Awake Sampson, the Philistines are upon thee! or, A caution to England to take heed to her locks, least they being cut off by intrigues, she be made to grind at the mill of France ... by a lover of the true interest of his country.

Awake Sampſon, &c. Or, A CAVEAT to England, not to be Trappann'd, by France.

THAT the Revolution in 1688 (as juſt one Hundred years before) in preventing our falling both into Popery and Slavery, viz. the French King's Tyranny, was then look'd upon by the Body of the Nation, to be the wonderful Providence of God, and next to a Miracle, That the then Prince of Orange (now our King) with ſo ſmall an Army, to adventure at ſuch a ſeaſon of the Year, as the dead of Winter, and ſo long a Voyage, and to ſail by ſuch a ſtrong Fleet, almoſt in ſight, then in the Downs, and alſo ſuch a great and Diſciplin'd Army here in England, well paid, and the French ready to aſſiſt upon occaſion; for I was inform'd that very evening that the News came of the late King's leaving Salisbury, by a perſon privy to that King's Deſign, that there were betwixt Calis and Bullen, about thirty thouſand French Soldiers, deſign'd to Embark for England; and Dover-Caſtle was to protect ſuch as ſhould Land there; and Shereneſs and Tilbury Fort were to receive others to block up London and Chatham; and had not the Lord by the ſame Providence defeated their Deſigns, partly by the Diviſions of the late King's Council, (as in the caſe of Abſolon) and by the meaſures that the French King took thereupon, (as in another Diſcourſe enlarged) which had it not been thus, but that the French Army had Landed, and any conſiderable part of the King's Army ſtood by him, what Confuſion muſt this poor Nation have been in, viz. England before now might have had the ſame fate of Germany and Flanders, where the French hath deſtroyed, or are in poſſeſſion, and thereby the Engliſh Government, and the Proteſtant Religion at once, had been endangered, if not deſtroyed, and been ſubject to the French King's Tyranny.

And that ſome of thoſe perſons that then invited and encouraged the Prince of Orange, now our King, not only to expoſe his Royal Perſon, in coming hither from Holland, but alſo, when come, in purſuance of the ſaid Invitation, deſired his acceptation of the Government, and put the Sword in his hands; why ſuch perſons in ſo ſhort a time, ſhould oppoſe what they had then juſt before done, I will not preſume to be judge of; but this I may ſay, what was then matter of fact, viz. the hindring a ſpeedy Reduction of Ireland, which for that reaſon, occaſioned the ſpilling of ſo much Bloud, and expending ſo vaſt a Treaſure, to the undoing ſeveral Thouſands thereby: And we cannot but own alſo a Divine Hand in that Reduction; when that whole Kingdom, except Londonderry, and ſome few Forts, were then in the hands of the French; for I look upon the late King to be but his Deputy, if ſo much: And why Engliſh Proteſtants ſhould ſo ſoon contradict themſelves in ſo ſhort a time, is ſtrange, and oppoſe that Deliverance from the French Tyranny, which they well knew, was all along deſign'd in both the late Reigns, and more plainly appearing by Coleman's Letters, and ſeveral other Tranſactions publickly detected ſince

And that Freemen ſhould ſo earneſtly long to be in Bondage and Slavery to that moſt Ʋnchriſtian King, may ſeem ſtrange, who hath ſo much delighted in Bloud, and not only deſtroyed (without cauſe) ſo many Thouſand Subjects of other Princes, but alſo of thoſe whom he hath himſelf owned to be his moſt Induſtrious and Loyal Subjects, which may appear in a Letter to the Elector of Brandenburgh, dated the Sixth of September, 1666.

The French King's Letter to the Duke of Brandenburgh.

BROTHER, I would not have Diſcourſed the matter you wrote to me about on the behalf of my Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, with any other Prince beſides your ſelf, but to ſhew you the particular eſteem I have for you.

