LONDON, Printed for John Wickins at the White-Hart against St Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet, 1680.


INterest, is a word of several defi­nitions, but that which in Creatures, having reason or sense, is preserva­tion and propagation, is that in a State, which I mean by Interest; and this is either Domestick looking inward, as rela­ting to the particular frame and kind of Government, or Foreign looking outwards, as regarding such alterations abroad, as may be of good or evil consequence to a State; and such counsels, deliberations, or actions, as may improve good, or prevent evil, are according to the Interest of a Nation, and the contrary against it. And taking the words thus, the prosperity, or adversity, if not the life and death of a State, is bound up in the observing or neg­lecting its Interest.

For as no Country was ever unhappy, [Page] that followed it, so none ever prospered (ex­cept by chance) that forsook or missed it; and consequently, it is matter of the great­est concernment to a Prince, to study, and make himself Master of it, that in keeping his Counsellors in awe, by his own knowledge and experience, in matters of State, he may have his affairs the better and faithfullier prosecuted; but in searching for his Inter­est, he ought to be exceeding careful, of not being misled by former Examples, which are to Politicians, as of old, the Stars to Navi­gators, rightly understood, the best Guide, and mistaken, the most dangerous.

For Interest in all Countreys is change­able, that which was in one Age, not being always the same in the next, as the Crowns of Spain and France do sufficiently evince. For Spain being by corruption in Counsel­lors, and Ministers of State, fraud, oppres­sion, and cousenage in Officers and Ser­vants, with persecution in the Church, and severity in Government, causing several Re­volts, brought at this time low, and into a [Page] languishing condition, the Interest of the Eu­ropean Princes, is changed from that of being against the House of Austria, and for France, to that of being for It, and against France, the latter being at present, under more than suspicion, that having now got the advantage of Spain, they intend to improve it to an universal Monarchy, as Spain for­merly designed.

But as a Prince ought to be studious in discovering of his Interest, so to be solicitous in examining the Integrity of Counsels given him, lest by corrupt Counsellors, he should be put (for private ends) upon designs pre­judicial, if not contrary and destructive to the Interest of his Countrey. And because the wisdom, or defects of Princes, appears much in their choice of Counsellors and Ministers of State (who under them, are the mana­gers of their Interests) there ought to be in the election of such, a special eye to their principles, as well as abilities, avoiding with care, all avaricious persons, as men, who for advantage, will upon all occasions, forsake, [Page] and desert all fidelity, the chief ingredient of a good Counsellor. For when men have parts without honesty, they are but the greater in­struments of mischief; and we find that lit­tle more than common parts assisted with in­tegrity, industry, and diligence, have done, and do the greatest things in the world: Nay, that ordinary parts, with such qualifi­cations, do more than the sublimest without them, the art of Government not being so mysterious, as State Monopolists would make it, honesty (as King James used to say) be­ing the best policy, and surely, that is the best Government, that provides most for the im­ployment of the Honestest men.

For as no State can flourish, where their Interest is not pursued, so publick Interest will never be the Rule, where Counsellors are not faithful; and when publick Principles do not govern men, private Interest will, and render their Country as Merchandize for the highest Chapman; so that although the Notion, that Interest cannot lye, is true, yet it is not (in Subjects) singly to be trusted. [Page] For since private, worldly, and carnal Inter­est (which in persons wanting honesty is al­wayes mercenary) may be changed by the bribing bounty of other Princes, or States; it is a great Error in those, understanding their Interest, to rely upon their Counsellors, or Officers, without examining, whether their Counsels and Actions are pursuant of, and consonant to their Interest; or yet in great trusts, to presume upon any other qua­lifications in Counsellors, and Civil and Mili­tary Ministers, than either truly religious, or truly honourable moral principles, which can­not change, as private simple Interest, not bottomed upon the one, or the other principle, will surely do according to the greatness of temptations.

And therefore, as upon good or bad Coun­sellors, and Ministers, depends the happiness or infelicity of a Prince, and State, Sir Wal­ter Rawleigh affirming, that a Common­wealth is more secure where the Prince is not good, than where the Ministers are bad; so they cannot shew more wisdom, than in [Page] signally rewarding, and incouraging the former, and exemplarily punishing the latter. I know that Counsels are not always to be judged of, according to success, it being pos­sible, that honest and well grounded Coun­sels may miscarry, and to punish men in such cases, were to discourage the ablest and most virtuous Persons from serving of their Prince or State; but sometimes designs are written in such large characters of selfishness and corruption, the foundation of them being laid in lies and forgeries, as is legible to every impartial Eye; and when such appears, by a true discovery upon inquiry, the Criminals ought to be made examples to posterity.

Formerly the affairs of Christendom were supposed to be chiefly swayed by the two great powers of Austria (wherein Spain is under­stood) and France: from whom other Prin­ces and States derived their Peace and War, according to the several parties they adhered unto. But now the puissance of the former being so much abated, that it deserves no rank above its Neighbours, France of the [Page] two, remains the only formidable Potentate, of whose greatness, all Princes and States are as much concerned to be jealous, as for­merly they were of that of Austria.

For, considering the French King, in relation to France, stored with good Offi­cers, Men, Money, and Ammunition, to his several augmentations gained from all his Neighbours, by conquest, exchange, or purchase (as from Spain, Italy, Germa­ny, Lorrain, and the Spanish Nether­lands) giving him free passage into their several Dominions, and to his present Naval strength, increased lately by an unhappy accident The late Dutch War., he is accom­modated for any Design his ambition shall prompt him to, or at least, should the sickly and weak young King of Spain die childless, to dispute uncontroulably, his right to all the Countreys in Europe belonging to that Crown, as also to contend for the Imperial dignity, should he survive the present Em­perour, if he stays till then: and if his aims may be guessed at by the writings of his Sub­jects, [Page] which are commonly the transcripts or presages of their Princes sence and mind, he pretends to all the Lands, lying on his side the River Rhein, as belonging to the an­cient Kingdom of Austratia, (his supposed inheritance) which caused a learned man of Strasbourg (who suspected their Common­wealth to be struck at) to maintain in wri­ting (some few years past) the Rights of their City against all pretenders. And thus up­on the whole, considering France furnished with a King, not wanting high thoughts or activity, less cannot be expected from him, than to design an universal Monarchy, which consequently makes it the Common Interest of all European Princes and States (as they value their own safety) to unite, for the keeping of him within bounds and limits.

And now as England is not the least in the general concern of Europe, and be­cause seated by it self, and divided by the Sea from all other Nations, I shall begin with it.

Advertisement TO THE READER.

ALL these Discourses save the last, being the result of the ob­servations made by the Author long ago, in the time of his Travels, and writ some Years since: If the Reader shall find any discrepancy therein to the Present Times, either in the Age, or Decease of Princes, or other per­sons, or in some little Change in Ter­ritories, Affairs, or Governments, he is desired to impute the same to the Mutations, which have since happen­ed in several Kingdoms and States, and not to the Authors neglect or o­versight, who hath throughout, with all Integrity, endeavoured nothing [Page] but Truth in matter of Fact. And he doth reasonably hope, that those Al­terations which will be found, are not so material, as to lessen the value of the Deductions and Conclusions, which are offered by this Treatise.


  • 1. THE Interest of England Page 1.
  • 2. The Interest of Spain Page 74.
  • 3. The Interest of Portugal Page 93.
  • 4. The Interest of the United Netherlands Page 100.
  • 5. Observations upon the Government of the United Netherlands Page 119.
  • 6. The Interest of Germany, the Emperour and Empire Page 139.
  • 7. The Interest of Switzerland Page 169.
  • 8. The Interest of France Page 178.
  • 9. The Interest of Geneve Page 195.
  • 10. The Interest of Italy Page 208.
  • 11. The Interest of the City of Venice Page 219.
  • 12. The Interest of the City of Genoua Page 230.
  • 13. The Interest of Denmark Page 247.
  • 14. The Interest of Sweden Page 259.
  • 15. The Interest of Poland Page 270.
  • [Page]16. The original, growth and decay, of the Re­formed in France Page 275.
  • 17. The most material Debates in that pre­tended Parliament, called by Richard Cromwel. Page 331.


PAge 158. line 28. read Evangelical League. p. 262. l. 13. r. as Usurpers.


HOlding it necessary in the Discoursing of England, to consider its Domestick, and Foreign Interests severally; I shall observe that method, and han­dle them distinctly, beginning with the first.

The Isle of Great Britain, of which England is the most considerable part, and that which is chiefly taken notice of in the World, having the advantage of an Island, in being divided from all other Countries, by the Ocean, Narrow and Northern Seas, is not subject to those incursions that Contiguous Countries are, not being in dan­ger from abroad whilst its Naval strength is pre­served, by keeping their shipping in good repair, and their Marriners incouraged by good usage: Neither is it fit for Foreign acquisitions, in regard of the uncertainty of wind and weather, and chargeableness of transportation; but contenting themselves with the bounds that providence hath given them, making it their design to improve [Page 2] their advantage for trade, to increase their great­ness at home, is their first Domestick Interest; for as self-defence is the chief interest of every Crea­ture, Natural or Politick, and as without trade, no Nation can be formidable, especially at Sea, nor able to maintain a sufficient Naval-guard, or defend themselves against their powerful Neighbours; so Trade must be the principal Interest of England. And this Nature seems to admonish them unto, prohibiting their affecting Foreign Conquests, by placing them with advantages as they are an Island. First, for preservation, and without much for aug­mentation. Secondly, for viewing the actions of their Neighbours, and qualifying them with might and strength sufficient to render them Ar­bitrators in their differences. And thirdly, for ad­vancing both their Home, and Foreign Traffick, in endowing them with Natural helps for Trade beyond all other Countries: As with plenty of staple Commodities, incompassing them with pro­fitable and rich Seas, convenient and safe Havens and Bayes, bold Coasts, Rivers and good Ports, all affording matter of encouragement for Foreign Commerce, incomparable means in their many Harbours for increasing of their Navigation, and great invitations to strangers to make use of these advantages in trading with the Country. And yet besides these Natural helps, England hath further the advantage of all other Countries, in some customs and practices: As in that of breeding the younger Sons of Gentlemen, and sometimes of the Nobility, to the Ministry, Law, Trade, and Physick, without prejudice to their Gentility, their Heralds not requiring so much as any re­stauration in such Cases; although it frequently [Page 3] falls out, that Gentlemen, during their Apprenti­ships to Trades, come by the death of their Elder Brothers to be Baronets, and sometimes Barons. In which particular, England may well be said to come nearest unto antient Prudence, and right Rea­son, of all other Nations. For if no Country can be rich or flourish without Trade, as indisputably it cannot, nor be more or less considerable, but according to the proportion it hath of Commerce; and that antiently men were esteemed, honoured and dignified according to the benefit and com­modity their Country had received by them; the Traders of a Nation ought to be most encouraged, and Trade accounted the most honourable of all professions. Secondly, by their greatest nobility, marrying with all degrees, where fortunes an­swer their qualities. Thirdly, in his Majesties Prerogative, for dignifying men of acquired Estates, as he sees cause. And fourthly, in that the single possession of Estates, renders in reputa­tion the owners of them Gentlemen, all being vast benefits to the Nation, (which other Coun­treys are strangers unto) in preventing idleness in their numerous Gentry, and incouraging industry in all sorts of people. In Germany, Denmark, Swe­den, and Poland, it is esteemed below the quality of a Gentleman, to be bred to either Trade, Law, Ministry, or Physick: (except that among the Papists, some are bred to the Church to get great Estates, that leaving no known posterity, they may thereby advance their Families, as they ma­ny times do in Germany, Italy, and other places.) Neither will the greatest fortunes tempt them to marry into the Families of any of these Callings, they chusing to live miserably, as many of them [Page 4] do, rather than to match under their degree, or at least, not into such, as they esteem noble. And indeed, they cannot well do otherwise, without danger of degradation, one of the reasons for the deposition of Errick King of Sweden, Uncle to Gu­stavus Adolphus, being the undervaluing himself in his marriage; and if the Emperour, or Nor­thern Kings, confer honours upon any of their Subjects, not of ancient descent, they seldome last longer in esteem, than the first Generation, the Families of these Countreys being so stated, as makes it almost impossible, upon any account to introduce a new lasting Race of Gentility, save that in Sweden they have in these latter ages al­lowed, a general command in their Armies, the faithful and prudent discharging the employment of an Ambassador extraordinary, or the election into the Senate, (which consists of 40 persons) to be a good original of new Nobility or Gentry. In the United Netherlands, the Gentlemen are much upon the same punctilio's, except that in Marriage (for good fortunes) they would mix; but that the trading party, not valuing Gentility without proportionable Estates, seldome, or ne­ver, willingly do it. And from hence it is (in a great part) that Gelderland, and Overyssel, two Provinces that abound in number of Gentry, are so poor, whilst Holland, Zeland, and Friesland, the first, and last, having few ancient Gentry; and the second, none but the Prince of Orange, are so rich. France is not so strictly tyed up by these rules, as the preceeding Countreys are, their Nobility marrying any where for money, as the Nieces of the last great Cardinal shews, besides that they allow of Estates got by Trade, to be lau­dable [Page 5] Foundations for new raised Families, in both which principles they are surely wise, and thrive the better, whilst other Countreys are kept low by their contrary practices; for were it not for the benefit that that Countrey reaps by the incouragement which is given there unto Trade, it were impossible for them to subsist under their great burthens; but no people comes so near the English, in the chief of these circumstances, as the wise Venetians, Genouesers, Lucesers, and the Florentines, who all allowing the exercise of Traf­fick in their Nobility and Gentry, reap the benefit of such Prudence, as appears in the three first, exceeding their Neighbours much, in prosperity and wealth, and the Prince and People of the last, being abundantly the better by it; for were it not for their principle of Commerce, incouraged by some Liberty in Conscience, connived at in Le­ghorne (the only Port-Town of Trade under that Prince) the people would be as poor, as they are thin, not able to live under the severity of that Government: but if these instances be not suffi­cient to prove the profit that accrews unto a Countrey, by a trading Gentry, there needs no further travelling for demonstration, than Eng­land, where before the reformation of Religion, that Gentlemen had idle Convents to put their younger Sons into, Trade was there so small, that the Customs amounted not to 10000 l. per an. whereas they are now, or have been lately, more than fifty times as much; which proves, First, the advantage that Trade brings both to King and People; and Secondly, that Trade hath been much increased, by taking younger Brothers off from their sloathful way of living, and applying [Page 6] them with their Patrimonies to Trade and Com­merce. The experience of this, may reprove those, who both in State of Eng­land, pag. 434, 435, 436. discourse, and writing, plead for the vain an­cient custom of Idleness, in the younger Brothers of England, as if they preferred being their eldest Brothers Servants, with the priviledge of filling up the lower end of their Tables, before the present laudable pra­ctice, and incumbent duty of industry, inabling them to live in equality with their eldest Brothers. And surely, it is the glory, and not shame of Eng­land (as our new pretenders to Politicks would have it) that by Commerce, they have made themselves so formidable in the World, whilst all other Northern Countreys (the United Nether­land as to their Gentry not excepted) by their su­perstitious adhering to their old customs, are so inconsiderable. And certain it is, that England could not have had those great things to have boasted of at Sea, as now they have; nor could they stand before their Neighbours, were it not for Traffick, which is the only thing that makes a Countrey rich, — Law, and Physick, by great Fees, and corrupt Practice, having a great share in impoverishing this Nation, but none in the in­riching of it, fees to both Professions being in all other Countries very moderate, compared with England: a Physician, in no other place, having for a visit above 18d. star. except at Venice, where it is 2s. 6 d. and in some places, as at Newport, and Lisle, in Flanders, &c. but 6d. and even at Am­sterdam, and at Antwerpen, the first equal to any place for wealth, and the latter next considerable, not above 12 Stivers, which is about 13 d. and [Page 7] Lawyers 2 s. 6 d. for their opinion, and as much an hour, for a business that requires long consul­tation and work, much of their pleading being cast into that price; so that England may be reck­oned to exceed in their fees to both Professions, ten times the rates of other Countreys. But if the be­nefit of Commerce be not sufficient to convince the Enemies of trading Gentlemen, peradventure the impossibility of reducing the Gentry and No­bility of England, to the mode of other Countries, without utter ruine to them, may do it, and there­fore, they may do well to consider, that to an­swer other Countries in their Rules,

First, All the Families of the Gentry must be so stated, as that no way (not even by desert) may be left for increasing the number of them.

Secondly, None descended from them, either Males or Females, must marry any but such as are of those Families; whereas with us a Yeoman, or one who is no Gentleman, marrying one that is a Baroness by Inheritance, the eldest Son of such a Bed Inherits all the Titles descended upon his Mother from her Ancestors.

Thirdly, None of their Sons must be bred to any Callings, either the Ministry, Law, or Phy­sick; nay, nor be Court-Officers, except such as they account Noble: (which are not many, Secre­taries not being in that number) they reckoning all Callings a debasement of Gentility, as well as Trade; and he that marries with the Daughter of any person of a Calling, to deserve the punish­ment of degradation; And therefore, should Trade be maintained in England, in such a way, as the riches got by it would remain in the Trading party, the Gentry would consequently be poor, [Page 8] compared with the Trading-Families; and as ho­nours and respect will follow Estates, so the Gen­try would be little regarded, whilst the Traders would carry away all Interest and esteem in their Countries, as the Trading-Families of Holland do at present, from the poor Gentry of Gelderland and Overyssel, two Provinces of the United Ne­therlands. But if these new Statists shall still desire the want of Trade, with poverty, rather than riches, with the practice of that they call the de­basement of Gentility, they ought farther to con­sider, that the Case of England is not the same with other Northern Nations; for Denmark, Sweden, and Poland, being all upon the same Principle, of despising Trade in their Gentry, are alike poor, wanting Commerce, and so under the less danger one of another: But England, having rich and potent Neighbours, Trade is absolutely necessary for their preservation, in rendring them equal in power, both at Sea and Land, to their great and opulent emulators; so that in true English, they that plead for less plenty in the People of England, do no less in effect (though in Charity I will hope they think not so) than argue for exposing them as a prey to their Enemies. But these principles are not strange in them, who, in pleading for keep­ing the people low, seem to have lost all Natural affection to their Countrey, in accusing the Com­mons (by which I suppose is meant the Yeoman­dry of England, who, without osten­tation,State of Eng­land, pag. 60, 61, 62. may be called the best of their kind in the World, the Peasants of other Countries being Brutes in Re­ligion, good Nature and Civility, compared to them) of being the coursest Bran, and the worst [Page 9] of People, &c. saying, they are so distastful to their Gentry, that they wish their Countrey less plentiful, or more burthened with Taxes, as the way to refine the manners of the Common peo­ple. But, although the Competitors with England in Trade, may be glad of having a Confession of Pride, Insolence, and ill Conditions in the English, from one of themselves, to make use of abroad, for their own advantage, and to the prejudice of the English Nation; yet if it be believed by any that know England, they must have changed their observations of it, that people having never lain under such a censure until now, that it is untruly, maliciously, and imprudently clapped upon them, by, I may say, a degenerate Countrey-man, who, in his reproaches, sheweth little of that natural affection, that every one oweth to the Land of their Nativity, nor suitableness to the Care his Majesty and Council take for promoting Trade, by several Councils appointed to that end: but what use soever Foreigners may make of these accusations against the English Traders and Mer­chants in other Countries, I suppose the new Phi­losophy of Poverty, and the transplantation of all Non-Conformists,State of Eng­land. called the Sons of Belial, (the ready way to penury) be­ing best for a Nation, will have but few Disciples; for though all is thought to be made good, by accusing the People of England of want of that humble respect and awful reverence to the Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy, that is due to them, those to whom the Commons of England are not strangers, know that they are not want­ing in good nature, or due observance to any of the three Orders, where there is Justice, and not [Page 10] Oppression, in the two first, nor Cruelty, Igno­rance, Profaneness, or Debauchery in the last; for although Greatness may procure Fear, no­thing but Virtue, Honesty, and Justice, can Love, and true Reverence. It may well be questioned, who it is, that the men of these principles aim to gratifie by them? for nothing can be more pre­judicial to his Majesty, than publickly to main­tain that Plenty in his people, is inconsistent with Peace and good Order in his Government, or that reducing the people to a complaining condi­tion, is the way to make them happy, as this Gen­tleman insinuates.

This seeming digression is necessitated, for Trade being the true and chief intrinsick Interest of England, without which it cannot subsist, thus much could not well be avoided, in the making out, that as well by some Constitutions and Cu­stoms, as by its Native Commodities and Conve­niencies, it so far excels all other Kingdoms and Common-wealths in worldly advantages; that Providence may be said to have left nothing more for the People of England to do, in order to their earthly felicity, than desiring of it; the matter of Trade being naturally so prepared and fitted for them, that it may even be a reproach to them, not to advance Trade, though no great glory to do it; nothing, except some accidents extraordi­nary, or violent obstructions, (as imposing upon Conscience, &c.) or want of good Laws, or the execution of them, being capable of hindering the increase of it. And now, as from the growth of Trade there doth naturally arise, not alone riches to the Subject, rendring a Nation consider­able, but also inc [...]ease of Revenue, and therein [Page 11] power and strength to the Soveraign; so it is the undoubted Interest of his Majesty, to advance and promote Trade, by removing all obstructions, and giving it all manner of incouragement.

As First, By lessening the over-great impositions upon Native Commodities, and upon such as are necessarily imported to be manufactured in Eng­land, or to be again transported.

Secondly, By causing the Native Commodities to be faithfully and truly made, and ordered.

Thirdly, By laying all Companies open, or at least, by leaving them free, for all to come into them that please, without fines, more than a small acknowledgment, tying them in such case, from burthening their own Manufactures with Taxes, as they usually do for the raising money to spend profusely and wantonly: what objections may be made against this general rule, in reference to the East-India's Joint-Stock, I know not; but this I am sure may be said for it, that the Hollan­ders, driving their East India Trade by a Joint-Stock, is no argument for England to do the same: for they having by the publick purse of the Com­pany, purchased and conquered several Countreys and petty Kingdoms, which ingageth them often in Wars with their Neighbours, and necessitateth them to keep up a standing Militia of 30 or 40000 men, with many Garrisons, and 100 or more Ships, equipped as well for Men of War at Sea, as for Merchants use; the carrying on of such a Government, and defraying the charge of it, is no otherwise feasible, than by a Society and Joint-Stock, the maintaining of their propriety being impracticable by an open Trade; but the case not being the same with England, they having [Page 12] nothing in propriety, save the insignificant Castle of St. George, upon the Coast of Cormandel, and the little Island of Bomby, given them lately by the King, their Trade being all by Factories, there is not that reason nor necessity upon them, for a Joint-Stock, as upon Holland: and Societies, in restraining the number, both of Buyers of the Na­tive, and Sellers of Foreign Commodities, must consequently tend to the abating the price of the first, and inhancing the rate of the latter, no­thing being more plain to reason, than that the fewer buyers of Native Commodities, the cheaper they must be, as the fewer sellers of Foreign, the dearer they must be; and that which aba­teth the price of Native Commodities, and rai­seth the price of Foreign, must be against the In­terest of a Nation: and therefore the Netherlanders, who certainly understand the Interest of Trade, equal to any people living, though by making the Interest of Trade, matter of State, they have an eye of regulation upon it, yet admit of no restraining Companies, as in England, except in their East and West-India Trades, where they have great possessions in propriety.

Fourthly, By carefully protecting Merchants abroad, from the wrongs and injuries of other Nations.

Fifthly, By making the transferring Bills of debt good in Law, it being a great advantage to Traders (especially to young men of small Stocks) to be able to supply themselves with money, by the sale of their own Bills of debt.

Sixthly, By constituting a Court Merchant, after the example of other Countries, to prevent tedi­ous and chargeable Sutes in Law, taking men off [Page 13] from their business, and in making the advance­ment and protection of Trade, matter of State.

Seventhly, By having Registers of all Real Estates, as is profitably practised in other Coun­tries, and in this, within the Mannor of Taunton Dean, which in a natural way, will abate the In­terest of money, and make Purchases certain; for it is no little prejudice and blemish to England, that of all the Countries in Europe, there is none, where Purchasers, or Lenders of money upon Land, are upon such uncertainty in their dealings, as in England.

Eighthly, By taking away all priviledges (ex­cept of Parliament) from persons and places, tending to the defrauding Creditors of their debts, and extending the Statute of Bankrupts against all persons not Trading, as well as Tra­ders, it being but equal Justice, that all men should be alike liable to the payments of their debts.

Ninthly, Banks (not Bankers, but) such as are in use at Venice, Amsterdam, and Hamburg, where the several States are security, keeping particular accounts of Cash, for all men, desiring it, are of great advantage to Merchants and Traders, in securing their monies from many casualties, and making receipts and payments, speedy and easie; besides, so certain, without the danger of losing acquittances, or by death, or otherwise to be in want of Witnesses, as takes away all occasions of suits about them, Bank-accounts being allowed for undeniable testimonies in Law; but of these, I confess there are no thriving and flourishing ex­amples, save under Republicks.

[Page 14]Tenthly, The making Free Ports (which Eng­land of all Countries in Europe, is most proper for) giving liberty to Strangers, as well as Na­tives, upon payment of a small duty, to keep Magazines of goods ready for transportation to other Countries, according to the encouragement of Markets abroad, are great increasers of Trade and Navigation, and so of riches; as appears, not only by Holland, which is a Common-wealth, but also by St. Maloes, under the Monarchy of France, and Leghorne, under that of Turkany; the first, for its bigness, which contains but thirty six Acres of ground, being the richest City in France; and the latter, the only place in that Princes Domi­nions, which, compared to former times, can truly be said to flourish.

Eleventhly, Making business at the several Of­fices for Custom and Excise, and in all other pla­ces, as easie, and as little vexatious as may be, in employing such persons of honesty, integrity, and discretion, as will not abuse their trusts, no more in insolency than falseness, is a great en­couragement to Traders; as also, making passing in and out of the Countrey by Strangers and Tra­vellers, untroublesom, is a motive and induce­ment to them, to satisfie their curiosity in visiting the Kingdom, and spending their money in it. For to object, that the incivilities travellers meet with in going in, and coming out of France, hin­ders no resort thither, is more than can be pro­ved; besides that, admit it is not, yet the like usage in any other Country, would be a prejudice to it, and would be surely so to France, were it not the humour at present of this giddy Age, to run a madding after them; and certainly, the [Page 15] facility that is in doing business in Holland, and the unmolested egress and regress that Strangers and Travellers meet with there, is a great benefit to them.

Twelfthly, Would the Trading Corporations, chuse after the example of London, and according to their own Interests, and reason of their insti­tution, their members for Parliament out of themselves, the Interest of Trade would probably be better understood, and faithfullier prosecuted than it is, and it cannot but be a prejudice to Commerce, that they generally send Courtiers, Country-Gentlemen, or their Recorders, to Par­liament, who will be sure to prefer their particu­lar Interests before that of Trade, it being natural to all men, to seek their own profit, before that of others.

Thirteenthly, As England hath some beneficial Customs, which other Countries are strangers unto, so it hath others, as prejudicial, not known to Foreign Governments; as the great expences of Corporations, undoing many Citizens and Townsmen; a Freeman of York, or Southampton, not being able to go through all their Offices, ac­cording to Custom and expectation, in the first, under seven or eight hundred pound; and the latter, six or seven hundred; which may well be judged one cause, why York is so poor, and the other thrives no better; and the like observation may be made of the most of the other Corporati­ons: The great charge of Sheriffs of the Coun­ties hath decayed, if not ruined many Families; and the expence of Barristers, at their Readings, is a provocation to them, to increase their shark­ing, and growing upon the people; all which [Page 16] bad effects, are to be wished were remedied, so far as taking away these unnecessary expences will do it: And even London is not herein to be excused. For first, Whereas, nothing tends more to the advancement of a people, than living un­der wise and honest Governours, the charge of their Sheriffs, will for ever (so long as that ex­pence is continued) necessitate the having an Eye in their Elections, more to Wealth than Virtue.

Secondly, Their levying money upon particu­lar persons, by chusing such for Sheriffs, as they presume have not Estates to hold, and must there­fore Fine at near the twentieth part of what they are worth, which may be repeated once a Year, so long as the parties live, and cannot swear not to be worth ten thousand pounds, is an unequal way of raising money; some escaping all their days, that have two or three times the Estates of those that are forced to Fine: and to cure this evil, the best way (as I conceive) is by Sheriffs laying down the profuse and unnecessary expen­ces of their Shrievalties, according to the exam­ple of the Countries, it being a solecism in poli­ticks, not practised any where but in England, that whilst some by Offices of little attendance and service, get vast Estates, others by Offices of drudgery, are by great expences ruined.

And thirdly, The City hath one rule, the rea­son of which is not to be understood, (viz.) that whereas one chosen Sheriff before Alderman, may free himself by making Oath that he is not worth ten thousand pounds, yet if first chosen Alderman, he is deprived of that liberty, as to that Magistracy, and when afterwards he comes [Page 17] to be chosen Sheriff, must hold, Fine, or go to Prison, though not worth a Groat, as hath often fallen out.

But besides this, the administration of some of the Fraternities in London, stand in more need of re­formation than that of the City; for whereas the Primitive Institution of most of them, was for regulating and improving mechanical Arts and Mysteries, now by mixing in the same Societies the more generous and free Trades and Callings; the original reason of their Incorporations is to­tally lost, many of the Trades, of which the Companies bear the name, not being looked after, nor indeed any thing else to speak of, besides ma­naging their Revenues, and providing for eating and drinking: For the maintenance of which they are often very burthensom to men in years of mean Estates, as well as to young Traders of small beginnings, by imposing upon them greater Fines for their Liveries, (not allowing the Plea of inability, as their Charter obligeth) vain un­necessary Feasts, and not holding of Offices, than they are well able to bear, or indeed holds any proportion with the charge of the Offices, the Fines being in some Companies four times as much as the charge of the Offices comes to; that chusing such, as they suppose will not, or upon several accounts cannot hold, they may have the benefit of such unreasonable penalties, to which men submit, not only from ignorance of the Charter of the Company, but also as not being able to contest with the Purse of the Fellowship, or be at the charge of a special Verdict, or of bringing the matter before all the Judges in the Chequer-Chamber, where, in such Case, many of [Page 18] their Ordinances and practices would be found contrary to Magna Charta, and Common Justice: for for private men to try their right by a Jury of Citizens, who have born the like charge them­selves, they are sure to have it given against them and for the Companies, it being natural for men to desire that others should run the Gantlop as themselves have done. And to maintain their Ar­bitrary proceedings herein, they oblige their Members by Oath at their admissions into their Companies to submit to their Orders, though ne­ver so unreasonable or illegal, and then after­wards press Obedience upon the account of Con­science; and these oppressions are great hinder­ances to the flourishing of this famous City, which I speak not from hear-say, but in some measure from experience, recommending the considera­tion hereof unto authority for regulation. For I am not of their opinion, who think popular Feastings and good Fellowship, called Hospitality, to be the Interest of the Nation, because it con­sumes the growth of the Country; but on the contrary, that it is altogether against it: For, be­sides the provoking of the Judgments of God by such inordinate living, Excess weakens mens bo­dies, spends vainly their time, dulls their wits, and makes them unfit for action and business, which is the chief advancer of any Government, and to supply the want of people in any Land, by a riotous wasting the growth of it, is at best but a bad effect of a bad cause, and against that rule which forbids doing evil that good may come of it; and therefore, the true Interest of any Country is, by immunities, priviledges, and liberty of Conscience, so to encourage, and en­crease [Page 19] the number of people, as they may rather be (in a sober way of living) too many, than too few for their provisions: and we do find, that in former times, when Hospitality was in Eng­land much greater than at present, and that meer­ly in the expence of their own provisions, without French Dishes, or much of either Spanish or French Wines, the Country was poor to what it now is; and that it hath been the encrease of the Trade and People of the Nation by Liberty and Privi­ledges, indulging tender Consciences, that hath advanced them. And (as to the retrenching of expences) this seems to be agreeable to the prin­ciples of that wise and great Statesman, Sir Wal­ter Rawleigh, who saith, that taking away all su­perfluous charges and expences, as well in Ho­spitality, as in lessening the Fees, Allowances, and Wages of Ministers of little necessity, as also of Pensions, Rewards, Entertainments, and Dona­ries, to be a laudable pansimony, used by the Ro­mans, and other well-governed States.

But, fourteenthly, imposing upon Conscience in matters of Religion, is a mischief unto Trade, transcending all others whatsoever; for if the Traders and Manufacturers be forced to fly their Countries, or withdraw their stocks, by vexati­ous prosecutions, the having Natural Commodi­ties in a Country, or no great impositions upon them, will signifie little to the Prince or People; and therefore Liberty of Conscience is not only the Common Interest of all the Nation, but especi­ally of his Majesty, in that,

First, By it he obligeth all his Subjects equally to him, no man having just cause to be offended at another mans liberty, since he enjoys the same [Page 20] himself; and more particularly, he obligeth all the Non-Conformists to him, who can have no other Interest than his, that in grace and favour gives them Liberty; securing thereby, in an espe­cial manner, all the several perswasions, from agreeing upon any thing to the prejudice of their common friend; whereas the Papists have, as o­thers may have, other Interests. And were it in the power of man (as it is the Prerogative of God alone) to force a belief or disbelief in matters controversal, it were not (to speak politically) the moral interest of his Majesty to make all his Protestant Subjects (who own no other head than himself, and who differ only in Circumstantials) to be of one mind in Religion, but on the con­trary, to keep them divided in opinions as checks upon each other. For as antiently in times of Po­pery, when there was no difference about the wor­ship of God, this Kingdom was not without con­tinual troubles and irruptions in State and Go­vernment; so were not the violent Church party kept now in awe by a contrary interest, and that they had not Non-Conformists to exercise their minds, and vent their choler upon, they might probably (as in former times) soon prove muti­nous. And as the variety of humours and Nations in Hannibals Army were reckoned to tend much to the obedience of it (each being spies upon the other) so the like benefit may be expected from the cherishing and maintaining of the Non-Con­formists in England. And, although a Prince ar­rived to that height which is above Envy, and all fear from abroad, may sometimes adventure in imposing in matters of Religion, it is not in any kind excusable in them that are not in such a con­dition, [Page 21] but that stand in need, in reference to the potency of their Neighbours, of the hearts of all their people, especially in this age, when the large experience the World hath had of the in­successfulness and evil of it, hath made (even) in the greatest Potentates, a general abatement therein, and now, when it is too late, they grow weary of their rigour: The last Pope, as is affirm­ed, having disswaded the French King from at­tempting Geneva, when he thought to have obli­ged the Church of Rome, by reducing of it.

And oh that England, whilst they have time, would be warned by the miseries of others, to avoid the rock they have split upon. Had the former Kings of Spain used in any degree the le­nity that that Crown at present practiseth in their Netherlands, where now a known Protestant may obtain his freedom of several Cities, without ha­ving his Religion enquired into, as at Bruges, Newport, &c. those Countries had not been so thin of people, nor Spain so depopulated as they are, nor yet the whole House of Austria so low, as it now seems to be. Nay, had the Pope made for­merly so little use of his Inquisition as he doth at this time, few places being less inquisitive after mens belief, than Rome, where one may be as good as he will, and spend all his days without being proceeded against, either Ecclesiastically or Civilly, for not coming to their Churches, Italy had had more people than it hath, and been more considerable than it is: The French could never advance by Massacres, of which they are reckoned to have had thirty or forty, at several times, in several places, nor yet get forward in power and greatness, until they laid aside Perse­cution; [Page 22] confessing,The History of the Siege of Rochel. as Lewis the XIII. did at the taking of Rochel, that al­though it would rejoice him to have all his Subjects of the same belief with himself, and that he should use all sweet means possible to draw them to it, yet since the experience of times past had sufficiently made France to know, that Religion is not to be planted by the Sword, but (to use his own words) that it is God alone that must incline the heart, and illuminate the under­standing with his knowledge; he assured them he would never use Violence in matters of Religion: and to give that King his due, he truly inherited the merciful good Nature of his incomparable Father.

Secondly, It may be concluded to be the Inter­est of the King and Kingdom of England, to grant Liberty of Conscience, because by a gene­ral consent of Nations, liberty in Ceremonies, in­vented by men, seems to be accounted necessary for the good of humane Society. For I believe I may without boldness affirm, that England is sin­gular in prosecuting them, who are one with them in Doctrine, for differing only in Ceremonies, no other Christian Church that I know of, doing the like. In Germany, the Lutherans have scarce, in any two Cities or Countries, the same Ceremo­nies; Nurenburg and Leipsigg, having almost as many as the Papists, and yet differ in them; Ham­burg hath fewer, and Strasburg none at all; and so it is through all the Lutheran Cities and Coun­tries in the Empire, and yet agreeing in Do­ctrine, their differing in Circumstantials makes no breach of charity amongst them, although at the same Communion I have seen some receive [Page 23] standing, as others have kneeling.

The Pole in that Kingdom, several Popish Ec­clesiastical Soveraigns in Germany, and the Vene­tians in their Grecian Islands, do all give Liberty of Conscience in Religion, without those fears and jealousies which we groundlesly suggest; and yet the Non-Conformists to the Magistrates be­lief, are in some of these places, three times the number of the Conformists: and indeed where Liberty of Conscience is given, all cause of mu­tiny from the Reformed upon the account of Re­ligion must be taken away, they owning no other head than their own natural Prince.

The Church of Rome in their using the inven­tions of men in the worship of God, seem (their Principles considered) to act rationally, because they pretend to the assistance of an infalli­ble Spirit; but for the Reformed Churches, who do not pretend to any such help, to maintain that the Lord of Heaven and Earth, who is so jealous of his own worship, that under the Law, he se­verely prohibited the adding to, or diminishing one tittle from what he had commanded, and under the Gospel gave no other Commission than to teach according to what he had commanded, that he hath left his Worship to the inventions of corrupt frail man, inclinable above all things to superstition and idolatry, and who are by nature endlesly various in their imaginations, sense, and understandings, seems to be irrational, and to ac­cuse Christ of not having been as a Son, so care­ful of his Church, as Moses a Servant was of the Church of God under the Law: for had Christ in­tended to have left his Church under a negative obedience in worship, making all things lawful [Page 24] that he had not forbidden, the command had been as readily made, to do whatsoever he had not prohibited, as it was to do whatsoever he hath commanded: And that the Church of Rome, who pretends to infallibility, should not exact Conformity in Ceremonies, where there is an agreement in Doctrine, as they do not even in Rome it self, (where they might force it, with­out prejudice to Trade, having little to obstruct) there being in that City several Popish Churches, differing from one another in Ceremonies, and all abundantly from that properly called the Ro­man Church, and yet agreeing in Doctrine,The Grecian and Armenian Popish Congregations, &c. have publick tolerati­on, without exceptions; and yet that the Church of England, who pretends not to infallibility, should to their civil prejudice, be rigid in imposing them upon those that agree with them, not only in Fundamentals, but in all material points of Faith, Worship, and Obedience, with punishment for denial, I cannot conceive the reason, except without Ceremonies to administer matter of employment in punishing tender Consciences, they think they should be without work in any kind adequate to their great Revenues, and that they dread the conse­quence of uselesness.

But if this be not the Case, and that they re­ally design no more, than piously to bring the Non Conformists into their Churches, (as I will hope they do not) I shall (because the wrath of man will never accomplish the righteousness of Christ) humbly recommend unto them, as the most effectual remedy against separation:

First, Where the Parishes are so large, that the [Page 25] Churches cannot receive in some places half, in o­thers not a third or fourth to an eighth part of the Parishioners, as the Churches of St. Andrews, Sepul­chres, St. Giles, and St. Martins in the Fields, &c. they would be a means of procuring Acts of Parliament for dividing such Parishes, otherwise people can­not be justly blamed for going to other Churches rather than stay at home.

Secondly, To furnish the Parishes with Virtu­ous as well as able men, fit for the work of the Ministry, for that, where there is a defect in ei­ther qualification, hearers will think themselves obliged in duty to God, and excuseable before man in seeking other Teachers; for though a scan­dalous person may discourse well for an hour in a Pulpit, yet his Life will always do more harm than his Preaching good; Example prevailing more with corrupt nature than Precept.

I have lived in reformed Countries abroad, where he that intends the Ministry, is first heard exercise in private by some of the most able, sober, learned, and judicious of the Church, to the end, that whatsoever should be found amiss in matter, form, affectation in words or gestures, might be reproved and reformed, after which he is Licensed to Preach, but not ordained, until ac­cording to antient Canons he is called to a Charge, nor then neither, without a Certificate of his sober Life and Conversation; a method, which as it would prevent the contempt of the Clergy (so much complained of by that Book, writ by a Conformist, shewing the cause of it) so it would tend much to the preaching the Non-Conformists into, and not out of the publick Churches, as the silly Weekly Sermons to the Jews at Rome do [Page 26] them, hardning of them in their errors. And this is a care, that may well be thought the proper work of the Governours of a Church, and an imployment becoming the greatest of them; for the debauchery and ignorance of the Ecclesiasticks in the Church of Rome, &c. may rationally be judged the chief reason, why Religion thrives no better, and Atheism grows so fast in the World. For carnal men (as all are such by nature) will not credit a Minister, that teacheth another what he doth not practise himself, but rather from his contrary walking judge Religion a Cheat.

Thirdly, It is a good remedy against Non-Con­formity, to follow the Apostles rule, in not im­posing any thing in the worship of God but what is necessary, that so none may be kept out of the Church by offensive impositions, as by turning the Communion-Table Altar-wise (Churchmen bow­ing towards, if not to it;) and exacting sitting bare all Sermon time, &c.

The first is directly against the Rubrick, for that the wisdom of our Nation hath ordered the Table to be set in the Body of the Church, or in the Chancel, (implying thereby as shall be most convenient for the Congregation) making it (ac­cording to other reformed Churches) a common Table, and not an Altar, and the Minister to stand on the Northside of it, and so consequently the Table to stand East and West, and yet in op­position to Authority, it is in most places set North and South (to the offence of many) being clapped to the Wall of the East end of the Church, with Rales before it, as if (according to the Church of Rome) it were an Altar and Sacred; which actings contrary to Law, may well be thought to give [Page 27] some incouragement to the Non-Conformists to follow their Examples in other Cases.

There are several other Ceremonies as well as these, which are without and against Law. Though it is enacted, That no Form or Order of Com­mon-Prayer, Administration of Sacraments, Rites or Ceremonies, shall be openly used in any Church, Chappel, or other publick place, of, or in any Colledge or Hall, in either of the Universities, the Colledges of Westminster, Winchester, or Eaton, or any of them, other than what is prescribed and appointed to be used in and by the said Book; in which Book is no where found several Ceremo­nies now practised, nor the Order used in some Churches. And as to that of sitting bare all Ser­mon time, as it is without Authority, so it is against the practice of all Christian Churches, in antient as well as modern times, and never known in England until of late, except in the three last Years of Bishop Lauds Dominion, when he was designing the reducement of Religion to Forms, Gestures, Habits and reverence to Persons and Stone-Walls: and this unwarrantable Ceremony keeps (upon several accounts) many out of the Church, as some from weakness of Constitution, no Caps being so good a fence against Cold, in a wide empty Church, as a broad brim'd Hat, others upon an account of Conscience, as thinking the Ceremony superstitious, and a third sort upon a political account, as not daring to trust the Church with an Arbitrary Power of imposing what Cere­monies they please, fearing that the Countenan­cing of one Innovation by complying with it, may usher in another (incroachments and breaking down of Fences, being always dangerous, but in [Page 28] some times more than in others) and so leave it uncertain where the Ecclesiastical Itch to Domi­nion will rest, it being already so far advanced, that in some places it is expected that men should be bare even to the very Walls of a Church, out of Service or Sermon time; and for warranting a Ceremony contrary to universal practice, and greatest Antiquity, as that is of sit­ing bare during the Sermon, we ought to have a discovery of new Light from Scripture, lest otherwise we seem arrogantly to accuse former Ages of impiety as well as ignorance, in never using any such pretended decency. And as all un­necessary things tending to the dividing of a people, and consequently to the breach of Peace and Charity, is impolitick, so distinguishing Ce­remonies not commanded by legal Authority, ought for Peace sake, (as well as a duty incum­bent) to be avoided; and if Church-men would according to the decrees of several Councils, ap­ply themselves only to the affairs of the Church, they would find work enough there.

As first in making strict Examination after mens parts, and inquiry after their Lives and Con­versations before Ordination, which is so necessary for prevention of separation, that nothing else will be effectual, because Parishioners will take exceptions against their Pastors, if they find them wanting either in Morals or Ministerial Gifts, and will not be satisfied with the care of procure­ing severe Acts of Parliament for the suppressing of Non-Conformity only to humane Ceremonies, not differing in Doctrine. And if the Physicians who have the care but of our Bodies, will not ad­mit any into their Colledge without a thorough [Page 29] Examination and full satisfaction of their Abili­ties in their Faculty, with much more reason men ought not to be admitted into the Ministry, who have the care of our highest Concern, without the like tryal.

Secondly, In procuring Acts of Parliament where it is needful, for securing our Religion against Popery, as for preventing Popish Mothers (according to the late if not present practice of the Reformed in France) in bringing up their Children (after the Death of their Protestant Fathers) to the Romish Religion as they often do. And also if their power for depriving scan­dalous Ministers guilty of most enormous crimes, be not sufficient, as some pretend it is not, to pro­cure more, &c.

Thirdly, To promote the like for augmenting scandalous livings, and scandalous allowances by Incumbents of pluralities to their under-Curates.

Fourthly, For providing (according to the Ex­ample of other Reformed Churches) maintenance for super-annuated Ministers, to the end that such as are qualified for the work of the Ministry, may be admitted to the places of those who from Age or other infirmities, either cannot Officiate, or are made so unfit for their Callings, that instead of instructing their Auditors, they administer no­thing but matter of laughter, scorn, and con­tempt, even to the meanest Capacities of the people, of which I have sometimes been a wit­ness.

Fifthly, For suppressing Popery in such places where Church-Governours have most power, as where they are Lords of Mannors, and have Col­legiate Churches with Deans, as at Rippon in [Page 30] Yorkshire, reducing that Parish, which (according to common fame) hath near two thousand Papists in it, to the example of Hallifax and Bradford, two Parishes in the same County, re­mote and furthest from the eye of the Church, where the first hath not one Papist, though twenty thousand Communicants, and the latter but one (a silly old man) though it hath ten thousand in it, &c. and this I humbly propose, to the end that the increase of Popery in such places may not reflect upon our Illustrious Church nor its reverent Go­vernours, for I would not be understood in this (which I am led unto by the Civil as well as Ec­clesiastical Interest of our Nation) to intend the impeaching or arraigning any thing that is ac­cording to Law, or the Ecclesiastical established Government, all such designs being so Foreign to my thoughts, that in order to the service of the Church, I humbly offer further to consideration, whether it's not safest to reduce our manner of Worship in all Churches to the exact rule of the Law, lest otherwise the Separatists in many pla­ces, when prosecuted for Non-Conformity, should plead Innocency, in that there is no such Church to go to as the Law directs; for unwarrantable additions in the observation of a negative Law, may render the observation as faulty and void as substraction may do, which I wish may be avoided; and most of this I have been induced unto by that Book, shewing the cause of the contempt of our Clergy, writ by one of our Church.

Thirdly, Liberty of Conscience to all Prote­stant Non-Conformists, is the true Interest of King and Kingdom, in that it is absolutely and indis­pensibly necessary, for raising the value of Land, [Page 31] which at present is miserably mean and low, and advancing the Trade and Wealth of the King­dom.

First, Because imposition upon Conscience, hin­ders the resort of Strangers, and so the encrease of people, whereof England is greatly wanting, coming so far short of Holland in numbers, (whereby that Province alone, is made more con­siderable than all the other six) that whereas they are calculated to have six Souls for one Acre of ground, England, I fear, hath hardly one for ten: and the riches of Holland, Interest of Holland. under such multitudes, as the provisions of their own Country, are said not to be suffici­ent to nourish above an eighth part of their Peo­ple (all the rest being supplied by the Sea, and Trade with other Countries) argues Plenty of In­habitants to be a benefit to Trading Countries, and Foreign Conquests or Plantations, exhaust­ing men and money, where there is not an over­plus of both, a prejudice which ought to be a­voided.

Secondly, Imposition upon Conscience, drives the soberest and most industrious sort of Natives into Corners, leaving Trade in too few hands, and to a kind of people that do but rarely mind it; amongst whom, though there are some that get large Estates, it is not the thriving of a small num­ber, but diffusive wealth, that makes a Country rich. And, as most of the Corporations in England have declined in their flourishing condition, since many of the soberest and publick-spirited Citizens and Townsmen, have, by the imposition of Oaths they could not comply with, been barred all share in Government, so the influence would have been [Page 32] the same upon the whole Nation, had not His Majesty wisely considered the good of his King­dom, in expressing his sense for Liberty, and in some kind conniving at it. And if men, setting aside passion, would but seriously remember, how pernicious quarrels grounded upon differences in matters of Faith, have been to Mankind (of which History affords us plentiful Examples enough to make an honest heart tremble to relate) and pon­der the sad consequence of Popish Persecutions in the Deaths (by several brutish ways and torments) of many Millions of Christians in France, Eng­land, Netherlands, Germany, the Alpine Vallies, Italy, Spain, and Ireland, besides the dreadful Wars, Confusions, Ruins, and desolations of Countries, that have been upon this account, pro­ducing no other effects than the depopulating of the three last, and increasing the number of Dis­senters in all the rest, besides the irreparable da­mage of this Kingdom, in their former Bishops driving the Woollen Manufactures back into the Netherlands, (as the King of Spain had before dri­ven them into England) by Persecution, where they have ever since increased, and where they now re­main sad Monuments to this Nation, of the im­politick severity of those times, they could not but be convinced of the vanity and wickedness of such practices, as well as of the civil prejudice they bring to Nations, in destroying of their peo­ple, and therein depriving them of the benefit of Industry, thinking charitably of that saying, which was anciently in Vogue, and is still in some places remembred, that when a Bishop is Created, the Devil enters into him, and makes him his [Page 33] Executioner; which as it had its original in times of Popery, so it concerns their Bishops only.

And let no man believe, that because the Mo­narch of Spain, and Tyrant of Rome, by prohibi­ting the reading the Old and New Testament, ex­ercising bloody and merciless Persecutions (there­by depopulating their several Countries) have cleared their Dominions of their Protestant Sub­jects, that therefore without using the like means, the Church of England may do the same by their Non-Conformists; for if the exercise of a coercive power over the Consciences of men in matters of Religion, causing poverty and the unpeopling of a Nation, were more to be desired than liberty of dissenting in the worship of God from Un­scriptural Ceremonies, with populousness, and abounding in wealth and riches; yet with the Re­formed Religion it is not feasible, because under the light that that brings with it, human inven­tions can never be imposed in the service of God without encountring opposition: for should the Nation be at once emptied of one whole Genera­tion of Non-Conformists, so long as reading of the Bible is suffered, another will unavoidably (from the discovery it makes) immediately spring up; and for the prevention thereof to follow the Diabolical Doctrine of Rome, in prohibiting the use of that word which was given to man by the Spirit of God for his guide and instruction, is not to be done by Protestants, who know that the Apostles did not intend, that those to whom they directed their Epistles should be forbidden the reading of them, St. Paul having directed the most of his to all that call upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, St. James his to the twelve Tribes [Page 34] that are dispersed, St. Peter his first, to the Stran­gers in several Provinces, and St. John his, to Fa­thers, Young Men, and Children, with a parti­cular direction to the Elect Lady and her Children. And beside these instances, there are multitudes of Texts in the Old Testament, enjoining and com­manding the reading and searching the Scriptures, as a duty incumbent upon all that fear God: And if it be unlawful to do evil that good may come of it, it is much more unlawful to commit an evil, which carries with it the breaking down the Banks against Idolatry, Atheism, Profaneness and Immorality, to the letting in an Inundation of all manner of sin and wickedness, as that ma­nifestly is, of the Popes taking from the people the benefit of the Divine Word; for had not the Devil found him out that Policy, he could never have expunged the second Commandment, intro­duced that monstrous Doctrine of Transubstan­tiation, that beneficial Article of Faith, Purgatory, that ridiculous treasure of the Church, super-e­rogation, that impudent prohibition of Meats and Marriages (called by the Apostle the Doctrine of Devils) nor those absurd antick gestures, actions and Ceremonies in the Mass, Administration of the Sacraments, and Discipline of his Church, so much more fit for a Mountebanks-Stage than Di­vine Worship, that did he not keep the people strangers to the word of God, by sealing of it up, his Church (being without Foundation) would soon fall to the ground, the whole Fabrick being supported by nothing but ignorance and interest, the two great Commanders of the World.

Thirdly, As it is the King and Kingdom of England's Interest, to give Liberty of Conscience to [Page 35] all Protestant Dissenters, so it is not only to deny it to the Papists, after the Example of other Re­formed Countries, as Denmark, Sweden, several Princes in Germany, and the reformed Cantons in Switzerland, but also to take care to prevent the growth of them, and that upon a civil score; as first, because they own a Foreign head upon the account of their Religion, in which they are car­ried on by such a blind zeal, as cannot render them less than Spies and Intelligencers for that Interest, and ready upon all occasions to appear for it. And even the wisest Popish States, acknow­ledge the reason of this Principle, Sir Walter Rawleigh affirming, that the Venetians, as not holding it safe to have any in their Counsels, who have Foreign dependance by Oath, Homage, na­tural Obligation, Pension, or Reward, when their Senate is Assembled, cause Proclamation (before shutting of the doors) to be made, for all Priests to depart, and he who in this Common-wealth, is called the Divine of the State (an Ecclesiastical Person, to be advised with in matters of Religion) is commonly chosen such a one, as is reputed the least Bigot in that Religion, as in the memory of some living, Padri Pauli, and after him Fulgentio, both successively performed that Office, and were esteemed Favourers of the Reformation, and Cor­responders with Diodati of Geneva: and if Papists dare not trust their own Clergy in their Counsels, upon the account of their Foreign dependance, Protestants upon the same account, have no cause to trust Popish Subjects in their Countries, longer, than until they that are now living, die away, and that they can breed their Children to the Pro­testant Religion. I am not ignorant, that there [Page 36] are a sort of men, who, with the Author of that Book, Intituled The State of England, seek to in­fuse a belief into the People, that the dispensing with the Laws against the Papists, is necessary for the prevention of persecution to Protestant Subjects, by their Popish Princes; but the impo­sers of that opinion, presume more upon igno­rance, and easie nature, in the most of men, than upon any strength there is in their Arguments: for this suggested danger, must refer to Spain, Italy, the Emperour, or the French King; and for the two first, they have by former Persecution, (though not without depopulating of their several Coun­tries) left no Native Protestants in them; so that however England shall deal with their own Papists, the King of Spain, nor the Pope, have any Pro­testant Subjects, to use better, or worse; and for the few reformed Merchant-Strangers that are among them, they must (for their own Interest, in reference to Commerce) suffer them to enjoy a trading liberty, without having their Religion inquired into, and more than that, they are never likely to have. And as to the Emperour, he being through facility of Nature, acted by the Church, hath (to almost the ruin of himself, as well as his Protestants) spent all his Reign hitherto in a grievous and sore persecution of the Reformed in his Hereditary Countries (having no power over them in other places of Germany) for by it, he hath lost a great part of Hungaria, and in a fair way of losing the rest, besides that he hath there­by much prejudiced Trade, and lessened his peo­ple; for even the Protestant Gentry and Nobility, who, by Birth, have great Immunities, and ought not to be imposed upon in matters of Religion, [Page 37] were (lately) some forced to leave their Coun­tries, and others who stayed, to entertain none but Papist Servants in their Families, so that Eng­land by no kind of treatment of their Papists, can increase the Emperours persecution (which is al­ready so high) of his Protestant Subjects.

And for the French King,The Edict of Nantes granted by Henry IV. 30 April, 1598. and Printed now with the Seige of Rochel. The Edict of Nantes, confirmed by Lewis XIII. 22 May, 1610. and again 10 Nov. 1615. and by Lewis XIV. 8 July, 1643. confirmed in Parlia­ment, 3. Aug. 1643. and again confirmed by the said Lewis XIV. this present King, 21 May, 1652. and in his Letter to Cromwel, dated 25 May, 1655. about the Waldenses then persecuted by their Prince the Duke of Sa­voy, he takes occasion exceedingly to magnifie the faithfulness of his Protestant Subjects, and his great obligations to them. Morlands History, Page 566. he cannot persecute his Re­formed, without breach of the Edict of Nantes (their Magna Charta) and several other Laws, giving them as good a right to exercise their Religi­on, as the Papists have for theirs, making them also ca­pable of all civil offices, pri­viledges, and preferments e­qual with Papists, and that upon consideration of having been always loyal and faithful to the Crown; so that there is no parity betwixt the French Kings Arbitrary breaking of his Laws, against the reason of them, which hath not yet been forfeited, and which were made (with acknowledged gratitude) for the preservation of the reformed, and the King of England, with the continued reason of his Laws (witness the Massacre in Ire­land) his keeping and executing them against his Papists. But further, those that observe any thing of France, must confess, that that King, in mat­ters [Page 38] of Religion, regards no examples of others, or any thing but his own designs, as in his present persecution of his reformed Subjects he may well be judged to aim at the advancing of his re­putation with the Church of Rome, as a means to help him forward in his aspiring designs; for but few years since, when the Papists were under the most severity in England, the Protestants were under most liberty in France, and now they enjoy the greatest liberty in England, the Re­formed are the most persecuted in France: but besides these circumstances, it cannot but be of evil consequence, and a lessening unto Soveraign­ty, to own the having an eye to other Princes in the execution of their Laws, for nothing can be more dishonourable to a Prince, than to be under the awe of Foreign Potentates in his Administra­tion, within his own Dominions; but this Gen­tleman doth not always ponder what he writes, for when I consider his sharp­ness against the Presbyterians,State of England, p. 50, 56, 60. &c. in England, calling them Mushromes, Tares, and the Sons of Belial, insi­nuating the transplantation and extirpation of them, I cannot but wonder he should have so much concern for the Reformed abroad, who are the same with the Presbyterians of England, and therefore must judge it to proceed from favour to the Papists, towards whom he so tenderly avoids all reflections and severity, as if he thought the revolt of a Presbyterian, &c. to Popery, to me­rit a pardon from transplantation or extirpation, and not from any kindness he can have for the Protestants in other Countreys. Nor do I know [Page 39] how to reconcile his boasting of the transcending Charity of the Church of England towards other Churches, with his accusing them of looking upon the Non-Conformists of England as Bastards, or making no account of any other Interest in them, than a man makes of the Vermin which breed out of his excrementitious sweat, or those Ascarides, which come sometimes in his most uncleanly parts; but for such homely expressions, surely the Church of England will not think themselves beholding to him, no more than for rendring them so charitable to those that differ from them both in Doctrine and Discipline, as the Papists do, who are the Church he must mean, and so uncha­ritable to those that agree with them in all mate­rial points of Doctrine, and differ only from them in circumstantials, as the Non Conform­ists do.

