No POST from HEAVEN, Nor yet from HELL: But a true Relation, and Animadversions, written, and sent as an Antidote, to all

  • Unbelieving Brownists,
  • Prophane Anabaptists,
  • Schismaticall Monsters,

And such like Incendiaries of the STATE.

Proving by Histories, Records, and Examples, That his Majestes Taxations have not been unusuall, nor his Government Tyrannicall, though falsely so imputed, invented, divulged and scattered abroad.

Collected by Sir ROBERT COTTON.

And now put to presse, and Dedicated to His Sacred MAIESTIE: By G. A. Gent.

Printed at OXFORD, 1643.

TO THE High and Mightie Monarch CHARLES, King of great Brittaine, France, & Ireland, Defend. of the Faith, &c. Wishing a glorious Conquest on Earth, and a triumphant Victory in He [...]

Great SIR,

APPELLES having drawn an exquisite picture, ambition tickling Fancy, set it to the view of Censure, and covertly concealed himself; Time, brought to light an Artist, more curious than A­cute, he sees, dislikes, Appelles mends, and puts [...] to the view againe; in short time after, he returnes, reviews, [...]nd still dislikes; Appelles marking his transcendency, and find­ [...]ng his imbecillity, dislodges himself and suddainly lets slip this [...]itter Curbe, Sutor ne ultra crepidam.

So, if I, Oh King, like to this unskilfull Artist, have presu­med, Icarus-like to soare above my pitch, and Phaeton-like to mount the Chariot of the Golden Sun; Let it, I beseech you, be im­ [...]uted to Error Amoris, which I am always bound to offer, and [Page] not to Amor Erroris, which I may not, I must not, nay, I dare not proffer.

Be pleased then, to cast your Princely eye, upon this undigest­ed lumpe of Virgins waxe, and do but grace it with one Royal smile, and then you Arme, and make him able to incounter with that triple headed Monster, base ingratitude, (at this present your Majesties greatest and heaviest enemy) but, could it infuse into me the strength of Sampson, I would tye those Foxes tayles together, (that go about to disturbe your Peace) and drive them into a Desert, where they should never returne againe, either to destroy your Corne, or hurt your Pasture; but, Oh my good wishes, fall short of my true hearts intention: howsoever this vigor it will adde unto me, that I shall neither expect the hopes of any, nor fear the votes of many; but merrily chant this Miscellany; Nec habeo, nec careo, nec curo: And so upon the bended knees of my heart, praying for your Majesties long and happy Raigne over us, I humbly kisse your Royall hand:

Your Majesties poore, and un­fortunate, yet most true, and loyall Subject. G. A.

NO POST FROM HEAVEN, Nor yet from Hell: But a true Relation and Animadversion, written and sent, as an Antidote, to all unbelieving Brownists, Prophane, Anabaptists, Schismaticall Monsters, and such like Incendiaries of the State, &c.

TO search for forraigne Stories, or to trace into the foot-steps of Royall and regall governements, of remote and farre Countries and Kingdomes, for proofes to make good my Assertions, unlese, I can by some of our own domestique, and authentique records and examples make them first appeare, were but Nodum in scripo quaerere, and would rather savour of too much curiosity, than give any true rellish unto verity.

My first intention therefore was to have both fully and at large set down all the exactions, impositions, taxes, and loanes, that have been, either by prerogative, power, or generall grant, ex­acted, leavyed, taken, and set upon this State, from William the Conquerors time to King Iames; But having sithence, propoun­ded to my self brevity, and to shunne prolixity, I will therefore only with as light a hand, and in as short a way as possibly I can, summarily draw up those, which do most concerne and conduce to this present discourse, and cursorily runne over the residue, that so the curious, and the carping may perceive, and the judici­cus and religious judge, that His Majesty hath not so far trans­cended [Page 2] his bounds of government, as is most scandalously, and most injuriously cast upon him.

2 Then will I, in a short Method, and very briefely compare His Majesties taxations, and theirs together.

3 And lastly, I shall compendiously touch those Exactions, Im­positions, and Gabells, practised, used and taken in forraigne States, and Kingdomes, that so these Sonnes of Belial, Those that have Jacob's voyce, but Esau's hands, whose broyling spirits doe nothing but fling fire-brands, and heap on wood, to set King­domes in combustion; those that are a nurcery of warre, a Semi­nary of Schisme, whose very thoughts are barbarous, and their actions bloudy, the children of darknesse, and the very spawne and off-spring of cursed Cham, may see their nakednesse, consesse their Errour, flye for covert, crave for mercy, and pray for re­pentance.

William the Conqueror.

ANd first to begin with William the Conquerour, who in the entrance of his Government, tooke of every Hide­land twelve pence, as due from the Subject to their So­veraigne, both before and since the Conquest, to defray such charge, as either the defence of the land from spoyle, or the Sea from piracy, should expose the Prince unto.

And it was called Danegeld, Gelda Regis, or Hidage; and was sessed by the Hide, or plough-land, like to that Ingrata per Iugerae in Rome; yet by no rate definite.

He also took other Exactions, (as the Monk of St. Albans saith) Sive per fas, sive per nefas: And into this list also of charge, he rack­ed the Bishops, & Abbots, seising upon them; and at their charge a proportion of souldiers for his service; exiling many worthy men, that opposed (as they then thought) his thraldome.

William Rufus.

THe next is Will. Rufus, who in the An. 7. set upon the Heads of so many as he mustered up for the French wars 10. [...] man, and so discharged them.

[Page 3] And in Anno the 9. he spoyled the Churches of their Orna­ments and holy vessels, and leavyed four Hidages of every plough Land, Tribut is Angliam modo, non abradens, sed extorciens. Ex antiqui­legibus Anglia.

And so wearyed with wars, taxations, and expence, Ne respirare potuit Anglia, sub ipso suffocata, quid jam non Regibus ausum, aut quid jam Regni restat scelus, in this Kings time.

Henry the first.

THen Henry the first, who in Anno quinto magnam a Regno exegit pecuniam. Hist. Gualt. Gisbourne.

And by this means, gravabitur terra Angliae opressionibus multis. Hist. Matth: Par. Hen. Hun­tingdon.

He took also in the 10. year six shillings danegeld; and the 17. year, Anglia fuit variis depressa, exactionibus, & bonis, sine pecca­to spoliata.

King Stephen.

FOr King Stephen, there needs no more, but the words of the Monk of Gisbourn, Post annum sext. pax nulla; omnes partes tor­rebat violenta praedatio.

Henry the second.

HEnry the second, alluding, and not unlike to the Feoda gi­ven the Erem ites in the decline of the Empire, as Sala­ries, continued the policy of his Progenitors, who allotted the land into such, and so many equall portions, as might seem compe­tent for the supportation of a Knight or man at arms, from whom as occasion required, he received either service or contribution.

This tenure, now esteemed a thraldom, began upon a volunta­ry submission; and therefore respecting their first immediate de­pendancy upon the Crown, which is a great part of the Kings honour, their duties and escheats a great benefit, and their atten­dance by tenure in war, at their nown charge, to the number of 60216. at the least, (for the Knights sees in England are no lesse) a great case and strength to his State; for they are Totidom hosta­gia, B [...]. [Page 124] as Bracton sayth, It were a thing perillous now to alter after such a current of time and custome.

He in the beginning of his Reigne took a Scutage, whereof there is no record.

But the second Scutage, which was in Anno quinto, amounted to 124 Millia Librarum Argenti, which reduced to the Stan­dard of our monies to 5. s. the Ounce; whereas that was not five groats, will amount to neare 400000. l.

