue the ſame way of Worſhip, the ſame Myſteries, the ſame Rituals, and the very ſame Form of Ordination? What if they be choſen by the Suffrage of the greateſt part of the People, accepted by the Majority of the Clergy, conſecrated by a ſufficient number of Biſhops? Yet this (all this) will not attone, much leſs expiate for the uncanonicalneſs of their ſuperordination, or for the irregularity and injuſtice of their Ʋſurpation. Quod vero eundem quem & nos; what if they believe with us, ſaith St. Cyprian concerning the Novatian Ep. 69. p. 183. Magno. Schiſmaticks, in the ſame God the Father, in the ſame Son Chriſt Jeſus, and in the ſame Holy Ghoſt? Nec hoc adjuvare tales poteſt, yet even this will not profit ſuch Prevaricators as they: for Corah, Dathan and Abiram, worſhiped one and the ſame God, according to one and the ſame Religion and Law, as Aaron the High Prieſt did; tamen quia loci ſui Miniſterium, yet becauſe they were diſatisfied with their own Station, and would have uſurped the Prieſthood, and laid aſide Aaron, necpotuerunt rata eſſe, & proficere Sacrificia, their Sacrifices were abhorred, and their Cenſor's made Memorials againſt them, that no Stranger (which is not of the Seed of Aaron) ſhould ever after preſume to offer Incenſe to the Lord. Poſſumus & nos dicere, we can ſay (ſaith Optatus to Parmenian and his Donatiſts) Pares credimus, We believe alike, and are ſealed with the L. 3. p. 78. & L. 5. p. 99. ſame ſeal as you; We are no otherwiſe Baptized than you, no otherwiſe Ordained; We read the ſame Scriptures, ſay the ſame Prayers, have the ſame Eccleſiaſtical Diſcipline, the ſame Sacraments, the ſame Myſteries; ſed ſciſſura facta, but there is a Sciſſure made by you, and that is your fault, and by you it muſt be amended, and made up. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Nothing (ſaith St. Chryſoſtom) divides the Church Hom. 2 in Ep. ad Eph. Edit. Pariſ. 1621. ſooner than the love of Preheminence, and nothing provokes God more than to have his Church divided; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , why do you therefore ſay, there is ſtill the ſame Faith; and they are no leſs Orthodox than we. But if ſo, why are they not with us? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , there is but one Lord, one Faith, one Baptiſm, and if they are right, we are wrong; but if we are right, they are wrong; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; do you think it ſufficient they are Orthodox, whilſt they overlook and paſs by the right of Ordination, its Priority and Order? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , we ought certainly as much and as earneſtly to contend for the one as for the other: And not without good reaſon too; for if every one may be ordained and made a Biſhop in the Church, in vain was the Altar ercted, the Congregation appropriated, and the Prieſts limited; every thing then muſt come to Ruine and Confuſion.

15. And to no more purpoſe is the Eminency of their Learning, the Excellency of their Parts, their ſtout Defence of their Religion, or their Sufferings for it, pleadable in the Caſe: What if they have Wrote well, Preached well, Diſputed well, Suffered well; been Baniſhed, Impriſoned, Tormented? What if they have Converted ſome, Confirmed others, and (when the foundations of the Earth were ſhaken, and the Ark of God tottering) they were ſeemingly ſuch that kept the one from being removed, and the other from falling. Quiſquis ille eſt, & qualiscun que eſt, Chriſtianus non eſt, qui in Eccleſia Chriſti non eſt, whoſoever, Ep. 55. p. 112. Antoniano. and how great ſoever he be, (ſaith St. Cyprian of Novatian,) if he be not in the Church, a Chriſtian he cannot be; jactet ſe licet, for though he prides himſelf never ſo much for his Rhetorick and Eloquence, though (like Saul) he appear for his Piety and Parts taller by the head, than the reſt of his Brethren, yet ſince he retains not Brotherly Charity and Eccleſiaſtical Ʋnity, quod prius fucrat, amiſit, what ſoever he was before, he is now loſt as to it all, and become no better than Salt that hath loſt his ſavour. And thus the Apoſtle long before had decreed; Though I ſpeak (ſaith he) with the Tongue of Men 1 Cor. 13. 1, 2, 3. and Angels, and have not Charity; though I underſtand all Myſteries, and all Knowledge, and have not Charity; nay, though I beſtow my Goods upon the poor, and give my Body to be burnt, and have not Charity, I am (nay it profitteth me) nothing. Upon which words the aforeſaid St. Cyprian thus diſcants, Cum Deo manere non poſſunt, they cannot be with God who hold not the Ʋnity of De Unit. Eccl. p. 114. his Church; for though they ſuffer themſelves to be thrown into the Flames, though they expoſe their perſons to Wild and Savage Beaſts, non erit illi fidei Corona, ſed poena perfidiae, they ſhall receive the demerit of their perfidity and unfaithfulneſs, but not the Crown due to their Faith; occidi talis, coronari non poteſt, ſuch an one may indeed be ſlain, but he cannot be crowned; Martyrdom is always within the Church; eſſe Martyr Id. 113. non poteſt, qui in Eccleſia non eſt: Nay, it may be Martydom to ſuffer, rather than to divide the Church. Hence Dionyſius writing to Novatus, Euſebii Hiſt. l. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . tells him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Thou ſhouldeſt have ſuffered any thing rather than divide the Church: Neither is that Martyrdom, which is ſuffered for not divulging the Church, of l ſs Glory than that which is ſuffered for not ſacrificing to Devils; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , nay, in my opinion, it is far greater; For in the one, Martyrdom is ſuffered for one Soul, in the other for the Ʋniverſal Church.

16 Being thus far advanced, and finding it no unprecented Caſe to have Biſhops ſet over the head of Biſhops, it will be worth our pains to enquire how the Church reſented th m, what Communion they held with them, what Deference they paid them, what Honour they gave them. And I find,

17. That the whole College of Biſhops, all the Chriſtian World over (that went not out with them) ever rejected their Ordination; would neither Communicate with, nor be Communicated by them; neither ſend to, nor receive Letters encyclical from them. Cum ad nos in Africam Legatos miſiſſet, when Novatianus, that new made Biſhop, ſent into Africa to us to be received into our Fellowſhip; we (ſaith St. Cyprian) with the advices of many of our Colleagues, returned him this anſwer, ſe foris eſſe, Ep. 68. p. 177. Stephano. nec a quoquam noſtrum ſibi communicari; that he was gone out from us, and therefore could expect no longer to continue a Communion with us. Neither did Maximus his Presbyter, or Augendus his Deacon (that firſt brought the news of his Ordination) ſcape much better; for illicitae & contra Eccleſiam Catholicam factae Ordinationis pravitate commoti, being provoked with the irregularity of the Ordination, as being contrary Ep. 44. p. 85, 86. Cornelio. to the uſuage of the Catholick Church, we forbad them (ſaith St. Cyprian) our Communion, and gave no other anſwer to their Embaſſy, than that laying aſide all diſſenſion and ſtrife, they would conſider what an Impiety it was to deſert the Church their Mother; and how Epiſcopo ſemel facto, that after one Biſhop was legally Conſtituted and Euſtalled, another could by no means be ſuperinduced, or put into the ſame Stall with him, Damaſus (ſaith Optatus to Parmenian) ſucceeded Liberius, and Siricius Lib. 2. p. 36. (who is at preſent our Colleague and fellow Biſhop) ſucceeded Damaſus, cum quo nobis totus orbis commercio formatarum, in una Communionis Societate concerdat, with whom, as with us, the whole Chriſtian World by their Communicatory Letters continue in Society and Concord together; a favour never afforded to the Donatiſts. I own, ſaith St. Auguſtine, that Ep. 62. p. 140. I do write ad nonnullos Donatiſtarum primarios, to certain of the chief Biſhops and Leaders among the Donatiſts: But it is to ſhew them their Errors, privatas tantum qualibus vobis, uti etiam ad Paganos licet; however they are private Letters, and ſuch as are lawfull to ſend to Pagans; non Communicatorias, not Letters Communicatory, quas jam olim propter ſuam perverſitatem ab Ʋnitate Catholica quae toto orbe diffuſa eſt, non accipiunt; which by reaſon of their long obſtinacy and perverſeneſs, are denied them all the World over.

18. And no more kind were the Laity to them; for they remonſtrated againſt their Election, renounced their Precedency, would have nothing to do with their Altars, their Clergy, or their Oblations; nay, ſuch an abhorrency they had of them, that they would into Baniſhment, into Death, rather than into Communion with them. Hence we find St. Ambroſe in his Funeral Oration upon Satyrus his Brother, approving and commending him for that he avoided the Luciferian Biſhops, their Churches and their Aſſemblies; for though deſirous of the Holy Sacrament, non it a avidus fuit, ut eſſet incautus, he was not, ſaith he, ſo deſirous of it as not to be Orat. in Fun. Frat. Tom. 3. p. 19. Edit. Baſil. 1567. careful from whoſe hands he took it; and therefore advocavit ad ſe Epiſcopum, he calleth firſt the Biſhop that was to adminiſter it, and asked him, utrumnam cum Epiſcopis Catholicis conveniret, whether he was one of thoſe that were in Communion with the Catholick Biſhops? non enim putavit fidem eſse in Schiſmate; for he did not believe that a right Faith could be had in a wrong and Schiſmatical Profeſſion. No leſs a Zeal may be obſerved in thoſe more Honourable Ladies, and Worthy Matrons of Rome, when Liberius their Biſhop was baniſhed, and Felix put into his room, they, ſaith the Historian, perceiving the lukewarmneſs, or rather cowardice Theod. lib. 2. cap. 17. Edit. Col. Allob. of their Husbands in the caſe, dreſſed themſelves as became their Quality, went to the Emperor, and beſought him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that he would take pity upon the City, and reſtore to them their Biſhop again; or at leaſt give them and others leave to follow him; adding that though he had placed another over them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; that neither they, nor any other of the Citizens would ever enter the Church whilſt he was in it. And thus it was when Arſacius was thruſt into the See of Conſtantinople in the place of St. Chryſoſtom; nay, ſo averſe were the Citizens to, receive him that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , tho' they met him in the Streets, they would not ſo much as vouchſafe to ſalute Theod. lib. 5. cap 35. him. Neither were they more complying when Atticus was put upon them in the room of Arſacius; none of them would communicate with him. Nay, though an Edict was procured for the Expulſion and Confiſcation of the Goods of all ſuch Biſhops, for the Deprivation of all ſuch publick Officers, and for the Baniſhment of all ſuch Artificers and Tradeſmen that would not communicate with him; yet none (ſaith Palladius) but the In vit. Chryſ. c. 10. p. 95, 96. Edit. Lut. Par. 1680. poorer Biſhops, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and thoſe that were weaker in the Faith, went in unto them; whereas the others deſpiſing the World, and willing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to keep themſelves upright, and their Conſciences undefiled, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſome of them fled to Rome, ſome of them to the Mountains, and ſome to foreign Monaſteries; the People all the while that ſtaid behind keeping up their Meetings in the open fields. And thus it happened again at Rome, in the time of the contention between Damaſus and Ʋrſinus; the tumult Lib. 4. c. 24. (ſaith Socrates) was great, occaſioned 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not about Faith or Hereſie, but whether of the two by right ſhould be Biſhop: And here I pretend not to determine the Priority of Ordination to either; and Praef. ad lib. precum, Edit. Oxon. 1678. yet I know that Marcellinus and Fauſtinus gives it to Ʋrſinus, as well as Socrates and others to Damaſus; and perhaps if things were rightly weighed and duly examined, Ʋrſinus that loſt it, might bid as fair for the Chair as Damaſus, that got and poſſeſſed it. However the Ʋrſinians Loco citat. buoyed up themſelves with the precedency of a ſeven days Ordination, would have nothing to do with the other; Nay, when Damaſus had prevailed ſo far with the Emperor as to have Ʋrſinus baniſhed, and his Clergy impriſoned, or ſent after him, ſo that none were left to officiate among them; yet rather than go in to Damaſus, Populus timens Deum, per coemiteria Martyrum ſtationes ſine Clericis celebrabat, the People that feared God more than the Emperor, his Judges, or the new made Biſhop, met at the Tombs of the Martyrs, and held on their ſtations without them.

19. Neither let the Apoſtatizing Clergy or the complying Laity, who run along with thoſe diſorderly Biſhops, think that they, for their ſo doing, are under no Crime, or deſerve no Cenſure: Abſtinuimus communicatione Feliciſſimum & Augendum, item Repoſtum de extorribus, Irenen Rutilorum, &. Paulam Sarcinatricem, Sophronium, & ipſum de extorribus Soliaſſum Budinarium; We have (ſaith Caldo ius in a Letter to St. Cyprian) Ep. 42. p. 81. according to your Order, ſeparated from our Communion Feliciſſimus and Augendus, Repoſtus the Exile, Irene the Radler, Paula the Pedler; as alſo Sophronius, and with him Soliaſſus the Mulettor. As for Feliciſſimus (ſaith St. Cyprian) he endeavours, cum Epiſcopo portionem plebis dividere, Ep. 41. Cyp. Cal. to ſhare the People with his Biſhop; that is, to divide the Sheep from the Shepherd, and the Children from the Father, and therefore decree him excommunicated: As for Augendus, nec Epiſcopum nec Eccleſiam cogitat, he neither hath regard to his Biſhop nor the Church, but confederates and combines with the other; and therefore let the ſame ſentence paſs upon him: & quiſquis ſe conſpirationi ejus adjuxerit, and as for the reſt that go on in the Faction with them, let them alſo know, that they are not to communicate with us in the ſame Church. Now of theſe ſome were Clericks, as Feliciſſimus and Angendus; others Confeſſors, as Repoſtus and Soliaſſus; others common Chriſtians, as Irene, Paula, and perhaps Sophronius: from whence we may juſtly infer, that it is not the high Calling of the Clergy, the meritorious ſufferings of the Confeſsors, the Simplicity and Plainneſs of the well-meaning Chriſtian; no, nor the Trimming between both Parties, flattering the one, and holding Communion with the other, whilſt they herd with the Out-liers, and be found in their Quarters, that will excuſe them from the foul guilt of Schiſm, or the due Demerits of it. The Confeſſors at Rome were very ſenſible of this, videbamur quandam Communicationem cum Schiſmaticis & haeretico homine habuiſſe: We ſeemed, ſay they to Cornelius, to have held Communion Corn. ad Cyp. Ep. 45. with Novatian and his Schiſmatical followers, for we frequented their Aſſemblies, appeared amongſt them in their Holy Offices of Religion, ſincera tamen mens noſtra ſemper in Eccleſia fuit; yet our Hearts and our Souls ever went along with the Church. We knew there was but one God, one Chriſt, one Holy Spirit, & unum Epiſcopum in Catholica Eccleſia eſſe debere, and that there ought to be but one Biſhop in a Church. However nos imposturam paſſi ſumus, we cannot but ſay, we were impoſed upon, and do heartily pray, ut abolerentur, & de memoria tollerentur, that thoſe things may be forgiven and forgotten, and we received again into Communion with Cornelius our lawful Biſhop. Such there were that could run with the Hare, and hunt with the Hounds, and ſuch (without doubt) there will be amongſt us; my Prayer is that their number may be but ſmall, and (like the before-mentioned Confeſſors) they may ſoon ſee their Error and return.

20. But of all the Sinners in the pack, none more outrageouſly ſo, than the Ordainers and their Complices; thoſe Biſhops, I mean, that firſt dreſsed up the Ape, ſet him in the Chair, and bad God ſpeed unto him: Hence, though Submiſſion and Penance might reconcile the other Clergy, yet nothing leſs than utter Deprivation, and loſs of their Sacerdotal Honour could attone for ſuch. Of the three Biſhops, ſaith Cornelius in his Synodical Epiſtle to Fabian, that ordained Novatian, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Euſeb. Hiſt. lib. 6. cap. 35. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , one of them repented and returned unto the Church, and we received them into Communion; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but no farther did we receive him than to the Communion of the Laity; and as for the other two engaged with him in the Ordination, we depoſed them, and ordained others in their room. And ſo it faired with Trophimus, one of thoſe forward Biſhops that received and congratulated Navatianus in his Election; ſuſceptus eſt Trophimus, Trophimus upon his repentance was abſolved and admitted; but after all ſo admitted, ut Laicus communicet, non quaſi locum Sacerdotis uſurpet, that he muſt thenceforth Cyp. 55. p. 105. communicate but as a Laick, and no longer as a Prieſt or Biſhop. The ſeverity of this Sentence came indeed afterwards to be more or leſs moderated, wherefore Melchiades Biſhop of Rome, to whom the cauſe of the Donatiſts was referred, would have none but Donatus himſelf, quem totius mali principem invenerat, whom he found, as St. Auſtine records the matter, chief Author of all the miſchief, to bear the burden alone; offering Ep. 162. fol. 141. cap. 3. the reſt upon their return to the Ʋnity of the Church, the continuance of their Biſhopricks, and his Letters Communicatory, though they had been ordained by Majorinus or any others in the State of Schiſm: Ita ut quibuſcun que locis duo eſſent Epiſcopi, quos diſsentio geminaſset; ſo that in all places where the Schiſm had cauſed two Biſhops, the prior ordained was to be eſtabliſhed, and the ſecond removed to ſome other vacancy: But then this was Sanitatis recuperandae optio, with deſire and deſign to heal the Breach and make up the Schiſm. Thus again was Firminus, Biſhop of Iſtria, admitted by St. Gregory without a depoſition: But then this was 300 years after the Greg. lib. 10. Indict. 5. c. 37. Edit. Pariſ. 1551. Schiſm firſt commenced, and at a time when it was grown inconſiderable, the knot being broken almoſt 200 years before, inſomuch that ſome few ſcatterings onely were here and there remaining; however not without due caution for the future, for they were ſolemnly to ſwear, ſe nunquam ad Schiſma reverſuros, ſed ſemper in unitate Ecoleſiae Catholicae, & communione Romani Pontificis per omnia manſuros, that they would never thenceforth depart from the Ʋnity of the Catholick Church, and, becauſe more Greg. Iud. cad. cap. 31. particularly belonging to the juriſdiction of Rome, not from the Communion of the Roman See. Such an Oath was not long after, as Petrus de Marca, in his Book de Concord. Sacerdot. & Imp. informs us, given to Adalbertus before L. 6. c. 3. n. 13. Edit. Pariſ. 1663. his Conſecration, by Hinemarus his Metropolitan, Privilegio Metropolis Remorum Eccleſia, ac ejus Praeſulis, ſecundum ſacroſanctos Conciliorum Canones, & Decreta Sedis Apoſtolicae, ex ſacris Canonibus & Legibus promulgata, proſcire, & poſſe, abſ que dolo & ſimulatione, vel indebita & pertinaci contradictione me obediturum profiteor. I do promiſe from this time forward, to the beſt of my skill and power, without diſſimulation and fraud, and all manner of wilfull contradiction, to be obedient to, and obſervant of, all the Rights and Priviledges of the Metropolitical Church of Rhemes, of the Arch-Biſhop thereof, as they are eſtabliſhed and ſet forth by the Holy Canons of the Church; and by the Decrees of the Apoſtolical See, therewith agreeing.

21. An Oath much like that ſtill in being, and hitherto tendered by the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury to all his Suffragans, at the Conſecration of them; and it were to be wiſhed, that ſuch as have been Conſecrated by Form of Conſcr. of Biſhops. him, or by any of his Anteceſſors, would ſeriouſly conſider the obligation it lays on them; in reference to which, I make bold to propoſe two eminent inſtances,; the one of Ivo, the other of our Engliſh Biſhops. Ivo Carnotenſis, one of the Suffragans to the Arch-Biſhop of Sena (as Petrus de Marca relates the matter) was deſired by Hugo Biſhop of Lyons and L. 6. c. 3. n. 14. Legate to the Roman Pontife, to aſſiſt him at the Conſecration of the Biſhop of Niverna, a Suffragan properly belonging to the ſaid Arch-Biſhop; without any conſent or approbation had from him, or by whoſe appointment according to the Canon of the Church, he ought only to be conſecrated: Ivo utterly refuſes to give his aſſiſtance, anſwering, that if he ſhould engage in ſuch an Ordination, reus fieret violatae ſponſionis, quam Sedi Metropolitanae fecerat, he ſhould become guilty of the breach of his Oath, made at his own Ordination to his Metropolitan. The other inſtance ſhall be in our own Biſhops, in the time of King William the Second; and I take it from the Author of a Diſcourſe concerning the Illegality of the late Commiſſion, and for which he quotes Eadmerus; the caſe thus: Anſelm Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury was complain'd of by the King to the Page 17. Parliament, with order to the Biſhops his Suffragans to depoſe him, the Biſhops ſenſible of what Oath they had taken at the time of their Ordination (inſtead of proceeding to a Deprivation) declared, they could not deprive him to whom they had promiſed Obedience. Theſe things I propoſe to their conſiderations, and wiſh they would ſeriouſly apply them.

22. The nature of Schiſm being thus ſet forth, and laid at the doors of them that cauſe it; my next work ſhall be to ſhow the Heinouſneſs and Injuſtice of the preſent Schiſm; a Schiſm perhaps capable of as great or greater Aggravations than any that ever happen'd in the Church from the firſt riſe of a Schiſm in it.

23. It is not the manner of the Romans (ſaith Feſtus concerning St. Paul) to condemn any Man before that he who is accuſed have the accuſers Acts 25. 16. face to face, and have licence to anſwer for himſelf, concerning the crime laid againſt him; nor no more hath it been the manner of the Church: Videmus quae res coegit fieri Altare contra Altare, let us examin (ſaith St. Auſtin) what firſt cauſed the D natists to raiſe their Altar; Si Hypop al. cont. Donat. Tom. 7. f. 2. malus erat Sacerdos, deponendus erat ante, ſi non poterat deponi, tolerandus intra rete; if Cacilian had been a Traditor, or done any thing elſe againſt the Canons, meritting a Depoſition, he ought to have been depoſed before another Biſhop had been put upon him; but if he were guilty of no ſuch thing, he ought to have continued ſole Biſhop there; non judices conſederunt, non Sacerdotes de more; There were no Biſhops (as uſual it was) to hear and judge the matter; no Accuſers, no Witneſſes, no Libel whereby his crime might have been made out; but inſtead thereof, furor, dolus, tumultus, qui regnant in falſitate, nothing but Fury, Fraud, Tumult, which ever rule in a bad cauſe. Now-a-days (ſaith Pope Innocent, in reference to St. Chryſoſtom) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Sozom. lib. 8. cap. 26. The innocent Biſhops in a very prepoſterous manner are thruſt out of their Churches, for others to be put into their places, having neither their crimes heard, nor they ſo much as ſummoned to deſend themſelves: A proceeding ſo novel and unjuſt, that we never knew it practiſed by our fore-Fathers, but rather forbad, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for as much as he cannot be a Biſhop that is put over another, unleſs he be depoſed by due proceſs of Law: And ſo it was determined by the Fathers in the Conſtantinopolitan Council, We hold it neceſſary (ſay they) for the avoiding of contentions, and In Temp. Soph. Can. 16. tumults in the Church, to decree, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , That none be made a Biſhop in a Church where another preſides, and retains his Honour; for though he may be every way faulty, and juſtly deſerve depoſing, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , yet after all, his Cauſe ought firſt to be heard, and his Crimes throughly examined; and if upon that he be depoſed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , then may another, though he do ſurvive, be ordained, and placed in his Chair. But to paſs Judgment againſt any, without citing or hearing the Party accuſed, is a procedure, ſaith St. Chryſoſtom, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , without Pallad. de vita Chryſ. p. 22. Precedent, and contrary to Law and Canon; never practiſed either by the Heathens or Barbarians in their Judicatories; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , nay, the very Scythians and Sarmatans, the moſt uncivilized Nations of all, never were ſo unjuſt, cruel, or unreaſonable.