Secondly, The growth of Popery in England ought to be prevented, not only because the Principles of their Jesuits (who of all Orders bear the greatest sway) of good Intentions, Equivo­cations, Mental Reservations, Probability, and Ne­cessity, &c. and of their Church, that there is no Faith to be kept with Hereticks, render them un­fit for honest Conversation, especially for the Society of Protestants, there being no sence a­gainst such Principles; but also upon a Moral, Political account, as they are Enemies (compared to the Reformed) to civil prosperity, there be­ing no Popish Country in the World, but were they Protestants, would be more than of double consideration to what they now are, as those that are so now, are so much more rich, great, and formidable, than when they were under Po­pish [Page 40] Darkness, which proceeds from an unaptness to business, begot in men of that Religion, by the slavery they are in to the Church, and the in­couragement given by it to idleness, in the mul­titudes of their lazy Fraternities, numerous Va­gabond Pilgrims, and Holy days; and where Reli­gion hath no influence upon men, I wish this ci­vil Consideration may: For the truth of this, Italy and Spain, where they are the greatest Bigots, do evidence; besides, that the same seems to be made good in England, in that for one Papist stranger of business, that is in it, there is thought to be fifty Protestants, or more, though, I fear, the difference in the number of strangers of the one and the other Religion, is not much; and the fewer idle and unprofitable persons any Country hath, the more prosperous it must needs be.

Thirdly, Because the vast sums of money that go out of England, sent by Papists to such uses as they call pious; for putting young Gentlewo­men into Nunneries, and breeding Gentlemens Sons in Popish Schools and Universities, with the Popes Revenue gathered by his Penitentiaries and Missionaries, for Indulgences, Dispensations, Tolerations, Pardons and Commutations, with Chimney money (called Peter pence) continued still by some, if not by all the Papists, is a great impoverishing of the Nation, and so a prejudice to Trade, the School at St. Omers having seldom less than an hundred and twenty English Youths, and the Colledge at Doway, eighty or more Stu­dents, besides their other Schools, Universities, Convents, and Nunneries, scattered over all the Popish Territories, (founded on purpose to en­crease [Page 41] that Interest in England, corrupt and per­vert their Gentry) which are too many to enume­rate. And I have heard the Popes Collections in England Calculated by a Romish Priest, of more than ordinary imployment and intelligence, to amount to a vast sum, a good part whereof is paid out in Sallaries, to English titular Popish Church Officers, and Superiours of Orders, which the Pope hath ordinarily lurking in England; and although this may peradventure be denied by Papists, who have no reason (though true) to own it, yet if their private and frugal manner and way of living, with their freedom from the charge of publick imploy­ments be considered, it may rationally be conclu­ded, that were they not under some great un­known expence, they could not but exceed their Neighbours abundantly in Wealth, whereas on the contrary, they do not generally increase so much in Estates, as Protestants do, who some­times have less revenues, and always live more plentifully.

And lastly, Because the multitude of lazy Priests and Jesuits, sent as Emissaries, to seduce Protestants, and encourage Papists in their Errors, are a vast charge to those of that Religion, and in them, to the Nation, without contributing any thing to the good of mankind: And if the French King thinks it his Interest, in order to the ren­dring himself Protector of the Romish Religion, to suppress his Protestant Subjects, who, by Law, have a right to Liberty of Conscience, equal with the Papists, who own no other Head but their Native King, and who were so faithful to him, that when reduced to the greatest extremities at Rochel, and forced to implore the assistance of [Page 42] England, yet would never depart from their Al­legiance, in putting themselves under England, when sollicited to it; The King of England hath much more reason to think it his Interest, in or­der to his safety, and making himself Head of the Protestant Party, to sup­press the Papists,King James his Pro­clamations, 22 Feb. 1603. and 10 Janu. 1606. and the Preamb. of the Stat. of 35 Eliz. Cap. 2. who own another Head, and so have a Foreign Interest, and who are bred to Principles which lead them to a restless plotting a­gainst their Sovereigns, if con­trary to them in Religion, never joining with such, but upon design for themselves. As Sir John Temple in his History of the Rebellion of Ireland, well observes, that to his remembrance there was not one Gentleman of Quality in all Ireland, that was there born and bred a Papist, that at the breaking out of the Rebellion, either took up Arms for the King, or desired to do it, they hold­ing the murther of King and People, Rebellion, or any thing else, which they judge may tend to the propagating of their Religion, lawful, in the case of such as they call Hereticks, as those who have conversed with Papists abroad, where they sometimes speak their hearts, and own their Prin­ciples, do know, as well as the Gun-Powder Trea­son, the Massacre in Ireland, and the many Plots in Queen Elizabeths days, (which cannot be for­gotten) do sufficiently witness. And that these are their Principles, appears not only by these in­stances, but also by the writings of their greatest Church-men, who maintain that the Pope hath power to dispense with the Laws of God, in case he judge the observing of them to hinder the do­ing [Page 43] of a greater good. That if a Prince be (one they call) a Heretick, he may absolve his Sub­jects from their Obedience to him. And as it is their Doctrine, that Faith is not to be kept with such, so the other is their practice, our own late stories acquainting us, that Faux (Executed for the Gunpowder-Plot) justified at his Death, that horrid and detestable Treason, as good and war­rantable by his Religion, denying that he ought any Allegiance to the King, because he held him for an Heretick, and was sorry only that the de­sign took not effect (blasphemously saying, that God would have concealed it, but the Devil discovered it:) which words we find not since denied, or blamed by any of their Church. And what security can a Prince or State receive from a Religion of such Tenents? And for further demonstration, that these Principles are justly charged upon the Roman Church, it is not to be forgotten, that the Pope (whom they call infallible) to the end to recom­mend (as laudable) unto all his Followers the practice of Massacres and breach of Faith, ap­pointed at Rome a Jubilee or solemn Thanksgiving for that at Paris (though odious even to Infidels for the Cruelty and faithlesness of it) And suta­ble hereunto, I have my self heard that unnatural act of Phillip the Second of Spain's putting his Eldest Son Charles to Death (for being only sus­pected of favouring the Protestants in the Nether­lands) That not to be parallel'd, bloody, and more than barbarous Massacre in Ireland, and the Popes owning of it, by sending his Nuntio into that Kingdom to incourage and assist the carrying on of that Rebellion, all justified by Irish Priests and others of that Religion, which I have met [Page 44] with in Foreign Countries. And that the Papists are instructed from their Cradles in these Barba­risms, I have also reason to believe, knowing it ordinary with them, to confess it lawful before God, to murther Protestants as they are Here­ticks: and Dr. Luther in his Commentaries upon the Galatians, confesseth, that before his Con­version he could have administred Fire and Sword for the burning and destroying of an Heretick, as thinking he should therein have done high service unto God; and further chargeth it upon their whole Church, that they hold they do God good service in killing Hereticks. And how strange soever this may seem to men of better Principles, ignorant of Popish practices and doctrine, yet it is no more than Sir John Temple's History of the Massacre in Ireland doth fully make out, in make­ing it appear by the Depositions of several Credi­ble Witnesses, that the inhuman Cruelties of those Heathenish Rebels were so prodigious, as the Pri­mitive Persecutions could not exceed; their Priests giving them the Sacrament upon condition not to spare Man, Woman, or Child, of the Protestant Religion, declaring it as lawful to destroy such, as to kill a Sheep or a Dog, teaching Popish Chil­dren to kill Protestant Children, and Popish Land­lords to kill their own Protestant Tenants, as they did Popish Tenants to do the same by their Protestant Landlords, and all without regard to Sex or Kindred: And at the Tryal of Macquire (a Chief Rebel) it was proved at the Kings-Bench Bar, that there were no less than one hundred and fifty two thousand Men,. Women, and Children, satanically murthered in the first four Months, which number though so great, is far short of Sir [Page 45] Johns Calculation, who affirms, that in Ʋlster alone, which is but one of the four Provinces of that Kingdom, there was the same number of Protestants wanting in it; and yet the Massacre was over the whole Nation, which Sir John ob­serves, was occasioned by not putting the Laws in Execution against the Popish Clergy, as that which caused the filling of the Kingdom with Priests and Jesuits just before the Rebellion.

And now upon the whole, though I believe the English Nation to be in the general the best conditioned people (freest from jealousies and fears, easiliest cozened with good words, not be­lieving danger until it be too late) of any in the World, and that therefore there may be some among them of the Romish Religion, who from a natural tenderness to Mankind, cannot bring up their natures to the exercise of the bloody and destroying Principles of their Church; yet as they in the general (and especially those in Ireland) are the most Bigots to Rome, so they want Bow­els and good nature towards any of a contrary Religion to them, their Charity reaching at most no further than to those of their own belief, lo­sing sometimes with their Religion, all natural affection towards even their nearest Relations re­maining Protestants, when themselves have turned Papists, of which I have known the experience. And as their Priests working upon their blind zeal, do according to their own ambitious and restless Spirits, inflame their Disciples with de­sires of being uppermost, making them impatient of living under any other condition, so it is the Interest of the Protestants of England and Ireland, to be the more jealous of any Power in their Pa­pists, [Page 46] as those whose faithless Principles are not to be trusted, and especially since in contempla­tion hereof were (I suppose) made those wise Statutes,35 Eliz. Ch. 2. & 3 Jac. Ch. 5. E­nacting that the Popish Recu­sants shall be restrained to their private Houses in the Country, and not at any time after to pass, or remove above five miles from thence, upon pain of forfeiture for life, of all Lands, Goods, and Chattels; That none of them, convicted, or to be convicted, shall remain within ten miles of London, nor come into the Court or House where his Majesty, or Heir Apparent shall be, nor have in their own Houses, or in the hands or possession of any others, at their disposition, any Arms, Gun-powder, or Ammunition whatsoever.

And by the Statutes of the 23 Eliz. Ch. 2. & 3 of Jac. Ch. 4. it is High Treason for any one to endeavour to withdraw another from the the Esta­blished Religion, in design to reconcile him to the Church of Rome, as also High Treason in him that is so withdrawn and reconciled to Rome.

And by the Book of Thanksgiving appointed for the fifth of November, set forth by King James and the Parliament, it is enjoined to pray upon that day, for the strengthening of the hands of the King and Magistrates of the Land, to cut off with Judgment and Justice, those workers of iniquity the Papists, whose Religion is Rebellion, whose Faith is Faction, whose practice is the mur­thering of Souls and Bodies, and to root them out of the Confines of the Kingdom; and it is pity this good Prayer is now left out of the Service-Book, or not practised.

And now, since the Wisdom of the Nation hath [Page 47] judged the Papists so dangerous, it may seem strange, that putting the Laws in execution a­gainst the Non-Conformists, should be thought a good reason for the prosecution of them, and be none against the other, of whose dangerous Prin­ciples there hath been such large experience.

Some observations here may peradventure be thought strained and new, as that there is a kind of Natural unaptness in the Popish Religion to business, whereas, on the contrary, amongst the Reformed, the greater their zeal, the greater is their inclinations to Trade and Industry, as hold­ing Idleness unlawful; but experience in most pla­ces makes it good: as in Spain and Italy, no one City can boast of any great Trade driven by their Natives, the greatest part of their Commerce being carried on by Protestant Strangers, Amster­dam alone having more Trade than all the Sea-Towns of Italy and Spain have, put together: But to come closer to the observation; In Germany, even in those Cities where they are Papists, with­out toleration to any other, there the Reformed may be said to carry all the Trade, as at Colne; in other Towns where they are Lutherans, with a publick toleration to Papists, which is denied to Calvinists, there the Reformed carry the Trade clearly from both Lutherans and Papists, the lat­ter having little, as at Frankford, upon the Main. In other places, where the Cities are half Papists, half Lutherans, without toleration to any other, there the latter have the Trade, as at Augsburgh. In France, the Reformed, for their number, are the greatest Traders, though that people being looser from the Bishop of Rome than Spain or Italy, are more given to Industry than either of those [Page 48] Nations; but yet, that the Reformed are by much the more Industrious, appears, in that they have no Beggars amongst them, though calculated to exceed three or four Millions of Souls; it having been observed by one that travelled France round and crossed it several ways, that in all his Travels in it, he never met with one Protestant Beggar; and yet the multitudes of Popish, are such, that it hath upon tryal been found, that in going from the City of Rouen in Normandy, to the Protestants Church (two English miles and an half out of Town) to give every Beggar but that which they call a double, (hardly the sixth part of a penny) will cost a Lewis d'or, which is at least 17 s. ster­ling. These instances cannot be denied by any Traveller, that hath been curious to enquire into the condition of these places; and examples are the same in Politicks, as experience is in Natu­rals. Upon my own observation hereof, being inquisitive after the reason, a person of Quality, and Minister of State to one of the Electors of Germany, with whom I had the honour to be ac­quainted, granted the truth of these things, but went no farther for the Reason, than that the Religion of the Reformed was an argument of their Wit, and that their Understandings made them the abler Merchants. To which I shall add this, that as the discovery of false Religions, may be said to be the effect of sense, reason, and understanding, so it is liberty that is the impro­ver of them, no people under slavery, having that ingenuity as when under freedom. The Grecians, who antiently in time of liberty, ex­ceeded all others in general knowledge and depth of Learning, being now under slavery, are a [Page 49] dull, ignorant, barbarous Nation. And the Flo­rentines, who were once famed for acute and pregnant Wits, are now no more so, and at best but equal to the common sort of Italians; for if oppression will make a wise man mad, it may well suspend the genius of a people.

And now upon the whole, since it appears that Trade depends much upon liberty of Conscience, the suggestions against it, either from unexperien­ced, or concerned persons, are not to be regarded; Gentlemen, bred only in the Country and brought up in a Religion which exacts little from them besides Conformity to humane Ceremonies, with opposition to every thing that is contrary, being tenacious of that which is so pleasing and grate­ful to frail Nature, are not generally competent Judges of this Interest, nor yet any sort of People, who, having spent their days in studying Books, more than Men or Things, employing themselves more in punishing tender Consciences for not obeying in the Worship of God the Command­ments of men, than in the weightiest duties of their Callings, as in suppressing Papists, ignorant, debauched and scandalous Ministers, rendring their Actions thereby to proceed more from Self-Interest, than an enlightned and sincere Consci­ence, are not in this case against demonstrations to be harkened unto.

And indeed, it is a work most suitable unto So­veraignty, the Grand-Child of Henry the Great of France, and the large experience of his Majesty in Cases of Religion in other Countries, to sur­mount all selfish opposition in this matter, for the advancement of his own Interest, and the good of his people, which whatsoever flatterers may [Page 50] suggest to the contrary, are bound up together. I know that the Enemies to Liberty of Conscience, do impose upon the World an apprehension of danger in it; but the position hath no Foundation in reason, presidents, or any thing else, save a confident running down of truth for their own advantage, it no where appearing, that ever Pro­testants dissenting from their National Church, having Liberty of Conscience given them, did rise up against their King, or disturbed the quiet of their Country, as those of the Romish Church have in all Ages and Nations done. For as the Reformed Religion obligeth its Members to worship God according to his Will revealed in his Word, so keeping good Consciences in that, it teacheth them obedience to their Soveraigns in civil com­mands. It is confessed, that the old Waldenses, Sub­jects of the Duke of Savoy, have sometimes fled to Arms for defence of themselves, in the exer­cise of their Religion; but although the advan­tages they have often had of their Princes, have been great, yet no sooner was ever Liberty gran­ted them, than they laid down Arms, returning again to obedience, in which they always conti­nued, until their Articles were broke, which (contrary to Faith) was frequently done: and the like cannot be denied concerning the Prote­stants of France, Hungary, and other places, whereas on the contrary, antient and modern Story afford us plentiful relations of those of the Romish Religion rising up against their Kings, when they [...]ve had full liberty in Religion, and no restraint. [...]n them in their Worship: as who were greater Instruments in the Barons Wars in England, against their Kings, and in the changes [Page 51] that followed thereupon, than the Church in time of Popery? were not the many Tragedies, acted antiently in Scotland, in such times, when they were all Papists? Did not the Romish Catho­licks in France, notwithstanding theirs was the National Religion, depose and degrade their law­ful Soveraign Henry IV. the Parliament of Tho­louse, in his absence,Duke of Rohan his Memoires. arraign­ing and condemning him to death, executing him in his Effigies by Harquebushes; none of which Trai­terous and Rebellious usage, did that great and excellent King (Grandfather of His Majesty of England) although he recovered all by force of Arms, in the least revenge; by which generous as well as politick carriage, he added to the Con­quest of his Country, the Conquest of the hearts of all his people, reconciling at once all the ani­mosities and factions, which had been the pro­duct of near forty years Civil Wars. Are they not Papists in Spain and Portugal, where, in our time, have been so many revolts and mutations, with the deposition or confinement of the present King of Portugal? The late Consederates in Poland against their King, were all Papists, and of a Country where Popery is the National Religion. The present French Kings danger in 1650, &c. was from his Popish, and was delivered chiefly by his Reformed Subjects. The Papists in Ireland had (as none can deny) liberty for exercise of their Religion, exceedingly above what the Non-Con­formists had at that time, when they committed that not to be parallel'd bloody, and more than barbarous Massacre in the Year 1641. Nay, the steady greatness and quiet of Sweden, is of no elder [Page 52] date than since they cast off Popery, pulled down their Bishops, and embraced Protestantism, the Church having been until then the occasion of much trouble unto that Kingdom. And none of these particulars being deniable, the Papists cannot without great impudence, boast (as many of them do) of their fidelity to their Princes, ac­cusing the Protestants with want of it, and especi­ally since if these instances were not enough to make good the assertion, that the Protestants are the best, and Papists the worst of Subjects, the like might be observed of every individual Coun­try and Nation in the Christian part of Europe, in the times of Popery; but supposing these to be sufficient, I shall not give my self any farther trouble upon this point.

Fourthly, As England is an Island accommoda­ted with good Havens, Ports, Harbours, and safe Coasts, for making their Shipping the Walls of it (as they have ever with good reason been esteemed and called) so they ought to look upon the con­veniencies that God and nature have therein given them above all other Nations, to be their great benefit, and to hold it the undoubted internal In­terest of both King and Kingdom, to make use of such their advantage, in keeping always a suf­ficient guard at Sea, and that

First, Because Foreign Commerce is thereby protected and incouraged, in freeing the Seas from Pirates, and in affording good Convoys against Enemies and the pilfering French.

Secondly, Because such Guards at Sea (beside that they are honourable and render the Nation formidable to their Neighbours) are to England, not only as Frontier Garisons are to other States, [Page 53] but much more, in that, notwithstanding out-Towns, Inroads may be made into a Country, whereas England keeping themselves Masters at Sea (which with ease they may do) they are not only above all danger from abroad, but have also thereby the charge and inconvenience of a stand­ing Militia as well spared as Domestick Industry incouraged, by having the Country freed from Land Souldiers, whose idle Callings and rude manners, being (in times of Peace) of ill Exam­ple and a burthen to a Nation, prove always ob­structors of ingenuity and trade, which is the rea­son why other Countries, who are not capable of being defended by Sea-Guards only, make use of Frontier Garrisons, keeping their Inlands as free from Souldiers as is possible.

Thirdly, Because Sea imployment being of an active and laborious nature, the spending that money at Sea which other Countries spend on Land Forces, an industrious sort of people, fit and useful for service, as well at Land as Sea, are bred and nourished, instead of Land Souldiers, who are generally of lazy humours and useless save only in time of a Domestick War, which can never be feared in a Country under so happy a Constitution and Administration as England. Besides as no Oaths, or Arms, can (according to general experience) secure an ill Government, so a good (especially in an Island which cannot be invaded but by Sea, and where they are an over­match for any Country) stands in no need of either.

Fourthly, Because as it is the undoubted poli­tical Interest of all Trading Countries, to counte­nance and advance by all honourable and honest [Page 54] ways the Reformed Religion, as those of that perswasion are of active and industrious Princi­ples, and to suppress Popery because of their contrary dispositions and breeding; so as the English Seamen having experienced abroad the ridiculousness of Popish Worship, and the slug­gishness that is nourished by that Religion in all sorts of their members, especially in their Pil­grims, begging Fryers, and other unprofitable Orders, come thereby to be most averse (if not universally so) of all other Callings to the Church of Rome, England is the more ingaged in their In­terest, to endeavour the breeding of them, as a Generation that is for the security of the King­dom against Strangers, and upon all occasions useful in opposing the dangerous designs of the Papists, and of great benefit to the Country, in protecting Foreign Traffick, sparing the charge of Land Souldiers, and preventing in them the ill Example of Idleness.

And Fifthly, Because never any Nation ex­ceeded in Glory and Renown, that was not great at Sea; The Romans, Grecians, and Egyptians, ha­ving all in their several times been more or less great, according to the proportion of their power there. And thus having done with the Domestick Concern of England, I come to the Foreign In­terest of that Kingdom.

And first, As the Foreign Interest of a Nation looks outward, and in order to its good and pre­servation, regards the actings and designs of Fo­reign Princes and States (especially their Neigh­bours) endeavouring to reduce them to that which may most agree with their own good and safety; so it is the Interest of the King and King­dom [Page 55] of England, to make use of the advantages their strength and situation gives them, in weigh­ing the Imperial Powers of Christendom, keep­ing the Ballance, by adding to, or diminishing from any of them, as best suits with Justice, and their own Interests. And as undoubtedly His Majesty hath done more than any since good Queen Elizabeth (if for a short time a sort of peo­ple not fit to be remembred did not the same) in hitting upon his true Foreign Interest, in that triple League of which he was the Author, and into which he hath, with so much wisdom and prudence lately entered for opposing all growing greatness by Sea or Land, in the French, they be­ing already too potent for their bordering Neigh­bours; so constantly and effectually to adhere thereunto, in joining with all others to that end, and particularly with Spain, with whom England hath a much more profitable Trade than with France, is (according to present affairs) the same; For should France, by the acquisition of those convenient Provinces and Ports of the Nether­lands, become Competitors with England in Trade (to say no worse of them) they would, in a short time,Sir Walt. Rawleighs Cabinet Counsellor. make good Sir Walter Rawleighs Cha­racter of them, in being false, insolent, and co­vetous Neighbours.

And as the French fomented the War in the Year 1665. betwixt England and Holland, and then designed clearly and manifestly so far the assistance and incouragement of which party so­ever should prove the weaker side, as would keep them in an equal ballance, to the end they might destroy each other, and in their fall give them an [Page 56] advantage of increase; the which they did from a wise prospect of the damage it would be to them (in a total defeating their design for an Uni­versal Dominion) to suffer either England or Holland, and especially the first, to be sole Ma­sters of the Sea; so

First, It concerns England to join with Holland for preventing of the French in arriving at the same themselves, because nothing can be more manifest, than that such is their ambition, and that both from their actions, and the writings of their Subjects, though the frustrating of them in it, is yet as easie for England and Holland resol­ving upon it (and holding a good and hearty in­telligence with each other) to do, as it is for them to desire it.

For the present want the French have of Ports in the Narrow Seas, and having none very good on this side the Mediterranean, save Brest in Bri­taignie, (except the new made Haven at Rochford upon the River of Charent, which is so deep in the Bay of Biscay, as is out of all Marine Course, save to their own Country, be a second) renders them obnoxious to a reducement in their Naval strength, (without difficulty) to the devotion and discretion of their Neighbours, and to do it in time, is the general Interest of Europe. For should they be suffered to gain the Havens in the Nether­lands, they would soon contend for the Dominion of the Narrow Seas, or should they by the Death of the Young King of Spain, become Masters of that Country, and after that consequently of Por­tugal, and so of the Harbours and Ports in both Countries which are good, or by the Rebellious Inclinations of the Papists in Ireland, surprize any [Page 57] Sea Towns there, which are yet better, it would then (in a little time) prove a hard task (if not too late) to deal with them. And since nothing can be more clear, than that the French, consider­ing that no People or Prince can exceed in great­ness that is not great at Sea, and that none can be great there, that is not better accommodated with Ports and Havens than they yet are, do therefore seek to supply themselves elsewhere; England and Holland are concerned in their Interests to agree together, for preventing of them in such their design, and particularly the first, in that the French are the only people in all the World, that the English Nation hath cause to be jealous of, all other Countries being uncapable of putting them in danger. For though the Dutch have of late in their contests with them, come (by accident) bet­ter off than they could well have hoped for, or formerly did; yet experience shewed even then that they are not fit for Land Invasions. And that they can never agree with France, whilst they remain a Republick, for a Conquest of England (as some will irrationally suggest) may be relied upon; And not only in that they want people for such a design, but also because being a Country that hath as wise men among them as the World affords, they cannot promise themselves any security in a Partnership with a Prince so much too mighty for them as is the French King, and therefore we ought not to suffer groundless suggestions to turn us from our true Interest in keeping of them up.

Secondly, Because the ambitious designs of France, their present Constitution, and the nature of their Government, requiring a continual stand­ing Land Army, for keeping their oppressed peo­ple [Page 58] in awe, that they may thereby be ready for any design, especially for Invading Spain, should that sickly King be taken away; that by the pay­ment of their Forces, they may Issue out some part of their vast Revenue, exacted from their miserable Subjects (lest otherwise in few years, all the money in France should Center in their pub­lick Coffers) their sometimes Alarming of England, by drawing towards them with their numerous Field Army, will be of no charge to them, whilst the English will thereby be put upon perpetual ex­pence, in keeping Land Forces on foot, and yet notwithstanding be unsecure, except not suffering the French to increase at Sea, but reducing them there to what they were (to look no further back) in 1662. when they had not twenty Ships of War great and small (whereas they have now six or seven times as many, and all much better) the English keep in themselves the Commanding pow­er there, and so free their Country of the Charge and inconvenience of Land Armies.

And the taking down the French at Sea, and so preventing our danger from them, may yet with facility be done; for notwithstanding the great noise the number of their Ships make in the World, we are still an over-match for them, and shall be so, until they get more and better Har­bours for Navigation than they at present have, for nothing multiplies Seamen but Foreign Com­merce, and nothing that so much, as plenty of good Ports, Havens, and safe Coasts, (of which to the comfort of Christendom France is in want) but if we delay bridling their ambition, until they have furnished themselve [...] further with Ports and Havens, they will soon prove too great to be [Page 59] dealt with, and therefore it must be the Interest of England, and indispensibly necessary for them, to join (before it be too late) with Holland for de­stroying the French in their Naval strength, New-found-land Fishery (increased lately to the preju­dice of England) and their West-India Trades, which are their Nurseries for Seamen, and in doing this, England, will have a treble advantage.

First, In securing themselves against their In­vasions and Insolencies, which they have lately had experience of.

Secondly, In retrieving their New-found-land Fishery, which the French have almost wormed them out of.

And thirdly, In putting a stop (without the Charge of Invading them by Land) to their Con­quests, for by taking away their Trade, their power at Land will be taken away, the first being that which gives life to the latter; and when any Nation not being content with their own Domini­ons, designs ambitiously, and without provoca­tion against Mankind in general (as by making their glory the occasion of their War it is manifest they do, a reason so sensual and unchristian, as may well alarm all Princes and States against them) they ought to be dealt with as Beasts of prey, in using all just means for disarming of them, and as it is most proper for other Princes and States (who are upon the continent) to under­take them at Land, so for England to do it at Sea is their natural Province; and this being done, they may then in Summer with twenty Men of War in the Channel, and eight or ten upon the Coast of Ireland, and fewer in Winter, bid de­fiance to all the World; whereas by any other [Page 60] way they can never be safe; for should the French prove once their Masters, or equals at Sea, England would not in any kind be able to keep a standing Land Army great enough, to defend all the Coasts round their three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, but must in such Case be at the devotion of the French. And when any other way of safety to our Nation, than by bringing down the French at Sea is made out, I shall readily confess my error, but until then I cannot without great anxiety of mind remember our danger from them, for that I cannot apprehend any reason that that Nation can have now more than in for­mer Ages, for increasing (at so grand an ex­pence) their men of War to so great a number, other than in design against England and Ireland, that Kingdom standing in no need of Sea-Guards, as is evincible by their having had none consider­able in their former Wars with Spain, at times when that Crown was in its Zenith, mighty and powerful at Sea: for the difficulty and hazard in approaching their Coasts, and Invading their Country, from the lowness of their Land, rocki­ness of their Seas, with the multitude of their people, fit enough to defend their own Coasts, may as well save them still the charge of a Naval Force, as it hath hitherto done, except they aim at an Invasion of England or Ireland, or both; and to make this the more intelligible, I will reduce all to this Position, That England and the Terri­tories thereunto belonging, cannot be secure against the Neighbourhood of France, without keeping the Dominion of the Seas in them­selves.

For France being a Country over-stocked with [Page 61] people, abounding in Provisions, and Ammunition for War, having plenty of Military Officers, an active ambitious King, one of business, so wise as to chuse able and faithful Counsellors, to know his own Interest and to pursue it; there is nothing wanting to them, save a power at Sea, for Inva­ding of England.

And as our Countries are not to be invaded but by Sea, so Islands are best defended by Sea Guards, especially where the Coasts and Harbours are safe, good, and of easie descent, as those of England, Scotland, and Ireland are, where whoever is Master, may without difficulty land almost in any part, and a Fleet being removeable with more speed than Armies from one place to another in case of op­position, without wearying and harrazing of their Souldiers, landing cannot be prevented, except it were possible to keep Armies sufficiently nume­rous to defend all the Coasts round the three King­doms, so that there is no way left to secure these Countries against the puissance of France, which lies conveniently for invading of them, but by such Sea-Guards as may be an over-match for them; and therefore it consequently follows, that the indispensible Interest of England is, to reduce the French at Sea to that condition, that they may not be able to invade them.

And as Ships no more than Guns can signify any thing, without men to make use of them, so the way to keep the Dominion of the Seas, is to en­deavour the increasing of our own Mariners, as well as to prevent the French in doing the same, lest otherwise they should come to equal if not exceed us in them, as they seem to design, and if they should but increase in Seamen twenty Years [Page 62] more, after the rate of the twenty last Years, in all probability we should have enough to do with them, for in less than the time mentioned, they are risen from twenty Men of War to one hundred and forty, and from having an inconsiderable share in the New-found-land Fishery (which was our Chief Nursery for Seamen) to out-do us there, and that by the advantage they have,

First, In the convenience of the Neighbourhood of that Land which we lately gave them in ex­change for that part of the Island of St. Christo­phers, taken from us in our Kings War with Hol­land. And secondly, By the cheapness of Salt, which their King gives them free of duty, a piece of generosity he would not be guilty of to his Sub­jects, were it not on purpose to eat us out of that Trade, by going cheaper to Foreign Markets than we can, insomuch, that if we do not out them there by force, they will us in a little time by under­selling, and then we shall not only lose our best Nursery for Seamen, but which is most mischie­vous, make our loss such a gain to our malitious and implacable Enemies, as may render them our equals, if not Masters at Sea; for in this Fishery alone, they are reckoned to imploy every Summer near thirty thousand men, whereof five or six thou­sand become Yearly by that Trade new-bred Ma­riners, and herein they already out-go England one third at least, though but a few years since they were Pedlers to them in that Fishery. And besides this, they begin likewise to improve in the Greenland Trade, in which if they proceed it will tend mightily to the increasing of their Mariners, and so help them in their design for the dominion of the Seas, which is hardly to be prevented, but [Page 63] by a timely War; and therefore we may account it a providence, that we have an opportunity to declare War against them, whilst we are too strong for them at Sea, and may have Consede­rates not only to join with, for destroying them in their several Fisheries, (which breed them more Mariners than all their other Trades) but also that will find them work enough at Land whilst we fall upon them by Sea.

And as for New-found-land, we have an original right to that, as having been the first discover­ers and inhabiters of it, and as I have been in­formed, the French at first paid us a duty for permitting them to Fish there, but never arrived at any height in that Trade, until of late Years, and by driving them out of this place, and (ac­cording to the Example of other Countries in their Plantations) prohibiting their trading thi­ther, England will not only preserve a Magazine of Mariners for their own use, but also thereby keep the French from arriving at any greatness at Sea, which is our undoubted Interest.

Secondly, As England and the Ʋnited Nether­lands (which are in ordinary discourse understood by the name of Holland, that Province, by way of eminence, giving denomination unto the whole) are the two great Masters of Naval strength, and seated with such advantages for as­sisting each other, that whilst a true intelligence is preserved betwixt them, it is not in nature for all their Enemies combining together, to preju­dice either of them; so it is the true Interest of England, to maintain a firm and perpetual friend­ship and union with them; and that,

First, Because as the Netherlands are naturally [Page 64] strong, so they are above all other Countries fit­ted by situation for the use of England, to give check to any aspiring Prince, and be as invinci­ble Bulwarks, against the All-devouring designs of the French King, in being able at any time, with the countenance of England, to destroy him at Sea, who being brought down there, and so in his Commerce, will soon abate of his Power at Land; and surely nothing can be more for the security of Europe, than to reduce the Naval Strength of that threatning King, within former bounds; for the World found, that until the Spa­niard lost his Marine Force, in the Year 1639. which he never after recovered, he maintained his design for the Universal Monarchy, very vigo­rously, and never sunk till then.

Secondly, Because it is equally their Interest with England, in reference to their Navigation, to keep the Ballance betwixt the Northern Kings and Soveraigns, not suffering any of them to en­gross that Sea, because Naval Commodities come­ing thence, neither of them can be safe longer than the Sea remains divided among several Prin­ces and States, whose general Interest it can never be to deny them necessaries for their Shipping (the chief Walls of their several Countries) or a ge­neral Trade with them; whereas if one were sole Master of the whole, he would peradventure in some Cases judge it his, and presume to refuse them all accommodations; and this principle, the States of Holland have wisely in our days, several times owned, as in the Years 1643. in siding with the Crown of Sweden, when the Danes would (had not the States assistance been in the way) have run them down at Sea; as also on the [Page 65] contrary, in the Year 1658. in taking part with the Danes, when the Swedes had otherwise done the like by them, by which means, both the Crowns are preserved, and kept within tolerable limits and bounds.

Thirdly, Because that as Providence seems to have placed them with conveniencies for joining with England, in keeping all other Maritime Prin­ces, or Powers in order, so, without any capa­city of being dangerous to their Neighbours, their Constitution being such, as will not well admit of any further acquists.

Fourthly, Because as England and Holland are of one and the same Religion, save in some Cere­monies, so it would be of great incouragement and countenance to all the Protestant Countries, to have a firm League betwixt two such formida­ble Powers of their own belief, and as great a trouble and disturbance to all the Popish Coun­sels.

Fifthly, Because the World having had such large experience of the happy success of their Conduct, in being principal Instruments in pre­venting the House of Austria in their grand de­sign for the Universal Monarchy, and conse­quently, in the propagation of the reformed Re­ligion, as well as at several times, in preventing both Dane and Sweed, from either of them de­vouring the other; it were surely high impolity, as well as in some degree ingratitude, to suffer such useful Instruments and Allies, to whom this Generation is so much obliged for their wise and excellent management of the general Interest of these parts of Europe, to be destroyed.

And sixthly, should England by refusing assist­ance [Page 66] to the United Netherlands, force them ei­ther to join with France, or stand Neuters, as if they be left single in supporting the General Inter­est of Europe, they must necessarily (according to the eye of reason) do the one or the other, nothing can be more certain, than that it will be of most dangerous consequence to the very life of England, to suffer so near a Neighbour as France, to increase daily in power and strength; and if the States shall by a compulsed Neutrality look on, and see their Neighbours by degrees subdued, they must be cleared from all guilt of imprudence in it, and leave the blame upon them that deserted them, in the maintaining the publick Interest of Christendom, though it should prove in the end the destruction of themselves, in that a reprieve for a time is rather to be chosen than a present Death. And therefore, as it was accounted the Interest of England in the Reign of Good Queen Elizabeth, to uphold the States against the Spani­ard, so it is not only now the Interest of King and Kingdom of England to do the same against France, but even also sincerely and heartily to invite the United Provinces (were they backward in it) to join with them, in reducing that King within former bounds and limits.

These States I know have many Enemies, some envying their Trade and Riches, others their re­volt from the King of Spain, as of bad Example, and the Church of Rome, their established Natio­nal Religion, as that which is past shaking. In that having found by experience, that their tem­poral as well as spiritual Interest is bound up in it, there is no place left for Popish delusions. And those in the Government being too numerous to [Page 67] be corrupted, the over-powering them by Force, Massacres, and Fires, are all the ways the Ro­manists have left for destroying of them. And since their Riches is their strength, which lie most in Cities, the Papists had surely ere this applied their Fiery Potion, were they not by extraordi­nary care and watchfulness prevented. But because none of these Arguments can be plausibly made use of against them by the Papists, who dread the Conjunction of England with them, nor by those Princes and States who assisted them in their revolt, the grand reason for subduing of them is made the greatness of their Trade, which being destroyed, would be divided amongst their Neigh­bours, loading them sometimes untruly, with ac­cusations of unjust dealings, exactions, and false­ness; to which I shall only answer this, That al­though I have no cause to become an Advocate for them, from any advantages or benefit received, yet having travelled their Countries, observed their Manners, and read their Disputes and Trans­actions with other Nations, I think it but an Act of Justice to acknowledge, that in the generality of their Morals, they are a reproach to some Na­tions, (and particularly, in so little using that Art of over valuing their Commodities in their selling to France, who so shamefully use and pra­ctise it) And as to their Treaties and Alliances, after which I have been inquisitive, I have some­times found them wrongfully charged with breach of Articles, and do not find cause to accuse them of having been in the observance of Treaties less candid or faithful than other Countries; and I cannot think, their Trade, or Wealth, (although I believe that Holland singly taken, is the richest [Page 68] spot of ground for its bigness, that ever was since the Creation) to be a good or honest Foundation of a quarrel: for their Commerce being alone the effects of Industry and Ingenuity, it is no reason for any to be angry with others, because they exceed them in those Virtues; but besides that the destroying of the Netherlands would be the shaking the safety of these Northern Regions, the increase of Trade to other Countries, so much promised by some in their destruction, would surely fail; for were Trade ruined in Holland, as less cannot be the effects of Conquest and Slavery, the example and emulation of their Trade, which hath been the great increase of it in other Coun­tries, being taken away, and Trade fallen to a sort of People of less concern for it, men would grow lazy and weary of Commerce, every one thinking they did well so long as they were upon equal terms with their Neighbours; so that the subversion of Holland would be no benefit to any, save to the French King, into whose mouth their Country would most fall, who wanting nothing for the making of him uncontroulable, but Ha­vens and Ports to harbour Ships, nourish and breed Seamen, would find supply there, and whose Kingdom being over-stocked with People, would be able to spare men to plant an un-inhabi­ted Country, as would certainly be the Fate of Holland, under a Conquest and Arbitrary Govern­ment, as it hath been to all the free Cities in Tus­cany and Italy, since they lost their Liberty; whereas England wanting neither Havens nor Ports, nor having an over-plus of people, it would be a damage to them in the loss of their Inhabi­tants, and an unprofitable Charge to maintain [Page 69] Foreign Colonies, where the Seas must be perpe­tually crossed for supplying of them with Men, Money, and necessaries; insomuch that the Ne­therlands, under such circumstances as they would be reduced unto by subduing of them, would not be in the hands of the English, so much for their own security as in theirs that now possess them; for restraint and freedom makes so great diffe­rence in prosperity, that less than Liberty, in­couraging Trade and Industry, would never be able to maintain their Walls against the Sea, which are kept up with incredible Labour, Charge, and Ingenuity, but expose those parts lying upon the Sea, which are many times more considerable than all the rest, to be devoured by it, or laid much under Water, and so rendred inconsidera­ble. And the truth of this principle in thus much advancing the benefit of freedom above Arbitrary Government, which would be the lot of Holland under any Conquerour, may be observed by the two Cities of Wesel and Maestricht, which whilst in the hands of the Spaniard, were without Trade, miserable, wretched, and poor, many of the Hou­ses of the latter being left in ruins by the Inhabi­tants, as wanting ability to repair them; and now in less than eight or nine and thirty Years, that the States have been Masters of them, they are both become flourishing places, the latter be­ing in a great part new built, with one of the fairest and best new publick Town-Houses that is ordinarily met with, next Amsterdam, and Au­gustbourg in Germany. But if there were not these Considerations in the case, as well as that of the advantage that the fall of Holland would be to the French, which alone is sufficient to engage [Page 70] England to support them, it could no way be the Interest of England to ruine them, to the end to encrease their own Trade, because if their aims be only traffick, the World affords matter enough to satisfie both Nations, and that England hath so much the advantage of Holland in natural helps for Trade, that if they do but improve them, they cannot miss of exceeding all others in it; and if they will be careless of their common concerns, they ought not to draw an argument from their own neglects and sloth, for the envying other mens activity and diligence.

And lastly, So long as a firm Peace and amity is maintained by England with the Netherlands, they may look upon them as the out-works, which must be first taken in by any Invader that will at­tempt them; for as it never can be the interest, or in the power of Holland to invade England, so their Interest in reference to Religion as well as civil security, will always oblige them not to suffer any others to do it, or to endanger them, in whose safety they can only be safe, it being the clear In­terest of England not to suffer any other Potentate to subvert their Government: So that upon the whole, since the subduing of Holland cannot be a benefit but loss to England, and may be of great advantage to France, and the Church of Rome, against which they are impregnable Fortresses; with some smaller profit to other Popish Sove­raigns bordering upon them, as to the Elector of Colne and Bishop of Munster, &c. it must be the chief Foreign Interest of England to support the present Government of Holland.

Thirdly, It is the Interest of England to hold a good Correspondence with Spain, not only be­cause [Page 71] that People being little inclinable to Com­merce, gives a Trading Country the more advan­tage in their Friendship, but also for that, that Crown is necessarily to be made use of, for the ballancing of France.

Fourthly and lastly, As the French King striveth for the Protectorship of the Romish Profession, so it is surely the King of England's Interest to ren­der himself (wherein he can have no opposition) the General Protector of the Protestant Religion; whereby he will become more formidable and glo­rious than he can by any other means: For as Queen Elizabeth adhering thoroughly and cordi­ally to that Party, advancing the Religion, hold­ing intelligence, and taking part with them in all their engagements, and considerable Treaties, was not only able in the infancy of the Reforma­tion in England, to maintain the reformed in Scot­land, France, and the Netherlands, against their Enemies, their then several Sovereigns, but also at last to bring down Philip the Second of Spain (one of the wisest and greatest Kings they ever had) and in him, the whole Popish Party, by which her memory is made famous unto posteri­ty; so his Majesty having many less difficulties to struggle with than she had, by espousing the same Principles, cannot fail of the like glorious success.

And as it is certain, that all Countries are more or less great and prosperous, according to the proportion they have in Trade, peaceable and se­cure at home and abroad, according to the pru­dent Election of their Allies, and pursuance of their Interest; so the way to increase Trade, is to incourage and indulge Industry, discountenancing [Page 72] all sorts of people of contrary and idle Principles. And to security, to suit Alliances to Ecclesiastical as well as Civil Interests.

And now, to sum up the Domestick Interest of England, it lyeth in the advancement of Trade, by removing all obstructions both in City and Country, providing such Laws as may any way help it, and make it most easy, especially in gi­ving Liberty of Conscience to all Protestant Non-Conformists, and denying it to Papists; In not coveting Foreign Conquests, which have always been prejudicial and can never be of advantage to them; and retrench the unreasonable Fees of Law­yers, Physicians, and Officers, as they are great impoverishers of the Nation: And as to the Fo­reign Interest of England, that may be calculated to be in keeping the ballance among their Neigh­bours, and other European Princes; being in order thereunto, firm to their present tripple League, and in that especially to Holland, in holding a good correspondence with Spain, and in being jealous of all growing greatness in the French, keeping the Baltick Sea open, in His Majesties making himself Protector of the whole Protestant Party; and as Peace is the advancer of Trade, to seek it, and not War, except an inavoidable ne­cessity require it. And thus I shall conclude this Chapter, and in it, the Interest of England, with begging pardon of the Author of that Book, Inti­tuled, A Discourse of Ecclesiastical Polity, for my Non-Conformity to his Doctrine, which teach­eth, That it is safer for a Prince to allow Vice and Debauchery, than Liberty of Conscience, whereby he prefers the breach of the ten Com­mandments, and that which the whole Word of [Page 73] God, the Old and New Testament, the Law and Gospel, so dreadfully threatens and declares a­gainst, before that, which neither the practice of our Saviour, nor his Apostles, nor any Text in Scripture forbids, or at least, himself being Judge, not positively and indisputably as they do the other; wherein, I confess, I am so far from agree­ing with him, as also in many of his other railing Principles, not much better, that I think the Church of England hath reason to wish his Book had been writ by some of another Coat, and of a more remote relation to the Church than the Au­thor is reputed to be, by reason of the advantage that their Enemies may have of drawing argu­ments from it, to prove their old Charge, That the power of Godliness is so far from being held out in the Lives, Conversations, and Principles of many of their Priests, that they rather seek to de­bauch, and make the people wicked and pro­fane.

This is all I have at present to say of this Coun­try, besides adventuring to Prophesie, that when England (neglecting Church Politicks, which are commonly founded in passion, revenge, and self, and Lawyers Divinity, which is generally col­lected out of their own Books, more than the Books of God) will effectually pursue their true Interest, they cannot fail (their natural advanta­ges for Trade considered) of being more great and glorious than any other Nation.


SPain is the most Western part of Europe, and by some (in allusion to a Body) called the Head of it, being by the Pyrenean Moun­tains (as by the Neck) joined unto France, and in­compassed on the other sides, by the Ocean and Mediterranean Seas, and since the revolt of Portu­gal, by that Kingdom, which before was under Spain.

This Country is made up of several Provinces and petty Kingdoms, united under one Head and King, who (besides this Conjunction of Territo­ries, or aggregated body, called and understood by the general name of Spain) hath, in Italy the Kingdom of Naples, the Dutchy of Millain, with some other pieces there: In the Mediterranean, the Islands of Sicily, Sardinia, Majorca, and Mi­norca, all bearing the name of Kingdoms: In the Low-Countries, the greatest part of those seven­teen Provinces, known by the name of the Nether­lands: In Germany, the Franche Comté, or the County of Burgundy: In Africa, several places, as Cita, &c. Many Islands in the Ocean, some in [Page 75] the East Indies, and his West-India Plantations, Do­minions enough, were they well governed, to render their Prince great and dreadful: But Spain, which was able (until 1648.) to hold their own against all the power of Holland, Portugal, and the assistance of France, and until 1660. to do the same against the power of France, Portugal, and help of England, and in 1667. not to be able to bear up against a Corner of France, is a clear de­monstration that Mis-Government, in suffering all manner of Frauds, and neglecting the Interest of a Nation, will soon bring the mightiest Kingdoms low, and lay their honour in the dust.

As under the name of Spain, is understood seve­ral Kingdoms and Principalities united in one, so each of them have their several Customs and Laws, some having more, and others less privi­ledges, and of all Arragon seems to enjoy the greatest freedom; for when they Crown their King, the Estates of the Kingdom (as Heylin and Prin do both affirm) bring in a man, upon whom for that time, they put the title of Justice of Ar­ragon, and setting him in a Seat advanced above all others, the King who is then to be received, doth first homage to him, and after that, is by the Estates Created King upon certain Conditi­ons, and told, that they that are as great as he, and can do more than he, have Created him King, upon the then repeated Conditions betwixt him and them; and this Ceremony is, or ought to be triennially executed in the Assembly of the E­states of Arragon.

Their priviledges are said to have been granted, to incourage them against the Moors, and it is most undeniably true, that no people have so [Page 76] much cause to adventure Lives and Fortunes a­gainst Invaders, as they who have Estates and Pri­viledges to lose; for those whose condition can­not be made worse by a Change, have little rea­son to fight for nothing, and this is so naturally imprinted in the minds of men, that the dullest Peasants are Masters of it; nay even such of them as in all other things are acted meerly by sense, and not by reason, in this act rationally, as the Country Man in his Proverb, that they may better play for nothing than work for nothing, fully expres­seth; and we find this also made good in our time in Hungary, where the Protestants remaining pas­sive, have desired that the Turk might prevail ra­ther than the Emperour, because under him, pay­ing a moderate Tribute, they are protected in the enjoyment of their Estates, and exercise of their Conscience, it being Death for a Turk to abuse a Christian upon the bare account of his Religion (a good President for Christian Princes:) whereas under the Emperour (he being acted by the Jesu­its) they are not (or at least were not lately) suffered to enjoy either Conscience or Estate, if they could not join in the Idolatrous Worship, and approve of the wicked and ridiculous Doctrine of Rome; by which Principle it is, that the Emperour, who was not long since a match for France, Sweden, and several Protestant Princes, is no more consi­derable at this day: for as the way for any Prince to make himself formidable in the World is to use all just means to increase his people, provoking them to industry, and a lawful emulation in ac­quiring of Estates (without which no Country can be great) so the inducement to industry is, the granting of priviledges that may secure men in the [Page 77] enjoyment of the fruits of their labours; for in­dustry and ingenuity are not the effects of the bar­renness of a Country, oppression of the People, or want of Land, as the Author of the State of England hath of late asserted, but the effects only of Justice, good Laws and liberty: there are Examples enough in the World of barren Coun­tries and great impositions producing no such ef­fects; as Spain, Portugal, Sweden, and Norway, do witness: Neither doth the barrenness of that part of Italy wherein Rome stands, make that City flourish now under Ecclesiastical Oppression, as it antiently did under Justice and good order; nor doth the barrenness of that land (with the op­pression of the great Turk) where the ruins of Athens yet remain (sad Monuments of the decay of that once famous State) make that place, or any other part of Greece flourish now, as it for­merly did under freedom and good Administra­tion; but the good Laws and liberty of the City of Neurenburgh in Germany, which lyeth in a bar­ren soil, may be observed to be the cause of the great ingenuity, industry, and populousness of that City and Country about it.

The want of Land in Holland, nor the great Taxes (instanced in by the fore-mentioned Au­thor) are not (according to his new Philosophy) the causes of their industry, but their liberty and good Laws, framed singly to the Interest of the publick (without consideration of any other) are the causes of it, good or bad Government being chiefly that which makes any Country prosper­ous or miserable; so that our pretended Statist, that fetcheth the reason of the prosperity of a people from the want of Land, the barrenness of [Page 78] the Country, and oppression of the Subjects, must be out in his politicks, for that it is not within the reach of his learning to give an in­stance of any one Country, that ever grew diffu­sively rich by any other means than liberty and good Government.

The Hollanders as they were always under a great degree of liberty, so they were (compared with other Countries) always populous; yet as their freedom hath increased, so have their peo­ple, they being now much more populous than in former days: for to say that want of Land, and great impositions, will bring strangers to a Coun­try and make them industrious, is as much as to say, that Poverty and Famine will do it; but it's irrational, and becoming none but half-witted men, to think that strangers upon an ordinary account will make it their choice to settle in a starving and oppressing Country.

Were not the cold Climate of New England supplied and helped by good Laws and Discipline, the barrenness of that Country would never have brought people to it, nor have advanced it in consideration and formidableness, above those other English Plantations exceeding it much in fertility, and other inviting qualities: and as it is by strangers (which none can deny) that Holland abounds (above all other places) in people, it must be good Laws, with good Government, Ad­ministration of Justice and Liberty, that draws such multitudes to them, and that makes them so industrious and rich as they now are; and it can­not be less than non-sense, or a brain-sick humour in any, to complain of the great charge they are at in Holland, and the oppression they lie under [Page 79] there, when the people thrive, and grow vastly rich, beside that populousness from strangers, freedom from Beggars, a people well cloathed, strong and healthful, are not the marks of sla­very but of freedom, all which Characters are in no one place found, save in Holland, nor any one of them in France, where they are in no want of impositions and oppression: And now to speak more particularly to the Taxes and Impositions in Holland, quoted by the forementioned Book, as an example to other Countries; they are,

First, no more than what is necessary in a frugal way for support of their Government and prote­ction of their Commerce (which all people ought chearfully to submit unto) and levied without any material burthen to Trade, because from it they must derive all their power and great­ness.

Secondly, What is collected is not vainly spent, or paid away in great Salaries, an imployment of 200 l. starl. per annum, being rare amongst them, for even Monsieur de Wit, who is according to common fame (which is generally a good Intelli­gencer) one of the wisest Statesmen and Counsel­lors of this Age, and of the greatest uprightness, faithfulness, diligence, and industry for his Coun­try, and so consequently of greatest merit, had not until of late above 400 l. Salary per annum, and hath it yet but little augmented: nor are they cousened by their Officers, but have their income truly expended for their necessary defence, and for the advancement of Trade; for had not Traf­fick by good Laws, and prudent Conduct, the benefit of their impositions, they could no more flourish than a Farmer could be rich, that reaped [Page 80] not the fruit of the improvement of his Land, which he made at his own cost and charges. Nei­ther is it to be imagined, that were not the peo­ple of Holland fully satisfied in the true and faithful disposal of their money (how great so­ever their Taxes may be) for the good of the pub­lick, and that it is not vainly spent and trifled away, it were possible to keep them in peace, be­cause as they are a people frugal in their na­tures and dispositions, so they would otherwise be haters of profuseness, and mutinous against it in their Trustees; and the truth of this appears, not only in that it was far short of what they now pay (the riches of the Country then and now even con­sidered) that made them groan under their bur­thens in times of peace (which they do not now) and Beggars (compared to what they now are) under the King of Spain, and provoked them to revolt, but also in that (notwithstanding their Taxes) Foreign Commodities, and home Manu­factures (though made of materials fetched from other Countries) are in the general cheaper than in other places, nay their provisions, though they are for seven parts in eight of them indebted unto the Sea and Foreign Commerce, are yet as cheap as at London, their publick half Crown Ordinaries, being for their rate better, and some sorts of Wine at less than half the price they are there, in so much that their great Gabels, through a prudent management, are no burthen to their people; for their Country being all Tra­ders, either in their persons or Estates, and all they pay being laid out for their protection, and the improvement of Trade, their impositions re­turn unto them in an advantageous Circulation, [Page 81] which other places not under the like circumstan­ces are not capable of, and therefore it is a great mistake in those, who though ashamed to plead against riches in the people (as the Author of the State of England doth) yet being willing to main­tain a harmlesness in unlimited Taxes, do make use of the new notion of Circulation, in arguing from the example of one place to another, when the parrallel or reason doth not hold; for beside the indigency of the Countries before instanced in (which are sufficiently burthened with imposi­tions without thriving by them) I appeal to Gen­tlemen that have nothing but their Rents to live upon, whether they find by experience, any help towards Taxes, from the new notion of Circula­tion: but the maxim of keeping the people poor, having been so mischievous and unsuccessful in the World, and particularly to Spain; it is mat­ter of wonder it should still be alive to the pre­judice of Mankind. And it is a very uncharitable as well as unpolitick principle, because,

First, It is an incumbent duty upon every one to do as they would be done by, and that it is to be presumed, that those that plead most for Po­verty in others, would not be willing to be brought under it themselves.

And secondly, For that although the principle of keeping the people poor, that never knew what riches were, may be practised, it is dan­gerous to adventure to reduce a people to such a condition, that have known the comfort of plenty, and been used to a full way of living, as the revolt of the Low-Countries is a sufficient in­dication thereof. But to leave this digression if (being occasioned by that Scandalous and vile [Page 82] Book, called the State of England, the further censuring whereof I leave to Authority) it de­serves the name.

This great Province of Spain, bordering upon no Country but France (save Portugal) and ha­ving no way by Land to it, but over dreadful Mountains, could never have had any probabi­lity of carrying the Universal Monarchy as it had long designed, had it not in the prosecution thereof, been indissolubly united to the House of Austria; for otherwise, though it hath many con­siderable Countries depending upon it, and be­longing to it, yet being scattered over most parts of the World, they would have been of little use in so great a design. For Spain being divided from the rest of that Kings Dominions, and in the ge­neral a barren and unpeopled Country, wanting provisions, and the hotness of the Climate render­ing the people the more unfit for colder Countries, was not alone qualified for Northern Conquests, especially not of so populous a Country as France, through which they must first have made their way; But as it was unseparably united to the Austrian Family, and so to its large Interest in Germany on one side of that great body, and on the other side, owner of those considerable Ne­therlands called the seventeen Provinces, with a commanding Interest in Italy, in the possession of Naples, Milain, and some other pieces there, be­side the Islands of Sicilia, Sardinia, &c. in the Me­diterranean, and it self conveniently placed for managing his West, and (then great) East-India Trade, and for establishing the chief Seat of rule from whence it might without fear of disturbance, issue its directions, as from the Head to the Mem­bers, [Page 83] it is matter of admiration that it prevailed not in the design, and that they failed in the at­tempt, is next under God (who doth often re­prove Princes, by blasting their ambitious and unjust designs against their Subjects or Neigh­bours) to be attributed to the revolt and wise Con­duct of the seven United Provinces, together with the constant and faithful adherence of good Queen Elizabeth to her and the Kingdom of Englands true Interest at that time, in a Cordial assisting the States General, either privately or publickly, from their first revolt to the end of her Reign.