In Anno the 7. Scutagium fuit Assessum, and duas Marcas, which if summed up, by the received number of Knights sees, being 60216. in the hands of the Layety cannot be lesse than 250000 l.Ex lib. Rub. in sc.

The like in the next year; and in An. the 11. there was an ayd of two pence, de unaquaque Libra.

And quatuor sequentibus Annis de singulis libris, singulas dena­rias was taken of all men, and their estates and full fortunes, be­ing delivered upon their oaths.Cerv. Do­rob.

And in the 14. year, a Scutage was assessed, ad marcam unam, de singulis feodis. Rub. lib. in Sc:

And in the 18. year, Scutagium pro quolibet Feoda. Hist. Rof­fens. Matth. Par.

And in the 35. of his Raigne, a tenth of all mens moveables was granted; In which dying 900. Millia libr. in Auro, & Ar­gento praeter utensilia & Jocaliaretulit.

Richard the first.

RIchard the first, in the beginning of his Reigne, besides Scutagium Walliae assessum, at ten shillings leavied, (as in the succour of the holy Land) a Subsidy out of all the moveables in the Realm to his owne use:Rub. lib. in Sc, Hist Matt. Paris. Et Eleeno sine titulo vitium rapacita­tis inclusit.

A Coutribution there was in his sixth year of 150 Millia Mar­carum Argenti, to pay his ransom, as also a Scutage assessed at 20. s.

And in the 7. year, he imposeth a contribution, called Tenemen­tale, extremity inventing, Nova & varia praedandi vecabula; and this was 2 s. of every plough-land from the husband-man, and from the gentry & nobility, the 3. part of their Militarie service.Ex Iohan. de Evers­den.

He enforced the Cistertian Monks, to redeem their Wools, sine Coriaria, assessed a Scutage at 20 s. and four years after of e­very plough Land 5 shillings, and of every Burrough and City.Walt. Co­ventry. Mat. Paris. [Page 5] Duos Palfridos, & totidem summarias, and of every Abbot, halfe asmuch; than loosing of purpose his great seale, proclaimed that, Omnes Chartae & Confirmationes, quae Prioris sigilli impressione ro­boraverat, should be void, whereby he drew from all men a com­position of their Liberties.ex Charta orig.

This fashion was afterwards taken up by some of, his succes­sors, exhist. Mat. Paris, pag. 29 as in the eleventh of Henry the thirds raigne, and therefore, some reason Richard had in the end to become a gatherer, that had not long before, by accompt of his Chancellor Hubert then Arch­bishop, spent Intra biennium undecies centena millia Marcarum argenti de regno Angliae.

King Iohn.

HIs Brother King Iohn succeeding, took in the first yeare of his raigne, a Scutage assessed at two marcks for the two next yeares, three shillings of every plough-Land;Rud. Cog­geshall, lib. Rub. in Sc. Rog. Hore­den, Matth. Paris. and the yeare following, besides a Scutage, the fourtieth of the revenues of the Clergy, and laity.

In the fourth yeare, he took the like Scutage, and the seventh part of the Moveables of the Barons, and Clergy; and in Anno quinto a Scutage assessed at two marcks.Lib. Rub. in Sc. Matth. Paris, & Rud. Cog­geshall.

The like in his six and seventh yeares, twenty shillings Scutage, and the thirteenth part of the Moveables, aswell of the Clergy, as the laity in the yeare following.

In Anno the ninth, he exacted by redemption of the concubines of the Clergy, a great sum; Rud. Cog­geshall Mat. Paris. and in the eleventh, (Extorsit tribu­tum grave) videlicet 140 millia librarum, à viris Ecclesiasticis & Clericorum horreum invadit.

In the 12 a Scutage assessed at two marcks, besides the exaction of 22000 l. from the Cistertians.

He took in the 13 yeare, a Scutage of 20 shillings. Rud. Cog­geshall, Lib. Rub. in Sc. & Math. Paris, hist, Minor.

In the yeare following, from the Ministers of the Church, 40000 marcks.

And in the 16 yeare, Scutagium assessum ad tres Marcas.

Thus, in the space of 17 yeares, was the State delivered but thrice from impositions.

Henry the third.

ANd now for Henry the third, there was in his time assessed upon the Clergy, Nobility, and Gentry, fifteen Scutages, one at ten shillings, two at 20 shillings, eight at two marcks, and foure at fourty shillings the Knights see.

The Land of the Inferior were twice taxed at half a marck the plough, and two tallages upon the Land of the Crown.Claus. anno 19 H: 3. & Math. West minst. Ex Stat. an. 4, ca. 17. dors. Claus. anno 16, H. 3, & Eversden. Ex li, Cant. Epi. Ex Eversd. & Paris

From out of the moveable goods of the lay Subjects, have been taken five times, as sometimes the fourtyth, thirtyth, twentyth, and fifteenth parts, and once the sixteenth of the Clergy, for this King.

He likewise imposed nine times a tenth upon the Church, six times for a yeare only, and by it self, once accompanyed with the first fruits, once for three yeares, and once for five, besides two Aides, the one Moderate, the other called gravis Exactio, and that worthily, if to the eight hundred marcks, imposed upon Saint Edmonds-Bury, all the other Abbyes were rated accor­dingly.

And by the accompt of William de Middleton, he received in the time of his governement, de exitu Scutagium, foure millions and 20000 l.

And, as in all the 56 yeares of his raigne, (excepting five) ei­ther the Church or Common-wealth were charged, with con­tribution and taxes; so were they grieved with other exactions, either for carriages, victualls, or personall attendance. Ex Eversd. Dorsis Clan, anno 16. H. 3, ex Walt. Gisborne. Eversden & Paris. ex li Chart. Cant. Epi. 8 H; 6 Parl anno 3 Ed, 1 & Rot; Claus, anno 26H: 3 Mat. Paris pa. 517 Dorsis Claus anno 14, H; 3, M; 8, & Claus 12, H 3, M; 2 Claus, an, 14 H; 3, au. 7 Claus. anno 16 H; 3 M; 11

For in his sixteenth yeare, the inhabitants of Winchelsey were enjoyned, ut providerent decem bonas naves & magnas.

And at another time, for twenty, Dunwich and Ipswich, five a peece, and all the ports proportionably at their own charge.

And in the same yeare, there was taken, and transported 100000 quarters of wheate, 5000 of oates, and many Bacons, the Church not forborne in those charges, for, from Winchester was taken 2000 quarters of wheate and oares, and 10000 of Bacons, the other Bishops and Clergy, bearing their charges of victuals, in the like taxations, comming, ut unda supervenit undae, ac si esset Anglia puteus inexhaustus.

And in the twelventh and fourteenth, the King levieth Soul­diers [Page 7] for his wars beyond Sea, collecting, Pro runcata sui, de sin­gulis duobus hidis curi; and to bring secum victualia and those that were dispenced withall, to contribute for victualls to those that went for fourty days, commanding the Sheriffes to sweare all, Ad arma &c. as were sworn in the time of K. Iohn his Father; by wth ordinance, all able Subjects from youth to decripit age, were bound to arme themselves and be in continuall readinesse (à sero usque ad mane) for so the record is to attend the Kings pleasure; and these men thus sworne to bring with them, Lericas, Ha [...]bio­ues, &c. and to such, as neglected, he sent out his writs, repre­hending at first, Iurgatoriae eo quod, &c. and after finding them, Rot. Finium 26 H. 3 M. 4. according to their abilities and tenures, as taking in Anno the 26 of William de Umfrevile 100 marcks, and so in proportion of ma­ny others.

Edward the first.

EDward the first, exacted from the Lands of his Subjects foure times Scutage, assessed at every time 40 shillings the Knights fee, and once an ayde, called Auxilium novum, which he farmed out for ready mony.