24. Now the Judgment of theſe matters in the more early and purer days of Chriſtianity, was altogether referred to Epiſcopal Audience; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Apoſ. 74. We hold it neceſſary, ſaith the Canon, That Biſhops ſhould be conven'd and judg'd by Biſhops; and ſo the Carthaginian Fathers decree, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Blaſt. Synt. tit. Δ in Can. 12. ex Edit. Bevereg. That the faults of Biſhops be diſcuſſed and determined by a Synod of Biſhops; or if a full Synod cannot be had in time, and it appear neceſſary that the Criminal be try'd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that then his Cauſe be referred to twelve of them at leaſt. And ſo far did this Canon prevail, that becauſe John Biſhop of Amathus was depoſed by fewer, his Depoſition was declared, as Balſamon relates, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to be invalid and void. And for this end (that matters ariſing, and Controverſies between Party and In praed. Can. ex Edit. Bevereg. Party depending, might timely be decided) it was farther provided by the firſt Canons, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , That yearly Can. Apoſ. 37. Con. Nic. 5. Ant. 20. twice in a year ſuch Epiſcopal Synods ſhould be held; afterwards 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by reaſon of the great fatigue expences and dangers they were put unto by their journeys, that they ſhould be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but once in the year. Can. 6, 8, 7, 6.

25 Neither did the Emperors by becoming Chriſtians alter the caſe; for either they left the Judgment wholly to the Biſhops, as was formerly done, or if they interpoſed, it was ever in conjunction with them; taking their advice, and oftentimes their directions from them. Thus when the Donatiſts petitioned Conſtantine the Great, to grant them an hearing of the caſe between them and the Caecilianiſts, he, quia non eſt auſus de cauſa Epiſcopi judicare, becauſe he did not think it proper for him to ſit Aug. Ep. 166. Judge over Biſhops in Epiſcopal matters, ſent them to Melchiades, Biſhop of Rome, and to three other Biſhops from France, Rheticius, Marinus, and Maternus, to be judged by them: But no ways ſatisfied with their judgment, they deſire a farther hearing, whereupon he, omnino cupien tantam impudentiam cohibere, willing to reſtrain and ſuppreſs ſo great an A •• . Ep. 162. inſolency, dedit aliud Arelatenſe Concilium, granted them another Synod at Arles; adding that it was not for him, ut de judicio Epiſcoporum, qui Romae ſederunt, ipſe judicaret, to judge of the judgment paſſed by the Biſhops at Rome: But not yet contented, becauſe condemned as before, they appeal to Conſtantine himſelf, ut cauſam Conſtantinus audiret, that he would be pleaſed to take the judgment upon himſelf; and in ſome meaſure he did, but (as Biſhop Parker obſerves) it was not to judge, but to Rel. and Royal. Part 1 p. 299. expoſe the Schiſmaticks, or to ſuffer them to expoſe themſelves: For that he would not meddle with the buſineſs at all, till he had the diſcovery of Ignatius his forgery in his pocket, to confound them with. And St. Auſtin by his charitable wiſh ſeems to inſinuate ſomething like it: Ʋtinam ut eis ipſe ceſſit, ut de cauſa Epiſcopos judicaret; would to God, ſaith he, he had accepted their Appeal, and had judged the matter after the Biſhops, Ep. 162. à ſanctis Epiſcopis veniam petiturus, though he had excuſed himſelf afterwards for his ſo doing. An undertaking that he ever declined and proteſted againſt, quoties à me improbiſſimis additionibus ſuis ſunt condigna reſponſione oppreſſi? How often, ſaith he, have they been repulſed by me? Co ſt. Ep. Cath. int. geſt. purgationis, vid. Optat. Which if they would but have conſidered, they would never have deſired me to be their Judge. I ſay, and I ſay the truth, Sacerdotum judicium ita debet haberi, the judgment of Biſhops ought as much to be regarded and followed, as if Chriſt himſelf had ſat in judgment with them; neither was this the opinion of Conſtantine only, but of all his Chriſtian Succeſſors. I ſhall inſtance in Valentinian only (though the ſame may be verified of Conſtantius, Valentinian the younger, Theodoſius, Gratian, Arcadius, Honorius, Juſtinian, Martian, &c.) he was, ſaith Sozomen, a very Orthodox Hiſt. lib. c. 20. and devout Man, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and would not ſuffer any thing to be innovated nor impoſed upon the Biſhops, that was any ways contradictory to the Laws and Canons of the Church: One of his Edicts, as it is given us by St. Ambroſe, runs thus, In cauſa fidei, vel Eccleſiaſtici Ordinis, cum Lib. 5. Ep. 32. judicare debet, qui nec manere impar ſit, nec jure diſſimilis; they, and they only are to be deputed Judges over Eccleſiaſticks who are of the ſame Order, and therefore to be preſumed the moſt competent Judges becauſe moſt knowing in thoſe Affairs: Hoc eſt, Sacerdotes de Sacerdotibus voluit judicare; that is, as St. Ambroſe comments upon it, he would have Biſhops to be the onely Judges of Biſhops: An Authority, though partly Temporal, yet of that nature, that inſtead of laying waſte the Church, of ſupplanting the Biſhops, or of ſubverting the Canons, it became a real defence and patronage to them all; and no ſooner experienced, but was as frankly and freely conſented to, in reference to the ſucceeding Emperors. Placuit ut quicun que ab Imperatore, it ſeemeth good, ſay the Biſhops in the Milevitan Council, that if any ſhall appeal to the Emperor to have Cen. 19. his Cauſe tried before Secular Judges, he be deprived, but if he appeal to have an Hearing thereof before a Synod of Biſhops, it ſhall no ways diſpleaſe. Thus did Pope Innocent addreſs himſelf to Honorius, to have the Schiſm between St. Chryſoſtome and Arſacius ended: Firſt he writes to Theophilus (that great Promoter of it) to challenge him to a Council, We cannot, ſaith he, either in Reaſon or Juſtice withdraw our ſelves from Chryſoſtom's Pallad. de Vit. Chryſ. c. 3. p. 24. Communion, and therefore if you dare abide by the Judgment you have made of his Depoſition, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , make your Appearance before the next Synod. And after that he, with the reſt of the Italian Biſhops, ſends to Honorius, that he would write to his Brother Arcadius, Co Emperour with him, that a Council for that end might be convened, where both Eaſtern and Weſtern Biſhops might conveniently meet; which Honorius accordingly did, ſending his Letters by five Biſhops, two Presbyters, and one Deacon, aſſuring him, That if either he or his Biſhops could ſatisfie them that Chryſoſtome was duly and juſtly depoſed, he (for his part) would withdraw all Communion from him; but if not, that he then hoped He would be prevailed with to deſert their Communion, and their new made Patriarch. Whence it is obvious to infer, 1. That where two Biſhops are placed at one time in a See, a Schiſm muſt neceſſarily enſue. 2. That Synods onely are the Depoſers of Biſhops, and the onely Judges of a Depoſition. 3. That neither Emperour, Senate, Privy Council, or Secular Power whatſoever can do it, without making a Schiſm. 4 That till a Synod be called, and hath determined the Matter, the firſt muſt be accounted the lawful Biſhop, and the ſecond, with his Adherent, the Schiſmatick.

26. And as this was the Uſage, Practice, and Cuſtome of all foreign Churches; ſo it was one of thoſe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , thoſe antient Cuſtoms that the English Church hath obſerved. Ego Conſtantini, vos Petri Gladium habetis in Manibus; I, ſaith K. Edgar, (as cited by Twiſden,) wear the Sword of Vind. Chur. 2. p. 94. Conſtantine, and you of St. Peter: Now how far the firſt exerciſed his Authority in reference to the caſe before us, is already ſhewn; and if K. Edgar went no farther, we are ſure there was no ſeizing upon Biſhops, or of putting others into their Biſhopricks, before they were heard and condemned by Bishops. Indeed the Author of the Diſcourſe concerning the Illegality of the late Eccleſiaſtical Commiſſion, tells us, That P. 11, 12. the Saxon Laws are a plain Evidence that Church Matters were in thoſe times determined in the ſame Aſſemblies wherein the other Laws of the Kingdom were determined; and I am apt to think that in a great meaſure they were: But then, as the learned Spelman obſerves, Epiſcopu jura Gloſſ. Tit. Gemot. divina enuntiabat, Comes ſecularia, alter alteri auxilio; the Biſhops declared and vindicated the Eccleſiaſtical Laws, and the Nobles the Secular, each ſupporting and aſſiſting the other; the one according to the Canons of the Church, and the other according to the Municipal Laws of the Land. Nay, I cannot ſee, but in ſome caſes their actings might be ſeparate; ſure I am that in the Synod held at Bacanceld, and in that other ſoon after held at Cloveſho, for the reſtoring the Juriſdiction of the Metropolitical See of Canterbury to its Archibiſhop, of which it had been deſpoiled by K. Offa, & contra Canones & Apoſtolica Statuta in duas ſciſſa Paroechias, and contrary to all Canons and Conſtitutions Apoſtolical divided into two, and Spel. Conc. in Ep. Kenul. ad Leon. 3. in part given to Adulphus his Favourite, there was none of the Laity in them, no Earls, no great Men of the Nation; the one being held (as we ſee in Spelman,) Praeſidente Kenulſo Rege, by the King, Archbiſhop, Biſhops, Conc. Brit. an. 709, 803. and Abbats, & multis aliis idoneis perſonis, and many other (not great Men, or Nobles, but) fitting perſons; the other ab Athelardo Archiepiſcopo, cum duodecim Epiſcopis & potiori Clero, by the Archbiſhop of Canterbury, and twelve other Biſhops, with the chiefeſt of their Clergy, as may appear by their reſpective Subſcriptions, and Spelman's Notes upon them; adding this ſevere and terrible Denunciation, (Hear oh Heavens, and give ear oh Earth!) Siquis, quod omnino abſit, If any one, which God forbid, ſhall at any time hereafter preſume againſt the Apoſtolical Precepts, and this our Determination, Tunicam Chriſti ſcindere, & Ʋnitatem ejus Eccleſiae dividere, to tear the ſeamleſs Coat of Chriſt, and thereby to divide the Ʋnity of the Church of Canterbury, ſciat ſe eſſe aeternaliter damnandum, let him know that (if he repents him not of that his fault) he ſhall be eternally damned. But be it ſo or not, as the Authour avers; yet in this we ſhall not much diſſent, that K. William I. having brought England under the power of his Sword, ſeparated Judicatures, referring, as it was in Conſtantine's days, Eccleſiaſtical Matters to Eccleſiaſtical Judges. Thus in a Council held at Wincheſter, he himſelf being preſent, with three Spelm. anno 1070. Legates from Rome, totius Cleri populus, the whole Synod of the Antiq. Brit. de S igand. Clergy, after they had heard divers things objected againſt Stigand, then Archbiſhhp of Canterbury, eum Epiſcopatu & Ordinibus abdicabant, deprived him both of his Archbiſhoprick and his Office: The Crimes were chiefly theſe, quod Archiepiſcopatum, Roberto vivente, neque amoto, poſſidiſſet; becauſe he had poſſeſſed himſelf of the Archbiſhoprick, Robert the Archbiſhop being alive, and not depoſed, and had worn the Pall which he left behind him, being by Force moſt unjuſtly driven from thence: Crimes every way deſerving Depoſition, and (becauſe done by a Synod) juſtly ſo puniſhed; and if Crimes then, they are and muſt be ſo now, let Stigand and his Party think what they will. At the ſame time, and by the ſame Synod, was Agelmar, Biſhop of the Eaſt Angles, depoſed; Spelm. anno 1070. but whether ſo juſtly or no, I ſhall not determine: And a little after Ʋlſtan (the good Bp. of Worceſter) was by a Synod held at Weſtminſter under Lanfranc in like manner depoſed; and (God wot) for Grounds inconſiderable enough, quia Linguam gallicam non noverat, onely becauſe Mat. Paris Hiſt. Ang. Edit. Lond. 1640. he did not underſtand the Norman Language; which methinks to me is much the ſame as if at this day Depoſitions were to proceed againſt our Biſhops, becauſe they do not underſtand the Lingua of the Dutch. And at this rate, for ought I can find, all future Affairs were managed, to K. Stephen's days; onely the Conquerour, nonnullos tam Epiſcopos quam Abbates, depoſed ſeveral, both Biſhops and Abbats, as Conquerors uſe to Spel. an. 1070. do) quos nec Concilia nec Leges Seculi damnabant, whom neither the Synods of Biſhops, nor the Laws of the Land had pronounced guilty. And thus he did, not minding the Irregularity or Injuſtice of the Proceedings, ſed ad confirmationem ſui quod noviter acquiſiverat Regni, but that he might ſettle and confirm himſelf in the Poſſeſſion of that Kingdom which by his Arms he had newly acquired. In K. Stephan's days, if Dr. Brady be not Compl. Hiſt. p. 216. Edit. 1685. miſtaken, the Canon Law and Lawyers were called into England; and no one need to doubt, whilſt that laſted, and was eſteemed good Law among us, that either the Churches Rights, their Synods, or their Judicatures were invaded. We read indeed of ſome Ibid. p. 213. that were impriſoned, of others P. 481. that were proſcribed, of others P. 479. that had their Biſhopricks ſeized and their Goods confiſcated to the King's uſe; but of none, as I can find, depoſed without a Synod. There was indeed an Attempt not long after, as Matthew Paris and Dr. Brady relate the matter, much of a like nature, againſt one Adomar, alias Athelmar, the King's Brother, elect of Wincheſter: He, ſay they, was not onely forced by the Nobles to quit Hiſt. Ang. p. 982. Comp. Hiſt. p. 635. the Kingdom, but the King himſelf was ſo far wrought upon, that he not onely ſeized his Temporalties, but judged his Biſhoprick void; yea, and ſuffered Henry de Wenghan his Chancellour to be choſen in his ſtead: But then Adomar all this while was no more than elect, never conſecrated Biſhop; and though no more than ſo, yet the very Election of another ſeemed ſo irregular to Henry that was choſen, that he refuſed it, becauſe it was litigioſa & incerta, litigious and uncertain: Neither would the King yield unto it, but with a Salvo to his Brother's Right; namely, Si Frater ſuus Athelmarus praeelectus, that if the praeelect his Brother had or ſhould obtain his Conſecration from the Pope, to whom he had applied himſelf, as it was cuſtomary in thoſe days to do, ipſemet prae omnibus aliis fieret in eadem Eccleſia inſtitutus, he ſhould be firſt inſtituted. Nay, when the Communitas Angliae, the Comites, Proceres & Magnates, the Nobles Mat. Par. Addit. p. 217. and the great Men of the Nation ſupplicated the Pope that he might be put from his Adminiſtration, they uſed his Non-conſecration for an Argument; Et certe, clementiſſime Pater, hoc ſatis credimus ſine ſcandalo faciendum, cum non ſit in Epiſcopum conſecratus; For this, moſt holy Father, we are well aſſured may be granted us, ſeeing he is not as yet conſecrated; thereby intimating and conceding, that if he had not been conſecrated, it could not by them, nor any other, without eminent Scandal, be deſired, much leſs effected. And if we may believe the Hiſtory of the Reformation, this laſted for Law amongſt us, till Henry VIIIth's day; neither would Burnet, part 1. p. 330. he in any wiſe ſuffer an Everſion of it, nor ſo much as a Purgation, farther than of thoſe Canons onely that were repugnant to the King's Prerogative Stat. 25. H. 8. c. 19. Royal, and the known Laws of the Land; as certainly thoſe ancient Canons touching Synods and Eccleſiaſtical Juriſdiction were not, as being in uſe (even in England) long before the Italian Biſhop, or his encroaching and uſurping Canons were received.

27. Neither did the Reformation innovate in this matter; for by a Preamble to a Statute, cited by Coſins, we are told, that the People of this Apol. Courts Eccl. part 1. ch. 14. Realm have bound themſelves, by long Uſe and Cuſtome, to the Obſervance of certain Laws, beſides thoſe which were ordained in this Realm (meaning the Canon Laws) as to the accuſtomed Laws; and that ſuch Laws were originally eſtabliſhed, as Laws of the ſame by the Sufferance of Kings, and by the Conſent and Cuſtomes of the People. And becauſe ſome of thoſe Laws were onerous to the King and his Subjects, Power was granted to the King by another Statute to nominate and aſſign two and 25 H. 8. c. 19. thirty Perſons (whereof ſixteen of the Clergy) to view, examine, and by the King's Signature to eſtabliſh all ſuch as they ſhould think meet to be eſtabliſhed, not being contrariant to the Laws of God, to the Laws and Cuſtomes of the Realm, or to the Damage and Hurt of the Prerogative; continuing however the aforeſaid Laws and Canons in uſe and vigour, under the aforeſaid Proviſo and Reſtraint, till either the Review be made, or it be otherwiſe ordered and determined. This Cranmer often preſſed to have b en done, ſaith the Hiſtorian, but he could never Hiſt. Ref. vol. 2. l. 3. p. 330. obtain it during that King's Reign, inſomuch that all things remained as they were. In the 5th Year of K. Edw. VI. the Deſign was ſet on foot again, and the Act renewed, and accordingly (ſaith Heylin in his Eccleſia Hiſt. Edw. 6. Edi . 1670. reſtaurata) the King directed his Commiſſion to Archbiſhop Cranmer, and others, and afterwards appointed a Sub Committee, conſiſting, ſaith the Author of the Preface to the Book called Reformatio Legum Eccleſiaſticarum, of two Biſhops, two Divines, two Doctors of the Law, and two Common Lawyers, to prepare the Work, and make it ready for the reſt, that it might be diſpatched with the more Expedition. By them, ſaith Heylin in the aforequoted place, the Work was undertaken and digeſted, faſhioned according to the Method of the Roman Decretals, and called by the Name of Reformatio Legum Eccleſiaſticarum. Nec dubium quin Parliamentari etiam Authoritate eaedem Sanctionis iſtae conſtabilitae, And no doubt, ſaith the ſame Prefacer, the Decrees had been eſtabliſhed by Act of Parliament, and Praeſ. ad Ref. Leg Eccl. Edit. 1640. made the ſtanding Law of the Land, if it had pleaſed God that the Life of the King had been continued but a little longer. However it was not ſo imperfect an Embryo, nor altogether ſo unſhapen, but we may eaſily diſcern what Features it had, and of what Complexion it would have been; and more particularly as to the Caſe before us, Deprivation is declared to be an Eccleſiaſtical Crime, inter poenas eccleſiaſticis legibus conſtitutas, and liable to Tit. de Depr. c. 1. the Puniſhments aſſigned by the Eccleſiaſtical Laws; and thereupon it orders that a Biſhop in amittendi ſtatus ſui periculum venit, that falls under Cap. 2. the danger of being deprived, be referred to the Archbiſhop and two other Biſhops, deputed thereunto by the King, qui Judicium exercebunt, who ſhall have Power and Authority to hear and determine the ſaid Cauſe. And in caſe of Appeals it is farther decreed, that they may be made from Tit. de Appel. c. 11. the inferior Courts to the Biſhop, from the Biſhop to the Archbiſhop, from the Archbiſhop to the King, quo cum fuerit cauſa devoluta, which if once brought thither, it is then to be tranſmitted, ſi gravis ſit cauſa, if it be a matter of great concern, to a Provincial Synod; if of a leſs, to three or four Biſhops, appointed thereunto to put a final End unto it; a Method purely antient and primitive: and if any other were practiſed whilſt theſe Conſtitutions were framing, it was certainly contrary to the Deſigns of the Reformers, and perhaps no more juſtifiable than the Sacrilege, the filling of Eccleſiaſtical Places with Lay Perſons, or the Biſhops taking Commiſſions for the Exerciſe of their ſpiritual Offices was, and which I think no Clergyman that at this day wears a Caſſock in England will advocate for. However ſince the deſigned Book was never admitted, and no Review made thereof from that time to this, I cannot ſee but what Dr. Heylin hath aſſerted muſt hold good; to wit, That all Hiſt. Edw. 6. p. 19. the ſaid Canons and Conſtitutions (ſo reſtrained and qualified as above) muſt ſtill remain in force, as of old they did; and ſo we leave the Matter for the preſent.

