THE HISTORY OF THE Late Conspiracy AGAINST THE KING AND THE NATION. With a Particular Account of the LANCASHIRE PLOT, AND All the other Attempts and Ma­chinations of the disaffected Party, since His Majesty's Accession to the Throne.

Extracted out of the Original Informati­ons of the Witnesses, and other Au­thentick Papers.

LONDON, Printed for Daniel Brown, at the Black Swan and Bible without Temple-Bar, and Tho. Bennet at the Half-Moon in St. Pauls Church-yard.

M DC XCVI.

THE HISTORY Of the Late Conspiracy, &c.

SInce the late Conspiracy in this Kingdom, has been for some time the Principal Object of the Curiosity of the Public, and since it may furnish us with so great a Variety of Important Instructions; 'tis presum'd the History of it will be equally useful and accepta­ble to the present Age and to Po­sterity.

Here future Ages may behold a King, variously Censur'd and Repre­sented by the several Parties of Man­kind; [Page 2] T [...]e People of England t [...]ank'd His Ma­jest [...], [...]y their R [...]presenta­tives, for their Great and Mi­racu [...]ous De­liverance from P [...]pery and Arbitrary Power, of which he was the Instru­m [...]nt. S [...]e the Parliament's Address, May 18. 1689. The Parliam [...]nt of Scotland thank'd him al­so for th [...]ir De­liv [...]rance and Preservation, of which they ac­knowledg'd him next to God, to be the great and only Instrum [...]nt. S [...] the Answer of the Conv [...]n­tion to His Ma­je [...]ie's L [...]tter, in 1689. lov'd by some, hated by others, but [...]steem'd by all, tho' in so different a manner, that some Conspire his Death for the same Reasons that pre­vail▪d with others to offer him a Crown: A Prin [...]e to whom his Subjects own themselves indebted for Immortal Obligations, and whom his En [...]mies for that very Reason accu [...]e as the Author of all their Mis [...]ortunes: Advanc'd by the Gra­titude of the one, render'd Illustri­ous by the Hatred of the others; endu'd with a Generous Modera­tion, that raises him above his For­tune, and makes him the absolute Master of his Passions.

Here the Reader will find Gentle­men and Officers dishono [...]ing the [...]r Birth and Character by acting the unmanly part of Murderers; a bar­baro [...]s Assassination carry'd on un­der the spe [...]ious pretext of a Mili­tary Expedition; a handful of Trai­tors cont [...]ving the ruin of the publi [...] Liberty, and re [...]dy by one terrible Blow to execute their per­nicious Design; a Secret that had been ex [...]ctly conce [...]l'd for Six Years, discover'd by Four Men in Six Days; [Page 3] The King not only assisted by Pro­vidence, but establish'd by the trea­cherous Malice of his Enemies▪ en­dear'd to his Subjects by the Great­ness of the Common Danger, and receiving new Assurances of their Affection and Fidelity; E [...]gland once more deliver'd; The Prince and the People inseparably united by mutual Obligations, and more than ever in a condition to procure and maintain the Peace and Happiness of Europe.

This is a general View of what the Reader may expect to meet with in the following Relation. I have mark'd every particular step of a Transaction, which is too impor­tant to be forgotten, tho it can never be remember'd without Hor­ror. And th [...]t t [...]e [...]rogress and Management of the D [...]si [...]n might appear in [...] clearer [...]ight; I have trac'd it [...]m it [...] dark Original, and have given a [...]ccinct Account of the several Projects and Attempts that prec [...]ded, or mad [...] way for the Con­spirac [...].

I have taken care to [...]urnish my [...]elf [...]it [...] such Instru [...]ions as might enable me to compose an exac [...] Hi­story▪ [Page 4] I have endeavor'd to write without Heat and Partiality; nor was there any need of aggravating a Crime that is so black in its own nature, and so apt to possess the calmest Mind with a Just Abhorrence and Indignation. But, above all, I have been scrupulously careful to mention nothing but what is groun­ded upon Authentic Testimonies.

To give the Reader a just Idea of the Conspiracy, 'twou'd be necessary in the First place to acquaint him with the importance of his Majesty's Life; if it were not unreasonable to suppose that any Person can be so much a stranger to the Transactions of the Age he lives in, as to be ig­norant of the interest which the Na­tions of Europe have in the preserva­tion of that Sacred Life. 'Twas on him that Spain founded the first hopes she had the courage to entertain, of seeing a happy turn of her declining Fortune. 'Tis to him, next to the blessing of Heaven, that the Dutch owe the safety of their State, and the En­glish their Laws, Religion and Liber­ty. The Former entrusted him with the management of all their concerns, [Page 5] and the Latter made him their Sove­raign to secure their own Happiness, and to prevent a return of those Mi­series from which he had deliver'd 'em. The Allies, in general, combin'd together to erect a kind of Empire for him in the present Confederacy; being sensible that they cou'd not de­fend themselves without his Assistance, and that they might, without any Jealousy or Apprehension, rely upon his Integrity and Vertue. And, which is yet a brighter and more surprizing part of his Character, 'tis certain that none of all these Ho­nors which he enjoys, cost him the trouble of Asking. The great and important Services, which the World had either receiv'd, or might expect to receive from him, were the only Solicitations he us'd to obtain these glorious advantages. This is the on­ly Circumstance of his Life, which shall be particularly consider'd in this place, because 'tis This that will con­tribute most to give light to the fol­lowing History, and This alone which Malice or Envy durst ever presume to con [...]radict.

[Page 6] History of the Revolutions in England. Book II. pag. 437. It never enter'd into the Thoughts of any considering Person, says a late Writer, that the Prince of Orange was so fond of the English Nation, as to undertake the security of their Li­berties, at the expence of so much Treasure, and so many Fatigues, in­stead of destroying 'em, as he ought to have done, being the next Heir to the Crown, after the Prince of Wales.

See the Preface to the Third Time of the Hi­story of the Re­volutions in England. I cannot forbear observing on this occasion, that this Author, though chosen as the fittest Person to write a History of the Revolutions in Eng­land, according to the Instructions; and, as it appears, by the Orders of his Party, was, at least in this case, a perfect Stranger, both to the Af­fairs and Temper of that Monarch. For, 'ti [...] certain that his Majesty, in so pressing a Juncture, cou'd not forget England, without neglecting his own Interest, and that of the Princess his Consort, and without consenting to the irrecoverable Ruine of Holland, of the Protestant Reli­gion in general, and of all the Prin­ces and States in Europe, both Pro­testants and Roman-Catholics, who [Page 7] were equally threatn'd with unavoi­dable destruction. And besides it will appear that the Author of that History was less acquainted with his Majesty's Temper, than with his Interest and Affairs.

When the People stopt his Coach, at Dort, and ask'd whether he was their Statholder; he reply'd that he was satisfy'd with the Ho­nors that were conferr'd up­on him. But we are not an­swer'd the Peo­ple, unless we have you for our Governor. When that generous Prince was plac'd at the Head of a potent Re­public in the heat of his youth; and when at the importunate soli­citations of all the Members of that great Body, he was advanc'd to such a degree of Power and Grandeur as might have enabl'd him to execute whatever his Ambition cou'd have prompted him to undertake; 'tis known, that he made no other use of so inviting an opportunity, than to settle a good correspondence be­twixt the Magistrates and the Peo­ple. 'Tis known that he refus'd theAn. 1674. The D [...]puties of the Nobility and [...] represen­ting the [...] of the Dutchy of Guelderland and County of Zutphen, os­ser'd him the Sover [...]ignty of the Province, in the [...]me of their Maste [...]s. Sovereignty of Guelderland, which was offer'd to him, because he wou'd not confirm the jealousy of some Persons who seem'd to dread the consequences of such an Inno­vation. And even when an attempt was made to bribe his Vertu [...] with the alluring prospect of the Sove­raignty of the Netherlands, and a [Page 8] promise to favour and support his pretensions to England, at a time'Tis notoriously known that these Proposals were made by France. when he cou'd not expect to main­tain his Right without the assistance that was propos'd to him; 'tis known that he rejected the tempting Offer, and that his Enemies cou'd not for­bear admiring a Moderation that broke all their measures, and con­vinc'd 'em that he wou'd never be prevail'd with to accept a Crown on the inglorious Condition of de­stroying those who had a Title to his Pro ection.

'Tis from such Instances as these that we ought to Form an Idea of his Majesty's Temper, rather than from the groundless conjectures of a byass'd [...]ancy. And all the actions of h s Life are so many convincing De­monstrations, that he has always look'd upon it, both as his Duty and Interest, to preserve, rather than to destroy the People.

M. Fage [...] wrote on this occa [...]ion to Mr. Stewart. And when the Court of England endeavor'd to perswade the World that thus was a supposititious letter, and that it did not give a true a [...]ur of their Highnesses Sentiments, having publish'd a Book to that E [...]e [...]t call'd Parlamentum Pacificum; Mr. Fagel complain'd openly of the d [...]singenuity of their Proceedings, and by a second Letter confirm'd the Declaration he had formerly sent in their Highnesses Name. 'Twas in pursuance of this Ma­xim, that while there was any hope [Page 9] left of composing the Disorders in England, without having recourse to the last, and most violent Remedy, he endeavour'd to prevent the Ruin of his Father in Law, and the Mi­series that threaten'd the Nation, by tendering an advice which that Prince had the misfortune to reject. This is undoubted Matter of Fact, and consequently, ought to make a stronger impression upon us than if it were only a probability groun­ded on plausible Presumptions.After the death of Charles II. he rejected the advice and assistance of the late Elector of Brandenburg; and when that Prince wou'd have engag'd him to go over to England, he reply'd that he wou'd never make any Attempt against the King his Father in Law, without an absolute necessity; but at the same time he protested that if he cou'd not otherwise prevent the subver­sion of the Laws and Religion of England, he wou'd undertake the Voy­age, tho' he shou'd be oblig'd to Embark in a Fisher-boat. Nor was he either soon or easily pre­vail'd with to go over to England; for he deferr'd that Expedition till he cou'd delay it no longer, without neglecting at once his Honor, Con­science and Interest.

These who exclaim against so many Sovereigns for favouring the descent in England, do at the same tacitely acknowledge, that 'twas then the general opinion of those Prin­ces, that their common Safety and [Page 10] the Liberty of Europe depended up­on the success of that Expedition: And 'tis plain from the event that they were not deceiv'd.

The Prince of Orange's arrival in England fill'd the World with an impatient expectation of the ap­proaching Crisis that was to deter­mine the Fate of Europe. Every Man was an attentive Spectator of a Revolution in which All were so nearly concern'd; and none but such who are uncapable of regarding the public Interest, can be suppos'd to be unacquainted with the Circum­stances of so important a Transacti­on: And therefore, instead of en­tertaining the Reader with a particu­lar account of his present Majesty's Proceedings on that occasion, I shall content my self with observing in the general; that 'twas his first and principal desire, that a Parliament might be call'd to settle the affairs of the Nation; That, to secure that great Assembly from the apprehen­sion of any disturbance or constraint, he offer'd to retire Threescore Miles from the Capital City, provided King James's Army wou'd withdraw [Page 11] to an equal distance. That, whenHis Enemies cou'd not for­bear commen­ding this Effect of his Modera­tion. See the History of the Revolutions in Engl. Book II. the late King fell into his Hands, he suffer'd him to make his escape, without considering the dangers to which the Life of an implacable E­nemy, wou'd in all probability ex­pose him. That afterwards he or­der'dSee the Act 1 Gulielm. & Mariae, entitl'd, An Act de­claring the Rights and Privileges of the Subjects to regulate the Succession to the Crown. his Forces to March out of the Places, where the Members of the approaching Convention were to be chosen, that the Elections might be manag'd with an absolute Free­dom. That at last the Representa­tives of the Nation, of their own accord, declar'd the Throne vacant, and presented him with a Crown which he had never demanded.

'Twill not I hope be deny'd, even by our Enemies, that England is too potent a Nation, and too consider­able in all resp [...]ct [...] to be frighted into a servise complaisance; and too Wife and Provident to make so great an Alteration, without consi­dering both its Nature and Conse­quences. And therefore, since the Representatives of such a Nation look'd upon this as the only Expe­dient to secure their Liberty; the Prince to whom they made their [Page 12] address cou'd neither fancy himself wiser than so great a People, who desir'd his Protection, and offer'd him the Crown after long and mature deliberations; nor prefer some pri­vate considerations before the gene­ral Good of a whole Nation, or ra­ther of many Nations, whose In­terests were link'd together. 'Tis plain that an Action of this Nature may be either censur'd or commen­ded according to the Principle from which we derive it, and that the Judgment we give in such Cases depends on the Intention we ascribe to the Actor; and consequently there is nothing but Prejudice and Ill na­ture that can hinder us from acqui­escing in the Justice of his Majesty's Proceedings.

Satyr may raise Suspicions, or in­vent Crimes, and afterwards endea­vour to fasten the imaginary Guilt upon those whom she resolves toHistory of the Revolutions in Engl. Book II. attack: But unbyass'd History judges a Prince's Actions by his Deportment upon other occasions. Those who fancy it unreasonable to suppose that one may be King of England, or e­ven Heir to the Crown, without [Page 13] endeavouring to destroy the Nation, will never be able to comprehend the Motives that shou'd oblige his Ma­jesty to expose his Person for the preservation of his People: They know not, or at least do not consider, that a true King may be distinguish'd by the same marks by which Solomon distinguish'd the true Mother. How­ever, 'tis certain that all the spite­ful Reproaches which are levell'd against his Majesty for accepting the Crown, rebound with greater force upon the Nation that presented it to him; and that those who are possess'd with so Brutish a Fury, as to imagine that he may be Assassi­nated without a Crime, because he suffer'd our Representatives to place him upon the Throne, do at the same time pronounce a bloody Sen­tence against the Parliament, and condemn the whole Kingdom to Havock and Desolation. This is the natural Tendency of the Maxims of that Party, and we must do 'em the Justice to acknowledge that their Actions are sutable to their Principles; for it will appear that [Page 14] the Conspiracy against the Nation, and the barbarous Design against the Person and Government of its De­liverer had the same beginning, and advanc'd with equal Steps.

[Page 15] 1689 The Discovery was made by a French Prote­stant, who insi­nuated himself into the Favour and Confidence of the Conspira­tors, by preten­ding to be en­gag'd in the same design. He was hinder'd, by several Acci­dents, from gi­ving such time­ly Notice to the Court, that the Assassins might be apprehended. The Discovery was communica­ted, in Holland, to some zealous Friends of the Government; and, in Eng­land, to My Lord Sydney. IMMEDIATELY after His Majesties Accession to the Crown, he receiv'd advice from Germany and Holland, and even from France, that several Persons were landed in England with a resolution to Assassinate him: And not long after he was inform'd that they had left the Kingdom, because they cou'd not find an opportunity to execute their Design. It seems that He either did not believe, or, at least, did not much regard these Informations; but He cou'd not be­hold, with [...] the Dangers [...] his Subjects. There was [...] Conspiracy disco­ver'd in [...] here the secret [...] Government had [...] such as [...] for their [...] to His Majesty, to [...] Edenburgh on Fire in [...] different places, and [...] retire to the High­lands: [...] were not the main [Page 16] Efforts of the Disaffected Party, nor the principal Difficulties with which the Government was oblig'd to encounter.

The Late King having put him­self at the Head of his Party in Ire­land, had reduc'd the Protestants of that Kingdom to great Extremities. If he had consulted his Interest, he wou'd never have made so false a step, in a juncture that wou'd have requir'd all the Caution and Dexte­rity of the most refin'd Politician; but it seems he cou'd not resist the impetuous Motions of a Council of French and Irish Bigots, who were accustom'd to govern him. 'Twill perhaps be expected, that I shou'd take this occasion to attempt that Prince's Character; but I must con­fess, I have not courage enough to venture upon so nice a Task. For 'tis certain that, in such a case, the most scrupulous Caution can hardly preserve an Author from transgres­sing the narrow Limits that are pre­scrib'd to him, by the respect which is due to those, whose Honour, as well as their Lives, ought to be Sa­cred [Page 17] even to their Enemies. Few are capable of managing a Subject of this Nature with a tender and wary Hand; and even the modestest Performances in this kind are ob­noxious to the unjust Censures of a byass'd Reader. And therefore, in­stead of assuming the Liberty to speak of his Person, I shall content my self with making some Reflexions upon the Proceedings of his Coun­cil, which I cou'd not omit without rendering my Work obscure and de­fective.

'Twas the Opinion of every judi­cious Person, who observ'd their Maxims and Conduct, that, even from the beginning, they gave the World too plain a view of their Designs, and proceeded with too hasty an eagerness in the Execution of 'em.

In this account I have neither magnify'd nor multiply'd the Disorders that were committed by the Government. They were either corrected by the Late King himself, upon the News of the Prince's Expedition, or after his Flight, by the Convention. The Laws that were made upon that occasion by the Parliaments of England and Scotland, are undoubted Testimonies of the several Attempts that were made to subvert our Laws and Religion; nor will any reasonable Person expect any other Arguments to prove the Truth of a matter of Fact of which all the Inhabitants of these Nations were either Eye or Ear-Wit­nesses. Here, under their wonted pretext of dispensing with the Laws, they [Page 18] establish'd an Ecclesiastical Commis­sion that was equally terrible to the Church and to the State. The In­corporations were dispossess'd of their Charters, the Council was fill'd with Roman-Catholics, and the Universi­ties were depriv'd of their Privileges. The Temporal Lords were oblig'd either to quit their Places or renounce their Religion, the Bishops were im­prison'd, and an Irish Army was brought into the Kingdom in time of Peace.

In Scotland, they were so far from observing any measures, that they look'd upon it as too mean a Con­descension to preserve the least re­gard for the Laws. They perswa­ded the King to assume a Despotic Power, and taught him to use a Language which till then was un­known to the Free-born People of Great Britain; for they had the confidence to make him declare that,See his Pro­clamation pub­lish'd in that Kingdom. by virtue of his Soveraign Authority and Absolute Power, he abrogated the Acts of Parliament that were made against the Roman▪Catholics.

The unsuccessfulness of the At­tempt was a convincing Argument [Page 19] of the temerity of the Project, but cou'd not oblige its Contrivers to alter their measures, as it appears by their Conduct in Ireland; for the Promises that were made in King James's Name to the Protestant In­habitants of that Kingdom, both before and after his arrival among 'em, cou'd not protect 'em from the barefac'd violence of their Tyrannical Oppressors.

Their Effects, Cattle, Wool, Mo­ney and Merchandizes, were seiz'd and employ'd in the maintaining of a War against their Friends in Eng­land; Their Lands were laid waste, their Houses pillag'd, and the Bene­fices bestow'd on their ancient and most implacable Enemies the Priests. The Act of Settlement, which was the only security they cou'd depend upon, was violated, and the Roman Catholics were authoriz'd by the Go­vernment to take Possession of their Estates. Both the Protestant Reli­gion and those who profess'd it were in a manner proscrib'd, and expos'd as a Prey to those who were equal­ly prompted by interest and incli­nation to destroy 'em. The People [Page 20] were persecuted and murder'd by their domineering Enemies, who were rather encourag'd than punish'd for their Barbarity. They were forc'd to resign their Churches, and were even deny'd the liberty of meeting together to perform their Devoti­ons. At last all the Protestants in Dublin were secur'd; and when the Prisons were full, the Churches were turn'd to Goals. These disor­ders are particularly describ'd byDr. King, the present Bishop of London-der­ry, then Dean of Dublin, in his Book entitul'd, The State of the Protestants of Ireland under the Government of the late King. The whole Book is full of Instances of this Nature, of which I have not mention'd the Twentieth part. a Bishop of that Country, who had the misfortune to be a consi­derable Sharer in the common Ca­lamity.

The King was so sensibly touch'd with the deplorable Condition of Ireland, that he resolv'd to go thither in Person, tho' he plac'd an entire confidence in theThe Duke of Schomberg. Person whom he had entrusted with the command of his Forces: And that generous Undertaking was so visibly attended with the Blessing of Hea­ven, that in the space of Three Months he reduc'd Two Third parts [Page 21] of the Kingdom, and gave his E­nemies a Fatal blow which broke all their Measures, and ruin'd their unjust Hopes. 'Twas by the wise Direction of that Providence which had so often deliver'd him from the Hands of bloody Traitors, and pre­serv'd a Life that was to be expos'd to more honorable Dangers, that the Wound he receiv'd at the Boyn gave occasion to a false Report of his Death, which occasion'd as pub­lic a joy in France, as the true ac­count of his Victories did in This, and all the other Nations of Eu­rope.

The Parliament thank'd him for exposing that Life to the greatest Dangers, on which the Fate of Pro­testants, and the common Liberty of all Europe depended: And the hap­py Change that appear'd every where in the public Affairs on that occa­sion, is a more than sufficient Ground to vindicate that Illustrious Body from the Imputation of Flattery. People were surpriz'd to find them­selves safer in the midst of a bloody War, than they were in time of Peace: The Switzers were no lon­ger [Page 22] apprehensive of their incroaching Neighbour: The Protestant Religion was preserv'd without any prejudice to the Roman-Catholics: The Prin­ces1690. and States upon the Rhine were either secur'd from Danger, or in a condition to defend themselves: An effectual stop was put to the Pre­tensions and Conquests of the Cham­bers of Metz and Brisac; the Electo­rates of Mentz and Cologn were re­conquer'd; and a King of the Ro­mans was chosen according to the Inclination and Interest of the Mem­bers of the Empire. Three King­doms were deliver'd from Oppression, and rais'd to their wonted Glory of protecting their distressed Neighbors. The Netherlands had the satisfaction to obey a Governor whom they had long and ardently desir'd, but cou'd never obtain till now. The Branches of the Houses of Austria were happily re-united to one another, and to those whose Interest 'twas to sup­port 'em. England and Holland re­solv'd at last to pursue their mutual Interest, and to cherish an Union which is absolutely necessary to their I reservation. France had the mor­tification [Page 23] to see her self exhausted by the prodigious efforts she was oblig'd to make; as the rest of the World had the satisfaction to perceive that ere long she wou'd either be con­fin'd within her ancient Limits by our Arms, or ruin'd by her own dear-bought Victories.

These were the Glorious conse­quences of his Majesty's Establish­ment upon the Throne of England: Every Nation was sensible of its par­ticular Obligations, and the Eyes of all the World were fix'd upon their Great Benefactor. Even We, who ow'd all the Happiness we possess'd, or cou'd hope to enjoy, to his ge­nerous Assistance, and whom he had lately deliver'd from the greatest danger that ever threaten'd a Nation, cou'd hardly out-do the rest of Eu­rope in expressing our Gratitude and Affection. For, after he had receiv'd the Blessings and Applauses of his Subjects, when the managing of the Public Interest requir'd his Presence at the Hague, he was attended by a Court of Soveraigns, who seem'd to come thither on purpose to pre­sent [Page 24] him with the Compliments and Acknowledgments of Europe.

But while so many Illustrious Per­sons were endeavouring with a kind of Emulation to express their Esteem for his Person, and the confidence they plac'd in his Vertue; and while he was receiving the Testimonies of their Respect and Affections with a Modesty that secur'd him from Envy in the midst of his Triumphs; there was a design set on Foot to rob the World of its Hope and Delight, by such Ways and Means as are ve­ry rarely suspected or foreseen by Persons of his Courage and Tem­per.