Out of the rents of the Clergy, he tooke a tenth part, twice for one yeare, and once for six, and the twentyth part twice from both the Provinces, and once for two yeares from Canterbury on­ly, and seised once into his own hands the possessions of the Pri­ors Aliens.

Of the goods of the Clergy, he took the thirtieth, fifteenth, and the fifth part once, the moity three times, and the tenth seven times, first, for two yeares, and then for three yeares, and once for six yeares.

Of the goods of the Commons, the eighth, the ninth, and the twelveth part he took once; twice severally the tenth and 11h, the Sessors being sworn to leavy and rate truly.Rot. Parl. anno 25 Ed. 1 Mem. 3 Sched.

Three times he had the fifteenth part, and once the moity of a fifteenth from the Clergy and laity together.

And this King had granted of the moveables a tenth, a fifteenth, and a third part of the Cities and Boroughs, besides a great loane on the seventh and eighth, and twice the sixth part from the Merchants, and a twentyth and seven portion, once of there com­modities, imposing a new custome of a Noble uponevery sack of wooll, which he let out to farme.

[Page 8] And under pretence of some breach of amity with those parts, whither his Merchants traded, he seised in Anno the 22. all the wools into his hands, and made of them instant sale to the best value, leaving them upon security to a short price, and a long day of payment.Rot. Vasco. anno 22 Ed. 1 M. 8

He took the same yeare to the distast of the Pope, and mur­mur of the Clergy,Rot. Vasco. anno 22 Ed. 1 M. 17 all the mony gathered In Subsidium Terre Sanctae.

And lastly, upon the persons of his Subjects, he imposed one tal­lage, sessed either in Communi, or per capita, and twice the like upon the Iews, whereof the one amounted to 5000 marcks.Rot. Vasco. an. 22 Ed. 1

Neither were his people freed from attendance in their per­sons, or exactions in their estates all his raigne; for there was but one yeare of intermission from continuall payments; for in re­cord, Rot. Parli. an. 31 Ed. 1 Exhist. Ioh. Eversden. there appeare his writs to the Sheriffes, as in Anno the 31 De peditibus eligendis de tota Anglia, and to be found by their se­verall Countries, calling his Earles, Barons, and Knights to per­sonall service, according to their Tenures.

Edward the second.

EDward the second, his Son, assessed upon the Lands of his Subjects, one or two Marcks at once, at ten shillings the Knights fee.

From the revenues of the Clergy, rated by the book of tenths, he at distinct times, took 4, 5, and 6d. in the marck, and once a fif­teenth part of the whole.

From the goods of the Clergy, a tenth for three yeares, and twice a loane from the Abbots and Bishops.

From the laity, (besides a tallage of their moveables) in Ci­ties and Boroughs, once a tenth, twice a fifteenth, and twice a twentieth part of their goods, besides a loane from the Commons, and ten shillings borrowed upon every sack of wooll from mer­chant strangers, and a Noble from others, Clergy and laity to­gether.Claus. anno 8 Ed; 2 M. 9

Of their goods a tenth, a fifteenth, and twice an eighteenth part besides a loane. Claus. anno 16 Ed. 2 Claus. anno 12 Ed 2

He augmented his Fathers new Custome, with an imposition of a Noble more upon every sack of wooll.

[Page 9] And in Anno decimo, because he was infinitam pecuniam effun­dere, he seiseth and increaseth an imposition upon all commodi­ties inward and outward, to an extream rate, & causeth the Com­mons in every shire, to lay down monies in deposito, to pay his Souldiers.

And took from the Nobility, and Gentry, a large contribu­tion, Rot. Vase. An 22. Ed: M. 13. in Sched. and seized Omnes lanas, & coria mercatorum, &c.

He charged the Ports, and Sea-Towns twelve severall yeares, Adcostos suos, & sumptibus villarum, (as the Record sayth) to set to sea in his service, ships furnished Armis & victualibus; some­times for one moneths space, as in Anno the 11.Rot. Scot. An. 11. M. 1

Sometimes for four, as in Anno the twelfth. Sometimes for seven. And Anno quarto, the number of ships, more or lesse oc­casion required.An. 12. M. 8: Rot. Parl. An. 4. Ed. 2. Dors. Claus an. 17. Ed. 2. M. 11.

And in Anno the seventeenth, Southampton was charged with six, and 180. Sea-townes more with ratable proportions for the Kings service.

And in Anno the 18. imbarguing all the ships that were in any Port,Claus, anno 18. M. 34. & Rot. Wast. M. 29. that were of 40 Tuns and upwards, or of 50 Tuns and up­wards.

And in Anno 2. causing the Town of Southampton to build a Gally for himself of 120. Oars; and commanding all the Sheriffs for provision of victualls.Claus. an. 2. M: 11. Claus, an. 6. Ed. 2. Rot. Scot. an. 1, 2, 3. M. 10. & an. 4. M. 5. & an. 9. Rot. Parl. an: 10. M. 12. Rot. Parl. an. 16 M. 3. Rot. Scot. Dors. An. 7. M: 8. Dors. Claus. an. 16 M. 3. Rot. Scot. an. 2, 3. M. 8. Rot. Scot. an. 8. Ed. 2. Dors. Claus: an. 9. Claus. 16. Ed. 2: M 7. Claus. an: 16: M: 20: Claus: an; 16; M. 11.

And in An. 1. 4. & 9. To provide De exitibus Comitatus ad certum pretium. Sometimes to the proportion of 3500 quar­ters of Corne: and many Bacons, as An. the 16. and to send them to the Kings Army; as also Carrecta, & Carra cum equis, & Bobus, out of every severall County.

Sometimes he made the Forts to send provision themselves, as An. the 7. and not to suffer any ship with victualls, Ibidem disca­riari; And herein, not sparing the Church, exacted the first three years, Fermenta & alia victualia from them.

Besides the former charges, the persons of all men, as well of the Nobility as meaner Rank, were at their owne charges often enjoyned to serve, as in the 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 16 of this King, when they were called singulatim; as well Knights and Noble­men, as such as held 40 pound land, according to their Tenures, subforisfactur. Terrarum, & Cattallorum equis & Armis sumpti. bus propriis, &c. And of this the Clergy were not exempted, as in Anno the 16. of this King.

[Page 10] And in the first three years of this King, out of one Town one, umptibus propriis, for forty dayes: As Anno the 5. one: Or for 16. days; as Anno novo one; or proseptem septimanis one, as Anno quarto. Sometimes a thousand in one Countrey, as Anno 3. Some­times an entire Army of 18300, as in An. the 11. And 48. thou­sand 800. at the charge of all the Countries.

And An. decimo quinto, London, sumptibus Civitatis, sound 500 men for 40 dayes. And the like An. the 18. Rot. Parl. An. 15. M. 19. Claus. an. 18. M. 13. Rot. Parl. an. 16. M. 27. Rot. Parl. an no 9. M. 21. Rot. Claus. an. 10. M. 13. & an. 16. M. 27. Rot. Scot. an. 13. M. 12. Dorf. Claus. an. 6. M. 28: Rot. Scot. an. 7. M: 20. Claus an 8. M. 30. Rot. Scot. an. 2. M 6. Claus. anno 16: M. 12. Claus, An. 15. Ed. 3. M. 14. Rot. Fin. an. 15 M: 16 Rot. Claus. an. 9 M. 1; Rot. Parl. An. 16 M: 12 Rot. Claus. an. 15 M. 19 Rot: Scot. an. 13. M. 1. & Claus. an 13. Memb. 10.