Whilst Spain was upon their great design, they thought it their Interest as it really was (although not then Great Britains but the contrary) to make Peace with England, which they accomplish­ed soon after King James came to the Crown, aim­ing thereby to secure their East and West-India Trades, and enable them the better to act the Papists in England against their King and Country (as appeared soon after by the Gun-Powder-Plot) and prosecute their War against the Ʋnited Ne­therlands, wherein they were surely exceeding right; but having before missed their Interest, in depopulating their Country by persecution, ex­pulsion of the Moors, and Foreign Plantations (which no State designing Conquest should do) and in quarrelling with Holland at so great a di­stance (when by reason of the enmity of England, they could not without great hazard approach them by Sea) and before they were Masters of any passage to them by Land, other than after transportation of their succors by Ships to Finall, then carrying them through Italy over the Alpes, and at last crossing Germany, a march as it is diffi­cult, [Page 84] so likewise so chargeable beyond support, that they thereby ruined themselves, whereas had they been content to have suffered the Netherlands to have enjoyed their priviledges due to them from all Antiquity, and so kept them under their obedience, and in them the considerable advan­tage of their assistance, until by Conquest they had made their way to them by Land, Spain would according to the eye of reason, have been beyond controul, able to have invaded France on all sides with more than probable good success; but their unsatiable, lofty, swelling minds, dis­daining all Dominion not founded in arbitrary and absolute will and pleasure, Holland became a stone of stumbling to them, against which they were dashed in pieces, in exhausting their vast Treasure, wasting their Men, destroying their Naval strength, and levelling of them to other Princes and States, which sufficiently evinceth the danger and charge of maintaining at a di­stance, a War which must by Sea be supplied. And were not the depraved nature of man so blinded by ambition and covetousness, that it can hardly make a true Judgment of things, it could not but in taking right measures of the several kinds of limited and Arbitrary Monarchies, find that Kings and Princes would be much happier, greater, and more formidable under the first than latter. For although an absolute Prince, may with seeming reason think, that he is more considera­ble when he hath the Estates of his Subjects wholly at his Arbitrary Devotion, than when he hath but part, yet upon a true ballance of circumstances, a part under one Government, will be found to exceed the whole under the other, in that where [Page 85] there is a contentedness in a Prince, under limita­tions, it begets such a considence betwixt him and his people, in the conjunction of Counsels for the prevention of frauds and deceits, and the improvement of publick good (their joint Inter­est) as renders Military power needless, and so saves the charge of all other instruments of force, save those necessary for civil administration, which peaceable constitution tending naturally to the increasing Trade, and in that the wealth of a Na­tion, the riches of Prince and People grow reci­procally together, and that each to a degree much above what it is possible for them both, or either, to arrive at under Tyranny; for where that is the Government, Ingenuity, Industry, and Trade (the Foundation of every Nations greatness) must be discouraged, for that no peo­ple that have not an assurance of the enjoyment of the fruits of their labours, have any reason to be industrious further than for present subsistence; and if a Prince by Arbitrary Impositions, is able to levy more upon his people than peradventure by mutual consent he could do, yet when the ex­traordinary charge in keeping by force of Arms his Subjects in slavery (to the obstructing Trade and Industry) and the cousening and cheating in all sorts of Officers, which such Governments must allow, is deducted, the clear revenue of the Prince will by the ballance be found much less than what it would be under a limited Monarchy, where Trade is improved, and deceit prevented; beside that the debasement of the Spirits of his own people, who are never so gallant under sla­very as liberty, and in a great measure the loss of the use of them, in that under Tyranny they [Page 86] cannot safely be confided in, without a mixture of Strangers, is not small, as our Neighbour Na­tion doth clearly demonstrate, that King judging it not only his security, but also necessary for him, even whilst his Country is over-stocked with people, to make use of Foreigners to mix with them, without which his own Subjects would be insignificant against other Countries, and dan­gerous as to himself; nor is the want of that content and satisfaction of mind, which all men not unnatural, take in the affection of their peo­ple, of little account, neither is this consideration to be despised, that if such Governments fall to weak Princes, they run great hazard of sudden subversion, oppressed people being apt to take all advantages that may seem to promise ease, or if they shall be more peaceably disposed, it will prove but the giving way to a languishing distem­per, which will end in a certain Death, as may be shewn by plentiful instances, where the inabi­lity or weakness of one hath lost more, than the succession of several able Princes have acqui­red. And if any in opposition of this do object the example of a Kingdom not far off, they may be answered, that beside that degree of freedom, which their Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, and in some kind their Trading Cities enjoy, they are saved by some circumstances, that other Coun­tries cannot hope for, as by the formidableness of their Reformed Subjects, who (being always true to the Princes of the blood, never contesting with their Soveraigns but for Liberty of Con­science in Religion, when denied it contrary to their Laws) were a perpetual awe upon the Papists, and when they have Confederated [Page 87] against their Kings, the Protestants have frequent­ly been their ruine, and as oft the preservation of the Crown; beside that the succession of two such Ministers of State, as served that Nation, who having had neither Wives nor known legiti­mate Children, had the less temptations to usur­pation, cannot be again expected: and I dare fur­ther undertake to Prophesie, that that Prince and People, who shall at any time be blessed with this harmony and agreement in Government, shall thereby be much more prosperous, happy, and formidable than ever they were before, or can by any other way be hereafter. And this observa­tion I own to have been first made Master of, by that excellent answer of Charles the First of Eng­land to the nineteen Propositions, presented him by the long Parliament, where reciting the Ver­tues and Vices of the three several Forms of Go­vernment, as absolute Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy, he prefers the Government of England, as it is a mixed and regulated Monar­chy beyond all other, in that it hath the conveni­ency of them all without the inconveniency of any one. And surely there is no Government good like that, where the liberties and priviledges of the people are so fortified by Laws, that they are beyond the invasion of their Princes; for King James acknowledgeth that he was ordained for the good of his People, and not they ordained for him; and Charles the First of England, in his fore­mentioned answer saith, That there is legally placed in both Houses of Parliament a power more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the power of Tyranny.

The Duke of Tuskany may be held a rational [Page 88] instance of this assertion, that absolute power is a prejudice to any Prince, in that the multitude of Taxes which he Arbitrarily lays upon his Peo­ple, are such, as hath in a great measure depopu­lated his Country, and destroyed the Commerce of it, without bringing near so much into his Cof­fers, as whilst the Country was under freedom, it did insensibly contribute for publick good and pre­servation, or as the City of Amsterdam alone is said to spend yearly in charitable uses; as on the con­trary, the famous things that great Queen Eliza­beth of happy memory did during her Reign, ha­ving been in War with her Neighbours round a­bout her the greatest part of the 45. Years of her time, beside in almost continual action with Ire­land, and sometimes at home (from the turbu­lent Rebellious humour of her Popish Subjects) and that in all, with glorious success, is a preg­nant demonstration of the benefit that an affectio­nate agreement in Government betwixt Prince and People (under a mixed Monarchy) brings to a Country.

If the French King who brags and glories most in his absoluteness (though he exerciseth it to­tally but over his poor miserable Peasants and smaller Cities) should compare what his clear yearly income would be under regulated Monar­chy, whereby he might increase Trade, spare the charge of vast Armies, many Garrisons, prevent fraud and cousenage, with what it is at present under his Arbitrary Power, with all the prejudi­cial circumstances attending it; it may with reason be supposed, that that rich and good land would afford a far greater intrade under the first than latter Government; and the Spaniard hath [Page 89] cause to acknowledge the truth of this Principle, since their King chusing (contrary to the Belgick Liberties) to carry on the War in his Netherlands by his own single Counsels and Foreign Forces (wherein they met with nothing but rapine, guile, and corruption) rather than conform to the pri­viledges of the Country in joining with the E­states of it (who in such case offered to main­tain forty thousand men at their own charge) hath had so great an influence upon their decay, if not been the sole cause of it. The like obser­vations might be made of other absolute Govern­ments, but this shall serve, as being sufficient to shew how Spain from the height of glory, promi­sing to themselves the Universal Soveraignty of Christendom, is by the means of a small begin­ning, the revolt of a handful of their own despi­sed Subjects (occasioned by ill Government and invading of their priviledges) brought to change their design from that of swallowing up all Do­minion, to that of seeking their own preservation by a League with those that at first they thought to have extirpated, having now no way left to preserve themselves, their West-India Territories and Trade thither, and what else they have any where in the World, but to hold it their true Domestick Interest,

First, To reconcile all differences at home, uni­ting thoroughly there, that so they may be the better able to agree (as it is indispensibly neces­sary for them to do) upon methodical and well digested means for their defence and preserva­tion, and keeping their Vice-Roys and Gover­nours in all their Territories true to them, in case Death should deprive them of their young King, [Page 90] because should such an unhappiness befal them, and that they should then be found in divisions and distractions, it would give great advantage to the French (who will be sure at such a time to fall suddenly upon them in all places) and be an in­ducement to their great Officers in all their seve­ral Dominions, to hearken to the temptations of the French (their Enemies) who will not fail (ac­cording to their usual practice) of assaulting their fidelities, with promises of the greatest re­wards, corruption being the instrument they do the greatest things with.

Secondly, Since neither the Emperour, nor Pope, is now able to afford this King any such assistance, as is to be solely relied upon, it is his In­terest to set aside all Church Politicks, and for­mer pretended religious Artifices for persecution, and to give all his Subjects incouragement, if not by toleration in Religion, yet by a tacit abate­ment of the rigour of his proceedings against them upon that account, as a means the better to oblige the Reformed Princes and States to him; and as the affairs of Christendom now stand, in relation to France, even the Pope himself, if he un­derstood his own Interest, and were not blinded by malice and superstitious zeal, could not be averse to this, in that it is folly for him to think, that his gaudy Copes, Crosses, and tripple Crown will de­fend his See against the French King, after he hath by the help of his Pastoral Staff hooked in all the rest, and that he will not reduce both him and Peters Chair to their original, and to his own de­votion; and now as to the Foreign Interest of this Kingdom, it is,

First, Cordially to unite with England, the [Page 91] States of Holland, the Northern Kings and Prin­ces, against the growing greatness of France, and for opposing that King in all his endeavours for further additions, especially in his designs upon the Spanish and United Netherlands, for should he gain those of them lying upon the Sea, whe­ther by Conquest, Treaty, or Purchase, he will then find Ports and Havens there sufficient to in­crease his Naval strength, and want nothing need­ful for the total ruine of Spain, save a pretence (which he will easily invent) for quarrelling with them; for by such acquisitions, his greatness both at Land and Sea would be so much augmented, that he would be able to run them down in all places both at home and abroad, spoiling them in their West-India Trade (their chief support) whereas without better and more conveniently si­tuated Harbours than his own, he can never be very great at Sea, and without being formidable there, no Prince in Christendom can exceed in greatness at Land.

And Spain having in their late Wars in 1667. had sufficient experience of France, they cannot (if what they charge upon them in reference there­unto, be true) with prudence or safety rely upon any Treaties with them, how plain or clear soe­ver they may be, or trust to any thing less than the strength and interest of their Allies in con­junction with their own to defend themselves a­gainst France; and of this, Spain hath the more cause to be sensible, since they are the best able to judge of the danger other Countries were in, whilst they themselves designed the Universal Mo­narchy, out of which enterprize the French have at present justled them, taking it to themselves, [Page 92] and are now as formidable in it as they ever were.

Secondly, It is the true Foreign Interest of Spain, to over-look and forget all their pretences or titles to Portugal, how good soever they may be, and to make a firm and cordial League with that Crown, for anticipating France, in having it as a back Door for entering Spain from thence, as by the way of Perpinion on the one side, and by St. John de Luce on the other side, they have already advantages for the invasion of it. And thus upon the whole, the Spaniard having no Trade but to their own Plantations and Coun­tries, nor genius to any further prospect in it, their Interest may be summed up in self-preser­vation: And this is all I have to say of Spain at this time.


POrtugal, under which name (beside that Country properly called so) is comprised Algarva (sometime a small Kingdom) ly­eth on the Western part of Spain, bounded on that side by the Ocean Sea, having on the Coast near three hundred Miles in length, with eighty or a hundred Miles in breadth; it is neither populous nor fruitful, but thin of people, and so barren, that had not the King a Revenue coming by Trade from the East and West Indies (where they have large Plantations) and some other Islands, as from the Azores, &c. his income would do little to the support of his Dignity and Govern­ment.

In the Year 1640. this Kingdom (after it had been near sixty Years under the King of Spain) revolted, and set up the Duke of Brigance, Crown­ing of him King, from whence ensued a War be­twixt the two Crowns, which continued until the Year sixteen hundred sixty seven, that by the me­diation of England a Peace was concluded be­twixt them.

The ground of their contest was their several [Page 94] Titles, derived from one and the same Common Ancestor, Emanuel King of Portugal, who left six Children, four Sons, and two Daughters, as followeth.

  • John
  • Lewis
  • Henry
  • Edward
  • Isabella.
  • Beatrix.

John succeeded his Father, and had John, who had Sebastian, (reputed to be slain by the Moors in Barbery). who dying without Children, the Line of John Eldest Son of Emanuel expired in him.

Lewis second Son of Emanuel died before his great Nephew King Sebastian, and left only Don Antonio a Bastard Son, who upon the Death of Sebastian was Proclaimed King by those of Lisbon, but after forced to fly for England.

Henry the third Son of Emanuel (a Cardinal) was after the Death of his great Nephew Sebasti­an Crowned King.

Edward the fourth Son of Emanuel, and his youngest Child, left two Daughters, Mary and Katherine.

Isabella eldest Daughter of Emanuel, was mar­ried to the Emperour Charles the Fifth, from whom is lineally descended the present King of Spain.

Beatrix second Daughter of Emanuel, was mar­ried to Charles Duke of Savoy, from whom is de­scended that Duke.

Mary the eldest Daughter of Edward, young­est Son of Emanuel, was married to Alexander [Page 95] Duke of Parma, from whom that Family is de­scended.

Katherine the younger Daughter of Edward, was married to John Duke of Brigance, from whom the present King of Portugal is descen­ded.

Henry the third Son of Emanuel, in whom was the undoubted right to the Crown, after the Death of his great Nephew Sebastian (as is be­fore-mentioned) was Crowned King in the Year 1578. who being an old Man without Children, and sensible of the disputes that would arise after his Decease about the Succession, erected a Ju­dicature, to hear and determine the several Claims pretending to the Crown, of which there were five, (viz.)

First, Don Antonio Son of Lewis, second Son of Emanuel.

Secondly, Philip the second King of Spain, Grandchild to Emanuel, by his eldest Daughter Isabella.

Thirdly, Phillibert Duke of Savoy, Grandchild to Emanuel, by his second Daughter Beatrix.

Fourthly, Mary Dutchess of Parma, eldest Daughter of Edward youngest Son of Emanuel, and younger Brother to Henry King Car­dinal.

Fifthly, Katherine Dutchess of Brigance, young­est Daughter of Edward, youngest Son of Ema­nuel.

The Court for Claims erected by King Henry assembled and sat, where each pretender by him­self, Deputies or Advocates, pleaded their seve­ral Titles.

Don Antonio pleaded his own Cause himself, [Page 96] alledging the Marriage of his Mother to Lewis his Father, but after a full hearing he was exclu­ded (his Uncle King Cardinal being present) as being judged Illegitimate, and that for these reasons.

First, Because he had been reputed a Bastard all his Days, never any Man before calling the truth of it in question.

Secondly, Because when Pope Julius the Third put forth a Decree against the promotion of Ba­stards, Don Antonio sued to be exempted, and thereby owned his Bastardy.

Thirdly, Because Lewis his Father, by his last Will and Testament declared him his Bastard Son.

Fourthly, Because Lewis his Father never ac­quainted any Friends with his Marriage of his Mother, as was probable he would have done to some of them, notwithstanding she was of mean Birth, and of the race of the Jews (the reason suggested why he did not) had it been true, and especially to his Brother King Henry, who was with him in his sickness.

And Fifthly, Because the Witnesses brought to prove the Marriage of his Mother to his Father, confessed that they were suborned thereunto.

Philip the Second, King of Spain, pleaded by several Learned Lawyers, First, That being Grandchild to Emanuel by his eldest Daughter, and the Dukes of Parma and Brigance but great Grandchildren to him, by Daughters of a youn­ger Son, who never lived to be King; he was one degree nearer to Emanuel, as also to the then present King, than either of the other two, which the Civilians pretended to be strong Arguments in their Law.

[Page 97]Secondly, That when John the base Son of Pe­dro, was Crowned King of Portugal, it was to the injury of the King of Castile, the right being in him, as having then Married Beatrix the Legi­timate Daughter and Heir of Ferdinando King of Portugal, Legitimate Son of Pedro, whereas John was but Bastard Son of Pedro, and Bastard Bro­ther to Ferdinando Father to Beatrix.

Thirdly, Because Portugal was given away by a former King of Castile, in Marriage with one of his Daughters, contrary to the Law of the Land.

The Duke of Parma pleaded by Farneso Bishop of Parma, that being Son of the Eldest Daughter of Edward, fourth Son of Emanuel, he ought to be preferred before the King of Spain, being but Son of a Daughter of Emanuel, and therefore as truest Heir, in deriving from the Male Line, laid Claim to the Crown.

The Duke of Brigance pleaded his Cause him­self, and against Spain alledged the same as Par­ma did, and to bar Parma, who was descended from the Eldest Daughter, as himself was from the Younger, that Parma was an Alien (being an Italian) and he a natural born Portuguese.

The Duke of Savoy pleaded his Cause by Charles Revero (afterwards a Cardinal) but he being de­scended from a Younger Daughter of Emanuel, as the King of Spain was from the Eldest, he was presently excluded as having no colour of right.

Beside these pretenders, Queen Katherine of France would have put in her Claim, as descen­ded by her Mother from Alphonso, the Third King of Portugal, but the Plea being groundless, they denied to receive it, and so the dispute remained [Page 98] between the King of Spain, and the two Dukes of Parma and Brigance, but King Henry dying whilst the business was in hot debate, and before he had decided the Controversy, the King of Spain (ma­king himself Judge in the Case) seized upon the Kingdom, which He, his Son and Grandson en­joyed near sixty Years after.

Now the Case standing thus betwixt the two Crowns of Spain and Portugal; it is consequently the Interest of the Portuguese, to be jealous of Spain (who will hardly forget their Title to the Crown of Portugal) being always upon their Watch towards them, and to make Leagues with Foreign Princes and States for assistance when­ever they shall be fallen upon by the Spaniard; and as France lyeth nearest to them (except Spain) and so best able to do them most good or harm, to hold fair with them, yet without trusting them (who practise a great Latitude in breach of Arti­cles) too far, or even their own Queen (if with­out Heirs of her Body) because a French Lady, who are generally of busie working Spirits in matters of State: And the designs of the French being manifestly for increase and greatness, bog­ling at nothing that may stand in their way, should the young King of Spain be swept away by Death, without leaving Issue, the French Kings pretences would be as well to Portugal as Spain, which con­sideration doth also oblige this King in prudence, to seek (if possible) a hearty Union and League with Spain, for their mutual defence and preser­vation against France.

How it comes that this people, who by their inclination to Trade, and success in it, had for­merly acquired the Character of the rich Mer­chants [Page 99] of Portugal, should now so little (as they do) deserve that name, I cannot conceive, except by falling under a more severe Government than antiently, they are (according to the natural con­sequences thereof) fallen from their ingenuity and industry: or that the industry and ingenuity that Reformation in Religion hath brought into the World, beyond what it had under Popish Darkness and Slavery; the Reformists, by their wise and prudent conduct, have eaten them out of all Trade, save to their own Islands in the O­cean, and the West Indies, which is all they have entirely kept, having in a great measure lost their Trade to the East-Indies, as they have also (their circumstances considered) all capability of fur­ther increase in it. And now this is all I have to say of the Interest of this Country at this time.

THE INTEREST OF THE United Netherlands.

THE Netherlands are called so by lying low upon and towards the Sea, contain­ing seventeen distinct Provinces, incom­passed with France, Germany, the British and Nor­thern Seas; they formerly belonged all to the King of Spain, until Philip the Second by oppressi­on, and invading their priviledges, caused those Countries known by the name of the Ʋnited Ne­therlands (of whose Interest it is I here design singly to write) to assert their Rites and Liberties, by a Union for common defence and preservation, and in order thereunto, to lay aside their limited Prince or Chief Magistrate, turning their Go­vernment into that of a Common-wealth or Re­publick.

These seven United Provinces are, Gelderland, with Zutphen annexed to it, Holland, Zealand, Ʋ ­trecht, Friezeland, Overyssel, and Groningen, which in the States account are in number but se­ven, because beside that the King of Spain hath remaining to him the City of Gelder, with a fourth part of that Dutchy; Zutphen being small is ad­ded to Gelderland (as it antiently used to be) and [Page 101] so both are reckoned but for one, and that under the name of Gelderland.

As these Countries do lie all more or less upon the Sea, so those Provinces are most considerable that lie most upon it, as Holland, Zealand, and Friezeland, of which three the first is alone of more consideration than all the other six jointly; from whence it is, that by way of eminence, Hol­land vulgarly denominates the whole Union, al­though Gelderland being a Dutchy, hath in Coun­cil precedence of it as it is but an Earldom.

Gelderland is the largest Province, but having the most Gentry, and so least Trade, is one of the poorest; it hath of Cities or Havens lying up­on the Sea, not any save Harderwick, an old de­cayed University (lately translated to Nimmeguen) standing also but upon that broad Water, or Inland Sea, called the Southern Sea, which flows to Amsterdam.

This Province is parted into three Divisions, called Nimmeguen, Arnheim, and Zutphen; the chief Assembly or Parliament for the whole (which is the Soveraign Power of the Province) is held yearly at each of these three Cities alter­natively. This Assembly is Constituted of Depu­ties, sent from all the three Divisions, by the Gentry and Cities, who in their several Divisions are of equal Power, each Division having (how many Deputies soever they may send) but one Voice in their general Assembly for the whole Province, so that all matters are decided by two of the three Voices, save in some Cases, wherein there must not be a Negative; and as this is the Constitution of the Legislative Power of this Pro­vince (called the States Provincial) who meet of [Page 102] course four times a Year certain, and ofter as oc­casion requires, so the same Orders that send these for their supream power, send also a certain number of other persons to the same Residence, as a Committee of State, which sits continually in the interval of the States Provincial, and sum­mons or calls them together upon extraordinary occasions as they see cause, but during the sitting of the States Provincial, the power of the Com­mittee ceaseth.

Holland being an Earldom is the second in place, and in common appellation divided into South and North Holland, but in Law the latter part is called West-Friezeland (and the first part only Holland) distinguished by the addition of West, from that Province called singly Friezeland, as it is from that County belonging to the Em­pire, called East-Friezeland; so that when in read­ing, West-Friezeland is mentioned, it is to be un­derstood the North part of Holland, as Friezeland singly and without addition, is one of the seven Ʋnited Netherlands, and East-Friezeland, a County of the Empire belonging to an Earl of that name (made lately by the Emperour a Prince of the Empire.)

This Province lyeth upon the Sea, having broad Waters on all other sides, with several Islands belonging to it. It hath in all thirty one Cities, whereof eighteen are such, as send (by the Election of the respective Councils of each City) Deputies to the Parliament, or supream power of the Province, which I shall hereafter call the States Provincial of Holland, according to their usual stile in speaking, not only of this Province, but also of all the other individual [Page 103] Provinces of the Union, whose chief Assemblies are also called the States Provincial of each re­spective Province.

Of these Cities, Dortrecht, Haerlem, Delft, Ley­den, Amsterdam, Goude, and Rotterdam in South-Holland, Alkmer, Horne, and Enchusen in North-Holland have the greatest Trades, but none com­parable to Amsterdam, which alone bears a quar­ter part of all the publick Charges of the whole Province, and yet in Council hath but the fifth place according to its antient right, Dort, Haer­lem, Delft, and Leiden, having all precedence of it.

As the eighteen Voting Cities (for so they are called) have in the Provincial States each one Voice, so the Gentry (which are now but nine Families, several being lately extinct) taken jointly and altogether, are made equivalent to one City, and have likewise one Voice, and there­by make the Provincial States of Holland (who meet always at the Hague) to consist in the whole of nineteen Voices, where all matters are decided by plurality of Votes, saving in some few particulars, wherein there must not be a Ne­gative, and also the same Cities and Gentry send likewise other distinct persons to the Hague, to Constitute a Committee or Council of State.

The Provincial States meet four times a Year certain, and ofter as occasion requires, and in their interval, the Committee of State sits conti­nually, and calls them together upon extraordi­nary occasions, as they see cause, sending also with the summons a particular of the heads which are to be debated in the Assembly, to the end, that the Council of every City, considering of the [Page 104] matter among themselves, may give such Orders therein to their respective Deputies as they shall judge fit, no other business being to be treated of in the Provincial States, than such, as notice was first given of to each City; and this rule is also observed in the other Provinces, as well as in this; but the power of the Committee of State ceaseth, during the sitting of the States Provin­cial, they being the supream power of the Pro­vince.

Zealand is a Province made up of several Islands, lying in and upon the Sea, to the number of eight, Walkeron (which is the Chief) having in it the Cities of Middleborough, Flushing, and Tervere; the Island of Schonen, hath the City Ziriksea, the Island of South Beverland, the City Tergoes, and the Island of Tertolen, the City Tolen; which six Towns are all the voting Towns that are in Zealand, for the Islands of North Beverland, Develand, Or­sond, and Woolferdik, being of little consideration, have no voting Cities in them, so that each City having one Voice, and the Prince of Orenge, as representing the Gentry, either in person or by his Deputy, having likewise one; all the Votes of the States Provincial of the Province of Zealand are seven, which decide all matters by plurality of Votes, saving in some few things, wherein there must not be a Negative.

This Council assembles of course at Middlebo­rough some certain times, and ofter as occasion requires, and hath in their absence (as in Holland) a Committee of State of other persons (chosen as themselves are) sitting continually, who sum­mons or calls them together upon extraordinary occasions, their power ceasing whilst the States Provincial are sitting.

[Page 105]These Islands lie circled with Holland, Brabant, Flanders, and the Sea. Zealand was antiently much greater than at present, the Sea having about a hundred and fifty years ago, swallowed up the greatest part of some, and part of most of the Islands; and were not the Walls of these Islands maintained with wonderful industry, charge and ingenuity, the Sea would soon devour a great part of them, especially of Walkeron the Chief Island, which lies so much lower than the Sea, that the Inhabitants think themselves bound in pru­dence to raise many high Artificial Mounts, scat­tered up and down the Land, on purpose for the people to fly to in case of Inundations.

Ʋtrecht was formerly a Bishoprick, but now one of the seven Provinces; it lyeth incompassed with that part of Gelderland, called the Velew, Holland and the Southern Sea, having but five Ci­ties in it, that which bears the name of the Pro­vince, Amersford, Dursteden, Renen, and Mont­ford.

The States Provincial consists of three Orders, (viz.) the Ecclesiasticks which are the first (be­ing lay Canons, who buy for their Lives their places, and with them the revenue belonging an­tiently to the Church) the Gentry the second, and the Cities the third. The first of these Orders send eight, and the two latter each four Deputies, in all sixteen, of which consist the States Provin­cial of this Province, who assemble at Ʋtrecht of course some certain times, and ofter as occasion requires, and in their interval they have as in the other Provinces, a Committee of State of other persons chosen by the same powers as themselves are, sitting continually, who summons them up­on [Page 106] extraordinary occasions, their own power cea­sing whilst the Provincial States sit, by whom all matters are carried by plurality of Votes, saving in some particulars, wherein there must not be a Negative, majority of Votes having no place.

Friezeland lyeth most upon the Sea, bordering by Land upon Groningen, Westphalia, and Gelder­land, and is the most considerable Province next Holland; the chief Cities of this Province are Leu­rarden (the Capital Town) Franeker (an Univer­sity) Harlingen (the Seat of their Admiralty) Bolsward, Sneeke, Worcum, Dorcum, and Stavern; there are others of less consequence, and some Villages as good as Cities in other places; for as the Yeomandry in this Country are rich, so their Houses for their kind, are the best that one meets with ordinarily.

The States Provincial of this Country, are con­stituted of four members or Orders, that is of Deputies sent from the several Divisions of We­stergo, Ostergo, Silvestres, and the Cities; the three Divisions are again sub-divided into several Precincts, where every one having a House with a certain proportion of Land, hath a Voice in their respective Precinct, from whence by majo­rity of Voices they send two Deputies to the ge­neral assembly of their Division, and what is re­solved upon by the major part of the same, is held the act of that Division, as also what is resolved upon by the major part of the Cities, is conclu­sive as to them.

The States Provincial of this Province, is con­stituted of Deputies sent by the four foremention­ed Members or Orders, each Order having one Vote, who decide all matters by three of the four, [Page 107] except what concerns the Sovereignty, in which there must not be a negative; this Council meets at Leurden some certain times of course, and ofter as occasion requires, they having a Committee of Estates subordinate to them, sitting continu­ally in their absence, as the other Provinces have, and chosen by the same Orders as them­selves are, who calls them together upon extraor­dinary occasions.

Overyssel is so called from lying beyond the Ri­ver Isel, it hath Friezeland and Groningen on the North, Gelderland and Zutphen on the South, West­phalia on the East, and the Southern Sea on the West, it is least considerable of all the seven Provinces, and was formerly belonging to the Bishoprick of Ʋtrecht, but being weary of the tyranny of Eccle­siastical Government they cast it off, and upon certain conditions put themselves under the Em­perour Charles the Fifth.

As this Province is least in consideration, so for its bigness it hath the most Gentry, having about sixty Families, which may serve to make good the observation, that the more idle people any Country hath, the poorer it will be.

The States Provincial of this Province, con­sists of two Members or Orders (who fit at Zwall or Deventeur) that is, the Deputies for the Gen­try, and for the three Cities of Deventeur, Cam­pen and Zwall; these two Orders are of equal power, neither concluding the other without consent of all or part of the other Order; for as the Gentry have three Voices, so the Cities being three, have each one Voice, which making in all six Voices, there must be four for concluding any matter in debate, as all the Gentry and one City, [Page 108] or all the Cities and one third part of the Gentry, or two thirds of the Gentry, and as many of the Cities, but in some Cases there must not be a negative, majority having no place; and this Province hath their Committee of State in the in­terval of their Provincial Estates, in like manner as the other Provinces have.

The Province of Groningen, in which is no City save that bearing the name of the Province, is the most Northerly of all the Provinces, lying upon the Sea, betwixt Friezeland and East-Frieze­land. This Province is made up of the City of Groningen, and the Land about it, called in Dutch the Ʋmlanden, which signifies the Land round the City. This Land is divided into three parts, and those again subdivided into three, which are in all nine. In this Country all persons owners of House and Land to such a certain va­lue, have Voices in their respective Precincts, and what is concluded by the majority of the Pre­cincts, is the resolution of the Country, except in some Cases where majority hath no place. The City of Groningen hath a certain number of Se­nators, whose resolution by majority of Votes is taken in all Cases to be the act of the City. The Deputies for the City, and for the Country, make the States Provincial who sit in the City, and each Order (viz.) the City and Country being abso­lute, they must in all acts of Soveraignty agree, or else nothing can pass, there being no plura­lity where there is but two Orders, and this Pro­vince hath also their Committee of State sitting in the interval of the Provincial Estates, as the rest have.

The Republick of the Ʋnited Netherlands is [Page 109] made up of these seven Provinces, which I have here taken in order according to their Ranks (those ten of the seventeen Provinces remaining in whole, or in part to the King of Spain, being by way of distinction called the Spanish Nether­lands) and are a Common-wealth only for com­mon defence, each Province being to all other purposes absolute Soveraigns within them­selves.

Beside these seven entire Provinces, there are several parts of several other Provinces acqui­red (most) by Conquest which are under the Go­vernment of the Union by the States General, and are made use of by them for their Frontier Garri­sons, to their great advantage, in keeping the Provinces of the Union, the freer from Souldiers, to the incouragement of Trade and Industry.

Now this Republick being thus Constituted, and preservation being consequently the Common Interest of all the Provinces (a Foreign Sword knowing no Friends where it prevails) it is,

First, Their Chief Foreign Interest to be jealous of the greatness and Neighbourhood of France (from whence as soon as an opportunity serves, they may well expect a storm) holding a good correspondence with England, who as they are able, so lie most conveniently for their assistance, as also with the Northern Kings and Baltick Sove­raigns, keeping that Sea from being ingrossed by any one hand, in reference to the great Trade in general that they have thither, and particularly to their Shipping, it being the place from whence they are furnished with their Naval Commodities, maintaining also a good intelligence with the German Princes, as necessary for upholding the [Page 110] great Trade they have by Land into their Coun­try, as well as for keeping them from adhering unto the French in their ambitious designs.

Secondly, It is their Interest to be sure of Spain, in relation to the profitable Trade they have thi­ther, as likewise to their safety in the Neighbour­hood of the Spanish Netherlands (so long as those Countries are in the possession of that King) not suffering them to come into the hands of the French, (who cannot approach them so near, without danger to them, as well in reference to their concern at Sea as Land) and so far as is in their power, to obstruct the French in their growth and increase at Sea.

Now as to their Domestick Interest, first it may be calculated from their own observations, to be the avoiding of a standing General and Gover­nour, except so circumstanced and limited, as may only give him liberty and power of doing good, without any of doing harm, which is the power that is Jure divino, and due to Governours, the end of Government being for the protection, preservation, and general good of the Commu­nity, and not for the punishment and ruine of the innocent with the guilty, as according to com­mon fame in Italy, Philip the Fourth of Spain (to be revenged of the Neapolitans, for the Insur­rection of Mersinello) did, in sending Ships from Sardinia, laden with persons infected with the Plague, on purpose to carry that sickness thither, which when their Landing was opposed by the In­habitants, were by the Governour brought on shore by force of Arms to the destroying (accord­ing to common fame) in and about it near three hundred thousand Souls, contrary to the Precept [Page 111] of the Apostle, who tells us, that Rulers are not to be a terrour to good but evil doers.

And if the Dutch Writers speak truth (in that Book called the Interest of Holland) in affirming, that their standing Governours with their former authority and power, instead of reconciling dif­ferences, when any have arisen betwixt Provin­ces, Divisions, Cities, or Magistrates (as was part of their Office to do, and one of the benefits they promised themselves in a standing Gover­nour) they have usually nourished them, as hold­ing it their Interest so to do, according to that Maxim of Divide & Impera, and when they have decided any Controversies, have made their own private designs the rule of their decision, even to the prejudice of the innocent party, and that since they have had no standing head, they have had fewer differences, and those easilier composed than before (save only that single contest about a Stadtholder) as also, that they ever observed, that when their Generals were in the Field, and furthest from home, they had always the least faction and most union among them: all these circumstances considered, it doth clearly evince, that as Concord or Faction is the Life or Death of a State, so the avoiding of a standing General and Governour, invested with the former Authority and Power, is their true Common In­terest.

Secondly, As a Government is better or worse ac­cording as it follows its true Interest more or less, & that all the Provinces, and every City in them, are more at liberty to pursue their Interests while they are their own Masters, than when they are under the over-ruling and over-awing power of a stand­ing [Page 112] General, that may have a distinct Interest of his own contrary to theirs, it is the common In­terest of the States to keep the power in them­selves, and not to give it to another, especially since they have found success and prosperity in their own Conduct, and less prejudice by Pirates, than when they had a Head, who as their Writers affirm, took no care of clearing the Seas.

Thirdly, As Trade is their grand Interest, by which they are only enabled to defend them­selves, and as liberty and freedom are the great increasers of it, and as an uncircumscribed stand­ing head, in both Civil and Military Affairs, is under temptation of obstructing their liberty for publick Interest, if contrary to his private, according to the experience they had of their Go­vernour in his not hearkning (as they say) unto the Peace at Munster, until gained by a bountiful present made him by the Spaniard, of the Mar­quisat of Bergen, Tournholdt, Seavenbergen, and the County of Monfort, beside a promise of a large yearly sum of money, and as the great dam­mage they suffered by their first War with Eng­land, into which they say they were hurried by the party of their deceased Governour and General, may be a warning to them; so all the Provinces are concerned more or less, according to the se­veral proportions they have in Trade, to avoid such an Officer, as may obstruct the publick In­terest, if his own private be not in it.

Fourthly, As War is an Enemy to Trade, and as all standing Governours, being also Generals, will be for War although prejudicial to the pub­lick, because thereby they render themselves greater, and more necessary than in Peace, as also [Page 113] better qualified for Usurpation; and as in their designs they are apt to eye their own glory, more than the profit of their Masters, not regarding at what rate they purchase honour to themselves upon the cost and charges of others, as appears by the debt of fifteen Millions and three hundred thou­sand pounds English, their Generals run them in­to, and much of it by ostentatious and unprofi­table undertakings (as their Writers aver.) And as there is no danger of the loss of liberty, like that from a standing General, who being cloathed with power and authority, is qualified for framing Factions for Usurpation, so it must upon the whole be their Common Interest, to oppose such a stand­ing Head for term of Life, in whom there is so much hazard and inconvenience. But although the general Interest of all the Provinces thus con­sidered, is to oppose a standing Governour and General, yet the several Provinces are in several degrees, more or less concerned therein.

First, Because such an Officer by occasioning Di­visions, and opposing his own private Interest to that of the publick, is prejudicial to Trade, where­in Holland of all the Provinces is most concerned, in that by computation they are not able to feed above one eighth part of their multitudes, with provisions of their own growth, but are indebted to Commerce for seven parts of eight of their nourishment: and as that Country lyeth the most conveniently of all the Provinces for Traffick, to all Corners, East, West, North and South, having good Havens and Ports, and abounding in Manu­factures, so the Hollanders have cause to look up­on Trade as their Chief Interest, and themselves more obliged to remove all obstructions in it, than [Page 114] those of the other Provinces, which have not the like convenience for it, nor are under the like cir­cumstances as to their subsistance.

Secondly, As Holland having more Wealth and Treasure than all the other six, is more potent than them all, so they cannot hope for less than destruction under Usurpation, it becoming neces­sarily the Maxim of Usurpers, to reduce to pover­ty such Countries and parties as they have cause to fear, and that not only to prevent being capa­ble of practising against them, but also that with their substance, they may gratify their adherents, gain, and corrupt their needy Enemies: and as all men Armed with power do naturally press af­ter Dominion, and that a Civil and Military Head for Life in the Ʋnited Netherlands, can ne­ver arrive at an absolute Hereditary Rule, but by a total subversion and suppression of Holland, whose vast loss in the decay of Trade, which the Change of Government, with the loss of liberty, must necessarily bring, will otherwise be continual pro­vocations to opposition; it is more the concern of Holland than any other Province, never to ad­mit of a standing Governour and General, be­cause their utter dissolution is most indangered by such an Officer.

Thirdly, As most of the publick charge of the Union lyeth upon the Shoulders of the Hollanders, so they have most reason to be Masters of their own Militia, in disbanding and raising of their Armies, both by Sea and Land, as they see cause, which whilst they have a standing General and Governour (who will prefer his own splendor be­fore publick Interest) they cannot exercise without the hazarding of a breach, as fell out in the Year [Page 115] 1650. And as this Province of Holland, being most concerned in Trade, and so consequently in the benefit and loss by War, is more ingaged to have an eye to both than the other Provinces, who are not so deep in Traffick; so it is more their Interest than any of the others, to oppose a stand­ing Head, that may be able by force to bring the best Magistrates to a passive, and the worst by corruption to an active obedience, or at least sub­mission to his will, to the obstructing them in the pursuance of their Interest, as hapned not many Years ago.

Holland hath of late Years been under great contests with the other Provinces, about refusing to Elect a standing Stadtholder, which in their Adversaries might proceed from a mixture of Cau­ses, as from emulation (corrupt nature being apt to envy the prosperity of their Neighbours) and selfishness, in considering that Usurpation carry­ing necessarily with it the suppression of Holland, their fall would be the increasing of Trade to the other Provinces, unavoidably ingaging the Usur­per to a general indulgence of them, bestowing upon them the Offices and imployments maintain­ed at the charge of the Hollanders, as a reward for supporting him in the enjoyment of his unjustly acquired Dominion: For that a Prince, who having to do with several Countries aims at making him­self absolute, must by profuse liberality (conni­ving at and excusing exorbitancies) make it the In­terest of the most indigent and needy, to assist him in the subduing the most opulent and potent Countries; but by what Principles soever the other Provinces were acted to the opposing of Holland, in their laying aside of a standing Ge­neral [Page 116] and Governour, they surely missed their Common Interest in it: though I will not deny, but the private corrupt Interest of some beggerly Courtiers, Souldiers and Families might not be wanting, for as the Government of an Usurper must be Arbitrary and Tyrannical, the ordinary course of Law not being sufficient to serve his turn, so for protecting him in his illegal practices, he must allow his Janizaries to share with him in his oppressing of all the rest, nay even in cousen­ing and cheating of himself, as the only means to quiet them under his doing the like by the peo­ple, and therefore it ought, and indeed will be the care of all vertuous and good men, not to forsake the paths of righteousness, for such as the rules of honesty cannot maintain them in; and it hath (in my private thoughts) been many times a wonder to me, how men professing Religion (and whom I will not accuse of insincerity therein) could not only join with Cromwell, but also mag­nify him in his crooked designs. For though good men may have their failings, yet a man stands in need of a great measure of Charity, to think well of those persons that live and die in them without repentance; for uniformity in moral ho­nesty is that which all Christians ought to labour for, the contrary being inconsistent with true Re­ligion; for though a man may be morally honest that is not religious, no man can be truly religi­ous who is not morally honest.

And now as the Interest of all the Provinces is truly one, although in several degrees, so it may be summed up to be (in order to their common safety and preservation) their prime and chief In­terest, in their jealousy of the designs of France, [Page 117] making Leagues for preventing them in their fur­ther incroachments upon their Neighbours, and especially upon the Spanish Netherlands, securing above all others England to them, holding a good correspondence with Spain, Germany, the North­ern Kings and Princes; keeping the Baltick Sea open, unmonopolized by any one Prince, clear­ing the Seas of Pirates, maintaining Peace (if pos­sible) with all Nations, avoiding a War, and es­pecially at Sea, as that which is destructive to Commerce, promoting Trade by all honest means, and opposing a standing Governour and General, except so circumstanced and circumscribed, that he can no way indanger their liberty, as that which will otherwise destroy them: For when­ever they shall be so far depraved, as without strict limitations and bounds, to confer their three Civil and Military chief Commands, upon one and the same person for Life, their liberty is gone. For the advantages that attend those dignities, and Charges or Offices in an ability of augment­ing Salaries, giving Bribes, bestowing places of profit upon some, and creating new for the sake of others, with the general influence he will have upon all their Counsels, will leave very few un­corrupted in either City or Camp, or faithful to their Country and not at his Devotion, and if he suspend his Usurpation until by marriage he hath increased his Interest and Power, and hath Sons grown up, to make use of, in the forming and heading of his Party, courting and cajoling Of­ficers and Souldiers, he will then certainly at­tempt it; for nothing can be more infallible, than that a single Head of great Allies, Interest, and Re­venue, is inconsistent with a Common-wealth, ac­cording [Page 118] to the Maxime of the Republick of Ge­nua, who for that reason (in some kind like the Ostracism at Athens) have sometimes made their greatest Citizens uncapable in their Republick of Magistracy, wherein they are certainly wise, for never any people was in their Liberties Usurped upon by any of themselves, but where there was either too much power, or too much money gi­ven to buy and corrupt a needy, covetous, and ambitious party; but as the people in these Coun­tries are the original of the power of their Ma­gistrates, so it must be left to them, and thus I have done with this subject.

A brief Discourse of the Original Cause of the United Netherlands casting off the King of Spain, and of their present Government by Estates General, which follows here, as serving to make the fore­going Chapter of their Interest, the more intelligible.

THat the Ʋnited Netherlands are part of the seventeen Provinces of the Low-Countries, and what the nature and kind of their several Pro­vincial Governments are, I have shewed in the Chapter going before, which treats of the Inter­ests of those Provinces: so that in this place it is not needful to add more, than that they are all, each within their respective Jurisdictions, absolute and independant as to all Civil and Criminal Cau­ses, making Laws, and doing all other acts and matters of Soveraignty whatsoever, without ha­ving any Superiours or Appeals from them, being jointly (like antiently the Grecian Republicks) a Common-wealth to the end only of common safety and preservation, and separately to all other ends, as so many individual Soveraignties.

As these Countries had in all times reserved unto themselves, such large priviledges and im­munities, as rendered them always under a great degree of liberty and freedom, so when the King of Spain by invading their priviledges, necessita­ted them to cast him off, they had little more to [Page 120] do in the change of their particular Govern­ments, than laying him aside, the Government remaining much the same after as before, the Ci­ties in each Province, being now governed much after the same standing Councils, and after the same order and method as antiently, except that whereas formerly upon the Death of any of their Council, the surviving Councellors, by the Ele­ction of the major Votes presented in some pla­ces a double, and in others a tribble number to the Prince, for him to chuse a single to supply the vacant places, they now have in all the Provinces, where the late Prince of Orange was Stadtholder, the Election absolute in themselves. And where­as the Soveraign power of every Province, is in their respective States Provincial, and the manage­ment of matters of State in their absence, in a Committee of State sitting continually, upon both which, the Prince of Orange had a great influence, though no right of Session in either, the Prince being now laid aside in Gelderland, Holland, Zeland, Ʋtrecht, and Overyssell, the five Provinces over which his Ancestors had four times successively been chosen Governours; both Councils in each of these Provinces, act now of themselves with­out any reference to him.

And for Friezeland and Groningen, the remain­ing two of the seven Ʋnited Provinces, they chuse always one of another House of Nassa, for their Stadtholder, save that Frederwike Henry, a person of great parts and designs, outed Grave William of Nassa, or at least after his Brother Henry was slain before Antwerp, prevented him of the Go­vernourship of Groningen, as had he lived, he would possibly have done the same for Frieze­land, [Page 121] that then having the Stadtholdership of all the seven, he might at last have made himself ab­solute Master of the whole; but Death prevent­ing him in this his more than probable design; Groningen since his Decease, returned to their first Family, who deserves as well from them, several of them having lost their Lives in their Service, as the other House of Nassa doth from the rest.

And now to shew further, the great liberty that these Countries (who are ever jealous of their priviledges) antiently enjoyed, as well be­fore they were under the House of Burgundy, as during that time, I shall instance in Gelderland and Holland.

The first of these Provinces is found to have been divided into four particular Tetrarchies, three whereof (viz) Nimmegen, Arnheim, and Zutphen, were invested with so much power, that if any Subject complained to the Tetrar­chy, to which he belonged, of wrong done him by the Prince, making the truth thereof appear, they were obliged to demand right of the Prince for the party injured, and not re­ceiving satisfaction within two months after de­mand, to sequester all his Domain within their Jurisdiction, and if he should still deny, or de­lay giving reparation within one Month after that, then they were to make the Case known to the other two Tetrarchies, who thereupon were obliged to sequester all the Domain of the Prince within their several Jurisdictions. And as in these times, the Government was in three Divisions with a Prince, the Change is no more, than in laying aside the Prince, and Governing after the [Page 122] same method without him, as before with him, save that the people enjoy now their priviledges under the present Government without dispute, whereas they were in perpetual contest about them under the former.

Holland was originally an independant Pro­vince, holding neither of the Emperour, nor any other Foreign Prince, and always governed by States together with a Prince, none but Natives being capable of Election to be Councellors, Trea­surers, or other great Officers, the States having power of themselves to assemble when, where, and as oft as they pleased, without leave of their Prince, as also they had the sole power of leavy­ing Taxes, but making Peace and War, ordering and disposing of the Mint, was with consent of the States and the Prince, no subject being bound to the obedience of any Command, but as it was founded in Law, the Prince at his Installation, ta­king an Oath to maintain the Customs and Laws of the Land, and the people subsequently promi­sing only to be true and obedient unto him, so long as he governed according to Law. Many pri­viledges more might be instanced in, but by these the measures of their antient Liberties are suffi­ciently to be Calculated.

Charles Duke of Burgundy (surnamed the War­like) Master of these Provinces, begun first to in­croach upon the Belgick Liberties, wherein with much subtilty he proceeded soberly and secretly, as knowing that old Foundations were not sud­denly, but by degrees to be overthrown, his Grandson (the Emperour Charles the Fifth) taking example from him, went on in the same way, yet a little more publickly and vigorously, but his [Page 123] Son and Successor Philip the Second King of Spain (although a Prince of great parts) being impati­ent of a slow pace, making over-great hast in the design, provoked the Estates of these Countries to cast him off, and take the Government to themselves, which they now carry on without a Prince, as they did before with one.

This Philip being acted by ambition, and pre­suming upon his great strength, vast parts and abi­lities, designed the total subversion of the Belgick Liberties, Government, and the Reformed Reli­gion (which had then taken root, and was of a fast growth among them) and some say even of the Nation it self, intending an extirpation of the old, and a replantation with new Inhabitants, making his method the provoking them to stand upon their own defence, by the highest oppression imaginable, not doubting, but when he had for­ced them to fly to the natural right of self-preser­vation, he should be able with ease to subdue them, and after he had done that, to cast (by the authority of his dignity and person) the blame upon themselves, though never so innocent, and then plausibly confiscate their Estates, destroy the People, new plant the Country, and rule Arbi­trarily according to his own Will and Pleasure, a method which in part hath been sometimes used by Princes for obtaining of absolute Dominion, though not always with good success, as the re­volt of the Cantons of Switzerland, as well as these Countries do witness, beside that three Kings of Denmark lost successively the Kingdom of Swe­den by it, as did also afterwards Sigismondus of Poland the same Crown of Sweden: And that the King of Spain miscarryed in his ambitious and [Page 124] wicked undertakings, his greatness in Dominions, Allies, and his own parts considered, may serve to shew to all Princes, what a small people made desperate may do, and will be matter of admira­tion to posterity, and of ascribing it to the signal hand of God, in punishing the unrighteous de­signs of that Cruel King against his own Subjects, and prospering their necessary defence, and the assistance afforded them therein by good Queen Elizabeth, and the several Kings of England and France.

The several ways he used to incense the peo­ple, were first in making the Dutchess of Parma (his natural Sister) contrary to their priviledges (in that she was an Alien) Governess of these Countries.

Secondly, In imposing a new and extraordinary Council upon them, consisting of several Stran­gers, whereof Cardinal Grandfield being one, was made President of it.

Thirdly, In placing many other Strangers, in great Offices of trust and profit.

Fourthly, In setting up the Inquisition, and that with an extraordinary power.

Fifthly, In commanding the observation of the Council of Trent.

And sixthly, In increasing the number of Popish Bishops, from three to seventeen, the fourteen added being chosen by the King with only the Popes approbation, that depending upon him, they might be the more complying Instruments for Tyranny and Persecution. And when he had made these breaches upon their Liberties, consi­dering such Innovations to be high intrenchments upon their rights, and therein superlative pro­vocations, [Page 125] he then contrary to Law, brought in an Army of Foreigners upon them, to force a submission to his Arbitrary Will, and that not only in Taxes and Impositions, but also in all other things, by which he put the people out of doubt as to his intentions of reducing them to slavery.

His petty Artifices for impoverishing the Nobi­lity and Gentry, by provoking them to live above their Estates, &c. as necessary (as he thought) to the introducing of an absolute Dominion, are not worth mentioning, more than that he therein missed his Interest, in that it was the only way to dispose them to cast off that Government, under which they could not comfortably live; for surely no Counsels are more dangerous to a Prince than such as tend to make a people poor, who have had the experience of riches.

The people being thus provoked, sought first redress of their grievances from the Dutchess of Parma, who of her self was inclinable enough to relieve them, insomuch that the Count of Eg­mont being with her approbation sent into Spain, to represent the Complaints of the Provinces, the King dissembled a willingness to redress them, re­turning him with a favourable answer, especially in remitting the Edicts about Religion and the In­quisition, whereby the discontents of the people were removed, and the Government carried peaceably on by their Governess, with the ad­vice and assistance of the Nobility of the Country, until the Year 1565. that the Queen of Spain (ha­ving the Duke of Alva with her) met her Bro­ther Charles the Ninth of France, with his Mother Queen Katherine at Byon, the next Port in France to Spain, and as near as Dover is to Calis, where [Page 126] an extirpation of all professing the Reformed Re­ligion in both Kingdoms was agreed upon, with a mutual assistance of each other in the design; and accordingly the King sent Letters the same Year to the Governess, disowning what he had before granted to Count Egmont, Commanding without favour or pardon, the putting all Hereticks to Death, the Execution of the Council of Trent, and the Emperours Edict about Religion. This multiplyed discontents, and the Constancy of many Martyrs in their Deaths, having wrought exceedingly upon the people, great multitudes rise, and in the Year 1566. they hindered the Executions of some, breaking Prisons, and setting others at Liberty, which was soon after seconded by a Confederacy of the great ones, never to suffer the Inquisition in the Netherlands, but to banish it as that which occasioned so much Cruelty as ex­ceeded all former Tyrannies.

These stirrings being by the Governess repre­sented to the King, he did at last recal his Com­mands, but by his slowness in it, his juglings and frequent dissimulations (which with the wisest of Princes cannot last long undiscovered) having lost his Credit with the people, this revocation at its arrival found great Insurrections in many places, to which the Governess would have had gentle remedies applied, but was not able to pre­vail therein with the King, for [...]e (by the advice of desperate Councellors) being bent upon bloody resolutions, instead of giving any satisfaction to their just grievances, returned nothing but threats, seconding them immediately by sending the Duke of Alva (infamous for Cruelty) with an Army, of which he was made General, and [Page 127] with him for Civil matters, one Vergias, a witty, bold, needy Fellow, who (having been a Judge in Spain, had been there laid aside for Injustice and Corruption) was as odious for Villany, and therein the fittinger for Arbitrary and Tyrannical Work.

Now the choice of these two Instruments, shew­ing the Netherlanders what they had to trust unto, caused Confederacies to be entered into by the Chief of the Country (being yet Papists) for the defence of their priviledges: but it was not long after, ere the Prince of Orange and others, thought it wisdom to withdraw into Germany, as the Counts of Egmont, and Horn, &c. not doing the same, found cause in a little time to repent their imprudence, being soon after Alva's and Vergi­as Arrival (although the Country was then by their means reduced to Peace) unjustly put to Death.

The Emperour offered himself as Mediator, but was by the King rejected, his intended work and design not being less than a total Confiscation of Estates, wherein he went so far, that multitudes being made Criminals, another Insurrection fol­lowed, and the Country being prepared by heavy and unusual Impositions and Taxes, at the retired Lords second return out of Germany with assist­ance, and after the Count of Marks success upon the Brill, &c. the suffering party joined readily with them; and although the first places that rise, as Antwerp, &c. were in a little time reduced to the obedience of the King, the places remoter from Bruxels (the residence of the Spanish Gover­nour) so prevailed, that the Duke of Alva was forced in the Year 1573. to return with disgrace for Spain, and his Successor providentially dying not long af­ter, [Page 128] the Chief of the Provinces entered (before any other was setled) into an Agreement with the Prince of Orange, for carrying on the affairs of the Provinces, and in the Year 1576. made an Act for expulsion of all Foreign Souldiers, re­storing all the antient Forms of Government, referring matters of Religion to the States Pro­vincial of each Province respectively, to do there­in particularly for themselves as they should see cause, which Articles Don John (then Governour) with the consent of the King, did under the name of the Pacification of Ghent, ratify and confirm; but the King notwithstanding this, taking the first opportunity of breaking this Pacification, occasioned thereby that solemn Union, called that of Ʋtrecht (taken the 29. of January, in the Year 1578. English, and 1579. Hollands stile (they be­ginning the Year from the first of January, as we do from the 25th of March) for their common defence and preservation) which then laid (and still is) the foundation of their Common­wealth.

After this, the Confederates growing bold, went on prosperously, and when they had got themselves into a prevailing posture of defence, establishing a Liberty in Religion, God so blessed them, that they grew rich, gained upon the Spa­niard, and after about eighty Years of continual War (save twelve of Truce) forced the Spaniard in the Year 1648. to own them for a Free State, confess the Justice of their Cause, and make Peace with them upon their own Conditions, leaving every individual Province in the full ex­ercise of that Government which they had set up, and agreed upon exclusive to the King, and the [Page 129] seven United Provinces, in a joint execution of their new model for common safety and preser­vation, under the title of Estates General, upon which Government I shall here make some obser­vations, as I have already done upon the several Soveraignties of each individual Province in the next preceeding Chapter, intitled The Interest of the Ʋnited Netherlands.

The General Government of the seven Provin­ces united in one for common defence, is chiefly carried on and managed by four General Coun­cils (or Colledges, as they call them) (viz.) the Estates General, the Council of State, the Cham­ber of Accounts (or Exchequer) and the Col­ledge for Marine Affairs, all sitting in the Hague in the Province of Holland, and constitu­ted of Deputies sent thither by the several States Provincial of the seven Provinces respectively, for several Terms, according to the several Cu­stoms of every particular Province, each Province having one Voice in the States General.