I ſhall begin with telling you, that ſome perſons, diſaffected to my ſervice, have ſpread Seditious Pamphlets among Strangers, as if the Acts and Edicts that were paſſed in favour of my ſaid Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion by the Kings my Predeceſſors, and confirmed by my Self, were not kept and executed in my Dominions, which would have been contrary to my intentions. For I take care that they be maintained in all the Priviledges which have been Granted them, and be as kindly uſed as my other Subjects; to this I am engaged both by my Royal Word, and in acknowledgment of the proofs they have given me of their Loyalty, during the late Troubles, in which they took up Arms for my Service, and did vigorouſly oppoſe, and ſucceſsfully overthrow the ill deſigns which a Rebellious Party were contriving within my own Dominions, againſt my Authority Royal.

What his Hypocriſie was then, appears in his Edict, October 1685. viz. when he thought he was ready to put in execution his Deſign, and had the late King James to join with him to carry it on, in which Edict he expoſes his Granfather Henry the Great, who had ſo nobly declared himſelf in his Edict of Nants, April 1598. he begins thus,

The Edict of Henry the Great, the French King's Grandfather.

NOW it hath pleaſed God to give us a beginning of enjoying ſome reſt, we think we cannot employ our ſelves better, than to apply to that which may tend to the Service and Glory of his Holy Name, and to provide that he may be adored, and prayed to by all our Subjects, and if it hath not yet pleaſed him to permit it to be in one and the ſame form of Religion, that it may at leaſt be in one and the ſame intention, and with ſuch Rules, that may prevent amongſt them all Troubles and Tumults; and that we and this Kingdom, may always conſerve the Glorious Title of Moſt Chriſtian; and by the ſame means, take away the cauſe of Miſchief and Trouble, which may happen from the Actions of Religion, which of all others, are moſt prevalent and penetrating; for this cauſe, acknowledging this Affair to be of the greateſt Importance, and worthy of the beſt conſideration; after having conſidered the complaints of our Catholick Subjects; and having alſo permitted to our Subjects of the Reformed Religion, to aſſemble themſelves by Deputies for framing their Complaints, and making a Collection of all their Remonſtrances: Having therefore conferred divers times with them, we have upon the whole, judged it neceſſary, to give to all our ſaid Subjects, one general Law, clear, plain and abſolute, by which they ſhall be regulated in all differences which have heretofore riſen among them, or may riſe hereafter; having had no other reguard in this deliberation, than ſolely the zeal we have to the Service of God; praying that he would henceforward grant to all our Subjects a durable and eſtabliſhed Peace; And we Implore and Expect from his Divine Bounty, the ſame Protection and Favour he hath always beſtowed upon this Kingdom from our Birth, and that he would give our ſaid Subjects the Grace to underſtand; That in obſervation of this our Ordinance, conſiſteth (next to their Duty towards God and Ʋs) the principal foundation of their Ʋnion, Concord, Tranquility, Reſt, and the re-eſtabliſhment of this State in its firſt Splendour, Opulency and Strength; As on Our part We promiſe, that all the parts of it ſhall be exactly obſerved, without ſuffering any contravention; And for theſe cauſes, having with the Advice of the Princes of our Bloud, other Princes and Offieers of our Crown, and other Great and Eminent Perſons of our Council of State, well and diligently weighed and conſidered all this Affair, we have by this Edict or Statute, perpetual and irrevocable, ſaid, declared and ordained, &c.

That after the ſaid Edict of Henry the Great, was ſo long quietly enjoyed by the Proteſtants in France, who continued always Loyal to their Prince, and as the preſent French King confeſſeth in his Letter to the Elector of Brandenburgh, had been ſo ſerviceable to him when he was in danger of his Crown, and that they were ſo greatly inſtrumental in ſettling him upon the Throne, that yet for that reaſon they ſhould be deſtroyed, is a ſtrange return of Gratitude; and if it be ſo, that he hath been ſo falſe and baſe to his own Loyal Subjects, it is no marvel that he hath broken with others, and true to none, (if not conſiſtent with his Ambition) let their obligations be never ſo great.

Theſe things conſidered, it's incredible to think, that any Engliſhmen ſhould contribute to his Greatneſs, by creating objections againſt the preſent Government, and with ſo much induſtry, magnifie and ſpread them abroad, in order to inſtill dividing Principles in honeſt, well-meaning mens Minds, than which nothing can poſſibly tend more to our own ruine, and promoting the French Intereſt. Nor can I ſee with what peace of Conſcience, ſuch Men can deſire that Miſery to befal England; yea, even thoſe very perſons that have had particular obligations, tho never ſo great, to the late King James, eſpecially if ſome of his actions be duly conſidered, even ſuch as were tranſacted before his Abdication, as well as ſo lately attempted, which being matter of fact, carries its own evidence; for proof of which take the following account, viz.