The King likewise commanded Anno the sixteenth, that all men of forty shillings Lands and upwards, should rateably send to his service Men: And Annis 9, 10, 15. and 16. that all jura­ti ad arma: or from 16, to 60. secundum Stat. Wincestriae should attend his service.

And An. the 13. enjoyned all from 20. to 60. armed and victu­alled at their owne charge.

And commanded the Sheriffs An. 6, 7, 8, 12, 16. and 18. to see all able men, that parati sint & muniti ad veniendum ad Regem quan­do vocati suerint; their weapons to be provided ad sumptus inco­larum; and themselves enjoyned to muster and traine every six weeks.

If any neglected his appoynted service, there was sent to the Sheriffs a writ De habendis illis coram concilio qui praemonitinon ve­nerunt in expeditione Regis, as An. quinto one; the parties imprison­ed, and their goods seised into the Kings hands, as An, the ninth and sixteenth; or else redemption by Fine, as the Sheriffs of Bed­ford, and Buckingham did their men, for six hundred Marks in Anno decimo quinto: And the owner of fourty pound land, at his first fault, was punished cum tertia parte bonorum; for his second, Cum tota residua; and for his third, fuit corpora eorum ad voluntat. Regis: and of Knights twenty pounds de qualibet Hida, as in Anno the 13.

I have the longer insisted upon this Kings Reigne, that tan­quam in speculo, we may behold the intolerable miseries and ex­actions charged and cast upon the Nobility, Clergy, and Com­mons in former time.

Edward the third.

EDward the third charged the Lands of his Subjects twice fourty shillings of every Knights Fee; and five pounds six­teen shillings of every parish: Rot. Parl. an no 48; Ed; 3; M; 10.And in the 48. of his Reigne, out of the goods of the Commons he took once the ninth part, and the fifteenth part of Forrests and wastes, twice the tenth, 13. times the fifteenth for one yeare, and twice for three years, and once the twentieth part of all moveables, and 30000. Sacks of Wooll.

Of the Burroughes and Cities, four tenths, and one for three years.

From the Temporall Lords, the tenth sheafe, Lambe, and fleece, who with the Bishops and Knights granted 20000 Sacks of Wooll, &c.

Of the Clergy alone one tenth, for foure years; besides a con­tribution in the twelfth yeare of his Reigne. seising the same yeare all the goods of the Clunny and Cistertian Monks.

Of the Church and Laity together, he received six times the tenth of all their moveables.

And from the Merchants and Staple, a Subsidy of wooll for three yeares.

Imposing in Anno the 33. sixe and twenty shillings and eight pence upon every Sack of wooll transported, which doubled the Impositions of his father, and grandfather, advancing it after for six years to 40 s.

And in An. the 38. (being the yeare he resumed his stile of France to 46. s. 4. d. the sack of wooll: taking poundage of all commodities six pence inward and outward; and joyning the Merchants for every sampler of wooll transported to return in 40 s. Bullyon in his Mint, himselfe becomming Merchant of all the Tin in Devon-shire, and Cornwall in An. the 12.Rot. Al. man. An 12. M. 7.

And in An. the 15 assessed upon the heads of his subjects a fine of four pence severally.

Besides, in Anno the 20. he took a Loan of all the Bishops, Abbots, Iustices, & aliis potentioribus Regnide diversis pecunia­rum summis, inter summas, of one hundred thousand and forty pounds.Claus. An. 20. Ed. 3. M. 22: in dors.

[Page 12] In the first yeare of his Reigne, he commanded all the Sea-Townes, Claus. all. 1. Ed. 3. M. 22. indors. to attend with shippes his service, sumptibus propriis, & auplici Eskippamento; and to provide them of 60. Townes, and upwards.

And in the yeare following, layeth the like charge upon 76. Port Towns, for all ships of forty Tuns, and more. Claus. an. 2 Ed. 3.

And in Anno the tenth the like at their owne charge; besides a contribution of money for payment; whereof the Officers are commanded,Claus. an 10 Ed. & Rot. Scot. an. 10. Memb. 9. Rot Al. anno 12. Rot. Scot. an. 10. M. 15 Ut eos per districtiones, et alias punitiones prout expedi­re viderint, compellant; enjoyning such Merchants of London, Qui ex transmarinis passagiis, lucra adquirunt, To furnish Ships for war at their own charge.

And in Anno the 14. the Cinque Ports set out to Sea thirty ships, and maintained them during the service, half at their own, and halfe at the Countries charge, eighty being furnished and defrayed by the out-Ports, and the Admirall being directed to Imbargue all the other shippes for the Kings service.

And although the Subjects found this an infinite grievance yet could they not, upon humble complaint in Parliament, receive any further relief, but that the King would not have it other­wise than before.Rot. Alm. anno 1. Ed. 3. Mem. 2.

For provision hee took of his subjects 19000 Quarters of Graine, 2200. Oxen salted, and 3000 Bacons;Rot. Scot. anno 10. M. 17. besides of other provisions an infinite quantity: and the like was very frequent all his Reigne.

The persons of all meaner subjects from sixteen to sixty he cau­sed to be armed in a readinesse, and the Gentry and Nobility, Rot. Scot. an 1. M. 2. Parl. anno 14. Ed. 3. supplying the King at their owne charges with seven hundred or eight hundred men at Arms, and two thousand, or three thou­sand. Archers: as An. the 14. with other proportions for divers yeares following.

And the Bishops ordered to furnish, Armis et equis competen­tibus; Rot. Franc. anno 46. so many as occasion required; So that seeing these things were so grievous and burthensome unto them, they in the 22. yeare of his Reigne complayned in Parliament of the miseries they underwent thereby; as of their ayds, advanced to forty shillings fine, that in Law should bee: but twenty shillings:Anno 21. Ed. 3. Their setting forth of men, and the Kings taking of their victu­alls without payment, the Sea left to the charge of their kee­ping. And from their Woolls by way of Subsidie, there [Page 13] was 6000l. yearly exacted without Law, (besides the lending of [...]onyes) and themselves restrained from transporting any, yet [...]ch was the necessity of those times, that they neither had re­ [...]resse of their complaint, nor the State one yeare free, or dischar­ [...]ed of contributions, impositions, and exactions all his raigne.

Richard the second.

RIchard the second succeeding his Grandfather, took of the Clergy and laity, once the tenth of all their Lands, and [...]hrice the goods of the Comm. the like entirely, and 6 times the [...]alf, twelve times a fifteenth, and 6 times the moity.Parl. anno 2 & 14 R. 2 [...]ui [...].

And had Anno the 21, granted one tenth to him, and a fifteenth [...]nd a half of either of them yearly for terme of life.

From out of the Boroughs and Cities, thrice a full tenth, and [...]nce a moity.

Out of all merchandize, he received three yeares six pence in the [...]ound, and once twelve pence.

And for every tonne of wine and such commodities, six pence [...]or two yeares, doubling it for as many, and trebling it for as many.

The custome of wools, rated by Edward the first, at a Noble a [...]ck, and under his Son increased asmuch more, was to this King [...]wo shillings and eight pence, which single for eight yeares, he [...]ad granted unto him, besides once for three yeares, and once for [...]ure, having after improved it to foure and thirty shillings and [...]ure pence the sack.

The sum of these Subsidies, in Anno decimo quarto, amounted un­ [...] 160000 pounds.

From out of the goods of the Clergy, he had eight tenths and a [...]alfe, and once out of them and the laity together, besides a loane [...] Anno quinto of 6000l.

By the Poll, or Heads of all his people, from above fifteen years, [...]e collected twice a contribution assessed proportionably from the Beggar to the Duke.

Besides, in strength of prerogative only, of every ship and fish­ [...]r man six pence.

The like of New-castle coales, and of every last of corne, in­wards and outwards the like sum.