First, That Council called the States General (composed usually of about thirty persons) is the supream or chief power of the Union, to which each Province send as many Deputies as they please, but whatever the number of their De­puties are, they have all but one Voice, matters being carried by plurality of Provinces, and not of persons, so that the Votes of the Council be­ing seven, according to the number of the Pro­vinces, that Province that sends six or seven De­puties (as Holland sometimes doth) hath but one Voice as another hath, which perhaps sends but one or two, and in this Council, neither Stadt­holder of those Provinces which had such an Offi­cer, [Page 130] nor any Military person or Officer had right of Session, though when the Prince of Orange thought fit to desire to be heard, he was admitted to offer his advice in person to the States General, and sometimes it was asked of him by their President sent to him to that purpose, but in the Provincial States of the Province of Holland, the Prince never appeared personally, but was always waited upon by the Pentionary for his advice in their affairs; and although the Prince took an Oath of obedience to the States General, as also to the States Provincial of every Province over which he was Governour, yet he was not suffered to pay the Souldiers, the paying of them be­ing kept in themselves, thereby to keep the Soul­diers in dependance upon them.

The Members of this Colledge are some for three, other for six Years, and some though but few for life, lest such continuance should lessen the authority of their principals; they have the highest Jurisdiction over the Militia (the Souldi­ers swearing to them) over all Lands belonging to the Union, with an absolute power of leavying and disbanding Souldiers, advising only with the Governour in it, without acknowledging (as to the thing) any authority in him; but the making Governours of Frontier Garrisons, Captains, Co­lonels, and Military Officers, was so far in the Stadtholder, as to chuse them out of such as were presented to him by the States, who in their act­ings are obliged to keep to the Laws of the Land, and Articles of the Union.

The work of this Council is to send and receive Embassadors, to hold intelligence with Princes and States, make Peace and War; to agree upon [Page 131] general Taxes for maintenance of the general Union, and protect all the members of it. To order the United General Forces both by Sea and Land in time of War. To govern in chief the Conquered Lands in Brabant, Flanders, and the hither parts of Germany (not being part of any of the seven Provinces) as belonging in common to the Union, with all other matters of general concern, all debates being carried by plurality of Votes, save in making Peace, War, and leavy­ing of Taxes, in none of which there must be so much as one negative, and in this Council each Province presides their week alternatively, except refusing to conclude according to plurality of Votes, he resigns to the President for the ensuing Week, as in such Case he is obliged to do.

This Council doth sometimes make and publish Laws in their own names, which concern the Union, but not by any general Commission im­powering them therein, but by licence first ob­tained from their principals. For as the several Deputies of which the States General are constitu­ted, cannot give their Votes but according to the instructions they receive from their respective Su­periours (the States Provincial that send them) so they cannot publish any Law binding to the Provinces, without having it first rati­fied and confirm'd by the States Provincial of each Province, the Provinces being as well careful to preserve their respective Soveraign­ties and legislative power within themselves, as jointly to defend the whole against their common Enemy.

The second General Colledge is called the [Page 132] Council of State, the members of which are sent by the Provincial States of the respective seven Provinces, as the States General are, save that their numbers are certain, and that they Vote by per­sons, and not by Provinces as the States General do; every Deputy presiding by turns, Gelderland, Zeland, and Ʋtrecht, sending each two, Holland three, Friezeland, Overyssel and Groningen each one, in all twelve persons, continuing for two, three, or four Years, according to the Custom of the Province that sends them, save that those sent from Zeland, and the person sent by the Nobility of Holland, continue for life, as doth also the Treasurer General.

This Council is for all Land Affairs, in nature of a subordinate Council or Committee to the States General, to prepare business for them; to have inspection over the Garrisons, Fortifications, Ammunitions, Stores and the Souldiery; to in­form the States General of all things necessary for publick good, presenting to them once a Year, an estimate of the necessary expences for the Year ensuing. Taking care that Peace be kept among all sorts and degrees, and nothing done to the prejudice of the priviledges of any particular Pro­vince, offering their advice upon all to the States General. To put in execution the Laws published by the States General, and to see to the observa­tion and keeping of them. To see that the Union receive no dammage. To have an inspection over the Treasuries, and the disposal of the Finances belonging to the States General, seeing that they be rightly imployed, giving every three months to the States General, and to all the States Provincial each an account; in this Council the Treasurer [Page 133] General hath a right of Session, with a delibera­tive but without a decisive Vote, and formerly the Prince of Orange as Captain General, was Pre­sident of this Council, and in those times, if du­ring the life of their General his Successor was chosen, he had also thereby right of Session with a decisive Vote, but neither the General, nor his Successor, had ever any right to come into the Council of the States General.

The third Colledge is the Chamber of Ac­counts, consisting of two Deputies, sent from each Province, changeable every three Years, this Colledge is a check upon the Council of State (who disposeth of the Finances) in controuling their Orders, examining and stating the accounts of all the several Receivers.

The fourth Colledge is of a different constitu­tion to the other three, for being for Sea affairs, wherein as the Provinces of Holland, Zeland, and Friezeland are most concerned, so they have the greater shares in the Election of their Depu­ties.

The Marine Affairs are managed in subor­dination to the States General, by five distinct Admiralties; the first at Rotterdam, the second at Amsterdam, the third at Horne, the fourth at Midleborough, and the fifth at Harlingen; the three first being in Holland, the fourth in Zeland, and the fifth in Friezeland. Each Admiralty con­sists of seven Members, four of which are of that Province, and chosen by them where the Admi­ralty sits, and the other three, out of the four Provinces which have no Admiralties in them, as Gelderland, Ʋtrecht, Overyssell, and Groningen, and are Elected by the States General out of such per­sons [Page 134] as are presented to them by the Provincial States of the four forementioned Provinces, and in all the Admiralties, the Commander in Chief at Sea presides, when ever he is present in any of them.

These five Admiralties send twice a Year their Deputies to the Hague, where assembling they make the fourth general Colledge, which being only for Naval Affairs, their work is to consult with the States General, Council of State, and Commander in Chief at Sea about their Marine Force, and maintaining of Trade, each of the Ad­miralties having their particular Treasurers, an account of the receit and payment of which is given in every three Months to this Colledge for Sea affairs, residing at the Hague, and by them to the States General.

The Election of the Sea Captains and Comman­ders belong to the Admiral General, but the no­mination to the Marine Colledge, as doth also a final decision (without appeal) of all differen­ces between Merchants, Ship-Masters, and Sea­men, under sixty pounds Hollands, which is about thirty six pounds English; and to the end that Na­vigation be not hindered, they are obliged to a speedy dispatch of all such disputes, and are fur­ther to take care, that the States General have their due of all prizes taken by Privateers, of which belongeth one fifth to the States, a tenth to the Admiral, and the rest to the Undertakers, the Seamen and Souldiers of the Ships.

All Captains and Commanders of men of War, both private and publick, give security before they go to Sea, not to wrong the Subjects of any Nation in Friendship with the States. And thus [Page 135] the common defence of the Ʋnited Provinces, is managed by the States General, they having un­der them, the Council of State for Land, the Chamber of Accounts for the Treasury, with the Council deputed by the Admiralties for Sea Af­fairs, their several works being carried on with­out envy; for as Faction is that which of all things is most dangerous to a Common-wealth, so to prevent that, as well as out of frugality, they make their imployments so bare, that all cause of envying the enjoyment of them is taken away, an Office of 200l per annum, being rare among them, the Sallary of a Member of a Counsellor of State, not being above 150l star. per annum, and of their Secretaries under 100l. Their allowance to their Embassadors being but 1000l star. per annum, in all places save Constantinople, where they allow 1200l per annum to him at that Court.

It is a Tradition and reputed true, that when that great and wise Spanish General the Duke of Parma, observed the frugality of the Dutch, in their way of living, (viz.) in their Sallaries, and in all their management of affairs, he said, their parsimony would undo his Master, wherein he proved no less than a true Prophet. And certainly those States and Empires that carry on their Go­vernments by good Husbandry, will always have the Commanding advantage of those that are profuse and lavish.

Though this Government cannot be said to be without Corruption, there being no perfection in this World, nor any thing good, but as compared to worse, yet all the care imaginable is (by their fundamentals) taken to prevent it, as by strict [Page 136] Oaths against Bribery, either immediately to those in place themselves, or mediately to their Wives, Children, Servants, Relations or others, all members of Councils related to any person, having business before them, being to depart du­ring the debate thereof. And all Advocates at Law, at their Admissions take three Oaths. First, Not to take greater Fees than are allowed by Law. Secondly, Not to take Fees on both sides. And thirdly, Not to entertain any Cause, which in their Consciences they do not judge just and right. And the effects of these Rules are found, in that none are observed to grow rich meerly by Offices, as in other Countries, nor to get more than very ordinary Estates, by the Ministry, Law, or Phy­sick, which tends all to the incouragement of Trade (the great inricher of them) in thereby disposing men the more to it.

And now upon the whole, to sum up the Go­vernments of the Ʋnited Netherlands, both seve­rally as so many distinct Soveraignties, with inde­pendant Jurisdiction, each within themselves, and jointly, as a Common-wealth for common defence and preservation.

First, The particular Government of each Pro­vince is much after one and the same manner (viz.) by States Provincial (or for our better un­derstanding, by Parliaments) as the Legislative and supream power of every Province, with Councils of State of other distinct persons sub­ordinate to them, the members of both deriving their powers from the several Orders of each Province (according as is shewed in the foregoing Chapter, called the Interest of the United Nether­lands) who send their Deputies for several Terms, [Page 137] to such places as are appointed by each Province for their Residence, the States Provincial meeting of course at certain times, and ofter as they are summoned upon extraordinary occasions by the Council of State, who sit continually, saving that their power ceaseth, during the sitting of the States Provincial.

Secondly, These Provinces being united as one Common-wealth, for the ends only of common safety, are Governed by that Council called the States General, who have chiefly three other Coun­cils or Colledges under them (viz.) the Council of State, the Chamber of Accounts, and the Col­ledge for Naval Affairs, all which as well as the States General, derive their powers and authori­ties from the several States Provincial (or Parlia­ments) of the several Provinces, who send their respective Deputies chosen out of themselves, to make each Colledge or Council (and to remain at the Hague in Holland, the place where the Go­vernment of the Union is managed) for certain Terms, some longer, and some shorter, accord­ing to the several Customs of each Province.

The publick Charge of the Ʋnion is born by every Pro­vince according to the proportions here undermen­tioned (viz.) of 100l.
GElderland payeth051203.

[Page 138]And Amsterdam alone, from the benefit of Trade, pays near 25. per Cent. of all the Charge of the Province of Holland, as that Province pays according to its quota, near three fifths, and by supplying what the other Provinces fall short of their proportions, near four fifths of the whole Charge of the Union.


GErmany being incompassed with France, the Netherlands, North Sea, Denmark, the Baltick Sea, Prusia, Poland, Hunga­ria, Switzerland, and the Alpes (which parts it from Italy) is a mighty Country, in a manner round, containing many Provinces, and within them many Soveraignties and Principalities, some under Temporal and Ecclesiastical Princes, others under Republick Cities, Soveraign Earls, Lords and Gentlemen, all making a kind of an undi­gested Common-wealth, united under the Empe­rour as their Head, the Choice of whom is in eight Electors; five for the Temporalty, and three for the Church.

[Page 140]Those of the first Order are the King of Bohe­mia, the Dukes of Bavaria and Saxony, with the Marquess of Brandenburgh, and the Prince Elector Palatine of the Rhine: For the Plenipotentiaries at the Treaty of Peace at Munster, in the Year 1648. finding the last excluded the Electoral Col­ledge, under pretence of his Father the King of Bohemia's having risen up in defence of the German Liberties, and the Protestant Religion, and the Duke of Bavaria advanced to his place (which the Emperour Ferdinand the II. had procured the corrupt Dyet, or Parliament in 1628. illegally to Enact, contrary to the Protestations of the Electors of Saxony, Brandenburgh and Mentz, and Fundamental Constitutions of the Empire, by which the Children of the Electors, and other Princes, are not for the offences of their Fathers to forfeit their Inheritance) they had no other expedient for his restauration than by increasing the number of the Temporal Electors, to bring him in as an additional Elector: and although he was antiently the first of the three secular Ele­ctors, they could not obtain more for him, than the place due to a new Creation, which is the last.

Those of the second Order are the Archbishops of Mentz, Tryers, and Colen. The King of Bohe­mia (until the Peace at Munster, that there were but six Electors beside himself) was Umpire in Case of even Votes, but by the addition of one, their number (with the King) is made eight, and without any provision (that I can hear of) for de­cision in Case of even Votes.

The secular Princes of this Country are many, but the Chief are the four Electors and their Fa­milies, [Page 141] the Kings of Sweden and Denmark (for what they hold in this Country) the Dukes of Burgundy, Brunswick and Lunebourgh, Saxon Law­enbourg, Mechelenbourgh, Wirtembourgh, and Hol­stein, the Landgraves of Hessen, the Marquesses of Baden Durlach, and Baden Buden, the Princes of Anhalt, and the younger Families of each of these Houses, with some lately made by the Em­perour from Earls to Princes of the Empire, as the Prince of Orange, the Grave of Nassa (Stadt­holder of Friezeland) the Graves of East Frieze­land, Salms, and Mauritz of Nassa; but though the Grave of Nassa Dillenbourgh is the Chief of the Nassa Family, he refused or at least would not seek to change his Title for that of Prince.

The Ecclesiastical Princes are the three Church Electors, the Bishops and Abbots reputed Princes of the Empire, there being still the Archbishop of Saltzbourg, and about twenty other Bishopricks remaining unalienated, and not erected into se­cular Principalities as the rest are.

The Republick Cities are near if not full seventy in number, whereof three or four are Papists, as many half Papists half Lutherans, one Calvinist (which is Bremen) and all the rest of the August­bourgh Confession, the Chief of which are Neuren­bourgh, Strasbourgh, Ʋlme, Frankford upon the Main, Hambourgh, Lubeck, Bremen, Collen, and Au­gustbourgh, which last is one of those that are part Papists, but the better half Lutherans, &c.

The Earls and Graves are so many as cannot well be collected, but some of the principal are Oldenburgh (now fallen to the King of Denmark, the Dukes of Holstein Goddorp, and Holstein Plaen, as joint-Heirs) Hanaw, Swartzbourgh, Mansfeild, Hogenstein, Nassa, &c.

[Page 142]The antient considerable Barons are not many, but of such as bear the title there are not a few; but Barons, Earls, Princes, Marquesses, or Dukes, Crea­ted by the Emperour, have no Session in the Dyet, without obtaining of them their allowance, and being first matriculated in the Imperial Roll, kept by the Elector of Mentz for that purpose, so that the number of those that bear several Titles (con­ferred by the Emperour as meerly titular) and never come into the Dyet, are many.

The Gentry are according to the Custom of their Country, some Soveraigns (as they call them) and others not, as the most of them in High Ger­many are absolute within their own Jurisdictions, some of them owing only a bare homage to the Emperour for what they hold immediately of him, as others do the same to the Prince within whose Territories they lie; but the Princes of the lower parts of Germany, together with Saxony, Bran­denburgh, and Hessen, governing by Estates, not having power to leavy Taxes but with their con­sents, there the Gentry are not absolute, but sub­ject to the Laws of their several Countries in common with others, and are only looked upon as the principal Estate next the Prince of the Coun­try, whereby those Princes are the more consi­derable.

And now for the better describing the greatness of the Empire, I shall make some observations upon each Principal Princes Family, beginning with the House of Austria, of which, though the Emperour is as to dignity the first, yet the King of Spain is otherwise the Chief. And withal you may take notice, that at present it hath no Heirs Males left, save the present Emperour and the young [Page 143] King of Spain, so that the extinction of all the younger branches of this Family, which formerly enjoyed large Territories in the Empire, renders the Emperour the greater Prince in the sole pos­session of all the Lands belonging to his parti­cular Family, which is at least the fourth part of Hungaria (got by Conquest) the Turk having the rest. The Kingdom of Bohemia (claimed by the Sword, and confirmed to him by the Peace at Munster, of both which Countries he now writes himself Hereditary King.) The Archdutchy of Austria, the entire Dutchies of Stiria, Croatia, and Corinthia, the Marquisate of Moravia, the County of Tyroll, and the supreme Soveraignty of the Dutchy of Silesia: for though there are several Dukes in it, with a kind of Soveraign power, they are nevertheless subordinate to the Emperour as Lord Paramount, and these are con­tiguous, beside many other Lands, small Counties and Baronies scattered in several parts of the Em­pire, so that all his Territories considered, he were a mighty Hereditary Potentate, did he not give himself too much up to the Steerage of the Ecclesiasticks, who seldom if ever prove good Pi­lots in Civil Affairs.

The Elector Palatine hath only the Lower Pa­latinate left him, the Ʋpper being given from him by the Treaty at Munster to the Duke of Bava­ria, who was then in possession of it, as was also that part of his former possessions, called the Ber­gestraut, given to the Elector of Mentz, upon pre­tence of a forfeiture of an old Mortgage. This Prince though (his Revenue being thus paired) he comes far short of what the other Electors have, yet by his wise Conduct, holds as [Page 144] Princely a State as any of the rest of his Or­der.

Of this Family there are five branches younger Houses, (viz) The Dukes of Bavaria, Newburgh, Zwaibrugg (of which last House the Grandfather of the present King of Sweden was a Younger Brother,The Prince Pa­latine of Zimerin is lately dead. and himself now next Heir) the Paltzgrave of Sultz­back, and the Prince of Zimerin, Cousin German to the present Ele­ctor Palatine by his Fathers Younger Brother.

The Elector of Bavaria hath Ʋpper and Lower Bavaria, This Elector of Bavaria is lately dead. the Ʋpper Palatinate, and many other scattered Lands in other parts of Germany, which taken all together are so great, that did he inherit his Fathers Abilities, as he doth his Territories, he might for Potency be reckoned equal to any of the German Princes, save the Em­perour, but falling very short in that, he is the less considerable; the Younger Houses of this Family are the same with the Elector Palatines, who is his Chief.

The Father of the present Elector of Saxony, was a considerable Prince,This Elector of Saxony is lately dead. in being the sole Master of Saxony Meisen, the Ʋpper and Lower Lusatia, with other large Territories, and a person of able parts, but this Elector having three Brothers, who share with him in his Fathers Inheri­tance, and himself coming very far short of his A­bilities, is not by much so great as his Father was.

There are several Younger Families of this House, as the Duke of Saxon-weimer (whose An­cestor was degraded by the Emperour Charles the [Page 145] Fifth from the Electoral Dignity, for adhering to Luther and that party, the present Electors Ance­stor being Installed in his place) the Dukes of Saxon Altenbourg, Saxon Gota, and the present Electors three Brothers, each of which make a Family.

The Elector of Brandenburg is the mightiest Prince in Territories of all the Electors (and the greater Potentate, in being the wisest and greatest Souldier of any Soveraign Prince of this Age) ha­ving besides the old and new Marquisates of Bran­denburg, the half part of Prusia, (where he is an independant Soveraign Prince) the Lower Pome­rania, the several Bishopricks of Halberstat, Min­den, Cammin, and Magdeburg (after the decease of the present Administrator) the Dutchy of Cleve, and Counties of Marke, and Ravensbourg, with se­veral other Lands These Bishopricks were erected into Secular Principalities, and given him by the Treaty at Munster, in consideration of his losses in the late Wars, and in exchange for the Ʋpper and part of the Lower Pomerania, which were ta­ken from him to give to the Swedes, they being in possession of them at the time of the Treaty for the General Peace; there are of younger Houses of this Family, the several Marquesses of Barheit, Culem­bach and Anspacke, and those descended from them.

The Duke of Burgundy, who is the King of Spain, and hath only the Franche Comté, Burgundy now given to the French King. or County of Burgundy left in Germany, is without any younger Houses of it, more than the Empe­rour, who though greater in dignity, is a younger House of Spain.

The House of Brunswick and Lunenburg hath [Page 146] several Branches, all writing Dukes of both Coun­tries, for that in Germany all the Titles of the Fa­ther are derived to every Son, who are distin­guished usually by the places of their chief Resi­dence, and so there are at present four several Dukes Families of Brunswick and Lunenburg, the Chief having his Residence at Woolfenbotle, the se­cond at Zell, the third at Hanover, and the fourth at Osnabourgh; but though the Title of Brunswick belongs to the three last, who write themselves Dukes thereof, because descended from thence, yet they are in Germany vulgarly called Dukes of Lunenburg (with addition for distinction sake of the place where they live) the whole Land of Lunenburg belonging (upon the matter) to them, and but a small part of the Land of Brunswick the most part of that Dutchy being under the Duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg Woolfenbotle, who though (as I presume) the Chief of the Fa­mily, because in common discourse (without other distinction) he is called Duke of Brunswick (which is the Chief Dutchy) yet in the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus, was not by much so considerable as the Father of the three present Dukes of Lunenburg, nor is he of Woolfenbotle, as I believe, so great at this time, as either he of Zell or Hanover is at present, having, or at least lately had, several younger Brothers who share with him.

The House of Silesia hath several Dukes Fami­lies of it (as is before mentioned) but the Em­perour hath the supream power with the greatest part of the Dutchy, and is Heir to some of the Princes if their Male lines fail; but this Dutchy hath in several Ages belonged to several Crowns, as antiently it was reckoned a member of Poland, [Page 147] and though it lie in Germany, and speaks that Language, it is now reckoned a member of Bo­hemia.

The House of Mechlenbourgh hath two distinct Families, but descended from one common An­cestor (viz.) one called Duke of Swerine, and the other Duke of Castro, who have betwixt them the whole Dutchy of Mechlenberg, save the City of Wismar (the chief Town of the Country, and best Haven upon the Baltick) with the Land about it, which the Crown of Sweden had given to them (being in possession of it) by the Treaty at Mun­ster, when by the Peace made at that time, the rest of the Land was restored to the two Princes of the Country, with several Church Lands given them in lieu of what they parted with to the Swede.

The House of Hessen hath two considerable Fa­milies of it, distinguished by the several Titles of Landgraves of Hessen Cassel, and Hessen Darmstat, the latter being a younger House of Cassel, and each of these Houses have, or at least lately had younger Brothers, but of little consideration, one of each House being lately turned Papist, of which he, called Cardinal of Hessen, is one.

Of the House of Wirtemberg, there were not long since (if there are not still) several younger Brothers, all bearing the Titles of Dukes of Wir­temberg, but the Chief is he of Stucgard, a very considerable Prince, this Dutchy being equal (if not superiour) for fertility to any Country in Germany, and hath a younger Branch, which from its residence at Mompelgard, bears in common discourse the Title of Duke of that Town, but in writing is stiled Duke of Wirtemberg.

[Page 148]The Dutchy of Holstein contains Holstein (pro­perly so called) Ditchmarsh and Idersey. Holstein singly taken (which is a Province of the Empire) is equally divided betwixt the King of Denmark, and that Prince called the Duke of Holstein God­dorpe, each ruling distinctly within their several Jurisdictions, and yet the supream assembly for the whole is held alternatively one Year in the Kings name, and another in the Dukes name; but of Ditchmarsh, and Idersey, the Duke hath much the greater share, if not three parts of four. And beside these Countries, the Duke hath the entire Dutchy of Sleiswick, which joins upon Holstein, where he hath his residence at his Castle called Goddorpe, which Dutchy, together with Ditch­marsh, did depend upon the Crown of Denmark, until the Swede by their late Treaty of Peace with that Crown, made the Duke (whose Sister is Queen Regent of Sweden) as to those two Coun­tries an Independant Prince.

There are of this House two younger Families, one called Duke of Holstein Plain, the other the Duke of Holstein Sunderbourgh, but the last by their numerous younger Brothers, are all brought so low, and so dispersed in the World for their subsistence, that they deserve the taking no more notice of than naming, save only, that that ex­cellent Princess the present Electress of Branden­burg is a Daughter of that House, having been the former Duke of Zells Widdow, and now the Electors second Lady; who Married her upon condition of turning Calvinist, being before a Lu­theran, according to her Family (a good example for Reformed Princes.)

The Marquesses of Baden are two several Fami­lies, [Page 149] and some say of two distinct originals, others of one and the same, and that they have agreed upon entailing their Lands upon each other, in Case of failure of Heirs Males. The most considera­ble is he called the Marquess of Baden Durlach, a Lutheran, the other a Papist, who bears the name of Marquess of Baden Baden, and is of much less consideration than the first; but being a Romanist in Religion, is now (or was very lately) by the Emperours Election, the Chief Judge of the Im­perial Court of Spyers; there were of both these Families not long since, several younger Brothers, but being then Unmarried, they did little prejudice to their Chiefs.

The House of Anhalt is reckoned by some to be the antientest Family in Germany, having been formerly Electors, and to make way for the Fa­mily of Brandenburg, was degraded from that Dig­nity, without any other material reason. Their Country is but small, and lyeth incompassed with Lutheran Countries, as Brunswick, and Saxony, &c. but the people as well as their Princes, are of Cal­vins perswasion. This Family bears only the name of Prince, (though as before-mentioned was for­merly so great) which here in Germany is in de­gree under Dukes, Marquesses, and Landgraves. There are five several Families of this House, much of equal power and revenue, living all in the Country of Anhalt, making by consent a kind of Common-wealth among themselves, the eldest in Years being ordinarily reckoned the Director of all the Families, he calling them together upon all occasions of Consultation for the good of the whole; they are generally persons of great Ver­tue, Worth and Gallantry, but of no great Estates.

[Page 150]The Dukes of Saxon Lawenburg, are also very antient, and of the same original with the Princes of Anhalt, and have been likewise Electors, and without any great reason deprived of that dig­nity (to make way for Saxony) There were in my Memory, several Brothers gallant persons of this Family, which are now reduced to two, and they without Heirs Male, and if they die so, the Prin­ces of Anhalt succeed in their Inheritance as Heirs to them, which will be a convenient addi­tion, their Countries bordering upon one ano­ther.

These are the Chief of the Princes of Germany, and if any be omitted (as probably there may be some made lately by the Emperour from Counts to Princes) they are such, as are but of little con­sideration. The rest of the Lands in Germany not belonging to secular Princes, are injoyed by the Popish Church, free Imperial Towns, Soveraign Lords, Earls, and Gentlemen, of all which there are too many to enumerate.

Germany being thus possessed, is divided into ten Circles, called the Austrian, Burgundian, Ne­ther-rhinish, Bavarian, Saxon, Franconian, Swaben, Ʋpper-rhinish, Westphalian, and Nether Saxon Cir­cles.

1. The Austrian Circle contains some Princi­palities, Earldoms, Bishopricks, and several Con­vents, with the Lands belonging to them, beside the Territories appertaining to the Austrian Fa­mily, which being very large make this the great­est of the ten, and gives the Chief of the House of Austria the right of assembling the Circle and presiding in it, they holding themselves too great to have a Colleague in the Command of this Cir­cle, [Page 151] as most of the other Circles have.

2. The Burgundian Circle contains Burgundy, or Franche Comté, with several other small Counties:This County of Burgundy is now granted to the French King. Charles the Fifth added the seventeen Netherland Provinces to this Circle, but now there cannot be any reckoning made of them, and the King of Spain, to whom the County of Burgundy belongs, hath the right alone of assembling this Circle.

3. The Nether Rhinish Circle, contains the Territories of the Prince Elector Palatine, the three Church Electors, beside other Church Lands, with several Earldoms; and the right of assembling this Circle and presiding in it, belongs to the several Electors Palatine, and Mentz jointly.

4. The Bavarian Circle contains the Dutchy of Bavaria, some Principalities, several Earldoms and Baronies, the Archbishoprick of Saltzburg, some other Bishopricks, with several other Church Lands. The right of summoning this Circle, and presiding in it, belongeth to the Elector of Ba­varia, and the Archbishop of Saltzburg.

5. The Ʋpper Saxon Circle, contains several Bishopricks, with the Lands belonging to several Church Orders, the several Countries of the seve­ral Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, with other Principalities, several Earldoms and Baronies, the Elector of Saxony having the right alone of cal­ling the assembly of this Circle, and presiding in it.

6. The Franconian Circle contains three Bi­shopricks, several Convents, Church Jurisdictions, and the Teutonick Order, with the Lands belong­ing [Page 152] to them, several Earldoms and Imperial Ci­ties, with their Territories, whereof the great City of Neurenburg is one, the Bishop of Bamburg having the right of calling this Assembly and pre­siding in it, when the matters are Ecclesiastical, and when Political, the Marquess of Brandenburg Culembach.

7. The Swaben Circle is a Territory belonging to several Lords, to three Bishops, and many Convents, beside that it contains the Dutchy of Wirtemberg, the Marquisat of Ʋpper Baden, six­teen Earldoms, and many Imperial free Cities; the right of calling this Circle, and presiding in it, belongeth to the Duke of Wirtemberg, and Bishop of Constance.

8. The Ʋpper Rhinish Circle contains seve­ral Dukedoms and Principalities, eighteen Earl­doms, many Imperial free Cities, several Bishop­ricks and Convents; the calling of this assembly and presiding in it, belongeth to the Bishop of Wormes, and the Prince Palatine of Zimerine.

9. The Westphalian Circle contains four Duke­doms, two Principalities, two and twenty Baro­nies and Earldoms, thirteen Imperial free Cities, some Bishopricks and Convents, and the calling together of this Circle belongeth to the Bishop of Munster, and the Duke of Gulick.

10. The Nether Saxon Circle contains the se­veral Dutchies of Brunswick, Lunenburg, Mechel­burg, Saxon Lawemburg, Holstein, several Earl­doms, the several Bishopricks of Bremen, Verden, and Magdeburg (all now alienated and erected in­to secular Principalities) four Bishopricks, and six Imperial free Cities. The calling together of this Circle, and presiding in it, did belong to the [Page 153] Archbishop of Magdeburg, and the Duke of Law­emburg, but now the Elector of Brandenburg, upon the account of being Master of Magdeburg, and the King of Sweden being the same of the Bishop­rick of Bremen, they two take their turns in this Circle.

Germany thus divided into ten parts is united in a Dyet or Assembly of three Estates. The first be­ing that of the Electoral Colledge. The second that of the Princes, as well Ecclesiastical as Secu­lar, with Abbots, Counts and Barons, all making but one Estate. The third that of the free Impe­rial Cities. In the vacancy of an Emperour the Empire is governed by the Elector Palatine, as Vi­car for the upper part of Germany, and of the Coun­try lying upon the River Rhine, with Swaben and Franconia, &c. as all lying upon the River Elb, &c. is governed by the Elector of Saxony, as Vicar for all those parts, the Elector of Mentz being obliged to summon all the Electors to meet at Franckford upon the Main, within three Months after the Death of the Emperour, for the Election of his Successor.

The Dyet (which is as our Parliament) is cal­led together by the Emperour after he hath first obtained the consent of the Electors, which he is obliged to ask as essential to the being of it, and to call it as often as the Electors shall judge need­ful, and intimate the same to him. It's the Legi­slative Power considers of all matters of publick concern, and as need requires grants aids (though very rarely) against the Turk, or a common In­vader, and not otherwise, and then only accord­ing to the known standing proportions of each Elector, Prince, Free City, Earl, Baron, and all [Page 154] that are taxable, some Cities, as Neurenburg (which hath as I was told upon the place, eleven Cities (whereof one is an University) and a thou­sand Villages belonging to it) paying more than some Electors, the Emperour having no standing Revenue from the Empire as Emperour.

To this Dyet thus constituted of three Estates, lyeth an appeal in extraordinary Cases from the Imperial Court of Spyers, but seldom happens, the Judges of the Court being kept in awe by being upon any occasion summoned to the Dyet, to give an account of the Decrees made by them some time before. For there lyeth an Appeal to this Judicatory at Spyers, from all the Soveraign­ties in Germany, in all Civil Causes, above certain known sums, which are in some places more, and in some places less, according to the Customs of several places, save that the Electors and some other Princes, are by special priviledge absolute in their Judicatures, without Appeal from them to the Chamber at Spyers.

And besides this priviledge, the Electors have others very great, as a power of deposing the Em­perour as well as of electing of him when they shall judge him guilty of Mal-administration, but especially the power of the Elector Palatine seems to exceed all the rest, in that (as the German Wri­ters affirm) he hath the right (upon complaint, and at the suit of others) authoritatively to con­vene the Emperour for Debt, with other privi­ledges tending to the limiting and bounding of the Emperour, who also ought not to make Peace or War without consent of the Dyet.

The Court of Spyers is constituted of Deputies sent by the Emperour, the Electors, and the ten [Page 155] Circles, to the number of about thirty or forty persons, the Emperour as such, having the Prero­gative to chuse the chief Judge, and send four Deputies.

The Germans are as to Religion of different per­swasions, as Lutherans, Calvinists, and Papists; The Lutheran Princes and Countries are the Ele­ctor of Saxony, and all the several Branches of that House, with their several Countries. The Dukes of Brunswick and Lunenburg, and all their Branches and Countries (save that he of Hanover is lately turned Papist, but without Children) the several Dukes of Wirtemberg, Holstein, Saxon Lawemburg, Mechlenburg, the several Marquesses of Brandenburg, Culembach, Anspacke, and Barreit, the Marquesses of Baden Durlach, and the Land­grave of Hessen Darmestat (of which last House there is one lately turned Papist, as there is also one of Mechlenburg, but their Countries do all con­tinue Lutherans) with the Prince of Anhalt Serbst, many Earls and Barons, and near, if not full, sixty free Imperial Cities, beside the Kings of Sweden and Denmark, and all their Dominions which they hold in the Empire.

The Reformed Princes (called for distinction sake Calvinists) with their Territories, are the Elector Palatine, the Elector of Brandenburg him­self (but his Dominions most Lutherans) the Duke of Swabrug, one of the Dukes of Mechlen­burg (the other as is beforesaid with­out Children,The Prince of Zimerin late­ly dead. turned lately Papist) the Duke of Zimerin, the Princes of Anhalt, excepting him of Serbst, who is a Lutheran, with many Earls and Barons in Westphalia, &c. and the City of Bremen, the [Page 156] only Calvinist free City in all the Empire.

The Popish Princes are the Emperour, the Ele­ctor of Bavaria, the three Ecclesiastical Electors, the Duke of Newburg, the Marquess of Baden Baden, one Duke of Lunenburg, and another of Mechlenburg, two younger Brothers of the two se­veral Houses of Hessen; but all the several Coun­tries of the four last are Lutherans (the Princes in this Country, having no great influence upon their Subjects in point of Religion) with Bishops, Abbots, and Convents, and their several Coun­tries, as also some Earls and Barons, and three or four Imperial free Cities.

The Lutheran and Calvinist Countries are in the general entirely of the one or other Religion, but beside Bavaria, few of the Popish Countries are so, for even the Emperours Hereditary Lands had many both Lutherans and Calvinists in them, and have so still, if the late persecution hath not lessened them, and in several Countries belonging to Popish Bishops and Abbots, many Lutherans, and some Calvinists, have not only a right, but do also actually enjoy the publick exercise of their several Religions, without disturbance, and much more without Persecution.

The several Provinces of Franconia, Alsatia, Swaben, and Westphalia, are Countries without any particular Princes, denominatively bearing the Titles of them, as other Countries of Ger­many have (but the Duke of Saxon Lawenburg, writes Duke of Westphalia and Hungaria, but both meerly Titular, and not heard of save in publick writings to make a noise) the Proprietors being a mixture of several Princes, Earls, free Cities, and Romish Ecclesiasticks, which causeth in each [Page 157] of them the like variety in Religion, the three first being Lutherans and Papists, and the last Cal­vinists, Lutherans and Papists.

The Kingdom of Bohemia (though lying in Ger­many, and in a manner incompassed with it) I pass by, because a distinct Kingdom, speaking a distinct Language, not esteemed part of Germany, nor comprised within the Divisions of it, and without Session in the Dyet, or being taxed by it, as Silesia is also in the same condition, save that High Dutch is their Language.

And now after this brief account of Germany, it may well upon the whole be observed, that were it under a good method of Government, with a perfect general Union for common safety and preservation, it would not only according to the eye of reason, be (speaking after the manner of men) invincible, but also able above other Na­tions to become the Arbitrator among its Neigh­bours. For the situation of the Country, and the accommodations of it, in plenty of men, of stout Spirits, and strong Bodies, most fit and apt for War, abounding in Provisions and all sorts of Ammunition for Land Service, seem to render such a design its proper business; but as it is con­stituted of so many Soveraignties, and of several kinds, with such variety of Religions, the divi­ding of it (which can only be its Death) and so prevent it in keeping the ballance of Christendom (which may be reckoned its natural Province) is the easilier to be wrought; and considering the former vast greatness of the House of Austria, and the Conjunction of Popish Counsels and Forces, for bringing it under the Arbitrary Dominion of the Emperour, it is matter of great admiration [Page 158] it was not effected. And since the Germans are at this time delivered from all danger thence, it ought to be their wisedom to secure themselves against the like for the future, their true Interest being best discovered by remembring the hazard it hath (in our time) run of being reduced unto Slavery and Popery, and how it was miraculously delivered from the bondage of both.

The danger that Germany hath formerly at any time been in, hath been either from their Empe­rours dividing of them with design of Usurpation, or from the invasion of the Turk, no other Neigh­bour so long as they remain united, being in any kind their match.

When the House of Austria contended for the Universal Monarchy, knowing it would be of great disadvantage to own the design, they thought it most politick to colour it with a pretence of Religion, as that which would not only ingage the whole Romish party for them (Religion ha­ving a great influence upon the spirits of men) but also divide Germany, without which they could not hope to prevail against so mighty a Country, nor without subduing it to proceed in their work, and therefore upon that considerati­on, they gave their faction or party the name of the Catholick League, but the contrary party an­swering them in the naming theirs the Ecclesiasti­cal League (names being in some Cases of great efficacy as Cromwell found in naming his opposers Levellers) by the assistance of Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden, the latter brought the first so low, that they then fled to the Artifice of cor­rupting the Princes of Germany, by tempting promises of advantage in case they would desert [Page 159] the Swede, suggesting jealousies of them, by which means the Swedes (who came into Germany for relief of the oppressed Princes and States) after their King Gustavus was slain, were left destitute of any assistance, more than from that famous and eminently constant House of Hessen Cassel, all the rest of the considerable ruling Princes, either turning Neuters, or declaring against them; and had not the French better understood their Inter­est, in stepping seasonably in to the assistance of the Swede and the Landgrave, than the rest of the Princes did in deserting of them, and making their Peace with the Emperour, Germany had lost its liberty, and fallen under the absolute Domi­nion of the Austrian Family, whereas by their assistance freedom was preserved, and an honour­able peace obtained.

Now, although Germany was thus by an over­ruling hand of providence kept from ruine, yet the uncertainty of the Princes at that time when subversion so much threatned them, and the un­steadiness of them to their own Interests, in being drawn from it by plausible promises, which could have nothing less at the bottom, than at last their own destruction, shew the danger that the Empire was, and ever will be in, from the variety of petty Soveraigns, who will be always subject to temptations. For though the German Princes, be­ing firmly united in one common cause for com­mon safety and preservation, cannot be in danger from any Nation, yet by dividing of them, they may easily be sacrificed to the will and lusts of Neighbour Potentates, less formidable than them­selves.

The Turk hath formerly made several attempts [Page 160] upon the Empire, but could never advance fur­ther than Vienna (the Emperours Residence, and little more than the entrance into Germany) and from thence he was then forced to retreat with a loss he did not in some time after recover; and indeed the great distance considered betwixt Ger­many and Constantinople, from whence the Turk must have the main of his supplies and recruits, so long as Germany remains true to their Interest in being unanimous, the fear of him is in no de­gree equal to that of continuing the Imperial Crown too long in one and the same Family: for as the covetous and ambitious nature of man is never contented, but always undervaluing what it hath, and pressing after more; so the great ad­vantages that follow the Crown, from the power it hath of conferring honours, places, giving re­wards, and promising more upon success, is suffi­cient for a Prince, that hath an old root of suc­cession in great Hereditary Dominions of his own, to frame at any time a party for Usurpation, where he is but Elective. And that which run the Empire (not many years past) into so much danger of being reduced under the sole Dominion of the Emperour, and therein of the loss of their liberty, was keeping the Imperial dignity so ma­ny Ages in one and the same Family, and especi­ally in one so mighty of it self as Austria at that time was, as well as in great Allies, together with the emulation and indigency of some of the Princes subjecting them to temptations, in hopes of bettering their conditions by adhering to the Emperour.

Germany being a Country that affords great va­riety and plenty of staple Commodities, and ac­commodated [Page 161] with the several Rivers of Elb, Weiser, and Rhine, of great use and length, falling into the North Seas, with good Havens and Ports upon the Baltick, is capable of the greatest improve­ment by Trade, but is unhappily so obstructed in it, by the multitude of Soveraignties, laying as many Tolls upon Merchandize, passing to and fro, both by Land and Water, that without take­ing them off, it can never come forward in Trade: and of this prejudice (that wise Prince) the E­lector Palatine being sensible, made a motion at the last Dyet at Franckford, to have them taken away, freely offering (like a Father of his Coun­try) to lay down those (though very considera­ble) due to him upon the River Rhine, wherein had he prevailed, it could not but have been of vast advantage to the whole Nation; but though the Elector of Brandenburg (whose Tolls are likewise great upon the Rhine) seconded the Palatines mo­tion, it not agreeing with the Interest of the Ec­clesiasticks (who are for getting in their time all they can to themselves, without any regard to the publick) the Elector of Mentz first,This Elector since dead. and after him the other Eccle­siasticks, that have also Tolls upon the Rhine (preferring their own private before the general good, as they there universally do) so opposed the proposal, that it fell to the ground, and left Germany (whose people have a genius for Trade) under no increase of advantage for Commerce, nor more incouragement in it, than the liberty the free Imperial Cities, and their prudent examples give to the people, so that were it not for those Cities, Commerce being accoun­ted in this Country, inconsistent with Nobility or [Page 162] Gentry, and Slavery rendering a Peasantry un­fitting for it, this great and good Land, wonder­fully accommodated for Trade, would have little benefit by it; and therefore since it is Trade that makes every Country great, it is the Domestick Interest of Germany,

First, To maintain their free Towns in their just rights and liberties, and that in reference to the advancement of Trade, which cannot be im­proved without liberty; for I dare undertake to foretel, that those Princes which do promise to themselves great advantage, in the subduing of their Neighbour Republicks, shall find more loss by the decay of Trade, that the reducement of them will occasion to their Countries, than they will find profit by becoming Masters of them, for nothing makes Countries rich but Trade, and no­thing increaseth Trade but freedom; as Stade, Magdeburg, and Munster, in their several Coun­tries do sufficiently evince, those Cities, as well as the Countries wherein they lie, being now mi­serable poor to what they formerly were under liberty; and I have been credibly informed, that the Duke of Brunswick, from a sense he hath of the decay of Trade in his Country, since his re­ducement of the City of Brunswick, doth already repent his taking of it. And indeed I know no reason that can be assigned, why Poland that is so good and rich a Country of it self, furnished with natural advantages for Trade, should come so far short of Germany in Wealth as it doth, but the want of freedom and liberty in their Govern­ment to incourage Trade, and of Free Cities in the Country, to carry on Commerce, which Ger­many is happy in.

[Page 163]Secondly, It is their Interest to maintain their free Cities in their Liberties, because under free­dom, they are and will ever be, more formidable Bulworks against the incroachments of their Em­perours, or any other Potentate upon their rights, than they will be in the hands of any Prince, and that their formidableness adds much to the great­ness of the Empire; and though this may happily be excepted against by some out of a sottish averse­ness to freedom, yet the advantage they were of to the Assertors of liberty in the War of Gustavus Adolphus, doth fully make it good.

Thirdly, Because as it is the general Interest of all Germany, in reference to their safety, to main­tain the Republicks, so it is especially the parti­cular Interest of all the Protestant Princes to up­hold them, in that they are all (save some few) of their perswasion, and are so many sure For­tresses against Popery, and do contribute exceed­ingly to the casting the ballance of Dominion on the Protestant side; beside that the prosperity of them, beyond what is found in the Popish Cities, is of good example to the rest of the Empire, both as to Religion and Industry.

Fourthly, It is the Domestick Interest of Ger­many, to reduce the Election of their Emperours to the Primitive Institution, in not continuing that dignity too long in any one Family, for al­though they have at present escaped the danger of being subdued by the House of Austria, that Family being now not only brought low, but also in want of Princes of active and daring Spirits, with able parts (there being none left save the Emperour and young King of Spain) necessary for so great an undertaking, it cannot well in our [Page 164] Age put their Liberties any more in hazard, yet the example may be dangerous to posterity, when peradventure Austria may recover its vigour, or a more puissant Potentate obtain the Crown. And as to that exception against laying aside this pre­sent Family, because of their ability to oppose the Turk, it may be answered, that their Here­ditary Countries lying next to the Dominions of the Grand Signior, it will be as much the parti­cular Interest of the House of Austria, without the Imperial Crown, to oppose the Turk, as if they had that dignity.

Fifthly, It is their Interest to avoid the Electi­on of a Prince that may be too great for them, because aspiring to usurpation doth ordinarily ac­company greatness.

Sixthly, It is their Interest to maintain a good Intelligence and Union among themselves, not admitting difference in Religion to make any in State (lest thereby they give advantage to their Enemies) but to be equal towards all, protecting the meanest as well as the greatest, in their just rights and liberties, without suffering any to op­press another, and to lay it down as a certain Maxim, that ruine can never overtake them, but by division.

And could the Nobility and great men of Swe­den be content with their condition, and to live upon what God hath given them, that Kingdom might be of great use to this Country, in not only opposing (upon all occasions) the incroachments of their Emperours, or ambitious Neighbours, but also in ballancing of the Romish party, ma­king it thereby, as well the general Interest of the Empire, as the particular concern of the Pro­testant [Page 165] Princes and States, to preserve and pro­tect them (though strangers) as well as others, in the enjoyment of their possessions in Germany; but by their success in the Wars of this latter Age, they have with the spoils of other Coun­tries, been so habituated to live (and brought to affect a Grandeur) so much above their Swedish Revenues, that it may well be foretold, that if ever by Peace their supplies from abroad come to fail, they will be subjected to the profitable temptations of any that shall desire to set them at work, without regarding against whom it is, and so change the Interest of the Empire, from that of preserving them, to that of driving of them out of the Country.

Seventhly, It is the particular Interest of the Protestant Princes, to endeavour to undeceive the Popish Princes, by making them sensible, that the pretence of Religion, which their Priests and Je­suits do fraudulently make use of to stir them up against the Protestant party, is only that they may thereby the better gradually destroy them both, their true Principle being for one Monarch, as it is for one Priest or Pope. And thus to come to their Foreign Interest, now they are delivered from all danger from the House of Austria, that is

First, To be jealous of the French, not believe­ing themselves secure, until they have reduced them within former bounds, who having justled the Austrian Family out of their design for the Universal Monarchy, seem to be stepped into the same themselves, and to be more formidable in it than they ever were. And as all other Princes and States, as well as those of Germany, ought to be [Page 166] jealous of that Nation, who declare the acquiring of glory a sufficient ground (without other cause) for killing and destroying their Neighbours, so they ought all to agree, for the fettering and re­straining such loose and unchristian Principles, es­pecially since nothing more is needful in the Case than a general resolution for denying of them Le­vies; for from the slavery of that people, such is their unfitness for War, that when ever they shall be confined home for Souldiers, or be denied re­cruits by England, Germany, and Switzerland, they will be constrained as well as contented to live in Peace with their Neighbours.

Secondly, It is the Interest of Germany, to be careful to keep the Baltick Sea divided as it now is, not suffering the ingrossing of it by any one Prince, especially not by their Emperours, nor this present Family to be Masters of any Sea Ports; for had they formerly had the advantage of Havens for Harbouring, forming, and raising of a Navy, the Swedes could never have entered the Empire, nor the Emperour have probably failed in his design for Usurpation.

Thirdly, It is the Interest of the Princes to concern themselves in the Election of the King of Poland (because bordering upon them) opposing so far as is possible, the Choice of either French or Swede to be King, in regard of the advantages that those two Potentates have each already upon them, in the several footings they have in the Em­pire, and to obstruct their Emperours arriving at it himself, lest by such an acquisition, he should prove too great for them. And thus the Interest of the Empire is the supporting of the free Towns in reference to trade, as the only way to greaten the [Page 167] Nation, to unite for the preservation of every individual in their just rights and liberties, and opposing all incroachments of their Emperours and Neighbours, or Invasion of Foreigners.

And now as to the particular Interest of the Emperour, that is much changed from what it was, for formerly he judged it his Interest, to di­vide the Princes of the Empire, that thereby de­stroying them by degrees, he might at last make himself absolute Master of them all, and in order to that design, to oblige the Pope and his party by persecuting of all his Protestant Subjects throughout his Dominions; but now neither Pope nor Spaniard being able to afford him any consi­derable assistance, and the French King grown so great, that should the young King of Spain be ta­ken away, he would probably quarrel with him for the Succession of the Spanish Dominions, and after stripping him of his most remote Inheritance, then invade him in Germany, which circumstan­ces make it his true Interest to lay aside all per­secution, and all designs of incroaching upon the Empire, endeavouring cordially to reconcile and satisfy all perswasions and Interests, making a firm and real Union throughout the Empire, for common Justice, defence and preservation, and after the example of the wise Venetians, to ex­clude the Ecclesiasticks all share in his Councils and Civil Government; for if he shall still in his se­verity against the Reformed, hearken to the Je­suits (who according to their Church Politicks, chuse always rather to be Masters of Error, than Scholars of Truth) they will infallibly be his ruine: And beside the Alarms from France, to awaken him herein, the experience he hath had [Page 168] of twenty two Years of Peace (save a little ex­ercise from the Turk) may convince him of the truth hereof, in that though it is now so long since the Treaty at Munster in 1648. which gave him a general rest and quiet, instead of augment­ing in Power and Riches, as all good Governments do in times of Peace, he is decayed and grown less considerable than in time of War, and chiefly by his persecutions in Hungaria, and the rest of his Hereditary Countries (that part of Hungaria yet remaining unto him, being ready to revolt unto the Turk) unto which he hath been solely acted by his Ecclesiasticks, to whom (out of an excess of blind devotion) he hath too too much given himself up. And thus I have done with the Interest of the Empire and Emperour.

THE INTEREST OF Switzerland.

THose several United Countries known by the general name of Switzerland, are small and Mountainous, surrounded with Germany, France, the Alpes, and the Lake of Ge­neve, the last parting them from Savoy. By this name are understood thirteen Provinces, or (as they call them) Cantons, each being a Republick, and absolute Soveraigns, as to their particular Governments and Affairs within their respective Jurisdictions, all which being united for common safety and preservation, make for those ends only a Conjunctive Common-wealth.

These Cantons are called Zurick, Bearne, Bas­sell, Shafshousen, Ʋrie, Zwits, Ʋnderwalden, Lu­cern, Zugg, Fribourg, Solatourn, Apenzell, and Gla­ris, which are of several Religions, the four first being all Reformed or Calvinists, the next seven entirely Papists, and the two last mixed, though the major part of both are Reformed: For it is an infallible observation, that where ever in any City or Country, Protestantism and Popery are but equally priviledged, countenanced and tole­rated [Page 170] by the Magistate, there the Reformed ex­ceed the other much in number, as at Augsbourgh, &c. The four Calvinist Cantons are more than trebble the bigness of [...]l the seven Popish, which for their smallness are called the little Cantons, so that that properly called Switz, gives not its name to the whole by way of eminence, as is usual in such Cases, and as Holland doth in the Ʋnited Netherlands (it not being a fourth part so considerable as some of the greatest, and especi­ally not as Bearne) but because it was the first that asserted its liberty.

As their Religion is of several kinds, so are their Forms of Government, some being wholly Democratical, as Switz, Ʋrie, Ʋnderwalden, Zugg, Glaris, and Apenzell, especially the two last, and the rest, some more, others less Aristocratical, but none perfectly so. At Bassell the Gentry are excluded the Government, for having practised the subversion of it, and some of the little Can­tons have no Nobility; but at Bearn (which is reckoned in bigness a fourth part of the whole thirteen, and as big as some six of the little Can­tons) Zurick, Solatourne, &c. the Gentry are in great esteem, and the Chief in their Govern­ment, their Ancestors not having forfeited their right to it, by treachery to their Countries, as some of the others did, for which they were ex­cluded.

Beside the respective Jurisdictions of each of these Cantons, they have several Territories be­longing, some to all the Cantons in common, save Apensell, others to but 3, 7, 8, 9, &c. as the four Bailiwicks in Italy (viz. Mendriz, Valmadia, Lugana and Logarno) belong to twelve Cantons, [Page 171] and that of Bade to eight; as others obey, some seven, and some but three Cantons, &c.

The General Council for the Union meets of course every four and twentieth of June at Bade (a Bailiwick belonging to eight Cantons as is be­fore observed) to consider of all their common concern for the Year ensuing, and at other times as oft as occasion requires, Zurick having the priviledge as first in rank to summon the As­sembly.

There are also several other Republicks that are the Confederates of these thirteen Cantons, as the Grisons, Valasions, the Cities of Routviell, Mul­husen, Biell, Geneva, and St Gall, &c. all Repub­licks, and the last such zealous Calvinists, that though the Abbot (called by the name of the Town, and reputed also a Prince of the Empire) hath his Convent of Benedictins, his Palace, and Residence in the City with all the Country round about it, even unto the very Walls of the City, yet is not able to gain any of the Citizens to his Religion, there not being a Papist in the Town but what are within the Walls of the Abby, an Argument of great Vertue and Zeal in the Ma­gistrates and Ministers, for were there a looseness in either, there would be a defection in the peo­ple.

At my abode here, there being one of the Chief of the City condemned to die for Adul­tery, I saw the tears and Prayers of his Wife, and many small Children, upon their Knees to the Magistrates for his pardon rejected, which methought argued great equality in their Ju­stice.

But these petty Republicks, are not all Con­federates [Page 172] with the whole thirteen Cantons, but some with more, and others with fewer of them according to their several stipulations, and the County of Newburg, or in English Newcastle, which is a Confederate and Allie of the Canton of Bearne alone, are so zealous in the Reformed Religion, that they will not suffer (as I was in­formed) the Duke of Longevil, who is their Prince, to use singing Mass (which they call High Mass) in his own Castle when he is with them, but must content himself with reading Mass.

These Countries are (as is the portion of most Mountainous places) happy in rich Vallies, af­fording plenty of Provisions, and all necessaries for the sustentation of Nature; but their situation, in their great distance from Sea, want of Rivers (which is in some measure supplied with Lakes) and staple Commodities, renders them uncapable of much more Trade, than that of hiring out their men to other States and Princes for Souldi­ers, which they do upon two accounts. First, for that being incompassed with potent Princes, and having no Wars at home, they hold it necessary to have a Nursery of Souldiers abroad; and se­condly, for that otherwise their Country having no Trade to Sea, nor Wars at home, they should be over-stocked with people; but what they do herein, is with the preservation of liberty, no man being forced to Foreign Service, but every one left in that to his own choice.

Their other greatest advantages are from a thorough fair for Travellers, Merchants, and Merchandize to Italy, Germany, and France, ha­ving two great Marts annually at Zurzackin the Bailiwick of Bade, where Germans, Italians, and [Page 173] French meet, with their several Commodities, with a large linen Manufacture at St Gall, and some benefit the University at Bassell, and several Gym­nasiums, bring to their respective Cantons.

Now although these Countries making a Mer­chandize of their super-numerary people, with condition always of calling them home upon oc­casions, may seem to render them formidable to their Neighbours, yet several Circumstances con­sidered, they are unfit for Conquests. As first, being incompassed with Countries greater, and more potent than themselves, as with Germany and France, should they grow ambitious, they would easily be run down. Secondly, wanting Horse and Money, their Country having a scar­city of both, especially of the latter, they are not accommodated for Invasions, in that Invaders, where present success cannot be relied upon, must not be unprovided of either. And thirdly, their Constitution being as in State a mixture of Go­vernments, so in Church of Religion, they are only fit for common defence, not being whilst under such circumstances, capable of agreeing upon a design for acquisition, each Religion being likely to oppose the falling upon those of their own be­lief, beside that the difficulty in satisfying every concern, upon the good success of their Arms, and the many occasions that would arise from thence of differences among them, shew their chief security, and internal Interest, to consist in being content with their own, and as a means to keep what they have, to nourish and maintain in their Neighbours their present principle of ob­structing one the others subduing of them, as that wherein consists their safety: from all which [Page 174] their Interest may be Calculated to be in seeking Peace with all their Neighbours, where they are not necessitated to Arms, studying the preserva­tion of their several Countries and Liberties, na­ture seeming to have fitted them most for defence in the difficulty of their Advenues, and in the courage and aptness of their men for foot service, to make good and keep the passages into their Country; and in order to this, they ought as their external Interest, to hold a good Intelligence with the German Princes, and free Cities, and parti­cularly with the Ʋnited Netherlands, from whom (in respect of the affinity that is betwixt them, both in Religion and Government, without any possibility of their prejudicing them in their Trade) they may expect as hearty an assistance, as so great a distance is capable of.

And further, they ought not to suffer difference in Religion to be any ground of quarrel, nor the Popish Cantons their Church-men (whose Politicks are always both selfish and destructive) to have any influence upon their Councils, but after the example of the wise Venetians, to banish them their Consultations, their Maxims (to which they are constant and true) being to foment animosi­ties against the Reformed Cantons, which the others ought carefully to prevent, keeping close to this truth, that disunion will be their disso­lution.