'Twas about this time that a French Minister of State, whose Name makes an inglorious Figure in Grand­val's1691. Examination, engag'd one Du­mont to Assassinate his Majesty. I dare not charge that Minister with the first contrivance of so detestable a Project; since we have so much reason to believe that he acted on­ly in pursuance of the Instructions he had receiv'd from those whom he thought himself oblig'd to obey. 'Tis not without Reluctancy that I [Page 25] enter upon a Subject, which carries Horror in its Idea, and is so incon­sistent with the common Principles of Humanity, that the matter of Fact wou'd appear incredible if it were not confirm'd by unquestiona­ble Evidence. Murder in the ge­neral, without the aggravating cir­cumstance of Assassinating a Sove­raign, is equally accompany'd with Guilt and Shame; and even the most harden'd Assassins are oftentimes sen­sible of the Infamy that attends their Crime. 'Tis impossible to imagine a Provocation strong enough to ex­cuse either the Committing or Encouraging of so barbarous an Acti­on; nor wou'd a Man of Honor be tempted to execute his just Revenge by so dishonorable a Way. Such unmanly Resentments as these are peculiar to those mean and degene­rous Souls, whose Merit consists in Baseness and Envy, and who are only able to defend themselves by Villany and Treason.

But supposing that the French Mi­nisters neither were, nor car'd to be reputed, Men of Honor; they ought never to have form'd a Design, which [Page 26] wou'd have left an indelible stain upon the Gratitude of the Prince whom they pretended to serve.The Magi­strates of Roter­dam imprison'd a Villain who of­fer'd to kill the French King. They sent an ac­ [...]ount of the pro­ject to Mr. Mon­tausier, and of­fer'd to deliver up the Offender. 'Tis known, that when some despe­rate Persons in Holland offer'd their detestable Service to Assassinate that Monarch, they were so far from being encourag'd or protected, that an offer was made to put 'em into the Hands of those whom they had injur'd.Another Pro­posal of the same naturewas made to the King, when he was Prince of O­range. The Per­son who offer'd to undertake the Murder, gave an account of the place where he was to be sound; and the Prince sent Mr. Dick­felt immediate­ly to acquaint the Count d'A­vaux with the whole Project. And both the Count d' Auaux and Mr. Dickfelt can testify, that it has been in the Power of a Prince, whose sacred Life has been so often endanger'd by the Treachery of his Enemies, to execute his Vengeance upon 'em by their own inglorious Me­thods.

Besides, what cou'd be more inju­rious to the boasted Glory of Lewis XIV. than that his own Ministers shou'd contrive a Project which cou'd not be executed without fiixng so black a scandal either upon his Vir­tue or Dignity; for he cou'd not decline condemning it without ren­dring himself eternally infamous, nor afterwards suffer it to be exe­cuted without proclaiming to all the World that he was not Master [Page 27] in his own Dominions. At least, it might have been expected that the Project wou'd have expir'd with its Author, and that the succeeding Mi­nisters wou'd be either afraid or a­sham'd to pursue a Design that left such a Blot upon the Memory of its Contriver. Yet the Reader will find that it was carry'd on after his Death; and, I shall have occasion to give a particular account of its Pro­gress and Success, after I have ta­ken a Succinct view of the intended Invasion.

As soon as the Roman-Catholics in this Kingdom perceiv'd that there was a Party form'd in Ireland who had openly declar'd for the late King; they began to carry on the same design here, in secret Cabals, tho' with little appearance of Success: For the smallness of their Numbers secur'd us from open violence; and the Sense of our Duty and Interest kept us from being deluded by their Artifices. They cou'd neither have so mean an Opinion of our Cou­rage nor Judgment, as to imagine that we wou'd voluntarily submit to an impotent and implacable Ene­my; [Page 28] or that a few canting Sophisms wou'd prevail with us to neglect Self-preservation.

And therefore, since they cou'd never expect to be Masters, they ought to have contented themselves with the quality and condition of Subjects. They might have conti­nu'd to enjoy whatever they cou'd justly call their own, under the pro­tection of a Mild and easy Govern­ment, that allow'd 'em all the Li­berty they cou'd desire, except that of subverting the Laws, and destroy­ing their Country and Fellow-Sub­jects. But their Minds were still possess'd with the Remembrance of those aspiring Hopes that were de­feated by the Revolution; and their Ambition was rather enflam'd than allay'd by so unexpected a Disap­pointment. Besides, they thought themselves oblig'd to support a Prince who had sacrific'd his Crown to their Advancement; and fancy'd that notwithstanding their present Weakness, they might easily make good their pretensions by the assistance of their French Protectors. These were the Motives that engag'd 'em in a [Page 29] Design which cou'd not be carry'd on without disturbing their own Quiet as well as that of the Nati­on, and made 'em resolve to shut their Eyes against the visible Dan­gers to which they expos'd them­selves by venturing upon so hazardous an Attempt.

'Twas on the 18 of October 1689. that a Minister of State receiv'd a Letter from the Assizes, held by ad­journment at Manchester, by which he was intreated to advertise the Council, That many of the Roman-Catholic Younger Gentry, some of good Quality, were absconded for some Months, that to some of the Gentle­men now absconded there had been sent from London several Boxes with Scar­let Cloaks, Pistols and Swords, directed for safer conveyance to Protestants, who knew nothing of them, and by that means discover'd. That some had been Modelling Officers and Men pre­paratory to their hope of an Invasion or Insurrection, that tho' the Goals were full of Irish Papists, yet many were entertain'd at Popish Houses, &c.

The Correspondence which the late King entertain'd with the Pa­pists [Page 30] in Lancashire, was manag'd by one Bromefield a Quaker, who liv'd at Redland near Chester, in the House of one Wilson, who was acquainted with, and engag'd in the Conspira­cy. But perceiving that they began to be taken notice of, and not da­ring to continue longer in a place where they were look'd upon as suspicious Persons, the First fled to Ireland and the Second to Lanca­shire.

After them, the management of the Intrigue was committed to Gor­don, Lunt, and Thrilfall, who came from Ireland with Declarations and Commissions from King James to the Roman-Catholics in several Coun­ties of England. They landed in Lancashire, where they open'd their Commissions, by which Gordon was appointed to go to Scotland, Thril­fall to Yorkshire, and Lunt to Staf­fordshire, Cheshire and Lancashire. In pursuance of these Orders they parted, and went immediately to the respe­ctive Places that were allotted 'em, where they executed their Com­missions, tho' with different Suc­cess.

[Page 31] Thrilfall had already finish'd his Negotiation in Yorkshire, and was returning thro' Cheshire to Ireland, when he was pursu'd upon Suspi­cion, and kill'd as he was endea­vouring to defend himself. Lunt having perform'd his Commission, was sent to London, to levy Soldi­ers, to be destributed among the Conspirators in the North. In his return from thence, after he had Executed his Orders, he was Seiz'd at Coventry, by one of the Kings Messengers, brought back to London, and Committed to Newgate. Five Months after he was set at Liberty; having given Bail to appear next Hillary Term, at the King's Bench, from whence he was sent to be Try'd, at the Assizes in Lancashire. He was Committed for High-Trea­son, to the Castle of Lancaster, up­on the Evidence of the Master of the Ship, who brought him over from Ireland, and the Officers of the Custom-house, who found some of King James's Commissions among the Papers which he left in the Vessel.

[Page 32] But these were not the most Ter­rible Witnesses, that were like to appear against him: For about that time, the Conspiracy was discover'd, by two several Persons. The first was Kelly, who declar'd what he knew, to the Mayor of Eversham, in Worcestershire; the Earl of Bella­mont, and some Persons of Quality, in that Country, who Communica­ted the Discovery to the Council. But tho' his Deposition remain'd in the Hands of the Government, his Person disappear'd so suddenly, and in so strange a manner, that we cou'd never afterwards hear an account of him. His Fate continues a Mystery to this day; but, whether he was kill'd or carry'd away, 'tis certain that the Conspirators from that very time began to resume their Courage, which was extremely sunk upon the News of his Dis­covery.

Dodsworth was the Second who alarm'd the Party, by discovering the Conspiracy to a Member of Par­liament, who sent an account of it to one of the Secretaries of State, by whose Order the Informer was [Page 33] brought from Lancashire to London: And 'twas found that his Depositi­on agreed exactly with that of Kelly, tho' they were at a hundred Miles distance when they were exa­min'd.

Dodsworth was sent to the Castle of Lancashire to joyn his Evidence to the Testimony of the other Witnesses that were to appear against Lunt, who, nevertheless, cou'd not be convicted according to the usual Forms of Law. For, when he was brought to his Tryal, the Master of the Ship, who brought him from Ireland, either was, or pretended to be sick: And the Officers of the Custom-house cou'd not swear that the Papers which were produc'd in the Court were the same which they found in the Ship, because they had forgotten to mark 'em. Thus the whole Evidence being reduc'd to the single Testimony of Dodsworth, Lunt, tho' apparently Guilty, was acquitted; and both the Court and Jury chose rather to absolve a Cri­minal, than to violate the least Cir­cumstance of the Law. A rare In­stance of Justice and Moderation, [Page 34] which, at once, may serve to con­vince us of the Mildness and Cle­mency of the present Government, and of the extravagant Prejudice of those who wou'd exchange it for Arbitrary Power; and, of two things which seem to be equally the Ob­jects of our Admiration, leaves us in doubt, whether we have greater reason to Love and Esteem the For­mer, or to Hate and Detest the Lat­ter.

November 1691. Lunt, by his Services and Suffer­ings, had so far insinuated himself into the Favor and Confidence of his Party, that, in a Meeting of Ja­cobites at Standish-Hall in Lancashire, he was chosen to go to France, to acquaint King James with the pre­sent posture of his affairs here, and to know what Assistance might be expected from him.

December 1691. The Answer he brought was, that the late King was preparing to come in Person to England the next Spring; and that in the mean time, he wou'd send 'em his last Instructions by a sureFebr 1691/2. and faithful Hand. Not long after Walmuly and Parker came to England by that Prince's Order, and appoin­ted [Page 35] a Meeting of the principal Per­sons of their Faction at Dungen-Hall, where they deliver'd the Commis­sions and Presents they had brought from France; and at the same time assur'd 'em that King James wou'd speedily land in England with a suf­ficient Force to support 'em.

In the mean they were putting all things in readiness, at la Hogue, for the intended Expedition: The Preparations they made were veryApril 1692. great, and the Measures they had taken seem'd to promise Success, as it will appear by the following ac­count of 'em.

By the Articles that were agreed upon at the surrender of Limerick, the French had cunningly reserv'd a Liberty to retain a very considera­ble Body of the Irish Forces in their Service, whom they design'd, upon the first convenient occasion, to send over to England. These Troops con­sisted of such as were most deeply engag'd in the routed Party, and long'd for a Second War to make up the Losses they had sustain'd in the First. They were rather irritated then discourag'd by their late Mis­fortunes, [Page 36] and so unaccustom'd to Labor, that the love of Idleness joyn'd to the desire of Booty had made 'em forsake their native Country. Besides, they look'd upon our Hap­piness with Envy and Rage, and cou'd not endure to be Subject to those whom they once hop'd to en­slave. Such Men as these were the fittest to be employ'd in a Design of this Nature, and, in all probabi­lity wou'd have prov'd the most effectual Instruments of our Destru­ction, if they cou'd have found an opportunity to join the Disaffected Party among us.

There were Three sorts of Persons in this Nation, whom we might justly look upon as Domestic Ene­mies. First the zealous and bigot­ted Roman-Catholics, or rather all Roman-Catholics in general; for tho' some of 'em appear'd more cau­tious and moderate than the Rest, 'twas the general opinion of the Party that all the Papists in England wou'd take up Arms on that occa­sion. The Second Order of Jaco­bites consisted of the late King's Servants, who ow'd their Fortune [Page 37] and Preferment to his Favor: And the Third comprehends those whose Interest and Safety depended upon the Subversion of the Laws; Men of turbulent Spirits and desperate For­tunes, who hop'd to raise them­selves upon the Ruins of their Coun­try.

Such Persons as these are at once our Plague and our Reproach, but the Breed is not peculiar to Eng­land; for every Nation has its share in the common Calamity, and has the misfortune to produce a Set of Men who seem to be in Love with Disorder, and are never more apt to appear in their native and hideous Colours, than when they are prote­cted by the Indulgency of the Laws and the Clemency of the Govern­ment, and meet with an opportu­nity to cover their pernicious De­signs with a false pretext of Duty and Allegiance. They are perpetu­ally talking of Fidelity and Obedi­ence, and seem to make Loyalty their Idol; tho' they are usually the Prin­cipal Promoters of Rebellion, and seldom or never well affected to the Government under which they live. [Page 38] Plotting is their Business and Recre­ation; they love Confusion and ex­pect to live by it, and are ready to joyn with every Faction upon the cheapest Terms that can be propos'd. When there is no present Advan­tage in view, they work for Expe­ctation; Plunder is all the Pay they require, and their Prosperity con­sists in the Desolation of their Country.

Besides, the French were prepa­ring to land a considerable Body of Forces in this Kingdom, to support the disaffected Party: For the Court of St. Germans repented that they had formerly plac'd too much con­fidence in an Army of English Men, who lov'd their Country and their Religion.

'Twas the general opinion of the Party, that the placing of too much Confidence in Subjects who were un­worthy of it, depriv'd King James of the assistance he might have expected from others. They remember'd the advice of some of his Councellors, who,History of the Revolutions in England, Book II. looking upon his Army as the Nerves and support of his Undertakings, and the only Way to secure him against the [Page 39] obstinacy of those whom neither the lawfulness of his Authority, nor his Moderation in using it cou'd retain in Obedience to the Government, wou'd have perswaded him to entertain a suffi­cient number of Catholics in his Army to keep the rest in awe, and to put it out of their Power to betray him; and were of opinion that both these Effects might have been produc'd by joining the Irish Troops to such of the Eng­lish and Scotch as were Remarkable for their Fidelity to his Interest. Thus History of the Revolutions in England, Book II. p. 428. we may easily perceive, by the re­flexions they made on their former Conduct, what Measures they re­solv'd to take for the future.

They concluded that an Army of French and Irish, with some preten­ded Protestants who regarded nei­ther their Country nor Religion, wou'd never show King James a Copy of his Salisbury Expedition; and that with such Forces as these they might make an entire Conquest of England as soon as they shou'd think fit to undertake it.

In pursuance of that design the French labor'd with great application to encrease their Naval Strength; [Page 40] ping that, if they cou'd corrupt the Officers of our Fleet, or be in a readiness to put to Sea before the Dutch Men of War cou'd join Ours, they might easily find an opportu­nity to fight us with advantage, and afterwards Land their Soldiers with­out Opposition.

In the mean time, to oblige us to send our Land Forces to Flanders, and at the same time to hinder our Allies from assisting us, the French King appear'd at the Head of his nu­merous Armies, as if he had resolv'd, in one Campaign, to conquer a Country, which for Sixty Years had been both the Seat, and Cause of the War. He intended to invade Eng­land, if our Army continu'd in the Netherlands; or to make himself Master of those Provinces, if we shou'd be oblig'd to recall our Forces. But the Principal Design of all the vast Preparations he had made, was to keep this Nation embroil'd in a Civil War, till he had broken the Confederacy, that he might fall up­on us with his united Forces, and by subduing England put himself in a condition to conquer all the rest of Europe.

[Page 41] But tho the Conspirators expected a considerable Reinforcement from France, and a powerful diversion in Flanders; tho they were sure of the Assistance of so many false Prote­stants, and (as they imagin'd) of se­veral Officers in our Navy; notwith­standing all these Advantages, they look'd upon His Majesty's Life as an invincible Obstacle to the Accom­plishment of their Designs, and de­spair'd of succeeding in their Attempt against us, while we enjoy'd the Protection of our Great Deliverer.

1692. They dreaded his Power, Forces and Alliances; but were more afraid of his single Person, than of the uni­ted strength of the whole Confede­racy. They had oftentimes had the unwelcome experience of his Con­stancy, Resolution, and unweary'd Application; and knew, to their sorrow and cost, that his Courage was never shock'd by the most terri­ble Dangers; that upon a pressing Exigency he cou'd brave a thousand Deaths, and cut his way through the most vigorous Opposition; that when the posture of his Affairs requir'd more Prudence than Valor, he cou'd [Page 42] proceed with all the Coolness and Policy of the wariest Statesman; that he was peculiarly happy in baf­fling the Designs of his Enemies, and in turning even their most successful Contrivances against themselves; that he was equally unmov'd in Good and Bad Fortune, that he was never ca­pable either of Vanity or Fear, and cou'd only be overcome by Himself. These Considerations made his Ene­mies resolve to take away a Life that secur'd Europe, and England par­ticularly, from the utmost Efforts both of their Policy and Force: And in pursuance of this execrable Reso­lution they engag'd some desperate Villains to Murder him. But God saw, and blasted their dark Contri­vances, and deliver'd Him whom He had made the Deliverer of so many Nations.

1692. The Assassins were taken near Bosleduc; and by their Examination it appears, That Dumont and Grand­val were solicited to undertake the Assassination of the King. That the Design having miscarry'd in 1691. was resum'd the next year. That one Leefdael, formerly Captain Lieutenant [Page 43] of a Troop of Dragoons in the Ser­vice of the States, coming to Paris, Grandval communicated the Design to him, and desir'd him to be concern'd in it, with Dumont and himself, be­cause he thought Dumont wou'd not be able to execute it alone. That Grandval went with Leefdael and Col­lonel Parker to St. Germains, and that King James said to him, Parker has acquainted me with your busi­ness; If you and the other Officers do me this Service, you shall never want any thing. That upon this as­surance, a "Letter was sent to Dumont who was then at Hanover, desiring him to meet Grandval and Leefdael in the Country of Ravestein, where they were to take their last Resolutions, and entreating him to hasten his departure, least the King, in the mean time, shou'd return to England. That Du­mont was to lye in wait, and to kill His Majesty as he pass'd the Lines, or went to visit the Posts at the decam­ping of the Army. That Grandval told Leefdael, upon the Road, that if their Design succeeded, the Confederacy wou'd be broken, that every P [...]nce wou'd recall his Forces, that the Coun­try [Page 44] being left without defence, the French King wou'd soon make himself Master of it, and that King James wou'd be restor'd to his Throne.

To keep Leefdael from being dis­courag'd by the Difficulties and Ha­zards to which the prosecution of their Design might expose 'em, he told him that they were only to fol­low the King, that Dumont was to give the Blow, and that after the business was done they might easily make their escape and leave Dumont to take his Fortune.

But both Dumont and Leefdael repented their Engaging in so black a Villany, and discover'd what they knew of it almost at the same time; the one to a Prince in Germany, who was his Majesty's particular Friend, and the other to some Magistrates in Holland who had a sincere affe­ction to the Person and Interest of that Monarch.

1692. Grandval was taken and receiv'd the just Reward of his Crimes, af­ter he had made a full Confession without being put to the Torture. He seem'd to be very penitent, and declar'd with some resentment at [Page 45] his Death, that he was ruin'd by the Authors of that detestable Pro­ject.

There was a Detachment made from the Duke of Luxemburg's Ar­my, consisting of Three Thousand Horse, who were to be Posted at the Advanc'd Guard to receive the Murderers. This is a Circumstance that ought not to be forgotten; for 'tis plain they took this way that the Assassination might be look'd up­on as a Stratagem of War: And 'tis probable that either it was pro­pos'd at first as an Attempt to carry away the King, or that they resolv'd, after the Blow was given, to make it pass under that Notion.

'Tis evident that this barbarous Design was the Favourite Project of the Party, since they continu'd to pursue it after so Remarkable a Disappointment. If we examine the whole Course of their Proceedings since that time, it will appear that the Conspiracy which was lately discover'd in this Kingdom, was the same with that in which Grandval was engag'd; and this is more than a bare Conjecture, since 'tis confirm'd [Page 46] by the Deposition of one of the Con­spirators. The Conspiracy, says he, hath been carrying on a great while, Larue, in Charnock's Tryal. for some Years. And it originally came from Colonel Parker, especially as to my knowledge of it, and that was Five or Six Years ago, at St. Germains, when I was there: He propos'd it to me, and said he wou'd propose it to my Lord Melford, &c.

We have already observ'd that the Assassination of his Majesty was con­triv'd and resolv'd upon, in order to the Invasion of his Subjects; and we have reason to believe that the De­sign of God, in preserving his Life, was to make him once more our Deliverer: For 'twas He alone who oppos'd our impending Ruine, and and baffl'd the Designs of our Ene­mies.

He prevented the Loss of the Ne­therlands, by wise Delays; and took such Measures as might one Day put him in a Condition to Recover what he cou'd not then Preserve.

He hasten'd the Sailing of the Dutch Fleet, and fitted out his own with such diligence and expedition, that, notwithstanding the utmost [Page 47] Efforts the French cou'd make to pre­vent us, they were oblig'd to en­counter with Two Fleets, when they expected only to have met with One.

When his Enemies had recourse to their wonted Artifices, and en­deavour'd to corrupt the Officers of his Navy, he not only defeated their Treacherous Project, but made their Stratagem Fatal to themselves: For Admiral Carter was order'd to Treat with 'em, and amuse 'em with a seeming Compliance, till they sell into the Snare which they had pre­par'd for us.

1692. He sent the Earl of Portland with secret Instructions to the Queen, that She might not, even in his ab­sence, be oblig'd to depend upon the Advice and Opinions of any o­ther Council but himself. In pur­suance of these Orders, Warrants were issu'd out to apprehend suspe­cted Persons; the Arms, Horses and Magazines of the disaffected Party were seiz'd; the Army was put into a posture of defence; care was taken to prevent Tumults and disorderly Mee­tings, [Page 48] and the Officers of the Fleet were engag'd by new obligations to continue Faithful to the Government. These were the Measures that were taken to preserve us, and God was pleas'd to bless our Industry, and to assert the justice of our Cause by a glorious and important Victory.

The Fate of Europe was decided in one Day at La Hague, and every Nation had its share in the Conse­quences of that memorable Action. We, who were more immediately concern'd in the Danger and Deli­verance, and who had been so long alarm'd with the Expectation of the approaching Storm, cou'd hardly for­bear Trembling, even in the midst of our Joy, when we reflected on the dismal Alterations which we must have beheld if the success had answer'd the Hope and Design of our Enemies. For, after such a Victory, the French might have drawn im­mense sums from England, either as a Reimbursment for the Charge of the War, or as a Subsidy impos'd upon a subdu'd Nation. They might have added above a Hundred Men of War to their Fleet, and encreas'd [Page 49] their Land-Forces with the formida­ble Addition of Fifty Thousand Eng­lish Men, by whose Assistance they might have enlarg'd their Conquests, while we shou'd have been oblig'd to entertain an Army of Enemies, to compleat the destruction of our Country, under pretext of support­ing the Authority of their Allie.