[Page 14] He also took their horses, armour, and cattel, (hinc factus est subditis invisus, saith the Bishop of London) and so it seemed, for at his deposing, it was one of the objected Articles, against him.

He, the first yeare of his raigne, imposed upon his Subjects, as formerly his Ancestors had done, a personall service, as Anno pri­mo, that all the Clergy shall array, Armis & equis competentibus, from the age of 16 to 60. & eos millenis & centenis provisos facient.

Thus under grievous burthens, the State laboured continually for his treasury, being wastfully emptyed, was (as Tacitus saith) of Tyberius, scelere replendum, by which he meant the intolerable racking of the people.Tacit. lib. 2

And therefore crave to have his present Officers removed, and very hardly would be drawn any more to taxe themselves, but conditionally, and with this limitation, that their mony should be received, expended, and accompted for to themselves, and by Treasurers of their own election, and are content in the end to load his poore dejected fortunes, with the reproachfull weight of these their many burthens.Rot. Parlia. anno 1 H. 4 nu, 2

Thus, you see, this unfortunate Prince, first brought into want, than into contempt, and last of all deposed; a most remarkeable President, for these our times, had actions, and occasions, fitted opportunitie and intentions.

Henry the fourth.

HEnry the fourth, in 13 yeares, out of the Lands of his people received twice relief, once Auxilium de medietate feodorum and againe, a Noble out of every twenty pounds, throughout all his Realme.

Out of the goods of the Commons, foure times a tenth, be­sides one for three yeares, and the like one and a half for two, and for three yeares, a poundage at eight pence once, and foure times twelve pence, whereof the last was for foure yeares.

The like number and yeares of the tonnage, the first only rated at two shillings, the rest at 4 shillings the tonne. Out of the mo­veables of the Clergy, thrice a tenth, and twice a moity.

As also out of every Stipendary Minister, Fryer, and such manner of persons six shillings and eight pence a piece.

[Page 15] Besides all these, of all he took Anno octaevo, a contribution, It a gravia, that it was granted, Ea conditione, ne trahatur in exem­plum, & ut eandem post datum computum cremareutur. Hist. Thora, Walsingh.

Henry the fifth.

HEnry the fifth his Sonne next succeeded him, in whose nine yeares raigne, I find no charge imposed upon the Lands of his Subjects.

Out of the goods of the Commons, he received six times the tenth and a fifteenth entirely, and once 2 thirds of Staple. Wares, once for soure yeares, and after for life.

Three shillings tonnage and twelve pence poundage, thrice he had the tenth of his Clergy.

And in the eighth yeare of his raigne, when the Chancellor be­wailed to him in Parliament the feeblenesse and poverty of the people, he, who of as many attempts as he undertook, Totidem fecit Monumenta Victoriae, yet for redresse, and ease of those mise­ries, as Livy saith of an excellent Souldier, pacem voluit, quia vincere potuit, and left in the ninth yeare of his raigne, a peaceable succes­sor and heire.

Henry the sixth.

HEnry the sixth, Nimium foelix malo suo, as the event pro­ved; for retaining paternae Majestatis, nihil praeter spe­ciem nominis, By feare, and facility laid the way open to his facti­ous and ambitious kindred, to work themselves into popular fa­vour, and himself into contempt, which was soon done by leading the easy King by expence into extremity.

For, besides the resumption, he took on his own and his Fa­thers grants, which was of purpose plotted to make a consump­tion of duty, and affection towards him, he, out of the old in­heritance of his Subjects, exacted six pence in the pound, in Anno the 14 and doubled twice that valuation, not onely of all Lands purchased from the entrance of Edward the first, but all free-hold and copy-hold, under 200l. and two in twenty of all above.

He further imposed, first 6s. 8d. and then 20s. upon every Knights fee.

[Page 16] Out of the goods of the Commons, he had six tenths, where­of, one for three yeares besides three moities, and one third of fifteens, three halfes, one third, and eighth entire.

Besides these former, out of the wools he had 37 thousand, 1071 raised by a moity of a tenth.

And againe, of all goods 6 shillings and 8 pence in the pound of the merchants. Of Subsidies, rated as in former times, he had then by grant, once, but for a yeare trebled; for three and a half this Subsidie was advanced to 33s. and 4 pence of denizens, and 53s. 4 pence of Aliens.

Besides a Subsidie, a loane of Aliens goods, tonnage, and poun­dage, improved to 6 shillings and eight pence. He took in his 18; yeare, and after the rates of his Fathers time, he took it first, thrice 10 yeares, then, as often for two yeares, and againe by a new grant for five yeares, and in the end for terme of his life.

Of the Clergy, he had besides one half of Dismees, foure en­tire tenths, and by the State in generall in Anno the 31. of Hen. 6. Anno 3i H; 5 2000 Archers maintained for half a yeare at the Common charge.

By the Poll, he exacted in Anno the eighteenth of every mer­chant stranger, if an housholder 16 shillings a piece, if none six shillings.Anno 18 H; 6

And in Anno the 27; 6 shillings 8 pence of every such stranger, Anno 27 H; 6 and 20d. of their Clerks.

In Anno the 13, he had granted for terme of his life 10l. a yeare of all inhabitants, meere denizens, and 20s. of every stranger mer­chant that came into the Land.Anno 13 H; 6

The first Monopolies I find, were grounded upon the extremity of these times.The first Monopolies

For in Anno the the 29, th Spinalloes Merchants of Genoa had by grant for 8 thousand pounds, the Sole trade of many Staple commodities, as the merchants of Southampton had all Allome for the same summe.

Thus was this unhappy Princes Raigne all war and waste, and in the end, as one saith of Lepidus, A Militibus, & à fortuna de­seritur, [...] Patereu [...] [...] he was left a while to a disgraced life, Spoliata quam tueri non poter at dignitate, A wofull example, and still fresh bleeding in our memories.

Edward the fourth

EDward the fourth, besides two Resumptions, not onely of the grants of such Kings, as he accounted de factor: and not de jure to reigne: But also of those made by himself, a sea of pro­fit, that by infinite attainders flowed dayly into his Treasurie, took not withstanding of the Lords spirituall and temporall one­ly a tenth of their yearly possessions, and of the Commons six tenthes, three quarters, and the like proportion of fifteens.

A Benevolence in An. the 14. which Fabian calleth a new con­tribution, and chargeth them in An. the 12. with the wages of his Archers, to the sum of 51117. l.Chron. Fa­bian Rot. Parl. anno 12. Ed. 4. nu. 8.

Of the Merchants he took Tonnage and Poundage, for terme of life; Besides of Merchants, as well Denizens as strangers a Subsidy, the two and twentieth of his reigne, leaving his king­dome in the next, to the few dayes of his sonne.

Edward the fifth.

FOr, Ostendunt Terris hunc tantum fata; nec ultra esse sinent.

Richard the third.

RIchard the third his Vncle succeeded, homo ingeniosissimèe ne­quam, & facundus malo publico; full of art to beguile the peo­ple; he to make a just semblance of his unjust entry, besides his act of Parliament full of dangerous untruthes, dissembled the part of an excellent Prince, making the Commons believe by a statute, to which he gave first form of life, discharged them for ever of all exactions, called benevolences; so that in all his short and wicked reigne I find recorded but once any taxe upon the people, and that was tenths granted by the Clergy of both Pro­vinces.

Henry the seventh.

HEnry the seventh succeeding, resumed in the third of his Reigne, most of the grants of Offices made by his brother, and assessed upon the Lands, onely of his Subjects, but one ayd, in Anno the 19. out of their goods and lands, a tenth peny, and fifteenth, arising to the sum of 120000.

He took three Subsidies, whereof the last was not above 36000. pounds.