28. And indeed a State Depoſition, whatſoever noiſe it makes in the World, or how much ſoever it pleaſes the Ears of ſome, is but a novel and wicked Invention. If Biſhops, ſaith St. Clemens, be once conſtituted Ep. ad Cor. 1. c. 44. and approved of by the Church, and it appears that they have been faithfull in their Office, conſtant to their Miniſtration, and for the time paſt well thought of for their Epiſcopal Qualifications, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , we cannot (if ſuch as theſe be laid aſide) but look upon it as a piece of great Injuſtice; neither will it be a ſmall Crime in us, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , if they continue piouſly and blameleſly to offer up their Oblations for us, to turn them out of their Bishopricks. A thing never heard of in the Church for many Centuries of Years: But if at any time the Biſhop became ſo irregular as that the Church would no longer endure him in his Office, they depoſed as well as deprived him, and reduced the firſt Bishop into a Layman before they advanced the ſecond to his See; and probably upon this very account, to prevent the Inconvenience to which a State-Deprivation is ſubject, of having two Bishops pretending to one See at once. Nay, ſaith Chryſoſtome, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Pallad. p. 20. de Vit. Chryſ. if ſuch Proceedings prevail, and it once become lawfull to invade and uſurp another's Bishoprick, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and to caſt out what Bps. they pleaſe for their own Intereſt and Humor, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , all things will ſpeedily run to ruine, and the whole Chriſtian World, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by the caſting out of ſome, and the being caſt out by others, be turned upſide down. An Arian Conſtantius may then deprive all the Orthodox, and fill the Church with that Doctrine; Mahomet may pull down the Croſs, and its Followers, and ſet up the Half-moon and his Muſſelmen in their ſtead. The long Parliament muſt not be thought to have done amiſs, when they caſt off not ſome but the whole Order of Bishops; nor the Uſurper Cromwell the C. L. Aſſes that were got into their room; a Matter of ſuch fatal conſequ nce to the Church, that the divine Hoſius, underſtanding that Conſtantius was putting it into practice againſt the Biſhops that would not ſubſcribe to his Arianiſm, (and in my opinion Socinianiſm and Aerianiſm are not much better,) ſteps in on the behalf of the deprived, giving the Emperour to know, that it belonged not to him to exerciſe ſuch an Authority over the Church; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I beſeech you, ſays he, leave off theſe Attemps Athan. Ep. ad ſolitar. Vit. Edit. Commet. 1600. of yours, and remember, that though you be an Emperour, you are not immortal; dread the Day of Judgment, and keep your ſelf unſpotted againſt that day; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , inter meddle not with Eccleſiaſtical Affairs, neither command us therein; but rather take your Direction from us: For God hath committed the Care of the Kingdom to you, and to us the Care of his Church; and as he who invades the Kingdom contradicts the divine Ordinance, ſo be you carefull that you draw not into your Juriſdiction the things of the Church, leſt thereby you draw Guilt upon your ſelf; Give, as it is written, unto Caefar the things that belong unto Caeſar, and unto God the things that belong unto God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for it is neither lawfull for us to meddle in the Affairs of the Empire, nor for you to meddle in the more ſacred Affairs of the Church. A Power certainly never deſigned by Chriſt, ſince it is ſo affrontive to his Inſtitution, and ſo deſtructive to his Church: However I would fain know of theſe Latitudinarian Stateſmen, who are ſo zealous to advance it among us, 1. Whether, ſince Chriſt's Kingdom is not of this World, the Kingdoms of the World muſt have ſuch Power in and over it, as to deprive it and its Biſhops of a Being and Exiſtence in the World? 2. Whether a Lay-Power (purely ſuch) can operate upon Spiritual Perſons in Matters purely ſpiritual, ſo far at leaſt as by their ſecular Laws and Sanctions to diſſolve that ſpiritual Ʋnion that Chriſt hath made between them and their Church? And whether it be not as abſurd in them to attempt it, and as great a Nullity in itſelf when effected, as if the States of England ſhould make Laws and enact Penalties for the States of Holland? 3. Whether if the State hath ſuch a Power to deprive a Biſhop of his Church, as they have put John upon William, they may not put William upon John again, and at length Jack Presbyter upon both, as already they have done in Scotland? 4. Whether the new made Biſhops be not as much to be accounted State made, as the other State deprived? 5. Whether the deprived Biſhops, remaining Biſhops of the Catholick Church, as they are pleaſed to ſay they do, they do not remain Biſhops in and of the Church of England, ſince that is a part of the Catholick Church? 6. Whether, if ſtill Biſhops in England, there be not two Biſhops in a Church at a time, from whence Schiſm of courſe muſt ariſe?

29. Neither is this the onely aggravation of the preſent Schiſm, that Biſhops of an indiſputable Title (without being either previouſly heard, or judicially ſentenced) are deprived; but that the Primate of all England is one of thoſe Biſhops. The Canon is alike againſt multiplying of Metropolitans in a Province, as of multiplying Biſhops in a Dioceſs; Statutum est, it is ordained, ſaith Gratian, referring us to the twelfth Canon of the Council of Chalcedon, quod duo Metropolitani in una & eadem provincia Diſt. 101. eſſe non d bent, that two Metropolitans ought not to be had in one and the ſame Province; and therefore when Auguſtin the Monk, by Authority from the Pope, would have thruſt himſelf upon the Britiſh Biſhops, they would not ſubmit, ſaith Bede, to any of his orders, ne que illum pro Hiſt. l. 2. c. 2. Edit. Lova . 1566. Archiepiſcopo habiturum, nor receive him for their Archbiſhop, as having an Archbiſhop of their own. And Huntington relating the m tter (as cited by Baziere) adds, that neither the Britains, nor the Iriſh would communicate Hiſt. l. 36. Lib. Brit. Chur. with him, or with the Engliſh, that were governed by him, more than with Pagans; giving this for their reaſon, becauſe he did ſeem to deal uncanonically by them, in conſtraining them to take him for their Archbiſhop, when they had an Archbiſhop before. And if we do but conſider the high ſtanding the Primate hath in the Church, and the reaſon of his being ſet there, which was (as Spalato ſpeaks) ut unitas & de Repub. Ec. lib. 3. cap. 2. concordia inter Epiſcopos ſervaretur, that Ʋnity and Concord might be preſerved among the ſeveral Biſhops of the Province; it muſt every way be held as reaſonable to have but one Primate in a Province, as one Biſhop in a Church. And hence it is that the Apoſtolical Canon enjoyns the Can. Apoſt. 34. Conc. Aut. Can. 9. the Biſhops of every Nation or Province, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to have always a regard to him who is the chief among them, and to eſteem him as their head; yea, and ſo far to be headed by him, as to come under his Precedency, by virtue whereof the whole Province becomes but one Church; the Deacons and Presbyters acting under their Bishop, the Bishops under their Metropolitans, and the Metropolitans under their Primate or Patriarch. And it is the breaking this Chain, and the going off from this Subordination that begets a Schiſm; but never proves it ſo fatal as when the Primate ſuffers in it. This holy Synod (ſay the Conſtantinoplitan Fathers) perceiving, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Temp. Apoſt. Can. 13. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that the Devil is buſie through the fury of Schiſmaticks to divide the Church, doth for the prevention of the ſame, determine, that if any Presbyter or Deacon ſuſpecting or knowing his Biſhop to be faulty, ſhall preſume to ſeparate himſelf from him, and forbear naming of him in the Church's Prayers as it is cuſtomary to do, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , before a Synodical Hearing, Examination and perfect Judgment ſhall be had in the caſe, he for ſo doing be depoſed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and for the future deprived of all their Sacerdotal Honour, and the like. They decree to thoſe Can. 14. Biſhops that upon the ſame account 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ſeparate themſelves from the Communion of their Metropolitan: And the Can. 15. like again, to thoſe Metropolitanes that ſhall ſeparate themſelves from their Primate or Patriarch, thereby making a Schiſm, and breaking the Unity of the Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 though guilty of no other fault, than ſuch ſeparation.

30. The old Rule was, that nothing be done in the Church without him, meaning as it is a Provincial Church. And Balſamon in his Commentaries upon the aforeſaid Apoſtolical Canon, which commands the Biſhops Can. 34. of every Nation to obſerve the Primate, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and to tranſact nothing in the Church, of the more weighty affairs thereof without him, tells us, wherein theſe weighty affairs conſiſt; and that they are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſuch as relate to Eccleſiaſtical Conſtitution, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and cannot otherwiſe be tranſacted by the reſpective Biſhops in their reſpective Dioceſſes. And whence it is, that one of the chief Branches of his ſuperintended Authority ariſes, and that is to call and convene all the Biſhops of the Province into a Synod, in order to have all ſuch matters debated, ſtated, and provided for; that all Irregularities may be amended, and all Schiſms prevented. Now we are told by the Council of Antioch, that that, and that only is a true and right Synod, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , wherein the Metropolitan Can. 16. preſides; and that it is not lawfull for any, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Can. 20. of their own heads, or by a ſeparate Authority from him, to call Synods. Inſomuch, that if the preſent Metropolitan be uſurped upon, and not rightfully depoſed, all Synods that are and ſhall be called, and all matters that are or ſhall be debated therein, and determined thereby, muſt neceſſarily fall to the ground, and have no Virtue or Solidity in them. I am ſenſible a Man may bear up the Name, and hold the State of a Biſhop, anſwerably habited, with his Paſtoral Staff in his hand, and a Mitre upon his head, he may call a Synod, and have his Biſhops and Clergy about him, beſtowing his Prebendaries to ſome, his Archdeaconries to others; nay, reditus, cenſus & capones, he may receive Rents, Services, Capons, &c. whilſt his Regency holds: All this did the Epiſcopus Puerorum, as he is deſcribed and deciphered by Mr. Gregory of Chriſt-Church, Oper. Poſth. p. 117. Edit. 1665. and yet he was but a mock Biſhop, and ſo he died without any farther Character of a Biſhop upon him; notwithſtanding he be buried in the Pontifical Ornaments of a Biſhop, and had a Dragon under his feet, with a Motto as great and as proud as ever Biſhop uſurped, conculcabis Leonem & Draconem.

31. Another of his unqueſtionable Prerogatives and Priviledges, as he is Primate of the Province, an Office, according to Petrus, de Marca, of Lib. 6. c. 1. Part 3. Apoſtolical Tradition, and coaeval with Chriſtianity it ſelf, is, that no Biſhop ought to be ordained, or taken for a Biſhop within the Province, that is not ordained by him, or with his approbation and conſent: Inſomuch that if a thouſand Biſhops be made without his conſent, and much more againſt it, they can be no Biſhops. And this is evident from the firſt Nicene Council, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Can. 6. if any one be made a Biſhop without the allowance and good liking of the Metropolitan, this great Council decrees 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that ſuch an one ſhall be no Biſhop at all; and ſo it was decreed in the firſt Council at Antioch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , let no Man be Can. 19. ordained Biſhop without the preſence of the Metropolitan, or if any ſhall be made, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that his Ordination be null and invalid, and that not only as to himſelf, but as to all others that shall be afterwards ordained: And this was the plea that Alexius made, when they would unjuſtly have depoſed him from his Patriarchship, and which in probability prevented his depoſition; ſtoutly anſwering (as Doctor Burnet relates the matter) That if his Ordination was null, then all Regal. cap. 3. the Metropolitans whom he had ordained, and all the Bishops whom thoſe Metropolitans had ordained during the eleven years of his Adminiſtration, ought to be likewiſe degraded: From whence it is evident, that if the Ordination be at firſt null, it conveys and entails a nullity upon all its deſcent, and what a miſerable confuſion this will bring in eleven years time upon the Church of England, he that hath but half an eye may foreſee. Nay, at this rate Archbishop John (totius Schiſmatis Primas & Metropolitanus) will neither be Primate nor Bishop, nor can it in the leaſt juſtifie him from the Crime of Schiſm, that the preſent Power backs him in his Invaſion and Ʋſurpation; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , if any one (ſaith the Apoſtolical Canon) Can. 30. shall make uſe of any ſecular Power to thruſt himſelf irregularly into the Poſſeſſion of a Bishoprick; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , let him be depoſed and excommunicated, together with all thoſe that take part with him. The like i decreed in the Council held at Paris, Si quis per ordinationem regiam, if any Bishop shall unduly and with two much haſte aſcend to the height of Epiſcopal Honour by the ſtrength and interpoſition of Regal Power, let him no ways be recieved or owned by the Bishops of the Prov nce, or if contrary to the Canon, he shall be received by any of the Comprovincials, then let ſuch be ſeparated from the reſt of his brethren.

32. I here foreſee, that the inſtance of Abiathar will be produced againſt me, not only to overthrow the poſition of one Biſhop in a Church, or of one Primate in a Province; but to ſhew, that is in the Power of Kings upon good reaſon, to depoſe any of them; nay, the higheſt of them all, that do or can Prieſt it in their Dominions. God (ſay they) app inted but one High Prieſt at a time for the whole Jewiſh Church, n ither do we read of any farther order given for the diſplacing of him, or for the putting of others upon him: And yet none can deny but that in King David's days there were two High Prieſts together, Zadock the Son of Ahitub, and Abiathar the Son of Ahimelech; 2 Sam. 15. 29. and this by the ſole order and pleaſure of the King: neither do we read that he was ever the farther from being the Man after God's own heart for his doing ſo. And it is as evident on the other hand, that Solomon his Son depoſed and degraded one of them; to wit, Abiathar, 1 Kings 2. 26. after he had continued in the Office full forty years; and that by no other Authority than his own. Both which actions plainly demonſtrate, That if reaſons of State ſo require, the King may either multiply Biſhops upon a Church, or depoſe them; eſpecially as to us in England, ſince we give the ſame Prerogative to our Kings, as was given by Art. 37. God to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures: And this they think will be a ſufficient plea and cauſe for what they are doing But to this I anſwer; and firſt, as to the being of two High Prieſts at once,

33. I think I may ſay, that it is the only inſtance to be met with in Scripture from the time that the Prieſthood was ſetled upon Aaron and his Family, to the time that the Jews became Captives, and were carried out of the Land: And if it had been either convenient or neceſſary, it would have been oftner practiſed; and if it had been oftner practiſed, we ſhould have oftner heard of it. So that it being a particular caſe, it muſt have a particular reaſon and foundation proper and peculiar to it ſelf upon which it ſtands, and without which it falls. Howbeit it was at a time when the High Prieſthood was got into a wrong Chanel, and poſſeſſed by a Family which (according to the Law of Inheritance) had no preſent right unto it; I ſay no preſent right, a right it had at large, as b ing of the Family of Ithamar, one of the Sons of Aaron, to Lev. 10. 7. whom (no leſs than the other) the Prieſthood at firſt was given; but however not without a Precedency to Eleazar, as being the firſt born. And hence we read, that when Aaron was to be taken away by death, Numb. 20. 28. Moſes was commanded to ſtrip him of his Garments, the Garments of Holineſs, which at his Conſecration he had put upon him, and to put them upon Eleazar, ſignifying thereby the diveſting Aaron of his Prieſthood, Lev. 8. 7. to array and inveſt Eleazar with it. From him it was conveyed to Phineas his Son, to whom, and to whoſe Seed it was farther aſſured and Numb. 25. 13. granted to be an everlaſting Prieſthood; but ſo it happened at preſent, that the Poſterity of Eleazar was put by, and the Poſterity of Ithamar taken into their room; and ſo it had been, and continued for four Generations, even from the time of Ely to this Abiathar's days; who having eſcaped the Maſſacre made at the command of Saul, upon Ahimelech his 1 Sam. 22. 18. Father and Family, fled unto David, and bringing the Ephod with him, 1 Sam. 23. 6. was conſtituted High Prieſt in the room of his deceaſed Father; and indeed in ſome meaſure meriting the ſame, for it was upon David's account, and for entertaining him in his neceſſities, that his Father was put to death, and the whole Family (beſides himſelf) deſtroyed. But 1 Sam. 22. 13. this appearing irregular to David, becauſe againſt the right of Inheritance, and finding that the line of Eleazar was to be reſtored in his days, even before the Temple ſhould be built and Iſrael be in its full Glory; he 1 Sam. 2. 32, 35. puts Zadock (the principal of the line at that time) into the Prieſthood, and gives him the Precedency to Abiathar, as being regularly the Heir, and the perſon to whom by right thereof the Prieſthood belonged; continuing however Abiathar as a Copartner with him in it during life; the whole afterwards to devolve upon Zadock and his Poſterity, as it was at firſt ordered. So that all this was but a Pious and Righteous deſign in David, to reſtore the Prieſthood to its rightful owner, and not unreaſonably to divide the Church, but reaſonably to make up the Breach that had been made in the Inheritance. A method commended by the Biſhops of Sirmium to the Clergy of Rome upon their having two Biſhops at a time, occaſioned by the baniſhment of Liberius, and the Inveſtiture of Felix during his baniſhment. Let them, ſay they, receive Liberius Soz. Hiſt. l. 4. cap. 14. their former Biſhop, ſince he is permitted to return, and let Felix and he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , joyntly enjoy the Apoſtolical Throne, and do all things amicably and in conjunction together, that ſo the irregularity of the one, and the misfortune of the other may both be buried. Neither can it be blame worthy when two Biſhops do ariſe, (which yet Sozomen in the place before quoted ſays, is in it ſelf 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a certain ſign of Schiſm, and againſt the Rule of holy Church,) thus to make up the Feud, and reconcile the Diviſion, perſuading them like Zadock and Abiathar to go hand in hand, and bear up the Ark together whilſt both of 2 Sam. 15. 24, 29. them do live: Nay, ſo deſirable a thing is Ʋnity and Amity in the caſe, that when Mel tius and Paulinus, the two Biſhops of Antioch, would not be perſuaded to agree the matter among themſelves, in their lives time, the chief of the Clergy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , who were accounted the fitteſt to be made Biſhops after them, Soz. l. 7. c. 3. Socr. l. 9. c. 4. or who had the greateſt expectation of being ſo, bound themſelves mutually by an Oath, that they would never ſo much as attempt to be Biſhops in either of their rooms; or ſo much as accept if they were choſen; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as long as either Paulinus or Meletius ſhould live, but that when either of them ſhould die, the Biſhoprick should remain entire to the Surviver of them; and from thenceforth continue undivided.

33. Neither will the other part of the Objection much affect us; that I mean of Solomon's depoſing Abiathar. For it was in a caſe of High Treaſon, (driven perhaps thereunto, out of hopes that if Adonijah had prevailed againſt Solomon, he might have regained the Prieſthood back unto his Family, which he could not but foreſee was quite going from it.) A Crime of ſo high and malignant a nature, that the Church will not Advocate for it. Nay, though she be induſtrious to defend her Clergy under other Accuſations, that they be not too much oppreſſed by Secular Powers; yet as to a Delinquent of this nature, she utterly throws him off, and expoſes him to all the hardſhips he can meet with. In Matthew Blaſter's Syntagma, Chapter de Epiſcopis ob Crimina ſua judicatis, I find this Law or Canon, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Tit. Δ. cap. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , let none of the Laity judge the Clergy, unleſs they be accuſed of Treaſon; intimating, that if accuſed of that, no Sacredneſs of Office, no Sublimity of Honour muſt either indemnifie, except or excuſe them from punishment. And yet how far this Depoſition wrought, is not to me altogether ſo plain: The Scripture ſaith no more concerning it, than that Solomon thruſt out Abiathar from 1 Ki gs 2. 27. being Prieſt unto the Lord; it neither ſhews how far he thruſt him out, nor by what method he did it. Nihuſius, as cited by Friſchmuth, in his Treatiſe de Rege eligendo & deponendo, would have us believe it was ex Aula ſolum, S. 63. Edit. Jenae, 1653. only from appearing at Court, and exerciſing his Office in or about Jeruſalem, where the King had his abode; with liberty however to execute it in the Tabernacle at Gibeon, as Zadock before him had done, when he was Copartner with Abiathar; and this perhaps may be grounded on the 1 Chron. 16. 39. relation that Joſephus makes of the matter, where he brings in Solomon thus ſpeaking to Abiathar, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the pains ſaith he, that thou haſt endured by accompanying Ant. l. 8. c. 1. my Father David, and attending and bearing the Ark with him, makes thee to eſcape from death; yet foraſmuch as thou haſt taken part with Adonijah, I ſo far condemn thee, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that thou depart hence, and ſee my face no more; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for ſince thou haſt ſo offended me, it is not convenient that thou ſhouldſt be in Honour with me. Carthuſianus goes farther than Nihuſius, and tells us, Abiatharem de integro, ſingulari clementia Regis, priſtino Officio reſtitutum, that he was by the ſpecial Friſch. Loc. cit. S. 64. clemency of the King wholly reſtored to his Office again. Gerſomides brings him down to a much lower ſtation, yet makes him however to be Loc. cit. Zadock's Subſtitute, when ever he was hindered by any defect from executing the Office of the High Prieſt himſelf; and ſuch an one Joſephus makes Ellem the Son of Joſeph to be unto Matthias, in the time of his Ant. l. 17. c. 8. uncleanneſs. But be it as it will, moſt certain it is from Scripture; 1. That he had his life given him. 2. That he had liberty to retire unto his City, and to dwell quietly there. 3. That he had ſtill the Name and the Title of High Prieſt continued to him: I will not (ſaith Solomon) 1 Kings 4. 4. at this time put thee to death, becauſe thou bareſt the Ark of the Lord before David my Father, and becauſe thou haſt been afflicted in all wherein my Father was afflicted; it ſeems Gratitude to paſt Services, and a Veneration to the high dignity of Prieſthood, was not then periſhed quite out of the Land, nondam terras Aſtraea. Neither are we leſs in the dark as to the manner how he was depoſed: We read of no formal procedure in the caſe; all that is ſaid about it, is, That Solomon thruſt out Abiathar from being Prieſt unto the Lord: And yet if we will credit Menochius, De rep. Heb. l. 1. c. 6. S 6. he will tell us, that among many other things to be tranſacted in the great Synedrion, the puniſhing of the High Prieſt was one, and ſo ſaith the Tit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 c. 1. l. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Miſna, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 They judged not the High Prieſt, unleſs in the Sanedrim, or great Conſiſtory; meaning, ſaith Selden out of Mamonides, De Synod. l. 3. c. 8. S. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ſo far as Life is concerned. Nay, though in other Matters, not concerning Life, they might judge of him in other Courts, yet both l.. 3. c. 6. S. 1. Selden and De Jure Belli c. 3. S. 20. Grotius affirm that in that point, ne Regi quidem ipſi permitteretur, it was not lawfull for the King himſelf to take cognizance of him. Yea, the former of the two having reckoned up above an hundred and forty irregularities and defects in reference to his body (beſides many more incident to his mind) which hindered him from being admitted at all into his Office, and rendered him after liable to be turned out, concludes notwithſtanding dum ſui juris Hebraei, that whilſt the Jews were governed De Succeſs. in Pontific. l. 2. c. 5, 6, 10. Lond. 1636. by their own Laws, the Legitimate Succeſſion (where no impediments prevented) ever took place, and that it was high injuſtice to reject or expell any, to whom the Prieſthood belonged, unleſs ſome or more of thoſe irregularities were really to be found upon him. The Crime indeed of Abiathar being no leſs than a Crime of High Treaſon, could not but be animadverted upon: But then the Crime being Capital, and the High Prieſt the Criminal, we may well conclude, that before ever Solomon thruſt him from the Prieſthood, the Sanedrim had previouſly judged and paſſed their Sentence upon him. And ſo it fared with Joab (one of his fellow Criminals) for it is plain, if Joſephus ſays true, That before Ant. l. 7, 8. c. 11. Edit. Gen. 1634. ever Solomon ſent Bennajah to fall upon him, he firſt ſent him to fetch him from the Altar, in order to bring him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to the Seat of Judicature, there to purge himſelf, if he could. And if this formality was uſed towards Joab before ever the command was given to have him ſlain, it's probable the like was uſed towards Adonijah, the King's Brother, before he was ſlain; and the like alſo to Abiathar, before he was thruſt from the Prieſthood. Nay, though it ſhould be true, as ſome aſſert, That the Kings of Judah were more abſolute in their Authority than the Kings of Iſrael, and did not always ſo formally proceed by way of Juſtice as the other did, and that this proceeding againſt Abiathar might be one of thoſe extraordinary inſtances of their power; yet this is certain, that they had th ir ſtanding Courts of Judicature all the Land over, for the right and full adminiſtration of Juſtice to all ſorts and degrees of Men, the chiefeſt of all which, and to which the laſt Appeal was made, was ever at Jeruſalem, as being moſt near unto the King. Thus Jehoſaphat, having conſtituted Judges throughout all the fenced Cities of the Land, is ſaid to have done the ſame at Jeruſalem, ſetting Amariah the High Prieſt over all in the matters of the 2 Chron. 19. 11. Lord, and Zebadiuh, the Son of Iſhmael, for all the King's matters, the Secular concerns to be tranſacted by the King, through the aſſiſtance of his Secular Judges, and the Eccleſiaſtical by the Miniſtery of his Eccleſiaſticks. In like manner David having ſet out the form of the Temple, and given Solomon directions for the building and ordering of it, leaves him to his Prieſts and Levites to be farther adviſed: The courſes, ſaith he, of the Prieſts and Levites shall be with thee for all the ſervice of the Houſe of God. And I dare ſay, this power, ſo fixed and 1 Chron. 28. 21. managed, cannot but be thought ſo juſt and reaſonable, that as the Church of England hath all along granted it to their Kings, ſo there is not at this time one Church-Man of the old Foundation among us that will deny it them, but wiſh that it were ſo; are troubled that it is not ſo; nay, can ſay, By the waters of Babylon we ſit down and weep, whilſt we remember thee O Sion

34. I confeſs there are not inſtances wanting in Hiſtory, to ſhew, that it hath often been the practice of Emperors and Kings by their own Authority (and without concerning themſelves at all with a Synod) to depoſe Biſhops, and thruſt them from their Biſhopricks: But then this hath been (as Petrus de Marca obſerves) in apertiſſima Canonem violati, Lib. 4. cap. 6. Part 1. in ſuch caſes only where the Canons of the Church have been moſt notoriouſly and ſcandalouſly violated; ſo notoriouſly, that there needed no proof as to matter of fact, nor any thing farther to be done but to apply the puniſhment. And of this he gives us two inſtances in reference to the caſe in hand: The one of Juſtinian the Emperor, and the other of Zeno; the firſt depoſing Anthimus, for that, contrary to the Canon, he had deſerted his own Church, and invaded the See of Conſtantinople; the latter for doing the ſame thing to Peter, ſurnamed Moggus, for that, contrary to the Canon, he had ſeized upon the Patriarchſhip of Alexandria, Timothy, the lawfull Biſhop thereof, and under Baniſhment, being not yet dead. And referring us to the Acts of the Council held by Mena at Conſtantiople; he farther tells us, That ſuch violations, aut à Principe, Loco citat. aut a Synodo caſtigari poſſe, may be puniſhed either by the Prince or by a Synod. But now for Emperors or Kings to take this power upon them, when there is no breach of Canon; nay, when it is contrary and contradictory to all Canon; and purely for their own Will and Pleaſure, or becauſe it may ſerve their Intereſt to have others in their Places and Biſhopricks, that may lick their ſpittle, and cry 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to them in all their actions: This certainly muſt be pernicious and fatal to the Church, and can bode nothing leſs than an utter and ſpeedy ruine to it. Of what diſmal conſequences this kind of diſpoſitions have been, and what ſad and deplorable miſchiefs they have brought along with them to the moſt flouriſhing Churches in the World; I ſhall in a more particular manner evidence, from the Jewiſh and Greek Churches, being provoked thereunto by ſome of the late Treatiſers.