In Ireland the Papists wou'd have re­acted their former Barbarities, and dis­possess'd the Protestants a second time of their Goods and Estates. In Eng­land, they wou'd have renew'd their Claim to the Church-Lands, and made us feel the severest Effects of their irritated Fury. In both the Kingdoms those who had refus'd to take the Oaths to the present Go­vernment wou'd have been rewar­ded with the Places of those who had taken 'em; and the Non-Swea­ring Clergy preferr'd to the richest Benefices. The Offices of State and the best Posts in the Army wou'd have been bestow'd on those who had exprest the greatest Zeal in en­slaving the Nation; and the House of Peers wou'd have been fill'd with the most notorious Betrayers of their [Page 50] History of the Revolutions in Engl. Book II. Country. The Nobility, whom they had the Impudence to represent as a Company of Traitors and Villains, wou'd have been punish'd for their Fidelity to the State, and for asser­ting their just Privileges with (at least) the Banishment of their Per­sons and Confiscation of their Estates; and the Representatives of the Na­tion Proscrib'd for Loving and Serv­ing their Country. To conclude, the Laws wou'd have been at the Mercy of those whose Interetst oblig'd 'em to violate and subvert Them; and none must have expect­ed Preferment but such as had me­rited the Favour of our Enemies, by striving to encrease our Mi­sery.

These Considerations which serv'd to confirm all True English-Men in their Affection and Fidelity to the Government, were so many powerful Incentives to its Enemies to pursue their former Designs. They conti­nu'd still to hope that France might repair her Losses, and be again in a condition to assist 'em; but the Pro­spect was too distant to satisfie their eager Impatience: And therefore [Page 51] they began to consult how they might be able to destroy the Na­tion without the Assistance of Fo­reigners.

'Tis thought the Party were not Novices in the Art of ruining their Fellow-Subjects. They have been frequently Charg'd with the Massacre in Ireland, and the Burning of Lon­don; and 'tis strongly suspected that the Public Robbers, Pirates, Incen­diaries, Debasers of Money, Spies and Assassins, were employ'd, as Instru­ments, in carrying on the great De­sign. The Reader is left to judge of the Truth or Probability of these Conjectures.

Whatever Opinion weo ught to have of the Design of the Conspira­tors, we must do 'em the justice to ac­knowledge their Skill and Dexterity, in contriving the most probable Me­thods and Expedients, to accomplish it.

Of these Means and Expedients, fome have been long since Foretold, some are universally known, our E­nemies have betray'd their own Se­cret by divulging others, and we may discover the rest by a heedful [Page 52] Examination of the Proceedings of the Conspirators, and the Progress of the Conspiracy. I will discourse of 'em in order, because the Subject is both Curious and Important.

About Seventeen or Eighteen Years ago, Titus Oates made a Discovery to the Parliament, which was variously censur'd by Persons of different Prin­ciples and Inclinations. Some gave credit to it, others rejected it as a meer Fable, and there were some who look'd upon it as a Mixture of TruthSr. Edmund­bury God­frey's Murder, which cannot be reckon'd a Fable, is a strong Con­firmation of, at least, part of that Discovery. and Fiction. I will neither pretend to justifie nor condemn all his Deposi­tions, but content my self with ob­serving, that there are some things which were look'd upon as incredi­ble, by reason of the Enormity of the Crimes, tho later Experience has convinc'd us that they were really true; especially what relates to Trade, Exportation of Species, and the Debasement of Money.

Oates acquaints us, in the Appen­dix to his Information, Sworn before Sr. Edmundbury Godfrey, Sept. 27. 1678. That the Conspirators cou'd not endure King Charles II. because he was not of their Religion, and [Page 53] that they resolv'd to cut him off with all possible Speed. That they Charg'd him with Tyranny and Designs of oppres­sing, Governing by the Sword, and without Parliaments, and exposing his most Faithful and Valiant Subjects to be wasted and slain in foreign Service. 2. That they aspers'd, derided, expos'd and declaim'd against his Person, Coun­sels and Actions, in Parliament and elsewhere; and particularly scoff'd at his security and confidence in them, and by this means animated and encou­rag'd their Party and Assassins especi­ally, to attempt upon his Life, and hasten his Ruine. 3. That they disclos'd the King's Counsels to France. 4. That they rais'd false News of his Affairs. 5. That they disaffected his Majesty's Allies, Holland, Spain, the German Emperor and Princes, by false Intelli­gence, &c. 6. That they disturb'd Trade. 7. That they set up, sent out and maintain'd Seditious Preachers and Catechists, and directed 'em what to Preach in their own, or other pri­vate Conventicles or Field-Meetings. 8. That they animated different Par­ties, one against another to Arm and put the People in Blood upon the King's [Page 54] See, how they design'd to bring the Irish over to Eng­land. The ap­plication of the rest of the Particulars is obvious. Death. 9. That our best Cities and Towns were to be Fir'd and Plunder'd by Irish, French, Lay-brethren and o­thers, disguis'd in Frocks and other­wise. 10. That they endeavour'd to Poyson and Assassinate by pick'd Quar­rels, or otherwise, those whom they suppos'd to be ready or able to de­tector otherwise obstruct their Designs. 11. That they design'd the Transportation of Trading, People, Stock and Money, ADULTERATING MONEY and Plate; to which ends they had Bankers, Brokers, Merchants, Gold­smiths and other Traders, whom they Stock'd and Set up with Money of their Society, of which they boasted to have a Hundred Thousand Pounds in Cash.

Those who reflect upon what they see or hear, and consider the Tem­per and Actions of these who make a noise in the World, may easily judge whether the Party has con­tinu'd to pursue the same Methods: And therefore, without insisting lon­ger upon this Subject, I shall pro­ceed, in the next place, to take no­tice of such of their Maxims as have been discover'd by themselves.

[Page 55] As for Parliaments, 'tis their Opi­nion, That a King of England's Con­descensionHistory of the Revolutions in England, Book II. p. 357. to his Parliament seldom pro­duces a good Understanding between 'em. And particularly they tell us, that King Charles II. was advis'd to stand firm against the Attempts of an Assembly that made it their usual Cu­stom to oppose and contradict him; that they wou'd still be starting new Claims and Demands, and wou'd at last raise 'em to such a Height, that His Majesty wou'd not be able to grant 'em, without consenting to his own De­position, and consequently wou'd find himself to be still in the same condi­tion; that is, after a thousand Conde­scensions against his own Interest, he wou'd at last be oblig'd to break with his Parliament, and find that his Com­plaisance had encreas'd their Boldness, and made 'em less afraid to oppose him.

They have left no means unat­tempted to set these Stratagems on foot against the present Government, by employing all their Artifices in a successless attempt to engage the King to invade the Liberty of his Subjects, or to make the People incroach [Page 56] upon the Prerogative of the Crown. They endeavor'd to revive the ancient Jealousies that disturb'd the Quiet of the former Reigns; as if it had been possible to keep us from perceiving the difference betwixt a Deliverer and an Oppressor, whose Characters are so opposite, that they can never agree either in the Man­ner or End of executing their Au­thority; for 'tis a necessary conse­quence of their respective Maxims, that the Former shou'd endeavour to Preserve, and the Latter to Destroy his People. 'Tis both the Interest and Duty of an English Parliament to protect the People whom they repre­sent from a Prince who treats 'em as Enemies or Slaves; but they cannot, without consenting to their own Ruin, oppose a King who makes the Honor and Prosperity of the Nation the End of all his Designs and Un­dertakings. And we have reason to adore the favourable Providence of God, who has freed us from the Apprehensions of so terrible a Mis­fortune, and establish'd His Majesty's Throne by the most perfect Union [Page 57] that ever was observ'd betwixt a King and his Parliament.

Besides these Ways to destroy the Nation, which they have known and practis'd so long, the present Juncture has furnish'd 'em with new Expe­dients. In the beginning of the War, our Trade was extremely disturb'd by French Privateers; but since their Defeat at La Hogue made 'em both afraid and unable to engage our Fleet, they seem to make no other use of their Men of War than to surprise our Merchant-Ships. And our trea­cherous Country-Men are always rea­dy to give 'em secret and timely Notice of our Motions, and conse­quently betray the Riches of the Na­tion to its most inveterate Ene­mies.

In the mean time they were se­cretly fomenting our Divisions, and animating the different Parties that are among us, against us and one another. The Scotch Presbyterians were incited to take up Arms, by Sir John Cochram, and those of the same perswasion in England were manag'd by Mr. Ferguson and o­thers.

[Page 58] Deposition of Brice Blair, March 12. 1695. About the time of the Siege of Mons, Sir John Cochram sent a Per­son in whom he confided, to King James, assuring him that, in some parts of Scotland, there were several Presbyterian Ministers who were the Leading Men of the Party, and some Gentlemen of Note that were intire­ly at his disposal. He offer'd his In­terest to King James, from whom he had receiv'd Fifteen Hnndred Pounds Sterl. which he said he had faithfully distributed among his Crea­tures; and desir'd him to send Three thousand Pounds more. In the mean time he pretended an extraordinary Zeal for Liberty of Conscience, and declar'd if King James wou'd not comply with his Subjects in that point, he wou'd Wade thro a Sea of Blood to go thither. Thus he was equally unfaithful to the Nation and to that Party which he seem'd to espouse, by selling the Blood and Liberty of the Former for so small a Sum; and by obliging the Latter to depend upon the Late King's Word for an Advantage of which they were already in possession, and betraying 'em to those who are [Page 59] particularly animated against 'em.

See the Chara­cter of the Pres­byterians, in the History of the Revolutions in England, Book II. Ferguson, the noted Contriver of those Intrigues which at last prov'd Fatal to the unfortunate Duke of Monmouth, fam'd for Inconstancy and Treason, that Prodigy of Plotters whose whole Life is One black My­stery, was also a busie Promoter of this execrable Design. The Chara­cter that is given of him in the History of the Conspiracy against King Charles II. and the Duke of York, which was Written by their Order, is very remarkable, and serves to shew us what use the Party inten­ded to make of a Person, with whose Temper they were so well acquain­ted.

The Author of that Book informs us, that Ferguson was not only en­gag'd in the Design of Assassinating those two Princes, but applauded it as a Glorious Work, saying, that it wou'd be an Admonition to all Princes to take heed how they oppress'd their Subjects; and adding upon another occasion, that it was never thought Injustice to Shoot, or set Traps for Wolves and Tygers. And one of the prin­cipal Conspirators speaking of a Blun­derbuss [Page 60] which he intended to use in the Assassination of his Majesty, broke out into this prophane Jest, That Ferguson shou'd first Consecrate it.

In the same Book we are told that the Duke of Monmouth confess'd to the King, That in all their Debates Fer­guson was always for cutting of Throats, saying, that was the most Compendious Way. That Ferguson himself, when he took his leave of the Conspirators, declar'd, That he wou'd never be out of a Plot as long as he liv'd, and that at one of their Consults he propos'd, that Five or Six of the Old Rich Citizens shou'd be kill'd at First, and their Estates given to the Mobile, to terrifie the rest. That 'twas his constant Custom to out-do all the rest of the Conspirators, by some peculiar Circumstance of Cruelty of his own Invention. That upon all accounts of his restless Spirit, fluent Tongue, subtil Brain, and hellish Malice, he was perfectly Qualifi'd to be the great Incendiary, and com­mon Agitator of the whole Conspi­racy; and that after Shaftsbury's Death, he was the Life and Soul of [Page 61] all, especially for the carrying on of the Assassination.

While such Persons as these were endeavoring to incite the Presbyte­rians to Rebellion, the Episcopal Party was cajol'd by some of the Depos'd Bishops, or by certain Pre­lates that were sent as private Emis­saries from King James. And the same design was also zealously pro­moted by some Clergy-men, who despair'd of Preferment under a Prince, who makes Merit and Ver­tue the only Objects of his Favor and Bounty. They were enrag'd to find themselves disappointed of the great Expectations they had conceiv'd in the preceding Reign, when the Government, designing to render the Church of England weak and con­temptible, made want of Merit one of the principal Recommendations to Advancement. It must be acknow­ledg'd even by those who envy our present Happiness, that the constant Care which is taken to bestow the Benefices and Dignities of the Church upon the most deserving Persons, and to prefer the Desires of the Peo­ple, in the choice of their Pastors, before [Page 62] the most pressing Solicitations of par­ticular Persons, is one of the distin­guishing Beauties of this Reign. The Merit of those who have been ad­vanc'd to the Episcopal Function since the Revolution, is sufficient either to stop the Mouths, or baffle the Impu­dence of their most virulent Ene­mies: And 'tis known that these worthy Prelates are not only encou­rag'd, but enjoin'd to make a con­scientious use of the Power with which they are entrusted, by virtue of their Office and Character to dis­pose of a considerable number of the Inferior Benefices. So that 'tis hard to imagine where the most impudent Malice can find a pretext to censure His Majesty's Conduct in this Point.

Nevertheless 'tis certain, that the Conspirators carry'd on their black Intrigues in all places, and among all sorts of Persons; and even were not asham'd to contradict themselves by endeavoring at once to perswade all the several Parties in the King­dom that they had just cause of Complaint. They suggested to the Rigid Presbyterians, whose ungo­vern'd Zeal made 'em capable of [Page 63] such Impressions, that they ought not to support a Prince who protect­ed the Church of England: And at the same time the Toleration he had granted to Dissenters, was made use of as a pretext to render him odious to the hottest Asserters of Episco­pacy.

He had already given us a suffi­cient Intimation of his Sentiments in this Case, and of the Maxims he intended to pursue; when he de­clar'd in the beginning of his Reign, That He wou'd be King of his People, and not of a Faction. He lov'd mo­derate Persons in all Parties, and re­solv'd to maintain all his Subjects Indifferently in the Possession of their Privileges and Properties. He wou'd never permit any Order or Set of Men to domineer over the rest of their Fellow Subjects; but suted his Maxims to the Free and Manly Ge­nius of his People, who love to be Govern'd by Law. He is naturally inclin'd to Goodness and Clemency; and tho his Temper alone were not sufficient to secure us against uneasie Apprehensions, the Consideration of his Interest wou'd infallibly restrain [Page 64] him from abusing his Authority. The preceding Reign furnishes him with Instructing Examples, and his Virtue is confirm'd by the Faults of his Predecessor. He was advanc'd in opposition to Arbitrary Power, and can never consent to the abolish­ing of those Laws on which his Au­thority is founded: Nor can he en­deavor to render himself absolute in one place, without ruining his Interest in another; for he is equally oblig'd to maintain the Laws of Eng­land, that he may preserve his Au­thority in Holland; and to preserve the Liberty of the Dutch, that he may maintain his Power among us. Never was the Interest and Happi­ness of a Prince so inseparably uni­ted to that of his People; and never had Subjects less reason to be Jea­lous of the Authority of their Sove­raign. This is unquestion'd Matter of Fact, a Truth that can neither be deny'd nor conceal'd; nor can the Conspirators themselves be suppos'd to be ignorant of it. And therefore, since they cannot discover, or so much as pretend to discover any Faults in His Majesty, to excuse their [Page 65] Malice against him, they endeavor'd, under the Shelter of his Virtues, to carry on their execrable Designs.

The Honesty and Integrity of his Temper makes him incapable of Jea­lousy or Distrust, and even seems to invite his Enemies to conspire against him. Besides, he has so great a re­gard to the Laws, that he will not suffer 'em to be violated under any pretext whatsoever; not even for the security of his Person and Go­vernment. And 'tis this which en­courag'd the Conspirators to proceed with less Caution and Fear, as the Reader will easily perceive by the Continuation of the History of their Proceedings.

1692. His De­positions are in the Hands of the Government. Lunt was very active in perform­ing his Commission, and had made a considerable progress about the time when the French were expected in England. He had been at London, where he bought Arms, Carabins, Swords, Pistols, &c. which he sent to Lancashire. He had also listed Soldiers whom he sent to the same County; and had receiv'd Money for their Subsistance from the Lord Molineux and others. And by [Page 66] his Diligence and Success he had in­sinuated himself so far into the Fa­vor and Esteem of the Party, that he was sent back to France, about a Year after the Action at La Hogue. But, before I proceed to give an ac­count of his Voyage and Return, it will not be improper to acquaint the Reader with the State and Dis­position of the Court of St. Germains, about the time of his Arrival there.

'Tis observable that the Policy of the Late King's Council has always consisted in altering their Measures according to the Circumstances of their Affairs. That this has been their constant practice, is plain from their Conduct at the beginning of the Revolution. For upon the News of the Preparations in Holland, he began to remove those instances of his Arbitrary Power that had ren­der'd him odious to his People; but as soon as he receiv'd advice of the pretended Shipwrack of the Dutch Fleet, he repented his former design, and sent Counter-Orders to Oxford. Again, when he left the Kingdom, he endeavour'd to amuse us with [Page 67] new Promises, which were industri­ously dispers'd among the People, both in England and Scotland: Particular­ly, to oblige the Scotch to support his falling Interest, he assur'd 'em, That they and their Posterity shou'd see See his Letter to the Lords and Commons of that King­dom, Dared from on board his Ship. the Effect of the Promises which he had so often made 'em, to maintain their Religion, Liberty and Privileges. But no sooner was he at the Head of his Party in Ireland, and in a condition to pursue his old Maxims, than he seem'd to have lost the very remem­brance of his Promises, and began immediately to persecute the Prote­stants. The Defeat of his Army made him afterwards change his note, and resume a Language of Sweetness and Moderation: But after the Prepara­tions at La Hogue had reviv'd his sinking Hopes, he ventur'd once more to put off the Mask, and talk'd of nothing but Conquest and Re­venge. At last their were two Par­ties form'd in his Court; and while one of 'em wou'd have engag'd him to oblige himself to preserve the Antient Laws of England, the other were still suggesting to him that 'twou'd be too mean a Condescensien to [Page 68] enter into a Treaty with his Sub­jects. The two Cabals were headed by Middleton and Melford, who en­joy'd their Master's Favor by turns, and were successively entrusted with the Management of Affairs, accord­ing to the variety of his Circum­stances.

When he fancy'd himself in a Condition to subdue the Nation by Force, Melford was his Favorite; but when the posture of his Affairs oblig'd him to have recourse to Flat­tery and Complaisance, Middleton was the principal Director of his Coun­sels. The Factions were directly op­posite, and were distinguish'd both by their Names and Sentiments; for the Middletonians were usually known by the Name of Compounders, and the Melfordians had the Title of No Compounders.

Melford had still a Share in the Management of Affairs; but his In­terest was sinking proportionably with the Hope of Conquering England, when, to recover his Credit, he contriv'd the Project of Assassinating his Majesty.

[Page 69] He had already engag'd Bromfield and Griffin, who had their Corres­pondents in England. And upon Lunt's arrival, he propos'd the De­signJuly 1693. to him, engag'd him in it, and sent him to Dover to concert the means of executing it with Captain Noel, Captain Walter, Captain Roberts, Pepper, and Preston.

Decemb. 1693. They had promis'd to Assassinate His Majesty, and even Sign'd an Ob­ligation to that Effect: But after they had consulted with Lunt about the Means of Executing it, they were seiz'd with Horror and Remorse, and resolv'd to atone for their Crime by discovering it to the Council.

January 1693. And that their Information might neither be slighted nor suspected, they made use of one Taff, who not long before had done a considerable Service to the Government, and con­sequently was neither unknown nor unwelcome at Court. By this Man Lunt was introduc'd, and had an op­portunity to make his Discovery. Some time after the Council sent 'emJuly 1694. both to Lancashire with Captain Ba­ker [Page 70] to seize and convict the Conspi­rators in that County.

The Search and Prosecution con­tinu'dJuly 14. 1694. several Months with various Success. The Accus'd Persons, whose Names 'tis thought fit to conceal, absconded as soon as they were in­form'd of the Discovery, and the Design that was on Foot to bringJuly 17. 1694. 'em to Justice. In the mean time their Houses were search'd, and in them were found Saddles, Swords, Carabines, great Quantities of Pow­der and Bullets, Standards, a Com­mission from King James, &c.

Octob. 17. 1694. At the Trial at Manchester, Octob. 17. 1694. the Witnesses depos'd, That the Persons whom they accus'd had re­ceiv'd Commissions from the late King to Levy Troops; that they had listed Soldiers, and form'd 'em into Bodies, with a Design to assist the French after their Landing; that the Papists in Lancashire contributed for the Subsi­stence of these Troops; that they were furnish'd with Officers, Arms, and all sorts of Ammunition for War, &c. But an unexpected Accident put a stop to the further Discovery of the Conspiracy, and sav'd the Traitors [Page 71] from the just Punishment of their Crimes.

They had Money to offer, and consequently cou'd neither want Friends nor Protection. The First whom they gain'd was Taff: He had been well rewarded for his late Service, and expected a new Recom­pence for this Discovery, tho he had contributed nothing towards it, but the Assistance and Testimony which he gave to the Discover. The disappointment of his Hopes made him listen to the advantageous Of­fers of the Faction, and resolve to save his new Masters at the expence of his own Reputation; for he was not asham'd to declare that the Lan­cashire Plot was a Fiction concerted betwixt Lunt and himself, to Ruine some Gentlemen in that County. This Declaration was follow'd by Objections that were made against the Witnesses. They were accus'd of Corruption and Misdemeanors; some of the Judges were preingag'd and possess'd with groundless preju­dices against 'em, and care was taken to disguise the whole Affair to the [Page 72] Sir William Williams took Post for Lon­don immediate­ly after Taff's Declaration, and gave a hor­rible Character of the Witnesses; having obsti­nately resus'd to hear any thing that was offer'd to be alledg'd in their Favor, or to comply with some of the Judges who wou'd have proceeded to the Exami­nation of other Witnesses. Council. The Witnesses were re­presented in the blackest Colors that Artful Malice cou'd invent, and com­mitted to Newgate upon suspicion of having Conspir'd against the Lives and Honor of the Lancashire Gen­tlemen.

The Affair was afterwards brought before both Houses of Parliament, who heard the Witnesses, and others who gave in new Informations. Some of 'em discover'd the secret Treaty betwixt Taff and the Con­spirators; and all of 'em justify'd I unt and his Accusation. And af­ter a full Hearing and Examination, that lasted about six Weeks or twoSee the Votes of the House of Commons on that occa­sion. Months, 'twas declar'd by both Hou­ses, That there had been a horrible Conspiracy against their Majesties Life and Government, &c.

This Vote was an Illustrious Testi­mony that the Witnesses were not only Innocent, but merited the Thanks of the Nation; yet the Prejudice of those who ought to have protected [Page 73] 'em, and the Interest of the Faction they had offended, were so great, that the Resolutions of a whole Par­liament cou'd neither put a stop to their Prosecution, nor procure 'em a fair Trial. They were indicted at the Lancashire Assizes, and, by the prevailing Force of the secret Springs that were employ'd against 'em, were found Guilty of Perjury.

Thus, by an unhappy and prepo­sterous Turn, the Criminals were become Witnesses; and the horrible Conspiracy against Their Majesties was reduc'd to a Conspiracy against Traitors.

1695▪ But their Artifices were at last defeated, and Truth prevail'd over the Power and Treachery of its Ene­mies. The Discoverers asserted their Innocency by the Testimony of For­ty new Witnesses: The Lancashire Gentlemen cou'd not prove their Allegations, and those who were Guilty of no other Crime than en­deavoring to serve the Government, were sent away with assurances of a sutable Recompence.