And one benevolence, and an entire sum of the City of Lond. of 9688. l. 17. s. 4. d.

Of the Clergy he had twice the tenth and 25000, pound, by way of Subsidy, and of them and the Commons two Loans, the City of London rated at 6000. l. the other not definite in pro­portion, Ex litera missa. Aba­tistae Bar­king manu regis H. 7 Ex lib. A­quiet inter regem & Dudley but so assessed, as the Commissioners and the Lenders could agree, &c.

But that whereby he heaped up his Masse of Treasure: for he left in Bullion four Millions and a halfe, besides his plate jewels, and rich attire of house, was by sale of Offices, Redemption of penalties, dispensing with Lawes, and such like, to the yearly va­lue of 120000. l.

Henrie the eighth.

HEnrie the eighth his successor, reaping the fruit of his Fa­thers Labour, gave ease of burthen to his Subjects, his first two yeares, taking within the compasse of his other thirty foure, three tenths of the Commons, foure fifteens, six Subsidies, whereof that in An. quarto amounted to 160000 l. And that in An. the 7. to 110000. l.

Tonnage he had and poundage also, besides many other taxati­ous, loans, and benevolences, which I here purposely omit, be­cause I hasten to an end; I will therefore touch two of the most remarkable; and those were taken by strength of prerogative also, &c.

The one was that in Anno the 17. acted by Commissioners, who as themselves were sworn to the service: so were they to [Page 19] sweare all those with whom they did conferre or contract, the rates directed by instructions, as the thirds of all goods, Of­fices and lands above ten pounds, and the fourth under.

The other about An. the 36. Exacteth out of all goods, Offices, and lands, from 40 pounds to twenty, eight pence in the pound: and of all above twelve pence in the pound.

And amongst the many Loans, there is none more notorious than that of the 14. which was ten pound in the hundred, Ex instruct: orig. an. 14. H. 8. of all goods, jewells, utensils, and Land from twenty to three hundred pounds, and twenty Marcks of all above, as farre as the Subjects fortune revealed by the extremity of his oath would reveale.

And to the Revenues of his Crown, he added a masse of trea­sure, by an inhumane spoyle of sacred Monuments, and impious ruine of holy Churches, if Gods blessing could have accompa­nyed so foule an act.

Edward the sixth.

EDward the sixth his sonne, besides Tonnage and Poundage for life, in Anno the 1. received of his Lay subjects six fif­teens; and of both three Subsidies, leaving one of the tempora­lity ungathered with his sister.

Queen Marie.

QVeen Marie remitted in Anno primo of her Reigne, yet was she inforced to presse upon her people; and besides the Loan in Anno 1. for terme of life granted unto her by Par­liament, shee laid an imposition of six shillings eight-pence upon Wines; and a new imposition upon French Wines, and took besides five fifteens of the Commons: and of them, and of the Clergy three years Subsidies.

Queen Elizabeth:

QVeen Elizabeth her Sister, of happy memory succeeding, besides divers Loans of her people, and others in forraign parts, with the imposition upon cloathes and French wines, had by grant of her subjects thirty eight fiftteens, twenty Subsidies, of the Commons, and eight and twenty of the Clergy: All which together rose to a summe of two Millions and 800000. pounds.

Thus having at the last drawne downe the many and mighty pressing burthens of this Common-weale, which were, and have bin taken, either by prerogative power, or by general grant, I hope by this time you perceive that His Majesties Taxations are not, nay have not beene so frequent or usuall, so many or in­tolerable; nor yet, either in quantity or quality to them in any degree comparable.

Let us then see, in what or wherein His Majesty hath trans­cended: or wherein, or by what meanes those few (compared to this multitude) should lye so heavy, and be such a gnawing corrosive unto the subjects heart, that he, and he alone of all his Predecessors (excepting two and they had Competitors) must be by these fire-brands of strife, and the very tempests of sediti­on, thus hatefully detracted; scorned and vilified.

Is it for Tonnage, or Poundage? why that was taken by Edw. the second, Edward the third, Henry the fourth, Henry the fifth, Henry the sixth, Edw. the fourth, Henry the seventh, Henry the eighth, and Edw. the sixth.

Is it for ships, or ship-money? why that was taken likewise by Wil. the Conquerour, Ed. the second, Ed. the third, and Rich. the second.

Is it for Monopolies? why that was first invented by Henry the sixth, and so hath since continued.

Is it for [...]essing all men by the Poll, or head? why that was done by Edward the first, Richard the second, and Henry the sixth.

And yet I pray you, understand how it came to him, and observe the cause that first drew him into this want, and thus ex­hausted [Page 21] his Treasure, it was by reason of our good Brethren of Scotlands rising, (mistake me not, for I do not meane their flesh­ly, but their spirituall rising) who, like the Ammonites and Moa­bites were to the children of Israel, so were they at that present to us, like Thornes in our eyes, and Goads in our sides.

And thus, you see how far short his Majesty is, or hath been of his Predecessors to lay unusuall, and unheard of taxations upon us; their little fingers having been heavier to them, than hitherto his Majesties loines have been to us.

If then Hidage and Scutage, corne, wooll, fleece, lambe, and other provisions; if tonnage and poundage, if ships, shipping, men, and monies, if fessing by the Parish, by Cities and Bo­roughs, by Cenementale, or per Capita hominum, from the Beggar to the Duke, if new Aides and Monopolies, if the twentieth, thir­tieth, fourtieth, fifteenth, thirteenth, twelfth, tenth, ninth, eighth, seventh, fifth, and a third part of our Estates, goods, lands, and moveables; if these, I say, and many other grievous and hea­vy impositions, and Burthens (as yet by him unpractised) have been heretofore frequently and usually taken, and leavied, aswell by prerogative power, as generall grant; how then can his Ma­jesties taxations be accompted unusuall, his proceedi illegall, and his governement tyrannicall.

Hath he pawned the Imperiall Crown of the Land, as Ed. the 3. and Hen. the 5 did.

Hath he laid to gage his royall Robes and Kingly ornaments, as Hen. the 3. did.

Hath he to repaire the breach of his own revenues, resumed the possessions of his people, as Ed. the 2. R. the 2. Hen. 5. Hen. 6. Ed. 4. and Hen. the seventh hath done.

Hath he of purpose, lost his great Seale, thereby inforcing you to buy your Liberties, as Rich. the first did.

Hath he alienated, or sold the possessions of the Crown, as H. the 3. Hen. the 8. and Queen Elizabeth did.

Hath he done these things, is he guilty, or can he be justly char­ged with them, if not, seek ye not then to manacle his hands, or tye his feet in fetters, because it is unlawfull to touch the Lords annointed; and do but remember that he is our King, a man, and no God.

But put case be hath, why, when neither frugality, or sale of Lands, would stop the gulfe of want; our Princes have been so [Page 22] neere beset, as with N [...] and Anthonius the Emperors to sell and pawne their Iewels, as for example:

The Archbishop of York had power from Hen. the 3. in Anno the 26. (he then being in Wars beyond Sea) Impignorandi, Joca­lia Regis, ubicunque in Anglia, pro pecunia perquirenda.Rot. Parl. anno 26 H; 3 M; 1 Rot. Parl. Claus. anno 2 Ed. 1 M; 7 Parl. anno 3 H; 4

Edward the first sendeth Aegidius Andevar, Ad Iocaliasua impignoranda.

Hen. the 4. in Anno the 3. to a Merchant for mony, Invadiavit Tabellam, & Tressellas suas Argenteas de Hispania.

Hen. the 6. gageth and selleth to the Cardinall of Winchester, and others, in Anno the 10. many parcels of his rich Iewels.Parl. anno 10 H; 6 M; 13.