35. And becauſe the Jewiſh Church offers it ſelf firſt to our View, I ſhall conſider it firſt, and ſhew what Succeſs it met with whilſt it was thus rid: Joſephus tells us, that the firſt that ever executed this depoſing Ant. l. 15. c. 3. Power was Antiochus, who depriving Onias, put Jaſon into his place; a fitting Prieſt for ſo wicked a Tyrant! For no ſooner was he made ſo, Lib. de Mac. cap. 4. ſaith the ſame Author, but he forced all the People to Impiety, and to forſake Religion. Nay, ſuch, ſaith the Author of the Book of Maccabees, was the height of Greek Faſhions, and encreaſe of Heatheniſh Manners, through 2 Mac. cap. 4. 13, 14. the exceeding Prophaneneſs of Jaſon, that ungodly Wretch, that the Prieſts had no courage to ſerve any more at the Altar; but deſpiſing the Temple, and neglecting the Sacrifices, haſtened to be partakers of the unlawfull Allowance in the place of Exerciſe, not ſetting by the Honour of their Fathers, but liking the Glory of the Grecians, by reaſon whereof ſore Calamity came upon them. About three years after Menelaus had Jaſon laid aſide, and himſelf put into the 2 Mac. 4. 24. Joſ. Ant. l. 12. cap. 15. High Prieſthood, though he was not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of the race of the High Prieſts: He, ſaith the Book of Maccabees, came with the King's Mandate, having nothing worthy of the High Prieſthood, but having the fury 2 Mac. 4. 25. of a cruel Tyrant, and the rage of a ſavage Beaſt. And ſuch an one he was; for he ſtole certain Veſſels of Gold out of the Temple, cauſed Onias, the Ch. 4. v. 32. 2 Mac. 5. 15. depoſed High Prieſt, to be ſlain, and was Guide to Antiochus when he went to the Temple to riſle it of its holy Veſſels. A wicked and impious man, ſaith Joſephus, who for his ambitious Deſire of Authority, had enforced Ant. l. 12. c. 15. our Nation to revolt from their Religion. He was ſlain, and ſucceeded by Alcimus, who alſo is ſaid to have defiled himſelf wilfully in the time of their 2 Mac. 14. 3, &c. mingling with the Gentiles; and was the cauſe of all that Miſchief that afterwards happened to Judas, Razis, and the Temple. The next Inſtance shall be in Herod and his Succeſſors, after he was by the Roman Emperor created King of the Jews. In the Roman Times (ſaith the Annotatour, Ham. in Luc. c. 3 2. quoting Joſephus for it,) it is manif ſt that the Roman Prefect did, ad libitum, when he would, and that ſometimes once a year, put whom he pleaſe into the Pontificate, to officiate in Aaron's Office, inſtead of the lineal Deſcendant from him. And this was, as Bp. Overall in his Convocation-Book ſuggeſts, Lib. 1. c. 34. to keep them from entring into Rebellion; ſuſpecting that if the Prieſthood should have been held by Succeſſion, or for term of Life, by the chief Perſons of Aaron's Poſterity, it might have grown dangerous unto their Government. The laſt Inſtance touching the Jews, shall be of the Zealots, not long before, and haſtening on the Deſtruction of Jeruſalem, and of the Temple there: They, ſaith Joſephus, not reſpecting De Bell. Jud. l. 4. c. 5. the Families out of which it was onely lawfull to chuſe the High Prieſt, elected ſtrange and baſe Perſons to that ſacred Dignity, and ſuch as would be Partakers of their Villanies and Impietie ; for they who not deſerving it attained to ſuch Dignity, were as it were obliged unto their Will in all things by whom they were ſo exalted: A Fact, ſays ne, contrary to the moſt firm Cuſtom that was amongſt the People, and onely a Device to get all Government into their hands. From all which we may remark and inferr, 1. That the Reaſon and End of ſuch Actions is purely to ſerve the Intereſt of Government, and to have ſuch Perſons in the Head of the Prieſthood that will own their Actions, and execute their Commands, though never ſo wicked and ſinful. 2. That Religion is ſo far from gaining by it, that it is generally forced to give place to Atheiſm, Profaneneſs, Heatheniſm. 3. That it is a ſad Prognoſtick and Forerunner of an utter Deſolation to the Church, and shews that her Enemies (the Zealots on the one hand, and the Romans on the other) are either come or coming upon her, which makes me (with Fauſtinus) almoſt to wish, That ſince the high Dignities of the Church Libel. Prec. p. 21. Oxon. 1678. prove ſo tempting, and do ſo debauch the Prieſthood, she had never been ſo richly endowed, ſed ut apoſtolico more vivens, fidem integram inviolabiliter poſſideret, but that her Clergy living more after the Apoſtolick Manner, might the more inviolably hold the Apoſtolical Faith; and not for the love of Honour or Wealth be rempted to decline or withgo it.

36. The like Inſtance of this Abomination of Deſolation may be taken from the Greek Church. In Andronicus's long Reign, ſaith the Author of the Burnet, c. 3. Edit. 1682. Regalia, many were put in and out, to the great Scandal of the Church; and he makes this Remark upon it, from the Hiſtorian which he quotes, That Niceph. Greg. lib. 7. Princes chuſe ſuch Men to that Charge, who may be their Slaves, and in all things obſequious to what they ſhall preſcribe, and lie at their Feet, and not ſo much as have a Thought contrary to their Commands. I might have told you before from Joſephus, that Onias had never been De Mac. c. 4. turned out of his Prieſthood, at leaſt Jaſon not put in, had it not been for an annual Payment of three thouſand ſix hundreed and threeſcore Talents of Silver to Andronicus: And from the Book of Maccabees, That Menelaus 2 Mac. 4. 24. had never got over Jaſon's Head, had he not promiſed three hundred Talents more than what Jaſon gave. So bewitching are the Rewards of Divination, when proferred by Kings, that Balaam the Prophet (though perhaps his Conſcience doth boggle at them at firſt, no leſs than his Aſs afterwards did at the ſight of the Angel, yet) rather than not be fingering of them, he will remove from Mountain to Mountain, from Hill to Hill, to try whether from ſome place or other he may not venture to curſe Iſrael. Nay, I am apt to think, that if the chief Dignities of the Church come once to be ſold by Inch of Candle, all the burning and ſhining Lights thereof will ſoon be turned out of their Candleſticks, for dim and ſtinking Snuffs to be put in their rooms; and of what ill conſequence this may prove to a Church, without being a Prophet, or a Prophet's Son, we may eaſily gueſs. The forementioned Author of the Regalia informs us of the Miſchiefs and Miſery it hath brought upon the Greek Church: The Turks, ſaith he, having taken this matter into their Hands, have ſo expoſed Ch. 3. p. 99. all unto Sale, (and I may add Intereſt,) and have found ſo many baſe minded and ambitious Churchmen, that are as ready to buy as they are to ſell, that thoſe Churches which were once the Glory of the World, are now become Dens of Thieves and Robbers; adding, that as thoſe Miſeries are to be lamented in them, ſo we who hear of them, ought to remember the words of our Saviour, If theſe things be done in the green Tree, what ſhall be done in the dry?

37. But what need I aggravate the Miſchiefs that attend theſe Alterations, eſpecially when continued and daily renewed? There are none ſo blind but may ſee them, none ſo hardy but muſt lament them, none ſo ſenſeleſs but (as far as in them lies) will endeavour to prevent them: But (ſay ſome) what meaneth the Bleating of the Sheep, and the Lowing of the Oxen we hear? Why ſo much noiſe of Schiſme? Why ſuch breaking of Communion? Why ſuch running from our Churches? Muſt all be Schiſmaticks that take in with the new Biſhops, and follow them? Is not this to make the Jewiſh Church ſchiſmatical, after the High Prieſthood became annual; and the Greek Church too, as often as the Grand Seignior changes the Patriarch? Sure we are that our Saviour himſelf at that time communicated with the Jewiſh Church, which we preſume he would not have done, if it had been ſchiſmatical; and no Man (for ought as we do know) blames the Patriarch who ſucceeds, nor yet the Church which receives him. And yet though it be ſo, I cannot ſee that either of theſe Caſes run parallel to ours; for the Jews for many years before had been under the Roman Yoke, and ſo have the Greeks for many Centuries of years under the Turks; both deſpoiled of their Rights and Cuſtoms, and ſo far at Mercy, that it was well for the Jew that he could have any Prieſt, and for the Greeks that they have any Chriſtianity: And were this our Condition, I ſhould be glad to herd any where; nay though we had no Biſhops, nay though we had no Prieſts, nay though we were onely Chriſtians at large, rather than pay no publick Devotion: But whether this be an eligible thing; nay, whether we ought to haſten this upon us, and to cou t it; nay, whether we be not bound (though we be forced to take up the Croſs and follow) to reſiſt it, I leave to all pious, ſober Chriſtians, whoſe Gain is not their Godlineſs, to conſider on. Bp Taylor from Fulgentius tells us, That when Frazamund, King of Biſac in Affrica, had Epiſcop. aſſer. made an Edict under pain of Death, that no more Biſhops ſhould be conſecrated, deſigning by that Device to have the Catholick Faith rooted out of his Dominions; the Biſhops of the Province (no ways affrighted at the Edict) met together, and conſecrated as many as were wanting, conſidering that thoſe who were worthy of a Mitre, need not fear to do their Duty, when by ſo doing they are ſure to receive a Crown of Martyrdom. And had the Greek Biſhops been as reſolute and daring, when theſe Invaſions were at firſt made upon them, probably their Crown would have been more glorious, and their Religion at this day more flouriſhing. However, if I miſtake not, the caſe of the Jews is very much miſrepreſented, and to no purpoſe produced: For though it was their Infelicity to be reduced almoſt to an annual Prieſthood, yet it was always given (as Joſephus relates the matter) to ſuch, and to none but ſuch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ant. l. 20. c. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , who were of the order of the Prieſts: And howbeit it was particularly entail'd upon Phineas the Son of Eleazar, and his Poſterity, as hath before been ſhewn, yet it is evident that the entail was conditional, and through the failures in their Perſons or Office, it might be taken from them, as it was from Eleazar's Family, and given to Ithamar's; from Ithamar's given to Eleazar's again; and from the chiefeſt of each, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to the meaneſt in both, and yet the Prieſthood valid, though the mutations and changes were never ſo many and frequent. And ſo Selden concludeth upon the matter; palam quidem eſt, ſi originem tantum ſanguinis Sacerdotalis in Aarone ſpectes, idem eſſe Pontificale genus & Sacerdotale, it's evident, ſays he, that the fountain of blood in Aaron, from De ſucceſſ. in Pontif. c. 9. whence the Prieſtly Office firſt iſſued, was the very ſame that gave being to the Prieſts, as to the High Prieſts; inſomuch that if the right of primogeniture did not interpoſe, or came once to be neglected, there was not one of the Poſterity of Aaron, but would be aeque capax Pontificiae dignitatis ac muneris Sacerdotalis, altogether as capable of the Pontifical as of the Sacerdotal Office. Joſephus indeed tells us, That it was an Ordinance of their Lib. 15. c. 3. Country, that if any perſon was once enſtalled into the Office, he might not be diſplaced during his life; but in Scripture we read of no ſuch thing; the original grant including no other limitation than that it go along with Aaron and his Poſterity. Hence when the Prieſthood was firſt given, ſaith God to Moſes. Exod. 29. 9. 30. 30. Thou ſhalt anoint Aaron and his Sons, and conſecrate them, that they may miniſter to me in the Prieſts Office; and the Prieſts Office ſhall be theirs for a perpetual Office. And Joſephus tells us, That it was a Law obſerved by their Ant. lib. 20. cap. 18. Anceſtors, that no Man was to be admitted to the Prieſthood, except he were of Aaron's Poſterity; for albeit he were a King, if he were of another line, it was impoſſible for him to obtain the Priesthood. And thus it happened through all the mutations by Herod, or his Poſterity, from the time he was created King over the Jews, untill the day that Titus deſtroyed the Temple. Now the original Charter requiring no more, but that the Prieſthood ſhould be in ſome or other of the Seed of Aaron, and ſince it was ſo in our Saviour's days, albeit it was made almoſt annual I cannot ſee but that the Office was untainted, and the High Prieſt, as ſoon as created, to be accounted a good and lawful High Prieſt. So that though theſe frequent alterations may make the Jewiſh Nation unhappy, yet Schiſinatical they could not; they might, and they did portend a ſpeedy ruin to the Prieſthood, and were for a judgment to them all, but a ſin they were not; and if High Prieſts within the inſtitution, I can ſee no reaſon, why our Saviour might not communicate with them as innocently, as he might have done with Eli, Eleazar, or with Aaron himſelf; and the Jews all the while continue free from Schiſm, though full of miſery: But as for us, we have no ſuch cuſtom, neither we nor the Churches of Chriſt.

38. Thus diſcharging my ſelf both of the Greek and Jewiſh Churches, I ſhall in the next place conſider the caſe of the deprived Biſhops in the beginning of the Reformation: A point (ſay our new Reformers) not to be touched upon, unleſs you deſign to expoſe the Reformation to the Romaniſts: For if a legal Prince, and much more if a Prince in conjunction with his Parliament, hath not power, upon grounds that ſeem to them juſt and warrantable, to deprive a Biſhop, and to make a new choice; you can never juſtifie the proceedings either of K. Edward VI. or of Q. Elizabeth; there being little or nothing done in thoſe days towards the depriving of the Biſhops, for the bringing on of the Reformation, but what was done meerly by Secular Power. And if it was lawfull then by that power to deprive, it is lawfull now; or if not lawfull now, it was not lawfull then; and by conſequence, the Deprivations then were not only uncanonical, but unjuſt and tyrannical; and ſo you deſtroy the building which your Anceſtors reared, and what you and others have been ſupporting above theſe hundred and fifty years; at leaſt you expoſe its nakedneſs to the ſcoffs and calumnies of an inveterate, inſulting Adverſary. And thus intrenching themſelves, they conclude they are invulnerable; at leaſt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 beyond the reach of any Argument, that can be levelled againſt them: But how much they are miſtaken in their confidence, and how little ground they have to think themſelves unaſſailable, will ſufficiently appear by bringing their reſpective Deprivations, both as to the matter and manner of them, to a due account; and in order thereunto as in order they come, and becauſe the former will give light unto the latter,

39. I ſhall begin with the Deprivations in King Edward's days, in number indeed ſix, as are ours now, and ſo far alike; but in all things elſe altogether unlike:

40. For had they been deprived on the firſt day they had been enſtalled Biſhops, no wrong had been done them; nay, had the King taken away their Temporalities the next moment that he gave them, no complaint could have been made. For if it be true, what the Reforming Hiſtorian ſaith, That they had taken out Commiſſions, as they had done before in the former Reign, to hold their Biſhopricks only at the King's Burnet part 2. lib. 2. p. 6. Edit. 1681. pleaſure, and to exerciſe them as his Delagates, in his Name and by his Authority; and of which he gives us a Copy from Biſhop Bonner's, wherein he acknowledges the King to be fons & ſcaturigo, the Fountain of all Juriſdiction and Power, as well Eccleſiaſtical as Civil; and that he had it only of his Bounty, ei que quotiens ejus Majeſtati videbitur, libenter Coll. 14. p. 267. concedere, and would deliver it up again, when it ſhould pleaſe him to call for it; it is evident, that when ever, or by whom ſoever the King was pleaſed to call back his Commiſſion, whether faulty or not, they were eo facto, to be unbiſhop'd, and no leſs to be removed, than thoſe State Officers and Miniſters were who held their Places only durante bene placito, And to me it ſeems much the ſame thing, whether theſe his doings were founded on the Determinations of his Convocation, or on the Acts of his Parliaments; or whether executed by Delegates or not, his Royal pleaſure only was ſufficient, though ſignified by the meaneſt Page or Groom that belonged unto him: So that if Heath of Worceſter, if Day of Chicheſter, if Tonſtal of Dureſme, and if Voiſy of Exeter (provided he did not reſign) were deprived by the Secular Delegates, and not by any Court conſiſting of Church-Men, as the Hiſto Part 2. lib. 1. p. 203. 216. rian aſſerts, it was no more than what their ſordid compliance and their unprieſtly condeſcenſions juſtly deſerved. Secondly,

41. There was nothing enjoyned to make them Criminals, but what had antecedently been ordered and determined in the Convocation before ever the Parliament annexed their Penalties, themſelves all the while ſitting, acting, and enacting to both in Convocation and Parliament. Hence Fox p. 1189. Edit. 1610. we are told by the King's Meſſage to the Rebels in Devonſhire, that what ever was contained in the new Common Prayer Book (the non advancement of which, ſeems to be their original and fundamental crime) was by the Clergy agreed, yea, by the Biſhops of the Realm deviſed, as well as by 〈◊〉 Parliament eſtabliſhed, and more fully by the Letter of the King and his Council to Biſhop Bonner; that after great and ſerious Debating, and long Conference of the Biſhops, and other grave and learned Men in the holy Scriptures, one uniform Order for CommonPrayer, and adminiſtration of the Sacraments, hath been, and is moſt godly ſet forth, not only by the full aſsent of the Nobility and Commons of the late Parliament, but alſo by the like aſſent of the Biſhops in the ſame Parliament; and of other the learned Men of this our Realm in their Synods and Convocations Provincial. So that here is no exception to be made againſt the Legality, Competency, or Sufficiency of the Powers ſubſcribing; all being concerned that could, or any ways had right to preſcribe to the Government. The Clergy in their Convocations, the Laity in their Parliaments, the King in both; all unanimouſly declaring for, and eſtabliſhing the Book. Neither can any thing be objected againſt the Book preſcrib'd: It's called by the King, a Devout and Chriſtian Book; ſaid by the Parliament, to be Fox p. 1235. St. Edw. 6. concluded upon by the Holy Ghoſt. Day of Chicheſter (one of the deprived) was one of the Compoſers of it; all of them Heyl. Edw. 6. p. 57. had their Votes for the eſtabliſhing of it: Gardiner St. Edw. 6. 2, 3. c. 1. and Bonner K. Edw. 6. Journ. p. 16. promiſed Conformity to it, and the latter of them ſent out his Fox p. 1186. Precept to have it publiſhed and uſed. Nay, ſo univerſally was it comply'd with, that, as their Friend Sanders tells us, Fox id. eodem. De Schiſ. Ang. l. 2. Ed. 1610. ne unus quidem videbatur in Regno toto, qui falſorum officiorum ac rituum communione non fuiſſet contaminatus, That there was not one throughout the whole Kingdom (the Lady Mary excepted) that did not receive it, and joyn in Communion with it; ſo that methinks, though they could not themſelves miniſter in the Service ſo preſcribed, yet conſidering the fulneſs, regularity and competency of the Preſcription, they ought (as Chriſtians) quietly to have acquieſced, and as Biſhops to have yielded their Office unto others. Again,