In the mean time tho the Con­spirators cou'd not succeed in their [Page 74] main design of discrediting the Wit­nesses; they had spread such a Mist upon the whole Affair that they hop'd they might easily conceal their Intrigues for the future from the less penetrating part of Mankind. The Discoveries that had been made were imperfect and controverted, and serv'd only to give us a new instance of the difference betwixt the King and his Enemies. He was so far from imitating either the Arbitrary Violence, or Ungenerous Politics of some Princes in Europe, that he open­ly protected those who had Con­spir'd against his Life, so long as there was the least appearance of Rea­son to doubt of their Guilt. So dear is the Life or Honor of a Subject to a King, that is (what every So­veraign ought to be) the Father of his Country.

On the other hand, the Conspi­rators endeavor'd to prevent a new alarm, by the Death of those whom they suspected. For, not to repeat what has been said concerning Kelly, Dodsworth was kill'd by two Jaco­bite Brothers after he had discover'd what he knew of the Conspiracy: [Page 75] And Redman was Murder'd two days after he had communicated his de­sign to one who betray'd him.

While the Jacobites in Lancashire were pursuing their beloved Project, of destroying the Nation, with so much Heat and Diligence; their Friends in London were continually forming new Designs against His Majesty's Life.

When Parker came to England, to execute the Orders he had re­ceiv'd from his Master, he enter­tain'd an intimate Correspondence with Porter and Goodman, Two of the most zealous Instruments and Promoters of the Treasonable De­signs of the Party. The First was born a Gentleman, and a Protestant; but had spent his Estate, and re­nounc'd his Religion. The other was a Comedian by Profession, and had been formerly Try'd for endea­vouring to Poyson the Dukes of Northumberland and St. Albans; but either his Interest, Innocency, or Subtilty had sav'd him from the Punishment that is due to such a Crime. Parker gave 'em the TwoGoodman's Deposition, A­pril 24. 1696. First Companies in his Regiment, with [Page 76] a large share in his Confidence, and in the secrets of the Faction; but wou'd never acquaint 'em with some of the most Mysterious Circumstan­ces of the Design. He order'd 'em to take a House in, or near London, with large Stables, fit to lodge and accommodate Fifty or Sixty Horses; that they might be in a condition to receive the Troops of Horse, that, from time to time, were to pass thro' London, in their March to the Place of Rendezvous. This is the account he thought fit to give them; but if we consider what happen'd both before and afterwards, 'twill perhaps appear to be more than a bare conjecture, that, since the De­sign to Assassinate His Majesty was then on Foot, these measures were taken to Facilitate the Execution of it.

His Imprisonment diverted his Thoughts to other Objects, and found new Employment for his Friends; among whom, Charnock and Harrison, deserve a particular Re­membrance. The First, who went also by the Name of Robinson, was Born and Educated a Protestant, [Page 77] but chang'd his Religion, to Me­rit the Late King's Favour; which was the sure Reward of those that were willing to deliver up their Conscience, as a Pledge of their Loyalty. He and another, were the only Persons who comply'd with King James's Order to Magdalen Col­ledge; and his Complaisance, on that Occasion, procur'd him the Dignity of Vice-President. But when Honest Men began to reco­ver what they had lost; 'twas fit that Persons of another Character shou'd loose what they had gotten: The Laws that were Re-establish'd by the Revolution, render'd him in­capable of enjoying his Place, and by depriving him of his new Pre­ferment, made him an Enemy to the Government, both by Interest, and Resentment. He had an equal Aversion to the Laws, to the Peo­ple, and to their Deliverer; for af­ter he had incurr'd the Hatred of his Countrey-Men, he thought he cou'd neither recover his Reputa­tion, nor Fortune, but by destroying their Liberty.

[Page 78] Harrison, alias Johnson, was a Priest, who, for a considerable time, hadThis agrees with the Cha­racter, that Brice Blair, gives of him, in his Deposi­tions. been entrusted with the Manage­ment of King James's Affairs. He was a Violent Melfordian; [...]an A­ctive and Zealous Agent of the Par­ty, and so far from being troubl'd with the Scruples, and Checks of a tender Conscience; that he never look'd upon any thing as Difficult or Criminal, that might serve to promote the Interest of the Faction. He had entertain'd a long Corres­pondence with Melfort; who lost his Credit at the Court of St. Germains, upon the miscarriage of the inten­ded Invasion; for, as we observ'd before, 'twas the constant Practice of the Late King's Council, in such Iunctures, to advance Middleton, in Complaisance to the Protestant Jaco­bites.

Good man's Deposition, A­pril 2d, 1696. After Melford's Disgrace; Harri­son chose Caryl, the Late Queen's Secretary, for his Correspondent. He was the Instrument of Delive­ring Colonel Parker out of the Tow­er; which was an Important Ser­vice to the Party. He agreed with those, who suffer'd him to make [Page 79] his Escape, for Five Hundred Pounds; Three hundred of which were paid, and the rest promis'd.

Charnock and Harrison, were look'd upon by the Court at St. Germains, as Persons in whom they might place an Entire Confidence. The Project of Assassinating the King was, doubtless, Communicated to 'em by Parker; who is thought to be the first Contriver of it. Those who are engag'd in such Barbarous Designs, endeavor to find a sort of Justification, or Excuse, in the A­trocity of their Guilt. Every new Crime stretches their Conscience, to make room for a Sin of a larger Size, and Emboldens 'em both to Contrive and Commit the most Horrible Villanies. Nor is it proba­ble, that he conceal'd the Design from Porter and Goodman, with whom, both before, and after his Imprisonment, he entertain'd an In­timate Correspondence. However, 'tis certain, that these Four Men, were either the first Contrivers of the Pro­ject, or at least consulted about the most proper Ways, to put it in Exe­cution, [Page 80] after it was Communicated to 'em.

At first, they only mention'd, the Seizing of the King, and the car­rying of him to France; either be­cause they had no other Intention at that time; or because they fan­cy'd that even the Faintest Sense of Honor and Vertue, might make the Conspirators, reject the startling Proposal of an Assassination.

'Tis plain from their Proceedings afterwards, that their seeming Mo­deration, on this Occasion, was not the effect of any Inclination they had to spare His Majesty's Life. That Barbarous Design was propos'd, under several, and very different No­tions, according to the Characters of those to whom it was Commu­nicated: They usually contented themselves, with mentioning the carrying away of the King, when they imparted the Project, to those in whom they found some unextin­guish'd Sparks of Honor; but they scrupl'd not to own the Assassina­tion in the broadest Terms to those who, they perceiv'd, were transpor­ted by a brutish and ungovern'd Fu­ry. [Page 81] Yet even those who had made the greatest progress in putting off all Humanity cou'd not forbear disco­vering the inward Horror that rack'd their guilty Consciences. Their Minds were so agitated by a Sense of the Enormity of their Crime, that they cou'd not fix upon the Way of executing it. Sometimes they concluded that the quickest way to bring in King James, and restore him to his Crown was, by knocking King William on the Head: Some­times they resolv'd to hurry the King away to Rumney-Marsh, and from thence to carry him over to France; And in some of their Consults 'twas determin'd to carry him-alive into France if they cou'd, if they cou'd not take him alive then to Assassinate him, and pretend it was done by a Random Shot.

Brice Blair was one of the first to whom they communicated the De­sign. He was a Scotch-Man by Birth, and educated a Presbyterian, but af­terwards turn'd Papist. All the Time he had spent in the Service cou'd not procure him a higher Post than that of a Lieutenant▪ and therefore [Page 82] he resolv'd to take a nearer (tho a more indirect) way to Preferment. Yet neither his Religion nor Ambi­tion cou'd make him so much an Enemy to Honor and Virtue, as to be a fit Companion for the Conspi­rators. He was never present at those Consults where 'twas examin'd whether the Assassination, or the Car­ryingBrice Blair's Deposition, March 13th. 1696. away of the King was the quic­kest or surest way to bring in King James and restore him to his Crown; for when Charnock propos'd the De­sign to him by the least odious name, he rejected it in such a manner that they durst never mention it to him afterwards.

Goodman's Deposition, A­pril 24th. 1696 Not long after Porter and Goodman communicated the Project to Sir George Barelay, who was then in England, and just ready to go over to France. They desir'd him to ac­quaint King James with their De­sign, that, if he appro'd it, he might send 'em a Commission with a Par­don included in it.

Goodman's Deposition, A­pril 24th. 1696 It seems Barclay did not send 'em the Commission they expected: But, some time after, Charnock told Good­man that there was an Order to seize [Page 83] the Prince of Orange, for so they usu­ally call'd his Majesty. Upon thisCaptain Por­ter's Deposition. April 24th. 1696. advice a Consult was held, where Charnock produc'd one Waugh that was lately come from France, who told 'em that he expected a Commission to seize the King. This was look'd upon as a sufficient Encouragement to set all their Engines at Work in order to a vigorous prosecution of the Grand Design. They held Mee­ting after Meeting to concert the Methods of executing it: In these Consults some of the Conspirators acquainted the rest with the Intelli­gence they had at Deal, where theyGoodman's Deposition, A­pril 24. 1696. resolv'd to secure a Vessel. To this Effect they sent for a Man who of­fer'd to furnish 'em with one, but dismist him because they cou'd not agree about the Price. Then they resum'd their Debates about the Commission; but since they had none to produce, they broke up without coming to a Conclusion.

Some days after, Charnock, Porter and Waugh met at Brentford, where they consulted about the Ways of executing the Attempt. They view'd the Ground, consider'd the Houses▪ [Page 84] where they shou'd place their Men, and waited till his Majesty shou'dCapt. Porter's Deposition, A­pril 15. 1696. return from Richmond, that they might observe the Guards who ac­company'd him, and his usual Way of Travelling.

They continu'd their Meetings du­ring the Months of January, Februa­ry and March 1694/5; and in one of their Consults at the Mitre-Tavern Larüe's Deposi­tion, February 26th. 1696. in St. James's Market, the Design was communicated to Lariie, whom they look'd upon as a Person entire­ly devoted to the Faction, because he had suffer'd a long and tedious Imprisonment upon suspicion of hold­ing Intelligence with the Enemies of the Government. He embrac'd the proposal, and perhaps was real­ly willing to be engag'd in it; tho, if we reflect upon the Manner and Circumstances of his Discovery, it may be presum'd that he only seem'd to comply with 'em, that the Con­fidence they plac'd in him might en­able him to acquaint the Government with the dark Intrigues of its trea­cherous Enemies.

The Conspirators were all the while kept in Expectation of a Com­mission, [Page] which was retarded by se­veral Accidents. Waugh had toldCapt. Porter's Deposition, A­pril 15. 1696 King James that the Earl of Arran and the Lord Forbes were willing to be concern'd in the Design to carry away the King; but when he attempted to discourse with 'em on that Subject, after his return from France, they both refus'd to have any thing to do with him.

'Twas reported among the Con­spirators, that the News of this Dis­appointment stop'd the sending of the Commission, which was already Sign'd, and expected by every post. And besides, there was one Crosby who went to France, and talk'd so freely and particularly of the De­sign'd Attempt, that 'twas plain he was better acquainted with the se­crets of the Faction, than they either imagin'd or desir'd. Parker wrote,Capt. Porter's Deposition, A­pril 15. 1696. upon this occasion, to Porter and Good­man, who assur'd him that they had never communicated the Design to Crosby: However it seems the Court of St. Germains were so alarm'd by this and other Accidents, that they resolv'd to be more cautious and re­serv'd for the Future.

[Page 86] In the mean time the Conspira­tors were so afraid of loosing the present Opportunity, that they re­solv'd to pursue the Design, with­out expecting a Commission. To this end they provided Men, Arms and Horses; but wanted a Vessel to Transport the King to France, if it shou'd be resolv'd to carry him away, or to facilitate their own Escape, if they shou'd agree upon the Assassination, and therefore, to supply that Defect, Charnock was sent to Deal, with Recommenda­tions to a Captain of Horse, who was acquainted with the Design; and La Rue was appointed to accompanie him. But their Measures were entirely broken by the unexpected haste of the Kings Departure for the Ne­therl [...]nds.

When they saw they had lost the Opportunity of executing their De­sign upon His Majesties Person; they resum'd the Project of the Invasion.

They entertain'd private Emissa­ries in all the Parts of the King­dom, who made it their business to studie the Inclinations, and pry in­to the Affairs of the People; that [Page 87] they might afterwards attack 'em on the Weak Side, and strengthen the Faction by the Addition of a Promiscuous Multitude of all sorts of Persons.

By this means they engag'd a confus'd Medley of Disaffected Per­sons: And besides, they depended upon the Assistance of all the bi­gotted Papists, and a considerable number of pretended Protestants; all the Creatures of the Late Reign, those who had lost either their Em­ployments or Expectations by the Revolution, all the Promoters of Arbitrary Power, several Officers of the Army that was dispers'd at Sa­lisbury, and some Souldiers, who preferr'd a Seditious Idleness, and the Ignoble Dangers of Plotting, before the Honourable Occasions of acquiring Glory in the Field.

The whole Design was carried on by a Set of Men, who had either lost, or never had, a Sense of Ho­nour and Vertue; who look'd upon the Laws and Religion, as Vain and Empty Names, and acted as if their Private Interest, and the Recom­pences they expected had been a [Page 88] sufficient security for the Public Safety: Men who had neither Re­putation to loose, nor Estates to live upon; who were equally Indigent and Idle, and were neither able to endure the usual Hardships of Pover­ty, nor willing to prevent 'em by an honest Industry: Turbulent and Restless Spirits, who delight in Tumults and Confusion, and repine at the Quiet of their Neighbors; and, as a worthy Reinforcement to the Cabal, those who were not fit to appear in better Company, I mean, such as were suspected of Co­wardice. For as no Man has con­tributed more than his Majesty to bring Valor into Credit and Fashion, 'tis his Fate to be extremely hated by Cowards, as he is generally re­spected, and in a manner ador'd by the Brave. Those who have the Courage to aspire to Glory, Admire an Example which they can never imitate; and never was any Prince so Pelov'd by his own Army, or so Esteem'd by that of his Ene­mies.

There were two sorts of Persons in whom the Conspirators plac'd a [Page 89] particular Confidence; the New Con­verts and the Libertines whom they had drawn into the Party; those who had either no Religion, or had embrac'd that of the Faction. For they concluded that such Persons as these wou'd always be ready to en­gage in a Design, that tended to the Destruction of all Honest and Good Men.

'Twas one of their principal Stra­tagems to cry down Religion in ge­neral; because they were sensible that the love of our Religion kept us inseparably united to a Prince that had preserv'd it. And at the same time they left no means un­attempted to weaken and divide our Church: For on the one hand, they endeavor'd to introduce a Remiss­ness and Indifferency in Matters of Religion; and on the other, they made it their business to foment our Differences about certain new Opi­nions, exasperating the Zeal of our Orthodox Divines by Artifices that need not be mention'd in this place.

They endeavor'd to insinuate them­selves into the confidence of those [Page 90] who seem'd to be dissatisfy'd with the Court; and oftentimes made use of 'em as Tools for the carrying on of a Design of which they were wholly ignorant.

They admitted all that were willing to be engag'd, but were more than ordinarily careful to draw in those who might be useful to the Faction; flattering the Interest of some, and the Ambition of others, and enti­cing both with small Presents and large Promises.

They endeavor'd to corrupt the Officers of the Fleet, Army and Mi­litia;This appears by Capt. Por­ter's Deposition, April 15th. 1696. and tamper'd with the Clerks and Secretaries of those who either were, or had been employ'd in E­minent Posts under the Government, that by their means they might get Intelligence of such things as they were desirous to know. Thus they obtain'd an Account of the Naval Forces of one, and a List of the Ar­my of another.

'Twou'd be an endless Labor to relate all their Contrivances and Ma­chinations; and therefore I shall con­tent my self with taking notice of their General Maxims.

[Page 91] They were sensible that the Eng­lish are generally possess'd with a natural Antipathy against the French; that we had been for a long time under perpetual Apprehensions of the growing Power of those incroaching Neighbors, and that our Jealousy and Aversion were extremely heigh­ten'd since the beginning of the War. And therefore to divert our Hatred and Suspicion to another Object, they endeavor'd to possess us with an ill­grounded Jealousy of the Dutch. To this end, they were still putting us in mind of the dangers to which we expos'd our selves, by depending upon the Friendship of a Nation, that was wholly compos'd of Presbyteri­ans and Republicans; without con­sidering that their being so makes it their Interest that we shou'd never imitate their Example; since their Provinces wou'd be quickly aban­don'd, if their People cou'd find in this Kingdom the Religion, Disci­pline and Government to which they are inclin'd by Birth and Education. For 'tis very natural to suppose, that if these Impediments were remov'd, [...] Inhabitants of such a Country [Page 92] as Holland, wou'd embrace with Joy the inviting Opportunity of living in a Fertile and Pleasant Land, where they might securely enjoy all the Comforts and Conveniencies of Life, with infinitely less trouble and pains, and without the Disadvantage of paying Taxes in time of Peace; and to which they might easily tran­sport both their Trade and E­states.

Another of their detestable Con­trivances was to make us forget, or, at least, to lessen our Esteem for our Deliverer. 'Twas for this Reason they usually call'd him the Dutch Prince, and sometimes had the im­pudence to speak of him in base and scurrilous Terms; as when, at one of their Traiterous Meetings, they squeez'd an Orange, and drank a health to the Destruction of the squeez'd and rotten Orange.

'Twas thus they were not asnam'd to treat a Prince who sav'd Europe by his Courage and Resolution, who inspires his Armies with Valor by his own inimitable Example, and has made his Subjects Masters of the Sea, and Arbiters of the Christian World. [Page 93] A Prince to whom we owe all the hopes we can reasonably entertain, of an honorable and advantageous Peace; and who has rais'd the Glo­ry of the Nation to its Ancient Re­putation and Splendor.

Sometimes they affected a seem­ing Zeal for the Public Good, that they might have an opportunity to exclaim against the necessary Charge of the War. Those who were best acquain­ted with the Interest of the Nation, and most concern'd to promote it, had often demonstrated, what common Sense suggests to every considering Person, That the Expending of our Money, on this occasion, is the best Instance we can give of our Fru­gality; That 'tis both our Duty and Interest to give away part, that the whole may be preserv'd; That His Majesty's Predecessors might, easily, and with little charge, have stopp'd the progress of their ambitious Neigh­bor; That 'tis their Fault we are now oblig'd to pay so dear for our Preservation; That if the French were Masters of the Netherlands, the present Taxes wou'd not be sufficient for our necessary Defence; That if [Page 94] Holland were also added to their Con­quests, the unavoidable Charge of the War wou'd be still greater; And that, at last, when we shou'd have no Allies to support us, we must infallibly become a Prey to the In­solent Cruelty of our Enemies, and for ever groan under the insuppor­table Yoke of Popery and Sla­very.

Such Reflections as these were made by several wise and judicious Per­sons, and inculcated with all the force of Reason and Eloquence; but 'twas in vain to hope that Reason wou'd have any Influence upon those who were resolv'd to stop their Ears a­gainst it, and made it their business to hinder others from hearing it. The Conspirators, with their usual Impudence, continu'd still to insist upon an Objection that had been so often and so unanswerably confuted; amusing the People with perpetual Murmurings and Complaints, and imagining that the groundless Ap­prehensions, which they endeavor'd to raise in the Minds of the unwary Croud, wou'd, by degrees, make 'em lose the Remembrance of the [Page 95] Real and Terrible Dangers that threaten'd 'em in the preceding Reign.

But the subtlest and most dange­rous of all their Artifices, was that by which they cunningly impos'd upon the heedless Credulity of some Persons; who neither approv'd their Principles nor Practices. For 'tis certain that the Party of those who really long for the Establishment of Arbitrary Power and the Destru­ction of the Protestant Religion, is in it self very small and inconside­rable, and wou'd be eternally the Weakest, if it were not augmented and supported by an unthinking Mul­titude who suffer themselves to be led they know not whither. This may be properly call'd, The Listing of Tools for the Service of the Fa­ction.

At first, to cajole the Church-Party, they employ'd the Interest they had at Court, in some of the preceding Reigns, to raise a Persecu­tion against the Dissenters; but their seeming Zeal for the Preservation of the Church that is establish'd by Law was so little to be depended on, that, [Page 96] even then, they had titular Prelates, who were actually engag'd in a Con­spiracy against the Nation, and only waited for a favorable opportunity, to dispossess the Protestant Bishops▪ In the late Reign they seem'd to alter their Measures, and began to court the Non-Conformists, that all the Sects in the Kingdom might think themselves oblig'd, both by Gratitude and In­terest, to support a Government that protected 'em. By this unexpected appearance of Tenderness they insi­nuated themselves into the good O­pinion of a considerable Number of the Dissenters, who desir'd no more than a Toleration to Worship God after their own Fashion: But while these deluded People were expres­sing their Thankfulness to the Court in fulsom and extravagant Addresses; those very Persons who appear'd to be the most zealous Promoters of a Liberty of Conscience here, employ'd all their Interest to enflame the Per­secution in France, and were perpe­tually soliciting that Monarch to compleat the Ruine of his Protestant Subjects.

[Page 97] Since the Revolution, it has been the constant Endeavor of the Faction to engage those who are always un­easie in time of War, by reason of the Charge and Inconveniencies that attend it: But in this, as in all other Projects and Contrivances, they were so far from making good their Pre­tensions to a hearty Zeal for the Good of their Country, that they made two desperate Attempts to de­liver it up to the Revenge of an in­cens'd Enemy.

At present they take advantage of the dangerous Folly of those who are still wishing for a Peace, without considering either the Terms or Con­sequences of it. They believe, or at least wou'd make us believe, that every Man is a declar'd Enemy to a Peace, who desires that it may be solid and advantageous. They wou'd fain perswade us that 'tis the King who opposes it; tho they are sensi­ble we cannot be ignorant, that 'tis his principal Care, as well as his In­terest and Glory, to procure the Quiet and Happiness of Europe. The main Drift of these pernicious Insi­nuations is either to render His Ma­jesty [Page 98] odious to those who are unac­quainted with their Devices; or, by a treacherous and ill-secur'd Peace, to make way for a Fatal and Bloody War, against those very Persons whom they now amuse with a pretended Zeal for the Interest of their Coun­try. For such wou'd be the dismal and inevitable Consequences of their false Politics, if the King and Par­liament wou'd renounce their won­ted Prudence in complaisance eicher to Fools or Knaves.

It must be acknowledg'd that we cannot, without Injustice, pronounce an equally severe Sentence upon all who promote the designs of the Fa­ction. For 'tis certain there are a considerable number of deluded and unthinking Persons, who suffer them­selves to be led by those who are Superior to 'em both in Wit and Malice. But tho the simplicity of such undesigning Tools may in some measure extenuate their Guilt; their obstinacy makes 'em as Dan­gerous as the fiercest and most de­sperate Traitors. For when one does what he can to destroy the Laws, Religion, and Liberty of his Coun­try, [Page 99] the Honesty of his Intention can never atone for the fatal Conse­quences of his Error.

This Reflexion wou'd perhaps carry me beyond the Limits of my intended Moderation, if I were not resolv'd to give the most favorable Treatment that can be allow'd to to those for whom His Majesty re­tains a Paternal Affection, notwith­standing their repeated Provocations. In imitation of so generous an Ex­ample, all possible care shall be ta­ken, to spare the Names of those, whose Crimes have not already ren­der'd 'em incapable of such a Fa­vor.