And yet further, as with great reason they for­merly (being then jealous of the House of Au­stria, because of their pretensions to them) held a good correspondence with France, so it is now the Interest of them all, to be jealous of the growing greatness of that King, and being firm [Page 175] to the House of Austria (the danger of the Em­perour being at present over) to hold a true Friendship with them; and this is all I have to say at this time of Switzerland, besides obser­ving the great prudence and honest policy of the Reformed Cantons, in their Law, that obligeth every one amongst them that shall turn Papists, to quit the Country, with liberty to sell their Estates, and go into a Popish Can­ton, or whither else they please, and this they do not upon a Religious but civil account; for it is not their delusive, ridiculous, and Ro­mantick Doctrines of Transubstantiation, Purga­tory and Super-erogation, &c. that they quar­rel with, but their owning a Foreign head, hold­ing that no Faith is to be kept with those they call Hereticks, and that the murthering of such is meritorious, with other the like Principles de­structive of all Morality, rendering them unso­ciable and not fit for the Conversation of Prote­stants, which is the reason of their Law. And in the Canton of Apenzell mixed of both Religions, the Reformed are so sensible of the danger in li­ving promiscuously with the Papists, that though they are much the stronger party, they live in one part of the Country as the Romanists do the like in the other part, and this seems by a common consent to be necessary; for where the Clemency of the Bishops was not interested in the change of Religion, all Countries in their first Reformati­on swept their Lands of the Papists, and have ever since kept themselves clear of them, except some places in Germany where the Emperour Ca­pitulated for them, and in the Low Countries, where being the first Revolters, they Capitulated for [Page 176] themselves, as meriting a liberty of Cohabitation without a publick Toleration. It is true, Denmark and Sweden have in their several Churches those they call Bishops, as six in the first, and about the same number in the latter; but they are no more than (according to the genuine signification of the word) meer Overseers without any Jurisdi­ction.

I am astonished to hear the prudence of our An­cestors sometimes complained of, by persons not (in other things) wanting understanding, for ma­king it Death for Priests, Natives of England, to come into it, as if there were hardship in that Law, when experience hath sufficiently shewed us, that Liberty to them, is Cruelty to the Pro­testants. Sir John Temple laying the reason of the Massacre in Ireland, upon the not putting the Laws in Execution against the Popish Clergy, and since that was the Cause of the Murther of some hun­dred thousands of Protestants, by several tortures and barbarous Cruelties in that Country, I fear they that neglected the Execution of the Laws, are not able to answer for the blood of so many Innocent Christians.

I am not for Persecution upon the account of Conscience, but do think it an honest, civil, poli­tical Constitution, without the least mixture of Religion, to make it Death for Priests and Jesu­its to come into a Protestant Country, since the immorality of their Principles is destructive to the Peace, and Tranquillity of such Nations, and inconsistent with the well-being of them; and it's to be admired, that the contrary opinion should in any kind obtain in England, when that Kingdom hath been under the perpetual exercise of their [Page 177] wicked and devillish Plots and Designs, ever since the first Reformation until this day. And if it be lawful in England to Execute a Protestant that shall return after banishment upon penalty of Death, when his Crime for which he was ba­nished was not Death by the Law, and returns not with any intent of mischief to the Nation (as none will deny but it is) it's surely much more lawful to do the same by Priests and Jesuits, whose de­signs in their return are always most dangerous and mischievous; and to interest Religion in their coming into the Country, because as they pre­tend, for the edification of those of their Church, as an excuse for them in it, is no more than they may do for murthering Protestants, their Reli­gion not only warranting them therein, but also teaching them to do it as Meritorious.


THis Country is reckoned to contain thirty two Provinces, wherein many lesser Countries are comprised, being of a round form, about five hundred miles in Diame­ter: And as it is thus considerable in Circuit, so it is much more in populousness, exceeding in that all other Countries in Christendom, and hath in it several Principalities, belonging to Subjects with Soveraign power appertaining to them, but are all now (though not until of late) reduced to that condition, as renders them at the devotion of the King.

France hath seldom fewer than forty or fifty Dukes, of whom the Princes of the Legitimate blood are the first in precedence, those of the Il­legitimate the Second, those descended from Fo­reign Soveraign Princes (as those of the House of Lorrain, Savoy, and Mantoua) the third, and the Dukes of French Families, not of the blood, and of Foreign Families, not derived from Soveraign Princes, are the last in rank amongst them, and take place according to their Creations.

Next to the Dukes are the Mareschals of France, [Page 179] and of this Order (which is a Military honour for life only) there used antiently to be no more than two, but they have by degrees been so in­creased, that of late there have been seldom fewer than thirteen or fourteen, and sometimes more; they abound in other titles, but under the degrees of Dukes, and Peers of France, Mareschals, with other Military and Civil Officers. There is no cer­tainty as to mens qualities (except in some few antient known Families of Counts and Marques­ses) it being ordinary with their Gallants, some to assume the Titles of Marquesses, Counts, and Barons, which are not due to them, and others to purchase them, which being obtained at low rates, without suitable immunities, makes them numerous, and therefore little regarded.

The antient Government of France was by the three Estates of the Country, upon whom (as re­presenting the body of the Kingdom) was (as D' Avila reports) devolved (during their sitting) the whole authority of the Nation, the Kings power (whilst they were in being) seeming to be sus­pended; but at last an Arbitrary Power being in­discreetly, and rashly given to Charles the Seventh (under pretence of necessity) to raise money in the interval of General Assemblies, their Kings having ever since kept that Prerogative (though granted at first, but during a certain emergent occasion) have imposed what taxes they pleased upon the people, without asking the consent of the Estates, save that Britaign, Languedoc, Dau­phinée, and Burgundy, do each of them retain still the seeming priviledge of three Estates, or Or­ders, which (though very antient) they are for­ced to preserve at dear rates by great presents [Page 180] (almost equivalent to the taxes of other Provin­ces) made to their Soveraign.

After the French Kings had assumed the raising of money by their own single Authority, yet they continued a long time the calling (upon occasi­on) the Estates together, until having wearied them with fruitless meetings (in that the Purse being lost, they were become meerly journey­men to the Court) and prepared them thereby for dissolution, they were totally laid aside, there having been to this time, no Assembly of Estates, since the Year one thousand six hundred twenty seven (about two years after Richlieu's entering upon his Ministry) and now never likely to be any more, the Crown having gradually ingrossed all power to it self, to the misery of that Nation. And this example may well be a caution to all people, who have any priviledges lest, to be jea­lous of them, and careful how they part with them, priviledges not being so easily recovered from Princes, as resigned to them, most of them being like other men, ready to take all they can get, but unwilling to part with any thing they can keep.

This Nation is so large, populous, and fruitful, furnished with convenient Manufactures, and sta­ple Commodities, that were it under a free and good Government, nothing might be thought too hard for its undertaking. But although the French being sensible of the benefit of Trade, en­deavour the augmenting of it, yet as the Popish Religion in its nature, is (in a great measure) in­consistent with it, in their not only indulging idleness in all sorts of people, but also in invi­ting them to it, by their many days they call holy, [Page 181] and particularly in their incouraging their nu­merous Pilgrims (who ever after prove ordina­rily common Wanderers and Vagabonds, if not Thieves and Highway-men) as well as the mul­titude of their Secular and Regular Priests and Fryers, especially those that profess begging; so also as all absolute rule founded in Arbitrary will and pleasure, cannot be upheld but by Instruments that must be allowed in corrupt and dishonest practices, wronging the King or Prince, as they judge he doth the people, sharing with him in oppressing and injuring of them: Traffick cannot be improved above the nature of the Govern­ment, which reacheth little further than to a par­ticular Monopolizing of Commerce (and not to an Universal indulging of Trade and Industry) in granting immunities to Favourites, and coun­tenancing them before others. So that as France cannot well from its natural advantages, be without a good share in Trade, so the obstructi­ons necessarily attending the Government, both in Church and State, are such, together with the vast unalienated revenue of the Ecclesiasticks, that it can never be improved to what otherwise it is capable of; and to speak politically, it is the bet­ter for their Neighbours that it is so with them, lest else they might peradventure prove too great for them. For although they have not in any degree such bold Rivers and Havens for men of War, and Ships of burthen as England, yet it is wonderfully accommodated with Rivers of great length and use for conveyance of Mer­chandize, Travellers and Passengers by flat-bot­tomed Boats.

And of these Rivers there are four in Chief, [Page 182] exceeding the rest, which empty themselves ad­vantageously into the Sea, in the four several quarters of the Land, beside many lesser Rivers, some of which fall into the greater, and the rest immediately into the Sea.

The four Capital Rivers, are the Seine, Loyer, Garonne, and Rhosne. The first riseth in Burgundie, and running through Champaigne, and several Cities in that and other Countries, takes Paris and Rouen in its way, and falls at Haverdegrace into the Bri­tish Sea, being in its whole course of great bene­fit to Merchants and Travellers.

The Loyer riseth in that part of the Country called the Cevennes, running by Nevers, Orleance, Blois, Tours, Saumers, and several other Cities and Towns, and in its course, having received some other smaller Rivers, passing by Nantes falls into the Bay of Biscay, some few Miles below it. This River is accounted the Chief of all France, for its long stream and usefulness, being Navi­gable with flat-bottomed Boats, near (as I be­lieve) if not full three hundred English Miles, and yet (which is unusual) is not so for greater Vessels above twenty Miles.

The Garonne riseth in the Pyrenean Mountains, upon the Territories of Spain, and saluting in its way many Cities and Towns, falls into the Bay of Biscay, forty or fifty Miles below Bourdeaux; this is the best and most Navigable River of all France for Ships of burthen, the Tide flowing many Miles into the Land.

The Rhosne riseth in Switzerland, passeth through the Lake of Geneve, and that City, and not half a days Journey beyond it, losing it self under ground, after some few English Miles riseth [Page 183] again, and comes a great River to Lyons, falling into the Mediterranean about eighty English Miles below it, after having in its course passed by seve­ral other Cities, as Vienne, Avignon, and Arles, &c. The rapidness of this River, which is very great, makes it the less useful, but at Lyons the River Saone falls into it, which in its way thi­ther, is of great benefit to that City, and other places.

France though thus rich in Rivers, beside ma­ny Creeks, yet wants good Havens and Ports. Their Coast in the narrow Seas is dangerous, from the lowness of the Land, many Rocks lying in the Sea, and want of good and well situated Har­bours, their best being Haverdegrace and St. Ma­loes, although neither of them to be boasted of; the first having a dangerous entrance, and when within, as ill riding, the River being bad even up to Rouen; and the latter, though it hath a good Haven within, yet the entrance is very perilous, from many Rocks that lie scattered far into the Sea. Diep is the next, but at high Water, not for Vessels of above 150. Tuns, which lie dry at low Water, all the rest, as Calis, Caen, and many others, deserve no better name than Creeks, al­though the ostentatious way of French Writers, mention them sometimes as good Ports. Brest in Britaignie lying upon the Ocean is a good Haven, but being in that part of the Country which hath not much Trade, the greatest use of it is, for the Kings men of War, kept for the Seas on this side the Mediterranean, it affording Water enough for Vessels of the greatest burthen. There are in th [...] Bay of Biscay (which is that great Bay fou [...] the Map, made by France and Spain) along [...] [Page 184] Coast many Ports, as Nantes, Rochell, Bourdeaux, Bleavet, Croiswicke, Maran, Charent, St. John de Luce, &c. of which, the four first are the best, the rest being of no great consideration, more than what that at Charent is, by the Haven and Dock which the King hath lately made there, for the riding and building of Ships, it lying too deep in the Bay, and too remote from the main Ocean, to be of much other use.

Beside these Ports, there are several Roads, as at St. Martins, in the Isle of Ree, as also betwixt the Isle of Oleron, and the Main, from Trimlado to Charent, where some of the Kings men of War did (if they do not still) use to ride.

Of Ports within the Mediterranean, there are no more belonging to France that deserve any name, than Marseilles, and Toulon, the latter only good as to Ships of War, being without Trade; but the first is a great trading City, and the Harbour, where the Kings Gallies for those Seas are for the most part kept, as the other is principally for his Ships of War.

The Coasts of France lying thus upon the Ocean, British, and Mediterranean Seas, they all afford their several staple Commodities, and the Inland variety of wrought silks, and toyes, made in France, and carried out by Land as well as Sea.

From the Coast upon the narrow Seas, come several sorts of linnen to a great value, as from Rouen, St. Maloes, and Morleys, besides Wine from Rouen, with Paper and other lesser Commo­dities from both that City, and Caen. From the Coast in the Bay of Biscay, come vast quantities of Wines, as from Nantes, Rochell, Isle of Ree, [Page 185] and Bourdeaux, with great store of Salt, and sometimes Corn and other Merchandize. From Marseilles in the Mediterranean, is sent of staple Commodities none but Oil, and a fine sort of Soap, with some other Merchandize of less con­cernment.

And now France being thus considered, with its staple Commodities, Ports, Havens, and Roads, sufficient for Merchants use (though short of those in England) Inland Manufactures of silk, Woolen, and other sorts, with conveniency of Rivers use­ful for conveyance of goods and persons, and a free passage by Land to all their bordering Neigh­bours, as to Spain, the Seventeen Netherlands, Germany, Switzerland, Savoy, and Italy, it may be reckoned to have great advantages for Com­merce, and to have Trade its Natural In­terest.

This Kingdom thus circumstanced, and inter­posing by situation betwixt Spain and that Kings other Territories and Allies, was naturally fitted to obstruct and prevent (as for many Years it did) the House of Austria in their design for the Uni­versal Monarchy. For although France, joining with Holland, could not alone without England have hindered it, neither could England and Hol­land, without France, have well done it, a Con­junction of Powers being then necessary for keep­ing the ballance against Spain, as it now is against France.

Whilst France was under difficulties, it was the Interest of England (as they did) to keep them up, lest otherwise they should have fallen under the power of Austria, but when they came to be equal with Spain, as by degrees they did, and be [Page 186] able of themselves to make good their ground in the Netherlands, Catalonia, and Italy, for several Years together, without any material difference on either side, England did not only then sit still, but also the States of Holland (who until the Year 1648. were in a League offensive and defensive, with France against Spain) being then at liberty, and judging it their Interest (as it really was) to make Peace with Spain, and be passive, they very wisely resolved upon it and effected it, and with design to keep those two great Potentates in an aequilibrium, as the Long Parliament of England had prudently given them the Example, which Cromwell had he aimed at the publick, as much as his own private Interest, would surely have fol­lowed, but not doing that, he cast the Ballance of Dominion on the side of the French, to the ir­reparable loss of Christendom.

This Country hath not at once but gradually ar­rived at its present greatness, having made and gained several additions, at several times, as (to look no further back) Henry the Second got by the Sword the several Bishopricks of Metz, Verdun, and Toule, which are part of Lorrain, and mem­bers of the Empire.

Henry the Fourth added that part of Navar, ly­ing on this side the Pyrenean Mountains (as being his Inheritance) and la Bress lying near Geneve on this side the Alpes, receiving it from the Duke of Savoy, in exchange for the Marquisat of Saluce, lying in Italy beyond the Alpes.

Lewis the Thirteenth got from the Duke of Bul­loin, the strong City of Sedan, with its Principa­lity, and therein a passage into the Dutchy of Luxenburg, and so forward into Germany.

[Page 187]This present King Lewis the Fourteenth, had given him by the Treaty at Munster, the City of Brisac, with part of Alsatia belonging to it, and Philipsburg in the Lower Palatinate, two reputed invincible holds, both much at an equal distance of a day and a halfs Journey, from the great Im­perial free City of Strasburg in Germany, to the great grief of that Town, the first lying above, as the latter below it, and all three upon the River Rhine.

By his Peace with Spain, at St. John de Luce, when he Married his present Queen (a Daughter of that Crown) he got his Con­quests in the Spanish Netherlands confirmed to him,St Omers and Aires lately ta­ken by the French. being all the Province of Artoise (save St. Omer and Aires) several parts of the se­veral Provinces of Flanders, Henego, and Na­mures, with the County of Rossillion, joining up­on (if not part of) Catalonia, and in that the strong Frontier Garrison of Perpinion. And in Italy, Pignorolo, with the Vallies thereunto be­longing, since this, and in the Year 1661. the French jugled the Duke of Lorrain out of his Country, and now pretend after the Dukes de­cease, a right of Inheritance in it to them and their Heirs for ever, having at present a free pas­sage through that Country, the fastnesses being by them demolished, and the Duke stripped of all means of opposing them.

By the last Peace with Spain in 1668. they had granted to them, the Cities of Lisle, Oudenard, Cor­tray, &c. in the Spanish Netherlands, which they had the Year before surreptitiously fallen upon, and seized; and thus the French have augmented [Page 188] their Dominions, and in doing of it, rendered themselves much the more considerable, in having now most of their Frontier Garrisons upon ac­quired Lands, giving them free passage into their Neighbours Territories, leaving their own Coun­try at the more liberty to follow their Commerce and Manufactures (Souldiers and Armies being Enemies to both) which they wisely incourage, as that which must lay the foundation of their strength in riches, and an increase of Shipping, the Cities and great trading Towns, not being so burthened and taxed, as the Peasants in the Country, and other smaller Towns are.

Whilst the French were in fear of Spain, they sought Alliance against him, with the Protestant Princes and States, indulging their Reformed Subjects, by Confirmation of old Edicts in their behalfs, with acknowledgment of their fidelity and good service, neglecting and slighting what ever the Pope and his party might think of them for it; but since they have been freed from all dan­ger thence, looking upon their Interest as chang­ed, they have changed their Maxims, from those that were for preservation only, to such as are for increase also, seeming now to observe the same rules in reference to Rome, which Spain followed in the time of their aspiring, as in pretending so much zeal for the Romish Religion, as may ren­der their King Protector of that party, (and as Cruelty against Dissenters, in matters of belief, is by all false Religions more approved of than De­votion, so) by evidencing their sincerity, in a persecution of their Reformed Subjects, pretend­ing to favour the Popes greatness, though to the end only that he may do the like for them, endea­vouring [Page 189] to delude others into a contributing to their designs, either by gaining them as Pention­ers to stand Neuters in their Expeditions and In­vasions, or by procuring them to join, in hopes of sharing with them in the ruine of those that shall stand most in their way, that so they may gradu­ally devour all, and at no greater expence than by the rewarding of their adherents for their assist­ance, with the priviledge only of being last de­stroyed: and in order hereunto, they have la­boured to draw England from Holland and the tri­ple League unto themselves, that so they might the easilier subdue the Ʋnited Netherlands, and make themselves Masters of their strength, which they have cause to fear, will otherwise be an in­vincible Bulwark in their Progress. And for allu­ring England to join with them therein, it is pro­bable, that they tempted them with large shares in their Conquests, but it hath been (as it is to be hoped it ever will be) the wisdom of his Ma­jesty, and the Ministers of that wise State and Na­tion, to reject all temptations, as knowing that they being an Island, the increase of the French upon the Continent, must so much exceed any ad­vantage that can accrue to them by it, that when they have done their work, the English (as well as other Princes and States) must be at their devo­tion, not only for all they shall hold bordering upon them, but also for what else they shall any where possess.

And now the designs of the French, being ma­nifestly for greatness, without scrupling any thing whatsoever, that may obstruct them in it, their Foreign Interest, according to their corrupt Prin­ciples, must consequently be,

[Page 190]First, In personating a great concern for Po­pery, that they may be no more thought (as for­merly) Heretical Papists, but on the contrary the most zealous of that Church.

Secondly, In prevailing if possible, for one of their Faction to be chosen Pope, as also upon va­cancies, into all other Elective Governments.

Thirdly, In ingaging as many of the Northern Princes, by Pensions or otherwise, as they can.

Fourthly, In making England their Ally, and the rest of their Neighbours Neuters, or sow Seeds of Sedition among them, for preventing their observation of them, until they have devoured the seventeen Provinces, that so they may not any more need to court, but threaten the World. And all these Artifices may be observed, some of them to be publickly owned, and the rest endea­voured by their Embassadors corrupting Ministers of State, in all Courts where it is feasible, as there are not many uncorruptible; and thus much for their Foreign Interest.

As for their Domestick Interest, whilst they will carry on an Arbitrary Government, it must consequently follow to be the keeping always in Armes, ready as well to invade Spain, should that young King be swept away by Death (upon the pretence of Succession) as for suppressing Insur­rections; absolute and Arbitrary Governments, where the hearts of the people must be wanting, not being otherwise to be maintained than by force.

Secondly, It is their Interest to increase Trade, so far as the nature and kind of their Govern­ment will admit, there being no other way to [Page 191] augment their Naval strength (which they must necessarily endeavour) than by Trade, to the ad­vancing of which their Country affords naturally many helps.

Thirdly, It is their Interest to be careful in keeping Faith with all men, as that which is of greatest advantage to any Prince or State. It is more honour for the memory of Francis the First, that it's recorded of him, that he used to say, that if Faith were utterly banished out of the World, it should be found in his word, than that saying of Cardinal Mazarine to the prejudice of Princes, that they ought not to be Slaves to their words (as if they were less obliged to moral honesty than other men) is for his memory.

And fourthly, It is their Interest to incourage and indulge their Reformed Subjects, as well in reference to the promoting Trade (they being more industrious in it than the rest) as to their own security, and therefore (in their Case) not to follow the Spaniards former example, in perse­cuting of them.

All these Maxims the French may be said to have exactly followed, except that of keeping Faith, which to their prejudice they have miser­ably forfeited towards Spain (if the Baron of Isala write truth) as well as in the persecuting of their Protestant Subjects, in both which, they surely miss their Interest. In the first, For that nothing can be of greater loss to any people than that of reputation in keeping of Faith, according to that honest German, or High Dutch Proverb, Faith lost and all is lost: And in the latter, for that consi­dering the great Discontents and secret animosi­ties, that may well be presumed to be in their [Page 192] Kingdom, proceeding from the heavy burthens that they lie under, together with the dormant pretences which have not been long quieted, and which would probably have a Resurrection, should the Government fall to a Prince during his Mi­nority, as also considering the turbulent humour of the Grandees of the Kingdom, who have in all times been apt to fly out upon any Discon­tent, they ought in prudence to make sure of the Reformed party, who whilst they enjoy Liberty of Conscience, according to the Laws of the Land, can have no other Interest than theirs that give them their right, and who were the Prote­ctors of the King in the time of his Nonage, and to whom according to his own Declaration of the 8 July, 1643. and again the 22 May, 1652. ratified and Confirmed in Parliament, he is so much obliged; for in these Declarations, he ac­knowledgeth to have received (meaning in the last Civil Wars to which his last Declaration re­fers) full and certain testimony and proof of their affection and fidelity, in consideration whereof he promiseth to maintain them in the full and en­tire enjoyment of all their priviledges granted to them by the Edict of Nantes (their Magna Charta) and all other Edicts, Declarations, De­crees, Rules, Articles, and Breviates in their fa­vour, all which are lately translated into English. And upon these grounds, it is the Interest of the French, to make sure of the reformed party, lest Death should seize their King, before his Son (who hath not yet attained the Age of ten Years) can be capable of the management of affairs; nay though the French may for serving their present designs, think it their advantage to oblige the [Page 193] Court of Rome by persecuting their Protestant Subjects, it is not their Interest (were it in their power) to make them all of the Popish belief; for surely, the keeping their Reformed Subjects divided in Religion, from that of Rome, in ways as contrary as light to darkness, whereby the two parties are made spies one upon the other, must be their great security; for as the Reformed can have no other designs or Interest than that of their King, and that the Papists have a Foreign Interest, and may have (as they have often had) other de­signs, so the Protestants will be (as they have of­ten been) checks upon the Papists; and as they are a very considerable party, so they will always be the same to the King against any of his op­posers, or the discontents of his greatest Sub­jects.

Lewis the Thirteenth acknowledged at the Siege of Rochell, that it is not in the power of man to force the Conscience, and confesseth, that con­vincing the understanding in matters of Religion, is the Prerogative of God only; and this is so great a truth, that without offering violence to right reason, it is no more to be denied, than that it is not in humane power to add to the Stature of a man; for though Persecution may make Hy­pocrites, it can no more make a new Conscience than it can a new Face. And though I will not un­dertake for an infallible observation without ex­ception, yet that the spirit of Persecution in Church men, proceeds from want either of So­briety, Learning, Ministerial parts, or all of them, I believe will be found as seldom to fail as any other; for lacking some, or all of these qua­lities to value themselves upon, they endeavour [Page 194] to supply their defects with an excess of formality, in Habits, Gestures, humane Ceremonies, and Per­secution for Non-Conformity, as a recommenda­tion of themselves unto the World: and this holds not only among Protestants, but also so far among the Papists, that the more vertuous, wise, and learned that any of them are, the less cruel and unmerciful they are, as were it needful, many instances hereof in the several perswasions might be given. And thus much, with the Addition of the Interest of Geneve, because bordering upon France, and speaking that Language, shall serve at this time for this Kingdom.


GEneve is an antient City, reckoned three hundred Years before Rome; it stands at the bottom of that Lake which bears its name, upon uneven and Hilly ground, having on one side Savoy, within a quarter of a Mile, (and the Mountains of that Country at three or four Miles distance, though from their height seem close by) on another side the Lake, which being there contracted, runs through the lower part of the City into the River Rhosne; on a third side France, within less than a Mile, and their own Territories (which are about four Miles in length) on a fourth side.

It was always a free City, but whilst of the Ro­mish Religion, had a Bishop, with a Dean and Canons in it, whom (after Reformation) they turned out, converting their Houses to other pub­lick uses, making it unlawful for a Stranger Pa­pist [Page 196] to lodge in the City above a certain short time, and as I remember, two or three Nights at most; the Town is small, not being when I was there above two English Miles in compass, but by the bounty of Holland, and some Protestant Prin­ces, they have since inlarged it (which they were then in doing) by taking in (for their bet­ter defence) some ground, which whilst it lay without their Walls, was disadvantageous to them.

They are without any significant natural helps for Trade, having neither an useful River, or Sea near them; for though the Lake into which the River of Rhosne (that riseth in Switzerland) falls, runs through the City, where it ends and makes again the same River being there contracted within Banks, yet about nine or ten Miles beyond this place (though one of the rapidest Rivers in Christendom) it's so much lost under ground that one may pass dry-shod over it, and is thereby ren­dered altogether useless to the Town; but some Miles further, it riseth again, and comes a great River to Lyons in France: so that the chief advan­tage this place hath, is from their good Order and Administration, inviting Travellers, as Germans, Netherlanders, Danes, Swedes, and Poles, that are of the Protestant Belief, to visit them, and begin their Travels with them, they having Churches and Sermons in the several Languages of Italian, High Dutch, and French (the last being their own Tongue) all exercises as well learnt as in other places, and cheaper, Dancing and Cards being allowed or connived at in Strangers, though not permitted to their own Citizens; and though the vulgar speak a bad French, or Savoyard, the better [Page 197] sort speak as well as in most parts; for as Learn­ing is the ordinary improver and refiner of Lan­guages, so this City hath the advantage of that in having a Schola Illustris, which is an Univer­sity, without the priviledge of conferring De­grees.

Their Trade is by the Manufactures of the Town, as in Silks, Gold, Silver, and thread Lace, Pistols, Shamoy Leather, Watches, and Printing of Books, &c. all which would not signifie much as to their support, were not Traffick improved by Liberty and Freedom, their Government being frugally managed and carried on; First, by a great Council of two hundred, in whom is placed the Legislative Power; and Secondly, by a Senate of five and twenty, chosen out, and part of the two hundred.

Of these five and twenty, there are sixteen of the Order of Burgo-Masters, who come to that Office in turns, by four every Year; these four Burgo-Masters, or Syndics, have each their di­stinct Office; as the first is for matters of State, the second over the Hospitals, the third over the Militia, and the fourth over the Reformation; to see to the observation of their Orders and De­crees, both in Church and State.

When any of the five and twenty die, their places are filled by the Election of the two hun­dred, as when any of the great Council, that is not of the Senate, die, by the Election of the five and twenty, every individual member of the two hundred, wherein the five and twenty are com­prised, do once a Year come one by one to Tryal by the Balloting Box, in the great Council, whe­ther they deserve to be continued or not, and ac­cordingly [Page 198] they are continued or rejected; but ex­cept they are by this way for some miscarriage cast out, they are all in for their Lives.

The Chief Magistrates are at Christmas chosen by the people in general, every one that is a Free­man of the Town, having a Voice in their Ele­ction, which is solemnly made in the great Church.

The Court of Justice for Civil Causes, is con­stituted of one called the Lieutenant, having six called Auditors joined with him, who make (as they stile it) the first Court for Civil Causes, whose Judgment in all matters under five Crowns (about 23 s. star.) is final, but in Causes above that sum, there lie three Appeals; First to the Court called the Appellations; Secondly, to the Senate of five and twenty, and Lastly, to the great Council of two hundred, whose sentence is absolute.

Criminal Causes are heard by the Lieutenant alone, who reports the whole matter to the five and twenty, whose Decree is Conclusive, but the Sentence is pronounced by the Lieutenant only, from a Seat made for that purpose in the open street. They have here a municipal Law, which I have not heard of elsewhere, That they will not harbour or protect Murtherers, but if such flying to them are in their City, and complained of by Prince, State, or others concerned, they will ei­ther take the Judgment of the matter to them­selves, or deliver up the party or parties com­plained of, to those that shall accuse, and demand them to be Tryed where the Fact was com­mitted.

The Militia is Ordered by a Committee of sixty, chosen out of the Burgo-Masters, Senators, [Page 199] and the 175. I call them 175. because the twenty five being deducted out of the two hun­dred, there remain so many Common-Coun­cellors.

The Church in the City is governed by the Mi­nisters of it in general (being fifteen in number) the Burgo-Master that is for the Reformation, and six chosen promiscuously out of the great Coun­cil, which Assembly of twenty two is called the Consistory, but all their resolutions are brought to the two hundred for Confirmation, and with­out their Sanction are of no force.

Their Territories being about four English Miles out-right (as is before-mentioned) is divi­ded into thirteen Congregations, with as many Ministers, and these Ministers joining at certain times of the Year, with the Consistory of the City for the Government of the whole Church in both City and Country, the Assembly of the whole is called the Congregation or Synod, whose Acts must also be confirmed by the great Council before they are binding.

This Country affords plenty of Wine and Corn, all provisions being very cheap, and the Lake which is forty Miles in length, and of an uncertain breadth, from ten or twelve Miles, to in some places two or three, affords excellent Fish, as Carps, &c. but Trouts the best in Christendom, they being frequently sent many Miles, because of their rarity, as Presents to great persons.

Their allowances to their Ministers are very frugal, to each, in Provisions and Money to the value of about 50 or 60l star. and famous Calvin had never much more, as his Estate at his Death seems to own, in that he left behind him, not [Page 200] above sixty pounds star. his Library reckoned in; from which may be observed, that a few Books well chosen, may serve a Learned Minister, es­pecially if he live in a City, where there is either a publick Library, or Books to be hired, as there is here; he gave Charge upon his Death-Bed, not to bury him otherwise than in the common Burial-place without the Town, where he hath only a plain Stone laid upon his Grave; which shews his Humility, as his private Salary doth his being void of Covetousness, and the equality in the Church Government (which he was the framer of) his not seeking after Dominion, or great things for himself, all three Cardinal Vertues in a Church man.

This City is a Confederate of the Canton of Beaerne (which lyeth over against them, on the contrary side of the Lake) who upon occasion is to furnish them with two or three thousand Foot, as they are reciprocally to do the like for them with one thousand, the Town it self not affording in all, of men able to bear Arms above five thou­sand, but most of them are expert in shooting, and handling of their Fire Arms, being incoura­ged thereto by a prize allowed by the State to be shot for every Week.

The Duke of Savoy pretends a Title to this Town, but they say without other ground, than the conveniency and nearness of it to him, and were it not that the French King as well as the Cantons of Switzerland, are not willing he should be Master of so great an advantage, he would certainly attempt it, as his Ancestor Charles Em­manuel did in the Year 1602. when he acted Dis­simulation, Hypocrisie, and breach of Faith, to [Page 201] the greatest height that any History mentioneth, save that of Charles the Ninth of France, in his contriving the Bartholmew Massacre; and for their deliverance from his bloody Plot, which was (without respect to Age or Sex, except the reser­ving some Virgins for lustful ends) for putting all to the Sword, they still hold an Anniversary Day of Thanksgiving.

Their condition being thus, their Interest is soon summed up, in being jealous of Savoy, court­ing and seeking the favour of the French King, and the Cantons of Switzerland, making it the Interest of them both, to defend them against the third. And as they are now, or at least were when I was with them, well governed, the Town being then very civil, peaceable, and modest in their beha­viour, and exemplary in their habits, being in that so regulated, that the greatest Women of the City were not suffered to wear their Cloaths longer than touching the ground, nor to use Gold, Silver, or thread Lace, except very narrow, and of small value, so it is their Interest to continue the same good order, as invitations to strangers to send their Sons thither, to begin their Travels, and spend their money with them, as also to Merchants to make the road through their City, their way into Italy, France, or Germany.

I know this Republick hath many Enemies, men being influenced thereunto by such as are haters of their Doctrine, Church Discipline, or man­ner of worship, and upon these several accounts I expect opposition to what I write; but I would not be understood, by my Commendations of this City, to intend the defending of it as altogether faultless; or further than that (when I was there) [Page 202] compared to other places in France (of which I have had experience) that are the ordinary resi­dence of several Nations (the great corrupter of Morals) it exceeded them all very much in So­briety and Vertue, deserving all the Commenda­tions I give it; and since my observation hereof, I have found (as a concurrent testimony with me in what I say of them) the Chastity of the Women, gravity of the Men, and modesty of both Sexes in their attire, &c. asserted by that Book called the Estates, Empires, and Principalities of the World, writ in French, and translated into English by Mr Grimston Serjeant at Armes.

In Mr Calvin's time there was one named Bolsec (who had been a Monk of the Carmelites Order at Paris) that came to Geneve (and probably sent with design to interrupt their Reformation) pre­tending to be a Convert to the Reformed Religi­on, sometimes practising as a Physician, but at last as a Divine, endeavouring then to trouble the Church by pernicious errors, as he also did by his wicked, scandalous life, and conversation. Calvin according to his wonted zeal opposed him, labouring to convince him of his errors in a full Assembly; but persisting in them, he was by the advice of all the Consistory Excommunicated, which inraged him against Calvin to that degree, as was a great disturbance to the Peace of the City, provoking the Magistrates thereof for that reason to banish him Geneve with sound of the Trumpet, upon penalty if he returned of being whipped out of the Town: hereupon he went to the Canton of Be [...]rn in Switzerland, to complain of Injustice done him, but his factious and sedi­tious spirit being also there in a little time disco­vered, [Page 203] they did the same by him in banishing of him, as Geneve had done After this, Bolsec pre­tending to be sensible of his errors, presented him­self to the National Synod held at Orleance in the Year 1562. and there desired pardon of God and of his Church, for all his evil practices, promising solemnly for the future to renounce them all. Yet afterwards returned to his vomit again, insomuch that Beza in his answer to Genebrard, Printed at Geneve, 1585. saith, that he was an infamous per­son, who had been thrice banished, and had four times revolted, and that after he had spit his ve­nom upon both living and dead, died in de­spair.

This was that Bolsec (who to be revenged of this City, as well as of Calvin and the whole Reformed Church, as also thereby to render him­self the more acceptable to the Romish party, from whom he had revolted) that writ that in­famous Libel, composed of nothing but Satanical lies and inventions, Printed in the Year 1577. which passeth among the Adversaries of the Re­formed Religion, for a true History of the Life and Death of Mr Calvin.

The Crimes this Libel chargeth him with, are some committed (as he feignedly saith) at Shaa­lon in Champaign, the rest at Geneve; besides accu­sing him of being one of the wickedest of men in Life and Conversation, as that he was a Drunk­ard, a Whore-Master, a Glutton, and an Epicure, &c. That he pretended to raise men from the dead, of which deceit he was detected. That he died in despair, Swearing, Blaspheming, calling upon the Devils, denying the Faith, detesting his work of Reformation in the Church, Cursing [Page 204] the Day that ever he put Pen to Paper. That he was eaten up with Worms and Lice, dying of that Disease which is called the louzy Disease, &c.

I enumerate these things, to the end, first to shew the calumniating practices in former times as well as now of Papists against Protestants; and secondly, as believing that but even naming of them, with the condition of the Libeller, is sufficient to disprove the Libel, though for the reputation of Mr Calvin it may be further said in his behalf,

First, That this Libel was writ thirteen Years after he was dead, and that during his life there was not one of these Crimes laid to his Charge, but after so many Years silence were devised and writ by a professed, malicious, and implacable Enemy.

Secondly, That that eminent servant of God Beza, who was his Contemporary at Geneve, and who was with him at his Death, hath writ his Life, and given him a due Encomium, which ought according to the Papists own Maxims be to believed by them rather than the testimony of such a pro­fligate Fellow as Bolsec, who had several times re­volted from their Religion; than which, no man with them can be guilty of a greater crime and less deserve credit; for with Papists, the testimo­ny even of a born Protestant, whom they call a Heretick, is not to be taken, and much less the evidence of a Revolter.

Thirdly, That at Geneve all men deny these ac­cusations, having his memory in great honour and esteem, whereas such Vices could never have been stifled by Protestants at Geneve, any more, than the Church of Rome could stifle in their City, [Page 205] the Whoredoms, Witchcrafts, and Sorceries, &c. of some of their Popes, which themselves do there own and confess.

Fourthly, That Bolsec being a known flagitious Fellow, what he said or writ gained no reputa­tion in the World, until Cardinal Richelieu, about sixty or seventy Years after Calvin was in his Grave, gave some life to it, by writing a Book (which he calls a Treatise containing the most easie and sure way for converting those that have separated from the Church of Rome) wherein he makes use of Bolsec's Libel, and most of the things contained in it.

Fifthly, That upon the publishing this Book of Richelieu's, the States of Holland thinking their Church concerned in it, gave Order to their Am­bassadors to take Shaalon in their way to Paris, to inform themselves of the truth of what is by the Libel laid to the Charge of Calvin, as committed there, and found all to be false.

Sixthly, Being my self curious to know the truth of these things, I was in my Travels credi­bly informed, that even one of the Canons of the Cathedral of Shaalon, writing the Annals of that Church, takes notice of the aspersions laid upon Calvin, and out of pure generosity (more than is common with those of his profession) clears him of them, owning the report to be a groundless fiction, which being the testimony of an Enemy, may well be allowed as a good evi­dence.

That the Church of Rome never did, nor ever will want wicked Instruments to lie and swear for them, as they shall judge will make most for their corrupt Interest, I never doubted; but that so [Page 206] great a person as Cardinal Richelieu, who one would think should have valued himself, as well upon the honour and reputation of his actions, as upon the considerableness of the figure he made in the World, should give countenance to such odious and hateful slanders, I cannot sufficiently wonder at, as I have sometimes also admired to hear this famous person Mr Calvin, who was so great a light in the Church of God, and who hath left such ample testimonies and Monuments of sin­gular Piety, Learning, and Spiritual Knowledge, should have his memory so unthankfully underva­lued by Ecclesiasticks, and even by some pretend­ing to Reformation, as we find it is, when they ought rather to have his transcendant excellencies in the highest estimation; but since I understood how his humility reproves the grandeur, riches, and dominion striven for by Church-men, in a self-denying contentedness under a small Salary, and less power, when it was in his choice to have had what he would desire, I have ceased to won­der at it, no men loving to be touched in their Diana, nor to have their failings tacitly repro­ved by other mens Vertues and Moderation.

Before the Reformation the antient Motto of this City was, Post tenebras spero, and since the Reformation they have changed it into Post tene­bras lux. And thus I have done with Geneve, which I believe is the least Republick, Independent, and without a Protector, not holding of any Prince or other State, that is found any where, save St Marino, mentioned in the Interest of Italy. For though the Republick of Ragusa upon the Coast of Dalmatia, was much less in Circuit (not being above an Eng­lish Mile round) than Geneve, yet they had the [Page 207] Grand Seignior for their Protector, under whom paying a small Tribute, they enjoyed full and per­fect liberty in both Church and State (their Reli­gion being that of Rome) living peaceably, and contentedly, until the late dreadful and dismal Earthquake, destroyed (in a great measure) both City and People; whereas this City hath no Pro­tector to whom they pay any Tribute, though that incomparable Prince, for Gallantry, Justice, great Parts, and good nature, &c. Henry the Fourth of France (Grandfather to Charles the Second of Great Brittain) was always a truly noble, generous, and real Friend to them, not suffering them to be injured by any; and at his making a general Peace, though so inconsiderable to him, concerned himself for them in compre­hending them in it as his Friends and Allies.


ITaly is ordinarily resembled to a Leg, join­ed by the thigh to France, Savoy, Switzer­land, and Germany, and to all these pla­ces by the Alpes, the rest of it being (upon the matter) incompassed by the Mediter­ranean and Adriatick Seas. It is long and small, in length about eight hundred English Miles, but in breadth so uncertain, as from three hundred to (in some parts of Naples) twenty Miles.

The Apenine Hills making (as it were) a ridge through this long Country, causeth great diver­sity in the goodness of the soil, some of it being much more fruitful, as well as healthful, than other parts.

The Rivers are not considerable, none of them being Navigable for Ships of burthen: The Tyber (upon which Rome stands) the Adige, Arne, and the Po, being the best, and of all the last most useful, Merchants, Travellers, and Commodities being conveighed by it in small Boats from Turine in Piedmont (the residence of the Duke of Savoy) to [Page 209] Venice, which I judge to be in length above two hundred English Miles, having in the way several Towns standing upon it. The River Rubicon writ of in the Roman stories, is now in Summer, what­ever it was antiently, a dry Sand, having only in Winter (from Land Floods) water in it; and likewise Ostia at the mouth of the Tyber (which was formerly the Haven to the Roman Republick, twelve or thirteen Miles from the City) both it and the River is so filled up, that it serves only now for Fisher-Boats of ten or fifteen Tuns, Ci­vite Vechia, at forty Italian Miles distance, being now the Port to Rome for their Gallies and Mer­chant Ships.

The Alpes which may be called a Wall to this Country, bear divers names, according to the several places they are in, some of them being very difficult and dangerous, others easie and safe for passing over. The best are betwixt Augsbourgh in Germany, and Venice, that being a good road without trouble or danger. The next for conve­niency is Mount Ce [...]ée, betwixt Chambray in Sa­voy, and Turine in Piemont. The rest are more se­vere, and some of them very dangerous, as those betwixt Genoua and Niece, belonging to the Duke of Savoy, which are very rarely used by reason of their difficulty.

The Governments in Italy are of two kinds, Monarchies and Republicks, each of which being of four several Degrees, as to power and great­ness, I shall make these following Observations of them. And to begin with the Monarchies, the Dominions of the King of Spain, and those of the Pope, are of the first rank, those of Savoy and Tuskany of the second, those of the Dukes of [Page 210] Parma, Mantoua, Modena, and the Bishop of Trent the third, and the petty Dukes and Princes the fourth.

As to the Republicks, Venice is much the great­est, Genoua the next, Lucca the third, and St. Ma­rino the fourth or last. The Venetians with their Ter­ritories, Prudence and Wisdom, do fully equal the power in Italy, of either the King of Spain or Pope. Genoua though in Revenue much short of the second sort of Monarchs, yet by their wise management of affairs come very near them, and Lucca may be compared to the third, as St Marino upon the like account unto the fourth.

The Popes Dominions in Italy lie much in the midst of it, being reckoned twelve Provinces, beside that he possesseth several Lands bordering upon the Duke of Savoys Country of Piemont and Montferrat, as also upon the Marquisat of Tre­visain, belonging to the Venetians, with the County of Avinion in France, and what he hath in the Kingdom of Naples.

The King of Spain holds in Italy the Dutchy of Milain (in Lumbardy) containing eleven Divisi­ons or Jurisdictions, beside Final upon the Ge­noua Coast, and the Kingdom of Naples (which is divided into twelve Provinces) with the Isles of Sicily, Majorca, Minorca, and Sardinia in the Mediterranean, and Portolongoune in the Isle of Elbe.

The Venetian Territories are Istria, with so much of Lumbardy, and that which they call Terra firma, as make fourteen Provinces, a good part of Dalmatia lying along the Coast of the Adria­tick Sea, over against Italy, several Islands in the Levant, whereof Corfu, Capholinia, and Zant are [Page 211] the Chief, with some Islands in the Archipe­lagoes.

The Duke of Savoy possesseth in Italy the Prin­cipality of Piemont, with several other little Prin­cipalities and Counties adjoining, as the Marqui­sats of Saluze and Asti, the Dutchy of Osta, the Counties of Nizza and Vercelli, with part of Montferrat, beside the Dutchy of Savoy, which lyeth not in Italy, but on this side the Alpes bor­dering upon France, as Piemont and the rest of his Dominions are on the other side, which as they are generally taken are part of Italy, though Italy strictly taken according to antient account, is but a part of that which is commonly called so.

The great Duke of Tuskany, possesseth most of the Country of that name, and particularly that part of it wherein lyeth the City of Florence, Pisa, and Sienna, all formerly Republicks, with part of the Isle of Elbe, and the Seigniory of Pontre­molie, &c.

The Republick of Genoua hath under them the Coast of Genoua, about a hundred and thirty Miles in length, and twenty Miles in breadth, the Soveraignty of the Isle of Tarbarke, which lyeth upon the Coast of Tunis in Barbary (though the soil and profits belong to Subjects) with the Isles of Corsica and Capraia, lying in the Mediter­ranean, but these Isles are of no great considera­tion.

The Duke of Mantoua possesseth the Dutchy of that name, part of Montferrat, and in that, the City of Casal, famous for its Fortificati­ons.

The Duke of Parma hath in Lumbardy the Dutchy of that name, with the Dutchy of Pla­cence, [Page 212] and in the Ecclesiastical Territories, the Dutchy of Castro and Rousillon, besides some pla­ces in the Kingdom of Naples.

The Duke of Modena hath the Dutchy of Mo­dena and Reggio, with some other Seignories, all affording no great Revenue.

The Republick of Lucca, being a City of twelve regular Bastions, lying in a level Coun­try, hath only the Vail in which it lyeth (of no considerable greatness) belonging to it.

The Republick of St Marino, is an inaccessible Hill, otherwise than by a way cut up to it, lying in the Popes Territories near the Dutchy of Ʋr­bine, and is about three Miles over, upon which stands the City of St Marino, fortified on one side by a dreadful Precipice, and on the other by a Wall, with some great Guns mounted; it is governed by a Council of five and forty (viz.) fif­teen Gentlemen, as many Mechanicks, and the like number of Country-men, who all together chuse every six Months two Consuls out of them­selves. This Hill being all their Territories, hath four Villages upon it, and one Market Town at the bottom of it, the Inhabitants being in the whole, reckoned at six or seven thousand Souls, and of fighting men fifteen hundred. They pretend to have been a free State nine hundred or a thou­sand Years, but therein I fear they stretch: they are Lovers of Liberty, and for that reason (as is said) jealous of their Nobility, of which they have twenty Families. In all Wars they have en­joyed Peace, and upon occasion they send Ambas­sadors to their Neighbour Princes and States. I am the larger in this, because a thing little known, or taken notice of in the World.

[Page 213]The petty Princes, who are called so from the smallness of their Territories, and not of Sove­raignty (being as absolute within their respective Jurisdictions as the rest) are in number about two or three and twenty (beside such as are only titular) of which some of them were raised by Popes, who usually in their Reigns, make each a Prince in their Families, others came from the City of Genoua, as Monico and Doria, &c. and some descended from antient Soveraign Princes, but none of them so considerable as to deserve any further insisting upon, than that they adhere to France, or Spain, according as they are obliged by their respective Interests, from their Lands they hold in France, Naples, or Milain, of the one or the other Crown.

Beside these Princes and Republicks, the French King holds Pignorolo in Italy, (a strong Fortifica­tion) with some adjacent Vallies. The Emperour some Cities with their Territories, but inconsider­able. The Switzers four Bailiwicks, and the Gri­sons the Valtoline. And all these Estates in Italy, are held either of the Emperour or Pope, save that the Venetians are independant as well as the Bishop of Rome.

Italy taken generally, is with its Islands reck­oned under four Divisions: First, That part pro­perly called Italy, containing the Ecclesiastical Provinces, and Tuskany, in which lies the Repub­lick of Lucca. Secondly, Lumbardy containing Piedmont, Montferrat, the Dutchy of Millain, Coast of Genoua, and the Territories of the seve­ral Dukes of Parma, Mantoua, Modena, the Bi­shoprick of Trent, and the Venetian Domain. Thirdly, The Kingdom of Naples, being the [Page 214] Eastern part of Italy. And fourthly, The Islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, lying in the Medi­terranean Sea. In these Divisions are reckoned near three hundred Archbishops and Bishops, be­sides a great number of titular Bishops, who de­pending all upon the Pope, add much to his In­terest, being entirely at his Devotion.

The animosities and emulations among these Italian Princes and States, are great, none scarce being content with their own, but coveting more, the Church (according to their nature) waiting all opportunities for increase. The Duke of Tus­kany, looking with an envious eye upon Lucca, because lying within his Country. The Duke of Savoy, thinking the Duke of Mantoua to have too great a share of Montferrat, and the Duke of Mantoua, that he hath too little of it, the whole belonging to him. And the French King, having got an entrance into Italy, and a strong hold in it, in possessing Pignorolo, and the Vallies belonging to it, thirsts after more, so that these, and other dormant quarrels, as that about Castro, &c. are such, that had not this Country common Ene­mies, as the French and Turk, who watch their quarrelling among themselves, they could not long continue in Peace. And although their for­mer danger from the House of Austria is now over, yet the French having got an advantageous footing in Italy, and the Turk approaching them by Sea, both these formidable Potentates waiting but an opportunity for falling upon them, it is their general Domestick Interest, especially the Popes, (and indispensibly necessary for them) to unite and agree for common preservation; and for making their Union the firmer, to reconcile [Page 215] all their differences, and settle every one in their just rights, priviledges, and liberties, lest the French (not out of Vertue so much as a specious pretence for a quarrel) should otherwise take oc­casion (under colour of relieving the oppressed) to enter Italy, of which should he once become Master (as in such Case he would without diffi­culty be, the Country wanting not only Souldiers, but also people to make Souldiers of, and those they have unapt for War) he would in a short time make the Pope to signify no more, than would be consistent with his designs. For though the French King's Interest and Principles, may carry him on to pretend zeal for his Religion, and at present to give testimony of it by the persecution of his Protestant Subjects; yet when by such Ar­tifices he hath cousened the Popish Princes and States, either into a neutrality, or the assisting of him in his great design for Dominion, whereby he will be enabled gradually to devour both Pro­testant and Papist, when his work is once done, he will then hold it his Interest to countenance li­berty of Conscience, as all great Conquerors for keeping their new acquired Provinces in Peace must do, except the fear of inriching his Subjects by it (which Arbitrary Governours do generally dread) do (to his own destruction) hinder him, for he hath too great experience in affairs, not to observe, that where ever Popery doth solely prevail, the people are poor and miserable to what they would be under Reformation: for the effects of idleness, which that Religion doth not only incourage, but also teach and injoin, cannot be other than Poverty. And as thus in reference to the French, the Italians ought to agree among [Page 216] themselves, so they also ought to do it in reference to the Turk, who draws nearer to them than he was, and who can approach them by Sea, lest otherwise he also should take advantage from their Divisions.

And further, were it not the general Maxim of Church-men, to hazard the safety of the whole, rather than own an error, or themselves in any thing fallible, it were the Interest of Rome, for the peopling of this Country (which by Tyranny and Persecution, is all save Venice, Genoua, the City of Naples and Lucca, depopulated) to give liberty of Conscience, without which it can ne­ver be so replenished as is necessary for their de­fence, some Cities not having a sixth part, and others not a tenth part of the people they had whilst they were Republicks, as Rome, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, &c. but this self-denial cannot be expected from them, who by a Sentence from Heaven are given up to believe lies and delusions, as also because (according to their Carnal reason) it would render their Church Government alto­gether useless, in interfering with their preten­ded Infallibility.

Before the House of Austria fell from their greatness, the danger of Italy was most from them, and therefore the wise Venetians, who sel­dom or never mistake their Interest, did not only allow the States of Holland (as their Writers af­firm) 5000l star. a Month, during their War with the King of Spain, and House of Austria, but also kept a close League and good Intelligence with France, from whom they could only expect any considerable assistance, for bridling the soaring am­bition of that House: but the fear of Austria being [Page 217] at present over, the same jealousy they had of it then, they ought now to have of France.

Italy is not only by situation (being in a man­ner a Peninsule) but also in abounding in rich and staple Commodities, very convenient for Trade; and were the advantages, and the peo­ples ingenuities improved to what they are capa­ble of, it might without all peradventure equal in Commerce any Country in Europe: but the de­populating of Italy, as also of Spain by severity in State, and Persecution in the Church, and the natural aversness to Industry and Traffick, that is thereby bred in the people of those Countries, with the vast Interest that the Ecclesiasticks have in them both, and especially in Italy, is the great benefit of the Northern Trading Nations, who bring and fetch from them, most of the Commo­dities that they either want, or have, and even what the growth of their own Country affords; so that the reason of the Poverty of Italy, may be rendred to be the Romish Religion, together with not making Trade their Interest, as indeed they cannot well do, no Country being capable of it, that is so much under the bondage of the Church, and subject to their Impositions as they are, liberty of Conscience, and relaxation from the severity of Ecclesiastical Laws, being the ne­cessary Concomitants of Trade. I call Italy poor, because so in the general, and a depopulated Country, denying that it is the riches of some few persons or places, but diffusive wealth and populousness, that render a Country great and opulent. For it is not long since the charge of a small Army for one Year against the Pope, about the succession of the Dutchy of Ʋrbain, made the [Page 218] Duke of Tuskany (the richest Prince in Italy) weary of War, and as some say to lessen the num­ber of his Gallies, by selling some of them; and yet when Florence alone was under liberty, an Army four times as great would not in a longer time have wearied them. And it is observable, that those places in this Country, which are most considerable, by being addicted to Traffick, are such, as being loosest from the Church, are full­est of people, as Venice, Genoua, and Lucca; for the bondage of Rome, is enmity as well to tem­poral as spiritual prosperity. And thus when I have given you some Observations upon the seve­ral Cities of Venice and Genoua, as Members of Italy, I have done with this Country.


THE City of Venice is an aggregated Body of Islands (which some reckon seventy in number, united by Bridges, which are Calculated to be near seven hundred) lying in and at the Head of the Adriatick Sea, or Gulf of Ve­nice, and four or five English Miles from any part of the Continent.

This City derives its Original from the Year four hundred, when the Goths and Lumbards over­running, wasting and destroying Italy, caused ma­ny of the Inhabitants near the Sea to fly for safety to these Islands, where applying themselves first to Fishing, and afterwards to Merchandize, they [Page 220] begun their Government with the Choice of two Consuls every Year, but continued not long in that way, for the Islands increasing in People, they judged it most equal for each to send a Deputy, for making a general Council for the Government of the whole, which held two hundred and sixty Years without any material alteration; but much about that time, they Elected a Duke, with a great Council of about four or five hundred in number, chosen promiscuously by the people in general; this Popular way of Government con­tinued until the Year 1325. when an occasion was taken, to reduce the great Council to all such persons, and their Legitimate Male Issue for ever, that had that Year, or in the last four Years go­ing before, been at any time Members of the great Council, and that the Sons of all such, should for ever after, at the Age of five and twenty, have right of Session in it without Ele­ction, as those of whom it was always to be Con­stituted. And thus the Government of Venice was changed from popular to Aristocratical, all Sove­raignty being taken from the people, and placed in certain Families (who have ever since been distinguished from the rest of the Citizens, by the name or title of Noble Venetians) where it now remains. And to preserve this new order in honour and from corruption, every Nobleman was by Law (as he still is) obliged, within a Month after Marriage, to go with his Wives Fa­ther (if living) and three or four more Witnes­ses that were present at the Solemnity, to the Magistrates appointed for that purpose, there making Oath, that he was lawfully Married at such a time, to such a person of good Fame and [Page 221] Legitimate. And a Son being afterwards born of such a Bed, the Child and Parents names must be given in by two Witnesses to the same Magistrates within a Month, giving Testimonies of the Mo­thers honourable Reputation; and if the Child live to the Years of twenty, then the Father of him, or if he be dead the Mother, or if both be dead, the next two Friends of the Blood, do go with the Young Man to the Magistrates, making Oath that he is the Son of such and such Parents, Married such a Day, and whose Birth and Name was at such a time signified and entered upon Re­cord, which is done at the Age of twenty Years, to the end, that there being every Year a certain number chosen out of the Youth, betwixt twenty and five and twenty Years of Age, to the privi­ledge of having Session in the great Council and Voting in it, he may be capable of coming into that Election, which is a priviledge granted for the incouragement of Vertue, Merit being of great esteem with them, and having a great influ­ence upon their Secret Ballot, by which is made all their Elections; for although Venice compared with some of the Northern parts of Europe (where Adultery is so odious, that the Crime is Capital, a Bastard uncapable (so much as) of his free­dom of a Mechanical Society, and a Freeman of such Fraternities, Marrying a Bastard, is for the same, ipso facto, disfranchized, as in Prusia, &c.) may be said to be highly guilty of uncleanness, yet compared with other parts of Italy, they are not so, nor guilty of that horrid sin of Sodomy, as Rome, Florence, and other parts of that Country are: and although Concubines are by the Veneti­ans permitted, their Religion (which is Popery) [Page 222] allowing it being the Cause, yet no Man observed to be a common haunter of Stews, a Drunkard, or exorbitantly given over to his Lusts and Plea­sures, is ever imployed by that wise people, who believe such men good for nothing.

Their Government is carried on by several Councils; As first, By that called the Great Council, consisting of all the Patricii or Noble Venetians, together with a Duke for life, who as he is more a piece of formality, or a Pageant of State, than of Power or Authority, so his pre­sence in the Council is not necessary, it being of­ten held without him.