43. Though what was enjoyned was legally eſtabliſhed; though by taking out their Commiſſions their Deprivations were Arbitrary, and at the King's courteſie; though by Act of Parliament they were for their 2, 3 Edw. 6. cap. 2. diſobedience ipſo facto to be deprived of all their Spiritual Promotions; yet was not that puniſhment inflicted, till their Caſe were farther debated by perſons appointed thereunto by the King, to whom both Church and State, the one in their Convocations, the other in their Parliaments, Annal. Brit. vit. Warbam. 25 Hen. 8. c. 21. & 2. 6. c. 1. had juſtly given the Supremacy: which ſhews that an ipſo facto Deprivation, without a farther judgment and deciſion to ratifie and put it into execution, is irregular, and wants both Equity and Precedent. I have evidenced it in four of the deprived already, who were thus dealt by; and as for the other two (I mean Biſhop Bonner and Gardiner) the Procedure will appear more Canonical, becauſe in a great meaſure tranſacted by Men of their own Order, and the Sentence much more Authentick, becauſe given by the Archbiſhop, their Metropolitane and Primate. Hence for the depriving of Bonner (which was the firſt of them all that felt the affliction) there were commiſſioned two Biſhops, ſaith Maſter Page 1194. Fox; three, ſaith Edw. 6. p. 78. Edit. 1670. Dr. Heylin, whereof the Archbiſhop was one, Dr. May Dean of St. Pauls, and Secretary Smith Doctor of Laws. For Biſhop Gardiner, the Archbiſhop and three other Biſhops, one Judge, three Doctors of Laws, and two Maſters of Chancery. Neither is the Commiſſion Fox p. 1209. enervated, or in the leaſt to be blamed, or eſteemed leſs Primitive for having a mixture of Laity in it: For ſo Conſtanſtine directed his Letter to Aelian, the Proconſul of Africa, to examine and hear the Cauſe Optat. cont. Parm. l. 1. p. 29. of Felix, Biſhop of Aptung, the Ordainer of Caecilian; as alſo to Zenofilus, the Proconſul of Numidia, to enquire into the carriage of Silvanus, Geſta purg. ad Optat. Biſhop of Cirta, one of the Ordainers of Majorinus, thereby to find out which of the two were Traditors; that the Controverſy between the Caecilianiſts and the Donatiſts might be ſtated and ended: unde pulſa at que exter ſa infamia cum ingenti laude, illo judicio receſſit, by which Judgment of theirs (ſaith Optatus) the infamous aſperſions that were caſt upon Cont. Par. l. 1. p. 30. Caecilian and Felix by the Donatiſts were wiped off, to the eternal Honour of Caecilian and his adherents. And thus alſo for the better management of the Conference between the Catholick and the Donatiſts Biſhops, Honorius the Emperor appointed Macellinus his Tribune, for a Judge in the caſe, before whom, ſaith Poſſidonius, the Donatiſts being convicted of De Vitâ Aug. their faults, ſententia Cognitoris notati ſunt, were by his Sentence declared guilty, and thereupon condemned. And thus might Tonſtal of Dureſme, as well as Bonner of London, or as Gardiner of Wincheſter, have had their Cauſe heard; had not Archbiſhop Gardiner refuſed to meddle, becauſe Burnet, Part 2. lib. 1. p. 216. he was found to lye under a miſpriſon of Treaſon: And ſo properly might Voiſy of Exeter been tried, but for the ſame reaſon; for he alſo was found, ſaith Heylin, to have fomented the Rebellion of the Devonſhire Edw. 6. p. 100 Men: And whether Day of Wincheſter was not in with them, and for that reaſon alſo not tried by Cranmer, to me it is doubtful; for the Hiſtorian confeſſes he cannot tell us, whether his Deprivation aroſe from Reform. Par. 2. lib. 1. p. 203. the refuſing to ſubmit to the new Book, or his falling into other tranſgreſſions. However I cannot but obſerve, 1. That the aforeſaid Biſhops enjoyed their Biſhopricks, notwithſtanding an ipſo facto Deprivation, till a farther proceſs was made, aad a declaratory Sentence paſſed upon them. 2. That Bonner, who led the way unto the reſt, was not deprived till four months or more after the Act of Deprivation took Fox 1209. place; Gardiner not till two years almoſt after Bonner; Voiſy not till Heylin, p. 100. ſome months after the Sentence paſſed upon Gardiner; Day, Heath, Tonſtal, Burnet lib. 2. p. 203. 216. not till ſome months after him; ſo ſlowly was the Act at that time executed. 3. That as they enjoyed their Biſhopricks till their Deprivations, ſo in all probability they enjoyed the Profits and Revenues thereof; Gardiner's were not ſequeſtered from him till within three Heyl. Edw. 6. p. 99. months of the time; yea, and then alſo his Houſe and Servants were maintained out of his Biſhoprick to the very inſtant that the declarary Fox p. 1218. Sentence was judiciouſly pronounced againſt him. This was the Caſe of the deprived Biſhops then; and if this method had been taken in reference to our preſent Biſhops, that is, had the matter for which they are deprived; been debated in a Convocation of the Clergy, and there concluded, that the Allegiance they had ſworn might lawfully be transferred, without the Breach of Oath, or guilt of Perjury; had the Refuſers of the ſaid transferring been afterwards by a true and legal Parliament decreed to be deprived, and had they upon that been Legally and Canonically evicted of ſuch a refuſal, though no ſuch time had been allowed them; nor no ſuch favour granted, as in the interim to enjoy their Biſhopricks and the Revenues of them; nay, though after all, the Sanctions of the one, and the Determinations of the other, had ſeemed to them unjuſt; there would not have been ſuch cauſe (as there is) for a complaint: So that I think we may cry out of the Injuſtice, at leaſt of the unprecedented Severity of the preſent Age, and yet neither blemiſh nor expoſe the Reformation.

44. Neither will they be aſſiſted or ſcreened by any thing that was done in Q. Elizabeth's Reign: For though according to Stow there were Ann. 2. Eliz. p. 182. Eliz. p. 36. Ed. Lond. 1615. thirteen or fourteen deprived of their Biſhopricks omnes qui tunc ederunt, praeter unum Antonium Landevenſem; all, ſays Cambden, that were then Biſhops, which he reckons to be ſixteen in number, beſides him of Landaff, yet will their Deprivations be found of a quite different nature to thoſe that have been made in our days: And to make this out, four things are neceſſary to be obſerved:

45. Firſt, That all matters of Eccleſiaſtical concern, were left at King Edward's death under a full and regular eſtabliſhment, conſented and agreed thereunto by the King in his Convocation, as well as by the King in his Parliament: And ſo it is aſſerted to be in the Anſwer to the Lady Mary's Letter, (as cited out of Maſter Fox by the Author of Church-Government, viz.) that the Reformation as touching the Common-Prayer Book, Part 5. p. 130. from the ſecond year of his Reign, and as touching other Articles of Religion from the fifth, was Regular and Canonical, as being the Act of the Clergy: Thus was the Supemacy and Service Book eſtabliſhed, as is before ſhewn; thus alſo were the Articles of Religion, and in them the Tit. Art. 1552. Art. 31. St. 5. 6 Edw. 6. cap. 12. Marriage of the Clergy agreed upon: own'd by the Parliament it ſelf to have been ſo, in the Act for adjudging ſuch Marriages lawfull, declaring therein, that the Learned Clergy of the Realm had determined the ſame by the Law of God in their Convocations, as well by the common aſſent, as by the ſubſcription of their hands. 2. That no leſs Authority ought to be allowed to null the eſtabliſhment, than what was thought neceſſary by the ſtanding Laws of the Land at firſt to make it; and therefore ſince it had its Birth and Riſe from the King and Convocation, as well as from the King and Parliament, and more properly from the firſt, than from the latter; the Queen had not power of her ſelf, no, nor by the Parliament, without the Convocation, to deſtroy it: And hence her own Clergy in Q. Elizabeth's days, foreſeeing the ill effect of ſuch Power, utterly diſclaimed it, and in their Convocation declared againſt it, telling the Parliament, in hopes to keep their Poſſeſſions, but in the mean time forgetting the method whereby they came poſſeſſed, that the Authority to handle and define ſuch things which belong to Heyl. Q. Eliz. p. 113. Faith in the Sacraments, and Diſcipline Eccleſiaſtical, hath hitherto ever belonged, and only ought to belong to the Paſtor of the Church, whom the Holy Spirit hath placed in the Church, and not unto Lay-Men; no, though in Parliament (as then they were) aſſembled. 3. That the Power whereby Q. Mary acted for diſſolving the Reformation, and for the laying aſide the Biſhops that aſserted it, was a leſs Authority than that by which at firſt it was eſtablished: For no ſooner was she come unto the Crown upon the death of K. Edw. VI. but, and before ever a Heyl. Hiſt. Q. Mary p. 22. Parliament was called, she purely and by her own Authority removed Bishop Ridley from London, Poinet from Wincheſter, Coverdale from Exeter, Scory from Chicheſter, and Hooper from the juriſdiction of Worceſter, whereinto they had been regularly inthroned; and in their places reinſtalled Bonner, Voiſy, Day and Heath, which in the Reign of K. Edw. as before shewn, had been legally and judicially diſpoſseſſed; and all this done, ſaith Heylin, without ſo much as any shew of legal proceſs, the Hiſt. Q. Mary p. 22. conventing of the Perſon whom it did concern, or any ſatisfaction given to the Laws ſo ſtrangely violated. Soon after she called a Parliament, in which, ſaith Mr. Fox, all Statutes made of Premunire in the time of Page 1333. King Henry VIII. as alſo other Laws and Statutes concerning Religion decreed under K. Edw. VI. were diſsolved: and thereupon, ſaith the Hiſtorian, ſeven Biſhops were all turned out at a time, viz. the Archbiſhop B rnet. vol. 2. p. 274. of York, the Biſhops of St. Davids, Cheſter, and Briſtol, for contracting Marriage, and thereby breaking their Vows, and defiling their Function; Taylor of Lincoln, Hooper of Worceſter and Gloceſter, and Harley of Hereford, for Preaching and ſetting forth erroneous Doctrines, though the Marriages the one had contracted, and the Doctrines the other had Preached, were both conſonant to the decrees of the Convocation, which even then remained unrepealed. 4. That Q. Elizabeth who ſucceeded Q. Mary, reduced all to the firſt and legal Settlement, that was left by K. Edw. inſomuch that if there were any irregularities in the proceedings, or any defect of Power in compaſſing the ſame, there were the ſame in Q. Mary's. Did she by her Parliament reſtore the Reformation? It was by the ſame way and method that Q. M. pull'd it down. Had not she the concurrence of a Convocation? No more had Q. Mary. Were the Laws touching Religion made in Q. Mary's, repeal'd by Q. Elizabeth? So were the like Laws made in the days of Henry VIII. and Edw. VI. repealed by Q. Mary. In short, whatſoever falſe ſteps were taken, or whatever deviations were made, contrary to the uſual methods and proceedings of our Anceſtors, they were all begun and firſt attempted by Q. Mary, and no farther, nor no longer practiſed by Q. Elizabeth, than to undo what the other thereby had done; till she had put things into the ſame courſe they were in at the death of K. Edw. leaving for the Reform. juſtified, c. 6. Edit. 1657. future, as Dr. Heylin obſerves, Church work to the diſpoſing of Church-Men, who by their Place and Calling are to be adjudged moſt proper for it.

46. Theſe things being premiſed, I proceed to conſider the Deprivations that were made thereupon: Cambden gives us their number, and Eliz. p. 37. their Names; viz. Heath of York, Bonner of London, Tonſtall of Durham, Thirlby of Ely, Bourn of Bath and Wells, Chriſtopherſon of Chicheſter, White of Wincheſter, Watſon of Lincoln, Baines of Litchfield and Coventry, Oglethorp of Carliſle, Turbervile of Exeter, Pool of P terborough, Scot of Cheſter, Pate of Worceſter, and Goldwell of St. Aſaph. I confeſs L. 3. ch. 12. Lond. 1625. Maſon leaves out Chriſtopherſon, De Schiſ. l. 3. p. 335. Sanders Chriſtopherſon and Pate, Eliz. Hiſt. pt. 2. p. 114. Heylin Pate and Goldwell, adding Morgan of St. David's to the reſt; but Cambden's Computation being the higheſt, ſhall prevail: And yet I doubt not but by diſcovering the voluntary Ceſſions or interpretative Reſignations of ſome, the illegal Titles of others, the uncanonical Ordinations of many, and the horrid Crimes of them all, ſo to charge them, as to bring them all under the Cenſure of a juſt Deprivation, without ever being Patterns or Precedents to the deprived of our days.

47. And firſt I find in Cambden, that three of them, to wit, Pate, Scot, L co citat. and Goldwell, ſolum ſponte mutarunt, of their own accord gave up, and quitted the Land, and therewith their Churches and Cures; the firſt, according to Heylin, towards the beginning, the laſt towards the end of Hiſt. Q. Eliz. p. 114. May, the Oath not being tendred, nor Deprivation to any decreed, till near Stow Q. Eliz. p. 1082. two Months after; the Reaſon probably why Heylin leaves them out of his Catalogue of the deprived: And had not or might not others in their abſence have been put into their places, their Biſhopricks might have remained without Paſtors till Death it ſelf had taken them out of the World: A Miſchief ſo great, and ſo injurious to Chriſtianity, that the holy Fathers in the Conſtantinopolitane Council, taking it into their Conſideration, have long ago ordered ſuch to be deprived: If any Biſhop, ſay they, to the great neglect of his Fl ck, ſhall preſume to abſent himſelf from 1 & 2 Can. 16. his Biſhoprick, by going into a foreign Nation, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and remain there above the ſpace of ſix Months, without leave from his Metropolitane, and not commanded thither by his Prince, we decree him alienated from his Biſhoprick, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and that another be placed in his room. Three more of them, viz. Bonner, Tonſtal, and Heath, had been (as before was ſhewn) legally deprived in K. Edward's days; and therefore ſince all things were reduced to the old Standard, and reſettled in the ſame way, and by the ſame Authority as they had been diſſettled, it could not otherwiſe be expected but that ſuch who had formerly been deprived, ſhould be ſent back to the ſame ſtate of Deprivation they had before been ſentenced to. Bourn, Turbervile, and Chriſtopherſon were Intruders, and had poſſeſſed themſelves of the Biſhopricks belonging to Barlow, Coverdale, and Scory, who had been legally inveſted in them in K. Edward's days, unjuſtly turned out in Q. Mary's, but alive in Q. Elizabeth's, to take Poſſeſſion of their own again. Two more of them (as well as many of the former) were irregularly and uncanonically ordained; their Ordinations being celebrated and performed without their Metropolitane, his Leave, Preſence, or Authority; he at the ſame time (though in Priſon) alive, and undegraded; Burn Hiſt. vol. 2. p. 332, 257. The eccleſiaſtical Canons, as elſewhere hath been ſhewn, utterly condemning and avoiding all ſuch Ordinations that have not the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of their Metropolitane with them: Theſe were Vide Catal. Epiſc. White and Baines. The four remaining are Thirlby, Watſon, Oglethorp, and Pool: But if it was lawfull for Q. Mary to ſeize upon Taylor, Hooper, and Harley, becauſe they had taken out Commiſſions from one or more of her Predeceſſors, to hold their Biſhopricks during their good Behaviour, and to make it a ground of their Deprivation, (as certainly she did, if Dr. Burnet be in Hiſt. vol. 2. col. 12. p. 257. the right,) why was it not as lawfull for Q. Elizabeth to lay hold upon Thirlby, and on the ſame account ſeize his Bishoprick; ſince he had taken out the like Commiſſion in the preceding Reigns, both of Henry VIII. Id. vol. 2. p. 6. and Edward VI. being Heyl. Cat. of Biſhops. Bp. of Weſtminſter in both their Reigns, and no leſs misbehaving himſelf than the former had done. As for Watſon, Oglethorp, and Pool, though they were conſecrated after the Degradation of Cranmer, and probably by the Conſent of their Metropolitane, Cardinal Poole being then Archbiſhop of Canterbury; yet were the ſeveral Biſhopricks ſo filled with uncanonical Biſhops, for the reaſon before mentioned, that it cannot be otherwiſe imagined than that their Ordainers, moſt or all of them, were of that illegitimate breed. Its certain, that of the ſeven who conſecrated the Cardinal, Thirlby onely ſtood rectus in Curia; the Maſ. de Miniſt. l. 2. 4, 17. other being either deprived, as were Heath and Bonner, or elſe were of the number of the ordained in the time of A. Bp. Cranmer, as were Pate, White, Griffen, and Goldwell, all of them Intruders, and upon that account, as hath been ſhewn, uncanonical, and not qualified to make a good Ordination: Nay, conſidering how many ſuch there were, (and many there muſt be, ſince no leſs than fifteen of them were conſecrated in a Burnet, vol. 2. p. 276. Year,) neither Watſon, nor Poole, nor any other Biſhop afterwards nominated, could probably be ordained without them.

48. But were it not thus, or had thoſe Biſhops been better entituled to their Biſhopricks than it appears they had been; yet ſuch was their Offence, ſo provoking their Crime, that a leſſer Puniſhment could not reaſonably be awarded againſt them. Dr. Burnet tells us, That to refuſe the Hiſt. vol. 2. p. 386. Oath of Supremacy, (whereby the Papal Juriſdiction was firſt excluded the Land,) which was their fault, brought the Refuſers of it into a Praemunire; and to deny the ſaid Superiority and Supremacy to be and to reſide in the Prince, was Treaſon. And Dr. Heylin tells us, That it hath Ref. juſt. pt. 2. S. 1. been, and ſtill is the general and conſtant Judgment of the greateſt Lawyers of this Kingdom, That the Veſting of the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm, was not introductory of any new Right or Power which was not in the Crown before, but declaratory of an old one, which had been antiently and originally inherent in it. Now though this Supremacy had been in Q. Mary's Reign revoked, diſannulled, and delivered up unto 1 & 2 Ph. & M. c. 1. the Pope again, by her and her Parliament, and the ſeveral Laws and Statutes enſorcing the ſame, repealed; yet both it and the Laws in Q. Elizabeth's Reign by an equal Authority were reſtored and reinforced, though 1 Eliz. c. 1. not under the penalty of Praemunire or of Treaſon, as formerly, but nevertheleſs of Deprivation, to all ſuch of the Spiritualty, Biſhops or others, that ſhould decline the owning or confirming of the ſame with their Oaths. And thus Mr. Cambden ſtates the Matter, quotquot jurare abnuerunt, Beneficiis, Dignitatibus, & Epiſcopatibus exuuntur; as many, ſaith he, as refuſed Eliz. p. 36. to accept and take the ſaid Oath, were deprived and turned out of their Dignities and Biſhopricks. An Oath containing nothing in it Burnet's Hiſt. pt. 1. p. 182, & 240. Edit. 1681. but what had been determined in the greateſt and moſt famous Monaſteries of the Kingdom; concluded Fox, p. 965 Burn. part 1. p. 182. and agreed upon by the Ʋniverſities; ſubſcribed to Ant. Brit. p. 324. by all the Biſhops, and others of the Clergy in their Convocation; penn'd by ſome of them; ſworn Burnet, pt. 1. p. 18. unto by moſt or all of thoſe very Biſhops in ſome part or other of the Reigns of the two precedent Kings, and by them then in being, before ever there was a Law for the requiring any ſuch Oath, defended Ant. Brit. p. 330. both in Preſs and Pulpit, and with as little reaſon to be declined in this Queen's days, as in any of her Predeceſſors.

49. For though Oaths be not haſtily to be given to every one that either takes or uſurps the Throne, yet here was no poſſible Doubt or Scruple to be made againſt the Title of her Majeſty, ſhe being declared by the Parliament then ſitting to be Cambd. Eliz. p. 1. veram legitimam que ; Haeredem, the true and rightfull Heir, de cujus certiſſimo in Succeſſione jure cum nemo dubitare poſſit, nemo debeat; ſo true and rightfull, ſaith Arch Bp. Heath in the Hou e of Ibid. Peers, that as no body can doubt of the Truth of her Succeſſion, ſo no body ought; and ſo far forth recognized and owned by the preſent Biſhops, Heyl. Hiſt. Ref. part 2. p. 102. that they all went to meet her, and preſented themſelves before her upon their knees, in teſtimony of their Loyalty and Affection: So that here was no calling her Title in queſtion, no quarrelling the Authority either of her or her Parliament, no remonſtrating to the Matter of the Oath, without condemning themſelves; nothing but their own Perverſeneſs to pull this Deprivation upon them: A Deprivation I confeſs not ſo regular as it ſhould have been, being executed altogether by a Lay Power; but yet as regular as the Caſe would bear; and not without a Commiſſion neither, according to Stow and others, to examine and make out their Miſdemeanours; the utmoſt that could poſſibly then be done, Stow, p. 1082. Holling. p. 182. How, p. 639. the whole Order of them, Kitchen of Landaff onely excepted, being at that time under one and the ſame Guilt, and lay alike open to one and the ſame Penalty: And had they not for that reaſon been diſplaced till there was a College of Biſhops, or a Court of Epiſcopal Delegates to diſplace them, they muſt never for all their Diſobedience, though never ſo wilfull and provoking, have been diſplaced, nor indeed have had their Crimes puniſhed. But what is that to us; or wherein doth it concern the Biſhops that are now deprived? Had any of them taken Commiſſion to ſurrender upon Demand? Had they at any time before been deprived? Wanted they either due Titles, or canonical Ordination? Were they rdained without the preſence or Approbation of their Metropolitane? Or was he himſelf ordained by ſuch that were ſo ordained? Was the Oath for which they were deprived ever formally tendered to them? Or did it ever appear upon tender that they refuſed it? Was it of their own framing? Or had they before either taken, written, or preach'd for it? Nay, was it not contrary to their former Preachings, Declarations, and Oaths? Was the Authority impoſing it, either in reference to Prince or Parliament, an unqueſtionable Authority? Were any delegated to make out the Diſobedience? Or were there not Biſhops enough? Nay, Might not a Convocation of the complying Clergy have been ſummoned to have judged and determined of the Caſe, whether Culprit or no? When theſe things are proved and made out againſt them; I cannot, nay I ſhall not but confeſs their Deprivations to be alike; but till then I muſt be allowed to cry out, O Tempora, O Mores! and with the Poet conclude, that

Aetas Parentum, pejor avis, tulit Nos nequiores, mox daturos Progeniem vitioſiorem.

Carm. Hor. L. 3. Od. 6.

50. I am ſenſible that there are two grand Miſtakes in the World, which miniſter to and haſten on theſe fatal Proceedings: Some think there is no ſuch thing as Schiſm; others, that though there be ſuch a thing, yet an Act of Parliament will authorize the Fact, and juſtifie all; inſomuch that through the Midwifery of a Vote or two of theirs, God's Altar may be turn'd or overturn'd, Aaron and his Prieſts depoſed, or forced to comply, and a new Erection, like that of Jeroboam's, though of the worſt of Men, made as ſacred and divine, as if it were done by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or a Voice from Heaven. And from thenceforth if the Man of God happen, as his Duty binds him, to oppoſe or gainſay their Sanctions, ſo as their Mightineſſes become diſobliged; though he be ſent of God, as Aaron was, though he ruleth well, and laboureth in Word and Doctrine; nay, though he be doing the Will and Work of his Maſter; yet a travelling Staff, and a pair of ill clouted Shoes, muſt paſs for his double Reward. But how contrary this is to Practice, hath already been ſhewn; and how diametrically oppoſite to the genuine Conſtitutions of this Church and State, comes now to be demonſtrated.