Among these notorious Criminals, we may justly reckon Sir William Parkins, Sir John Friend and Sir John Fenwick. The First was bred a Law­yer, and never had so much as the Name of a Soldier, till he was made an Officer by King James. He wasKing James wrote several Letters to him with his own Hand. treated by the Court at St. Germains, with a more than ordinary Civility: They told him that they expected great things from him; and ' [...]is pro­bable he expected great Rewards from them. At first he had only a [Page 100] Troop in Parker's Regiment; but since they knew he had an Estate, they quickly put him in a way to spend it, by sending him a Com­mission to Levy a Regiment of Horse.

Sir John Friend was a Citizen and Brewer of London, oblig'd to the late King for an advantageous Place in the Excise. However, tho he was dissatisfy'd with the Revolution, and refus'd to comply with the pre­sent Government, he seem'd at first unwilling to engage in any Plot or Conspiracy against it. The little Sense he had was sufficient to con­vince him, that 'twas not his Busi­ness to reform the Works of Provi­dence, and much less to declare him­self an Enemy to his Religion and Country. But neither his Judgment nor Conscience was able to resist his Vanity, which was strong enough to make him sacrifice both, for anBrice Blair in his Depositions. empty Complement. They show'd him a Letter from Melfort, by which it appeard that King James plac'd a great deal of Confidence in him; and the poor Man was even ravish'd with joy at his Old Master's Kind­ness. [Page 101] He wrote a Letter to King James, and receiv'd so obliging an Answer, that, to express his Grati­tude, he resolv'd to spend a good part of his Estate in his Service. In pursuance of this Resolution, he ad­vanc'd considerable sums of Money, upon several occasions, which were pay'd in Parchment, a sort of Coin that pass'd currantly among Persons of Sir John Friend's Character, tho its intrinsic Value was scarce equal to that of the Irish Brass-Money. Sir John receiv'd a Commission to be Colonel of Horse, and Brice Blair, whom the Party employ'd to draw him in, was made his Lieutenant-Colonel.Bertram's De­position March 3. 169 [...]. The First had an Estate, and the Second was a Soldier; Sir John was to be at the Charge of raising the Men, and Blair was to instruct him in the Duties of his new Occupation. Besides, Fer [...]uson was one of Sir John's particular Friends, by whose Agency he en­deavor'd to draw in the Presbyteri­ans: And he was so confident of the success of that Negotiation, that he prom [...]s'd to bring a considerable Number of 'em to meet the Late [Page 102] King at his Landing. He entertain'd also an intimate Correspondence with Harrison, and the Popish Rebels in some Counties, with whom he was ready to joyn in the intended Massa­cre of the Protestants; tho, after all, if we may take his own Word for't, he had the good Fortune to dye a Martyr for the Church and Religion of England.

Sir J hn Fenwick is a Man of Qua­lity, and had a considerable Estate. He was a Colonel in the English Troops, that were formerly sent to the Assistance of the Dutch; and 'tis said that he was cither dism [...]st from the Service, or quitted it upon some disgu [...]. His disgrace in Holland serv'd to recommend him to the English Court, and procur'd him the place of a Licutona [...]t in the late King's Gu [...]rds. Since the Revolution, he his sp [...]r'd neither pains nor cost to promote that Prince's interest; and as a Ma [...]k of his Zeal and Fidelity▪ undertook to Levy a Regiment of Horse f r his Service. Yet tho the very Name he bears is odious to Protestants, tho his Relations are Pa­pists, and his Brother a Priest, and [Page 103] tho he was always distinguish'd by the peculiar confidence which the Faction plac'd in him; among all the Informations I have yet had occasion to see, there are none that charge him with having any hand in the Conspiracy against His Maj [...]sty's Person: But either his Confession or Trial will soon unrid­dleCapt. Porter's Deposition, March 3. 1695/6. the Mystery, and clear all our doubts concerning him.

These Three Men were each of 'em to Levy a Regiment of Horse, and one Tempest of Durham had aLa Ruë's De­position, Febru. 26. 1695/6. Commission to raise one of Dragoons. Besides, they depended on Parker's Regiment; for tho the Colonel was in France, there were Commissions actually distributed to raise the Troops. These were the Five Regiments of Horse and Dragoons, which the Con­spirators boasted they had in England. They expected also a Body of Horse from Lancashire, where a considerable number▪ of Papists were still in a rea­diness to March to the Rendezvous. Sir John Friend entertain'd a Corre­spondence with 'em, and pay'd 'em Subsistence-Money, either upon his own account, or by Order▪ And [Page 104] 'twas by the Assistance of these Ima­ginary Forces, that the Conspirators fancy'd themselves in a Condition to undertake the Conquest of Great Britain.

The Earl of Aylesbury, and Sir John Friend. Some of ▪em wou'd have perswa­ded the Faction to try their Fortune with their own Forces, without waiting for the Assistance they ex­pected from France. They had ta­ken so many Ways to prepare the Dispositions of the People, that they concluded 'em to be generally ripe for an Insurrection. Besides, the King was in Flinders with his Army; and the Conspirators were not much afraid of the small Number of stan­ding Forces that were left for the Defence of the Kingdom. And as Ten Seditious and Disaffected Per­sons make a greater Bustle than Ten Thousand Men who live in Quiet; so the Jacobites, who are scarce a Handful to the Honest Party in the Kingdom, make as much noise as all the rest of the Nation.

The Impunity of their Crimes lessen'd their Remorse for 'em, and the Clemency of the Government encourag'd 'em to conspire against [Page 105] it; but since 'twou'd have been a difficult Task to bubble a whole Na­tion, or to make 'em Actors in their own Destruction, the Design of con­quering England by an English Army was rejected as impracticable; and the Conspirators found themselves ob­lig'd to depend upon the Assistance of the French.

'Twas about the end of May, or the beginning of July, 1695. thatCapt. Porter's Deposition, March 14. 1695/6. some of the most considerable Per­sons of the Faction met to delibe­rate about the present posture of their Affairs. The Earl of Aylesbury, the Lord Montgomery, Son to the Marquess of Powis, Sir John Friend, Sir William Parkins, Charnock, Porter, Goodman, Cook, &c. were present at a Consult which was held at the Old Goodman's Deposition, A­pril 24. 1696. King's-Head Tavern in Leaden▪ Hall-Street; where they agreed to send Charnock with a Message to King James, entreating him to procure Eight Thousand Foot, a Thousand Horse, and a Thousand Dragoons from the French King.

Charnock accepted the Commission, but desir'd to know what number of Forces he might offer in their [Page 106] Names; upon which they promis'd to meet King James at the Head of Two Thousand Horse, as soon as they shou'd receive the News of his Lan­ding.

This was but a small Force for so great an Undertaking; tho it will appear to be much above the Strength of the Faction, if we consider the Ways they took to Levy and Subsist their secret Militia. They tamper'd, indifferently, with all Indigent and Scandalous Persons, especially the Of­ficers and Soldiers who had contribu­ted, in Ireland, to the Oppression of the Protestants, or, in England, to the Subversion of the Laws. They gave Money to the poorer Sort for their present Subsistence, but kept 'em still in a necessitous Condition, that they might be oblig'd to depend upon the Party.

They endeavor'd to engage the Officers, by Flattering 'em with Hopes of Preferment; making the Ensigns Captains, and promising Regiments to those who were Captains before. For 'tis neither Reason nor Justice, but Licentiousness and Disorder, that advance the Designs of a Faction.

[Page 107] Of their Troopers, some had Mo­ney to buy Horses, but there were few of this Number; some reckon'd to borrow 'em upon occasion, and others resolv'd to take 'em where they cou'd find 'em.

Goodman's Deposition, A­pril 24. 1696. Sir John Fenwick was the Author of the last of these Projects; for, in­stead of rendering themselves suspe­cted by providing a great number of Horses, he advis'd 'em, when the Design shou'd be ripe for Execution, to seize on all the Horses they cou'd find, in, or about London. And this Advice was so well lik'd by the Con­spirators, that some of 'em took care to take a List of the Horses.

Nor was this meerly the Effect of Sir John Fenwick's Prudence; for he had already been so Liberal a Bene­factor to the Faction, that he found himself oblig'd to moderate his Ex­pences for the Future. His Credi­tors, to whom he had resign'd his Estate, allow'd him an Annuity, which was sufficient for his Subsi­stence, but not for carrying on his Designs. Brice Blair's Deposition, March 16. 1695/6.

Sir John Friend was almost in the same condition; for he had advanc'd [Page 108] such considerable Summs for the subsistence of his Men, that he was afraid, if the Design of the Invasion shou'd miscarry, he shou'd not have enough left to carry on his Trade.

Sir William Parkins had also put himself to a considerable Charge, thoSweets's Depo­sition, March 18. 1695/6. he had bought but Thirty Horses, which was a meer Trifle in compa­risonLa Ruë's De­position, Febr. 26. 1695/6. to the Number he wanted. And besides, the Arms he had pro­vided wou'd not have furnish'd the Twentieth part of his Regiment:James Ew­banks's Deposi­tion, March 23. 1695/6. however they were more than he durst own, and therefore he was forc'd to hide 'em in the Country.

To conclude, they cou'd not but fore­see that those whom they had drawn in by supplying their present Neces­sities, wou'd not be so ready to en­counter the apparent Dangers of the Attempt, as they were to offer their Service.

'Tis plain from these Remarks that 'twou'd have been a hard Task for the Conspirators to make good their Promise, to meet the Late King at the Head of Two Thousand Horse. Besides, the Charge of car­rying on the Design was too heavy [Page 109] for those that were engag'd in it; their Money was spent in useless Preparations, and a longer Delay wou'd have been as dangerous as a rash and preposterous Haste.

Charnock was a Man of too much Sense, and to well acquainted with the Strength of the Faction, to rely upon the Promises they had made him: And therefore he desir'd another Meeting, which was held at a Tavern near Sir John Fenwick's Lodgings, and consisted of the same Persons that were present at the former, except the Lord Montgomery. There Char­nock desir'd to know whether they were resolv'd to make good their proposals, and upon the new Assuran­ces they gave him, he undertook the Commission, and some days after, embark'd for France.

But the late King's Council did not think fit to Answer their Expe­ctations: For the Design was not yet ripe for Execution, nor their Affairs, either in England or France, in such a Posture as they desir'd.

They had sounded the Inclinati­ons of the Parliament, People and Army; and by several vain Attempts [Page 110] had endeavor'd to debauch their Fi­delity. 'Twas their Interest and De­sire that either the whole Army, or a considerable part of it, shou'd be disbanded by the Parliament, that there might not be a sufficient num­ber of standing Forces left, to oppose the Conspirators.

To this end, their Emissaries were instructed to exaggerate the unavoi­dable Inconveniencies of the War, and to perswade the People, and especially their Representatives, that 'twou'd be necessary to encrease our Naval Force, for the security of our Trade, and at the same time to les­sen an Army that was useful to Fo­reigners, but only chargeable to our Selves. How is the Nation cheated, was their usual Cant, and what oc­casion is there for so vast an Expence, as if so brave a Fleet were not suf­ficient to defend us? How are we degenerated from the Valor of our Ancestors, how basely do we injure their glorious Memory, by dreading an Enemy whom they have so of­ten defeated, and how poorly it sounds in the Mouth of an English-Man to talk of an Invasion from [Page 111] France? By these and such like cun­ning Insinuations they wou'd have perswaded us that we were oblig'd in Honor to give our Enemies all the advantages they cou'd desire; and that 'twas a mark of Cowar­dice to put our selves in a posture of Defence. But these Artifices did not take effect, tho there were even some well-meaning Persons who had learn'd the Language, and promoted the Designs of those who at the same time were plotting their Ruine.

They had endeavor'd to stir up the People to Rebellion, or at least to try what might be expected from 'em if an Insurrection shou'd be be­gun.

In pursuance of this Design, some Facobites, taking advantage of the Mildness of the Laws, and the In­dulgency of the Government, met at a noted Tavern, where under pre­text of a Drunken Frolic, which they hop'd wou'd be either slighted or excus'd, they assum'd the boldness to stop those who happen'd to pass that way, and to make 'em drink a Health to King James and the pre­tended Prince of Wales. But at last [Page 112] the People were so incens'd, and broke into the House with so much Fury, that the Impudent Rioteers, fearing to be torn in pieces by the Rabble, were glad, for their own security, to be seiz'd and carry'd to New­gate.

They had also form'd a Project to surprize the Tower, to favor the in­tended Insurrection; but all the Friends they had in it were not a­ble to make 'em Masters of that im­portant Place, nor cou'd they hope to keep it, if they shou'd have suc­ceeded in the Attempt.

They had, in the last place, en­deavor'd to corrupt the Forces that were left in the Kingdom, but had no great reason to boast of theirGoodman's Deposition, A­pril 24. 1696. Success: For, except some Troopers in the Earl of Oxford's Regiment, and here and there an Officer or a Soldier in the Militia, there were none who wou'd be engag'd in so black an Enterprize.

Capt Porter's Deposition, A­pril 15. 1696. Nor was the posture of their Af­fairs in France more encouraging than in England. For Lewis XIV. stood in need of all his Forces to oppose the Confederates whom he cou'd [Page 113] not hinder from making considerable Conquests. We were Masters of the Sea, and were either preparing, or had actually begun, to Bombard his Sea-port Towns. His Fleet was coop'd up in the Mediterranean and durst not venture to repass the Streights: So that how welcome soever the Proposals might be to the Courts of Versailles and St. Germains, they cou'd not in such a Juncture spare so ma­ny Men as their Friends in England desir'd. And therefore Charnock was sent back with a Compliment to the Jacobites, and a promise of As­sistance upon the first convenient Occasion.

The last Winter was the Time they pitch'd upon to make good their Promise. Thirty Batalions were or­der'd to March towards Calais, and the late King left St Germains to put himself at the Head of 'em. Three or Four Hundred Transport Ships were prepar'd with all possible se­crecy and diligence to bring over their Land-Forces, under the Convoy of a Squadron of Men of War, some of the Men were already embark'd, and the rest were embarking, in or­der [Page 114] to make a Descent upon this Kingdom, before Providence thought fit to discover the mysterious Design of this Expedition.

Any considering Person that was not acquainted with the Mystery of Iniquity, wou'd have concluded the Invasion of England to be as Impra­cticable then, as it was the Summer before. The French Fleet was still at Thoulon, and notwithstanding theBrice Blair's Deposition, March 16. 1695/6. advice we had of their Design to Re-pass the Streights, we had no reason to be afraid of any Attempt they cou'd make against us. For, in all humane probability, we seem'd to be equally secure, whether the Squadron that was design'd to rein­force our Fleet in the Streights shou'd pursue their intended Voyage or re­main in our Ports; since their arri­val there wou'd have prevented the Return of the Thoulon Fleet into the Ocean, and their staying here wou'd have enabl'd us to encounter with both the Fleets of our Enemies. And our Apprehensions were extremely lessen'd by the daily Expectation of our Squadron from Cadiz, which, we had all the reason in the World [Page 115] to believe, wou'd sail immediately after the French, since they had no­thing to do in the Mediterranean af­ter their departure.

Besides, we know that the Thou­lon Fleet cou'd not pass the Streights without a favorable Wind, and that even the quickest aud most prospe­rous Voyage they cou'd expect, wou'd extremely retard the Execu­tion of their Designs.

Our Enemies knew before this time, that our Squadron wou'd not sail to the Mediterranean for that was so far from being kept secret, that 'twas openly declar'd. Nor cou'd they be ignorant that we had a very considerable Number of Men of War in our Ports, and that the outward bound Fleets of Merchant Ships with those that were daily expected, wou'd furnish us with a more than suffici­ent Number of Seamen to Man them.

Before they cou'd execute their Design against us, 'twas necessary they shou'd Embark their Troops, pass the Sea and make a Descent in this Kingdom: And after their Landing, some time must have been [Page 116] spent in Receiving the English Re­bels, forming a Body of Horse, En­trenching their Forces, and furnish­ing themselves with Provisions and Ammunition. Now, supposing that all these Preparations wou'd have re­quir'd no more than Four or Five Days; 'tis plain from the Event, that, even upon so short a Warning, we cou'd have put our selves in a posture of Defence. For not long after, they found to their cost, that we were able, in as little time, to bring Fourscore Men of War toge­ther; and consequently wou'd have been equally in a Condition to bring over a sufficient Number of Forces from Flanders, and to hinder our E­nemies from sending a Reinforce­ment to make good their Des­cent.

Nor cou'd it be suppos'd that any Jacobites, who had not entirely lost [...]he use of their Reason, wou'd ven­ [...]re to join an Army of Foreigners [...]at wou'd have been in a manner besieg'd both by Sea and Land, and cou'd neither avoid nor resist the just Fury of an injur'd Nation. And besides, we shou'd have quickly rais'd [Page 117] a numerous and formidable Army; for the City of London alone offer'd to furnish the King with Twenty Thousand Men, on that occa­sion.

Thus 'tis plain that the Design of invading England, in such a Jun­cture, was either absolutely impra­cticable, or at least attended with unavoidable, and almost invincible Difficulties, and consequently might have been justly look'd upon as the Wild Project of a Distemper'd Brain; if the Conspirators had not depen­ded upon the success of an Expedi­ent which they had contriv'd to dis­solve the Parliament, and put the whole Kingdom into a Consternation that wou'd have made us incapable of defending our selves. They knew that His Majesty was the Life and Soul of his Subjects, that his Wis­dom secur'd 'em from the Devices, as his Valor protected 'em from the Attempts of their Enemies; and therefore resolv'd upon the compen­dious Way of Destroying England in the Person of its Great Defen­der.

[Page 118] But before I proceed to give an account of that Hellish Enterprize, 'twill be highly convenient to take a view of the preceding Intrigues and Contrivances of the Faction.

In France, they industriously ex­aggerated the Number and Power of the English Jacobites. To perswade the People of that unhappy Nation to endure, with a servile patience, the Tyranny of their insolent Oppressors, they gave out that the English were quite Exhausted by the multiply'd Taxes that were impos'd upon 'em, that they were not able to support the Charge of the War any longer, and wou'd be quickly forc'd to submit to the Mercy of Lewis the Great. And the same Artifice was made use of, to encourage the French Council to protect and assist the Late King.

It appears that the French King gave Credit to those Surmises; for in a Letter which he wrote to his Ambassador at the Court of Sweden, he says expresly, That his Troops were Marching to the Coasts, and ready to Embark, as soon as the News of an Insurrection in that Kingdom shou'd confirm the Advices he had so often [Page 119] receiv'd, &c. that the Nation was ge­nerally Dissatisfy'd with the Prince of Orange's Government.

But he was quickly made sensible of his Mistake, and that too in a manner, which was equally glorious to the English Nation, and mortify­ing to its most terrible Enemy, for 'tis certain, and must be acknow­ledg'd, even by those who saw it with Grief and Vexation, that ne­ver any Subjects discover'd a more tender Affection, and a more hearty and vigorous Loyalty to their Sove­reign, than the Parliament and Peo­ple of England did, on this occasion, to His Majesty.

In the mean time the Emissaries of the Faction, who are dispers'd thro all Europe, were industriously labour­ing to defame the English Nation,They represent us as an [...]ntra­ctable, Seditious, and R belli [...]us People, always Jealous of our Neighbors, and seldom in Quiet among ourselves. See the Second Book of the Hi­story of th [...] Revolutions in England. and to render us either odious or suspected to the Princes our Allies, that they might look upon us as un­worthy of their Assistance, and leave us to the Mercy of our Enemies. They endeavor'd to put all the World in Expectation of beholding New Catastrophe's in a Kingdom, which they usually stile, The Land of Revo­lutions, [Page 120] [...] th [...]y pretend that Tumults and In [...]rre [...]tions are the familiar Recreations of the Peo­ple

To vindicate the Honor of our Country, and disc [...] the Weakness and Injustice of these spiteful Asper­sions, 'twill be sufficient to observe, that it has been the constant Practice of the Faction, to fasten their own Crimes upon us; and to ascribe the Disorders and Divisions, which they kindle and soment among us, to the Genius of the Nation, and the Hu­mor of the People. Nor will the Parliament and People of England be accus'd of Lightness and Inconstancy by any unbya [...]s'd Person that consi­ders how much they have exceeded even their Wisest and most Wary Neighbors, in securing their Liberty and preserving an undisturb'd Peace and Tranquillity in their Country, and how firmly they have adher'd to their own true Interest, during the whole course of a War, which they maintain with equal Glory, Pru­dence and Resolution.

The Roman-Catholic Princes were upbraided for entering into a Confe­deracy [Page 121] with the Enemies of their Religion. But they were too wise, and too well acquainted with the Designs of those who wou'd have perswaded 'em to sacrifice their In­terest to their Superstition; to suffer themselves to be impos'd upon by an Artifice, which, twice in our Memory, had almost prov'd Fatal to Europe. First, when, under pretext of promoting, or, at least, not op­posing, the Advancement of the Ro­man-Catholic Religion, the French King was suffer'd to over-run the United Provinces, and to extend his Conquests so far that in the Judg­ment of the least Apprehensive Minds it seem'd hardly possible to hinder him from making himself Master of Amsterdam, and, with it, of the Fleet, Army, Credit, and Money of that potent Republic, which wou'd have render'd his Power almost as bound­less as his Ambition. And, a Se­cond time, when, after the Peace of Nimeghen, the French found a way to keep us from looking abroad, by engaging us in unnecessary Quarrels about Religion at home, and by that means diverted the prudent Jealousie [Page 122] of the only Nation in Europe that was able to curb their Ambition; for, by retaining the possession of Pignerol, Cazal, Hunninghen, Stras­burg, Montroyal, Luxemburg, &c. they kept, at once Italy, Switzerland, Ger­many and the Netherlands under a kind of Subjection; and, in the Ge­neral, all the Princes and States of Europe were over-aw'd by the severe Politics and formidable Power of an ambitious Monarch, who, like an ill-natur'd Neighbor, made every petty Trespass or accidental Slip, the pretext of a new Invasion.

If our Deliverance had been de­ferr'd till the Popish Party had secur'd the Plurality of Voices in the Parli­ament▪ and Modell'd an Army to support their unjust Usurpations: If the two Kings had had time to ex­ecute the Grand Design of destroying Holland, and extirpating the Northern Heresy; the House of Austria wou'd have been quickly sensible of the fatal Consequences of this pretended Advancement of the Roman-Catholic Religion. But, to return to the Kingdom that was doom'd to feel the [Page 123] first effects of these dismal Altera­tions.

The English Jacobites, as well as the Court of St. Germains, were ge­nerally divided into Melfordians and Middletonians; and while one of the Parties declar'd openly for Arbitrary Power, the other insisted upon the Necessity of entering into a kind of Treaty with the Nation.