I remember at the latter end of the year 1687, when he had given a Commiſſion to inſpect what Fines had been Levied on the Diſſenters, and not paid into the Exchequer, (which was deſign'd, and afterwards appeared, not for any good to them, but to ſet Proteſtants one againſt another, to make way for the Papiſts) amongſt ſeveral illegal practices, there was one more notorious than others, (I ſpeak my own knowledge, being in that Commiſſion, and hearing the examination of the caſe) That a Juſtice of Peace in Middleſex, had cauſed the value of two hundred Pounds in Houſhold-Goods to be ſeized upon from a Diſſenter, yea his Childrens Cloths, and a Chimney-Piece to make it up, for ſeveral Meetings, (I could name both the Juſtice and the Diſſenter, if it were neceſſary) which Goods were all carried to the Juſtices Stables, and there divided without any Appraiſment, and reſtoring the overpius back to the Owner; and ſo it fell out, one of the Commiſſioners, who had a great Intereſt in King James, did the next day inform him of the whole matter, who upon hearing thereof, ſeemed to be affected with the matter, inſomuch that I expected nothing leſs than a reſtoration; but the contrary fell out, for when we had ſummoned the Juſtice to anſwer the Charge, which was ſome Weeks e'r he appeared, he did not deny the fact, but produc'd a Witneſs that it was done by the ſaid King's particular order when he was Duke of York.

What greater Hypocriſie could there be? and how much like his Brother in France before mentioned, to which may be added ſome other inſtances, viz. One was in anſwer to an Addreſs, wherein he ſolemnly proteſted his averſion to Perſecution; and in another he called God to Witneſs, how much Perſecution was againſt his Judgment; and to a third Addreſs, he ſaid he had well conſidered the Spaniſh Inquiſition, and wondred at his Brother the King of France's Proceedings, how injurious they were to Trade; and added, That he would give them leave to Chalk his Back as a Fool, if he ſhould follow their ſteps; and to add a fourth, Printed on the Addreſs of the Quakers, he appealed to Mr. Pen, how for many years he knew him averſe to Perſecution, which calls to mind, a Paſſage I heard from the then Dutcheſs of York's Secretary, in the year 1682, that he had often heard the Duke ſay, that to pleaſe ſome Diſſenters, eſpecially Mr. Ion, and other Quakers, he declared he was troubled at their Suffering, but afterwards laugh'd at them; beſides all which, many cannot but know, that moſt of the Severities uſed in King Charles the Second's time, were influenced by the ſaid King James, as in the inſtance before of the Juſtice of Peace, on purpoſe to put the Church of England to proſecute the Proteſtant Diſſenters (when the Papiſts were quiet) to make way to promote Popery; and to conclude, his cauſing ſo many Worthy and Eminent Men, (averſe to Popery) to looſe their Lives, on purpoſe to deter others; and therefore its plain, what we may expect from Men of ſuch Principles, let their pretences be never ſo fair, which is already too notorious in the practice of the French King, and in part, began by the ſaid King James, in the laſt mentioned actions; and how near we were under the ſame kind of the French Government, by the late King's actions; and ſo long deſign'd by both the ſaid Kings, not only appearing in Coleman's Letters before mentioned, but in all their proceedings purſuant thereunto, which for Engliſhmen to promote, is monſtrous, and never to be pitied. I would upon this occaſion, and the late Deſign of the French, only incert the fact of Grandaval, who was Executed in Flanders the 13th of Auguſt 1692. for the ſame Deſign againſt His Majeſties Royal Perſon at that time; the Relation is this, viz.

Some of the Miniſters in the higheſt Employments, and of the greateſt Credit in the Court of France, having formed a Deſign to aſſaſſinate His Majeſty of Great Britain, they made uſe of the ſaid Grandval, as their Inſtrument, to manage the Enterprize, to find out fit perſons to be employ'd in it; to engage them by promiſes of great rewards, as alſo to be aiding and aſſiſting in his own perſon.