Secondly, By that Council called the Signory, or the Council of Ten.

Thirdly, By that Colledge or Council called the Senate, or little Council.

Fourthly, By that Colledge or Council called the Savi or Sages.

Fifthly, By that Council called the Colledge.

And now to take all these Councils in Order, the Great Council hath the Legislative Power, the Choice of the Duke, all the Magistrates of the whole Republick, and many of the great Officers, (but not of all, the Senate having the Election of some) and to this end the great Council meets on the Lords Day, and sometimes on their Holy-Days.

The Signory consists of the Duke, six Councel­lors chosen by the great Council, and the three Presidents or Chief Judges of their three Chief Judicatures, making in all ten, from whence it is vulgarly called the Council of Ten; this Signory grants all Patents, sends and receives all Foreign Letters, peruseth Embassadors Credentials, gi­ving [Page 223] them Audience, without returning any other answer than that the Duke will consult the Senate and Colledge upon the matter then delivered.

They take care of the safety of the Common-Wealth, and that it receive no damage, suppres­sing and punishing all Conspiracies against the Go­vernment, calling even the Duke himself to ac­count, if upon any score they find Cause to do it, especially if they have any ground to suspect his designing Usurpation, and have almost a general super-intendency in all State Concerns; they have also a right of going into, and Voting in all the Colledges and Committees, and of assembling the great Council, they sit every day in the Morn­ing, and once in eight days (or ofter if there be occasion) with the addition of near thirty of the great Officers of State, appointed to that pur­pose, for all matters of extraordinary con­cern.

The Senate consists of one hundred and twenty of the Nobility, bearing no other Office than Members of the Great Council (who are called the Pregadi) about the like number of other Councellors, Magistrates, and Officers of the greatest Rank, who have by their places right of Session, with Votes, beside fifty six other Of­ficers of Quality, together with all such persons as have trusted the Common-Wealth to such a certain sum as is directed by the Law; as also all such Magistrates as have any new concepts to pro­pound for the bringing them into Laws, have a right of Session without Votes; so that this Coun­cil consists of two hundred forty seven with Votes, fifty six eminent Officers more, with an uncertain [Page 224] number of Creditors, and propounders of Laws without Votes, all which are called together by the Colledge, which gives notice of it by their Officers, and at the time of their meeting by the tole of a Bell, four of the six Councellors of the Council of Ten, and sixty of such as have Votes in this Council, making the Quorum.

All Laws are last debated by this Council, and brought by them to the Great Council for their Sanction, who have no power of debate, or other than of receiving or rejecting the Laws propoun­ded. The making Peace and War, and all matters of State (except some extraordinary Cases, which for expedition and secrecy, are in the Council of Ten) are, after they have been prepared and de­bated by the Signory and Colledge, brought by them to the Senate for approbation or rejection, who do therein as they think fit, in whom is also the Election of some great, and many small Of­ficers.

The Council called the Savi or Sages, consists of sixteen persons. Six for both Sea and Land affairs, who are called the Savi grandi, or Great Sages, five for Land Affairs only, and five for Sea Affairs alone. The six take care of all Land and Sea Affairs in general, the other keep each to their particular Province, without ingaging in one anothers Charge; they meet every day in a Council Room near the Signory, each Order ha­ving their President, who propounds in the Coun­cil what they have to bring in debate; and when any thing is discussed concerning Land Affairs only, in such Case the five for Sea are silent, as are also the five for Land, in debating any thing concerning Sea only; but the six Savi grandi [Page 225] have a right of Debate and Voting, in all matters concerning either Land or Sea in particular, as the other two Orders have in matters of a mixt nature of both Sea and Land.

The Colledge (which although for method sake I rank last) is of greatest use in the State, being a Conjunction of the Signory, and the Savi, in all six and twenty; for as they both meet every Morning at a certain hour, where in their distinct Council Rooms, they spend separately an hour or more in Debate of their several business, so the Savi going to the Room where the Signory sits, and joining with them, make that Council they call the Colledge. And thus the gradations of de­bating and resolving in matters of State (except what is for secrecy and expedition committed to the Signory alone) is first by the Signory and six­teen Savi, each in their several Rooms distinctly. Secondly, by them two jointly which make the Colledge. And thirdly, by the Senate, who ac­cording as they resolve after Debate, rejects or brings all to the Great Council, who hath only the last resolution without debate. And thus much may serve to shew briefly and in general, the me­thod of the Venetian Councils, which is all that is by this aimed at; for of the several kinds of Magistrates, Offices, Officers, their Ballot, and their Elections by it, so much hath already been writ, that it is needless to trouble the Reader here with any thing more of them, than to observe, that as Offices are all either honorary or merce­nary, so the Officers of the first kind (as Go­vernors of Governments, &c.) are so far from ha­ving profit added to their honour, that their pla­ces are chargable; and although some Military [Page 226] Imployments may be judged to deserve a benefit, by reason of the hazard that attends them, yet so chargable are their honourable Offices in the ge­neral, that it is accounted a reward answerable to the greatest merit, to confer gratis the dignity of a Procurator of St. Mark, upon the most deser­ving person, because beside the honour of it, they are also thereby freed from having any Offices imposed upon them, and of this Order there are twenty four, whereof nine are always made upon the account of merit, and fifteen upon purchase, which costs each Purchaser, though an honour but for life only, five or six thousand pound star.

The Mercenary Offices which have all but fru­gal Salaries, are conferred upon persons standing in need of them, for that none but such will de­sire them. And as it is not honourable for persons of large substance, to seek Mercenary Offices, so it is accounted irrational, to make honourary pla­ces (except in Military service subject to danger) profitable, the Duke himself losing by his place, his income not being so much as his inavoidable extraordinary charges are. So that the rule of the Venetians is to chuse persons to their honorary im­ployments of great Estates, able to maintain the honour and dignity of their places, with the be­nefit of some small Perquisits, at their own Charge, and to make the Salaries of their Mercenary Offi­ces very moderate. All honorary charges are in the Nobility, save that the Chancellor (who is next the Duke) and the Secretaries, are in the Plebeians, which is to incourage Vertue in them, and not to leave them altogether without hopes of honourable preferment in the State. They are great Enemies to Bribery and Corruption, and [Page 227] severe punishers of it when discovered.

The Frame and Constitution of this Govern­ment, hath in its eye above all other things, ge­neral good and safety, one of the Excellencies of the Venetians being the largeness of their Souls for publick Interest, wherein they are observed by Writers to transcend all other people, having not left it in the power of the State, to pardon cer­tain crimes against the Republick; as treachery in Governors of Garrisons, Conspiracies against the Common-Wealth, holding private Correspon­dence with Foreign Princes, or States, or cousen­age in Accounts; and if any chosen to an Office, intrusted with Money, prove insolvent, they that nominated him thereunto, are responsible for him to the State. And answerable to these Rules, seems to have been the Complement of a Venetian Em­bassador, at his taking leave of old Sir Henry Vane, when Secretary of State, in telling him, That England was happy in their King, Country, Nobility and Gentry, and would be perfectly happy, had they publick spirits; but of that he said, they had the least of any people that ever he had the honour to know, wherein I wish he did not make a true Judgment.

The Duke is for Life, and chiefly as a piece of Ceremony, (without Power) representing the magnificence of the Republick, every one stand­ing bare before him: Though kneeling to him, kissing of his hand, painting or cutting of his Arms or Name in any publick place is not allow­ed. He can do nothing but in the presence of four of his six Councellors of the Council of Ten, and [...]wo of the three Chief Judges of the Chief Courts of Justice. He cannot go beyond Malamoca (the [Page 228] Haven hard by the City where the Ships ride) nor can he marry any of his Children to Strangers, without leave of the great Council and Senate. All Letters to the State are directed to him, and Letters to other Princes and States are writ in his name, but no Letters are opened except in the presence of at least four of the six Councellors, and two of the Chief Judges, the Minutes of the Letters sent out being under-writ by four Councel­lors, before the Originals are sent away.

Neither his Children, or Grand-Children, can be chosen to any of the great Offices during his Life, or be Embassadors. His Brother cannot be General, either at Sea or Land, or an Embassador, &c. Nor any of his Friends by Consanguinity, be during his Life, of the Council of Ten in the Magistracy, or President of any of the Colledges; nor can any of his Family nominate one to any Office Temporal or Spiritual; and in all Taxes, the Duke bears a greater proportion, than before he was Duke he had done.

All men are prohibited upon severe penalties, the making him or any of his House any pre­sents; but any Office not relating to the Policy or Justice of the State, his Relations are capable of. As to be of the great Council (as their Birth-right) a Member of the Senate, a Procurator of St. Mark, or any Office relating to the Arsenal, University of Padoua, or the Mint, &c.

And now by all this it appears, that the Chil­dren and whole Family of the Duke are prejudi­ced by his being called to that Dignity, especially in its being a Charge, and no profit to him, and yet there are none of them, but desire the honour of being Duke, which contradicts that Principle [Page 229] of those that hold it better to be no King, than not to be Absolute; for let them speak their pas­sion as they please, we find by this Example, that Precedence and Authority is so sweet to the am­bitious mind of Man, that men will be content to become Prisoners, as this Duke in some kind is, even for a shadow of Majesty and Authority, though without Power.

When the Duke dies, the Eldest Councellor is Vice-Duke, and he with the rest of the Council of Ten, takes possession of the Palace, and re­mains in it until a new Duke is chosen. Three persons called Inquisitors, and five called Cor­rectors, are chosen by the great Council; the three Inquisitors inquire into the Administration of the deceased Duke, and if he be found to have been faulty in it, his Heirs have a Fine laid upon them according to the greatness of the Crime. The five Correctors inquire what Laws are neces­sary for the good of the Republick, that if any be found needful, they may be made before a new Duke be chosen.

And now as this City is a Member of Italy, so the general Interest of it is the same with the Country, in uniting with all the several Estates of it for self-preservation, and being jealous of France, which this wise people are sure not to be wanting in, they being perfect Masters in the knowledge of their Interest, and constant in the pursuance of it.


THE Coast of Italy which runs at the foot of the Apennine Hills, along the Me­diterranean, betwixt the Rivers of Varr and Magre, is called the Coast of Genoua, belong­ing all to that Republick, save Final, appertaining to the King of Spain, with other small things to the Duke of Savoy and Prince of Monaco, the whole Coast being about one hundred and sixty Miles in length, whereof one hundred and thirty Miles at least, is judged to belong to the Genoue­sers, upon which stands the City of Genoua, much about the middle of it.

This Coast though thus long, is in no place (be­longing to this Common-Wealth) above twenty three or twenty four English Miles broad, and in some places not so much; it is all Mountainous from one end to the other, yet affords plenty of Wines, Oiles, Lemmons, Oranges, and other [Page 231] Fruits; the Chief Manufactures of the City being several sorts of Silks, but in Velvets and Tabbies they exceed all other places.

This City is not great, it is seated at the bottom of high Hills, the Mediterranean washing the Southside, and being built upwards upon the Hill, renders it very beautiful to Ships passing by at Sea. But although the Buildings are generally the best in Europe, the streets save one or two are mean, being too narrow, not answerable to the Magni­ficence of the Structures: and it is probable, that the excessive heats in Summer (as well as the Hilliness of the place) might for coolness, by the shade of narrow streets, be one cause of ma­king them so strait. The City is not only well built, but the Land some Miles about it, affords as good Houses for Country Buildings as one meets with any where. The most remarkable things in this place, are the Mold upon the Sea, within which the Ships lie and ride; the Aqui­duct which serves the City with fresh Water, and the Walls of the Town, in being carried over high Mountains, all three pieces of great Art; the last being designed by Spinola, the great Ne­therland General (a Native of this City) and pur­sued soon after his Death about forty Years ago, or about the Year 1630. The Walls are near about five English Miles in compass, but the ground within, by reason of the Hilliness of it, is not above two third parts built, yet is reckon­ed with Suburbs to contain one hundred and thirty thousand Souls, which are many for so small a place.

This Common-Wealth is very antient, and un­til their Wars with Venice (which ended in the [Page 232] Year 1381.) whereby they sustained great losses, they were much more formidable than they have been since; and their decay giving incourage­ment to the growing greatness of the several Kingdoms of Spain and France, each of them designed the subduing of it, which caused along time great troubles to it, never ending, until by the valour and gallantry of Andreas Doria (a Ci­tizen) it was delivered from Foreign Wars, inte­stine Factions, and setled in Peace and Liberty.

This Prince Doria (for so he then was, as the Family still remains) is surely one of the most August Examples of Integrity, Affection, and Faithfulness to his Country, that is met with in any story; for being so great a Captain (especi­ally at Sea) that his fame caused the most potent Princes of those times to contend for him (as France and Spain being then at variance, and in War, each of those Crowns striving to gain him) he made it his rule to serve him, by whose ser­vice he could have the most opportunity of pre­serving his own Country in Liberty; and as he always conditioned for it, so as soon as he found either of them to intend breach of Faith with him, (as each of them at several times designed the sub­duing of Genoua) he left him, and went to the other, and not being corruptible by the greatest temptations of either Crown, by Constancy to his Principles, he made them both at last content to leave his Country in Liberty. And further, when after this he had delivered them in the Year 1547. from the design of Fiesco (one of their Citizens) who aimed at doing the same by them, as the Medices had a few Years before done by the Common-Wealth of Florence, in [Page 233] Usurping the Government, they would have made him Hereditary Duke, he refused it, imploying all his Power and Authority (which was exceed­ing great) in setling them under the Government of a free State, as they now are, and have ever since continued, without any considerable trouble; and being satisfied with some honorary Priviledges conferred upon his Family, was content to have the chief of it (as too great, and therefore danger­ous in so small a Republick) excluded bearing any Office in the Government; as for the same reason some other Families are at this day, wherein they act wisely, no Common-Wealth being safe where any in the Government exceeds in Riches, Power or Greatness. And although it may be supposed that Oliver Cromwell (did he know the story) esteemed this self-denial great folly, and despised his Memory for it, yet the Faithfulness of Doria remains an honour to his Family, whereas the falseness of the other will be a perpetual stain to his; for although Cromwels Ambition, in dividing his Party that he might Rule, may be reckoned as the Foundation of his Majesties Blessed Restau­ration, and upon that account advantageous to the Kingdom, yet he intending no such thing in it, but on the contrary, the setting of himself up in opposition to the King, deserves no thanks, or honourable memory, but detestation and abhor­rency for it.

The Artifices which Fiesco used for Usurping the Government of this Republick, were much like Cromwels practices, in pretending great zeal for publick good, with unbounded Charity towards the Poor, and any indigent necessitous Families or Persons, carrying courteously and obligingly [Page 234] towards Friends, Strangers and Inferiours, and dissemblingly towards all he suspected were Ene­mies to his design, slily and cunningly accusing the Senate of ill Government, and infusing ill opini­ons into the people of them, as also of the Family of Prince Doria, because likely to oppose him in his design, until having got a party, he seized the Town without any opposition, save what Andreas Doria and his Nephew (who was slain in it) made, but when having all at his own devotion, going proudly as well as needlesly the same Day in Tri­umph, to take possession of the Gallies lying in the Harbour, in passing a long plank to one of them he fell into the Sea, where having his Ar­mour on he sunk right down, and so ended his design with his Days. Tradition reports him to have been pushed over by one that followed him, although not mentioned in story, to avoid the en­tailing a revenge in his Family, but whether it was true or no, it is not material for any to be too curious therein.

His Death made such a Confusion in his Party, that Andreas Doria (then very Aged) taking the advantage of it dispersed them, set the Senate at liberty (who were before Prisoners) and became again the Founder of the Common-Wealth. Fi­esco's Body being found, was judged to be carried some Leagues to Sea, and with disgraceful Cere­monies cast into it; his Estate to be Confiscated, his Palace demolished, and by Sentence never any House more to be built where it stood, so that the ruins of his House remains until this day a Monument of his Treachery; as on the contrary, the stately and curious Statues in white Marble of Andreas Doria, and his Nephew (who was [Page 235] slain) standing on each side of the Stairs ascend­ing the Senate House of this City, are true memo­rials of their Vertues.

The disturbance that this Republick formerly met with in their Government, caused great un­safety in City and Country, which in some mea­sure continued long after; and although the Se­nate hath of late Years reduced both to great se­curity, some Travellers making use of former times, seem to pride much in telling strange sto­ries of it at this day. It was once my lot to hear one come out of Italy, but few Weeks before my self, affirm amongst other things of like nature, that besides the daily Murthers committed in Ge­noua, there were twenty thousand Highway men in their Dominions, the Heads whereof were per­sons of the best Families in Genoua, that lived upon robbing, whereas if all that travel through their Territories were robbed none escaping, there are not (as I have cause to believe) Travellers enough by Land (most going thither by Sea to avoid the dreadful Mountains and Precipices) to maintain a hundred Thieves; for having my self travelled (within a few Months after this Gentle­man left Italy) through their Dominions, from one end to the other of all that is well travellable; I neither met one Traveller, nor heard of one Thief; nor whilst I staid in Genoua, which was se­veral Weeks, did I hear of one Murther, nor found cause to forbear in the darkest Nights walking the streets, when my occasions required it. I instance in this, first to shew how little heed is to be given to the reports of some Travellers, who speaking often out of Envy, Passion, or Fool­ish Vanity, in magnifying the dangers they have [Page 236] passed, care not what they say, as this Gentleman did not, who being in Years, and Governour to a young Gentleman of Quality, could not but know better. Secondly, That Travellers may not thereby be discouraged; For I cannot but reckon this a very equal Common-Wealth, and well worth Visiting, having had no cause whilst I was there, or at Venice, to complain of Insolency in either of the places, as is ordinary with some to accuse them of: The greatest danger that I could observe in travelling Italy, being in making young Gentlemen (not well grounded in Religion) A­theists, by finding so much Impiety, and little Zeal in a Country, which pretends to Infallibility in Religion, and to be the Mother of it.

The Nobility of Genoua, having the liberty of other Countries, in conversing with Strangers or their own Citizens, are very civil in it (as I have cause to say) towards strangers as well as the rest. But the Venetians, being by nature or custom more reserved, have little converse with Travellers, and the Nobility there, wearing a distinguishing ha­bit, by which they are known, it is dangerous to affront any of them; but as it is so in behalf of them for the maintaining the honour of their Order, so on the contrary, the Law is severe against them, if they dishonour their quality in abusing others, they having no such Law in either place, as will justify any of them, in calling a Creditor. for demanding a just Debt of (may be) seven Years or more standing, or for not bearing patiently the being cousened with a false Mort­gage or Title of Land, all the opprobrious names imaginable, as in some other Countries, where if the loser in return give the Debtor any [Page 237] thing more than a sad look, as in telling him he Cousened him, or call him Knave (though one who peradventure common same speaks void of all moral honesty) he shall be undone for it, though the keeping of his Family from starving might provoke him to say what he did, the Plea of Ju­stifying not being allowed in the plainest matters of fact; a thing which seems to tend much to the incouraging of that oppression, which is some­times met with from great persons; for were Merit and Vertue (which is all that is truly va­luable in men) made necessary ingredients in ac­quiring of honour and respect from others, Im­morality would not raign so much in the World as it doth; and since we find by experience, that reverence and respect will follow just and honour­able carriage and actions in great persons, and that even almost to adoration, it is pity Vice should any where be priviledged.

The liberty that is taken in these Cities in the time of their Carnivals, cannot with right be ob­jected against them as any proof of Insolency, that being a time of general Licence, taken by persons in disguise, like those that in Winter have lately used Masquerading in London, where they exceed the Italians, in some times forcing their entrance into other mens Houses contrary to the will of the Owners; so that if men would but make use of that Golden Rule, of doing as they would be done by, they would find no cause to cry out, as some­times they do, of the Insolencies of the Genouesers and Venetians; for though it must be confessed, that the Italians in general are of more unconver­sable natures, and more impatient under affronts than other people, yet those qualities are not to [Page 238] be imputed to either of these Cities and their Territories, more than to any other parts of Italy, nor so much as to those places in this Country un­der the King of Spain; neither could I find any cause to blame the Government of these Repub­licks of Oppression, as is oft the Vanity of Tra­vellers to do; For first their several Revenues are not so great, as render them guilty thereof, that of Genoua not being a hundred thousand pounds star. per annum, nor of Venice above eight or nine hundred thousand pounds, which is not much considering their Dominions, and their necessary defence against their envious Neighbours. Se­condly what is leavied is equally laid upon the people, and then honestly expended for publick good and the necessities of the State, without having any of it vainly wasted, or wantoned away, their Salaries not being such as their Officers can raise great Estates by, their Taxes in both places being too moderate to bear either Cousenage or large Wages; and the freedom of living, and se­curity at Venice is so great, that were they Prote­stants as they are Papists, I should chuse next my own Country, to live there before any other Country that ever I saw; for I take it for an un­deniable truth, that where the Taxes are no more than are necessary for support of the Government, without bad Husbandry or profuseness, and e­qually leavied, the Government cannot be Ty­rannical.

This may well expect the censure of those, who being ingaged in maintaining an opposite Chara­cter, cannot digest contradiction; but since I ne­ver found worse from these people than I have here observed, it were ingratitude, and against [Page 239] the Laws of Society, to speak ill of them, under whose protection I have lived, and that never did me harm; or having occasion to mention them, not to bear a sutable testimony to my experience, though to the disagreeing with such persons, who either as nauseating every thing that is against their Appetites, wanting an even and unbiassed mind, or taking reports upon credit, do load them with undeserved reproaches. And none that know me, will imagine I can be led to this by partiality or favour to any thing but truth, being far from an admirer of their Form of Go­vernment, though I think well of their Admini­stration (as that which supplies the defect in the other) which is the greatest thing in all Govern­ments. For when equality is the rule, peaceable success and prosperity will be the certain effects of it, as appears by this City, where the Magi­strates are so free of all jealousies and fears, that they do not think one Souldier in the Town need­ful for their security. Nay the ten Lacqueys and other Servant which the Duke is obliged to main­tain at his own charge, are not permitted to wear Arms.

And sutable to my observation of them herein, I find the forementioned Author of that Book, called the Estates, Empires, and Principalities of the World, writ in French and translated by Mr Grimston Serjeant at Armes, bearing this testi­mony of the Venetians in their Government (viz.) Finally, there is a wonderful equality, worthy of much Commendations, in this City, they respect neither poor nor rich, Gentlemen nor common people; who (as I have said) have some share in this Common-Weale, enjoying many Offices which are very [Page 240] beneficial to them: from whence it is, that the people are much affected unto the Nobility, shew­ing themselves very humble towards them, in re­quital of which, the Gentlemen are their Pro­tectors, favouring them in all their necessities, advancing them to honours whereof they are ca­pable. This Signory hath great regard to Po­verty, for the which they provide by all good means, spending much money in keeping down the price of Bread, and other things necessary for the life of man, whereby they make the poor, not only subject, but even Slaves to them; it is therefore no wonder if the people do wil­lingly, and without grudging, bear all their bur­thens, during the necessities of the Common-Weale.

The people of other Towns subject unto this Estate, are in like manner very faithful, for that he that goes to govern them, hath no other end but to do justice to every man, and to assist the Towns which are under his Charge. For in doing so, at his return he obtains the greater Honours, but if he govern himself otherwise, he is punished and no more imployed. And beside these reasons for the people loving the Venetian Government, there is this also, that they are not charged with insupportable Customs and Imposi­tions, as some miserable Towns are by Tyrants (and the same Author goes further) preferring their Form, manner of Government, Admini­stration, and good Laws▪ so much before all other Common-Wealths, that he affirms, those may be said to have been governed by men that were greedy of spoil and blood, and this hath been guided by the Creator of all things, found out [Page 241] and framed by Philosophers with a perfect com­position, &c. And thus much being not my words, but the words of Mr. Grimston already pub­lished in English, it will I suppose sufficiently ju­stifie me in my sence of the City of Venice.

After the Genouesers were delivered by Andreas Doria, from the dangers threatned by the Facti­ons then raigning, and from all fears of Assaults from either French or Spaniard, to reduce their Government to a certainty, which during their troubles, had in some Years before suffered many alterations, they caused in the Year 1570. a Re­gister to be made of all their free Citizens, which then consisted of five hundred twenty four distinct Families, and of two thousand one hundred twenty four individual persons of ancient Noble Extraction, and of Chief City Families four hun­dred eighty seven, with a greater number of in­dividual persons belonging to them; upon all which Registred persons (they alone being called Free Citizens) and all such as should descend from them born in Genoua, or in the Country under their obedience, taking up their Freedoms by be­ing Inregistred, not being infamous, nor having exercised any Mechanical Trades within three Years before their Election to any place, is setled the right of Government; providing also, that though Infamy or Mechanical Trades should de­grade a Citizen as to Government, yet it should not prejudice his Legitimate Children, being of honourable reputation, and arriving afterwards at a better condition, but that such should be restored to their Ancestors Rights and Priviledges; and that to trade by Exchange, in Commodities of Silk or Woollen, to go to Sea or negotiate in [Page 242] any such like way, without keeping open Shop, should be permitted to any free Citizen without prejudice to his quality.

But though the Government of this City con­sists thus in the general of Hereditary Freemen (all the rest of the Inhabitants being reckoned Unfree) yet for the incouragement of Vertue in the Unfree men, the Signory, Colledge and Coun­cil in Conjunction, have it in their power every January to Elect what number they please (not having the recommendation of any Prince or State) and not exceeding ten out of the Unfree Inhabitants to be of the number of the Registred and Free Citizens, beside that the unregistred Citizens are eligible to many creditable Offices.

Of Free Citizens and such as belong to Genoua, there are several who bear the Titles of Princes, Marquesses, and Counts, from their Lands pur­chased of the King of Spain, in Naples, Sicily, Millain, &c. sold unto them by several of those Kings upon condition not to Alienate their In­terest to any but a Citizen of Genoua, to the end that by their Estates lying in his Territories, he may keep the City in a dependance upon him, the Government of which (save that in it none are born Senators as the Noble Venetians are, but come to it by Election) resembles much that of Venice, their Affairs being carried on by five seve­ral Colledges or Councils, as the Venetian Go­vernment is, (viz.)

1. First, By a Duke (who is stiled most Illustri­ous) Chosen for two Years, with a Council of four hundred, which they call their Senate, but is their greatest Council and Legislative Power, Elected annually out of the Freemen.

[Page 243]2. Secondly, By a Council called the Signory.

3. Thirdly, By a Council called the Colledge.

4. Fourthly, By an Assembly called the Council.

5. Fifthly, By that made up of the Signory and Colledge joined in one.

The great Council called the Senate, consists of the Signory and Colledge, with four hundred Elected annually out of the Freemen, living in the City, twenty five Years of Age, having been four Years at least a Registred Citizen, and not having been of the Council the Year before, the Electors having notwithstanding a liberty, not ex­ceeding sixty persons, to make choice of as many as they please, betwixt twenty two and twenty five Years of Age, to be of the four hundred, three hundred of which, beside the Members of the Signory and Colledge, being the Quorum.

This Senate by four parts of five, gives Sancti­on to new Laws, grants by pluralities of Votes new Taxes or Impositions, and chuseth Officers to many Offices, but not to all, some being in the Election of the Signory, Colledge, and Council joined, unfree Inhabitants being Eligible to many of them.

The Signory consists of the Duke and twelve Councellors, that have been ten Years free, cal­led Governours (who bear the Title of Magnifi­cent) holding their places for two Years, and are not Eligible again in five, these together with the Duke, decide most questions by eight Votes, but in some Cases by eleven; they receive and write Letters, give Audience to Embassadors, grants Patents, and order the payment of Money, &c. and if in matters of publick nature they do not agree, they call the Colledge to them, and [Page 244] if still they differ, they call the Council, and then the matter in debate is concluded by plurality of Votes.

The Colledge consists of eight Members called Procurators, chosen for two Years (and in four after not Eligible) together with all such as have been Dukes, who are Procurators during Life.

This Colledge decides all matters in debate by two parts of three, manageth the Revenue, lets to Farm, buys and sells for the Republick, and in case of difference, they call the Signory to their assistance, and if still they disagree, they call the Council, and so conclude all matters by plu­rality of Votes.

That called the Council, consists of the Signory, Colledge, and one hundred more, chosen out of the four hundred of the Senate, eighty of which, beside the Signory and Colledge, being the Quo­rum; these have no single work, but in general, the last debate of Laws, and many other Cases brought to them by the Signory and Colledge joined, which being allowed of, are brought by them to the Senate, who resolves by plurality without debate.

The Signory and Colledge joined, hath the right of ordinary Pardons, carried by two parts of three, but High-Treason, Patricide, false Coiners, killing a publick Officer, &c. cannot be pardoned, but by two third parts of the Signory, Colledge, and Council united.

The first debate of all new Laws (agreeable with their Fundamentals) Peace, and War, giving assistance to their Friends, and making Alliances with Foreign States, &c. is by the Signory and Colledge joined, and what is resolved upon by [Page 245] them with four parts of five, they bring to the Council for their allowance, but all matters in­terfering (in the least) with the fundamentals agreed upon in the Year 1576. (when they per­fected their Model of Government) and laying of new Taxes, with some other Cases, are brought to the Senate or Great Council, where all is re­solved by plurality of Votes, without debate, taken by the Ballot, which is used in all their de­cisions, by every Council. Beside these five Col­ledges, there are five persons called Conservators of the Laws, whose Office answereth their name, in looking to the keeping of the Laws, and Ad­ministring Oaths to the Electors, they being always present at the Election of all the Col­ledges.

The Duke must dwell in the publick Palace, where he is accompanied by two of the twelve Governours, who remain always with him; he is to be one inhabiting in the City, that hath not been Duke in five Years before, that is fifty Years of Age, no Bastard (for though a natural Son of a Noble Genoueser, may be of the great Coun­cil, he cannot be Duke) and that hath an Estate able to support the Dignity of the place, and is not to lie one Night out of the City, without ha­ving first obtained leave of the Senate; he pro­pounds in the Senate and Council, all Laws or other matters of publick concern, and having according to his Election served two Years less three Days, he leaves the publick Palace, and re­tires to his own House, where he remains private for eight days, in which time, inquiry being made into his Administration, if he be found to have faithfully discharged his Trust, he is made [Page 246] Procurator during Life, if otherwise, he is pro­ceeded against as a Criminal.

Many Circumstances concerning Magistrates, Offices and the qualification of them, as also be­longing to the Ballot, with the manner of it, might be instanced in, but there hath already been so much writ of them by others, that more is needless.

And now as to the particular Interest of Genoua, that differs nothing from the general Interest of Italy, save that as they have great sums of Money due to them from the Crown of Spain, and hold considerable Lands of him in Naples and Milain, so they are more particularly obliged to hold fair with that King than with any other Potentate, though they must do the same towards France, as not being able to contest with them; and thus much shall serve at present for Italy, and its two great Cities of Venice and Genoua.


THis Crown hath nothing more left of that which is properly called Denmark than Jutland (lying upon the Maine, and joining upon the Dutchy of Holstein) with certain Islands in the Baltick Sea, as the Isle of Zeland (which is the Chief, and wherein stands Copenha­gen, the Kings Principal Residence, and Metro­polis of the Kingdom) Feunen, Langland, Laland, Bornholme, Falster, and Femerne, all lying in the East Sea, and Friezeland or Izeland in the North Sea; there are many more small Islands in the Bal­tick, but being of little or no consideration, I omit the naming of them.

Until the late Wars betwixt this Crown and that of Sweden, that in the Years 1643. to 1645. and again in the Years 1656. and 1657. &c. This King lost some places to the Swedes, both in the Baltick and upon the Main, on the Northside of that Sea joining upon Sweden; this Kingdom lay upon both sides of the East Sea, but hath now nothing remaining on the Northside, so that Den­mark is at present bounded by Germany, the North and Baltick (or East) Seas.

[Page 248]But besides Denmark thus described and boun­ded, this King hath still the Kingdom of Norway, divided from Sweden on the East by great Moun­tains, having the Northern Sea on all other sides, and in Germany half the Dutchy of Holstein, part of those Countries called Ditchmarsh and Idersey, lying on the North Sea, and his share of the two Counties of Oldenburgh and Delmenhurst, fallen lately to him by the Death of their Earl, who dy­ing without Legitimate Children, this King and the several Dukes of Holstein Goddorp, and Hol­stein Ploen, were his Heirs.

Denmark is an ancient Kingdom, the present Prince being according to their account, the hun­dred and second King of several Families, all or most Elected, and until the Year 1660. this King writ himself Elective of Denmark, and Heredi­tary only of Norway, and his other Domini­ons.

Whilst this Crown was Elective they had a standing Senate of the Gentry or Nobility (Den­mark under that Government not allowing of any dignity beside that of a Gentleman, save the Order of the Elephant, and what they had by Of­fices) without whom the King had not much Power, but in the late Wars between them and the Swedes, the last King having got the Com­mand of an Army, and made himself Master of it, and the City of Copenhagen, took the oppor­tunity soon after the Conclusion of the Peace with Sweden, to cause the Gates of the Town to be shut, into which he, the Senate, and most of the Nobility were retired; permitting who would to come in, but suffering none for eight days to go out. And then the 17. Octob. 1660. he perswaded [Page 249] the Senate of the Kingdom, much against their wills, not only to deliver up to him the Instru­ment which was always in their keeping (called in Dutch a Handfeste) which according to Law he had after his Election Signed, Sealed, and Sworn unto, as King Elect, but also to absolve him from his Oath, Devesting themselves of their Power, and Investing him with it, acknowledging him as their Hereditary and Absolute King, for him and his Heirs for ever; from which time, he hath ever since writ himself Hereditary King of Den­mark, and exercised a despotical Government, whereas before, he writ but King Elect of Den­mark, and Hereditary only of Norway. The next day being the 18. of October, he was with solemn Ceremony publickly upon a Theater Installed, having then the Globe, Sword, Scepter, and Crown delivered to him by the Senate, who ma­king Vertue of necessity, saluted him by his new acquired Addition.

This alteration was with the more ease effect­ed, because the Cities, Commonalty and Clergy having none of them any share in the Govern­ment, either by themselves or Representatives, all Power and Authority being in the King, toge­ther with a standing Senate of a few Gentlemen, who (from bearing hard as the people thought upon them) had in straights little Interest left be­yond the Gates of their own Houses, when by the misfortune of the War they were driven into Copenhagen, whither the King with his Army was retired, there remained little more for him to do in the Case, than to let them know what he would have them to do, or upon refusal, to tell them their doom; for the people reflecting (as [Page 250] in such Cases they always do) upon their Go­vernours, as the cause of their misery, were at first well-pleased with the Change, as sick men are with the change of Beds, but as I have heard it was not long before they repented the Muta­tion, finding soon a difference betwixt a Govern­ment at the will of one man solely (in opposition to which Solomon saith, That in the multitude of Councellors there is safety) and in Conjunction with others, whose Interest in a great measure was bound up with the good and prosperity of the Community: but however it was obtained, this present King being a person of more than ordi­nary moral Vertues, exercising his Power mode­rately and wisely, he will without doubt, during his time, maintain this new Government; but shall the Crown at any time fall to a weak or dis­solute Prince, it is more than probable, that the Nobility will then remember their ancient Rights, and think it lawful to recover by Force, what was by Force or Fraud taken from them; for as I am informed, though the King since he was Heredi­tary, hath assumed the Conferring Titles of Ho­nour, as of Barons and Counts, &c. which they never before did, few or none of the ancient Gentry do accept of those Dignities, as if they affected the old way of Government better than the new.

In this design the King had not one of the No­bility of the Country that joined with him, nor was the Cabal more in number, beside the King and Queen, than three, (viz.) Monsieur Gabell of mean Birth, but Chief Minister of State (who is by this King laid aside) the Bishop of Copenhagen, and the Maior or Burgo-Master of the Town, not [Page 251] one of which was a Gentleman, or is yet made one, or have had any title conferred upon them, as hath been done to others since the making of the Crown Hereditary, saving that the Bishop had the bare Title of Archbishop given him, du­ring his Life, without any increase of Revenue or Jurisdiction, his Successor having only the empty Title as before of Bishop; and it is probable, (ac­cording to the Proverb) that though the King lo­ved the Treason he hated the Traytors, not think­ing them worthy to be ennobled, that had be­trayed the Liberty of their Country, than which no crime can be more odious.

Anciently Sweden was esteemed subordinate to Denmark, and was often under the Govern­ment of that Kingdom, but not being able to bear the Danish Yoke, they cast it off, and ma­king Gustavus Errikson, Grandfather to Gustavus Adolphus (a private Nobleman) in the Year 1528. King, they revolted from Denmark, and thereby entailed unto Posterity an implacable Enmity be­twixt the two Crowns, which having several times since broke out into War, and ended for the most part with advantage to the Swedes, they are now become Superiour to those they were before in subordination unto, whereby the quar­rel is made the more irreconcilable.

Formerly Denmarks Chief Interest (in refe­rence to Jutland, and Holstein, which are conti­guous to Germany, and the latter a Member of it) was to join with the Princes of the Empire, against any Incroachers upon their common Liber­ties, and it is still the same with them; but beside this, it is their Interest to be always upon their Guard towards Sweden, who have of late Years [Page 252] aimed at the sole Dominion of the Baltick, and will not fail to attempt it, when any probable opportunity and advantage is offered him; and as it is a true Maxim, That by the same way that any Prince acquires Dominion, by the same way he must keep it: So as the last King got by Force his absolute Power and Hereditary Title, this must by the same way preserve it, not thinking that the ancient Nobility, who have old Roots of Li­berty, can easily digest their being by violence (at their flying into Copenhagen in time of War for security) being forced thereunto by the Kings not protecting them) devested of their ancient Rights and Priviledges, derived to them from their Ancestors by many hundred of Years; or that they will not think it lawful for them at any time, when it is in their power, to recover again by force, what was by such means taken from them; and therefore as from the last Kings Usur­pation, perpetual jealousies are likely to be conti­nued betwixt the Crown and the Nobility, so it will probably, at one time or other, give an ad­vantage to the Swede. And therefore it is further the Interest of this King, to hold a Close League and Correspondence with the States of Holland, who can in his necessities come best by Sea to his relief, and who (as may be presumed) will never be backward in it, in that it is their Interest, as well to keep Denmark under an absolute Domini­on (because such a Constitution will never admit of any great Improvement of Trade to the les­sening of theirs) as it is to keep the ballance be­twixt the two Northern Kings, without suffering either of them to ingross the whole Baltick, from whence they have their Naval Commodities which [Page 253] they cannot be without; and that the States of Holland are sensible of this concern, they have given several testimonies in our time.

For when Christian the Fourth King of Denmark, being inflated with his supposed strength at Sea, did think in the Year 1644. to have run down the Swedes, the Hollanders supplied them with twenty Ships, by whose help they gave the Dane such an overthrow at Sea, as he hardly in a long time after recovered (if they have yet done it) and again, when the Swedes were lately so much Ma­sters of Denmark, that had not the Dane recei­ved assistance, the Swedes had in all probability carried their Kingdom, and within a short time after all the Baltick; then Holland seasonably sent them in the Year 1659. a very considerable aid, both by Sea and Land, by whose means, together with the interposition of the Long Parliament of England (which after his Majesties Restauration was by him prosecuted) an equal Peace was made betwixt the two Kings, each being kept within tolerable limits: but the Swedes being thus pre­vented in swallowing up of Denmark, when they had said in their Hearts all was their own, they cannot yet remember it, without passion, though the States of Holland deserve so little blame for it, that they merit (even from their Enemies) ho­nour and applause, for not only so well under­standing, but also for constantly and stoutly pur­suing their true Interest, without which it were impossible for them to stand; for although a Mo­narchy may live (though poorly) when its Inter­est is not followed, a Republick can hardly sub­sist where it is missed; the nature of that Go­vernment being (from the impatience and muti­nousness [Page 254] of the people,) either to flourish or not to be at all.

There are some who do not only accuse Den­mark of missing their Interest in an unreasonable inequality in the distribution of their Church Lands, allowing to those they call Bishops (though such as have only a bare superintendant Autho­rity) Revenues exceeding in proportion the riches of the Nation, and to the rest of the Mi­nisters, a miserable Livelyhood; but also in so doing of great impolicy, rendring it a prejudice to that Kingdom, wresting the lowness of the Nation to the making good that Notion of no Bishop no Poverty. But though I cannot deny the observation to be for the most part true, yet if the Danes be concerned in it, I must put the stress thereof (as to them) upon the Revenue rather than a Coercive Power tyrannically exercised, as in some other Countries to the obstructing Trade and Industry; for they cannot be guilty in any thing of that nature, having no Jurisdiction left them. And therefore, since the Reformers in Den­mark have stripped their nominal Bishops of all Power, Authority, and preheminence, allowing them no more precedence than what is below the meanest Gentleman (which being in a Kingdom crosseth that false Maxim, of No Bishop, No King) they cannot be concerned in this Proverb fur­ther than in an unequal distribution of their Church Revenues; but as the Notion had its rise in time of Popery, so it reacheth only to Po­pish Bishops, against whom the truth of it may indeed be made out by comparing the prosperity of Protestant Countries under Reformation to what they were before, as also amongst Papists [Page 255] themselves the riches of those least under the Dominion of the Church, to those most under it, as of Venice to other parts of Italy, France to Spain, and even in France, the Reformed to the Papists, as appears by the former having no common Beggers among them, though the latter are crow­ded with them. And were the Revenue of the Bishops (or rather Prolocutors of the Clergy) of this Country, where (as in some other Reformed Churches) there is not allowed any civil juris­diction to their Ecclesiasticks, so much against the Interest of Denmark as some will suggest, it cannot be thought but they who have formerly had a very wise Senate and great Statesmen, would ere this have reformed the error, especi­ally since they as well as all other Lutherans, know that the Notion of Sacriledge in the Case, is a grand Popish Church Cheat, which they have a long time imposed upon the World; for surely it is as lawful for Protestant Princes, in their own Dominions, to alienate Church Lands, without the Popes Consent, as it is for Popish Princes to do it in their Territories, with his Approbation, as they have in all Ages and Countries frequently practised.

At the Treaty at Munster in the Year 1648. four Bishopricks (as is mentioned in the Interest of Germany) were made secular Principalities, and given to the Elector of Brandenburgh, as also a great share of Church Lands to that Excellent Family (famous for vigorous and constant assert­ing of the Protestant Cause) the Landgrave of Hessen Cassell, in consideration of their sufferings in the late Wars in Germany, beside the like Lands given to the Dukes of Mechlenburgh, in lieu [Page 256] of what they parted with to the Swede, and all with the consent of the Popes Legate, who was afterwards Pope Alexander the Seventh; but I instance not herein as thinking Popish practices al­ways fit for Protestants imitation, but as a con­current Argument in this Case, that if the Church of Rome hold it lawful with the Popes allowance to alienate Church Lands from the uses they were given unto, it is much more lawful for Protestant Princes to alienate them from uses they were not given unto. For the Revenues of the Bishops, &c. being anciently given to unmarried persons in the nature of a trust, for building and repair­ing of Churches, relief of the Poor, Sick, and Strangers, &c. and but one fourth part for them­selves for performing the Idolatrous Worship of their Religion, presuming always that they being single persons, their devotion would lead them to make the Church their Heirs; if the Founders were now living to see their Donations enjoyed by Married persons, no way answering the ends they were given unto, either in their worship, re­lieving of the Poor, doing charitable Works, or making the Church their Heirs, the Bishops, &c. not having much to do, beside auditing their ac­counts, most of their time being spent in contri­ving ways for raising Estates to leave to their Po­sterities, it may with good reason be conceived, that they would not judge the resuming such Lands from Lutherans to be Sacriledge, but that the Mahometan Priests, were they in possession of them, had as much right to them as those they call Hereticks; and therefore since part of the Revenue which was intended for relieving of the Poor, and Charitable Works, &c. is not, and [Page 257] the rest for performance of Popish Worship, can­not be applied to the uses appointed, it is but reason, that in Denmark they should Escheat to the Magistrate, especially being hinderances in the worship of God, the management of such great Estates taking men off from their Ministerial Duties.

And certainly, if any thing of this nature be Sacriledge, it is not meerly because a sort of men from whom Lands are taken, have had Epi­scopal hands laid upon them (when by the loss of them they are no way hindred in the worship of God, in relation either to themselves or others) but in taking them from such, who by the want of them, are prevented in the discharge of their Duties incumbent upon them as Ministers of the Gospel.

As in the enjoyment of Pluralities, where one living deliciously, in plenty and idleness, doing nothing, hires others for cheapness, not sufficient for the work, or if he be (as few hirelings are) gives him so little, that without neglecting his studies and following other business, he cannot keep his Family from starving, so that the per­sons crying most out against the sin of Sacriledge will be found upon a true enquiry, to be most guilty of it; for Church maintenance cannot ra­tionally be thought to be tied simply to the per­son of a Minister, because in Orders, but to him executing his Office, being qualified and able in the discharge of the Duty of a Minister. And for one in the Ministry doing nothing, to withhold from him that doth the work, the maintenance belonging to it; or for a Minister who out of co­vetousness, that he may enjoy several livings [Page 258] (especially when one is of a sufficient Revenue for his maintenance) deprives his Parishioners of one part of the Lords Day, in going from one place to another, seems in common sense and reason, to be indisputably sinful, if not Sacrile­gious; beside that non-residency hath ever been Condemned, (as well as medling in affairs of State) by all uncorrupt Councils.

And although I think such a competent Provi­sion for the Ministers of the Gospel, as they may comfortably live upon, bring up their Children, and in some measure provide for them, is Jure divino; yet I cannot do so of Princely Revenues, to a sort of men that do nothing proportionable for them, but are rather by them taken off and hindred in the work of the Ministry, nor of plu­ralities held in Commendam.

Trade might be made the Interest of Denmark, the Country having convenient Ports, and capa­ble of it, were it not, that it is one of those Countries where the Nobility or Gentry, under­valuing all Callings, do undervalue Trade; which principle, together with the jealousy which may be rationally conceived will ever be betwixt the King and Nobility about Dominion, will always obstruct the improving of it, to the keeping of the Country (to the end of the World) in a poor and low Condition. And as all this concerns Denmark only, so this is all I have to say at this time of the Interest of that Kingdom.


SWeden generally taken, with its Territories ancient and modern, gained from Den­mark, Poland, and Russia, contains Sweden properly so called, Finland, Lapland, Scrivinia, Hal­land, Schonen, Gothland, &c. these being divided from the Kingdom of Norway by great Moun­tains on the Westside, having Muscovia and the frozen Sea on the North, with the Baltick Sea on the South: but beside the main body, thus boun­ded and understood under the name of Sweden being all contiguous, this Crown hath several Islands in the Baltick or East Sea, and upon the Continent Liesland, with some other places an­ciently belonging to Russia and Poland, as also in Germany, the Ʋpper Pomerania, with part of the Lower, and part of the Dutchy of Mechlenburgh, all divided from Sweden by the Baltick Sea, the several Bishopricks of Bremen and Verden, now erected into a secular principality, lying further into the Empire, on the Southside the River Elbe, which flows to Hamburgh.

Sweden thus considered makes a formidable Power, unto which they arrived not at once but [Page 260] by degrees; Gustavus Errichson (Grandfather to Gustavus Adolphus, and Great Great Grandfather by the Female side of the present young King, and the first King of Sweden of this Family) laying the foundations of its rise.

The contests that this Crown since his time hath had, have been with Denmark, Russia, Po­land and Germany, in all which they have been gainers; their differences with Denmark and Po­land have risen from the pretences that the Royal Lines of those Kingdoms have had to the Crown of Sweden, with Russia upon the common score of Emulation (as generally falls out between bordering Neighbours) and with Germany, upon the account of the late oppressed Princes, to whose assistance they were called.

Sweden is a Kingdom that gives place to none for antiquity; it was anciently, and hath been for the most part Elective, but having unhappily been often under the Administration of bad Kings, it hath had many Changes in Government, having been sometimes under Elective, other times He­reditary Kings, one while under Maresnals or Governours, another while under the Kings of Denmark, and again Independant.

Magnus King of Sweden (surnamed Smeek) being deposed, and the Duke of Mechlenburgh Crowned King in his stead, Margarite Queen of Denmark, Widdow to Hacquine (Son of Magnus who was deposed) recovered Sweden, and in the year 1387. united it to Denmark by an act of State for the perpetuity of the Union.

Margaret dying Childless, was succeeded in the three Kingdoms of Denmark, Sweden and Norway, by Errich Duke of Pomerania, one of her Ne­phews, [Page 261] recommended by her, but he being in a short time after expelled all the Kingdoms for ill Government; Sweden divided from Denmark, and set up Englebert Elected out of the Nobility, after whom Carolus Canutus a private Nobleman was ap­pointed Governour of Sweden, who out-living many troubles, and deserving well of his Country, was in the Year 1450. Crowned King; but the Archbishop of Ʋpsal and his Church Faction, ta­king advantage of his absence whilst at Dantzigg, seeking aid of Poland against the Rusche, called in Christiern the first King of Denmark, (and first King of his and this present Family of Denmark) and Crowned him King, but Carolus returning, he was restored, and Christiern deposed, who re­mained so until the Year 1470. that Carolus died, after which, Christiern being again called in and Crowned, was a second time for ill Government deposed, and the Kingdom then Governed by Steno Sture (Nephew to Carolus Canutus) as Mare­shal, (he refusing the Crown and to take the title of King) but whilst he was imployed against the Rusche who then infested the Kingdom, John King of Denmark Son of Christiern, was by a Fa­ction Crowned King, but soon after expelled by Steno, who dying in the Year 1503. in the thir­teenth Year of his Government, Suanto one of the Nobility was chosen to succeed as Governour or Mareshal, who all his life opposed Christiern the Second King of Denmark, Son of John, but dy­ing in the eighth Year of his Government, was succeeded by Steno Sture his Son, who though va­liantly opposing the said Christiern, yet being slain in Battle, and the Swedes by his fall discom­fited, Christiern was received and Crowned King, [Page 262] but for his Cruelty and ill Government, was in the Year 1520. expelled, and Gustavus Errichson, a Gentleman of a noble Family (and as some say de­scended (though very remotely) from the race of the ancient Kings of Sweden) was in the Year 1523. Elected King, and Crowned in the Year 1528. And thus from Margaret of Denmark, an­nexing the Crown of Sweden unto Denmark, and from Christiern the first, John Son of Christiern, and Christiern the second Son of John King of Denmark, and all successively Crowned Kings of Sweden (although some of the Swedes Writers omit them in the Catalogue of their Kings and Usurpers, admitting the three Governours, who contended with them as their lawful Magistrates) proceeded the pretences of the Dane, to the Crown of Sweden.

Gustavus Errichson entailed the Crown in the Year 1540. upon the Heirs Male of his Body, he reigned well thirty eight Years, and was all that time to his people (who had been so restless be­fore) the joy and delight of their hearts, and is still remembred by them with great honour and affection, as all Princes will be that govern justly, according to Salus Populi suprema lex, which is the Motto of King James's Scotch Gold, in 1602. and 1603. when he came to the Crown of England (as for one instance, the strange af­fection that the Lorrainers bear to their natural Prince (though out of possession) from a grate­ful remembrance of his Ancestors lenity and ju­stice in Government (compared with their new Masters) do witness.) For the people being natu­rally bashful, modest, and respectful towards their superiours, loving rest and quietness above [Page 263] all things, have a reverence for their Magistrates (whilst they do them no manifest wrong) almost to adoration; but if their superiours make use of their authority to injure and oppress them, then as they are Masters of sense (though happily void of much reason) seeling themselves trod upon, we find like Worms they are apt to turn again, casting all Laws against righting them­selves behind their backs, flying as they think to the natural right of self preservation, as few Countries, but in one age or other have done. And such hath been the Case of Swe­den, where they have a Maxim,Fowlers Histo­ry of the trou­bles between Sweden and Po­land. that nothing but Vertue, and Heroick actions are worthy of a Crown. For their mutations have not proceeded from any natural unquiet temper in the people, but always from the oppression and ill Government of their Governours, who were as is probable, tempted thereunto, by the ad­vantage they had in the authority and dignity of their persons and places, of laying their own faults upon the provoked and injured people; for as the Swedes have been restless under tyrannical and unjust Princes, so no people have ever been more obedient to good and vertuous Kings than by History they seem to have been, and were not England, Scotland, and Ireland to be excepted, all story would hardly afford us one instance, where Male Administration hath not been the Cause of the Rebellion that hath ever hapned in any coun­try. And King James in his advice to his Son, agrees thus far with this Notion, that he coun­sels him in reference to his Lords, in these words, (viz.) Teach your Nobility to keep your Laws as [Page 264] precisely as the meanest, fear not their orping or be­ing discontented as long as you rule well, for their pretended reformation of Princes never takes effect but where evil Government preceedeth, (Page 162.)

And that the people do not regard under what Form of Government they live, provided that the end of it (the good of the Community) be but pursued, that so they may be justly and ho­nestly dealt with, which is all they look after, appears by the Cities in Holland, where the Citi­zens do contentedly acquiesce in an Oligarchical Administration, (the worst of Forms) because satisfied that they are not cousened nor cheated; for otherwise they who revolted from the King of Spain, upon their paying much less than they now do, (even their riches then and now considered) would not probably bear a greater burthen (as they have long done) without ever rising up against it.

Gustavus Errichson left three Sons, Errich, John, and Charles, who all successively came to the Crown of Sweden, but the first who came to it in the Year 1561. was (for mis-Government and Marrying disgracefully) deposed, and his Bro­ther John (in the Year 1569.) set up and Crowned King in his stead, who inheriting his Fathers Ver­tues, died in the Year 1592. lamented and belo­ved of all his people, leaving two Sons, Sigismun­dus and John behind him. The first was in his Fathers Life time chosen King of Poland, being Crowned in the Year 1580. and after his Fathers Decease was likewise Crowned King of Sweden, but having been secretly bred by his Mother (who was a Papist) in her Religion (contrary to the knowledge of his Father, who was a great Enemy [Page 265] to Popery) and having declared the same at his accession to the Crown of Poland, the States of Sweden received, and Crowned him King, upon condition of maintaining their then received Re­ligion (which was as it still is the Lutheran per­swasion) without any way endeavouring the in­troducing of Popery; which he in no kind obser­ving, but on the contrary, so soon as on his Throne, Erecting Popish Churches, placing Popish Governours in his Castles and Forts, striving to bring in the Romish Religion, they accusing him of breach of Faith, and mischievous practices against the Kingdom, contrary to the end of Go­vernment, and Duty of his place, deposed him, yet with offer of chusing his Son Ʋladislaus (a Child) provided they might have the breeding of him in their own Belief, which he refusing (af­ter some Years spent in Treaties, and other en­deavours for accommodation, all in vain) the States of the Kingdom in the Year 1607. chose, and Crowned his Uncle Charles (the third Son of his Grandfather Gustavus Errichson) their King, and making a second Entail, Entailed the Crown upon his Heirs Male, and in Case of failure there­of, upon Duke John, younger Brother to the King of Poland, and his Heirs Male, he being a Luthe­ran, and living in Sweden, who had before the Election of his Uncle Charles, made a solemn Re­signation of his Right to the Crown.

This King Charles being zealous in his Religion, and though a Lutheran, a Friend and favourer of Calvinism, did readily agree with the Estates of the Kingdom, in making several Laws for securing their Liberties and Religion, and among the rest, one against the Heirs of the Crown Marrying Po­pish [Page 266] Wives, another against the Succession of any Papist Prince to the Crown, and a third against their Prince accepting of any Foreign Crown, otherwise than upon condition of living in Swe­den, &c. and from hence the Poles pretence to the Kingdom of Sweden arising, great Wars betwixt them ensued, wherein Charles maintaining his E­lection successfully, and Gustavus Adolphus inhe­riting his Fathers Gallantry, doing the like, the Swedes in the Year 1629. obtained an advantage­ous Peace or Truce for six Years, in which time they prospered so much, that at the expiration of that term, the Pole was easily perswaded to continue the Truce for six and twenty Years lon­ger, which term was not expired, when Charles Gustavus the last King of Sweden, and Father to this present King, being weary of Peace fell up­on Poland, where he prevailed exceedingly, until Denmark (who must always be jealous of the greatness of Sweden) taking the advantage of the Kings ingagement in Poland, serving him as he had done the Pole, fell in 1655. upon him in time of Peace, necessitating him thereby to make Peace with the Pole upon equal terms, which Peace continued until Casimire King of Poland (ha­ving no Heirs) put a period to that Crowns pre­tence to the Crown of Sweden, by resigning his Crown into the hands of the Estates of Poland, and withdrawing himself into a Monastery where he lately ended his days, and being the last of the Kings of Poland of the Swedish Race, hath ended the Title of those Kings to the Crown of Sweden, which though (as is probable) will much abate the heats and animosities betwixt the two Crowns, yet it cannot but be

[Page 267]First, The Interest of Sweden to be as well jea­lous of the Pole, as of the Russe, they enjoying at present several places anciently belonging to both Countries, and at all times oppose the Muscovi­ters access to the Crown of Poland, lest other­wise he should become too great for them, who in such Case would not want pretences against Sweden, upon the account of what they possess be­longing to both Crowns of Russia and Poland.

Secondly, The differences that have been, and emulation that is betwixt the two Crowns of Sweden and Denmark, arising originally from the revolt of the first from under the Dominion of the latter, and setting up a King of their own, which caused many breaches and Wars betwixt them, wherein the Swedes having always reaped great advantage and profit, and the Dane sustained as great loss, their differences and animosities be­ing thereby further increased and continued; It is likewise the Interest of Sweden to be jealous of Denmark, not trusting too far to Treaties of Peace with a reconciled Enemy (who always keeps agreements more from consideration of In­terest than Faith) but be continually upon their Guard towards them.