The former were entrusted with the Secrets of the Faction, and the Com­mand of the Troops that were to be employ'd in the Destruction of their Country. All the Colonels were a­nimated with the Spirit of Melford: Parker was engag'd in the most fu­rious Designs of the Party; and both Parkins and Friend are represented asBrice Blair in his Deposition, March 9. 1695/6. violent Melfordians, by a Person in whom they plac'd a particular Con­fidence. The Lancashire Papists both by Inclination and Interest, were zea­lous Promoters of Arbitrary Power. Porter, Goodman, Charnock, and the rest of the Officers, who were to act either in the Assassination or Invasion, were influenc'd by the same Principles, and ready to obey the most barbarous Orders of their Commanders.

[Page 124] Thus each of the opposite Cabals apply'd themselves to their respective Tasks: For while the Middletoni­ans were employ'd to amuse the Peo­ple with flattering Hopes, and Assu­rances of a favorable Treatment; the Melfordians, who were the sole Ma­sters of the Forces and Arms of the Faction, were putting themselves in a condition to violate the Promises of the former; which made one say, That he was neither so much a Fool, nor a Villain, as to engage in the Party.

It seems the Faction imagin'd that they cou'd easily betray the Nation to the cruel Ambition of a Foreign and Implacable Enemy: But not­withstanding their Confidence of Suc­cess, they scrupl'd not to contrive the basest and most treacherous Ex­pedients to accomplish their unnatu­ral Design. The Reader will find an evident Confirmation of both these Truths in a Discourse that past Brice Blair's Deposition, March 9. 1695/6. between Brice Blair and Harri­son, as 'tis related by the former up­on Oath; I wen [...], says he, to see Mr. Harrison, a little after Sir George Barclay came from France, who told [Page 125] me that there might be something done in a little time, which might be an Introduction to King James's Restora­tion. I ask'd him after what man­ner that business cou'd be effected; and after some pause he told me, that if King James cou'd not come in time enough, that his Friends might burn the Navy Victualling Office, wherein the Provisions for the Mouth lay, which might retard the English Fleet from getting to Sea for a considerable time. I told him, being amaz'd to hear such Words from a Priest's Month, that it was not practicable, and if it were, there wou'd be few found that wou'd run the risque. He told me that he wou'd have me as forward in the King's Service as any Man; and that he was told by a Gentleman, and a very good Officer, that if he was sure of but a Hundred Horse, he wou'd end the War in a Fortnights time, &c.

'Twas by proposing such Expedi­ents, that the Conspirators endeavor'd to distinguish themselves; since they found by experience that this was the only way to gain the Favor and [Page 126] Esteem of the Party. Melford him­self was oblig'd to give 'em a new Specimen of his barbarous Politics, and even to strain the natural Fierce­ness of his Temper, to support his sinking Credit. For after he had been dismist for some time, as a Rash and Furious Person who was only fit to pursue violent Methods, and incapable of that seeming Mo­deration which the present Jun­cture requir'd; he was immediate­ly restor'd to Favor, as soon as the Party was convinc'd of the Feasi­bleness of the Project he had con­triv'd against the Liberty of the Nation, and the Life of its Delive­rer. Thus Middleton was kept as a Reserve for the Day of Adversity, while Melford was cherish'd as their better Genius, who alone had the Art of improving an Advantage, and making our Yoke so heavy that we shou'd never afterwards be able to shake it off.

They left no means unattem­pted to confirm the Court of St. Germains in these Maxims. To this [Page 127] End, an ingenious Jesuit was cho­senFather d'Or­leans wrote the History of the Revolutions i [...] England, ac­cording to the Memoirs and Informations which he receiv'd from the Earl of Ca­stlemain, Skel­ton and Sheri­don an Irish-Man. And be­sides he tells us that he had the Liberty to Dis­course with King James as long as he pleas'd See the Adver­tisement before the Third Tome. to represent the Affairs of Eng­land, and especially the late Revolu­tion, according to the Instructions he had receiv'd from the Party. It must be acknowledg'd that the Work is adorn'd with all the Embellish­ments of a beautiful Stile; and the Management of the Subject wou'd have been extremely sutable to the Juncture, if the late King had been in as fair a way to remount the Throne as they imagin'd. The Author en­deavors to exasperate that Prince's Revenge: He imploys all his Art to convince him of the Justice and Usefulness of the Melfordian Princi­ples, and, to render his Arguments more agreeable, and consequently more Effectual, his Advices are al­ways intermix'd with Apologies and Panegyrics.

Book II. p. 371. He commends King Charles II. for seizing the Charter of London, and resolving at last to Govern without a Parliament▪ and even has the con­fidence to tell us, that, for this rea­son,Book II. p. 370. the Four last years of his Life were properly the only years of his Reign; and that he became the Ma­ster [Page 128] of his Subjects as soon as they per­ceiv'd that he was resolv'd to rule with­out a Parliament. He exclaims against the Presbyterians, whom he stiles, the natural Enemies of the Royal Pre­ogative, adding, that of all the Pro­testants, they are the most furiously bent to extirpate the Catholics; and praises [...] II. p. 471. King Charles for the Care he took to suppress their Meetings. Yet not long after he becomes their Advo­cate against the Church of England, and brings in King James, telling the Clergy, that the Persecutions they had rais'd against the Dissenters, made di­vers of his Good Subjects leave the Kingdom. He derides the pretended Contract betwixt a Soveraign and His People, and reckons it a pernicious Chimera; or, which is the same thing, he puts these Words into the Mouth of those Lords whose Sentiments he'Twou'd have been thought ri­diculous if, even before the Late Persecution of the Protestants, one shou'd have talk'd of the Popish Cabal in France. approves. He speaks of the Prote­stant Cabal, and divides it into the Episcopal and Presbyterian Cabals, as if the Roman-Catholics were the Bo­dy of the Nation.

He endeavors to fix a stain upon the Immortal Memory of those Illu­strious Defenders of the Laws and [Page 129] Liberty of England, who sacrific▪d their Fortunes, for the safety of their Country, and were neither afraid nor asham▪d to mount a Scaffold in so glorious a Cause. He speaks of a So he terms the Vertue and Magnanimity of [...] who hazarded their Lives and Estates for the Preser­vation of their Country. matchless Infidelity; of perfidions designs, that cou d not be prevented by the most cautious Prudence, of the un­heard of Treachery of so many Persons of great Quality, who abandon d a Pri ce from whom they had receiv'd such signal Favors; of the shameful Conspi­racy of so many Kings against him, and of the Moderation with which he began his Reign. He tell▪ him that Bad Subjects can never be gain d by Kindness, and that the Event has taught him what measures he ought to have taken to prevent his Misfor­tune. To conclude, he does what he can to inspire him with Revenge, and to perswade him that Cruelty and Oppression are the two principal Maxims of State which he ought to pursue for the future.

At another time the Faction wou d have taken more care to conceal their Sentiments; for we must do em the Justice to acknowledge that they want neither Wit nor Prudence. But [Page 130] they look'd upon the Conquest of England as so sure a Project, and were so little apprehensive of its mis­carriage, that they scrupl d not to discourse publickly of the New Re­volution. The News of the Design were spread over all Europe; and e­ven there were some who pretended to fix the time of its Execution. Some talk'd at Easter, others mention d the Beginning of the Spring, and some put it off till the Fleet from Thoulo [...] shou'd join that which lay at Brest. In the mean time their confident Me­naces were slighted as vain Rhodo▪montades by all honest Men, because they were not acquainted with their execrable Design to Assassinate his Majesty.

Sir George Barclay, a Scotchman, Lieutenant of King James's Guards, was the person that was chosen to command the Assassins. He set out from St. Germains in September, to execute his bloody Commission, with the assistance of Twenty or Two and Twenty Men, who were appointed to obey his orders. Some of that infamous Troop came over with their Leader: Some went before, and o­thers [Page 131] follow'd him. Harris was one They came o­ver in a Vessel, which usually past betwixt Calais and Rumney Marsh, bringing over Packets to the Conspirators, with French Goods, and certain Jaco­bite Passen­gers who were wont to go and come be­twixt these two places. And among them there there were certain Priests who often­times export­ed Contraband Goods, &c. James Hunt s Depositioh, A­pril 6. 1696. of the last, who in his Deposition, April 15th 1696, affirms upon Oath, That he was an Ensign of Foot under the late King James in Scotland, that he had serv d since in the Second Troop of his Guards in France. That about the 14th of January last, New Stile, King James sent for this Informant, and Michael Hare his Camerade. That King James spoke with them in the late Queen's Bedchamber and told this Infor­mant, that he had an Opportunity of doing something for him, being very sensible he had serv'd him well: That he would send him into England where he should be subsisted, and that he was to follow Sir George Barclay s Orders, and in so doing he would take care of him. That he had order d them Money for their Journey, which they should receive from Mr. Caroll (who is Secretary to the late Queen) King James told this Informant further, that he should sind Sir George Barclay every Munday and Thursday between Six and Seven at Night, in Covent Garden-Square, and that they might know him by a white Handkerchief hanging out of his Coat-Pocket; and King James pulling a [Page 132] List out of his Pocket, told this Infor­mant, when he was in England, he must go by the name of Jenkyns, and Mr. Hare by the name of Guinney. Colonel Parker was by all the time when King James spoke to this Infor­mant, and by the King's Order, Colonel Parker went with this Informant and his Camerade to Mr. Caroll's and Mr. Caroll told them, that the King had ordered them Ten Louis d' Ors apiece, which would be enough to carry them o­ver, and if they should chance to be Wind bound, he had writ to the Presi­dent Tosse at Calais, to furnish them with Money, &c.

The rest of the Assassins that wereGeorge Har­ris's Deposition, April 15. 1696. sent over to assist Sir George Barclay, were either Troopers in King James's Guards, Pensionaries of the Court of St. Germains, Officers who expected preferment, or Soldiers taken out of the Regiments, to be employ'd in that execrable Service.

The Faction made use of none but such as were Persons of Trust, and who, they believ'd, would not scru­ple to engage in the dire Attempt. And, that the Assassination might be look'd upon as a Stratagem of War, [Page 135] those who were to act in it, were for the most part Officers and Sol­diers.

This Infamous Detachment set out from St. Germains at several times, and under various pretex's: OneGeorge Harris's Deposition, A­pril 15. 1696. gave out, that he was going to con­tinue his Studies in one of the Col­leges in Scotland; and another, that he was weary of the Service.

Secresy was particularly recom­mended and enjoin d to every one of 'em: And least their absence shou d be taken notice of, and give occasi­on to various Discourses and Conje­ctures,Twas Max­well who ac­quainted the Conspirators with this pas­sage. King Ja [...]es declar'd at his Levee, that 'twas his pleasure that none should presume to talk of their De­parture, and that he wou d severely punish those who shou'd give him the least occasion to believe, that they were more curious to enquire into his designs, than zealous in obeying his Orders.

In the mean time Sir George Barclay arriv d at London, where he met with Charnock, that faithful and zea­lous Agent of the Party, and after­wards with Porter and Goodman, who were easily prevail d with to engage [Page 134] in a Design that was formerly pro­pos'd by themselves.

Afterwards the Conspirators en­gag d Major Lowick, Knightley, Ber­tram, Chambers, Durance a Walloon, Cranburn, Kendrick, Grimes, Fisher, Larue, Sherburn and Keys, who was formerly Porter's Servant, but was now become his Confident and Com­panion. And besides these, they reck­on d themselves sure of Pendergrass who was in the Country, and Plow­den, whom they resolv'd to send for out of Hampshire.

They were all engag'd in the same Design, acted upon the same Princi­ples, and were influenc'd by the same Motives and Expectations; tho they made use of various pretexts to les­sen the scandal of their Crime, and to conceal the mercenary Ends that engag'd 'em in it.Chambers One of them shew'd the Wounds he had receiv'd in the War, accusing his Majesty as the cause of 'em; another complain'd that he had lost his place by the Revolution: but all in general, were possest with an immoderate desire to advance their Fortunes, without considering either the danger or infamy of the Ways [Page 135] they took to satisfy their Ambition.

There are still some Seeds of Vir­tue in the Soul of Man, some remain­ing Strictures of her primitive Lustre that cannot be blotted out with one Dash. It requires time to finish a Villain, as well as to form a Hero; the one must sink by degrees beneath, as the other must by successive steps ascend above, the common Level of Humane Nature. The Conspitators were sensible of this Truth, and since they cou d not expect to find Instru­ments ready made that were fit for such a Work, they were forc d to undergo the trouble of fashioning their own Tools. To this end, they conceal'd▪ the blackest part of theKnightly, A­pril 2. 1696. Design from those with whom they began to treat, and contented them­selves with a general exhortation to contribute their assistance to restore their abdicated Monarch, or, in some­what plainer Terms, to meet him at his Expected Landing: But after they had, by such Insinuations as these, prepar d the Dispositions of their Pro­selytes for any violent Attempt, they proceeded to Disclose the bottom of the Mysterious Villany, and told [Page 136] 'em frankly, that the quickest way to bring in the late King was by knocking King William on the Head, or, to give a softer turn to such a startling Pro­posal, by making War upon him in his Winter Quarters.

They pretended that such an At­tempt cou'd no more be reckon'd an Assassination, than if they had kill d him in Flanders, as he chang'd his Quar­ters, and remove from one Town to another: And Barclay, to hide the Infamy of the Parricide, was wont to say, Gentlemen, we are Men of Honor: We ll attack the Prince of O­range at the Head of his Guards.

But since there are degrees in all sorts of Crimes, and every Traitor is not willing to become an Assassin; the Conspirators had the Mortificati­on to find their proposals rejected by some, even of their own Party.Francis de La­rue's Deposition, February 26. 1695/6. The two Brothers, Thomas and Bevil Higgins, tho violent Jacobites, refus'd to have any hand in the Design against his Majesty s Person.

Capt. George Porter's Depo­sition, March 3. 1695/6. Sir John Friend was acquainted with the design, but dislik'd it, not from any honest Principle, but be­cause he was afraid it would ruine [Page 137] the Interest of the Faction. Nor was this a groundless Apprehension, since few have so mean an opinion of themselves, as to enter into the Ser­vice of a Party that wou'd engage 'em in such base and desperate At­tempts, and even refuses to acquaint 'em perfectly with the Design of which they wou'd make 'em the In­struments. Sir William Parkins was an active Promoter of the Design, but was not willing to act in it: AndBrice Blair's Deposition, March 9. 1695/6. Blair endeavor to disswade some of his Friends from being concern d in it.

The Officers that were sent from France to obey an Order which had never been communicated to 'em, cou d not forbear murmuring when they were acquainted with the Busi­ness in which they were to be em­ploy'd. They ask'd one another,George Harris's Deposition, A­pril 15. 1696. whether this was the fine Exploit they were sent to atchieve; but all the Scruples that Virtue, Conscience or Honor cou d suggest to 'em, were not able to make 'em forget the po­sitive Order they had receiv'd

Major Lowick was the first who de­clar'd that he wou d obey, because [Page 138] he was sure that Sir George Barclay wou'd not undertake any thing with­out Orders. Rookwood was of his opinion, insisting still upon this, that the King sent him to obey Sir George Barclay. Bernard, Harris, Hare, and the rest, said, they wou d be govern'd by their Companions. Thus 'tis plain that they thought themselves oblig dThe brave Grillon refus'd to assassinate the Duke of Guise, tho the Proposal was made to him by his Soveraign, Henry III. of France. And when King John of England, would have perswaded Debray, the Captain of his Guards, to assassinate a Prince that pretended a right to his Crown; that generous Officer reply'd, That he was a Gentleman, and not a flangman, and immediately retir'd to his House. to Obey, in a case, in which Diso­bedience is the principal Duty and distinguishing Character of a Man of Honor.

Several ways were propos'd in their private Meetings, to Assassinate his Majesty. Brice Blair in his De­position March 17th 1696, takes no­tice of an Attempt that was to have been executed by Men that were to lie in wait for him on the Road as he was going to Embark for Holland. He affirms that Bertram told him, the last year, that Charnock had engag'd him and others to Assassinate the King on his way to Flanders; and [Page 139] that the Design wou'd have been put in Execution, if they had not receiv'd Counter-orders from St. Germains, the day before the King set out.

Tho the Credit of this Passage de­pends entirely on the discourse be­twixt Bertram and Blair, since there are no other Witnesses that attest it, nor any circumstances or presumptive Evidence brought to Confirm it; I thought my self oblig'd to mention it, as a thing that is neither impro­bable, nor impertinent to the Sub­ject of this History. But since I have such a variety of Matter before me, and every Circumstance confirm d by unquestion'd Evidence, I will not in­sist upon any thing that comes short of an undoubted Truth.

'Tis certain that there were several Projects set on foot, or at least pro­pos'd by the Conspirators to execute their design'd Attempt against his Ma­jesty's Person. In the beginning 'twas thought fit by some, either to Seize, or Kill Him at Kensington, by attack­ing his Guards, and forcing his Pa­lace in the Night.

Richard Fish­ers's Deposition, February 25. 1695/6. Another Proposal was to murder him when he shou'd come on Sunday [Page 140] to perform his Devotions at St. James's Chapel. Two or Three and Thirty of the Conspirators were to attack his Guards, which usually do not ex­ceed Twenty or Five and Twenty; while Six Men on Foot, who were to have been conceal'd for that purpose in some of the Neighbouring Houses shou'd shut Hide-Park Gate, and the rest Assassinate his Majesty. 'Twas agreed also to Kill the Coach-Horses just as they were entering into the Park, that, the Passage being stopt, the Guards might not be able to come up, till they had given the fatal Blow.

It appears that, after the commit­ting of the execrable Deed, they re­solv'd to retire immediately to the Tower, which, for that end, they pro­pos'd to surprize. And 'tis probable that the apparent Difficulty or ra­ther impossibillty of making them­selves Masters of that Place, and the want of a secure Retreat any where else, were the main Reasons that made 'em lay aside the Thoughts of performing the Assassination this way.

Both these Proposals were soon rejected by the Conspirators; but there were two other Projects that [Page 141] were the subject of a longer Delibe­ration, being look'd upon as more feasible, and obnoxious to fewer and less discouraging Hazards. And there­fore it will not be improper to give the Reader a more particular ac­count of 'em.

The King has a House at Richmond, whither he usually went to hunt e­very Saturday, when free from the hurry of Business, and the perpetual cares in which he had spent the Week, he had leasure to divert himself with that Innocent and Manly Recreation. Near that place there is a little Park that reaches to the River side; theLarne's Deposi­tion, February 26. 1695/6. Capt. Porter's Declaration up­on Oath before a Committee of the Council, March 3. 1695/6. Thames on one side, and the Park-pales one the other, forming a kind of Defilé or narrow Lane, about 150 paces long, in the middle of which there is a Gate that hinders Coaches or Horses from passing that way, when 'tis shut. Thro this Lane the King usually return'd from hunting, and 'twas here that the Conspirators re­solv'd to execute their barbarous Design.

The Park, the River, the Gate, and the Pales, were all to be made subservient for facilitating the At­tempt. [Page 142] Several Persons on foot, well arm'd, were to be plac'd in Ambus­cade behind the Hedges and Pales. When the King's Coach had pass'd the Gate, it was to be shut upon the Guards that follow'd him; the Coach was to be stopt by killing some of the Horses, and the Pales were to be saw d so far, that they might be broken down assoon as they enter'd upon action. In the mean time some Horsemen were to attack Six or Se­ven of the Guards, that go before the Coach, and the Party that lay in Ambuscade were to fire on the Body of the Guards that were stopt by the Gate, that the Assassins might have time to murder the King and those who were with him.

'Twas also agreed that, after the Assassination, such of the Conspira­tors as were on Horseback shou'd im­mediately disperse, and those of the Ambuscade who were to act on foot, dress'd in Countrymens habits, shou'd make their escape to the River-side, where there was to be a Boat lying ready to receive 'em. This proposal was under deliberation for some time, during which some of the Conspira­tors [Page 143] were sent to the place, in order to view the Ground, and upon the Account they gave of it the above mention dScheme wasfram'd. But after all their Consultations, since Sir George Barclay was not sure of a sufficient Number of Horse to carry off those that were to lye in Ambuscade, who, consequently, wou'd have been ex­pos'd to very great dangers, before they cou'd have reach'd London, this Project was also rejected by the Ca­bal

The last way that was propos'd to murder the King, was to assault him, as he return'd from Richmond, in a place betwixt Brentford and Turnham Green.

In a Bottom, where the Ground is moorish and uneven, there is a BridgeCapt. Porter, March 3. 1695/6. where divers Roads meet and cross one another; on the North-side there is a Road that goes round Brentford, and on the South a Lane that leads to the River; so that one may come thither from four several Places. After you pass the Bridge the Road grows narrow, having on one side a Foot-path, and on the other a tall and thick Hedge.

[Page 144] This was to have been the scene of the most dismal Tragedy that e­ver was acted in England; nor cou d they have chosen a more convenient Time or Place for executing their bar­barous design. For the King us d to return late from Hunting, and to cross the River at Queensferry, by Brentford, with Five or Six of his Guards. 'Twas also his custom to go into the Boat without coming out of his Coach, and assoon as he landed on the other side, the Coach drove on without expecting the rest of the Guards, who cou'd not cross the Ri­ver till the Boat return'd to bring ▪em over. In the mean time, the King, with his small Attendance, wou'd have quickly arriv d at the Bridge, which is at the other end of Brent­ford next to London, and conse­quently wou'd have faln into the hands of the Conspirators, who were to attack him on all sides.

They were to be divided into Three Parties, one of which was to come from Turnham Green, another from the Lane that leads to the River, and the Third from the Road that goes round Brentford. One of these [Page 145] Troops were to attack the Guards on the Front, and the other in the Rear, while Eight or Ten detach'd Men assaulted the Coach, where his Majesty wou'd have been assassinated before the Guards whom he left on the other side of the River cou'd have come up to his Assistance.

After the Assassination the Conspi­rators were to have kept together till they came to Hamersmith, a little Town betwixt Turnham Green and London. There they intended to separate, and afterwards by several Roads to enter the City, where they hop'd they might lurk securely, during the gene­ral Consternation, till they shou'dCapt. George Porter's Depo­sition, March 3. 1695/6. be freed from danger by the sudden Landing of the French.

This Proposal pleased the Conspi­rators better than any of the former, Porter, King, and Knightly were sent to view the Ground, and upon the Report they made at their Re­turn, the Business was finally agreed upon.

Sir George Barclay had brought Eight hundred Pounds from France for the Charge of the Attempt, but finding that he cou'd not carry on [Page 146] the Design with so small a Sum, he complain'd to his Friends, who soon found a way to supply that Defect. For Charnock undertook to provide Eight men ready mounted and arm'd, Porter Seven, and Sir William Parkins Five: So that Barclay was only oblig'd to buy or hire Twenty Horses for the Officers and Soldiers he had brought from France.

Porter and Rookwood commanded the Two Parties that were to attack the Guards; and Sir George Barclay reserv'd the honor of the Assassinati­on for himself.

One of the Conspirators was or­der'd to wait at Queensferry till the Guards appear'd, and then immedi­ately to give notice to the rest, that they might have time to prepare themselves and take their respective Posts, while the King was passing the River.' They resolv'd to form them­selves into several Bodies, which were to advance with all possible Diligence to the Place appointed for the fatal Rendezvous.

They had omitted nothing that might serve to secure and facilitate the Execution of their Attempt. [Page 147] They had visited all the Inns about Brentford and Turnham-green, and the places where they might set up their Horses till the King shou'd return from Hunting.