51. Populus de Republica non de Eccleſia in Parliamentis antiquitus tractare conſuevit; Anciently, ſaith the Author of Antiquitates Britannicae, the People never meddled with Matters of religious Concern in their Parliaments, De vit. Cran. p. 339. but onely with Matters purely relating to the State. Nay, I find by the very Act of Submiſſion it ſelf, which was in the Year 1530. That it was cuſtomary till then for the Clergy, by virtue of the Authority they had in themſelves, without any Ratification or Confirmation from King or Parliament, to make Canons, declare Hereſies, convict and cenſure Criminals, and to decree and do all other Matters as ſeemed good to them, in relation to the Church and Clergy. A Power thought too great to be in the hands of the Clergy; whereupon (ſaith Heylin) The Houſe of Commons aggrieved at the inequality and ſupereminency of the Power, Ref. juſt. part 1. S. 1. remonſtrated and complained to the King, that the Clergy ſhould be permitted to act Authoritatively and Supremely in the Convocation, and they in Parliament do nothing, but as it was confirmed and ratified by the Royal Aſſent. This in all probability haſtened on the Submiſſion; for the Clergy ſoon after being met in Convocation (as it is recorded in the aforeſaid Book of Antiquities) promiſed the King in verbo ſacerdotis, ne ullas deinceps De Vit. Warh. in Synodo ferrent Eccleſiaſticas leges, that they would not henceforth enact or execute any Conſtitutions or Canons in their Synods or Convocations, unleſs the King ſhould cauſe their aſſembling, and by his Royal Aſſent approve and confirm their Canons: But then this only levels them with, and not puts them under the Parliament, it leaves indeed their Decrees and Sanctions to them to be farther guarded and ſecured, by the addition of their civil Penalties and Inflictions; but no ways ſubjects them to them, in reference to the Validity, Authenticalneſs, or prior Eſtabliſhment of them. And this the learned Heylin hath elaborately and fully made out, as to the two firſt Reigns, both in reference to the points of Doctrine that were reformed, and to the forms of Worſhip that were then enjoyned, in his Book entitled, The way of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and juſtified; to whom for your farther ſatisfaction, I refer you and the Reader.

52. But not content to bring them down to their own level, their next deſign and work was to bring them under; and of this the aforementioned Antiquary complains; Eccleſiaſticarum legum poteſtate abdicata populus in Parliamento cepit de rebus divinis inconſulto Clero ſancire; the Submiſſion (ſays he) being made, the People in their Parliament (as if the In vitâ Cranm p. 339. Submiſſion had been made to them) began to uſurp upon the Church's Right, and without ever conſulting the Clergy, to debate and agree ſuch things as formerly were held peculiarly to the Clergy only. But theſe (ſaith Heylin) were only tentamenta, offers and undertakings only, and Lib. p. cit. no more. And that they were ſo, and no better, nor otherwiſe approved of, during the whole Reign of Q. Elizabeth (under whom the Reformation received its full and perfect eſtabliſhment) will ſufficiently be evidenced from the Journals of the Paliaments in her days, handed down to us by Sir Simon D'Ewes: And I ſhall give them in the order they lye in.

When a Bill was preſented to the Houſe of Commons for Reformation of the Common Prayer Book, it was agreed upon by them, that a Petition Ann. 13. p. 167. ſhould be made to her Majeſty for her Licenſe to proceed in the Bill, before it be farther dealt in; and to do otherwiſe (ſaith the Treaſure) is to Page 166. meddle with matters of her Prerogative; and (as the Comptroller phraſed it) to run before the Ball.

Mr. Strickland having preſſed very earneſtly the Reformation of the Book Page 176. of Common-Prayer and other Ceremonies, was called before her Majeſty's Council, and commanded to forbear coming to the ſaid Houſe, and when Page 130. the ſaid Articles of Religion were afterwards preſented to her, ſhe anſwered, That ſhe would have them executed by the Biſhops, by direction of her Highneſs's Regal Authority of Supremacy of the Church of England, and not to have the ſame dealt in by the Parliament.

The Lord Keeper in his Speech to the Parliament by her Majeſty's Command, Ann. 14. p. 193. thus utters himſelf, Becauſe the proceedings of matters in Diſcipline and Doctrine do chiefly concern my Lords the Biſhops, both for their Underſtanding and Eccleſiaſtical Function; therefore the Queens Highneſs looketh, that they being called together in Parliament, ſhould take the chifeſt care to confer and conſult of theſe matters; and if in their conference, they find it behoofull to have any Temporal Acts made for the amending and reforming of any of theſe lacks, that then they will exhibit it here in Parliament to be conſidered upon, and ſo gladius gladium juvabit, as before time hath been uſed.

The Speaker declared to the Houſe of Commons, That it was her Majeſty's pleaſure, That from henceforth no Bills concerning Religion ſhall be Page 213. preferred or received into this Houſe, unleſs the ſame ſhould be firſt conſidered and liked by the Clergy.

Upon the preſenting the Petition concerning the Reformation of the Diſcipline of the Church; her Highneſs anſwered, That her Majeſty, before Ann. 18. p. 257. the Parliament, had a care to provide in that caſe of her own diſpoſition; and that at the beginning of this Seſſion ſhe had conference therein with ſome of the Biſhops, and gave them in charge to ſee due Reformation thereof, wherein as her Majeſty thinketh, they will have good conſideration; and if that the Biſhops ſhould neglect or omit their Duties therein, then ſhe by her Supreme Power and Authority would ſpeedily ſee ſuch good Redreſs therein as might ſatisfie the expectation of her loving Subjects to their good contentation.

Mr. Wentworth moved in the Houſe of Commons for a Publick Faſt, and it was carried by fifty voices, which being told to the Queen, ſhe ſent Ann. 23. p. 284. a Meſſage to the Houſe, ſhewing That her Highneſs had great admiration of the raſhneſ of the Houſe, in committing ſuch great and apparent Contempt of her expreſs Command, to put in execution ſuch an Innovation, without her privity or pleaſure firſt known. Whereupon Mr. Vicechamberlain moved the Houſe to make an humble Submiſſion to her Majeſty, acknowledging the ſaid Offence and Contempt, and to crave Remiſſion for the ſame, with a full purpoſe to forbear committing of the like: So by the Suffrage of the whole Houſe Mr. Vicechamberlain carried their Submiſſion to the Queen accordingly, which ſhe accepted; but with a Monition, That they do not miſreport the Cauſe of her Miſliking, which was not for that they Page 285. deſired Faſting and Prayer, but for the manner in preſuming to indict a form of publick Faſt, without her Order and Privity, which was to intrude upon her Authority Eccleſiaſtical.

Upon ſundry Motions touching ſome Reformation in matters of Religion, contained in the Petitions exhibited to the Houſe of Commons, it was reſolved Page 201. by the whole Houſe, that Mr. Vicechamberlain, &c. by Order of this Houſe, and in the Name of the whole Houſe, ſhould move the Lords of the Clergy to continue unto her Majeſty the proſecution of the Purpoſes of Reformation; and alſo farther impart unto their Lordſhips the earneſt deſire of the Houſe for the Redreſs of ſuch other Griefs contained likewiſe in the ſaid Petitions.

But not finding the thing done to their liking, they afterwards petitioned Page 303. the Queen, and received for an Anſwer, That as her Highneſs had the laſt Seſſion committed the Charge and Conſideration thereof unto ſome of her Clergy, who had not performed the ſame; ſo ſhe would ſoon commit the ſame unto ſuch others of them, as with all convenient ſpeed, without remiſneſs or ſlackneſs, ſhould ſee the ſame accompliſhed accordingly, in ſuch ſort as the ſame ſhall neither be delayed nor undone.

The Lords of the upper Houſe being preſſed to join with the Houſe of Commons for redreſſing ſome of the aforementioned Grievances, anſwered, Ann. 27. p. 345. That they were preſent when her Majeſty gave Commandment not to deal in the Houſe of Commons with Matters concerning Religion, or the Church, without her Highneſs's Pleaſure firſt known; and do take the ſame Commandment to extend as well to their Lordſhips as to the Commons; and therefore have reſolved, That thoſe of the Lords which are of her Majeſty's privy Council, do firſt move her Highneſs to know her Majeſty's Pleaſure therein, before they proceed any farther in the Matter.

Mr. Leuknor, Hulſton, Bainbridge, and Cope were ſent unto the Tower Ann. 28. & 29. p. 412. for intermeddling with Matters touching the Church, which her Highneſs had ſo often inhibited; and Motion being made by Sr. John Higham for the ſetting them at liberty, Mr. Vicechamberlain anſwered, That perhaps they might be committed for ſomewhat that concerned not the Buſineſs or Privilege of the Houſe.

Mr. Davenport moved for ſome Reformation in Church matters; but Ann. 31. p. 438. this motion was check'd by Dr. Wolley, becauſe contrary to the Inhibition of the Queen.

The Ld. Keeper told the Speaker of the Commons, That their Privilege Ann. 35. p. 460. was not to ſpeak what cometh into their Brains to utter; and that it was her Highneſs's Pleaſure, That if he perceived any idle Heads to meddle with reforming the Church, by exhibiting Bills to that purpoſe, that he received them not untill they be reviewed and conſidered by thoſe who it is fitter ſhould conſider of ſuch things, and can better judge of them.

Mr. Speaker tells the Commons, That it was not her Majeſty's Pleaſure that the Commons ſhould meddle in matters of State, or Cauſes Eccleſiaſtical; Page 479. That ſhe wondred that any ſhould be of ſo high Commandment to attempt a thing ſo expreſly contrary to that which ſhe had forbidden; and that her expreſs commandment to him was, that no Bill, touching the ſaid matters of State or Reformation in Cauſes Eccleſiaſtical ſhould be exhibited; charging him upon his Allegiance, That if any ſuch Bill be exhibited, not to read it.

Mr. Morrice (an Attorney of the Dutchey of Lancaſter) moved for reformation of Eccleſiaſtical proceedings; Mr. Dalton anſwerd, that Page 474. the Eccleſiaſtical Government was diſtinct from the Temporal; and that her Majeſty had commanded them not to meddle in ſuch matters. And Dr. Heylin tells us, that the proceedings of this Morrice ſo angered Preſ. to. Hiſt. of Ref. the Queen, that ſhe cauſed the perſon of the ſaid Attorney to be ſeized upon, deprived him of his places in the Dutchey Court, diſabled him practiſing as a common Lawyer, and finally ſhut him up in Tutbury-Caſtle, where he continued till his death. By which ſeverity (ſays he) and keeping the like conſtant hand in the courſe of the Government, ſhe held ſo great a curb on the Puritan Faction (the great diſturber of the Eccleſiaſtical Settlement) that neither her Parliaments nor her Courts of Juſtice, were from thenceforth much troubled with them in all the reſt of her Reign. So that now lay all theſe Premiſes together; how that no ſuch Bills, touching Eccleſiaſtical Affairs, are to be received into the Houſe of Commons without her Majeſty's privity and pleaſure, or unleſs previouſly conſidered and liked by the Clergy; that all proceedings tending thereunto are avowed injuries to the Queen's Supremacy, and her Eccleſiaſtical Authority; that the Biſhops and Clergy are fitter perſons to conſult about and order ſuch matters than the Parliament; that the Eccleſiaſtical Government is diſtinct from the Temporal; and the Penalties of the latter, are only to abet and enforce the Reſults of the former; that their attempts to gain a Superiour Juriſdiction have always been check'd and ended in diſappointments; and that the perſons ſo attempting were ſome of them forbad the Houſe, others turned out of their Offices, and others ſent to the Tower, though at the ſame time actual Members of Parliament, without having their hard uſage remonſtrated againſt, or their perſons remanded; that this was in the beſt of Reigns, and ſoon after the Reformation was compleated; nay, finally, that there was a preſent abrenunciation of all ſuch Power made, and as abſolute a ſubmiſſion as ever had been made by the Clergy in K. Henry VIII's days; and it will demonſtratively appear, that the Parliament never had, or at leaſt cannot now pretend to have any ſuch Power, but that when they attempt to meddle and decree in ſuch matters, they are perfectly out of their Sphere and Bounds, and ſo far forth too, that their Acts can be no otherwiſe accounted of than encroachments, and their Penalties little leſs than Oppreſſion.

53. Miſtaken too often they are in their own affairs, but never ſo much as when they arrogate to themſelves the full command over Religion: A ſad inſtance whereof we have in the late Rebellious Parliaments, whoſe Ordinances (though but of ſmall continuance) proved far more bloody and undoing, than all the Canons that had been made ſince the beginning of the Reformation. Hence being Maſters of the Sacerdotal, as well as Regal Power; they in the firſt place fell foul upon the Biſhops (the Fathers and Governours of the Church) and not only took away the Lives of ſome, the Liberties of moſt, and the Eſtates of all; but, to the everlaſting ſcandal of Chriſtianity, they voted away Scobel Jun. 12. 1643. the whole Order of them, ſacrilegiouſly declaring Oct. 9. 1646. their Government to be evil in it ſelf, juſtly offenſiv and burthenſome to the Kingdom, and a great impediment to the Reformation; though a Government coeval with Chriſtianity, univerſally received throughout the whole Chriſtian World, and continued down to the ſeveral Provinces thereof (and in Britain as well as elſewhere) without the leaſt contradiction, from the Apoſtles days unto our own. And in their room and ſtead ſet up a company of Schiſmatical Presbyters, ſupporting Aug. 29. 1648. them with a new Sect of Lay-Elders; the former never permitted in the Catholick Church, and the latter never heard of in the World, for the firſt fifteen hundred years after Chriſt. Thus advanced, they next quarrel the Service Book, Jan. 3. 1644. vote it out of the Church, and force the Church-Wardens Aug. 23. 1646 to turn Traditors, and deliver them up to the Committees of the reſpective Counties to be deſtroyed; permitting the reading thereof ſoon after to be ranked Cromw. Let. to Judge Gatford's P t. 1655. with the horrid crimes of holding or maintaining Blaſphemous and Atheiſtical Opinions; of being guilty of Curſing, Swearing, and Perjury; of Adultery, Fornication, Drunkenneſs, and ſuch other abominable Crimes; with order to the Juſtices of the Peace to be as carefull to ſuppreſs the reading of the ſame, as of Ale-houſes, and the beforementioned abominations; though a Book eminently miniſtering to the beſt Reformation that ever happened in the Church, compoſed by Pious and Orthodox Men, who ſtuck not to ſeal their Profeſſion with their blood; the laying aſide whereof in Q. Mary's Reign, was declared in the enſuing Reign by the united Wiſdom of the Nation in their Parliament, to be to the great decay of the due Honour of God, and diſcomfort to the Eliz 1. cap. profeſſors of the truth of Chriſt's Religion: And all this to trump up their beloved Directory, a Form of Worſhip plainly accuſing the Primitive Church Direct. &c. its Pref. of indiſcretion; and which may be abuſed by the ignorance or malice of every one that uſes it; liable to Hereſie and Blaſphemy, as well as to ridiculous Indecencies, Folly and Profaneneſs; an Office that never abſolves Penitents, hath no Bleſſing, no Creed, no Hymns, no external Adoration, no Amen; and in truth a form of Prayer without a form, or ſo much as a Prayer in it, the Lord's Prayer it ſelf being left to the Caprichio and Pleaſure of him that officiates. Thus engaged they hurry on to the turning out all the Regular, Loyal, and Conformable Clergy of the Land, under the notion of ſcandalous delinquent Miniſters; which upon Aug. 23. 1647. Fowlis Hiſt. of Pret St. l. 3. c. 1. trial, proved ſo conſtant and ſteady, that Zechary Crofton (one of the Chieftains of the Party) thought it matter enough to boaſt of, that among the ten thouſand Clergy in the Church, they had gained ſix hundred of them (a poor pittance God wot) to comply and ſubſcribe their Covenant: And then, rather than be without, whoſoever would they conſecrated; making the loweſt of the People Prieſts of the high places. The Author of the Diſſenters Sayings, repreſents us with a Page 8. Catalogue of ſome of them, and by them you may gueſs at the reſt, Godly, Painful and Laborious Preachers, Fulcher the Egg-Man, Hobſon the Taylor, Gree the Felt-maker, Spencer the Coachman, Potter the Smith, Durance the Waſh-ball-maker, Debman the Cooper, Heath the Coller-maker, Rice the Tinker, and Field the Bodys-maker. Neither could much better upon the outing of the other be expected; ſince the two Ʋniverſities, thoſe Seminaries of the Church, deſigned for the ſupply of Hiſt. Oxon. Quaer. Cant. the vacancies thereof, were forced to run the ſame riſque, and to undergo the ſame fate as the conſtituted Clergy of the Land had done. And no queſtion, like Preachers like Doctrine! So leud, extravagant and vile, that many of themſelves, being by experience made ſenſible thereof, thought ſit to complain, and, when it was too late, ſeek for redreſs; you have, moſt noble Senators, ſaith Mr. Edwards, done worthily againſt Ep. Ded. part 1. Gang. Papiſts, Prelates, and ſcandalous Miniſters; but what have you done againſt Hereſy, Schiſm, Diſorder? What againſt Seekers, Anabaptiſts, Antinomians, Browniſts, Libertines, and other Sects? You have made a Reformation, but with the Reformation, have we not a Deformation, and worſe things come upon us than before? You have put down the Book of Common-Prayer, you have caſt off the Biſhops, you have taken away Ceremonies, you have cauſed the Imagies to be broken down, of the Trinity, Chriſt, the Virgin Mary, and the Apoſtles; and inſtead thereof there are thoſe roſe up among us, who throw away the Scripture, ridicule the Miniſtery, caſt away the Sacraments, and overthrow the Trinity, deny Chriſt, undervalue the Virgin, and diſown the Apoſtles. The Sects have been growing ever ſince the firſt year of your ſitting, and have every year encreaſed more and more, and if Schiſm and Hereſy, &c. be let alone, and riſe proportionably for one year longer, we ſhall need no Enemy from without to undo us. Thus it fared with our oppreſſed Church in thoſe days, till her King and Prieſts were deſpiſed, her ſolemn Feaſts and Sabbaths forgotten, and the Sanctuary abhorred; and I am afraid thus it will prove again, if Eraſtus, his Demagogues and his Party, ever any more happen to dictate Religion to us.

64. And thus I have freely delivered my thoughts concerning this Subject, inſomuch that if you or others will but ſeriouſly reflect and conſider what hath been offered thereon from authentick and undeniable Teſtimonies, you may readily perceive the reaſon why ſo many of us at preſent refuſe the Communion of the new Biſhops, and perform our Devotions ſeparate by our ſelves, under the preſidency of our old ones. The Communion it ſelf was difficult (if at all tollerable) before the rent was made; for as Baalam ſaid to the Meſſengers of Balak, How ſhall I Numb. 23. 8. curſe whom God hath not curſed? Or how ſhall I defy whom the Lord hath not defied? How could we make him our Enemy, or pray that God would confound his devices, whom we durſt not lift up our hands againſt, nor ſo much as curſe, no not in our thoughts? How could we upon our bended knees, with our and eyes lifted up unto Heaven, go along with the Prieſt, and with a bleſſing to attend his Spirit, when our Conſciences in the interim told us, that we muſt either ſay our Prayers backward, or play the part of the greateſt Hypocrites in the World? Certainly it is better (as King Charles the Firſt ſaid, when they would ſuffer him to have no other Chaplains to pray with him in his Solitudes, than what they 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ch. 24. put upon him) to ſeem undevout, and to hear no Mens Prayers, than to be forced to comply with thoſe Petitions, to which the heart cannot conſent, nor the tongue ſay Amen, without contradicting a Man's own Underſtanding, or belying his own Soul. Terms of Communion may happen to be ſo ſinful and unjuſtifiable, that a good and devout Chriſtian ought rather to abſent than to joyn in with them; into this ſtrait Gr tius was brought, between the corruptions in the Roman, and the want of Orders in the Reformed Church, which made him to be Segrex, a Separatiſt Watſon Pref. Lib. 5. Ep. 27. and Devotee by himſelf: And St. Ambroſe was ſo incenſed againſt the Biſhops that took part with Maximus that had invaded the Empire, and put by Valentinian, that he did abſtinere ab Epiſcopis, withdraw from them, and refuſed all Communion with them; and if it once comes to that paſs, that we muſt either be alone, or ſo communicate, I think it much ſafer, to uſe the words of the before recited Martyr, to be condemned 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ch. 24. to the woe of a Vae ſoli, than to that of Vae vobis Hypocritis, by ſeeming to pray what we do not approve; eſpecially conſidering that of St. Cyprian, ſolus non eſt cui Chriſtus in fuga comes, that he is never Ep. 58. Pleb. Thib. alone, nor without the benefit and bleſſing of publick Communion (if driven thence for Religion ſake) who hath Chriſt along with him for his Companion; nec ſine Deo, nor without God and the influences of his Spirit, be he were he will, if he do but keep himſelf free from the pollutions that defile the Temple of the Lord; whoſe Temple ye are, ſaith the Apoſtle, ſpeaking of thoſe who would have nothing to do with the Temporizing Gnoſticks, their Doctrine and their Communion. This was the 1 Cor. 3. 16, 17. difficulty we laboured under then, and ſhould we now any longer conſent and communicate with them, ſeeing they have cut themſelves off from their lawfull Biſhops, and turned Subjects to thoſe that have uſurped their Thrones, we ſhould unavoidably involve our ſelves in their Schiſm, and there lie as open to the puniſhment thereof, as they did who ran in unto Corah, and took part with his Confederacy to caſt off Aaron, and ſet up a Prieſthood againſt him. St. Cyprian highly commends the Presbyters and Deacons who refuſed to communicate with Gaius, a fellow and neighbouring Presbyter; becauſe he was found to be preſent at the Prayers of the Lapſi; and tells them, that by ſo doing they did act uprightly, and Ep. 34. Presb. Diac. conſonant to the Diſcipline of the Church. Nor is it enough to plead as the Confeſſors did at Rome, ſincera mens noſtra, we liked well of Cornelius Cornel. Cyp. Ep. 49. and always went along with him in our hearts, when at the ſame time they took in with Novatian, and became followers of him and his Schiſm; or as they in Athanaſius's time did, who came to him (Nicodemus like, in the night) to beg pardon for their Apoſtacy, Nos animo Synaxin cum Athanaſio, we are ever preſent with Athanaſius, and at his Synaxes with our Souls, when upon all occaſions they daily appeared in the Aſſemblies and Ep. ad ſolit: vit. Meetings of the Schiſmatical Gregory, his Biſhops, and his Presbyters. Neither can any peace be expected to be given to ſuch, unleſs the Schiſm be abjured. His ita geſtis, theſe things being reſolved on, ſaith Cornelius, Ep. 49. Cyp. concerning the returning Confeſſors, Maximus, Ʋrbanus, Sidonius, Macarius, and many more, qui ſe eis adjunxerant, who had joyned themſelves to them in their Schiſm, in Presbyterium venerunt, came into the Coniſtory, and more earneſtly beg'd that all their Schiſmatical compliances might be pardoned: And at the ſame rate Arſenius Biſhop of Hyppolita, with his Presbyters, Deacons, and Followers, ſubmitted to Athanaſius the Patriarch; we, ſay they, diligentes pacem & unanimitatem, earneſtly Athan. Apolog. 2. coveting the Peace and Unanimity of the Church, and willing according to the antient conſtitution to become obedient to the Eccleſiaſtical Canon, do in the preſence of God ſolemnly promiſe, nos deinceps non communicaturos cum Schiſmaticis, never henceforth to communicate with Schiſmaticks, nor with any one elſe to whom the peace of the Church is denied, be they Biſhops, Presbyters, or Deacons, nor have any thing to do with them; neither ſend t or receive Letters of pacification from them; but for the future wholly to give our ſelves up to the Church's Canons, and the direction of you our Metropolitane. And indeed, leſs than this cannot hope to ſpeed, ecce incolumis & immaculata laudis integritas, behold, ſaith St. Cyprian, that's the unblemiſhed and Praiſe-worthy Ep. 51. Cornel. repentance, that's the incorrupt and ſubſtantial return, à deſertoribus & profugis receſſiſſe, to deſert the deſerters, and to fly the fugitives; to bid adieu to the betrayers of the Faith, and the impugners of Catholick Unity. And certainly the ſooner this is done the better; leſt being once out of the Church, and no longer aſſiſted by the Spirit of Grace that goes along with it; we be driven from Post to Pillar, from one point of the Compaſs to another, and go we ſhall (provided Poverty or Diſgrace, Croſs or Faggot be not in the way) till we have made Shipwreck of the Faith; and in the end finding our ſelves at the brink of the Precipice, and not able to return or go farther, we contentedly drop down and periſh. Thus it was with the Meletians, non eſt ſperandum ut Antichriſto Meletiani reſiſtant, it's now no longer to be hoped (ſaith Athanaſius) Ep. ad ſol. vit. that the Meletians ſhould oppoſe Antichriſt, or reſiſt his coming; for they have thrown off all care of truth, count it no ſin to deny Chriſt, but (Camelian like) transform themſelves into all ſhapes and colours, ſemper mercenarii, always at the lure and beck of thoſe they live under, and throughout all, preſerring Eaſe before Verity; till addicting themſelves to Voluptuouſneſs and Pleaſure, they conclude with an ede bibe, let us eat and drink, for to morrow we die. The ſaddeſt fate that can befall Men in this World, and ſuch an one that God inflicts on none, but the worſt of ſinners; and not on them neither, till he conſigns them over (as loſt) to everlaſting deſolation. So that whatever other puniſhment Heaven ſhall think fit to lay upon me, whilſt I am in my journey; I heartily pray it may not be my doom, to be delivered up to an obdurate Heart, a reprobate Mind, a careleſs Spirit, or a ſeared Conſcience.