The ſaid Grandval being inform'd, that one Anthony du Mont had already been engaged in this deſign, in the Life time of the late Marquis de Louvois, he propoſed it to him again, to execute the ſame by order of the Marquis of Barbeſiaux, and ſome others. Whereupon ſeveral Projects were drawn up, and reſolution was taken to bring it to effect the Cauupaign 1691: but the Providence of God diſappointed them; yet notwithſtanding they did not let fall the Proſecution of this horrid Deſign; but Grandval was employ'd frequently to write to Du Mont (who was retired to Hanover) to ſtir him up to another attempt, the Campaign of 1692, which at laſt they agreed upon.

One Loofdate coming to Paris about that time, Grandval making an acquaintance with him, diſcovered to him the ſaid Deſign, which Loofdate ſhewing a willingneſs to be concern'd in, but ſoon after gave notice of it, by Letters, to his Relations in Holland, that they might inform his Majeſty; and the like Diſcovery was made by Du Mont to his Highneſs the Duke of Zell, who acquainted His Majeſty with it about the ſame time that he received the other account.

In the mean time Grandval having appointed Du Mont a Rendevouz at Ʋden in the Country of Raveſtryn, he ſet out from Paris in company of Loofdate, paſſing thro Bruſſels, where he communicated his Deſign to one John d' Amours, who was formerly a Domeſtick Servant to Loofdate's Father. From thence they went to Antwerp, and ſo to Eyndhoven, where Grandval was ſeized, and Bois le d • c.

Loofdate upon Examination made out clearly all the circumſtances of the Conſpiracy; and ſaid Grandval told him, That the King of Great Britain was looked upon as the only obſtacle to the French King's Deſigns.

John d' Amours being Examined next, Depos'd, that Grandval told him at Bruſſels, he had a great buſineſs to do, which had miſcarried the laſt year; and they two falling into Diſcourſe about His Majeſty, John d' Amours asked Grandval, if he had any thing to ſay to the King, Yes, anſwered he, To break his Neck.

Du Mont being Examined, owned the fact in all its circumſtances, adding ſeveral other particulars, viz. that Madam Maintenon (the French King's old Concubine) was acquainted with the Deſign: and that if he (Grandval) ſucceeded in the buſineſs, he ſhould have an ample Recompence, even to be a Duke.

Grandval himſelf was Examined, and perceiving that the matter was Diſcovered, and that his own Letter could be produced to convict him, he freely confeſſed all the circumſtances of the Deſign, without ſo much as naming the Rack to him, either before or after Sentence. Grandval declared that he acted in this Damned Deſign, wholly in obedience to the Orders he had received from Monſieur Larbeſieux, and Monſieur Chanlais, Miniſters of State to the Ʋnchriſtian King.

Monſieur Barbeſieux promiſed Grandval an Annual Revenue of 20000 Livres, and to make him Knight of the Order of St. Lazarus, in caſe the deſign took effect.

Grandval, Loofdate and Colonel Parker, went to St. Germain on the 16th of April 1692, to ſpeak with the late King James about the ſaid Deſign, who had knowledge of it. They all had Audience of the ſaid King, the late Queen being preſent. King James told Grandval, that Parker had given him an an account of the Buſineſs, and ſai, That if he and the other Officers would do him that Service, they ſhould never want.

Grandval owned himſelf Guilty of the Deſign, and ſaid, He deſerved Death, and that, He had an Original Paper under Monſieur Barbeſieux's own hand to juſtifie himſelf.

This Relation is ſo neceſſary at this time to be mentioned, becauſe it agrees with our late diſcovered Plot, and Anſwers all the Objections produced by the French Advocates. This Conſpiracy was carried on at that time when the late King James was preparing to Invade England that very Summer, 1692 And to this I ſhall crave leave to add an Abſtract of what was not long ſince Publiſhed, which was the Relation of a Gentleman of very good Note, who had ſeen moſt of the Tranſactions at St. Germains, from 90 to 94, who reported,