Larue's Deposi­tion, February 25. 1695/6. They had also Two Spies, or Or­derly men, as they call'd 'em, who were posted at Kensington: Chambers. One of 'em was to give notice when the King went out, and the other was to bringDurant. an account when the Guards began to March And that the Assassina­tion might pass under the Notion of a Military Exploit, they produc'd an Order to take up Arms against the Prince of Orange and his Adherents.

There was some Difference among the Conspirators concerning the Terms and Expressions of the Com­mission, even after they had confess'd their Crime. For some of 'em ac­knowledg'd that it contain▪d an ex­press order to Kill the King; where­asSir William Parkyn own'd that [...] such a [...]mmi­si [...]n▪ which he understood to be King James's, that it had a Seal to it, that he saw it in the Hand of a Friend, &c. See the Votes of the House of Commons, April 2. 169 [...]. others pretended that it only authoriz'd em, in the general, to levy War against the Prince of Orange and all his Adherents.

[Page 148] 'Tis the Opinion of several Judi­cious Persons, that the most conside­rable Discovery was made by those who endeavour'd to put the fairest Construction on this execrable Pro­ject. For to Levy War against the King and his Adherents, after such a manner, and in such Circumstances, cou'd signifie nothing else than the Murdering of the King and Parlia­ment, and of all that lov'd, and were resolv'd to maintain the Laws, Reli­gion, and Liberty of England.

The Fifteenth of February was cho­sen for the Execution of the dire At­tempt: 'Twas on that fatal Day that England, or rather Europe, was to lose its Deliverer, and with him, all its hopes of accomplishing the Great Work which he had so happily be­gun; and 'twas then that Heaven was resolv'd to work a new Miracle for our Preservation. If we had fore­seen the Danger that threaten'd him, the remembrance of past Hazards wou'd have only serv'd to heighten our Apprehensions for the future; His Subjects cou'd hardly have wel­com'd him, at his return from so glo­rious a Campaign; and instead of ce­lebrating [Page 149] his Victories, wou'd have trembl'd at his Approaching Fate. But we found, to our Comfort, that the same Providence which had so often cover▪d his Head in the Day of Battle, and guarded him from the fiercest Assaults of his Enemies▪ was also able to preserve him from the treacherous Fury of Assassins.

To prevent Suspicion, they dis­pos'd their Men in different places of the Town, and even in the remotest Parts of it: Barclay and Rookwood expected the Signal in Holborn; and Porter, with some others, waited, upon the same account, at the Blue Posts in Spring garden. Charnock re­solv'd to accompany the latter, either because he mistrusted him, and in­tended to animate him by his exam­ple; or because he was willing to chuse a Post that was least expos'd to Danger, asKing. another of the Con­spirators suspected. And perhaps he had still so much Reason left, not­withstanding the impetuous Pa [...] on that disturb'd his Judgment, as to de­cline acting in the most odious Part of the Tragedy.

[Page 150] Thus they lay expecting the News of the King's Departure for Rich­mond, but his Majesty did not go out that day; and some of the Conspi­rators were so alarm'd at this Disap­pointment, that they began to re­flect either upon the Danger or In­famy to which such an Attempt wou'd expose 'em. Plowden, who came pur­posely to Town to act under Porter, went back to the Country, and did not think fit to return, according to his Promise. Kenrick pretended that he was disabl'd by a Fall, and appear'd for some days with his Arm in a String: Sherbourn started so many Scruples, when the Design was propos'd to him, that they did not think fit to press him further; And even the fiercest and most harden d Assassins began to be apprehensive of the Success of their Project.

But, at last, concluding that their Design was not discover'd, because they were not secur'd, Sir George Bar­clay, Sir William Parkins, Captain Porter and Goodman, met on the 21st of February, and resolv'd to make a new attempt to execute their Pro­ject, without altering the Method of [Page 151] it. In pursuance of this Resolution, the Assassins were to be prepar'd for the bloody Action, on Saturday the 22d of February, which was to have been the last Day of our Liberty, and the Fatal Aera of the irrecoverable Ruine of England.

The Morning was spent in an im­patient Expectation of Advice from those whom they had appointed to give 'em notice when the King went out. Charnock, who for some days had been very uneasy and full of Jealousy and Suspicion, sent a Man to Porter, for a List of those who were to act in the Assassination. He seem'd par­ticularly to doubt Larue, and perhaps was desirous to have some Satisfaction concerning him. The List was sent toFrancis de La­rue's Deposition, February 26. 1695/6. him, with Larue's Name at the head of the rest; and he sent it back again, after he had inserted the Names of those whom he was to furnish.

Pendergrass was one of those who were with Porter: They had sent for him out of the Country, and wou'd have assign'd him a remarkable part in the Assassination. Porter had a Musketoon that carry'd 6 or 8 Bullets, with which Pendergrass was to shoot [Page 152] at the King; and they desir'd him not to be afraid of breaking the Coach­glasses.

The Conspirators were disappoint­ed a Second time; and the boldest of 'em cou'd not forbear discovering their Fears, when Keys acquainted 'em that the Guards were come back all in a foam, and that there was an unusual muttering among the People. This unexpected piece of News put 'em all into a Consternation; the Ca­balCapt. Porter's Deposition, March 3. 1695/6. was entirely dispers'd, and most of 'em endeavour'd to secure them­selves by a speedy flight.

Nor was this meerly the effect of a Panic Dread or groundless Appre­hension; for the Conspiracy was actu­ally detected. Fisher, Pendergrass, Larue, and another had separately given Information to Different Per­sons concerning it, tho they had not yet discover'd the Particulars.

Captain Fisher was the Man whom God inclin'd to make the first Disco­very of this inhumane Design. He went to the Earl of Portland, on the Tenth of February, Five Days before the Time that was appointed for the Execution of it, and inform'd him of [Page 153] the intended Enterprize, without ac­quainting him either with the Time, Manner, or Circumstances, which were not yet agreed upon: but he promis'd to give him further notice as soon as they shou'd come to a positive Resolution.

And now we may justly reflect, with an equal amazement, upon the Sedateness and Generosity of his Ma­jesty's Temper, who cou'd hardly be perswaded to suspect those who only waited for a convenient opportunity to Murder him; and the barbarous Fury of his Enemies, who scrupl d not to conspire the Death of so Good and so Brave a Prince. Any other Person wou'd have been startl'd at an Advice of this nature, or at least wou'd have look'd upon it as too important to be neglected; but the King, secure in his own Vertue, conscious of no Guilt, and consequently incapable of Fear, was so far from being alarm'd at the Discovery, that he wou'd not give credit to it, because the Circum­stances were not particularly men­tion'd.

Febr. 13. Three Days after, Fisher return'd to Whitehall, and gave the Earl of [Page 154] Portland an account not only of the Design itself, but also of the Method and order of its Execution. Yet tho he made a full Discovery of the Time, Place, and other Circumstances of the Enterprize, he peremptorily re­fus'd to mèntion the names of the Actors; which confirm'd the King in his former opinion, and made him conclude that 'twas a story contriv'd on purpose to fright him with a falseFebr. 14. Alarm. But, the very day before the Fatal Blow was to be given, God, by a seasonable Providence prevent­ed our impending Ruine, and deli­ver'd our King from his own Generous Incredulity.

It happen'd that, on that very day, the Earl of Portland went to see the Countess of Essex, and, contrary to his custom, made his visit longer than he design'd. By good fortune he call'd to mind that he had pro­mis'd to meet a certain person about a private Affair; and tho 'twas al­ready time for him to go to Kensing­ton, he resolv'd, according to his usual exactness in keeping his Word, to go first to his Lodgings at Whitehall. As soon as he went in, he found an un­known [Page 155] person in his Antichamber, who desir'd to speak with him about a matter of the highest importance, that cou'd not be deferr'd to another time. This was a sufficient Argument to obtain what he ask'd, especially in such a juncture The Earl made haste to dis­patch the person whom he had order'd to wait upon him, and immediately ad­mitted the Stranger, who accosted him with this surprizing Request, My Lord, perswade the King to stay at home tomorrow; for if he go abroad to Hunt, he will be Assassinated.

Afterwards he gave him a particu­lar account of the Conspiracy, with almost thesame Circumstances that had already been discover'd by Fisher. He added, that his Name was Pendergrass, that he was an Irishman, and a Catho­lic; that they sent for him out of the Country, without acquainting him with the reason that made 'em desirous to see him; that after­wards they endeavour'd to engage him in the Design, that he was struck with horror at the first proposal, and immediately resolv'd to discover it; that his Religion was accus'd for authorizing and encouraging such [Page 156] Actions; but that, for his part, he abhorr'd such Principles, tho in all other respects he was a true Catho­lick.

Thus his Majesty began to receive the just Reward of his Clemency and Moderation: for he is, and has al­ways been, equally remarkable for his stedfast adhering to his own Religion, and his Indulgency to those of another Perswasion. When he accepted the Crown of Scotland, he declar'd that he wou'd not be a Persecntor; and all his Actions are so many Illustrious Testimonies of the Sincerity of that Resolution. Never any Papist, that was willing to live in Peace, stood in need of an Intecessor with him. He protected 'em in Ireland against the angry Counsels of some over-zealous Protestants: He favour'd 'em as much as he cou'd without injuring the rest of his Subjects, and treated ▪em upon all occasions, with an Indulgency that surpriz'd those who are not ac­quainted with the Native Goodness of his Temper. 'Tis true, this may perhaps be reckon'd, in some mea­sure, and Effect of his Complaisance to the Family of Austria, with whom he [Page 157] has entertain'd a long and intimate Friendship, which has been endear'd by reciprocal Good Offices, and is confirm d and made necessary to 'em both, by the Interest of their mutual Preservation. But tho the Papists were deprov'd of such powerful In­tercessors; his Virt e alone wou d supply that Defect, and sufficiently recommend 'em to his Favor and Pro­tection. And we have reason to be­lieve that God is pleas'd with his Mildness and Clemency to the Roman Catholics in general, and to the Irish in particular; since by a wonderful Providence, he made an Irish Papist the Instrument of Saving his Life.

Pendergrass added, that he wou'd have gone straight to Kensington, to make the Discovery to the King him­self, if he had not been afraid of be­ing seen and taken notice of by the Two Orderly Men whom the Conspi­rators kept in that place; and that since the Nature of the Business re­quir'd all possible Dispatch, he thought he cou'd not make his Ad­dress to a Person that wou'd be more zealous and careful than his Lordship. But tho no means were left unat­tempted [Page 158] to perswade him to name the Conspirators, he resisted with an invincible Constancy all the Argu­ments that were made use of to that effect; declaring that he wou'd ne­ver be prevail'd with to injure his Friends, or betr [...]y those to whom he had been formerly oblig'd.

It has been frequently observ'd that the most trivial Accidents have given birth to the most Memorable and Im­portant Events: And, upon this Oc­casion, it seem'd good to that Su­preme and over ruling Providence which guides the World, that the Pre­servation of a Prince, in whose Life the Fate of Europe is bound up, shou'd depend upon a Visit that was made to the Earl of Portland at Ten a clock at night.

At his Arrival at Kensington, which, notwithstanding all the haste he cou'd make, was very late, he found that the King was already retir'd, and that he had given the necessary Orders for his usual Recreation the next morning. That Vertuous and Mag­nanimous Prince was preparing to go to Richmond, with as sedate and un­concern'd a Mind as if he had not [Page 159] receiv'd Intelligence of the bloody Design that was to be executed near that place. And even the new Con­firmation he receiv'd of it cou'd scarce prevail with him to alter his Resolu­tion, till he was at last overcome by my Lord Portland's repeated Impor­tunities.

In the mean time the number of the Discoverers encreas▪d, and the Informations they had given were confirm'd by the concurring Testimo­ny of another of the Conspirators, who apply'd himself to Sir William Trumbal, one of His Majesty's Princi­cipal Secretaries of State, and con­vinc'd him of the Reality of the Plot, tho he cou'd not acquaint him with the Circumstances of it. For that Minister had already receiv'd advice that the French were bringing toge­ther a great number of Transport-Ships, and making all the necessary Preparations for an extraordinary Design, which was kept very Secret, tho, in all probability, the Storm was like to fall upon England So that comparing these Advices concerning a Foreign Invasion, with the Account he had receiv'd of the Design against [Page 160] His Majestys Person, he found that they confirm'd each other, tho he cou'd hardly look upon either of 'em as probable, when he consider'd 'em Singly. And therefore he made all possible haste to communicate these Discoveries to His Majesty, with his usual Zeal and Fidelity.

About the same time Brigadier Lewson acquainted the King, that one Larue had inform'd him of a Design that was on foot to Assassinate His Majesty. This last Discoverer gave a very particular and Circum­stantial Account of the whole In­trigue; but He, as well as the rest, seem'd obstinately resolv'd to conceal the Names of the Conspirators.

The King, convinc'd by so many Concurring Informations, and per­ceiving that all the Accounts he had receiv d agreed exactly with one another, began to believe the Truth of the Discovery. He order'd the Earl of Portland and Sir William Trum­bal to make a more particular En­quiry into the Progress and Circum­stances of the Design; the Former as having receiv d the first Advice of the Conspiracy against His Person, [Page 161] and the Latter as having been first acquainted with the Plot against the Nation.

'Twas a very Difficult Task to manage so nice an Enquiry; for tho they had Four Witnesses, they cou d not produce one Legal Evidence. They cou'd not stifle the Informations they had receiv'd without exposing his Majesty's Life to the brutish Fury of Assassins, who wou d soon find another Way to execute their De­testable Project: Nor could they publish a Discovery which they cou'd not prove, without running the ha­zard of being charg'd with the first Invention of it And besides, the Divulging of these Advices wou'd have encourag'd the Conspirators to carry on their Design, and perhaps made 'em hasten the Execution of it, least they shou▪d at last be entirely discover'd, and receive the just Re­ward of their Crimes

In the mean time the King resolv'd to expose his Life to all the Dangers that threaten'd it, if it cou'd not be secur'd without violating the usual Forms of Justice. So that we were like to perish by those very Laws that [Page 162] were contriv'd and establish'd for our Preservation, if the Earl of Portland had not found out an Expedient to ward off the Blow without having re­course to any indirect of unwarrant­able Stratagem. He consider'd, that Pen­dergrass and Larue might be perswad­ed to discover the whole Mystery, if the King himself shou'd speak to em, and that even tho they shou'd refuse to yield to His Majesty s Solicitations, the Information they were willing to give might serve to Convict the Con­spirators, if it were deliver'd in the presence of unexceptionable Wit­nesses, who might Depose it at their Trials.

The King himself cou'd not be an Evidence; and therefore 'twas neces­sary that there shou'd be at least Two Witnesses present, when he discours'd with 'em He spoke to Pendergrass and Larue separately; to the First before the Earl of Portland and the Lord Cutts, and to the Second, in the Pre­sence of the same Earl and Brigadeer Lewson. After he had assur'd 'em that he esteem'd their Persons, and was extremely pleas'd with their Pro­ceedings; he told 'em, That he own'd [Page 163] himself oblig d to 'em for the Care they took to preserve his Life; but desir d 'em to consider, that the Service they had done him by discovering the Conspi­racy cou d be of no use to him, so long as they conceal'd the Names of the Con­spirators; that he cou d neither Punish nor so much as Convict the Criminals; that the People wou d never be perswaded to believe that several Persons had dis­cover'd a Conspiracy which they either cou'd not, or wou d not justify; that, on the contrary, they wou'd imagine that he had invented a Sham-plot to destroy his Enemies, which wou'd render him odious to all the World; that so general and Imperfect a Discovery wou'd expose his Honor without Securing his Life, &c. These Arguments produc d the desir d Effect, and conquer'd the obstinacy of the Discoverers: They cou'd not resist the awful Eloquence of an in­jur d Monarch, and were at last pre­vail'd with to make an Atonement for their Guilt by discovering their Fellow-Criminals.

After his Majesty was acquainted with the Names and Designs of the Conspirators, he told the Cabinet Council, that he had for some time [Page 164] neglected the Advices he had receiv'd of a Conspiracy against his Person; but since by the favourable Providence of God, he was fully convinc d of the Truth of it, he wou'd not tamely Suffer himself to be assassinated. He added that he was inform'd the French were peparing to Invade the King­dom, but that he hop'd God wou'd enable him to frustrate their Designs.

Not long after, he call'd the Great Council, and communicated the Dis­covery to them. He receiv'd, from both, particular Assurances of Fide­lity and Affection, and immediately issued out a Proclamation requiring all his loving Subjects to apprehend the Conspirators, and promising a Reward of a Thousand Pounds for every one that shou d be seiz'd

The Parliament was not yet ac­quainted with the Danger that threat­en'd the Nation; but assoon as His Majesty was convinc'd of the Reality of the Conspiracy, and cou'd pro­duce Witnesses to prove it, he went to Westminster on the 24th of Febru­ary, and made the following Speech to both Houses.

[Page 165] My Lords and Gentlemen,

I Am come hither this Day upon an ex­traordinary Occasion which might have prov'd Fatal, if it had not been Disap­pointed by the Singular Mercy and Good­ness of God; And may now, by the Con­tinuance of the same Providence, and our own Prudent Endeavonrs be so Im­prov'd, as to become a sufficient Warning to Ʋs to provide for Our Security against the Pernicious Practices and Attempts of Our Enemies.

I have receiv'd several Concurring In­formation of a Design to Assossinate Me, and that Our Enemies, at the same time, are very forward in their Preparations for a sudden Invasion of this Kingdom, And have therefore Thought it necessary to lose no Time in Acquainting My Parlia­ment with these Things, in which the safety of the Kingdom and the Public Welfare are so nearly Concern'd, That I Assure My Self, nothing will be Omitted on your Part, which may be Thought pro­per for Our Present or Future Security.

I have not been Wanting to give the Necessary Orders for the Fleet; And I Hope, We have such a Strength of Ships, and in such a Readiness, as will be suffici­ent [Page 166] to Disappoint the Intentions of our Enemies.

I have also Dispatch'd Orders for bringing Home such a Number of Our Troops, as may Secure Ʋs from any At­tempt.

Some of the Conspirators against My Person are already in Custody, and Care is taken to Apprehend so many of the rest as are Discover'd: And such other Orders are given, as the present Exigency of Affairs does absolutely Require, at this Time, for the Public Safety.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

Having now Acquainted you with the Danger, which hath threaten'd Ʋs, I cannot Donbt of your Readiness and Zeal, to do every Thing which you shall judge Proper for Our Common Safety: And I perswade My Self, We must be all Sensi­ble, how necessary it is in Our present Circumstances, That all possible Dispatch should be given to the Business before you.

The Proclamation and His Ma­jesty's Speech publish'd the Con­spiracy, and made us Sensible of the dreadful Ruine which we had so [Page 167] narrowly escap'd. All England was alarm d at the Surprizing News: an universal Horror was diffus'd thro the whole Nation; we trembl'd to think of the amazing Danger which humane Wisdom cou'd neither have foreseen nor prevented, and were scarcely capable of reflecting upon our present Deliverance. The Con­spiracy was the only Subject both of our Thoughts and Discourse: We look d upon the execrable Design and the treacherous Contrivers of it, with a just Abhorrence and Indigna­tion, and every one ador'd a Miracu­lous Providence in which All were so nearly concern d▪

Some reflected upon the Massacres, Burnings and Persecutions, and all the other dismal Instances of the im­placable Rage of the Faction in for­mer times; and concluded that the Conspirators were afraid we had for­gotten the Sufferings of our Ancestors, and intended to refresh our Memory by re-acting the same Barbarities.

Others entertain d themselves with the melancholy Prospect of our future Condition, if Heaven, to punish our Crimes, had suffer'd our Enemies to [Page 168] deprive us of our Glorious Deliverer. And even the calmest Minds cou'd not preserve their wonted Tranquillity, when they consider'd that after we had sustain'd so vast an Expence of Blood and Treasure to maintain our Religion and Liberty; after we had been deliver'd from Arbitrary Power by the miraculous Assistance of Hea­ven, and Ireland reduc'd by glorious Victories; after we had made our selves Masters of the Sea, and began to be Conquerors on Land; that after these and so many other Blessings of Providence, we shou'd have been forc'd to resume our broken Fetters, and submit to the Insolent Revenge of a baffl'd Enemy.

Those who consider'd the Posture of Affairs abroad, were soon convinc'd that the exeution of this detestable Project wou'd have been no less Fa­tal to Europe in general, than to En­gland in particular. They were sensi­ble that Our Disaster wou'd have broken the Confederacy; and that twou'd have been equally dangerous to the Allies, to conclude a Peace, or continue the War.

These were some of the Reflexi­ons, [Page 169] that were made upon this occasi­on, by particular Persons, while all, in general, were employ'd in blessing God for their wonderful Preservation, and admiring the adorable Wisdom of Providence, which had not only disappointed the Designs of our Ene­mies, but so over-rul'd their Malice, that their Projects serv'd only to confirm and strengthen the Union be­twixt the King and his People, by the Interest of their mutual Preservation.

But, as our Representatives in Par­liament are entrusted with the Ma­nagement of Public Affairs, and con­sequently have the deepest Share in the General Concerns of the Nation; so there were none that were more sensibly affected with the Discovery, or made more serious Reflexions up­on His Majesty s Speech For both the Interest and Designs of the Fa­ction are entirely opposite to those of that Illustrious Body: The Former is a Secret Cabal that has been long Contriving our Ruine, and the latter is a Public Council which Studies the Means to preserve us; and therefore 'tis no wonder that there shou'd be such a strong and lasting Antipathy betwixt 'em.

[Page 170] Since the Faction endeavor'd to destroy King James the I. and his Parliament by the famous Gun-pow­der Conspiracy, they have been still intent upon the Hellish Design, and forming new Projects to destroy us. 'Tis thought they were active Promoters of the Civil War, which disturb'd the Reign of King Charles the First, and was attended with consequences that will for ever be lamented by the Nation. And none but those who are sorry for the bad Success of their Contrivances, will deny, that the Son and immedi­ate Successor of that unfortunate Mo­narch, was influenc'd by their perni­cious Councils; that they made him jealous of his most faithful Subjects, and at last perswaded him to under­mine the very Foundations of our Li­berty, by destroying the Freedom of Elections, and Governing his People without the Advice of his Parliament. During the late Reign they attack'd us with Authority, and have been ever since endeavoring to regain the Ground they lost by the Revolution. The same Design is still carry'd on, but with this happy difference, that [Page 171] Loyalty is become at last the distin­guishing Mark of Honest Men, and Traitors to their Country are look'd upon as Traitors to the Government. For, tho Treachery is usually said to be more dangerous than open Vio­lence; yet after all a Wise man wou'd rather chuse, that the Enemies of his Country shou'd be Plotters than Op­pressors.

The Faction (which, thanks to Heaven, we can now call, The Dis­affected Party) cannot endure a Prince, who not only will not help 'em to destroy the Nation, but was the Instrument whom God chose to pre­serve it; and who, instead of relying upon the Councils and Assistance of the Cabal, makes it his principal care to preserve an entire Confidence and inseparable Union betwixt Him and His Parliament. Less than this wou d have been sufficient to make the Fa­ction Dispute his Title; tho the very Hatred of those who Dispute it, may be justly look'd upon as an evident and unexceptionable Confirmation of it.