Thirdly, The Swede being become a Prince of the Empire (besides what he may claim by de­scent) in the possessing those Countries given him in Germany by the general Treaty of Peace at Munster, as a reward for their good service, in coming to the relief of the oppressed Princes, when unjustly used by the Emperour, it must be his Interest to oppose all incroachments from a­broad or at home, upon the German Liberties, holding a good correspondence with those Princes [Page 268] and the Empire, in being always true to the In­terest of the whole, lest otherwise they draw the envy of the Nation upon them (Foreigners in all Countries being ordinarily (even without cause, and much more upon any miscarriage) ha­ted by the Natives) and provoke a Confederacy for driving them out of Germany, which would not only be a vast loss unto them, in losing what they now possess, but more in the Friendship of that Nation, from whence they have the most of their recruits, the benefit of which they cannot lose, without being rendred insignificant among considerable Potentates, their own Country, though very large, being from the barrenness of it too thin of people, to do any great matters in the World by; and they ought to consider, that when so mighty a Country as Germany shall combine against them, their expulsion will be the less diffi­cult, in that Crossing of the Seas, where wind and weather must be waited for, will be of great dis­advantage to them, in the maintaining of their Interest in a Foreign Land. And in order to the ob­liging of Germany, and their other Neighbours, it is further their Interest, to be true to the triple League, made against France, in that the French King is at present the only Potentate to be feared, for designing the Universal Monarchy. And there­fore as this King is a party to that League, so it is his Interest to be constant to it, for keeping the French at home, and within bounds; for should the French prevail (in his more than sus­pected design) although some petty Princes whom he may think fit to make use of, may peradven­ture be in little worse, if not in better condition by his acquists than before, yet no King, nor con­siderable [Page 269] Prince, but by his Conquests must be re­duced, and rendred of much less consideration (if suffered to signifie any thing) than they now are.

Trade might be made the Interest of Sweden, that Country affording some of the usefullest, and most necessary Commodities, as Copper, Iron, Pitch, and Tar, &c. if after the mode of those Northern Countries, which undervalue all Cal­lings, they did not undervalue Traders, and that War, the Enemy to Trade, were not become so natural to them, that they cannot live contented­ly in Peace, and that their Nobility and Military Officers did not affect a state, and manner of li­ving above their Revenues, a habit they have got by the War, which forceth them to seek ad­ditions by military service abroad, and to that end, to improve all opportunities for War, which ne­cessitating the King to burthen Trade with exces­sive Customs and Impositions, renders them altogether uncapable of any great increase in Trade, and the seeming desire of the Senate of that Kingdom, for the promoting of it, to be fruitless and ineffectual; and upon consideration of these unpeaceable Circumstances, they may be observed to be the more unfit for Mediators in matters of Peace and War, and thus much for Sweden.


POland is incompassed with Germany, the Baltick Sea, Russia, Tartaria, the Carpa­thian Mountains dividing it from Hun­garia, and Wallachia. It is an aggregated body consisting of many considerable Provinces, United into one Estate under the name of Poland, that Pro­vince denominating the whole by way of eminen­cy, and so named from the word Pole, which in their Language signifieth plain, because it is much without Hills, and most of it a level Country.

This Kingdom taken generally is very large, reckoned two thousand six hundred Miles in com­pass, under an Elective King, who alone without the Council of the Kingdom, hath so little Power, that Writers compare him to the Prince of a Senate, and the Government to an ill digested Aristocracy.

This Country affords staple Commodities e­nough to make it flourish, as great quantity of all sorts of Grain, Hemp, Flax, Tar, Pitch, Iron, Cop­per, Lead, Clapboards for Wainscot, Deals, Salt, Hony, Wax, variety of Furs, &c. But the two Orders of the Kingdom, the Bishops, &c. and [Page 271] the Nobility (under which title is understood the Gentry as well as the Lords) discouraging Trade by keeping all under them in a slavish condition, rendering them thereby uncapable of it in any considerable measure, causeth Poverty in a Land, which of it self is rich and good, and proper for Commerce.

As this Country consists of several large Pro­vinces, so they are subdivided into several Divisi­ons or Circles, called Palatinates, each with a Go­vernour called a Palatine, who have Lieutenants called Chastelains, but neither of these Officers are capable of such Offices in any Country, but where they have some Interest by Lands of Inhe­ritance in the Country; and because the Nobility of this Kingdom are very numerous, when ne­cessity requires the making of a new Law, every Palatine calls together all the Nobility of his Pre­cinct to some certain place, where having ac­quainted them with what is to be treated of, they chuse from among themselves such a number of persons as they think fit to represent them, which they call Nuncioes or Messengers, to meet and join with the like from the other Provinces at the place appointed by the King, where they make a distinct body or order, who though less in Dig­nity than the Senate, yet equal to them in autho­rity, and are a ballance to the Senators, controul­ing of them, if from the bounty and temptati­ons of the King, they should prove corrupted or byassed, to the endangering of their liberties, which this order doth solely aim at preserving, with regard only to publick good; for though every Lord or Gentleman is absolute over his own Tenants or Peasants, who have no immunities [Page 272] but meer Slaves, yet none can be more jealous of priviledges than they are of their own, so une­qual is the corrupt and ambitious nature of man, if not restrained by Laws.

The Religion of this Country is that of Rome, with a toleration to all others, as Lutherans, Cal­vinists, Anabaptists, &c. from whence it was said of them before it was of Amsterdam, that if one had lost his Religion he might find it in Poland. And this is all the incouragement the trading Towns have, and were it otherwise, and that men were persecuted for Religion, that little Trade they have would soon fall to nothing, and so re­duce the Nobility, who (from the slavery of their Peasants) are already low enough, to yet more poverty and want.

The King takes an Oath to reign according to the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom, to main­tain the rights and priviledges of every order, and not to diminish the revenue and limits of the Realm, with a Clause in his Oath, amounting to the absolving of the people from their obedience in case he should govern otherwise; and upon these conditions the Senate promiseth obedience, whose advice and consent the King must have in making War or Peace, leavying Subsidies or Tax­es, alienating any of his Lands, or doing any thing of importance that belongs to the Com­mon-Wealth. Insomuch, that it is said of him, that his Power and Authority is more or less ac­cording to his Policy or Wit.

This Kingdom is seldom in Peace, being al­most continually under the exercise of War, either from Sweden, Muscovia, Tartary, Turky, or the Cossacks, the two first and they, having pretences [Page 273] one upon the other, the third and fourth moved by ambition, and the last a sort of sturdy people, who belong to the Kingdom but rebel against their King; so that Poland being frequently ne­cessitated to War, it is their Interest, and indis­pensibly necessary for them, to have in their Ele­ction of a King, an eye chiefly to a Souldier, who may by his wise and good Conduct, the better defend them against their Enemies, avoiding ne­vertheless the Emperour or one of the French Faction, lest such a one should indanger the loss of their Liberties.

Secondly, It is their Interest to hold a good Correspondence with the German Princes, who can never prejudice them, and may in their neces­sities give them relief, their Country not only joining upon them, but also concerned in Interest to support them, lest otherwise the Muscoviters, Turks, or Tartars, prevailing against Poland, should afterwards visit them in Germany.

And now that Denmark and Sweden ▪ by their particular animosities against each other, with other Circumstances, are obstructed in Trade; that Italy and Spain have no genius for it; that the multitude of Soveraignties in Germany, laying so many Tolls upon their Rivers and Passes by Land, as is a great impediment to it in that Country; and that Poland by its Constitution and Customs, is wholly uncapable of it, are all much for the benefit of the Trading parts of Europe; and those Countries who making the most use of these advantages, shall most incourage Trade and Traders, will reap the most profit by their pru­dence, whilst others shall suffer by their folly in neglecting Commerce. And let no man call Tra­ding [Page 274] a debasement of Gentility (as the politick Author of the State of England doth) since it is that without which no Country can be great, or defend themselves against such potent Neighbours at Sea as England hath. Since the wisest of Nati­ons account it honourable, as the Venetians, and Italians; beside, that the French King finding it rational to make it so, hath lately declared the exercise of Commerce in a Gentleman to be no prejudice to his Quality; and that the Examples that are against it, are from Countries who esteem the Ministry, Physick, Law (the last the Profession of our Politician) Court imployments (save some of the highest Offices) and all Callings, except Military, a debasement of Gentility, as well as Trade, and that in England (especially) no per­son can be an Enemy to Traffick, but he that ei­ther ignorantly is so, or Monster like, desires to impoverish and inslave his own Country, and ren­der it a prey to its powerful Neighbours and Ene­mies. And thus I have done with Poland.

A DISCOURSE UPON THE Original, the growth, and decay OF THE Reformed Party IN FRANCE.

OF all the Countries in Christendom, none hath been so much the Stage of action upon the single score of Religion, as that of France, the Reformed there, having since the mystery of iniquity came to its height, been almost in continual exercise of opposition to it, either in way of patient Martyrdom, or Military de­fence, against the barbarous Massacres, clande­stinely plotted and contrived against them, by the bloody and faithless Church of Rome.

About the Year 1160. when that Monstrous Doctrine of Transubstantiation first received its Birth, there was at Lyons in France, a dissolute [Page 276] young Merchant called Waldo (from whence his Followers after his name were called Waldenses) who being brought to repentance, by the means of a signal Judgment, executed (by Heaven) in his presence upon one of his Companions (who was remarkably struck dead at a time of their debauch) falling to the study of the Scripture, be­came a publick opposer of the new Monster, wherein he was so successful in adherents, that the then Pope Alexander the Third thought him and them worth the trouble of his Anathemati­zing, and chasing from Lyons into Dauphinée and Provence, where this Seed increased so exceedingly in a small time, that reaching Picardy, Flanders, and Germany, it over-run those Countries to that degree, that King Philip Augustus of France, to prevent its growth, is said to have razed three hundred Gentlemens Seats, destroyed some Wal­led Cities, and burnt a great number of others in Picardy, and Germany.

These Disciples were about the same time per­secuted by the Bishops of Mentz and Strasburgh, who burnt them not singly but by heaps, the story of those times reporting fourscore to have been burnt together in one Fire, vainly hoping by such Cruelty to destroy them all suddenly. But notwith­standing the continuance of the like Persecutions, the Lord (who reigneth) ordered all for the good of his Church, making the blood of the Saints the Seed thereof, preserving the truth so far from be­ing thereby extinguished, that it over-spread a great part of Europe, multiplying so abundantly, that in less than an hundred Years from Waldo, there were found (as Perin Lyonois affirms) in Passaw alone (a small Bishoprick in Germany) [Page 277] fourscore thousand of that belief, whose Perse­cutors not thinking Death sufficient, but (accord­ing to the practice of the Church of Rome) load­ing them with false reproaches after they were gone, it moved their Survivors, for their vindi­cation, to publish the Articles of their Faith, and grounds of their separation from the Popish Church, dedicating of them to the King of France.

A multitude of these Barbarisms, and the Trans­actions of those times, came to light, partly by the quarrels amongst the Papists themselves, and partly by the taking of Montbrun in the Year 1585. by Ledigers the French General, who being then a Protestant, saved the Records and Wri­tings, found in that place, of the persecuting times, from the Fire, when the Monks had de­signed to have burnt them, because by them, ap­peared not only the Cruelties practised upon the Martyrs, but also their pious Lives and Doctrine to be the same with the Reformed at this Day, even some of their Enemies having in those times honoured their Memories with Discourses of their holy Conversation and Principles.

Those of the separation from Rome in the Pro­vince of Albigoise (a small County in Languedock in France, from whence comes the name of Albigen­ses) in the Year 1200. stood upon their defence, the Cities of Tholouse, Montaban, and many others joining with them, having the publick as­sistance of Arragon, and of many great and pri­vate persons in England, which caused Pope Inno­cent the Third, in the Year 1206. to order a dis­pute upon the Canon of the Mess at Montereau, where Arnold Hott maintained the Albigenses, against a Bishop in behalf of the Pope; but his [Page 278] Legates (two other Bishops) being Moderators, it produced nothing but persecution by that great Persecutor King Philip Augustus, who making War against them, forced their flight into Bohe­mia, Savoy, and other places; some being reported to have fled into England, where the Church party in those times prevailing, they were ill treated.

The Doctrine of Waldo was in the fourteenth Age illustrated by Wickliff an English-man, from whom the Duke of Lancaster, with many other Lords and Gentlemen of that Nation are said to have received it, the constant sufferings of the Martyrs giving life to it, and being the Messengers of it through all Christendom.

About a hundred Years after him, rise up John Huss and Jerome of Prague, to be eminent Wit­nesses to the truth, who upon the Emperours Summons, and his safe-Conduct, appearing at the Council of Constance, were contrary to Faith Im­prisoned, and after some time, to the greater breach of Faith, brought to the Stake, where their comfortable sufferings, were the means of the Conversion of many in Italy and Germany.

This perfidy in the Emperour (which was en­deavoured to be justified by the Council of Con­stance, the sitting) provoked Zisca to make War against him with forty thousand men, whose suc­cess was so eminent and miraculous, that he that is but a little versed in History cannot be ignorant of it; In the Year 1488. the Count of Varux the French Kings Lieutenant, went into the Vallieses, whither many of the Albigenses, with their Wives and Children, were fled for safety, and to make short work with them, he put fire to the mouths of the Caves, where the poor Christians were sti­fled [Page 279] to the number of three thousand of them, of which there were found four hundred Infants, perished in their Cradles, and the Arms of their dead Mothers; at this time the Pope following his opposers into all Countries, with his fulmina­tions and out-cries, they carried grievous persecu­tion along with them into Bohemia, Polonia, Au­stria, Dalmatia, Croatia, and Calabria, &c. but the Lord turned all still to the increasing the number of Believers.

About a hundred Years after Huss and Jerome of Prague, Luther begun his work, whose bold­ness bringing the Germans from the fire to the Sword, produced a great reformation in that Country, as the History of those times and pla­ces do shew. Not long after him, and in his time, rise several eminent Lights in the Church, as John Calvin at Geneve, Melanchton and Zwinglius at Zurick, Oecolampadius at Bassell, Haller at Bearn, and Capito at Strasburgh, &c. every one of which have left the Reformation of their several places, as Monuments of their Vertues and Piety.

The Albigenses which fled into the Duke of Savoy's Country, inhabited in two small Cities, and some Villages in the Vallies of Piemont, with­out Persecution, until the Year 1556. ther Be­lief being near the same with the Peasants of that Country, who had not in the memory of man, known any thing of the Ceremonies of Rome, though Neighbours to it, as Perrin Lyonois re­ports, but in this year the Duke being instigated by the Monks of Pignorolo, condemned the poor Christians of his Vallies to the flames, and gave them in Pillage to the Neighbouring Garrisons, who to the number of four hundred, coming up­on [Page 280] them in the night, finding them all fled, except a few, who being resolved to suffer, were upon their Knees at Prayers, the Souldiers were so astonished at that pious sight, that they fled in such a dreadful manner and haste, that many lost their Lives in endeavouring to pass a Rivolet; the Monks also in fear quitting their Convent, but were by the Reformed Ministers (more from Cha­rity and good nature, than desert in them) saved from plundering.

The Duke taking this as an affront sent Ar­my against them, which was likewise put to flight, the General acknowledging his men to be struck with an amazement and terror; after which, the Duke treated with them, and by fair words brought them to rely upon the promises of a Prince, as that which was sacred and inviolable, but the poor credulous Christians had no sooner performed their promise (according to the Prin­ciples of their Religion) and laid down their Arms, rendring their Garrisons to him, and themselves at his mercy; than (setting aside all consideration of the Faith of a Prince) all Agree­ments made with them were broke, and the Soul­diers made their Judges and Executioners, who strove to gratifie their Prince, in excelling each other in exquisite Torments, by which means, they presumed either to have driven them out of the Country, or forced them to the renouncing of their Belief; but this Cruelty had a contrary effect, stirring up in the residue that was left, such a miraculous resolution and Courage, that after­ward they brought their Enemies to eight or nine several Agreements, which were all as oft faithlesly broken, until at last the Dutchess being [Page 281] moved with pity, and some liking of their Reli­gion, wrought the Duke to agree with them, and in the Year 1561. to give them an absolute Law for the Liberty of their Conscience.

In these times, the Reformed in France were not without their exercise, under Persecution and Massacres, there having been great Cruelty pra­ctised in that way in Provence, in the Year 1545. in the Reign of Francis the First, but this oppres­sion was more or less, according to the disposition and temper of their Princes; Henry the Second, in the Year 1549. desiring to hear some of the Condemned Martyrs discourse, had a person brought to him, whom they picked out, as esteem­ing him one of the weakest, but proving able to baffle the Bishop of Castilon, the King would see him die, who at his Execution, the King obser­ving him from a Window where he stood, to turn his Face towards him, was so affrightned, that with an Oath he said, He would come no more to such sights.

The ordinary Courts of Justice being now glut­ted with Executions, and several Members con­verted by the Pleading of the Martyrs, the King Ordered in the Year 1550. the holding of a Mer­curial, a Court of Justice invented by Louis the Twelfth, constituted of the King, the Princes of the Blood, and many other Grandees; this Court was called to the end to send the Reformed as fast to the Shambles, as they should be brought before them, not doubting but such a Constitution would pursue the design; but instead of doing it, many of themselves receiving Conviction from the defences of the Prisoners, some becoming Delinquents were arrested, whilst others being [Page 282] more nimble to save themselves took flight: and thus the Lord by contrary means increased the number, and Interest of the Reformed, and in a short time after, rendred them so considerable, as to be able to defend themselves against bloody Massacres and Torments.

This King enjoyed not long his delight in this Course, being in the Year 1559. accidentally slain in a tilting by the Count of Mongomary (a French Protestant that bears that Title in France) who when he had received his wound, which he out-lived but a small time, turning to­wards the Bastile (the great Prison in Paris) and pointing to it, acknowledged the just Judgment of God upon him, for afflicting the honest peo­ple that were in it, which the Cardinal of Lorrain hearing, denied, and with an Oath said, the Devil dictated the words.

Francis the Second succeeding (being sixteen Years of Age) his Father Henry the Second, the Guises taking the advantage of his Minority, da­ted from the beginning of his Reign, their de­sign for Usurpation of the Crown, and as a popu­lar way to attain thereunto, pretended great zeal for the National Religion (which was as it still is that of Rome) and violence against the Reform­ed, which setting the wits of Scholars and Sta­tists at work; some writing for Religion, and others for the State, and one a Treatise called, a Defence against Tyrants, shewing for what Cau­ses, and by what means a people might take up Arms, those who were driven by necessity (find­ing the Duke of Guise, although Hypocritically pretending their Friend, yet secretly designing their destruction) were easily perswaded to stand [Page 283] upon their defence, and take the King of Navar for their Head, he being then of the Reformed Religion, the first Prince of the Blood, and in right of his Queen, King of Navar; but it was not long before they declined him, casting their Eyes upon his Brother Lewis Prince of Conde, as in many respects the more fit person.

The Prince of Conde accepted of their Election of him for their General, immediately hiding himself, and acting under another name. The place of Conference, for laying down their Gene­ral Thesis, was at Aubon, in the Land of Vaux, the regulation of the Execution being at Nantes, where the Parliament for Britaigne resided. Things were managed with so strange a secrecy, consi­dering the number privy to the design, and the distance of their Correspondence, that the disco­very of the Plot came first out of Italy and Ger­many, and that but the day before it was to be put in Execution; many suffered Death for this design, but so satisfiedly, that their party was much increased by it.

This caused the calling an Assembly of the Nobles, to meet at Fountainbleau, under the name of the little Assembly of Estates; to this Assem­bly the great Admiral Coligny, so much famed for wisdom, presented a request in behalf of the Re­formed, which he said he could have had signed by fifty thousand men, who aimed (beside the liberty of Conscience) at nothing but securing the Crown to the Princes of the Blood; The Constable Monmorency, the Chancellor, and ma­ny others, made Speeches full of Moderation, but the Guises opposed throughout those of the Re­ligion, as knowing they would be the greatest [Page 284] obstructers of their design for Usurpation of the Crown.

The King of Navar, and his Brother the Prince of Conde, absented, as not daring to trust themselves at Court (though all means possible was used to bring them thither) until the Cardi­nal of Burbon their Brother, having first received the Oaths of the King and Queen for their liberty and security, brought them to it, where they no sooner arrived, than setting all Oaths and in­gagements aside, they were clapped up close Prisoners, and endeavours made of proceeding against them as Traytors; but finding it difficult to do it legally against Princes of the blood, and not willing to make too gross a breach upon their priviledges, it was concluded to send for the King of Navar to the King, with design that upon not giving satisfactory answers to his demands, ex­ceptions should be taken at his uncivil and undu­tiful carriage to the King, and so in rage and fury he should be fallen upon and murthered, in which action the Duke of Guise was to have been the first, but his Majesty being moved with pity, not suffering (nor giving the sign for) Execution, the King of Navar escaped, though the French King did not Guises Censure of being a Poltrone Prince for it, nor yet did the Prince of Conde (the King of Navars Brother) so escape his malice, but that he afterwards wrought (though illegally) his Condemnation to die, earnestly endeavouring present Execution, and designed the like against the King of Navar, and had probably obtained the Murther of both, though Princes of the blood, and one a King, had not the Death of Francis the Second, leaving his Brother Charles the Ninth in [Page 285] his Minority prevented it, the Council advising the Queen Mother who was then Regent, not to suffer them to die, lest thereby she made the Guises her Masters, which consideration did not only save both their lives, but set them at liberty, and made the King of Navar Lieutenant General of the Kingdom.

Upon the Death of this King Francis the Se­cond, they sent home the Queen of Scots (who was his Widdow) to begin the troubles in that Country. Now the Guises to ingross credit to themselves, and advance their own designs by blemishing of others, and pretending a zealous affection for the deceased King, gave out (con­trary to the opinions of the Physicians) that he was poysoned, causing Libels to be cast abroad, bringing even the Queen under suspicion, but Fa­thered it more plainly upon the Protestants, on purpose to render them odious.

This Change caused the calling of an Assembly at Poisie, where Beza, Peter Martyr, and many others of the Reformed appeared, and where the first making a Discourse upon the point of Transubstantiation, in the presence of the Queen and Cardinal of Lorrain, he is said to have con­vinced the latter; and where at another time, clearing it in a long Harangue to the Assembly, that it was not the Protestants that caused the troubles in France, but the Corruptions of Rome, (though he thereby vexed the Ecclesiasticks, yet in the end) he brought them to conclude with him, upon this following Article concerning the Sacrament.

We confess that Jesus Christ pre­sentedD'aubignies History of the Civil Wars of France. [Page 286] to us in the Holy Supper, gives and ex­hibits truly the substance of his Body and Blood, by the operation of his Holy Spirit, and that we receive and eat Sacramentally and by Faith, the same Body that died for us, to be bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh, to the end to be quick­ned, and to deserve all that is requisite to our Salvation; that Faith supported by the word of God, renders things promised as present, and that by the same Faith, we receive truly and cer­tainly, the true and natural body of our Lord, by the vertue of his holy Spirit, and in this man­ner, we confess the presence of the Body and Blood of our Lord and Saviour in the Holy Sup­per.

The Cardinal finding this Article to please the Assembly, and being also conformable to his own belief, consented to it, to the great rejoicing of the Queen, and all the Princes, but many of the Doctors bandying against it, they framed another as followeth.

We believe and confess, that in the Holy Sa­crament of the Altar, the true Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, is really and substantially under the kinds of Bread and Wine, by the Vertue and Power of the divine word pronounced by the Priest, a Minister ordained only to that effect, according to the Institution and Ordinance of our Lord.

This dispute had several effects viz. with the Reformed, to the strengthning them in their be­lief, and with the Papists to a hesitation in theirs, reducing both to such a Moderation, that in many places the latter were willing to part stakes with the former, being content to let them have the [Page 287] use of their Churches in turns, which exposed the King and Queen abroad (especially at Rome) to the censure of being staggered in their Faith, and the Duke of Guise leaving the Court, industriously helped forward the belief of that report, argu­ing the truth of it, from their having a little before prevented the Execution of a bloody Mas­sacre which he intended.

The Queen finding her self under great disgust upon this occasion, and threatned both at home and abroad, and desiring to know the strength of the Reformed, in case she should be quarrelled with upon their score, received from two thou­sand one hundred and fifty Churches, an ingage­ment to spend willingly their Lives and Estates, in defence of their Prince and her. The Papists in many places made great Complaints, at Aix in Provence, at the Instigation of the Bishop of Ci­steron and a Cordilere, they entered into a League, and got together many people, whom the Cordi­lere made believe were invisible, so long as he carried his Wooden Cross before them, they at­tempting first Brignols, where they defeated a Company of the Kings, then Besieging Bessee which they could not carry, went to Bariols which they took, but enjoyed it not long, ere by Command from the Queen, themselves were besieged by the Count of Cursols, who retook the Town by As­sault; when the Cordilere found that his invisibility would not save him, being there slain with his Cross in his hand, and four hundred more with him; the first that entred were two Companies of the Reformed Religion, who when they saw the Town taken, and the Souldiers falling to plunder, retired into the Field, to return thanks to God [Page 288] for his mercies to them, and when the General sent to them, to come and share with the rest in the booty, as they had in the enterprize; they continued their duty, and desired him to be plea­sed to suffer them to keep clean hands, and con­tent themselves with having done God and their King the best service they could.

The Queen to prevent such irruptions in the future, Assembled at St. Germans, the Princes and Grandees of the Kingdom, at which Assembly was made that Edict, which bears the name of that of January, for the security of the Protestants in the free exercise of their Religion, to which all the Ministers of State and Deputies agreed.

The 4th of August 1561. the Queen writ a long Letter to the Pope (which d' Avila doth not mention, though D'aubignie doth) setting forth the dangerous condition of France, by reason of Religion, reproving most of the material errors in the Church of Rome, desiring his Concurrence in reforming of them; for Beza by his appearance at the Assembly, had not only procured the Edict of January for the Reformed, but so far advanced the Reformation, as to gain the Queens Recom­mendation of it to the Pope; but Peace being contrary to the design of the Guises, they would not suffer the Edict to work, but immediately after the granting of it, contrived several Massa­cres against the Reformed, as in March follow­ing at Vassi in Champaigne, where the Duke of Guise himself was in person. In April at Sens in Burgundy. In May at Marseillis, Aix, Salon, and several other Cities in Provence; for the Guises dreading the Reformed as the chief party that would obstruct their aspiring to the Crown, all [Page 289] Edicts for preservation of the Religion were laid aside, and no way of destroying the Reformed neglected, as by stabbing, stoning, strangling, burning, famishing, drowning, stifling, and others too tedious to enumerate; which grand Cruelties moving several great persons to compassion, they met at the great Admiral's, to consider of some way for their preservation; but as the wisest men are commonly the least daring, because most sen­sible of danger, so the Admiral who was reckon­ed as the Solomon of that Age, by the strength of reason silenced them all, until by an extraordinary providence he was prevailed with; the story of which, Monsieur d' Aubigne, who was the Favou­rite of Henry the Fourth, and writ by his Order, affirms to be as followeth.

This great and wise man the Admiral being one Night wakened out of his sleep by the sighs and groans of his Lady, and endeavouring to sa­tisfie her in that which he knew was her trouble, and to arm her with patience under persecution, gave her occasion to speak to him in this man­ner.

Sir, It is great regret to me,Monsieur D' Aubigny his Hi­story. that I trouble and disturb your rest by my unquietness, but the Members of Christ, being so torn as they are at this day, of which Body we are part, how can we, or any other part remain insensible; you Sir, have not so little sense as much strength to hide it, can you take it ill from your faithful moiety, if with more freedom than respect, she pours out her tears and thoughts into your bosom? We lie here, Sir, in fulness and Plenty, whilst our Brethren, flesh of our flesh, and bone of our bone, are some in [Page 290] Dungeons, and others in the Fields, at the mercy of the Dogs and Ravens, this Bed is a Grave to me, whilst they want Graves, and these sheets reproaches, whilst they want winding Sheets. Can we sleep quietly, and not hear the departing groans of our dying Brethren? I cannot but re­member the prudent discourse by which you shut the mouths of the Lords your Brothers, and the rest of the Company, tearing from them all their Hearts, and leaving them as well without Cou­rage as answer; I tremble to think that this pru­dence is only from the World, and that to be wise for Men is not to be so for God, who having given you the knowledge of a great Captain, can you in Conscience refuse the use of it for his Chil­dren? You have vowed otherwise to me, and your Truncheon, Sir, is the Truncheon of God, and can you fear he will make you culpable for fol­lowing him? The Sword that you wear, is it to oppress the afflicted, or to redeem them from the power of Tyrants? You have confessed the Ju­stice of their Arms, since they are forced to them, can your Heart quit the love of Right, for the fear of Success? It is God that takes away sense from those that resist him, under colour of sparing Blood, and he will save the Soul of him that will lose it, and lose the soul of him that will save it. Sir, I have now poured out my Heart to you, in behalf of so much Bloodshed of ours, which Blood, and your Wives Cries to Heaven, go from this Bed to God against you, for Murthering those which you will not hinder from being Murther­ed. This powerful Speech drew from the Admi­ral, after some pause, this Answer.

Since I have gained nothing by this Evenings [Page 291] reasoning, upon the Vanity of popular Commo­tions, the doubtful entry into a party not for­med, the difficult beginnings, not against a Mo­narchy alone, but against the possessors of an Estate which hath old Roots; so many interested to maintain it, free from all attempts, either within or without, in general Peace, new, and in its first flower, and which is worse, made with our Neighbours expresly for our ruine, beside the late defection of the King of Navar and Consta­ble, so much strength on the Enemies side, and weakness on ours, but that you still remain the same; lay your hand upon your Heart, and exa­mine your Constancy, if it can digest general Roots, the reproaches of Enemies, yea even of your own party, the Calumnies of the people, who judge of things according to success, the Trea­sons of your Friends, flights and exiles into strange Countries, shame, nakedness, famine, and that which is more hard, the same to your Children; examine if you can support a Death by an Execu­tioner, after you have seen your Husband trailed and exposed to the ignominy of the vulgar, and in the end your Children infamous, the Valets of your Enemies, increased by the Wars triumphing over your labours; I give you three Weeks to consider hereof, and when you shall be in earnest satisfied against such accidents, I will go and pe­rish with you and your Friends.

To this she suddenly replied, Sir, the three Weeks are already finished, you shall never be overcome by the Vertue of your Enemies; use yours, and suffer not to lie upon your Head, the Murthers that will be committed in three Weeks time, and I summon you in the name of God▪ to [Page 292] defraud us no longer, or I will be a Witness against you at the Day of Judgment.

After this the Admiral applied himself to the raising of his party, and forming of their strength, who chusing the Prince of Conde for their Head, became in a short time very powerful, and with the assistance of Queen Elizabeth of famous me­mory, to whom they gave Haver-de-grace for cau­tion, they succeeded prosperously, and by a Vi­ctory gained in September 1562. wherein Antony of Burbon King of Navar (Father of Henry the Fourth, having imbraced the Popish Religion) was slain; they brought the King not long after to a Peace, and to the granting another Edict (which is as an Act of Parliament in England) for the setling of their Religion in Peace and Li­berty, Commissioners being appointed to see to the execution and observance of the Articles, un­der a plausible pretence of reality, when there was so little of sincerity, that instead of obser­ving them, they were soon after their Confirma­tion broke in every particular, Murthers, and all manner of Injustice being again committed against the Reformed, who when they complained at Court of the wrongs done them, received no other answer, than the clapping up of their De­puties, the Kings party making it matter of laugh­ter, for them to expect the keeping of Edicts, or Acts of Parliament.

These Violences soon caused a second War, wherein the Protestants also prevailed, to the bringing the King to a third Edict, by which (be­cause of so many former breaches of Faith and Covenants) were granted to the Reformed four Cautionary Cities for security (to wit) Rochell, [Page 293] Mountaban, Conyak, and La Charitie, from which Grant, Rochell derived their right of standing out against their Kings. Yet notwithstanding this provision for keeping the King to his Agreement, the Council of Constance, by the Example of John Hus and Jerome of Prague, having taught the Pa­pists to believe breach of Faith with those they call Hereticks, to be no offence, but lawful and even meritorious; and the King having been Maximed, that Princes are not tied to keep Edicts extorted from them, this last Edict no more than the former was observed, all manner of Cruelty and Massacres being again committed; for the King who had been bred to see Beasts torn in pieces in their Blood, was left without Bowels, and Massacres by the frequency of them made natural to him.

This not being the way to Peace, the War was still carried on by the Prince of Conde and the Ad­miral; and the Queen of Navar going to Rochell, was declared Head of the Reformed, but she de­voting her Son (who was after Henry the Fourth) to the service of those of the Religion (which is the name the Reformed in France are usually cal­led by) having brought him up in their Faith, re­signed her Charge to him, declaring under him, his Uncle the Prince of Conde, and the Admiral Lieutenant Generals, they again brought the King to several Agreements, but none of them being kept, necessitated the continuance of the War, to the loss (beside others) of many great persons on both sides, as of the Kings party, the King of Navar, Duke of Guise, and the Consta­ble Montmorancy, were slain; on the Reformed, the Prince of Conde was basely assassinated, but left a Son which inherited his Vertues, as Guise [Page 294] did several, who succeeded him in ambition, and carried on the War upon the same design as their Father had begun it.

The War was now managed on the Protestant Party by the Admiral, in the name of the two young Princes of Navar as Head, and Conde as succeeding his Father in his Command. The Ad­miral governed affairs so wisely, having always the two young Princes with him, that as the Bishop of Rodez, in his History of Henry the Fourth con­fesseth, the King not daring to adventure a Bat­tel with him, nor having any hopes of overcom­ing the party by force, resolved to make Peace, and work his ends by other means, which was such as even the Bishop calls wicked.

Now the King knowing that the Reformed had (as Monsieur d' Aubignie affirms) two hundred Cities in their hands, the worst of which was able to hold out a Siege against a Royal Army for a Month at least, with other sutable advantages, came to a Treaty with them, giving them ano­ther Edict for their security, which was for two Years well observed, but to the end, that he might in that time the better compass and bring about his Satanical and deceitful design, he pre­tended so much kindness to the whole party, especially to the Admiral, that he cast himself at Rome under suspicion of liking them too well, and Monsieur d' Aubignie is of opinion, that the Ad­miral had gained much upon the spirit of the King, and had probably got the sole Dominion of him, had not the assiduous workings of the Queen and the Guises prevented him, but to leave the uncertainty of this, it is most certain, that the King acted at last a dissembling part, to as high a [Page 295] degree, if not higher, than ever any had done before him; for meerly as a blind, he forced his Sister, altogether against her will, to marry the Prince of Navar, as the greatest pledge of Faith that he was capable of giving to the Reformed, pretended to make War against the King of Spain in the Low Countries, in favour of the Protestants, gave them all they could desire, denied the Ad­miral no request, granting him those Suits which before he had refused his Mother and Brothers, called him Father, caressing him and his Friends in the highest manner imaginable, accompanied with the like tokens of sincerity; and yet all but to delude the Protestants into a belief of his in­tegrity, that so bringing them together to the marriage of the Prince of Navar, he might the better at once Butcher them all. Oh the mon­strous and horrible Hypocrisy of the heart of man! too many believed, whilst others mistrust­ed him, the Excellent Queen of Navar (whom the Papists confess exceeded her Sex, having no fault but Heresie) unhappily coming to the Mar­riage of her Son, was by poison prevented the seeing of it, and from her Death the Prince her Son took the Title of King of Navar. This sad beginning was excused by the Court the best they could, denying the poison (though no doubt is made of it, Monsieur d' Avila himself confessing it to be done by a pair of Gloves) that it might not hinder the Marriage, nor subsequent design, the days for Execution of both being set and could not be deferred, and within six days after the So­lemnity, upon St. Bartholmews Day, the four and twentieth of August, 1572. was that horrid Mas­sacre of Paris perpetrated, wherein the famous old [Page 296] Admiral, twenty other great persons, twelve hundred Gentlemen, and throughout the Cities of the Kingdom, after the example of Paris, near one hundred thousand in all, (according to the Bishop of Rodez report) were most Satanically assassinated in cold Blood. The King of Navar, and young Prince of Conde, being forced to go to Mass to save their Lives. This Butchery was acted with such inhumanity, that neither Age, Sex, nor Relation was spared; but Uncles became the Exe­cutioners of their Nephews and Nieces, as Ne­phews of their Uncles and Aunts, sutable to the spirit of Cruelty, running along with the Doctrine of Rome.

The King made his boast of this inhumane Cru­elty, asking the Queen if he had not dissembled well, and went to the Parliament at Paris on purpose to own the Act, where Monsieur Thou, Chief President of the Court (and who at home had wept, complaining of the Massacre) made a long Harangue to the King in Commendations of it, and of that Principle, That he knows not how to Reign, that knows not how to dissemble; such Vassals and Slaves are sometimes the best of Courtiers, to the lusts and wills of their Ma­sters.

There were none that knew of this Plot, and had their hands in it before it came to Execution, beside the King, Queen, Dukes of Anjou, Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorrain, Brother to the lat­ter, it being so secretly carried, whilst it was in agitation, that the Pope and his Consistory was highly offended with the King for his kindness to the Reformed, as not knowing the meaning of it, the King having been so private in it, that he cau­sed [Page 297] a Gentleman (a Favourite of his Brother the Duke of Anjou) to be assassinated, because he perceived he had a suspicion of it.

Now as the Judgments of the Lord are for our Instruction, so the several Deaths of all these principal Actors in this bloody Tragedy are worthy observation, the King died wallowing in Blood, not only issuing from all the passages of his Body, but as it were in a sweat of Blood from all the pores of it. The two Guises, the Duke and Cardinal, were assassinated by Command of King Henry the Third; the Queen a few days after them died of grief, lamented by none, but hated by every one (as the Bishop of Rodez affirms:) And the Duke of Anjou, who after the Kings Decease came to the Crown, under the name of Henry the Third, was slain by a stab from a Jacobin Fryer. And as Philip the Second King of Spain's persecu­tion of his Protestant Subjects in his Dominions, and his end is also very observable, so I think it not improper in this place to take notice of both.

Beside this Kings Cruelty in the Netherlands, and persecuting Life, having once escaped a great danger of being cast away at Sea; at his arrival in Spain, he appointed two days of rejoicing (as days of Thanksgiving) one at Validolid, and the other at Sevil, whither he caused those in Prison for Religion, to be brought from several places of his Kingdom, upon which days Scaffolds being made for a multitude of Beholders, with a distincti­on of Seats for persons according to their Quali­ties, the Prisoners were (with Triumphing Cere­monies, and dressed in such Antick manner, as might best make the Beholders merry) led to the [Page 298] Fires, and burnt before them; but as many faith­ful Martyrs finished their course at this time, bearing signal testimony to the truth, so the end of that King (who was so great an Enemy to the Reformed, that he put to Death his Eldest Son Charles, partly upon suspicion of being a favourer of them) is as fit to be remembred, he dying also of blood issuing from all the passages of his Body, with a continual Vomiting of Vermin (as the Bi­shop of Rodez in his History of Henry the Fourth relates) And thus the Lord gave them blood to drink, who had delighted in Blood.

The Pope, lest Massacres should have been look­ed odiously upon in the World, and so his Church deprived of the use and benefit of them, to give them credit and reputation, declared a Jubile for that of Paris, and returned thanks unto the King for it, as a means to keep up the practice of them, but notwithstanding his wrath, which aimed at no less than the utter destruction of the people of God, the Lord raised them again, and fortified the remainder of his Church, with greater resolution to stand upon their defence than ever, seeming to reprove the barbarisms of some Prin­ces, and great ones of the World, who vaunt and stand so much upon their honour, by the more honourable Principles of the publick Executio­ner of the City of Lyons, and the common Soul­diers of that Garrison; the first, when Com­manded to Massacre those of the Religion which they had got together, refused to do it, saying, that his office was to execute persons Condemned to die according to Justice, and not others; and the lat­ter upon the same Command, that their duty was to kill their Enemies in the Field, and not in cold Blood [Page 299] Men in Prisons, which may well be remembred, to the perpetual infamy of those who took that Imployment upon them, which both the Com­mon Hangman, and Mercenary Souldiers de­tested.

After this, the Duke of Anjou, by Command of the King, promising to himself the total ex­tinguishment of the Protestant Party, besieged Rochel, and for the more countenance and terror to the City, having the young King of Navar in his possession, forced his accompanying of him thither; but the Town with the assistance of Queen Elizabeth, was so well maintained, that after the Duke had spent, as some report, thirty four thousand Cannon shot against it, and lost forty thousand men, he was forced to rise upon equal terms, granting the Town most honour­able and safe Conditions; and the King to make Peace with their whole Party, giving them ano­ther Edict for their security.

Now the Duke of Anjou being chosen King of Poland, posted thither in hast, but was not long absent before his Brother Charles the Ninth fell sick, who when near Death, sent for the King of Navar, recommending the care of his Queen and Daughter to him, confessing him to be a per­son of honour, not esteeming so of his Mother or Brothers (as it seems by his passing them by in the trust) to whom at that time, he is said to have born a perfect hatred, though they had been Companions with him in Iniquity. And thus at last, the honourable Principles of the King of Navar were acknowledged by the French King, as a just reward of Navars Vertue to his great Glory, and his Enemies reproach and shame; and [Page 300] soon after this, Charles the Ninth left the World in that manner as is before related.

Not long before his Death, and when they saw it approaching, his Brother the Duke of A­lançon, Montmorencie, and some other Grandees, combined to deprive the Queen Mother of the Regency; but the King was no sooner expired, than she prevented them by seizing the Govern­ment, in the absence of her Son (the King of Poland, now Henry the Third) in his name, when immediately causing the King of Navar, and Prince of Conde (both still Prisoners) to be brought before her, after sharp reproofs, she re­leased them; The Prince of Conde slipped pre­sently into Germany, where he raised Forces for the relief of the oppressed Protestants, but the King was longer in getting away.

Now the War beginning again, the Duke of Alançon (the Kings Brother) joined with the Prince of Conde, and in a short time after, the King of Navar escaped to Rochel, where they re­ceived him willingly, but excepted against many of his Followers, as wicked debauched Atheists, without any Morality as well as Religion, which he did not oppose, knowing them to be persons put upon him by the Court, in design to make him as wicked as themselves, the only way as they thought to secure him from the Reformed Religion.

The Protestants in the Year 1576. brought Henry the Third (now returned out of Poland) to a large Edict for the quiet enjoyment of their Re­ligion, at which the Papists being offended, they framed that Catholick League which vexed France about twenty Years, the beginning was [Page 301] small, but soon increased, the pretence being to maintain Popery and extirpate Reformation, but at bottom, the design was first to destroy the Order of Succession in the Royal Race, and then the Line it self, to make way for Henry Duke of Guise, who had at that time the advantage of having of his own Family eight or ten Princes in his Party, all persons of useful parts and daring spirits.

The Queen and the Guises begin now all to be weary of Peace, the first as being naturally of a turbulent spirit, and not so considerable under it as War, and the others as not holding Peace su­table to their ends. And therefore they put the King upon demanding of the Protestants, the Towns given them by several Edicts for their se­curity, as the Queen did them upon a denial thereof as an unreasonable request, so that a War consequently followed, but lasted not longer than until the Year 1580. that Peace was again con­cluded, and another Edict for satisfaction of the Reformed granted.

After this the new modelled League increasing, the King was made a meer Cypher, the Guises by the power of the League so overtopping him, that at the Assembly, in the Year 1585. held at Blois, they forced him to repeal all the Edicts which he had sworn unto, and made for the benefit of the Protestants, and to make another for the banish­ing of them all; the Ministers within one Month, and the rest within six upon pain of death, to disinherit the King of Navar and Prince of Conde, and to settle the Succession upon their Un­cle a Cardinal, an old Man, and one whom they knew could neither have Children, or live long, and this to the end, that when he died, (if they [Page 302] stayed until then) the Guises might step into the Throne.

This gave beginning to the War again, and the King of Navar, and Prince of Conde, great and just cause to declare the Assembly at Blois null and void. Now Henry the Third seeing himself laid aside in part, and near a total deposition, the Leaguers name alone being used in many transacti­ons, without once mentioning his, he then plot­ted as his last remedy, the taking away of the Guises, and in the Year 1588. the Court being at Blois, the Duke of Guise, and his Brother the Cardinal, were by the Kings Command both slain, they being too powerful to be brought to a legal Tryal.

The King endeavoured the seizing of all their Adherents at the same time that they were put to Death, and made himself Master of the Dukes young Sons, with some others near hand; but the Duke of Maienne, Brother to the Guises, being fur­ther off, and having notice of the Death of his Brothers, saved himself before he was arrested, and so became the General, and Head of the League. In this same Year, Henry of Bourbon Prince of Conde, was by his Enemies taken away by Poyson; a great loss to the Reformed Church, there dying in him the Vertue of his own particu­lar Line.

The Death of the Guises wrought variously (viz.) with the Leaguers, to the making them the more fierce against the King, and with him for the security of himself, to join with the King of Navar and his Protestant Party. This Conjunction seemed to carry all before them, Beleaguring Pa­ris (which held with the League) and in a fair [Page 303] way of reducing it, but the Death of Henry the Third, by a fatal stroke from a Jacobin Fryer (the first of August 1589.) prevented their progress, by the distractions that followed thereupon among the united Forces; the Monk was imme­diately slain by those about the King, which un­happily hindered the further discovery of the Treason; the King lived some hours after the fa­tal blow, in which time he sent for the King of Navar, declared him (all his own Brothers being dead) his lawful and lineal Successor, advising him to imbrace the Romish Religion, and exhor­ted his own Party to be faithful to him.

Many stuck to him, in hopes of his following the Kings advice in the change of his Religion, others grew cold as fearing it; he durst not de­clare any way, that he would not turn for fear of losing the Popish Party, nor that he would, for grieving his old Protestant Party.

The Leaguers bestirred themselves more now than ever, acting all in their own names, calling their true and undoubted King, who had never forfeited his Right, by the name only of Henry of Bourbon; the Pope cast out his Thunderbolts against the King and his Party, the Leaguers cal­led in the Spaniard, and declared the Cardinal of Bourbon King, but he not enjoying that Title long, being in a short time after taken away by Death, they proceeded after his Decease without a King, and so far distressed Henry the Fourth, that they drive him to Deep, from whence he was ready to Imbark for England, and had done it, but that by Queen Elizabeth's seasonable supplying him with four or five thousand men, gathering breath again, he recovered strength, and came in a little [Page 304] time to be upon equal terms with the Lea­guers.

The Spaniard (being now entered the Kingdom) sollicited the Leaguers to chuse a King, a Book being writ by one Hotheman, a great Civilian, to prove the Kingdom of France Elective, with power in the States to depose their Kings, according to several Examples instanced in; the King of Spain propounded to them to give his Daughter with great advantages to whomsoever they should make King, having an eye either upon the young Duke of Guise, who was escaped out of Prison, or upon the young Duke of Lorrain; but herein the Spa­niard was much out in his Politicks; for the Duke of Maienne having the power of the Sword, and not in a capacity of answering the Spaniards de­sign in a match; himself being married and without a Son for their Daughter, he set Maienne, who could not bear the thoughts of any new King but himself against him, and the Houses of Lor­rain and Guise one against another, and both a­gainst Maienne, because he obstructed their ad­vancement to the Crown, and so Spain divided the League which they should have kept united, as those by whom they were to have wrought their ends.

The War went on still with struglings on both sides, and with various success, until at last Henry the Fourth, partly from the importunity of his Po­pish Friends, & partly from mistrust of Providence, declared himself a Papist, whereby making Henry the Thirds Party firm to him, and his own old Protestant Friends not forsaking him (though highly grieved at his revolt) he carried all before him.

[Page 305]The King sent an Ambassador to Rome to pro­cure his acceptance and reconciliation there, as the King of Spain and the Leaguers sent theirs to oppose it, pleading him to be a Relapser, and therefore his Recantation not to be received; es­pecially it not being, as they alledged, sincere but feigned, and from necessity. Great strivings there were a long time at Rome on both sides, the one to be received, and the other to hinder it, until at last the Kings affairs increasing, an end was put to the dispute by the Popes acceptance of him, which was not long done, before the Duke of Guise (who waited for an honourable pretence for coming in to the King) left his Uncle the Duke of Maienne, and made his Peace. Many followed his Example, while the League kept yet together under their Head and General, but in a short time the King reduced them all; some by force, and others by kindness. The Duke of Maienne was the last of the French Army that stood out, and yet notwithstanding (with a remarkable Cle­mency) the King gave him honourable Conditi­ons, at a time when he was not in a capacity of resisting, telling him after he had (at their first meeting) walked him round his Camp at a greater rate than he was well able to bear, being fat and corpulent, whereas the King was spare and nimble, that he had thereby revenged himself sufficiently upon him; a revenge sutable to the magnanimity and greatness of his Soul, Cruelty and Oppression being the effects of Cowardise and baseness.

After this the King having to do with none but the Spaniard, he forced him easily to a Peace, which was concluded at Veruin, betwixt the two Kings and the Duke of Savoy, by Articles sworn [Page 306] unto for them and their Allies; so that Geneve be­ing declared an Ally of France, and comprehen­ded in the Peace, thinking themselves thereby se­cure, entertained an intimate correspondence with Savoy, they having always an Agent from him residing with them; but that Duke in a few Years after, whilst in full Peace (with a Hypocri­tical pretence of Friendship) plotted the surpri­sing of the City, with an intent to have put all to the Sword, and was so far advanced in his false and wicked design, that the 12th of December (in the Year 1602.) being a dark night, he had put two hundred men over the Walls into the Town, had fixed a Petarr to one of the Gates, and had twelve or fifteen hundred Souldiers more, near at hand, ready to enter, himself not being much further off with other assistance, so that not fear­ing a failure in the least, he sent Couriers several ways to his Friends, to carry the news of his be­ing Master of Geneve; but when he had said in his Heart they were in his hands, and he would de­vour them, in that wherein he dealt proudly God was above him, preventing all, by the accidental killing of the man that was to have given Fire to the Petar, by which means the Town having time to rise, they slew and took Prisoners most of those that were entered, being many of them persons of the best quality of Savoy; those taken alive (though on the Lords Day in the Morning) were by the Justice of the Town tryed as Traytors (and not as Prisoners of War, because in time of full Peace) Condemned and Executed, by cutting off their Heads; the Bodies of all the slain, as well as of those Beheaded, being thrown the same day into the River of Rohan (into which at the Town the [Page 307] Lake of Geneve falls) their Heads being all set upon a Pole near the City; this was so great a de­liverance, that to this time they hold a very so­lemn Anniversary Day of Thanksgiving for it. The Town would have made War upon the Duke for this breach of Oath and Faith, as thinking their Allies ingaged to second them in it; but Henry the Fourth being then in love with Peace, took up the difference; but this horrid and abominable Hypocrisie in the Duke of Savoy, with his Ance­stors former breach of Faith with his Reformed Subjects, together with Charles the Ninth of France his Dissimulation, for compassing the Massacre of Paris, and his Predecessors never keeping Agree­ments with the Protestants of France, may well be a caution to all Separatists to the Church of Rome, to be careful how they trust to the Oaths of Po­pish Princes.

The King of Navar now under the Title of Henry the Fourth of France, having reduced all his Kingdom, applied himself to the setling of it, and to that end made an Act of Oblivion, forget­ting the greatest injuries, even that of the Parlia­ment of Tholouse their Arraigning, Condemning, and Executing of him in his Effigies as a Traytor, setled the Protestant Religion by an Edict,The Edict of Nantes, &c. is lately pub­lished in Eng­lish. bearing the name of that of Nantes, in larger liberty than e­ver, rendring them equally capable with Papists of all manner of prefer­ments, offices, and priviledges what­soever, their causes in Law being made triable only by Judicatures, constituted of equal num­bers of each Religion, which Edict too long to recite, is declared in express words to be perpe­tual [Page 308] and irrevocable, bearing date in the Year 1598. And beside this, the King to the advantage of the Religion, gave countenance to the Edict, by making (in favour of it) choice of the Duke of Sullie (a zealous Protestant) for his Chief Fa­vourite and Minister of State, imploying him in all his affairs, which trust the Duke answered with so much wisdom and honesty, that in less than twelve Years that the King out-lived the Civil Wars, his Debts were paid, much spent in Build­ing, Taxes lessened, and a Treasure of fifty Mil­lions of Livers gathered; a good Example for Chief Ministers of State.

There is nothing reflects upon this King in his settlement, but the restoring of the Jesuits, who had been banished, as a punishment for one of their Fraternities attempting to stab him in the Heart, though he did it only in the Mouth, upon which Villany it was that one of his Favourites applying it as a warning to him, told him, that as God had struck him in the Mouth for denying him with his Tongue, so he would in the Heart, when he should deny him there.

Before the Restauration of the Jesuits, the King had several debates in private with the Duke of Sullie about it, wherein the Duke overcoming him with reasons for the not doing of it, he (who in the Field had always been a stranger to fear) confessed his fear of the Jesuits, and so reduced the Duke to a silent submission, considering there was no fence against fear; and thus the Jesuits (Enemies to human Society) were restored, and the Pillar of their shame (erected in Paris with reproachful Inscriptions) pulled down, no marks being left upon them for the horridness of their [Page 309] Principles, save that whereas the Caps of other Jesuits and Priests, are made with a perfect Cross, one part of the Cross (leaving it triangular) is taken from the Jesuits Caps of France, of which instead of being ashamed, their impudence is such, that many of them glory in it.

After setling France thus in perfect and entire Peace, subduing all Factions, gathering a Trea­sure, and by his excellent Government rendring himself the delight of his people, having some great undertaking in his intention, though un­declared, he laid down a method for maintaining of a War, raised an Army of forty thousand men, such as Christendom had not often seen, taking order for such recruits as he should have need of. His design was without all peradventure, for the relief of the oppressed States and Princes of Ger­many; how far he looked further is uncertain, but the World had so great an opinion of his honour, mercy, justice, and faithfulness to his word (in all which, France never had the like) that what ever it was he aimed at, they believed, as he ne­gatively professed, that it was not for increasing his own Dominions, being fully contented with what he had.

This Army (which was a terror to the House of Austria) being ready to march; the King went to Paris to the Coronation of his Queen, when to satisfie her importunity, (though contrary to his own Judgment) he setled the Regency upon her in his absence, resolving after the Ceremo­nies were finished to return to his Army; but the very next day after the Coronation and setling of the Regency, riding in his Coach in Paris, he received a stab from a Fryer, which gave him not [Page 310] leave to speak one word. How much the people of France, and especially of Paris (who had most stood out against him) after they had had experi­ence of his good and vertuous Government, were afflicted at his Death, is inexpressible.

The Villain was taken, and put to the Rack for discovering his Complices, but the Bishop of Ro­dez in his History saith no more of it, than that his Confession was not made known, and that when those that examined him were asked of it, they durst make no other answer, than with the shrug of their shoulders; by which there seems to be too too much hinted concerning some person that was too great to be spoke of.

When this great Prince died, the Protestant Religion was in its Zenith, and top of reputation, but good Queen Elizabeth being dead some Years before, and the Protestant Party having now no Protector left them, they being both gone, the Interest of the Reformed begun then to decline.

In the Life time of Henry the Fourth, some great persons following his Example, revolted from their Religion, but when he was gone, and the Regency (during the minority of his Son) in the Queen, the hopes of acquiring her favour, made some prostitute their Consciences, and o­thers, that they might be the more serviceable to her, and render themselves so much the greatlier deserving her Grace, as they were capable of serving her ends, kept themselves only to the outward profession of their first Principles (as some at this day practise the same Policy) in the number of which, the Dukes of Tramoullée and Boullion bear too high a Rank.

The Papists, as loth to be behind any in inju­ries [Page 311] to those of the Religion, and ambitious of making themselves acceptable to the Court of Rome, as others did to the Queen, contrived the bringing back to the Drones of their Church, the Lands in the Principality of Bearn in the King­dom of Navar, which had been near sixty Years converted to other, and better uses. This Province was one of the places, where the Reformation was first setled in Peace and Freedom, by that excellent Queen of Navar, Mother to Henry the Fourth, and Great Grandmother to Charles the Second present King of England; but the people, though not able to resist this wrong, yet not know­ing how to obey so great an invasion of their Rights, caused the King to advance with his Ar­my to them, who though at first promised the maintaining of their priviledges, yet the very next day after that promise made to them, took them away, in annexing Bearn to France, and therein changing the Government of the Coun­try, the expectation of the Kings being true to his word, being looked upon by the Courtiers, as the effects of folly and weakness in the too too credulous Protestants.

Upon this invasion of right, the whole Prote­stant Party in France, esteeming their religious Liberties struck at in it, took up Arms for de­fence of their Rights and Priviledges, and in them for the relief of Bearn, making the Duke of Rohan their General, to whose excellent memoirs I refer the Reader for the story of those Wars which followed upon this occasion, what goes before be­ing collected out of other Authors, without ma­king use of Monsieur d' Avila's Works; for al­though none can deny, but his History of the [Page 312] Civil Wars of France, is finely writ, and better translated, yet being held by the Protestants up­on the place to be very partially done, I have chosen rather in this deduction, to make use of Monsieur d' Aubignies story of the same times, as accounted much more authentick than the other, he having been a great Favourite of Henry the Fourth, and by his Order furnished with all ne­cessary helps for writing of his History; and if Monsieur d' Avila's care in matters of fact, was no better, than in affirming England, and the Re­formists in Germany, to be all Lutherans (when beside the many Calvinists that are in the Empire, the Articles and Discipline of our Church differ so much from the Lutherans, that we cannot pro­perly be compared to them) as also, that in the Bartholomew Massacre, there were but forty thou­sand Murthered, when the Bishop of Rodez con­fesseth, that after the Example of Paris, there was throughout the Cities of the Kingdom near a hundred thousand; nor than in his Geographical Description of Rochell, Diep, and Bullogne; making the first to lie over against England, the second over against the Mouth of the Thames, and the third upon the Ocean Sea; there may be cause to except against his Authority, and to wish, the Translator had bestowed his labour upon some more Authentick History of those Times. For since he hath so grosly erred in things easily cor­rected, it may well be supposed he is the same in matters more in the dark.