And the late Queen Elizabeth, in the end of her days did the like, to ease her Subjects with many in the tower.

And yet me thinks, I heare some whisper in mine eare, and say, that his Fathers funerall, and his ingagements left in his owre Royall Marriage, and the Queens entertainement, his Princely Childrens Births, and their Royall Educations, his Sisters cala­mities, and his Nephews infortunities, his Ambassadors sending, and Ambassadors comming, the repaire of the Queen Mother, and her sending away, (a Sea of treasure this way exhausted from him) are sufficient Arguments herein, (if there were none other as there are many) to clear his actions and innocency, and utterly condemne their malice and impudency.

And thus having, I hope, fully cleered this point by our own examples and authorities, let us, I pray you, throw our selves a little further, and observe, and marke the State, practise, and go­vernement of forraign Nations herein, and it will expresse a little more life, and add a true lustre to it.

And first, to begin with the Romans when they had gained the Monarchy of the world, so, as all Kingly power did rest in their Emperor.

Julius Caesar.

Julius Caesar laid the first imposition upon forraigne merchan­dizes (saith Suetonius) and that imposition was, Octava rerum pars, which is more by a fifth part, than our highest imposition in England, for it is 2s. 6 pence upon the pound.

Augustus Caesar.

Next, Augustus Caesar, about the time of our Saviours Birth, sent out an Edict, whereby he did taxe all the world, and that taxe was Capitatio, or an imposition super Capita hominum, though the certainty thereof doth not appeare, but the Poll mony, which our Saviour himself did pay, and wrought a miracle to pay it, seemeth to be a high imposition, for the piece of mony taken out of the fishes mouth, which is called a Dedrachma or Stater, is said to be worth 2s. 6d. sterling, which being for himself and Peter, that is 15d. sterling was given for a Poll, which must needs a­mount to an infinite thing, if it were collected out of all the world, then subject to the Roman Empire.


Then Tyberius, who succeeded Augustus, took the 100 part of the price of all things bought and fold within the Empire.


After him Caligula the Emperor laid an imposition upon all Suits in Law, and took the fortiet part of the things sued for, set a price upon the Plaintive, if he compounded, or were non-suited; and set a taxe upon every Marriage contracted, or made within the whole Empire.


Vespasian took more meaner, and homelier matters, for he took by way of imposition, a part of every poore mans labour, and Beggars Almes, and likewise set an Impost upon Vrine and plea­sed himself with this Apothegme, Dulcis Odor lacri, ex re qua­libet.


Severus the Emperor did impose upon the dishonest gaine of the Stews, and took a part of the prostituts hier, ( [...] the Bishop [Page 24] of Rome doth at this day) and all the Emperors before Tr [...], took the twentieth part of all legacies, and Lands, descended as things unlookt for, and therefore the Heires and Legatories might spare a part thereof.


Nicephorus, one of the Emperors of the East, did not only take (Fumaria Tributa) smoake mony out of every chimny, but he laid an imposition upon every mans estate, that grew suddainly rich upon a strong presumption, he had found some hiden trea­sure, which did belong to the Emperor by prerogative.

I could with a little more search, finde out other impositions of severall kindes, set by the Ancient Emperors upon the Heads of Beasts, upon the Tyles of houses, and upon every pane of glasse in windows; but let this suffice, how high they estee­med, and how farre they extended their prerogative in point of impositions.

I come now to the Kings and Princes of other Countries round about us, and let us see whether they have not, or do not make more profitable use of their prerogative than his Majesty hath done.


And first for France, the most ancient and chiefest of the Neighbour Kingdomes, the impost, not only upon Merchandizes, but also upon Lands goods and persons within the realme, are so many in number and in nature, so divers as it is a paine to collect them all.

La Tallie, Le Tallon, Les Aides, Les equibolents, Les equipo­lents, Les Crues, or Augmentations of divers kindes, Le Tropi, or Benevolence, La Gabelle, upon Salt, amounting to an excee­ding great value, the impost of Wines, Le haulte passage, or de­maine Forraigne, La Marchandises, exported, Le solid de cine­quantes, with many other, which for brevity I passe over, that are laid and leavyed upon the Subjects, by the absolute power and prerogative of the King.


The next is Spain, where there is a generall Imposition, by the name of Alcavala, imposed aswell upon the Nobility as the Com­mons, which was at first raysed by Alphonsus the twelfth, to ex­pell the Moors; but afterwards it was made perpetuall, and is now a principall part of the Royall patrimony.

Guttieres de Gabellis: this imposition was at first but the twen­tieth part; but afterwards it was raysed to the tenth part of e­very mans estate, which doth farre surmount the highest impo­sition that ever was layd in England by the Kings prerogative, without consent of Parliament.

This Alcavella is an imposition within the Land: but the im­position upon Merchandizes exported and imported are farre more higher; for upon the In-gate of Indian spices into Portu­gall the King of Spaine laid the greatest rates that ever were set in Christendome: although upon the out-gate they were more moderate.


In Italy the Impositions and Gabell set upon every kind of thing by the States and Princes there, are intollerable; and in e­speciall, upon the Towns and Territories that are subject to the great Duke of Tuscany, where there is not a root nor an herbe, nor the least thing that is necessary for the life of man bought or sold in any Town, but there is a Gabell or Imposition payd for it, where no Inne-holder, Baker, Brewer, or Artificer can exer­cise his trade, but the great Duke wil share with him in his gain, where no man can travaile by Land or by Water, but at every Barge, at every Ferry, at every Wharf or Key; and at every gate of a Town, the Gabeller arrests him; and is ready to set upon him naked, to search what goods he hath about him, for which he ought to pay a Gabell.

The Popes Territories.

In the Popes Territories, the impositions which his Holi­nesse doth lay upon his Subjects, as a temporall Prince, are as ma­ny and as heavy as those that are leavyed by the Duke of Tus­cany.

I will therefore omit to speak of the Exactions of the Court of Rome, which are infinite and in another kind, which long lay heavy upon all the Western Countries of Christendome, untill of late yeares some nations did free themselves thereof, by rejecting the yoke of the Bishop of Rome.

The Seigniorie of Venice.

In the Seigniory of Venice, the Gabells upon the Land are more moderate; than in other parts of Italy, wherein they ob­serve a profitable and politique course; for upon the commodi­ties of other nations, which are of goods in their Common-wealth, they lay the easier impositions, sometimes five, sometimes seven, sometimes ten in the hundred; and upon all Manufactures imported out of other Countries, they do lay fifteen shillings of the hundred, which doth exceed the highest imposition in Eng­land five in the hundred at the least.

The grand Seignior of Turkey.

The grand Seignior of Turkey doth impose sometimes ten, sometimes twentie of the hundred upon Merchant strangers, who trade into the Levant. And I could speak of his other Ex­actions and impositions upon his vassalls; But, that I think it not meet to compare that Regions Tyrant with the States and Princes of Christendome.


I could speak of the great Toll which the King of Denmarke taketh of every ship, that passeth into the Sound, whereas the King of England being the undoubted Lord of the narrow seas, might take the like Toll, and by the same right of prerogative, if it pleased him.

The Low-Countries.

And last of all, for the Low-Countries, those Impositions which they call Excises payd by the Retailor of Wines, and o­ther Commodities, and not by the Merchant are the highest, and heaviest in all Christendome (yet grow they rich, and there­fore to draw, trade, and to invite all nations to commerce with them; and so to make their Countrey a staple, store-house, or Magazine for all Europe; They doe set, but easie rates upon Mer­chandizes imported; but when they have once gotten the com­modity into their Countrey, if any Merchant or other will export the same againe, he shall pay a greater custome.