55. And here, kind Sir, I had thrown my Pen by, had not you ſent me a late Treatiſe of Mr. Hody's, wherein he endeavours to prove from a Greek Manuſcript out of the publick Library at Oxford, That there was never any ſeparation from the new Biſhop, though uncanonically introduced into the room of another, where there was not Hereſy in the caſe. As for the Manuſcript it ſelf, I leave it to others to inſpect and examine; however I cannot but in my own defence obſerve,

Firſt, That all the inſtances therein produced, are of much later date than thoſe produced by me; His not beginning till Mine do end: Moſt of them the reſults of the middle and corrupt Age of the Church; and therefore of little or no force againſt the Practice of the more Primitive and purer Age thereof, to whom mine do pretend. Nay, were the Practices of thoſe times to be urged and allowed for Precedents, I can ſee no reaſon why the Latine Church ſhould not be permitted the priviledge of them, to prove the corruptions of their Doctrines, as well as the Greek Church, to prove the irregularity of their Diſc •• line. A thing (I am apt to think) Mr. Hody and his Party would have been ſhie ſome few years ago, to have conſented to.

Secondly, That in all the inſtances touching the various Schiſms produced by me, there is no concern of Hereſy in the caſe; and yet the poſtordained was always poſtponed, and as much rejected by the Church, as if he had been as deeply tainted with Hereſy as ever Heretick could be. This Mr. Hody denies, but 'twill undeniably be made out by reflecting on, and calling back ſome of the former inſtances to a farther review. And becauſe Novatianus was the firſt that I inſtanced in, and (for ought it appears to me) the firſt that ever made a Schiſm in the Church, I ſhall begin with him; and I ſuppoſe it will not be denied, but that if there had been any Hereſy in the Maſter, it would have been followed and propagated by his Scholars with the Schiſm; nay, the longer the Schiſm laſted, the worſe would the Hereſy have been; and yet I find that in Conſtantine's days (which was near 100 years after the Shiſm began) when he ſet forth his Edict for the putting down the Meetings of Hereticks, the Novatians were not ſo much troubled about it, becauſe as Sozomen relates the matter, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they held the ſame Lib. 2. c. 30. Doctrines as the Catholick Church did: And ſo it was in Theodoſius's Reign near forty years after that. He admiring (ſaith Socrates) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the confent and harmony of the Novatians Lib. 5. c. 10. touching the Faith, though he had baniſhed all ſorts of Hereticks, yet decreed, that they ſhould enjoy their own Aſſemblies, and have ſuch liberty and priviledges as the other Churches of the ſame Opinion and Faith were wont to have. And when Atticus of Conſtantinople was ſome time after that moved to drive them out of the City, Do you not know, ſaith he, as the ſame Socrates relates, what grievous Perſecutions and Troubles Lib. 7. c. 25. they endured with us for the Faith; adding, that though they had been of old divided from the Church, yet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they never attempted to introduce any Novelty as touching the Faith. The like we find verified of the Schiſmatical Donatiſts, whoſe Schiſm aroſe (as hath been ſhewn) by Majorinus his being uncanonically placed in the Chair of Caecilian, who was ſtated there before him. And therefore St. Auſtin being ſent to by Boniface, one of the Emperor's Life-Guard, to give him an account of the Donatiſts Creed; hi plurimi ſe dicunt omnino credere quod Catholica credit Eccleſia, many of them (ſaiys he) do ſay, Ep. 50. that they perfectly believe concerning the Holy Trinity, as the Catholick Church believes; neither is there any difference between the one and the other, ſed de ſola communione infeliciter litigant, but only the Donatiſts perverſely ſeparating themſelves from the Church to break the Ʋnity of it, which is the ſole cauſe of the contention between them. The ſame is granted by Optatus in his Book againſt Parmenian the Donatiſt; Et apud vos & apud nos una eſt Eccleſiaſtica converſatio, communes lectiones, eadem fides, ipſa fidei Sacramenta, eadem myſteria; there is, ſaith he, with you, Lib. 5. p. 99. and with us, one and the ſame Eccleſiaſtical Diſcipline, the ſame Scriptures, the ſame Rule of Faith, the ſame Adminiſtration of Sacraments, and the ſame Myſteries: And yet though ſo alike in all things elſe, purely becauſe deſcended from Majorinus, who was Poſterior to Caecilian, all kind of Communion was denied them. The ſame was verified of Meletius the Lycopolitan, and his Faction; for though he ordained and conſtituted Biſhops in all places where ever he came, in oppoſition to the Biſhops already placed, thereby diſturbing the Church with his New and Schiſmatical Ordinations; yet, ſays Epiphanius, he adhered notwithſtanding to the Catholick Adv. Haer. l. 2. Tom. 2. Haer. 18. Sect. 1. Church, and the avowed Faith thereof, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , neither did he at any time afterwards in the leaſt ſwerve in the ſame. Nay, though he lived a long while after that he firſt ſet the Schiſm on foot; yet, ſaith my Author, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , He all along ſtudied Id. eod. S. 3. the good of the Church, and never taught any thing contrary to the Faith thereof. Thus it fared in the debate at Antioch between the followers of Meletius and the followers of Paulinus; they held their Synaxes apart, ſaith Theodorit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hiſt. l. 3. c. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and yet both of them profeſſed one and the ſame Faith, and firmly adhered to the Doctrine of the Nicene Fathers. Neither did the death of Meletius put an end to the Controverſy, for no ſooner was he gone, but his Party not accepting Paulinus, which had been Co-biſhop with him, choſe Flavianus into his room; and then the Church of Antioch was divided again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not about the Faith, ſaith Hiſt. l. 5. c. 9. Socrates, but about their Biſhops. Once more, and then moſt or all my inſtances (Chryſoſtom excepted, of which more anon) will be reviewed and made good, and that relates to Liberius and Felix: Liberius was baniſhed, and Felix his Deacon was made Biſhop in his ſtead; a Man, ſaith Sozomen, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Hiſt. l. 4. c. 10. always reported to be firm to the Nicene Faith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and as to matters of Religion altogether blameleſs. And yet when Liberius was recalled from his baniſhment, Felix was forced to retire; nay, the People of Rome, though requ ſted thereunto by the Emperor, would not ſo much, according to Theodoret, as ſuffer him to Hiſt. l. 2. c. 17. remain Copartner with the other in the Biſhoprick. From whence it was evident, let Mr. Hody ſay what he will to the contrary, that there is ſomething more required in a new Biſhop, than barely to be Orthodox in the Faith, and Catholick in his Belief; and that plainly is, if the Canons of the Church, which were of old looked upon in Sacredneſs and Authority next to the Evangeliſts, may umpire and determine; not to invade another Biſhop's See, the See not being forfeited, made void, or vacated by the Canons of the Church: A rule of ſuch Catholick Authority in the Church, that the known Violaters of it were no leſs rejected from its Communion, than were the Violators of the moſt holy and ſacred Evangels; and though otherwiſe never ſo deſerving a Biſhoprick, adjudged ever after altogether unfit to preſide and govern in the Church. Nay, I cannot but in the third place obſerve, and ſtill my eye is upon Mr. Hody,

Thirdly, That when Hereſy prevailed, and made its Biſhops and its Party, the Canon againſt Intruſion was no leſs pleaded againſt them to render them uncanonical, than was their Hereſy. Hence we find Julius of Rome, after he was informed of the Invaſion made by Gregory the Arian upon Athanaſius, Patriarch of Alexandria, complaining no leſs of the irregularity thereof, than as if there had been no Hereſy at all in the caſe; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; where, ſaith he in anſwer to his Letter from Antioch, is there any ſuch Eccleſiaſtical Athan. Apol. 2. p. 201. Canon, or any ſuch Apoſtolical Tradition: That a Man who is a Stranger or a Foreigner ſhould be made Biſhop at Antioch, and ſent to Alexandria to be Biſhop there, introduced not by the Clergy of the City, nor by the Biſhops of the Province, but by a Guard of Ruſſians and Souldiers, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The whole Church at that ſame time being at peace within it ſelf, and all the Biſhops of the ſame in perfect Communion and Concord with Athanaſius, their lawfull and proper Bishop; conſider, I pray you, if ſuch a thing had been acted againſt any of you, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Would you not have inveigh'd againſt it? Would you not have required ſatisfaction for ſo palpable a Breach of the Canons? Believe me, and I ſpeak it, ſaith he, in the ſincerity of my heart, and as in the preſence of God 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , it is no rihghteous doing, not according to Equity, nor according to Canon. Nay, ſo incenſed were the Eccleſiaſticks at this Invaſion of his, that none of them would go unto him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Athan. Ep. ad Orthod. p. 171. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , except ſome that were Hereticks like himſelf, ſome that for their irregularities had been caſt out of the Church, and ſome few that had play'd the Hypocrite out of fear; yea, and ſo enraged were the People againſt him, that being deprived of their lawfull Miniſters ſo as to have none left either to baptize or to viſit them in their ſickneſs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they rather choſe to hazard themſelves and their Children, than to have him and his Clergy to bleſs them: I confeſs this might ariſe in a great meaſure from their diſguſt to him, his dealings, and his Arianiſm; but withall ſomething of it cannot but be aſcribed to the averſion they had to this uncanonical Promotion; for being afterwards under a far worſe uſage by Count Syrianus, they applied themſelves to Maximus the Praefect, and other of the Magiſtrates, telling them, that if it were the Emperor's pleaſure to have them perſecuted, they Pope Alex. Ec. Sub. Athan. p. 240. were willing and ready to be Martyr'd; but if not, then they that would be pleaſed to intercede for them that they might enjoy the moſt Reverend Athanaſius, whom God 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , according to the wonted ſucceſſion of their forefathers, had ſet over them to be their Archbiſhop; and that no other, contrary to ſuch ſucceſſion, might be put upon them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which rather (ſay they) than ſuffer, we have even unto death reſiſted. A zeal that attended the Primitive Chriſtians from the very firſt to the laſt, and as hard to let go, as the Faith it ſelf. And this in a manner is confeſs'd by Mr. Hody himſelf, at leaſt by his Prefacer, Vide Pref. who tells us, that at the time the Manuſcript was wrote, there was a Party of Men, Friends to the deprived, ſays he, but perhaps more to the Diſcipline and Canons of the Church, who adhering to him, I ſuppoſe, becauſe uncanonically deprived, gave out that the former was ſtill their Genuine and Canonical Biſhop, and that it was ſinfull to have Communion with the new one. And this as he gueſſes, was in the end of the Twelfth or the beginning of the Thirteenth Century. It ſeems the Canon for one Bishop in a Church at a time, and the inconveniency of having more, unleſs the firſt be Canonically deprived, even till then was retained in the minds of Men, and endeavoured after for the good of the Church (if poſſible) to be received. Nay, I cannot but conſider in the fourth place.

Fourthly, That if there be Hereſy in the caſe, tho' riſing from the more nice and ſpeculative Doctrines of Chriſtianity; the deprived Biſhops are then, according to Mr. Hody, to ſtand upon their Right, and the People to adhere to them. And if ſo, then certainly much more, when the practical Doctrines of Faith, Juſtice, and moral Honeſty, and the Commandments that enjoyn them are concerned; which practical Doctrines and Commandments are as holy in themſelves, as dear to God and the Church, as the more ſpeculative Doctrines, the conſubſtantial Doctrine not excepted; and more than other nice Theories which occur in the Controverſies concerning Eutychianiſm, Monothelitiſm, &c. the believing contrary to which is called Hereſy. Inſomuch that if a deprived Biſhop in the Greek Church, muſt and would have ſtood out againſt an Eutychian or Monothelite Succeſſor, and defended his Church againſt them; much more our deprived Biſhops to ſtand out againſt their Succeſſors, in defence of thoſe moral Principles, in adherence to which they ſuffered Deprivation. Doubtleſs a virtuous and good Life was as much intended and promoted by our Saviour in the eſtabliſhment of his Kingdom amongſt us, as a good Faith, or a right Belief; and his Apoſtles and Miniſters, to whom and to whoſe Succeſſors the care of the Church was committed, had it as much in charge to propagate the one as the other. Dr. Sherlock hath been heard to ſay, That he would as ſoon turn Arian as take the new Oath of Allegiance; of ſuch concern he then thought the practical Doctrines to be: And well he might, when the Lawgiver himſelf hath expreſly told us, That whoſoever shall break one of the leaſt of theſe Commandments, Matth. 5. 19. and teach men ſo to do, shall be called the leaſt in the Kingdom of Heaven; ſo far the leaſt, ſay Interpreters, that when the enquiry ſhall be made for the breakers thereof, they ſhall not be found to have a Name there. I confeſs Biſhops, the moſt unjuſtly deprived, have often ceded and acquieſced under their Deprivations; but then this they did, foreſeeing that no hurt would accrue thereby to the intereſt of Chriſtianity, either in the ſpeculative or practical Doctrines thereof; they conſidered that the loſs would only be their own, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Office of teaching, ſaith St. Chryſoſtom in a like caſe, neither Pallad. in vit. Chryſ. p. 69. began from me, nor will it end in me. But if the Cauſe of God and of his Church thereby do ſuffer, if Juſtice, Faith, common Honeſty, and whatſoever is pure, whatſoever is lovely, whatſoever is of good report, or praiſe worthy, be thruſt out of the World, and all ſorts of Immorality and Vice brought into their room; nay, paſs for Virtue, or not be owned to be Sins: If Duty to Parents muſt ceaſe, if Obedience to Magiſtrates muſt fail, if Oaths muſt be no ſecurity, nor any longer be counted Sacred; and if that unſpotted Loyalty which hitherto hath attended and made the Church of England ſo famous and ſo beloved of Princes, muſt be deſerted and abandoned, as falſe and erroneous; methinks this is ſuch a blemiſh to Religion, and will prove ſo great a ſcandal to the Church, that it ſhould make our deprived Biſhops, though otherwiſe ſtudious of Peace, to reſume their Power, and not to ſuffer the Church, over which God hath made them Overſeers, to be ruined by their Ceſſions; nay, not only to reſume it themſelves, but becauſe they evidently ſee their Biſhopricks ſupply'd by perſons that already have, and upon any other occaſion will be ready to betray it again in theſe and the like particulars, to take what care they can that theſe Doctrines and Principles be defended and propagated to Poſterity. Doctrines certainly, the moſt likely of any we profeſs to cauſe a rebuilding of our Church; which if I live to ſee, and ſhall be thought fit to have a place in the building, I pray God it may not fall to my ſhare to be ſet up for the Weather-Cock. And ſo I am come to St. Chryſoſtom's Caſe, which the Introduction to the Treatiſe tells us ought particularly to be conſidered, And here I cannot but obſerve,

Fifthly, That whatſoever advice St. Chryſoſtom gave either to his Clergy or People upon his parting with them, from whence Mr. Hody and his Prefacer would infer a voluntary Reſignation and Ceſſion, it all iſſued from an apprehenſion of a ſudden and violent death to befall him, as if he were forthwith to be made a Sacrifice, and taken out of the World. An apprehenſion with which he was warmly and confidently poſſeſſed; for (ſaith the Author of his Life, a Biſhop then preſent) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Pallad. in vit. Chryſ. p. 67. John being inſpired by the Holy Ghoſt, ſaid to his Friends, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , pray for me my Brethren, for I am ready now to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand? and then follows the advice, let none of you deſert your Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for I evidently foreſee that I muſt leave the World. The like he enjoyned the devout Women upon the ſame account, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , come hither you my Daughters, and hearken to what I ſay; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , all things I ſee are at an end with me; I have finiſhed my courſe, and in all probability I ſhall ſee your face no more; one thing however I beg of you, that upon this my failure you would ſubmit your ſelves no leſs to my Succeſſor, if fairly ſet over you, than you have done to me. Neither were his fears altogether groundleſs, for it was every where reported 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that he was to be beheaded; Nay, it was not long Id. p. 68. before, that his life was twice aſſaulted; once (ſaith Sozomen) by one Lib. 8. c. 21. that perſonated himſelf diſtracted; and at another time by a Servant of Elpidus, one of Chryſoſtom's mortal Enemies, who, if Palladius ſaith true, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , was hired for •• fty pieces of Gold Page 197. to diſpatch him; and in the attempt ſlew four and wounded three. From whence it may rationally be preſumed, that the advice here given in reference to a future Submiſſion unto the Biſhop that was to follow him, was purely and wholly aſcribable to the perſwaſion he had of himſelf, he that was no better than a dead Man, willing thereupon to leave peace behind him, at leaſt not to have the Church divided upon his account when he was dead and gone; without regard in the leaſt had to an Intruder, either to approve his Intruſion, or to allow Communion with him. And that this is the true meaning of his advice, will farther appear from the after behaviour both of perſons to whom the advice was given, and of him who gave the advice; as alſo of other Foreign Churches, who thought fit to concern themſelves in the Affair for the good of the Church, and for the maintenance of the Diſcipline thereof. And hence I find,

Firſt, That John was no ſooner removed, and Arſacius put into his Biſhoprick, but the People, (Populace and Rabble ſaith the Prefacer,) Bankers and chief Citizens, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , perſons of place and dignity, ſay the Edicts, as if no ſuch Advice had been given them, or at leaſt as if it were Pall. p. 96. never intended to take place during his Life, holding it not lawful, ſaith Sozomen, to communicate or pray with their new made Biſhop, or with any Lib. 8. c. 23. in Communion with him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſeparated themſelves from them, and held their Aſſemblies apart by themſelves; Nay, ſays Olympias, Pall. p. 89. who was one of the very Women to whom Chryſoſtome gave the Advice, being firſt fairly ſollicited, and afterwards by Threats menaced, to renounce John, and to communicate with Arſacius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Tho' you ſhould compel me never Soz. l. 8. c. 24. ſo much againſt Law and Right to come into his Communion, I will never conſent to doe what no pious and good Chriſtian can warrantably do. It ſeems to own an Intruder, in her opinion, during St. Chryſoſtom's being alive, was an unwarrantable Action, and unbecoming good and pious Chriſtians, and yet ſhe was a Pall. p. 150. Deaconeſs of the Church, regarded and beloved by Chryſoſtom Id p. 30. for her good Deeds; preſent, as hath been ſaid, when he gave the Advice, and upon that account as much to be preſumed to be knowing to the Intent and Deſign of the Advice and Adviſer, as either Mr. Hody or his Prefacer can be preſumed to be.

Secondly, Neither was this the Humour of the People onely, but of the Biſhops as well as of them: Hence Atticus, Succeſſor to Arſacius in the Uſurpation, Chryſoſtom being ſtill alive, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , perceiving, as Palladius relates the matter, that De vit. Chryſ. p. 95. none of the oriental Biſhops would communicate with him, and that the very People of the City where he was rejected his Communion, procured the like Preſcript of Severity as Arſacius his Predeceſſor had done before Id. p. 26. him, which was either to communicate with him, or to be depoſed from their Biſhopricks, and to have their Eſtates and Goods confiſcated. But how little this Edict prevailed, the Iſſue and Event thereof will ſhew: Some of them, ſaith Palladius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for continuing their P. 193, 194. Communion with John, were impriſoned, and there dyed; ſome were ſent into Banishment, of whom Palladius to whom the Advice was given was P. 66. one; ſome of them were beaten, and ſome ſlain: Nay, notwithſtanding all the Severities that theſe Edicts occaſioned, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the meetings of thoſe that were Lovers of Chryſoſtom, or rather of thoſe that were Lovers of God, were not at all leſsoned, but as it is written, ſaith he, in Exodus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , P. 86. the more they ſlew, the more they grew. And certainly if theſe or any other of the Biſhops, to whom St. Chryſoſtom gave the Advice, had thought that he had deſigned it ſhould have took place before his Death, or that it had been fitting it ſhould, they would never have loſt their Biſhopricks, run ſuch hazards, or undergone ſuch Difficulties for him.