As the Lords wonderful workings are most ta­ken notice of, when from small beginnings, and contrary means, he produceth great effects, so of most stories in the World, none deserves more [Page 313] observation as to both particulars, than this of France, where a dissolute young Merchant, cal­led to repentance by an extraordinary means, was the Author of so much light; and where the several ways used for the extinguishing of that light, turned still to the increasing of it, and that to so high a degree, as the Confederation of all the Romish Party, with their bloody practices could never suppress; and where after Henry the Fourth, had turned his back upon the truth, con­trary to the rule of Apostates (who are generally the most violent against their old Party, to gain credit with their new) he notwithstanding re­tained so much gratitude to those that set him in his Throne, and confidence of their Principles (knowing they had never been false to their Country, nor troublesome to their Kings, but upon account of liberty of Conscience in the wor­ship of God) that he left them in perfect liberty, with power to defend themselves against any in­vaders of their Rights, leaving at that time many Cities in their hands for their security. And thus being come from the Original of the Reformed, to their condition in their greatest Prosperity; I shall so far as is convenient, deduce their decay, and conclude with their present posture.

The Protestant Interest in France hath had the same fortune in its fall as in its advancement, to be followed by many other Countries, the reason of which is not obscure; for although the Lord can, and will when it seems good to him, protect and maintain his Church, as well as raise it with­out the help of man, yet as the ordinary way of his Providence in the World is by secondary means, so he made use of good Queen Elizabeth, [Page 314] as an Instrument during her Reign of increasing it, to the greatest height it ever arrived at. Whose Death, followed not many Years after by the Decease of Henry the Fourth of France, was the occasion of its sad decay and languish­ment.

After God had prepared and fitted this excel­ent Queen for his work, by many troubles and afflictions, delivering her from Death, which her unnatural Sister had designed, and that by the means of her greatest Enemy and Persecutor Philip the Second of Spain, so prodigious in Cruelty up­on the account of Religion, that he spared not his own Son and Heir Apparent; she came to the Crown of England in a time when Popery was in its Zenith, and at that height, that nothing but an especial over-ruling hand of Providence could have preserved her; for in her own Dominions there were few for Reformation, the King of Spain in his greatest glory, combining with the Pope and all their Adherents against her. In France the Protestants grievously afflicted and Massacred, without the least hopes of relief, and every where without a head or formidable countenance, so that in many places they were the exercise of Tyrants Cruelties, enough to have made the high­est spirit yield, as much less made Henry the Fourth of France (the greatest Souldier of his time) warp; and that she did not sink under her burthen, is acknowledged by her Enemies, who look no further than man, to have been the effect of a Courage not to be parallel'd, and by those that go higher, that there was an extraordinary appearance of God in it.

Her work required wisdom and resolution, the [Page 315] one alone would not have done it, for had they not both concentred in her, she must have failed; but she had wisdom to chuse wise and honest Counsellors, or at least to chuse them wise, and by her example and strict eye, make them honest; she was resolute in reforming Religion, and even almost at the same time, in assisting the Prote­stants in Scotland against their Queen, those in France against their successive Kings, and the E­states of Holland against theirs, levelling her main stroke against the Crown of Spain, as the Chief Pillar of the Roman Church; she was successful in all she undertook, setling Religion in Scotland, Henry the Fourth upon his Throne in France to do the like there, relieved the Hollanders, reduced the Papists in Ireland, suppressed at home all the con­tinual Plottings of her Popish Subjects; and when the House of Austria in their Pride, thought none could have done them harm, she when none else was in a capacity of doing it, put a stop to their Carrier, and humbled them, and all with so small, though a well managed Revenue, not burthening of the people, that she became dear to them; she ruled not only over a great people, but in the Hearts of them, making their interest hers, with­out having any other, which procured recipro­cally to her the having but one Purse, the Nati­on being readier to give than she was to ask, knowing that though money were given her, if the occasion was taken away, she would return it to the people as she once did. She kept to the Laws, without seeking innovations, loving her Country and people as Parents do their Children, having no Interest but theirs, was a true Justicer, not suffering the greatness of any to bear down [Page 316] right; Sir John Poynes having a good Cause, was too hard for Essex (her greatest Favourite) in a Court Contest betwixt them, about that Cere­mony called, Serving up all Night, in some kind still in use, which the Earl (being at Play in the room) thought himself too great to ob­serve and submit unto, until Controuled by Sir John (whose Office it was to clear the place) he was forced to withdraw, for which the Queen upon a hearing commended Sir John, and blamed the Earl; nor could that Earl maintain his Page against a Country Gentleman prosecuting him for the blood of his Servant, of whom in a Court presumption he had been the Death; she was true to her Protestant Allies, having few or none else, as quick in giving them relief, as they were in desiring of it, and always true and faithful to her word.

These Excellencies made her formidable in the World, loved by her Friends, feared and honoured by her Enemies, so that in her time, and by her influence, Religion in all places (where it had any root) grew and prospered; and espousing the cause of God vigorously, not by halves, but heartily and throughly, she rendered her self the head of the Protestant party, and thereby in her time the greatest Potentate in the Christian part of Europe, an Example worthy the Imitation of her Succes­sors, in that by making themselves the Head of the Reformed, they may become the first and most formidable Power of Christendom; and greatness being that which all Princes aim at, it may well invite those that are capable of it to the design.

The Government of this Queen cannot well be [Page 317] reflected upon, for more than two or three passa­ges in all her days, and he must want Charity as well as good Nature, that cannot excuse so few failings in the space of seventy Years that she li­ved, especially when in the general course of her Reign, which was near forty five of them, she so truly pursued the Interest and good of Religion and the Nation, that thereby the first was increa­sed exceedingly, and the latter rendred glorious all over the World. Her Death made presently a great Change in Councellors and Councils, it not being long after before England (whether with or contrary to their then Interest, I leave others to judge) made Peace with Spain, and left Henry the Fourth of France to stand alone, who was at that time the greatest Countenancer of the Reformed, upon the account (at least) of Common Justice and Gratitude, if not Conscience as well as Po­licy. About eight Years after the Decease of this Glorious Queen, that Famous King died in that manner as is before mentioned, and in him the French Protestants best Friend, having left them in his own Country in such perfect freedom, and in so great Power, that if any considerable Re­formed Potentate had after Queen Elizabeths Ex­ample, joined vigorously with the Dukes of Rohan, Soubiz and Sullie, and other great ones of the Re­ligion that were faithful and sincere to the Inter­est of it, he might with ease have established the Protestant Liberty past shaking; for the Regency (after the Death of Henry the Fourth, during the minority of his Son) being in the Queen, a Wo­man of little experience in affairs, and full of jea­lousies, begot such Factions in the State, betwixt the Princes of the Blood and other Grandees, that [Page 318] the work would not have been difficult, and would have prevented the revolt of some, who forsook their Religion, and have kept others in awe, who did worse, in keeping their Profession on purpose to be the abler to betray the Cause. For they (seeing the party without any Soveraign prote­ction, and the weakness of the Queen, such as gave men of more wit than honesty, opportunity of advancement, by complying with her) sought themselves, some openly by a publick profession of Popery, and others covertly, by seemingly keeping to the Reformed Religion, whilst under­hand they did them the more mischief.

The Emperour seeing the distracted condition of the Reformed Church in France, without any to countenance them, was incouraged to Perse­cution in Bohemia, wherein acting contrary to the Conditions upon which they had Elected and Crowned his Son King, they deposed him, and in his place chose the Prince Elector Palatine, which occasioned a War betwixt the new King and the Emperour, in which the Prince Palatine lost both his Kingdom, and Hereditary Countries. The Emperour being thereby fleshed with suc­cess, went on against Germany, in hopes of making a perfect Conquest of that Country, and had cer­tainly not failed in it, had not the Lord raised up the King of Sweden to prevent him. But the pros­perous proceedings in Germany, especially for the first twelve or thirteen Years, of the Popish Party, gave incouragement to the Wars against the Re­formed in France, where although, the two in­comparable Brothers, the Dukes of Rohan and Soubiz, were all the Princes that the iniquity of those times had there left faithful to the Cause [Page 319] of God, they had made good their Party, and kept their ground in the last, as well as in the first and second Wars, had their Neighbours stood but Neuters, and been faithful to them, as they ought in duty at least to have done; but Counsels run­ning contrary, and that Age affording many con­current advantages to the Romish Church, not convenient to mention; the persecuted Protestants lost ground daily, until the Long Parliament (as bad as they were) from Principles of Policy in re­ference to their own security, as well as to popu­lar reputation, became (during their time) some Countenance to them, their declared Principles being (pretendedly at least) for the suppression and ruine of Popery and advancement of the Re­formation, most of their Foreign projects (accord­ing to the History of those times) tending that way, they being in Treaty with Deputies from Burdeaux, upon Articles conducible to the same end, when Cromwell Usurping the Government, did not only overthrow the design, but probably be­trayed it to the French King, with the Lives of some ingaged in the business; for Mr Jochim Haines (by Birth a German) General Engineer to the Ar­my, and one of his own Emissaries imployed in that Affair, who after Cromwell and Mazarine were agreed, was pursued through France and escaped miraculously, did believe he was discover­ed by Oliver, his Errand being known only to him­self and his Confident; and herein Cromwell did more prejudice to the Protestant Cause, than is re­coverable, or than many such petty Embassies to the Duke and Dutchess of Savoy in behalf of the Waldenses (which is bragged of by his Party) could have repaired.

[Page 320]For the way to have advanced the Protestant In­terest had been to have kept the ballance be­twixt France and Spain equal, to the end to have rendred the Reformed in France necessary to their King, by which they would have had a formida­ble Interest in the World; whereas by casting the Scale wholly on the French side, that King not standing now much in need of them, forgetting all his former acknowledged obligations, hath at the instance of the Bishops, taken up a severe per­secution of them. Not but that I believe, Oliver next unto his own particular Interest, had some kindness for Religion, at least he seemed so to have, as is witnessed by his zealous and passionate addresses to most, or all the considerable Protestant Princes and States of Christendom, as well as to the French King,Sir Samuel Morelands Hi­story of his Ne­gotiation, to­gether with Sir George Down­ings. Duke and Dutchess of Savoy themselves, in behalf of the poor Evangelical Churches of Piemont, when under dreadful and inhumane Persecution from their Prince the Duke of Savoy (or his Ministers) but his aspiring was so great, that he made all other designs subservient to his Ambition. And thus having in part, and as far as is at present convenient in reference to this Age, shewed how the decay of the Protestant Interest hath been occasioned, I shall in the next place say something of their present condition.

After the French Kings reducing of Rochell, in the Year 1628. and making Peace the Year fol­lowing, with the rest of the Protestant Party, the ruine of the Reformed in France was by the Bi­shops designed, and had not the serviceableness of them to their Kings in their Civil as well as Fo­reign [Page 321] Wars preserved them, it had long ere this been executed, but their necessariness hath been of­ten such, that it hath not only deferred their doom, but also sometimes drawn from their se­veral Kings (for their incouragement) Confirma­tions of their priviledges, so that their usefulness hath since their reducement, been their greatest security, for in losing Rochell, they lost their chief place of refuge to fly unto in case of Massa­cres, having then no other left, save Sedan be­longing to the Duke of Bulloign, and out of France, though upon the edge of it, towards the Low Countries and Germany, as also Orange, belonging to the Prince of that name, on the other side of France towards the Mediterranean; the first was parted with to the King, not long after the Sur­render of Rochel by the Prince of it, to redeem his life when a Prisoner, and had else surely lost it, and the other, the two Princesses Dowagers of Orange, the Mother, and Grandmother of the present Prince, differing after the death of his Fa­ther, about his Guardianship, and consequently of the Government of Orange, the French King was desired by one of them (according to Vox populi) to reconcile them by taking it from them both, who being glad of the occasion, readily besieged it, and in a short time reduced the Castle, the strength of the place, to a heap of Rubbish (which was one of the ancientest, and of the kind, the best Fortifications in France) and so left the Prote­stants in Case of Massacres, without any retreat, and at the mercy of the merciless Popish Church, whose impudence hath since been such, as first to endeavour the overthrow of their priviledges all at one push, by that Principle, That Faith is not [Page 322] to be kept with Hereticks, nor Princes obliged to the observation of Articles, which they say were extorted from them: and when after so many Confirmations of their Articles in time of Peace, and the devesting those of the Religion of all means of defence, and thereby removing all grounds of fear of them, such Arguments could not be allowed; they cavilled at the Articles themselves, and by wrested and false interpreta­tions, endeavoured to ineffectuate them, in de­spite of their plain and indisputable sense, which is so clear, as takes away all ambiguity and doubt.

And now since the determination of the power of the Reformed, in the loss of all their Cities of security, their persecution hath proceeded from their Bishops (to whose order amongst the Papists Cruelty is annexed) who begun betimes, dis­charging their malice first against the City of Pamier, because far from Court, and so most easie for them to oppress.

The Bishop of this place forced the Reformed to abandon their ancient Temple within the City (for so the French Protestants call their Churches) which by ancient right and priviledges they did enjoy, and to content themselves with a small House in the Country, distant from the Suburbs, making it Imprisonment with great penalties, for any Protestant Stranger to lodge one Night in Town, though he came to see his Relations, or dispatch business, making it also unlawful to sing Psalms, some poor Artificers being Imprisoned for the same, to the thereby exposing their Fami­lies to want and Famine, through loss of their labour to maintain them. He also took away the [Page 323] very Patrimonies of many to give them to his la­zy Convents, Imprisoning Parents, and taking away their Children under Age to bring up in his Idolatrous Religion, not regarding the Canons of his own Church which forbids such violence, where neither the Parents give consent, nor the Children capable of making their own Choice; he maliciously destroyed the Wine Presses of some, the Evening before their use, to deprive them of the Revenue that God and Nature had blessed their endeavours with, as a penalty for having lodged some Protestant Friends but one Night, when sur­prized by bad weather (a small offence to be de­stroyed for) not only prohibiting the harbouring any of the Religion, but also relieving any in their passing by, himself searching Shops for Ap­prentices and Journeymen of the Religion, to drive them away, denying them the common pri­viledges allowed all Strangers throughout France; and Monsieur Burnet a Physician, who having Married a Wife from Pamier, coming but to Town to some Patients, for conservation of their Lives, was driven back with so many blows, that soon after he lost his own; nay instead of giving obedience to the Kings Declaration and Decree, for restoration of the Protestant Church, he cal­led an Assembly of the Town, consisting of his own Party, both Civil and Ecclesiasticks, where himself presiding, he caused to be resolved in the Assembly,

First, That if any person of the Religion should die in the City, or within his Jurisdiction, the Body should not be Buried.

Secondly, That no Children of Protestant Pa­rents, born since such a certain time, should inhabit in the Town.

[Page 324]Thirdly, That none of the Religion should keep any Protestant Servants, Men or Women, not born in the City within a limited term.

Fourthly, If any Maid or Widdow Married one of the Religion, they should not live in the City, if not born in it within such a time.

Fifthly, That none of the Religion one or other, if worth to the value of four thousand pounds starling, should live in the Town.

Sixthly, That no singing of Psalms, or praying to God by those of the Religion, should be suf­fered, upon pain of Imprisonment, and great pe­nalties. And as a Seal to all this his malice, he pul­led down their Temple without the Town, setting up in the place of it a Gibbet and a Cross, with this Inscription, Either the Cross or the Gallows; and after all this, upon an Order surreptitiously obtained, with eight days warning only, turned all the Inhabitants of the Religion out of Pamier, to the ruine of many Families, reducing them, who before lived plentifully, to Beggery, and to save themselves from starving, to the living upon the Charity of others. Many the like Examples might be given, as at Cere, Privas, &c. but that they are grievous to relate.

This Course it is probable had been followed in other places, but that it pleased God to put a stop to it by Changes in the State, which rendred the Reformed so useful, as procured them fresh Con­firmation of their priviledges; but though not­withstanding they were grounded upon the good service they had done the King, yet in the Year 1656. there being an Assembly of the Popish Church-men, which continued near two Years; they made it their greatest endeavours to stir up [Page 325] his Majesty to War against the Reformed, who but a little before had preserved him against the designs of the Papists for destroying of him. And to move the King to so ungrateful an undertaking, they, who are sufficiently lovers of money, of­fered him a great sum towards the War, second­ing their request with a large Remonstrance drawn up against those of the Religion, stuffed with false suggestions and Calumnies, presented by the Archbishop of Sens, wherein to the ren­dring of their Cruelty very observable, they make the Collections of the Reformed, for the relief of five or six thousand poor, hungry, and naked Christians, driven out of Savoy in the last barba­rous persecution, to be Criminal, although the King himself had in pity given them Dauphinée for refuge, ordering his Governours to receive and let them live, or at least weep and die in Peace, writing to the Dutchess of Savoy in their behalfs; and when Collections being made in England, Hol­land, Germany, and Switzerland, for them, even some (though few) Lay Papists, as I have heard, being moved with Compassion by a worse than cruel usage of them, contributed to their re­lief.

This Convention of Bishops not being able to bear the Kings Declaration in favour of the Pro­testants, ceased not working until they procured another from the King in opposition to theirs, dated the 18th of July 1656. premising that al­though the Edict of Nantes, made by Henry the Fourth, had been inviolably kept by the King without the least breach, until he had by Arms reduced to obedience those of the Religion which were revolted, yet having then deprived them [Page 326] of some priviledges which had been granted by the said Edict of Nantes, that the Edict ought not therefore to be otherwise observed, than accord­ing to the conditions and purport of the Edict, and Declaration made for the Pacification of the last troubles, whereby they not only overthrew at once all the priviledges granted them, and ma­ny times confirmed, but also set aside all repealing of all the Edicts, Declarations, Decrees, Rules, Arti­cles, &c. which had at any time been made against them, and likewise even that Declaration of the 21 May, 1652. which acknowledgeth, that the Reformed had given such large testimony and proofs of their affections and fidelity to the King, upon several occasions, especially in the late Civil Wars, meaning those from 1649. until 1653. that he remained fully satisfied with them, or­daining in consideration thereof, that they should be maintained in the full and entire enjoyment of the Edict of Nantes, and particularly in the free exercise of the Reformed Religion, in all places where it hath been granted to them, notwith­standing any thing whatsoever to the contrary; commanding the opposers thereof to be punished and chastized, as disturbers of the publick Peace, which had been enough to have stopped the mouths of any Bishops, had they not been desti­tute of all Justice, Gratitude, and good nature, and that Tyranny had not been natural to them of the Church of Rome.

Upon this, those of the Religion observing the design of the Bishops, to be the destroying of all their rights and liberties, presented a Paper to the King, humbly desiring the pure and simple execution of the Edict of Nantes, as that which [Page 327] ought to be the rule for the determination of all differences. To which the King gave for answer the 11th of April 1658. that he would send Com­missioners of the one and the other Religion to the several Provinces, to inquire after all innova­tions contrary to the Edict of Nantes.

Now the Bishops made it first their work, to keep out by their influence, any such number of Commissioners of the Religion, as might signifie any thing, and secondly imposed in all places where they had power, their own construction of the Edict, and where they had none, did it, or at least in a great measure by sending memorials of their own sense and understanding of the whole matter, to those Provinces, as Rules and Directi­ons for the Commissioners to act by.

Whilst Cardinal Mazarine was in being, who was honourable and generous, in a grateful re­membrance of the good service the Protestants did from 1649. to the Year 1653. in keeping the Crown upon the then young Kings Head, and re­storing of himself when the Papists would have turned them both out of Doors; the Bishops could not get forward in their design, but he was no sooner gone, than working upon the Prince of Conde's Discontents, being incensed against the Reformed, for adhering to the King, and not to him in the late Civil Wars, to revenge himself he did their business in his Government of Burgundy and Bresse, especially in the small County of Gay near Geneve, where in the Year 1662. he demo­lished all their Churches, they in that Country being near all if not entirely of the Reformed Religion, and his Brother the Prince of Conté, fol­lowing his steps, begun also to proceed severely [Page 328] in his Government of Languedoc, but was soon after prevented by Death.

At Rochell four or five hundred Families were turned out of the City, by a wrested interpreta­tion of the Articles at the reduction of that place, when to the honour of that Town be it remembred, there was not one Family (ac­cording to my Information upon the place) that would buy the Bishops favour, and therein a li­berty of keeping their habitation in the City at so dear a rate, as the Renunciation of their Re­ligion.

At Sedan another Protestant City, after a Je­suit who thought himself excellent at seducing of Protestants, and upon that confidence had sought the imployment, could not in some years, gain more to his Church in that place, than two men reputed Thieves, and one Woman a Common Strumpet, all which he bought with money; the Jesuits were then at my being there, brought in by force upon them, and part of the Revenue of their University taken from it, to give to them for a foundation.

It is probable that the like proceedings would have been at that time all over France, had not the difference betwixt the King and Pope then happening, caused (according to the Maxim of the French Court, who always indulge the Protestants in time of danger) a relaxation, the good and bad condition of the Reformed in France, depend­ing so much upon Peace and War, that without the latter, in which they may be useful to the King, they are always in danger of persecution, it being difficult for his Majesty, without such a plausible pretence, to resist the assiduous impor­tunity [Page 329] of his bloody Bishops, all the hard and unjust dealing that those of the Religion have met with since the Death of Mazarine being impu­ted to their restless malice, the King himself not being in his own nature inclinable to persecution, and the Queen his Mother, having been ever since the Year 1650. (when they did her such great ser­vice) thought to have had a kindness for them, upon the account of honour and gratitude, for that whilst she lived, the Bishops could not fully satisfie their inordinate and revengeful Appetites, but since her Death, they have prevailed and gone far in it, common fame rendring their acti­ons very unjust and merciless, in stripping the Re­formed of their priviledges, which they have as good right unto by Law, as themselves have to any thing they hold: but of the particulars, since the Queens Death, I can say nothing upon know­ledge, having been so long a stranger to the Country of France; but for further satisfaction therein, I refer the Reader to the late Printed Re­lation of the sufferings of the Reformed in France. And thus you have a short view of the conditi­on of those of the Religion in France, until the lat­ter end of 1665. or beginning of 1666. that the Queen Mother departed this Life, when notwith­standing all the contrivances against them, they were upon the multiplying hand as to number (in­crease being commonly the effects of persecution) and in a better Estate than many other Reformed Churches at that day in other Countries, where they had formerly flourished, as in Bohemia, Hunga­ria, Austria, all the Emperours Hereditary Coun­tries, beside in Piemont, where they have of late Years (in all these Countries) been severely used.

[Page 330]And now upon the whole, I cannot omit obser­ving, that although the Papists do impudently charge the Reformed in France, with being di­sturbers of publick Peace, and Enemies to the State, they were never the cause of any troubles, or ever rise in Arms, except either for the just defence of their Princes, or for Liberty of Con­science established by Law, having been always faithful to their Country and Princes of the Blood, without attempting rebellious subversion of the Government or removal of the Crown, as the Papists (upon slight discontents) have frequently done, and had probably several times prevailed therein, had they not been prevented by the valour and loyalty of the Reformed.

Secondly, That the Proud, Merciless, and Bloody Principles of the Papists, and their Bishops, are so contrary to the meek and peaceable spirit, which our Saviour crowns with blessedness, as may well detect them of Antichristianism, and give suffici­ent caution unto all people freed from their Yoke to be jealous of them, whose doctrine and practice is breach of Faith and Massacres, or (according to the Prayer appointed by King James and Par­liament, for the Fifth of November) whose Reli­gion is Rebellion, whose Faith is Faction, and whose practice is the Murthering of Souls and Bo­dies; which expressions were unhappily, as I sup­pose, forgot by our Bishops, in their framing of our last Service-Book.

A BRIEF NARRATIVE OF So much as is convenient to be published, of the most material Debates and Passages, in that pretended Parliament or As­sembly, Called by Richard Cromwel, and begun the 27 January, an. 1658.

THE over-ruling hand of Providence ha­ving upon the third of September taken away the late Usurper, whilst he was in possession of the Title of Protector of the Com­mon-Wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, his Son Richard was the next day, by the Council at Whitehall Proclaimed his Successor.

Richard (by the Authority thereof) did about three Months after, Issue out Writs for a Parlia­ment to begin the 27 of January following, and the people, who in their diffusive condition, are capa­ble only of obeying their Superiours, and not of [Page 332] disputing the Legality or Illegality of their Com­mands, made Choice of Members to serve in Par­liament, who according to their Summons Assem­bled upon the day appointed.

When they were met, the pretended Protector sent the Black Rod to let them know, that he was in the other House (for so was that Assembly called, which was intended for the House of Lords, and under that name it is in this ensuing Narrative mentioned) and desired to speak to them there; at which call, not above twelve or fifteen went out of the House, though more that were not come in appeared before him; at which time, he made (beyond expectation) a very handsome Speech to them, exceeding that which followed by his Keeper of the Great Seal.

Mr Chaloner Chute was that day chosen Speak­er, and after a Bill (left by the precedent Parlia­ment unpassed) was (according to Custom) read, the House adjourned until the next day.

Then a Gentleman was complained of, for af­fronting two Members, and he Ordered to be brought to the Bar of the House by the Serjeant at Armes. A private Fast to be held in the House, and the persons to perform the Duties of that Day were appointed; and a Committee for Ele­ctions and Priviledges being Chosen, the House Adjourned until the 31th of January, it being Customary, at the beginning of Parliaments, to give the Speaker a Day or two to settle his own Affairs, to the end that he may the better after­wards attend the Service of the House.

The 31 of January the Gentleman that affronted the Members, was (according to Order) brought to the Bar of the House upon his Knees, and for [Page 333] his offence Committed to the Tower, but in a few days, upon his submission, and at the Intercession of the Gentlemen abused he was released.

The first of February a Bill was brought in by one of the then Council, under pretence only of acknowledging the pretender to be Protector, but with such words couched in it, as had no less in them, than the admittance of the then Chief Ma­gistrate, and the persons then sitting in the other House, unto the full Power, Priviledge and Pre­rogative of the ancient Kings, and ancient House of Lords, which the Court Party designed to have carried undiscovered.

The Bill was read without much difficulty the first time, which incouraged those of the Long Robe, related to the single person, to press for the reading of it again the same day, to the end, that being the next day read the third time as was designed, it might then have passed into an Act; but in opposition to that, some who were more careful of the liberties of the people, than those of the Long Robe ordinarily are, moved, that according to Rule, in Cases of such weight, it might be referred to a Grand Committee of the whole House, and when that would not be gran­ted, that the second reading of it might at least be put off for some days, and liberty given in the interim to the Members, to take Copies of the Bill, that considering of the business, they might be the more prepared for the Debate; which was yielded unto, and the seventh of February appoin­ted for the second reading of it.

The state of Major General Overtons sad and deplorable condition was given at the Door, and at the same time the House was Petitioned by his [Page 334] Sister for a hearing of him by the Parliament themselves, which was readily granted, two Votes passing the same day in order to it.

First, That his Keeper should with all speed bring him, with the Cause of his Imprisonment, before the Parliament.

Secondly, That a Frigat should forthwith be sent to fetch him from the Isle of Jersey, where he was then Prisoner. The Court at Whitehall was troubled at these Votes, but the Army having a tenderness for their Fellow Souldier, they durst not oppose it, the Votes meeting in the House with but two Negatives to each, so that about six Weeks after, he was brought to the Bar of the House by his Keeper, who produced no Authority for his detainment, but a bare Command with­out any cause, expressed from the late Usurper Oliver; whereupon the Parliament Voted his Im­prisonment Illegal and Unjust, for which there were these reasons given upon the Debate.

First, Because no Chief Magistrate had never power to commit any person by his own Warrant, for that, as they said, should it be otherwise, the Subjects might be without remedy in Case of wrong done them, which our Law supposeth Free-born English men cannot be.

Secondly, In that there was no cause for his Imprisonment expressed in the Warrant.

Thirdly, Because according to Law no Free­man can be banished but by Act of Parliament, whereas sending Prisoners to Jersey, which was said to be out of the reach of a Habeas Corpus, was adjudged a banishment contrary to Law, and therefore he was Voted to be released from his Im­prisonment, without paying any Fees or Charges.

[Page 335]The fifth of February a person who had sat in the House some days, being found to be no Mem­ber, was for his offence therein Committed to Newgate, and not to the Tower, though accounted the Parliaments Prison; and that partly, because the Lieutenant, after the Examples of his Prede­cessors, exacted great Fees without any Autho­rity in Law, which the Parliament intended to regulate and prevent for the future, as being a great grievance; and partly for that upon inquiry, the Offender was found to be under some degree of distraction, which made his Imprisonment not above a day or two.

Upon the 7th of February (the day appointed) the Bill for Recognizing the Pretender, was read the second time, and the Debate begun; the Court Party pleaded the Instrument called the Pe­tition and Advice, made by one of Olivers Parlia­ments, as the foundation of his Title, but the Country party denied it to be a Law, and that not only from the inconsistency, lameness, and in­sufficiency of it, but also from the corrupt man­ner of procuring it, that Assembly that made it, being no Parliament but a Faction, in that the Members were never suffered to meet, but so ma­ny of them kept out by force, and that even by him that called them, as he judged would hinder the Execution of his will: besides, that at the Creation of the Monster, there was of four hun­dred and sixty Members which were chosen, but one hundred and four in the House; whereof fifty one were against it, and but fifty three for it, among whom were Scotch and Irish Members, who had no right to sit, but were Usurpers in making Laws for England; shewing further, that if Pope [Page 336] Alexander the sixth, Caesar Borgias, and their Ca­bal, had all laid their Heads together, they could not have framed a thing more dangerous and de­structive to the liberty of the people, than is the Petition and Advice in several particulars, as in setling so great a Revenue upon the Pretender, that a frugal person might in a few Years heap up all the treasure of the Nation in his own Coffers, and so bring the people to sell him their Land for mo­ney, as the Egyptians did theirs, in time of scar­city to Pharaoh for Corn; besides, that in giving the Purse of the People to the Chief Magistrate, they give away all the security they have for their Rights and Liberties, because having the Purse, he hath power to raise what Forces he pleaseth, and having that, all bounding him signifies no more, than binding a Lyon with paper Chains.

But the Court being resolved of no less than a Turkish Power, would suffer no strength of rea­son to prevail with them, to the making the Peti­tion and Advice Unauthentick; but as it had force for its original, so it must have the same in the allowance of it for a good Law; which pro­voked the Country party to demand a proof of the pursuance of that Law, in the Pretenders Election, and that his Designation was according to the directions of it.

But though this was pressed by persons of great Abilities, never any answer was given to it, the Court party knowing that by the strength of their Members they could over-rule the strength of rea­son; but those for the Country, taking the others silence in the point of proving the Designation, to be a granting that there was none at all, argued, that if the Election of Richard was void, and [Page 337] that Providence had prevented the Usurper Oliver of keeping to the Petition and Advice, in appoint­ing during his Life his Successor; the Law was thereby fallen to the ground, and all Government reverted to its original the people, who ought by their Representatives Assembled in Parliament to bestow it as they should think fit, which would then have been readily given by most of those then present, to the Gentleman in possession, if he and his Party would upon those terms have ac­cepted of it, as they refused it, lest by owning the Parliament to be the Creator of the Govern­ment they should own a power in them to destroy their own Creature when they pleased, which they were not for in Cromwels Case, though some of them had made the same thing the ground of their fighting in another Case.

This Debate, no man speaking twice to the matter, held eight whole dayes successively, in which time, great excellency and good affections appeared in several Gentlemen, in their Speeches for the good of the Nation, yet the best they could bring this Debate unto, was to conclude with the two following Votes, as previous to the Commitment of the Bill.

Resolved, that it be part of this Bill, to Re­cognize and declare his Highness Richard Lord Protector, to be Lord Protector and Chief Magi­strate of the Common-Wealth of England, Scot­land, and Ireland, and the Dominion and Territo­ries thereunto belonging.

Resolved, that before this Bill be Committed, this House do declare such additional Clauses to be [Page 338] part of this Bill, as may bound the Power of the Chief Magistrate, and fully secure the Rights and Priviledges of the Parliament, and Liberties and Rights of the People; and that neither this, nor any other previous Vote, that is or shall be pas­sed in order to this Bill, is or shall be of force or binding unto the People, until the whole Bill be passed.

This last previous Vote passed the House with­out any Negative, more than that of the Secretary of State; but the Courtiers no sooner knew the sense of Whitehall upon it, than from that time forward, they owned themselves such slavish Exe­cutioners of the Pretenders Will and Lust, that they never appeared in the least for the making good one word of it, though so necessary at that time for the good of the Nation.

During this Debate several Complaints were made reflecting upon the Court designs; as first, that the Assizes without President (upon no grea­ter occasion) were put off to the common wrong of the whole Nation, and therefore to the end that the people might receive no prejudice by the sitting of the Parliament (as the Courtiers were suspected to design, to the end to make them out of love with Parliaments) it was desired, that the Pretender might be moved to Command the carrying on of the Assizes; but the Courtiers be­ing resolved not to lose so considerable a part of their strength as the Lawyers, they would have the whole Nation to suffer in the want of Justice, rather than they would want one of their Mem­bers.

Secondly, That Whitehall had writ eighty Let­ters for the making Members of Parliament, [Page 339] many of which had had their effect. That Mr How­ard a Papist, had boasted, that at the instance of the Pretender and his Secretary, he had sent twenty Members to Parliament That several Tables were kept at Whitehall at the Charge of the publick, on purpose to debauch Members by great entertainments, all which were acknow­ledged and declared to be against the Orders of the House; and further, that it is so, for any Mem­ber, not a menial Servant, to do so much as to go to Whitehall during the sitting of the Parlia­ment.

After this the Secretary gave an account of Foreign Affairs, acquainting the House with a great sum that was needful, for defraying the Naval expences for this next Summer, which gave occasion to the Country Party, to bring on in be­half of the publick, a Debate concerning the Navy, wherein arguing, that as the Navy is part of the Militia, and the Militia the then right of the people Assembled in Parliament, and that without the Militia the Parliament could not make good their promises to the people, in bound­ing the Power of the Chief Magistrate, moved, that the House would appoint certain Commissi­oners for management of the Naval Forces.

The Debate for setting forth a very considera­ble Fleet to Sea, for the honour and defence of the Common-Wealth and Commerce, held not long, the thing being readily agreed unto by all parties, but who should manage the Fleet was a Debate of several dayes, and at last carried with a strong hand by the Courtiers, that the Pre­tender should have the disposal of it; all that the Country Party could get into the question being, [Page 340] that the making Peace and War should be reserved unto the Parliament.

Mr Portman a Prisoner in the Tower, was upon his Petition brought before the House, with the Cause of his Imprisonment, the Warrant to the Lieutenant of the Tower for apprehending him was produced, and being only from the Usurper Oliver, in these words, (viz.)

Sir, I desire you to seize Major General Harrison, Mr Carew, Mr Portman, &c. do it speedily, and you shall have a Warrant after you have done. The Parliament Voted his Imprisonment Illegal, Un­just, and Tyrannical, and freed him out of Prison without paying Fees or Charges.

This Vote troubled the Courtiers very much, some of them out of zeal to the reputation of their Idol (the deceased Usurper) opposing it with tears; but several other Complaints of a higher nature, as for banishments, and selling of Gentlemen to the Barbadoes came before the House, wherein they were hindred the doing of anything, for prevention of the like in the fu­ture, by their sudden dissolution, though an emi­nent Serjeant at Law was ordered to bring in a Bill for that purpose.

The accounts of the Common-Wealth was cal­led for, and a Committee appointed to examine them, and report the State of them to the House.

The House was called upon by the Country Party, to make good their Vote, for bounding the Power of the Chief Magistrate, securing the Rights, Liberties, and Priviledges of the Parlia­ment and People, and that as they had filled the hearts of all men with joy, in hopes of having [Page 341] their Rights ascertain'd, so it was moved, that they might not render themselves Juglers, in pro­mising what they never intended to perform; but to take the several parts of the previous Vote in­to consideration; and as bounding the Chief Ma­gistrate is first in order, so to begin with it. Yet such was the disingenuity of the Court Party, be­ing made up of Houshold Servants, Officers, Suit­ers for Offices, Lawyers (the corrupt part of whose Trade cannot be maintained but by a cor­rupt Government) Scotch and Irish Members, cho­sen by the Pretenders Interest, that no arguments of honour or honesty could ingage them to be faithful to their Country; such as were most open confessing plainly, that they were so far from bounding the Chief Magistrate, that they desired to give him as much Power, as any King or Prince of England ever had; but others more prudent, waved bounding of the Chief Magistrate, under pretence of first setling the Constitution of the Government, and so leaving the other dispute, and falling upon the Debate of that, after some days spent in it, it was at last Voted, that it should be part of the Bill for Recognizing the Pro­tector, to declare the Parliament to consist of two Houses.

After this the House was again put in mind of their duty to the people, and urged to fall upon bounding of the Power of the Chief Magistrate, which as it was first in order, so ought to have been first in Debate, but the Courtiers command­ing all by the strength of their Members, waved the Chief Magistrate, and fell upon the Consti­tution of the other House, in which some dayes were spent in disputes betwixt the new and old [Page 342] Royalists, the Common-Wealth men remaining silent, to see what the strength of the others brains would produce; the first was for the new Created Lords with a mixture of the old, upon such limi­tations as they might not overtop the new; the other for the old Lords with a mixture of the new, and for the full Priviledges of the ancient House of Peers; but after it appeared, that they could not make any thing of the Debate, neither of the parties daring to trust the other, the third Party fell in, and shewed, that where the Cause is taken away the effect must cease; and that as the House of Lords had antiently a natural Right to a superiour Jurisdiction, in that their Propriety was then three parts of four if not more of the whole Nation; so it is now more natural for the Commons to have that Superiority, their propor­tion of propriety being now near ninety parts of a hundred, as by the sale of the Kings, Bishops, Deans and Chapters, with Delinquents Estates, it might be Calculated, and therefore moved, that if they would have another House, it might be so bounded, as might suit with the peoples In­terest, whereupon they proceeded to the Debate of the bounds and powers of the Members sit­ting in the other House of Parliament, in which some days were spent, beginning

First, With making them Members but for Life. Secondly, With proving that the ancient House of Lords had no Judicial Power over Common­ers, nor other Jurisdiction than in matters con­cerning their own Priviledges, in Impeachments brought to them by the House of Commons, and in Writs of Error, more power being inconsistent with the Common Law, which is against Here­ditary [Page 343] Judges; for that the Lord of a Mannor by the Common Law, cannot confer the Stewardship of his Courts, upon any person for him and his Heirs Male for ever. Thirdly, With having the Mem­bers which should be called to the other House, first allowed and approved of by the Commons in Parliament before they be suffered to sit. And Fourthly, In their having Negatives but in some matters, and not in all. But after much time spent upon this subject, the Courtiers being the strong­er party, they most disingenuously laid all aside, and instead of bounding and approving of the other House, the bare question was brought on foot, whether the Members sitting in the other House, as then Constituted, should be transacted with or no, thereby to let them at once into the full priviledges of the ancient Lords: and to make it pass the smoothlier, a plausible Clause to save the Rights of the ancient Peers was added by the Courtiers, which they did only thereby to gain the old Royal Party, to join with them in that Vote, and not with any intent to let in the old Lords, they afterwards confessing, that the Rights of the ancient Peers could be nothing, so long as the Act for taking of them away was in being and Unrepealed.

Against acting with the Members sitting in the other House, as then Constituted, was alledged the inconsistency of it with the Rights and Li­berties of the people, which they had sworn to maintain, as,

First, Because they were most of them depen­dants upon the single person, by way of Sallaries or Offices, and so consequently his Mercenaries or Journeymen.

[Page 344]Secondly, For that the Militia both by Sea and Land was in the hands of the persons then sit­ting in that House.

Thirdly, That all the Chief Judges were Mem­bers, as the three Keepers of the Great Seal, the two Chief Justices, the Master of the Rolls; and that it might well be thought, that the Lord Chief Baron would afterwards be accounted as worthy to be one as the rest, and then the people in all Cases of Appeals, could do no more than appeal from the Judges in Westminster-Hall, to the same per­sons sitting in Parliament; and that the Chief Ju­dicature being in that House, and having the Mi­litia to maintain it, that House would have it in their Power to oppress the Commons as they pleased, and they left without remedy.

Fourthly, That all the Privy-Council, the Chief Judges, and general Officers, both by Sea and Land, being Members of the other House; the Lawyers and Officers enjoying Offices of profit (of whom the Body of the House of Commons would be made) would be the Creatures of the other House, and so make the House of Commons to be no better than Janizaries, and Executioners of the will and pleasure of those of the other House. But notwithstanding these, and many more excellent Arguments, incomparably pressed by persons of great Vertue and Abilities, the servile and mercenary Court Party would not be prevailed with, to bound and approve the Members sitting in the other House, before they put it to the Vote for transacting with them, which made the Coun­try Party immediately, as the question was com­ing on, to except against the Constitution of the House, as having sixty persons in it sent by Scot­land [Page 345] and Ireland, which had no Right nor Title to sit; which they brought in Debate to gain time, as being afraid to adventure the question for transacting with the other House, without first bounding and approving the Members of that House.

With this new started exception (which after­wards held fourteen days Debate) the House rise, and the next day Mr Chute (their worthy and im­partial Speaker) finding himself indisposed, and tired out with long Debates and late sitting, desi­red to be dismissed the Service; but the House having a great value for him, would not accept of his Resignation, but dispensed with his atten­dance until he should recover his health, by with­drawing into the Country or otherwise as he should think fit, and to supply his place in the mean time, Mr Longe, Recorder of London, was made Choice of. But it pleased God to put a pe­riod to the days of both these Speakers before the end of the Parliament, taking away the latter first, in whose room as still supplying Mr Chutes place, was Elected Mr Bamfield, Mr Chute being yet living, though he lived not to come any more unto the House.

The Debate concerning the Scotch and Irish Members came on, which run several ways; the Courtiers after they found the want of Law, made prudence their refuge, arguing, that for the ob­liging the Scotch and Irish Nations their Members ought to be admitted; to which was answered, that nothing could be more provoking to those two Nations, than fraudulently to give them the name of having Members in Parliament, when in truth by their late Elections, they had few or [Page 346] none, most of them being Chosen at Whitehall, whereof some had hardly been ever nearer Scot­land than Grayes-Inn. But beside this answer to the Courtiers Argument of Prudence, the Country Party argued against their sitting, as having no legal Title or Right to sit, and that without keep­ing to legal Rules, foundations could not be main­tained, for that otherwise, those that sent sixty now might send three hundred next time, and so make Parliaments of such number and temper, as suited best with their designs; and therefore moved, that the Members of both Nations might withdraw, and be after (if a way could be found out for it) brought in more legally.

But the Courtiers knowing, that there would be want of Law in the introducing of them if they should withdraw, would not consent thereunto; for being resolved not to part with any of their strength (though after they had served themselves of them, they intended to have cast them off) would have nothing to do with Law or Right; but whereas the question should have been, whe­ther the Scotch and Irish Members had any legal Right to sit, the words Legal Right were by a previous Vote thrown out, which then caused the Country Party (for preventing the main que­stion) to except against the whole Constitution of the Parliament, as (according to the Courtiers own Law) illegal, for that in calling of it, they ought either to have kept to the ancient Law of England, or to their own new Law (the Petition and Advice) But to the old Law, in setting up of Richard they could not keep, that affording them no Authority, and therefore as to his Election, they made the Petition and Advice their refuge, [Page 347] but durst not trust to it in calling of the Parlia­ment, because that placing the Elections of Eng­land most in the Counties where the Court could not rely upon getting in their Creatures, they had for the English Elections recourse to the old way of Burroughs; so that the Members for England had the old Law for their foundation, and the Pretender for himself, and his Scotch and Irish Members, a new Law (viz) the Petition and Advice.

The first being Chosen after the ancient way of England, and the latter after a new way. But Rich­ard pretending to be Protector by a new Law, had no power to call a Parliament otherwise than ac­cording to that Law by which he pretended to be Protector. For the Title of Protector, and the Constitution of Parliaments, were by the Petition and Advice made Relatives, which could not be separated; so that consequently, the Members for England not being called by that Law, by which he derived his power that called them, they were not according to the Usurpers own Law, either legal Members or a Parliament. For admitting the Petition and Advice to be a Law, then the ancient way of Elections was out of Doors, and if no Law, then Richards Protectorship, and the right of the Scotch and Irish Members were out of Doors. But although all this, and much more was sufficiently argued, to prevent the question and prove the illegality of the Parliament, yet the question was at last brought barely on, whe­ther the Scotch and Irish Members should sit or not; and by the help of their own Votes (who were, contrary to Common Justice and right rea­son, suffered to Vote in their own Case) it was [Page 348] carried in the affirmative, that they should sit in Parliament.

After this, the main question for transacting with the other House, before bounded or appro­ved (which had been interrupted by the Debate about the Scotch and Irish Members) came on again. It was endeavoured to get these words into the question, (viz.) The Members being first bounded and approved of. But they were thrown out by a Vote, and the bare question put, whether they should be transacted with or no, as then Constituted; all that the Country Party could get into the question, being, to transact with them during this present Parliament. And then by the help of the Scotch and Irish Votes (by whose number all questions were carried in favour of the Court) it was resolved, to transact with the per­sons then sitting in the other House of Parliament during this present Parliament.

The report of the Committee concerning the accounts of the Common-Wealth was brought in; by it appeared much bad Husbandry, and ill Government in the last five Years; several Offi­ces being Created to serve persons and make Creatures, without having therein any eye to the publick; in so much, that whereas at Cromwels Usurpation (reckoning the ready money in Cash, the Armies paid some Months in advance, and stores newly laid in) he found (all Debts allowed for) seven hundred thousand pounds (at least) before-hand, he was now (or at least would be before any money could be raised) according to Mr Secretaries Calculation, two Millions in Debt, so greatly Chargeable had his Jamaica Expedition, and joining with France against Dunkirk been. But [Page 349] it is to be presumed, that the Debt was made grea­ter than it really was, as a means to get the more money from the Parliament, not considering that their Argument from the greatness of the Debt for getting supplies, rendred the Government the more obnoxious.

A publick Fast throughout the Nation was Vo­ted, and a Declaration for the same ordered to be brought in, in the names only of Richard and the Commons; but the Court Party, to the end to ingage the transacting with the other House, brought in the Declaration in the form of a Bill, to be made into an Act, which caused the expence of some days, in debating in what manner and form to send it to the other House, for that the first transaction would be the Rule for the future, and in order thereunto it was Voted,

First, That the Commons would not shew the other House any other respect than they should shew to them.

Secondly, That they would send Members of their own to the other House, and that they would receive no Message from them, but what should be brought to them by some of their own number; and this was all the Votes of publick concern, that was carried by the Country Party, during the sitting of this Parliament; and yet the Courtiers, after they had Consulted with White­hall, were resolved to have unvoted, and made it null and void, as envying the Commons so much Equality with their new made Nobility.

After passing of this Bill, and nomination of the persons to carry it to the other House, it came under Debate, what Ceremony the Messenger should use at his approach to the other House, and [Page 350] what Title to give them. Mr Speaker, My Lord Commissioner, and my Lords and Gentlemen were all severally spoken to, but none agreed upon, the Courtiers haste being such, as would not let them stay the end of the Debate, but the person appoin­ted to carry this Bill (for the Fast) to the other House, going away before the House came to any resolution, was by his own Party advised, to give them no title at all, which directions he followed, and so left the Bill with them, which was never returned.

During this Debate, some exceptions being ta­ken at the unequal carriage of an eminent Mem­ber, he was accused of having had Conference at Whitehall with the Pretender, as that which was contrary to the Orders of the House. This Charge put the House into a great heat, some taking part with him, as others against him; and as the Courtiers were not only most in number, but also best at bawling, so they made the greatest noise, until they observed undeniable truth in the thing, and then, as the Party Charging was satisfied with giving a sharp reproof, so the Courtiers were glad to have it die.

Some deficiency was observed by the Court, in the Acts for forcing the payment of the Ex­cise, and therefore a Bill was brought in by one of that Party, under a specious pretence of set­ling it, but for such a certain number of Years as the Parliament should agree upon, whereas it was then perpetual.

This Bill after long Debate, was by the Coun­try Party laid aside, and a Declaration brought in by them to injoin the payment of the Excise during the sitting of the Parliament; owning [Page 351] clearly and openly their design in it to be, that if the Laws were not good, the ascertaining the Excise no longer than during the Parliament, would put a necessity upon the Chief Magistrate to let the Parliament sit, until they had done some good for the free-born People of England (for such was the appellation then used) and if they were good, the Declaration did not prejudice them, but as the Country Party laid aside the Courtiers Bill, so they laid aside the Countries Declaration.

The Parliament fell again upon the accounts of the Common-Wealth, considering how to retrench the Charges of the Government, bringing the disbursements not to exceed the income, raise present money for the Army by the Arrears ow­ing the State, and other ways (if possible) with­out laying any new Tax upon the people, which the Country Party would fain have had, but in this they were interrupted by the Courtiers, who brought on foot, First, To Vote all the Officers of the Army to repair to their several Charges. Se­condly, That they should not hold any meetings during the sitting of the Parliament, but with con­sent of both Houses and the Pretender. Thirdly, That none should be in Office, but such as would subscribe, not to interrupt either House of Parlia­ment in their Debates, &c.

These Votes were sent to the other House, where they remained unreturned. The next day the accounts were a third time fallen upon, but interrupted again by the Courtiers, who brought on foot the question where the right of the Mi­litia resided, with a design, First, To Vote it in the Pretender and both Houses of Parliament. [Page 352] And secondly, To Vote the Pretender General, knowing that in such Case, the Parliaments Inter­est in it, even during their sitting, would have sig­nified nothing, and after they were dissolved, would fall naturally to the Protector solely, because no other power pretending to it would be in be­ing; but in this business they could not come to a question that Night, though striven hard for by the Court Party, who was so eager upon it, that when it was desired, that they would but Consult the Declarations of the Long Parliament, and the Kings Concessions thereupon concerning the Militia, that so they might not rashly give away from the people, what the King had gran­ted to be their right, they would not indure the reading of them, lest they could not for shame inthrall the people after their eyes were opened, which they were resolved blindfolded to do.

The next day, being the 22th of April, the Black Rod came to the Door demanding entrance, the Serjeant at Armes, who should have done no more than acquainted the House that such a Mes­senger was at the Door, acquainted them with his Message (viz.) that by Order of the Preten­der, the Speaker of the other House, sent to the House of Commons, to come with their Speaker to the Pretender and them in the other House; which the Commons received generally with great indignation and scorn, some asserting with height and passion enough, that they were the Upper House; and so without receiving the Mes­senger, the House Adjourned until Monday the 25 of April, but the next day the pretended Pro­tector dissolved the pretended Parliament by Pro­clamation.

[Page 353]This is a brief Relation of the most material Debates of this pretended Parliament, many private, and some publick business of lesser con­cernment being omitted. And now upon the whole it may be observed,

First, That though the Courtiers when ever they could bring a question to the Vote, they had the Command of it; yet such were the great Abi­lities of the Country Party, that even by the strength of their parts and reason, they did for three Months together keep the Courtiers from setting the stamp of Parliament upon any thing, to the prejudice of the Nation.

Secondly, That all that Richard had to pretend to for his Protectorship, was a Proclamation signed by some of his Friends, Proclaiming him Prote­ctor, his Parliament, or rather the Assembly of the people called together in his name, having added nothing to his pretence, not having in the least transacted with him, and his Fathers De­signation not being proved, his Title to the Go­vernment, according to his own Law, fell to the ground.

Thirdly, That as the Court had by the advan­tages that follow the Authority of the Chief Ma­gistrate so packed the Parliament, that the over­ruling Vote was at their Command; so the per­sons of that Party were most of them of such servile and selfish Principles, that they knew no Interest but that of the single person and their own.

Fourthly, That all that the Country Party could do (though they shewed such Abilities, Industry, and Affections to their Country, as is worthy for ever to be remembred) was to keep off Slavery [Page 354] for a small time (in hopes that God would send deliverance) without power of doing any more good, than in sometimes getting a qualifying word into a question: For had the Parliament sat longer, the Country Party could not have preserved the Liberties of the Nation many Weeks more from the ruine that the Courtiers had de­signed; and therefore the Dissolution of them may well be looked upon as a great delive­rance.

Fifthly and Lastly, That as formerly in other Countries several Interests have been destroyed by their several endeavours to maintain the corrupt part of their respective Interests; so the downfal of this new Monarch proceeded from the same Cause. For would a moderate Power have sa­tisfied his Party, it had for the present been rea­dily given, those for the Country being so low in their hopes, that they would have been glad of any indifferent terms for the good people of this Nation, for whom many and deep Pits have been digged; but the Lord hath, and I hope ever will deliver them out of all.


Books Sold by John Wickins at the White Hart over against St Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet.

ROyal Pharmacopoeia, Galenical and Chy­mical, according to the Practice of the most eminent and learned Physicians of France, and published with their several appro­bations. By Moses Charras, the Kings Operator in his Royal Garden of Plants. Faithfully Englished. Illustrated with several Copper Plates. Fol.

Refuscitatio; or, Bringing into publick Light several Pieces of the Works, Civil, Historical, Philosophical, and Theological, hitherto sleeping, of the Right Honourable Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount Saint Albans. In two Parts. The Third Edition. According to the best cor­rected Copies, together with his Lordship's Life, By William Rawlegh, D. D. his Lordships Chap­lain, and lately his Majesties Chaplain in Ordi­nary. Fol.

The History of the Affairs of Europe in this Pre­sent Age; but more particularly of the Republick of Venice. Written in Italian by Battista Nani, Cavalier, and Procurator of St. Mark. Englished by Sir Robert Honywood. Fol.

The History of Barbados, St Christophers, Mevis, St Vincent, Antego, Martinico, Monserrat, and the rest of the Caribby Islands, in all 28. In Two [Page] Books. The First containing the Natural, the Se­cond the Moral History of those Islands, Illu­strated with several Pieces of Sculpture, repre­senting the most considerable Rarities therein de­scribed. Fol.

The Chirurgions Store house, furnished with forty three Tables cut in Brass, in which are all sorts of Instruments, both Ancient and Modern; useful to the performance of all Manual Ope­rations, with an exact Description of every In­strument, together with an hundred choice Ob­servations of famous Cures performed, with the Indexes. First, Of the Instruments. Secondly, Of Cures performed; And, Thirdly, Of things remarkable. Written by Johannes Scultetus, a famous Physician and Chirurgion of Ʋlme in Suevia. Octavo.

The Memoirs of Philip de Comines, Lord of Ar­genton. Containing the History of Lewis XI. and Charles VIII. Kings of France; with the most re­markable Occurrences in their particular Reigns, from the Year 1464 to 1498. Revised and cor­rected from divers Manuscripts and ancient Im­pressions. By Denis Godefroy, Councellour and Hi­storiographer to the French King, and from his new Edition of it Printed at Paris, faithfully tran­slated into English. Octavo.

The History of the Present State of the Otto­man Empire; Containing the Maxims of the Tur­kish Polity, the most material Points of the Maho­metan Religion, their Sects and Heresies, their Co­vents and Religious Votaries, their Military Di­scipline; with an exact Computation of their For­ces both by Land and Sea. Illustrated with divers Pieces of Sculpture, representing the variety of [Page] Habits amongst the Turks. In Three Books. By Paul Rycaut Esq In Octavo.

The History of France, under the Ministry of Cardinal Mazarine; Containing all the remarka­ble and curious Passages in the Government of that State, from the Death of King Lewis XIII. which happened in the Year 1643. to the Death of the Cardinal, which was in the Year 1664. Done in­to English by Christopher Wase. Octavo.

The History of the twelve Caesars, Emperours of Rome. Written in Latine by Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, Newly translated into English, and Illustrated with all their Heads in Copper Plates, Octavo.

A Relation of three Embassies from his Sacred Majesty Charles II. to the Great Duke of Muscovy, the King of Sweden, and the King of Denmark. Performed by the Right Honourable the Earl of Carlisle, in the Year 1663 and 1664. Written by an Attendant on the Embassies, and published with his Lordships Approbation. Octavo.

The Art of Chymistry as it is now practised. Written in French by P. Thibaut, Chymist to the French King. And now translated into English by a Fellow of the Royal Society. Octavo.

The Annals of Love; Containing secret Histo­ries of the Amours of divers Princes Courts. Plea­santly related. In Octavo.

The Loves of sundry Philosophers, and other Great Men. Translated out of French. Octavo.

The Voyage of Italy; or, a Compleat Jour­ney through Italy. In two Parts. With the Cha­racter of the People, and the description of the Chief Towns, Churches, Monasteries, Tombs, Libraries, Palaces, Villa's, Gardens, Pictures, Sta­tues [Page] and Antiquities. As also of the Interest, Go­vernment, Riches, Force, &c. of all the Princes, with Instructions concerning Travel. By Richard Lassels, Gent. who travelled through Italy five times, as Tutor to several of the English Nobility and Gentry. Duod.

The Present State of Holland. Duod.

The Art of Complaisance; or, the Means to oblige in Conversation. Duod.

The Present State of Italy. Duod.

The History of the Siege of Rochel, together with the Edict of Nantes. Octavo.

Rules of Health. By Sanctorius. Duod.

Temperate Man. By Lessius. Duod.

The Compleat Gentleman; or, Directions for the Education of Youth, as to their Breeding at Home, and travelling Abroad. By J. Gailhard, Gent. who hath been Tutor abroad to several of the Nobility and Gentry. Octavo.

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