Thus may it evidently be seen by these forraigne examples, and comparisons; that his Majesties taxations have been far short of these designes; although I must confesse, that his Majestie of England, is as absolute a Monarch as any Emperour or King in the world, and hath as many prerogatives incendent, and adhe­rent unto his Crown than any whatsoever, yet doth he not hold his Subjects fit to be beaten with Rehoboams rod, and esteemeth them too good to be whipt with Scorpions; And therefore (God be blessed) we have not in England a Gabellor standing at every Towns-end; we have not a Publican in every Market; neither do we pay for every bunch of Radish, or branch of Rosemary sold in Cheap-side; Neither have we any of those devouring Har­pies amongst us which doe swarm in other Countries. Nam sor­didum putandum est Aurum, quod est lachrimis Oritur.

And thus having now at length, both by forraign and dome­stique examples, as well out of Historie as Record, plainly pro­ved, and made clear that his Majesties Taxations, neither were unusall, his proceedings illegall, nor (as hitherto) his govern­ment tyrannicall: Let us I pray you search a little further, and see if we can find that wedge of gold, or that Babylonish gar­ment, that throws him into this contempt, and renders him thus odious in the eyes of his too too zealous people (for true Subjects I dare not call them.)

Mee thinkes, I heare some lost wretch say, Religion and Liberty.

[Page 28] Rebellion I must confesse had never but two Engines to put in practice their wicked and facinorous designes; and these are they which Machiavillian-like, under the shadow of feares and jealousies draws the giddy-headed multitude unto them, to their owne confusion: for it hath alwayes been a rule in reason, a try­all in experience, and an authority confirmed by the best, that Re­bellion produceth horrible effects: for men that are weak in wis­dome, violent in will, weary of quiet, and desirous of change, are easily made serviceable to every aspiring mind.

But let us see in which of them, or of the breach of which of them, his Majesty may be found guilty of.

1. Liberty.

And first for Liberty: whose sheep or Oxen hath he injurious­ly taken away? whole Vineyard, or possessions hath hee wrong­fully detayned? whose wise or daughter hath he ravished or de­floured? or whom hath he wittingly or willingly put to death? Nay, hath not (in a manner) the very sword of lustice been snat­ched from him, and he enforced perforce to yeeld to that, (which upon my very soule) his owne heart now lamenteth for.

Hath he any wayes infringed your Magna Charta? Hath hee trampled upon your Fundamentall Lawes or customes? Hath he removed your Land-marks, or demolished your buildings? Is not your Meum & Tuum in your goods, your Lands, and your e­states, your owne to dispose of to whom you will, to sell to whom you will, or consume how you will? hath he altered or done any of these things? or is he about to alter, or doe any of them? if not, what makes these mutinies? what these aspersions? and what these inhumane dissentions?

Oh, but we feare invasion and a sorraign enemy: Be ashamed, ô yee of little wit, and fear not such umbragious shadows, which have hit herto cast you into a Lethargy of dulnesse, and stupidity. Open your eyes, and doe but consider (if such a thing should be) who should sustain the greatest losse, his Majesty or you.

His Majesty a free borne Prince, and Monarchy, to which no­thing can be added more.

Yourselves, subjects; and if invaded and conquered, could be but subjects still.

His Majesty, a King hereditarily, possessing three Kingdoms, [Page 29] should, for I know not what, and I know not to whom, subjugate himselfe, ruine his posterity, and lose his Kingdomes, which if once lost were never to be regained, nor he, nor his po­steritie, ever to be established, but utterly destroyed, and con­sounded.

You, as Subjects, if such a thing should be, for I hold it worthy of an if (because I hold it ridiculous) what lose you, a poore private estate, which otherwise may soon be lost, and as soon recovered.

He is our King, and borne to command; we are his Subjects, and bound to obey; would we not then think it meere folly, and madnesse in him to disinvest, and utterly throw away from him and his posterity, this Royall Soveraignty, and willingly yeeld to base servility, I think we should, as if the greatest Princes in the world should envy the estate of some poore defor­med Pilgrim.

Oh, but here lyes the Riddle, here lyeth Anguis in herba and this is the Ivy knot for which I want a Mawle to penetrate and break in sunder: But sure it is a bone the Devill hath cast in a­mong you to gnaw upon, which I hope God in his good time will break in sunder, or else break his jawes that first threw it in.

For take away Soveraigne authority and government, and then shall ambition strike free home; Pride shall disdain obedi­ence, malice proceed to murther, theft deprive true possessors, idlenesse neglect labour, impiety scorn Religion, raging Tumult violate peace, and turne a happy state into miserable confusion; whereupon ensueth, that open Rebellion is often raysed, Virgins deflowred, holy places polluted, houses burned, Cities defaced, Lawes despised, the whole earth confounded, and the power of God, and Majesty of Kings, either little regarded, or utterly for­gotten: And thus much for your liberty.


I come now to Religion, hath he not commanded that all the Lawes and Statutes made against Recusants should severely bee put in execution? runnes not the current of the Law [Page 29] free? hath he not willed, and doth he not will, that the true Protestant Religion established and practised in Queen Eliza­beths time of famous memory, should be maintained and profes­sed? Nay, hath he not sworn, as he is a King, and as he hopes for mercy or favour to be shewn either to him or his from God, (a greater asseveration, and from a greater person, I think cannot be) never to receive any, if he doth not really maintain, and seri­ously professe the true Protestant Religion, formerly established; and shall we then doubt? no, God forbid; for seeing in Consci­ence we are bound to believe an oath taken by a meane and ordi­nary subject, how much more are we bound to believe it com­ming from so great and good a King?

I cannot dive into the secret thoughts of man, his heart being open unto none: Bat to the all-seeing eye of God: yet for me to believe otherwise, I should altogether condemne my selfe of Barbarisme; and in some manner of Atheisme; howsoever I know you have read both his many and often Protestations made in this matter. To the which I refer you seriously to consider, and Christian-like to construe, for your further and better satis­faction; and leave the event to him who farre better knoweth when and where to give, than we know how, or what to aske.

And be not like to those greedy Fowles, that would have ea­ten up the Sacrifice of Abraham, before it could be offered with due solemnity unto God; Nor to that cruel murtherer in Egypt, that went about to stifle infants in their birth: Nor like to that envious Sanballat, which suggested slanderous suspitions against the builders of the Temple, before the Scaffolds were set up. But stay your time, firmly believe, and God will give a remedy if there be a fault: and do not nuzzell up your selves in that horrid and hellish Doctrine, That it is lawfull for a Subject (either in poynt of Liberty or Religion) to take up Armes against their lawfull and anoynted Soveraigne: for let me tell you, (and that truely) that it is but a very deceitfull, and meer Iesuiticall positi­on, it being neither justifiable by the Law of God, tolerable by the Law of Nations, nor yet commendable by the Law of Na­ture; for Nature should abhorre it, all nations (excepting Re­bells) doe detest it, and the very word of God it self doth utter­ly forbid it, and condemne it: And thus much for our Reli­gion.

[Page 31] And now having finished what my intentions were, and fin­ding that neither Taxations, Proceedings, Government, Liberty, of Religion can be, or are the true grounds (although sinisterly imagined) of these growing evills, these distraction [...]ares, and jealousses, what shall I say, nay what may be sayd? Nam quo me vertam nescio: Be amazed therefore yee ô heavens, and startle ô yee earth, to think, that Cassius, yea, and Bru­tus should stab Caesar too: Wherefore, as the Prophet Jeremiah saith, so I conclude; O that my head were a fountaine of water, and mine eyes a river of teares, that I might weep day and night for the sins of this people; and to send a period to these evills.


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