Thirdly, And that this and no other was the meaning of the Advice, will appear from the Adviſers own Behaviour in the caſe, for being demanded De vit. Chryſ. p. 81. by the Emperour to leave his Church, Palladius tells us that he refuſed to do it; anſwering, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I received this Church from Chriſt, to take care of the Souls thereunto belonging, and I muſt not relinquiſh it; but the Care of the City is yours, and if I muſt be gone, force me thence by your Authority, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that I may have ſome Excuſe at leaſt from being abſent from my Station. Nay, when driven away, ſo far was he from ſeeming to have given up, and from blaming others who adhered to him, that writing to the Biſhops and Clergy at Chalcedon, who for his ſake were there impriſoned, he commends them for their undaunted Behaviour in their Sufferings, and Chryſ. Ep. 174. encourages them to be conſtant, and under all to concern themſelves for the Good of the Church, and for the allaying that Storm that was riſen in it, telling them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that though their Care and Study might want Succeſs, it would not want its Reward at the hand of God. And in another to them he not onely commends them but their Cauſe; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , you, ſays he, for adhering to the Ep. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Tom. 4. p. 186. Laws and Conſtitutions of the Fathers, which others invade and contaminate, are made to ſuffer theſe things. The like Letters he wrote to the Biſhops ſent from the Weſt to procure a Synod for the further hearing & more righteous determining his Cauſe, with all Thankfulneſs acknowledging their Id. Ep. 157. &c. pious Care and generous Charity, for undertaking ſo tedious and dangerous a Voyage upon his Account. The like alſo he wrote to the Biſhops and Presbyters that attended them in their Journey; the like to many other Biſhops Id. Ep. 161, 165, 166. by name; to all the Biſhops throughout Macedonia, thanking them all, and every one in particular, for the mighty Care and Compaſſion they had for him, and telling them, that not only he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 P. 149, &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but all the Biſhops throughout the Eaſt, together with the Clergy and Laity of the ſeveral Cities thereof, were mightily tranſported with their ſtout Behaviour, in reference to him and the Church's Concerns; the like Letter of Thanks he ſent to Innocent, Bp. of Rome, one of the laſt, ſaith Dr. Cave, that ever he wrote, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , thus engliſhed by the aforeſaid Dr. Cave, We cannot thank you enough for Vit. Chryſ. p. 522. Chryſ. Tom. 4. p. 684. that Kindneſs and Compaſſion you have ſhewed us, beyond the tendereſt Bowels of a Father; for what in you lies you have taken care that all things be duly performed and rectified, and run in a proper Chanel, and neither the Laws be ſubjected to Contempt and Force, nor the Conſtitutions of the ancient Fathers violated: And though ſome have hindred your Deſigns from taking any effect, that they now ſeem incurably diſordered, and uncapable of a Reformation, yet I beſeech you ſtill endeavour to reclaimt hem, and not give the Affair over in Deſpair, conſidering of what mighty Importance it would be to bring it to an happy Iſſue; and indeed in ſome meaſure the whole World is intereſſed and concerned in this Matter. The Churches are waſted and brought low, the People diſperſed, the Clergy ſubdued and trampled on, the Biſhops baniſhed, and the Eccleſiaſtical Canons trodden down: Once therefore and again I beſeech you to uſe your utmoſt Care and Diligence, and the greater the Storm is, let your Study and Endeavour be ſo much the more. This methinks doth not look as if he had relinquiſhed his Biſhoprick, or that he ever deſigned whilſt living, to give place to another; nay, I am apt to think, that if he would have relinquiſhed, as Mr. Hody and his Prefacer would have him to have done, he needed not to have been baniſhed, or ſent out of the way for another to be put in.

4. Nay, I cannot find but that the foreign Biſhops were as deeply concerned for his return and reſtauration to his Biſhoprick, as either himſelf or any of his own Biſhops and Clergy were, not regarding his advice, or at leaſt not thinking it ſit, or that ever it was deſigned to take place till he was dead and gone; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the deſign of the Roman Church (as it is in Palladius) was not to comm •• icate p. 214, 215. with the Oriental Biſhops, and more eſpecially with Theophilus, the Author of theſe Miſchiefs, till God ſhould pleaſe to give place to an Oecumenic Council, that the ſores and wounds which are made in the Church might be healed; for though John ſhould ſleep, yet truth (for which in quiſition ought ever to be made) will awake. And I would, ſays he, fai know 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Where is the Prieſthood for the preſent to be found? where Religion? Nay, where common Humanity? or ſo much as our Saviour's commands (whilſt the Church is under ſuch diſorder) can be met with? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Biſhops of Europe, ſaith Theodorit, ſo much deteſted the dealings and doings againſt John, that they withdrew themſelves from the Communion Hiſt. l. 5. c. 34. of all thoſe that wrought that miſchief againſt him, and with them all the Biſhops of Illyrium did agree. Nay, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , though that excellent Doctor was dead, the Weſtern Biſhops notwithſtanding, were ſo far from renewing Communion with the Biſhops of Egypt, of the Eaſt, of Boſphorus, and of Thrace, that they would not ſo much as have a correſpondence with them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , till they had entered the Name of that Divine Man into the Dyptichs of the Biſhops that were dead. And though Atticus (one of the Intruders) had often ſent Ambaſſadors to them, and as often requeſted the Peace of the Church at their hands, yet they would never grant it till John was dead, nor then neither, untill he inſerted his Name among the dead Biſhops; which being done, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they from henceforth, ſaith the ſame Thodorit, received him into Communion; and without doubt, Ibid. thereby accepted and authenticated him, and his Ordinations, purging the Stream of Succeſſion for the future; ſo as that it might run pure and clean down to Poſterity, without taking their irregularities along with it. And if ſo, then the following inſtances of Maximian, Proclus, and the reſt of Atticus his Succeſſors, will do Mr. Hody no good.

But grant that all which Mr. Hody and his Prefacer inſ nuates was true, that Chryſoſtom relinquiſhed, that Separation was contrary to his Spirit, that the good Man, ſeeing he was to be Depoſed, adviſed and charged the Biſhops his Friends to keep Communion with his Depoſers, and not to rend and divide the Church for his ſake; telling them and their adherents, that the Church could not be without a Biſhop, though it might be without him; yet I pray you what would he or any other of the deprived Biſhops have done under an Emperor which perſecuted the Order and very Office of Biſhops, and would ſuffer no Biſhops at all in the Church. Put the caſe that the Emperor had depoſed all the Biſhops in one part of the Empire, and had ſet up Schiſmatical Presbyters, nay, Pſeudopresbyters, who were and are profeſſed Enemies to the Name and Order of Biſhops, in their place; I am apt to think that John Chryſoſtom would not have ſubmitted to an unjuſt Deprivation at ſuch a time, and by ſuch an Emperor who had ſacrificed the Order to his Intereſt in one part of the Empire, and had no principle to keep him from doing it in the other, when great and formidable numbers of all ſorts, would deſire the deprivation and depoſing of the whole Order; certainly in ſuch a caſe as this, he would never have receded, but continued his Order and Office, though a thouſand deaths had attended him; methinks I hear him at the bare thoughts of it, uſing the words he did when he was baniſhed the City, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; will the Empreſs baniſh Ep. 125. me? let her baniſh me, the Earth is the Lord's, and the fullneſs thereof. If ſhe command that I be cut in pieces, let me be ſawn aſunder; the Prophet Eſay was ſerved ſo before me. Will ſhe throw me into the Sea? I remember it was the fate of Jonas; or into a fiery Furnace? I ſhall have the three Children for my fellow Sufferers. If ſhe will caſt me to wild Beaſts, I think how Daniel went the ſame way to the Lions. If ſhe command I ſhould be ſtoned, let it be ſo; I have Stephen the Protomartyr on my ſide. Will ſhe have my Head? Let her have it, John the Baptiſt loſt his. Has ſhe a mind to my Eſtate? Let her have it, naked came I out of my Mother's Womb, and naked ſhall I return thither: But as for my Office I will never forſake; neither ſhall my Order periſh as long as I have a Tongue and Hands to propogate it. Thus I perſuade my ſelf his zeal would have inflamed him; and how tamely ſoever he might otherwiſe have ſat down when the Intereſt of the Church was not concerned; yet at ſuch a time as this, he would have reſumed his courage and his power, and never have ſuffered the Church to have been ruined for want of his aſſiſtance.

And ſo I have done with Mr. Hody, as far as I am concerned with him: But how he will come off for ſhamming the World with part of the Manuſcript for the whole, I am not able to gueſs. Mr. B. in his Preface to the Engliſh Tranſlation tells us, That there was a ſingular providence in the diſcovery of it at this juncture; and if there were ſo then I hope the Collection of Canons which both of them have concealed, may have as good a Title to that ſingular providence, and as much 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the diſcovery of it, as that part hath which they have thought fit to Print. It is written in the ſame hand, and follows immediately where the Printed Book concludes; and Mr. Hody, as I am informed, having been told of it, and asked the reaſon why he did not publish it, anſwered, That he believed it was not written by the ſame Author: But put the caſe he did believe ſo, had it not however been much the more for his honour, and the intereſts of truth to have published it, and given his reaſons to the learned World why he did not believe it to be a part of the Manuſcript, or that it was written by the Author of it. This had been fair dealing; but inſtead of that, both he and his Prefacer wholly concealed it, though the Canons carry much more venerable Antiquity and Authority with them, than the examples they have Printed, and are indeed of that Antiquity and Authority, which, to uſe the Prefacer's words of us, we profeſs to imitate and pretend to alledge. I shall here ſet them down as they are tranſlated, into Engliſh from a Copy of the Original that was ſent from Oxford; and when the learned Reader hath peruſed them, he will be shrewdly tempted to gueſs at the reaſon for which many learned Men ſuſpect Mr. Hody hath concealed them.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The 31 Canon of the Apoſtles, by a miſtake for the 32.

If any Presbyter contemning his own Biſhop shall hold a ſeparate Meeting, and erect an oppoſite Altar, having nothing werewith to charge the Biſhop in matters of Piety and Juſtice, let him be depoſed as an ambitious affector of Government; for he is an Uſurper: In like manner, as many of the Clergy as shall joyn with him, shall be depoſed, and the Laicks excommunicated: But all this ought to be done after the firſt, the ſecond, and third admonition of the Biſhop.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The 6 Canon of the Synod of Gangra.

If any Man hold a private Meeting out of the Church, and deſpiſing the Church, shall preſume to perform the Offices of the Church, In the Orig. It is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 —for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 inſtead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the Printed Canons have it. the officiating Presbyter not being thereunto licenſed by the Bishop, let him be Anathema.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The 5. Canon of the Synod of Antioch.

If any Presbyter or Deacon deſpiſing his own Biſhop hath withdrawn himſelf from the Church, and ſet up an Altar in a private Meeting, and ſhall diſobey the admonitions of the Biſhop and will not be perſuaded by him, nor ſubmit to him exhorting of him again and again, he is abſolutely to be depoſed; and ought no longer to be treated as a curable perſon, neither as one who can retain his honour; and if he ſhall perſevere to make tumults and diſturbances in the Church, he is to be turned over as a ſeditious perſon to the Secular Power.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The 15 Canon of the ſame Synod.

If any Biſhop accuſed of any Crimes, be condemned by all the Bishops of the Province, who have all with one accord denounced the ſame ſentence againſt him, ſuch an one by no means ought to be judged again by others, but the concordant ſentence of the Provincial Bishops ought to remain firm.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The 10 Canon of the Synod of Carthage.

If any Presbyter being puffed up againſt his own Bishop ſhall make a Schiſm, let him be Anathema.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The 13 Canon of the Synod of Conſtantinople, called the firſt and ſecond Synod.

The Devil having ſown the ſeeds of Heretical Tares in the Church of Chriſt, ſeeing them cut up by the roots by the Sword of the Spirit, hath betaken himſelf to a new way and method, viz. to divide the Church by the madneſs of Schiſmaticks; but the holy Synod being alſo willing to obviate this Stratagem of his, hath decreed as followeth: If any Presbyter or Deacon under pretence of accuſing his own Bishop of any Crimes, shall preſume to withdraw from his Communion, and not to mention his Name in the holy Prayers of the Liturgy according to the Tradition of the Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . before Synodical Judgment and Trial, ſuch a one shall be depoſed, and deprived of all Sacerdotal honour: For he that is in the Order of a Prieſt, and shall uſurp the power of judging b longing to the Metropolitanes, and as much as in him lies shall condemn his own Father and Bishop, before ſentence pronounced by them, he is worthy neither of the honour nor appellation of a Presbyter; and thoſe who are followers of ſuch an one, if they are in Holy Orders, even any of them shall be degraded from his proper honour; but if they are Monks, or Laicks, they shall by all means be excommunicated from the Church, untill abhorring the converſation of Schiſmaticks, they shall return unto their proper Bishop.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The 14 Canon of the ſame Synod.

If any Bishop pretending an accuſation againſt his Metropolitane 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . before Synodical Judgment, shall withdraw himſelf from Communion with him, and shall not recite his Name according to cuſtom in Divine Service, the holy Synod hath decreed that ſuch an one shall be depoſed, if after private admonition he shall depart from his own Metropolitane, and make a Schiſm: For it behoves every one to know his own proper bounds, and that neither the Presbyter depiſe his own proper Bishop, nor the Bishop his own Metropolitane.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The 15 Canon of the ſame Synod.

Theſe decrees concerning Presbyters, Bishops and Metropolitanes agree alſo to Patriarchs: So that if any Bishop or Metropolitane shall preſume to depart from Communion with his own Patriarch, and shall not mention his Name in the Divine Offices, as is decreed and ordered, but shall make a ſeparation 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . before Synodical conviction and final condemnation of him; the holy Synod hath decreed that ſuch an one be abſolutely depoſed from all Sacred Orders, if he offend in this kind after private admonition. And theſe things are decreed and enacted concerning thoſe who under pretence of any accuſations, revolt from their own Superiors, and make a Schiſm, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . In the Prints only. and break the Ʋnity of the Church. But if any ſhall ſeparate themſelves from Communion with their Superior for any Hereſie condemn'd by the holy Synods and Fathers, he publickly Preaching the ſame Hereſie to the People, and teaching it bare-fac'd in the Church: Such ſhall not be only free from Canonical cenſure for ſeparating themſelves from Communion with the Biſhop ſo called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . before Synodical condemnation, but ſhall be thought worthy of the honour that is due to the Orth dox, becauſe they have not condemned a Biſhop, but a falſe Biſhop and a falſe Teacher, and have not divided the Unity of the Church by Schiſm, but have ſtudiouſly endeavoured to preſerve the Church from Schiſm and Diviſions.

From this Collection of Canons, which ſpeaks of no Depoſition or Deprivation of Biſhops but what is Synodical, an unprejudiced Reader will eaſily perceive, that the Author of the Manuſcript, of which this Collection is the latter part, ought to be underſtood of the former, not of Secular, but of Eccleſiaſtical Deprivations by Synods, abuſing their lawfull power, and unjuſtly depriving and depoſing Biſhops, whom they ought not to have deprived and depoſed. And that the Author ought to be ſo underſtood, is farther evident from his citing the Synods explication of their Canons, as well as the Canons themſelves, with reſpect to which they tell us, that notwithſtanding what is ſaid in thoſe Canons, the People and Prieſts may ſeparate from their Biſhops, or the Biſhops from their Metropolitane, or the Metropolitane from the Patriarch before Synodical condemnation; if they openly and publickly Preach any Hereſie which is already condemned by the holy Synods; which ſtrongly implies that he thought, that they were not upon any other account to forſake them, unleſs they were Synodically condemned; and that the unjuſt depoſions he ſpeaks of in his Treatiſe, are to be underſtood of unjuſt depoſitions by Synods, i. e. of unjuſt depoſitions by the proper and competent, but erring Judge.

As great as the decay of ancient Diſcipline was in the Greek Church, in the Age when Maſter B. thinks this Manuſcript was written, Synodical depoſitions (though by moſt degenerate and corrupt Synods) was ſtill the common practice of it, and Emperors ſtill deprived Biſhops by the old way of Synodical Authority, as is plain from the depoſition of Arſenius, Patriarch of Conſtantinople, by the procurement of the uſurping Michael Paleologus; of which I will here give a ſhort account out of Nicephorus Gregoras, becauſe it cauſed the greateſt Schiſm that ever happened at Conſtantinople, but that upon the depoſition of John Chryſoſtom; and alſo becauſe it is very probable that this anonymous Treatiſe now publiſhed againſt us, was written upon the occaſion of this Schiſm.

The Emperor Theodoſius Laſcaris, the ſecond Son of Theodorus Ducas, Lib. 3. by Irene, Daughter of Theodorus Laſcaris the firſt, dying in the 36th year of his Age, left John Laſcaris his Son, a Minor of ſix years of Age, under the Tutorſhip of Muzalon and Arſenius, the Patriarch of Conſtantinople: But Muzalon, a Man of inferior Quality, perceiving he was envied by the Nobles and common People, offered to reſign his Truſt into the hands of the Nobles, convened for this purpoſe; but they refuſed to let him part with his Truſt, and not long after, with the whole Army took an Oath to him, under the higheſt Imprecations to themſelves and their Families, that without any Treachery they would maintain him in the Wardſhip of the young Prince, and reſerve the Empire for him and his Poſterity. But notwitſtanding this Oath ſome of the Nobles ſix days after ſet upon Muzalon in the Church, and ſlew him and his two Brothers at the Altar, whither they had fled for Shelter. Upon this Arſenius, very much perplexed, conſults with the Nobles what was to be done for the Safety of the Prince, in which Conſultation they choſe Michael Paleologus to take the Adminiſtration upon him, under the Title of Deſpot, during his Minority.

After this the chief among the Nobles declare him Emperour, which Lib. 6. troubled the good Patriarch exceedingly, who thereupon had thoughts of excommunicating the Uſurper, and all his Adherents; but upon farther deliberation he thought it more adviſable to give way, and bind both him and them by new Oaths to give Security to the Prince, both as to his Life, and Succeſſion to the Throne, when he ſhould come to Age.

Shortly after he had taken this ſecurity from them, he was forced at the inſtance of the Senate and Clergy to tie the Diadem upon the Head of Paleologus with his own hands; but when he did it, he made him ſwear again that he ſhould recede from the Government, and lay by all the Regalia, to make way for the Prince when he came of Age. But after this, the good old Man ſeeing the Prince his Pupil deſpiſed, retired from his Church into a Monaſtery, and was ſucceeded by Nicephorus, Biſhop of Epheſus; who died after he had enjoyed his dignity a year. Soon after this Paleologus being peaceably ſetled in Conſtantinople and the Government, calls back Arſenius, and makes him Patriarch again upon the vacancy of Nicephorus: And not long after reſolving to keep the Empire for himſelf, he perſiſted to marry the Siſters of the Prince to inferior perſons, and without any regard to humanity, or his repeated Oaths, he puts out the Eyes of the Prince, and ſent him to be ſafely kept in a remote Priſon.

The Patriarch upon this excommunicates the Emperor Peleologus, who in a ſeeming humble manner deſires to be abſolved from the excommunication; but not being able to obtain abſolution from the Patriarch, he calls a Synod to meet in the Palace, to try him for ſome pretended Crimes, which he pickt up here and there againſt him The Synod met, and the cowardly time ſerving Biſhops ſtrove which ſhould be moſt forward in having their Patriarch ac uſed, and accordingly they cited him to appear, and called for his accuſe s, but he refuſed to appear, upon this exception, that the Synod was indicted by the Emperor his open Adverſary, w •• in effect was alſo his Judge.

Upon his non appearing, he was depoſed by the Synod for contumacy, and upon 〈◊〉 Depoſition baniſhed by the perjured Emperor; and Germanus Biſhop of Adrianople (the •• per r's old Friend) ſucceeded in his Throne. Upon this a great Schiſm aroſe in Conſt ••• nople among the People, who looked upon Germanus as an Uſurper, counting Arſe i 〈◊〉 be their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or true Patriarch after depoſition, becauſe he was •• juſtly depoſed; wherefore Germanus not being able to endure the affronts and reproac •• 〈◊〉 the people, quitted the Throne, and was ſucceeded by Joſephus a Monk, who d •• 〈◊〉 underſtand Greek, but abſolved the perjured Emperor, and afterwards retired fro 〈◊〉 See into a Monaſtery; and during his adminiſtration, there was ſtill a ſtrong Part 〈◊〉 adhered to A ſenius, and continued to do ſo in the time of Becus, who after the de •• 〈◊〉 Lib. 5. Lib. 6. the Emperor, privately withdrew from his Station into a Monaſtery, and was ſucceede 〈◊〉 Joſephus the Patriarch, whom before he had ſucceeded; but ſtill the Schiſm conti ••• 〈◊〉 ome being for Joſephus, Arſeniús being now dead, and others being againſt him, be •• 〈◊〉 as they prttended, Arſenius had excommunicated him in his life time for invad •• 〈◊〉 See while he was alive; and the Parties thus conteſting one with another, Joſephus 〈◊〉 for peace ſake, and partly becauſe he was old and infirm, once more retired, and 〈◊〉 ſucceeded by Gregorius Cyprius, who it ſeems underſtood the learned Greek well; but ••• ther was the Schiſm ſuddenly quieted in his time, though I ſuppoſe this famous Manuſc •••• had been written under ſome of the Succeſſors of Arſenius, to appeaſe it; and I de •• Mr. Hody and Mr. B. his Voucher, to tell us how the People of Conſtantinople came to •• poſe ſo many Succeſſors of Arſenius, if according to the Greek Manuſcript, Neither t •• juſtly deprived Biſhop, nor the Church ever made a ſeparation from his Succeſſor, if he were Heretick. What! Are they the firſt that did ſo? No, both theſe Gentlemen and t •• Graeculus eſuriens know better; but however as he thought it might ſerve a turn the 〈◊〉 write his Book, ſo they thought it might ſerve a turn now to Print it, and commend 〈◊〉 an excellent Tract, though it is really a trifling piece, written with little skill, and le •• ••• cerity, by an Author of little Antiquity and Authority, in a moſt ignorant and co •••• Age, when it was counted a mighty thing in a Greek Clergy-man to underſtand the lear ••• Greek, and the Writings of their Fathers that was written in it; and when in 〈◊〉 Greek Church it-ſelf there was a great corruption in Doctrine, Worſhip and Diſcipline •• well as in the Morals both of the Laity and Clergy; the latter whereof were of ſuch 〈◊〉 Spirits as to court and comply with every baſe Ʋſu per to get Preferment, and 〈◊〉 every thing to his and their Covetouſneſs and Ambition, but their quarrels with the 〈◊〉 and the Poſſeſſions of their Church.

Thus much I have thought fit to ſay in reference to the Baroccian Manu cript, of 〈◊〉 I was bound to take ſome notice in behalf of my own Book; which is taken out of beſt and pureſt Antiquity, that calls for much more deference and veneration fro than the thing Collected by the Author of that Tract: And if our New Biſhops hav better Authorities than thoſe they find in him to juſtifie and ſupport them, The Go Peace and Ʋnity be mercifull unto them, and give them Grace to conſider, that numbers and ſtr •• cannot alter the Primitive notion of Schiſm, nor change the ſinfull and direfull nature thereo .

September 29. 1691. FINIS.