'Tis to be presum'd that there are a considerable number of Persons en­gag'd. [Page 172] in the Party who have Sense enough to perceive, that 'tis impossi­ble to controvert His Majesty s Right to the Crown, without denying us the common and most essential Pri­vileges of a Nation. For unless they pretend, with the most furiously bi­gotted Papists, that the Consent of the Head of their Church is necessary for the Establishment of the Secular Power, or, suffer themselves to be so miserably deluded by a new sort of Fanaticism as to imagine, that every Race of Kings is establish'd by an im­mediate Oracle or supernatural Reve­lation; they cannot refuse to acknow­ledge that the Safety and Consent of the People were the primitive and most sacred Foundations of Soveraign Authority; and that the unanimous Suffrages of those who thought fit to enter into Societies for their own Preservation, was the Voice of God himself, in the first Establishment of Monarchy.

'Tis an undoubted and a remark­able Truth, that those very persons who are angry with us for as­suming a power to secure our Liberty by modifying our Laws, upon so ex­traordinary [Page 173] an Occasion, pretend a Right to the same Privilege, and have more than once actually made use of it. 'Tis known that the Estates of France regulated the Succession, by making a far more considera­bleThe Salic Law which is said to be as ancient as Pharamond, is an unde­niable Argument that the French suppos'd their Go­vernment to be (as it re­ally was) a Hereditary Monarchy. Alteration in their an­cient Laws, than that for which we have been so often reproach'd, in the case of Childeric III. who was suc­ceeded by Pepin, and that thoMezeray says expres­ly, That if the French had ascrib'd that Regulation to the Pope, they would have discover'd them­selves to be ignorant of their own Right, Abreg. Chronol. p. 206. Pope Zachary pretend­ed that this Regulation was made by vertue of his Ap­probation and Authority, the People of that Kingdom have always refus'd to ac­knowledge him as the Author of that important Alteration, and maintain'd that it was made by their own Representatives. This Remark may be further confirm d by the in­stance ofMezeray af­firms that the Consent of the People of France was the best Title which Hugh Capet, who succeeded Charles, cou'd pretend to his Crown, Abreg. Chron. p. 454. Charles of Lorrain, who was dethron'd for the good of the State:Two Races of Kings have enjoy'd the Crown of France, by Virtue of these Regulations that were made for the good of the State. And 'tis certain that since that time [Page 174] the French Kings never had, nor have at this day, any Title to the Crown but what is founded on this Establish­ment; so that since a false Title to a Crown can never be rectify'd by Pre­scription, 'tis plain that, if King VVilliam be not our Lawful and Rightful So­veraign, France has for several Ages been govern'd by Usurpers.

He de­serves not the Name of an Englishman, who believes, with Father d' Orleans, That the Pow­er of the En­glish Monarchs is originally as absolute and arbitrary as a­ny Power can possibly be; that 'tis found­ed on a Right of Conquest, which the Con­queror exercis'd and settl'd in its utmost extent; that, at first, the Parliaments were only Seditious Conventicles, erected upon the oc­casion of a Successful Revolt of the English Nobility, who sinding themselves able to prescribe Laws to their Masters, assum'd the Power of granting Subsidies, &c. that afterwards the Kings being oblig'd to call 'em, when they stood in need of Supplies, these Meet­ings began to be look'd upon as a lawful Senate, and by degrees acquir'd an establish'd Form, and the Authority which they enjoy at present. History of the Revolutions in England, Book III. p. 294. England has been always look'd upon as one of the most conside­rable Kingdoms in Europe; but the it were the meanest and most contemptible Nation in the World, it cou'd not be depriv'd of the most ancient and fundamental Privilege of Mankind, I mean that of Self-Preservation. 'Tis true, a People may be Subdu'd and made Slaves by a Victorious Invader; but they can ne­ver be robb'd of their natural Right, to endeavor the recovering of their [Page 175] Liberty. And supposing that this was formerly a Conquer'd Kingdom, tis plain that the Conqueror cou'd not become a Lawful Monarch, but by Treating with the Nation, and pre­serving its ancient Privileges; since a True King must be the Governor of Subjects, and not of Slaves. 'Twou'd be a direct overturning of the Order of Nature to pretend, with our Ene­mies, that the Soveraign Authority in England is originally Arbitrary, and that the People are only Free by Usurpation; since, by the fundamen­tal Constitution of our Government, the People are originally free, and the Royal Authority Limited.

The Roman Catholics were natu­rally dispos'd to embrace these per­nicious Notions: for 'tis one of the Principles of their Religion, that the Pope's Jurisdiction extends over the Temporal Authority of Kings, and the Property of the People; and that those whom he Deposes or Ex­communicates, are, ipso facto, depriv'd of all their Rights and Privileges. 'Tis true this Opinion has been look d upon as dangerous, even by the Princes of that Persuasion, who are [Page 176] not willing that their Authority shou'd depend on the Arbitrary Will of One Man. And from thence some have taken occasion to call those Ca­tholics who moderate the Power of the See of Rome, and only to give the Name of Papists to those who require an unlimited Submission to the Pope. But this Distinction was never so ge­nerally known or teceiv'd in this Kingdom as in other places. For in Popish Countries, 'tis the Interest of the Prince to inspire his People with a less extravagant respect to the Head of their Church: whereas in England, where the Roman Catholics have nei­ther a Prince nor Magistrate of their Perswasion, they are wholly govern'd by their Directors, and follow all their Maxims, unless they have Sense enough to perceive the dangerous Conse­quences of these Opinions, or by the Mildness and Integrity of their Tem­per, are naturally inclin'd to detest such a barbarous and inhumane Doctrin. But, in the general, they are easily perswaded to look upon Protestants as Men that have forfeited all their Privileges, and are already doom'd to Death, for the Crimes of [Page 177] Heresy and Schism, by the repeated Sentences of several Councils. And 'tis plain that those who are possest with such a Prejudice will never heartily acknowledge the Title of a Protestant Prince; since they reckon our Religion a sufficient ground to deprive a People of the natural Pri­vileges of a Civil Society.

It has been, upon all cccasions, the constant Practice of the Faction, to accommodate their Notions to the various Humours and Inclinations of those whom they endeavor to draw into their Party. For as they enter­tain some of their Proselytes, with Projects to destroy the Liberty and Privileges of the Nation, they insinu­ate themselves into the good opinion of others, by exclaiming against the Prerogative of the Crown. When they meet with Persons that are fond of a Popular Government▪ they pre­tend to be of the same opinion, exas­perate their Grievances, and per­swade 'em that 'tis the Interest of the Nation to weaken the Power and Authority of the King, that, upon the first occasion, they may be able, withless difficulty, to introduce a Republican Government.

[Page 178] When Father d' Orleans de­claims against the Republi­cans, he usually runs to the op­posite Extremi­ty, and com­mends the most pernicious Ma­xims of Despo­tic Tyranny; such as Govern­ing without a Parliament is, and will al­ways be Re­puted in this Kingdom. See the History of the Revoluti­ons in England, Book II. At the same time, they make use o other Artifices to delude those who are superstitiously addicted to Mo­narchy. They exasperate their Zeal, fill their Minds with unreasonable Jealousies, and by scaring 'em with false Alarms of the Progress of the Republican Party, endeavour to se­cure their Assistance for the Intro­ducing of Arbitrary Power, as the only Way to keep out a Common­wealth. For 'tis their usual custom to tamper with the most violent Per­sons of all Parties, that, by animating 'em one against another, they may divide the Nation into opposite and irreconcileable Factions.

They labour'd to perswade the World that the late King might just­ly assume an Arbitrary Power, that he might reign without a Parliament, and absolutely renounce all Contracts with his People. And even after he had deserted the Kingdom, and was declar'd an Enemy to our Laws, Re­ligion and Liberties, by the Repre­sentatives of the Nation; they had the confidence to pretend that he was still our Lawful King.

[Page 179] But the Artifice was too gross to pass upon a whole Nation: for, in the first place, they must have per­swaded us that We were not a Peo­ple, but a Multitude of Rebels, that had forfeited all our Privileges, that were condemn'd by our Prince, and had neither Laws nor Parliaments to protect us; that, like a company of Robbers who had escap'd the Exe­cution of Justice, we maintain'd our Illegal Possessions by an unjust Force, and had no Title either to our Lives or Estates; that we were Slaves by Law, and Proscrib'd Malefactors, and cousequently were in a more wretch­ed Condition, than if we had been actually Conquer'd and Subdu'd.

Blessed be that Almighty Goodness which defeated the Contrivances of our Enemies, and gave us a King, upon whom they cou'd never fasten the least Aspersion, who manages the Reins of Government with an equal and Steddy Hand; who never was, and we have reason to believe, never will be Guilty either of Tyranny or Remissness; who will neither oppress us himself, nor Suffer us to oppress one another; and has always pursu'd [Page 180] such Maxims as are most agreable to the admirable Constitution of our Go­vernment, which preserves the Just mean betwixt the arbitrary Tyran­ny of Despotic Power, and the Tumul­tuary Liccntiousness of Anarchy or Democracy; and will neither suffer the Parliament to make Laws without the Authority of the King, nor the King to Govern without the Advice of his Parliament.

But since they cou▪d not Debauch the Fidelity of his People, by con­troverting his Title to the Crown; they made use of that pretext to en­courage the desperate Bravo's of the Faction to murder him. They told 'em that they cou'd not be accus'd of conspiring against the Life of a King;Capt▪ Fish­er's Deposition. since the Prince of Orange had no† See the Bi­shop of Sois­sons ▪s Order▪ a­bout the begin­ning of April. right to that Title:Capt▪ Fish­er's Deposition. And it appears that the same Pretence was alledg▪d as one of the Reasons for the design'd Invasion.

The whole Nation was alarm'd with the common Danger, and the Parliament, especially, made serious Reflexions upon the Designs of our Enemies.

[Page 181] His Majesty's Speech to both Hou­ses was seconded by Sir William Trumbal, who, in a Pathetic Harangue before the House of Commons, ac­quainted that Illustrious Body with the particular Characters of the Wit­nesses, the uniformity of their Evi­dence, and the improbability of their Conspiring together to deceive us; and from all these Considerations concluded that there was never less reason to doubt the Truth of a Con­spiracy than of This. Such a discourse as this was very Seasonable, and even necessary at a time, when several Persons were endeavoring to make the whole Discovery pass for a Ficti­on, either because they imagin▪d that the King and Council had been im­pos'd upon, or perhaps because they wish'd that we had been convinc'd of the reality of the Design by the Execution of it. However, Time and the Confession of the Criminals have stopt the Mouths of those who wou'd have stifl'd the Discovery. And the Parliament, to express their Zeal and Affection, in such a dangerous Jun­cture, made the following Address to His Majesty, which was presented by both Houses in a Body.

[Page 182] WE Tour Majesties most Loyal and Dutiful Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this present Parliament Aslembl'd, ha­ving taken into our Serious Consideration what Tour Majesty has been Pleas'd to Com­municate to us this Day, Think it our Duty, in the First Place, to give Tour Majesty most Humble Thanks, for having Ac­quainted Tour Parliament with the great Danger Tour Sacred Person hath been so nearly Expos'd to, and the Design of an Invasion from our Enemies Abroad; We Heartily Congratulate Tour Majesties Happy Preservation, and Thankfully Acknowledge the Signal Providence of God in it, and at the same time Declare our Detestation and Abhorrence of so Villanous and Barbarous a Design. And since the Safety and Welfare of Tour Ma­jesties Dominions do so entirely Depend upon Tour Life, we most Humbly Beseech Tour Majesty to take more than ordinary Care of Tour Royal Person. And we take this Occasion to Assure your Majesty of our utmost Assistance to Defend Tour Person, and Support Tour Government against the late King James, and all other Tour Enemies both at Home and Abroad; [Page 183] hereby Declaring to all the World, That in case Tour Majesty shall come to any Violent Death (which God forbid) we will Revenge the same upon all Tour Enemies and their Adherents; And, as an Instance of our Zeal for Tour Majestys Service, we will give all possible Dispatch to the Public Business. And we make it our Desire to Tour Majesty to Seize and Secure all Persons, Horses and Arms, that Tour Majesty may think fit to Apprehend upon this Occasion.

His Majesty receiv'd this Address in a very obliging manner, and was pleas'd to return a most gracious An­swer in these words.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I Thank you heartily for this kind Ad­dress; On My Part you may be Assur'd that I will do all that is within My Power for the Preservation of this Kingdom, to which I have so many Obligations; I will readily Venture My Life for Preserving it, and Recommend My Self to the Conti­nuance of Tour Loyalty and Good Affections.

At the same time both Houses en­ter'd into an Association to defend his [Page 184] Majesty's Life, and to revenge his Death; and, particularly the House of Commons agreed to several im­portant Resolutions. 'Twas order'd, That leave should be given to bring in a Bill to Impower His Majesty to Secure and Detain such Persons as His Majesty should suspect were Conspiring against His Person or Government: And Re­solv'd, That an Humble Address shou'd be presented to His Majesty, that He wou'd please to issue out His Royal Pro­clamation, to Banish all Papists from the Cities of London and Westminster, and Ten Miles from the same: That all the Members of the House shou'd ei­ther sign the Association, or declare their Refusal so to do; and that whosoever shou'd by Writing, or otherwise affirm that the Association was Illegal, shou'd be look d upon▪ as Promoters of the Designs of the late King and Enemies of the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom.

'Twas also Resolved nemine contra­dicente, that a Bill shou'd be brought in for the better security of his Majesty's Person and▪ Government, with these Clauses. 1. That such as shall refuse to take the Oaths to his Majesty, shall be Subject to the Forfeitures and Penal­ties [Page 185] of Popish Recusants, Convict. 2. To inflict a Penalty on such as shall by Writing, or otherwise Declare, that King William is not Lawful and Right­ful King of these Realms, or that the late King James, or the pretended Prince of Wales, or any other Person, than according to the Act of Settlement of the Crown, has any Right to the Crown of these Realm [...]. 3. To ratify and confirm the Association enter'd into all his Majestys good Subjects, for the Preservation of His Majesty's Person and Government. 4. That no Person shall be capable of any Office of Profit or Trust, Civil or Military, that shall not sign the said Association. And 5. That the same Penalties be inflicted on such as come out of France, as upon those that go thither.

Nor must we forget that wise and important Resolution of the same ho­norable Body, in pursuance of which 'twas enacted, That whenever it shall please God to afflict these Realms by the Death of His Present Majesty▪ the Par­liament then in being shall not be dissolv d thereby, but shall continue until the next Heir to the Crown in Succession, ac­cording to the late Act of Settlement, shall dissolve the same.

[Page 186] 'Twas also Order'd, That the Spea­ker, upon Presenting the Association to His Majesty, shou'd make it the Request of the House, that His Majesty wou'd please to order, that the said Association of the House, and all other Associations by the Commons of England, be lodg'd among the Records in the Tower, to re­main as a perpetual Memorial of their Loyalty and Affection to His Majesty.

The Associations of both Houses were almost the same, as to the sense; and therefore I shall content my self with inserting that of the House of Commons, because of its Conformity to the abovemention'd Resolutions.

WHereas there has been a Horrid and Detestable Conspiracy, Formed and Carried on by Papists, and other Wicked and Traiterous Persons, for Assassinating his Majesty's Royal Person, in Order to Incourage an Inva­sion from France, to Subvert our Reli­gion, Laws, and Liberty: We whose Names are hereunto Subscribed, do Her­tily, Sincerely, and Solemnly Profess, Testifie and Declare, That his Present Majesty, King William, is Rightful and Lawful King of these Realms. And [Page 189] we do Mutually Promise and Engage to Stand by and Assist each other, to the utmost of our Power, in the Support and Defence of His Majesty's most Sa­cred Person and Government, against the late King James, and all his Ad­herents. And in case his Majesty come to any Violent or Untimely Death (which God forbid) We do hereby further Freely and Unanimously Oblige our Selves, to Unite, Associate, and Stand by each other, in Revenging the same upon his Enemies, and their Adherents; and in Supporting and Defending the Succession of the Crown, according to an Act made in the First Year of the Reign of King William and Queen Mary, Intituled, An Act Declaring the Rights and Li­berties of the Subject, and Settling the Succession of the Crown.

His Majesty receiv'd the Association very graciously, and express d the Sense he had of the Zeal and Affecti­on of his Subjects in these obliging Terms.

[Page 188] Gentlemen,

I Take this as a most Convincing and most Acceptable Evidence of your Affection: And as you have freely Asso­ciated your Selves for Our Common Safe­ty, I do Heartily enter into the same Association; and will be always ready with you and the rest of My Good Sub­jects, to Venture My Life against all who shall endeavour to subvert the Reli­gion, Laws, and Liberties of England.

And afterwards His Majesty was pleas'd to say, That he would take care, that this, and all other Associations pre­sented to Him, shou'd be Lodg'd among the Records in the Tower.

While the Parliament was taking such effectual measures for the Secu­rity of his Majesty and the Nation; 'twas thought fit, in the most legal and regular manner, to satisfy of­fended Justice, by the Conviction and Punishment of some of the most notorious Conspirators. 'Twou'd be needless to give the Reader a particu­lar account, either of the Proceedings at the Trials, or of the Behaviour of [Page 189] the Dying Criminals; since there can be nothing added to the public Re­lations of the former, and there is nothing remarkable in the latter but Hypocrisy and Passion. This is the genuine Character of the Declarations they left us of their last Thoughts. One of 'em owns the Crime for whichCharnock. he was condemn'd with a kind of impious Ostentation; and yet, in another place of the same Paper, he seems to acknowledge the Infamy of it, by endeavouring to vindicate his Party from having any hand in it. Another, in spite of Nature, wou'dSir John Freind. act the Part of a Hero, and was not asham d to pretend that he dy'd a Martyr, tho 'tis plain both by his Conviction and Confession, that his Punishment was the just Reward of his Treasonable Practices to betray the Nation to Papists and Foreigners. One of 'em is angry with the King,Rookwood. because he wou d not pardon a bar­barous Assassin, and was the first Per­son that ever had the Confidence to charge His Majesty with Cruelty: And another leaves us a terrible In­stanceCranbourn. of the Divine Justice in har­dening impenitent Offenders, by [Page 190] ending his Life in a Transport of Fury.

But since nothing can excuse us from doing Justice even to our most barbarous and implacable Enemies, I think my self oblig'd to make a more honorable mention of Sir William Par­kins. He acknowledges the Assassina­tion to be a Crime, and repents that he was concern'd in it. He seems to have been acted by a mistaken No­tion of Honor, and to have aim'd at an Appearance of Magnanimity, which he did not well understand. For he wou [...]d not be perswaded to name the Complices of his Crime, tho he had some reason to believe, that an inge­nuous Confession might have procur'd him a Pardon. A generous Principle, if it had been better plac'd, and if, by preserving his Friends, he had not sav'd the Enemies of his Country.

The Convicted Criminals receiv'd the Sentence and Punishment which the Law appoints for Traitors; and their Quarters were expos'd in the most oublic places, as a terrible Ex­ample of the just Severity of an in­jur'd Nation, and an Admonition to their Traiterous Friends, that those [Page 191] who are not capable of nobler Senti­ments might at least be restrain'd by Fear.

In the mean time the Faction per­ceiving that all their pernicious Arti­fices were either discover'd or defeat­ed, resolv'd at least, to pay the last Ho­nors to their expiring Cause. Three Ja­cobite Clergy-men, pretending to be Ministers of the Church of England, under pretext of assisting Sir John Friend and Sir William Parkins a [...] their Death, gave 'em a general Absolution for all their Sins, without obliging 'em either to confess or declare their Abhorrence of the particular Crime for which they suffer'd; and by such an impudent and irregular Action put a public Affront upon the Go­vernment and the Nation.

Two of 'em were apprehended in order to be prosecuted for so hei­nous a Misdeameanor; and, in the mean time, the Church, of which they pretended to be Members con­demn'd their Proceedings in a Pub­lic Declaration of its Judgment on that occasion, which was sign'd by Fourteen Bishops who were then in Town, and approv'd by those who [Page 192] A Declara­tion of the sense of Archbishops, Bishops, &c. were absent. In that Paper, they declare that they disclaim and detest the Principles and Practices both of the Criminals, and the Three Mi­nisters who assisted 'em; that they disown and abhor 'em, as highly Schismatical and Seditious, dan­gerous both to the Church and State, &c.

Thus while our Enemies both at home and abroad, were mourning the Fate of their blasted Project, while they suffer'd all the Horrors and Torments of Rage and De­spair, the constant Attendants of Disappointed Revenge; we had the pleasure to behold the happy Pe­riod of the dismal Tragedy, and the blest Event of the blackest and most barbarous Design that ever was set on foot. We observ'd, with in­expressible satisfaction, that our Al­mighty Protector had convinc'd our Enemies, by a very unwelcome Ex­perience, of two important Truths, which they cou'd never endure to believe, That His Majesty's Life is necessary for the Preservation of his People; and that his Subjects are in­separably [Page 193] united to him, both by Duty, Interest, and Inclination. This is a glorious Confirmation of the Title which they presume to con­trovert, and a convincing Proof of the Justice of his Cause, which God himself has vouchsaf'd to establish and confirm, by the execrable Pro­jects that were form'd against him.

The World has been so long ac­custom'd to see his Majesty expose his Life for the Preservation of his Subjects; he has brav'd Death so often, and run thro so many Dangers in our Defence, that it cannot be suppos'd we shou'd be surpriz'd at every new Instance of his Genero­sity. But that the Preservation of his single Life shou'd secure a whole Nation from impending Ruine; that the Rebels at home durst not at­tempt to disturb our Quiet, because they knew that he was alive; that our Foreign Enemies shou'd immedi­ately retire upon the News of his Deliverance; that the whole Nation shou'd place their only Confidence in the Person of their Soveraign, and enter into a solemn and unanimous Confederacy to Defend his Life, and [Page 194] Revenge his Death, there is some­thing so surprizingly Great in such a Combination of Wonders, and so conspicuous Marks of the Finger of God in the several Instances of our Happiness, that 'twou'd be equally impious and absurd, to ascribe our Deliverance to a lucky concourse of fortuitous Accidents.

As His Majesty's Life is our only Security, and the Foundation of all our Hopes; the happy Union that is now so firmly establish'd be­twixt us and our Soveraign, is of no less importance to the rest of Europe. To this we owe the advantageous Change in the Posture of Affairs, abroad; 'tis this that has reduc'd our Enemies to more reasonable Terms, and makes way for the Conclusion of a general and solid Peace.

When the long expected Time shall come, that the Just Desires of those who long to see Peace and Tranquility once more establish'd in Europe shall be accomplish'd; it will appear, and be acknowledg'd by the grateful World, that as England was deliver'd from Slavery and Oppressi­on, [Page 195] by the Blessing of God upon His Majestys generous Undertaking, so 'twas England that had the greatest share in the general Deliverance of the Christian World.

Time and Experience will ere long convince us of this great and impor­tant Truth, and Posterity will for ever acknowledge the Immortal Ob­ligation. And even tho it were pos­sible that future Ages shou'd forget their Great Benefactor, the Benefit will remain, notwithstanding their Ingratitude, as long as there shall be Laws in England, or a Free People in Europe.

FINIS.

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