In the Year 92 the late King had great hopes to be reſtored with Triumph, and fed himſelf with the thought of being an abſolute Monarch, having about that time received great encouragement, as well from the Pope as from the French King, which made him look above the reach of his late Subjects, (as he thought) and to reject all the Lord Preſton's Undertakings, and the reſt concerned in that Intrigue; which was like to have coſt the Lord Preſton his Life, and for which he had no Thanks; but on the contrary, was deſpiſed for meddling; the late King proteſting then, That he had rather never ſee England, (and it's hoped never ſhall) then Come To, or Capitulate with his Subjects again: But he ſoon alter'd his Reſolutions, ſeeing Affairs abroad thwart his Deſigns, and meeting with ſuch unexpected Diſappointments, which abated much of the thoughts he retain'd but a little before; ſo that of a ſudden Motion, he with great impatience, conſulted ſome of his Proteſtant Council, telling them, that he was reſolved to Treat with his late Subjects, and give them any Conditions rather than ſtand out any longer; concluding, that nothing would more conduce to his Reſtauration, than to reconcile himſelf to his late Subjects.

In order thereto an Expreſs was ſent to England, with Inſtructions to the Lord Midleton, and ſome others, to Treat with the People, and to know their Inclinations, by feeling how their Pulſes beat, and accordingly to proceed; which the Lord Middleton did, and drew a Declaration, anſwerable to the deſires of the Churchmen of England and Ireland; and ſome other Heads of both the Kingdoms. After ſome Debates, the Lord Midleton went away for France, and arrived at St. Germains, the beginning of March 1692, (towards the beginning of the year 93.) produced the Declaration, which admitted of high Debates, and long Arguments Pro and Con, as their ſeveral ſeparate Intereſts, moved the Miniſters of St. Germains. But the Lord Melford ſtarted ſeveral Caſes of Conſcience, againſt the late King's ſigning the ſaid Declaration, inſomuch that to be ſatisfied therein, and to remove all ſcruples of Conſcience, the late King conſulted the Colledge of Sorbon, and the Iriſh Colledge likewiſe. The Faculty of Sorbon declared againſt the ſaid Declaration, and the Iriſh Colledge for it. The Iriſh Colledge gave theſe Reaſons, That the King was in Exile, baniſhed his Kingdom by his own Children, and Subjects, for his Religion; that as the Caſe ſtood with him, there was no remedy for his Reſtauration left him, but to comply with his Subjects, and to ſign any Inſtrument whatever, for to prevail with them to accept of him home again; and whatever he ſhould ſign while in Exile, and under Tribulation abroad, he ſhould not in Conſcience, be obliged to perform after his Reſtoration, as exacted from him per force in diſtreſs, which renders all conditions and agreements of that kind, neither obligatory, nor binding, any longer than a fair opportunity ſhould offer to break them; (and wherein he would but imitate his Brother Charles the Second, who took the Covenant in Scotland, and after his Reſtoration, burnt it at London by the hands of the Common Hangman.) The Faculty of Sorbon declared againſt this kind of Machiavilian Doctrine, and againſt the Declaration too: Yet notwithſtanding, the late King did ſign the ſaid Declaration, on the conſideration aforeſaid. But the Lord Melford and the Lord Middleton fell out, and are to this day irreconcileable.

The ſaid Declaration ſo ſigned by the late King, was ordered to be ſent into Flanders, to be read there at the Head of the Iriſh Troops, but was to them the moſt unwelcome and unacceptable Meſſage that ever they met withal, or that the late King could ſend them, finding by the ſaid Declaration that they loſt themſelves both at home and abroad by the late King; which cauſed ſuch a conſternation in the Camp, that the Soldiers (who would be glad of any occaſion to quit the Service, and to return home) openly mutined, having ſtarted the Queſtion, That now being Deſerted by King James, why ſhould they not go over to King William, and accept of Conditions? But the Queſtion was carried in the Negative; and an Expreſs ſent immediately to St. Germains, to let the late King know the Diſcontent among the Soldiers, and the Diſorders in the Camp, occaſion'd by the ſaid Declaration.

Here King James comes to himſelf again, and after his old cuſtom of doing and undoing, gets another Declaration drawn, ſigns the ſame, to null the former, and ſends away two Gentlemen, and two Clergy-men of note, with this new Declaration for Flanders, to pacifie the Iriſh, and to give them content; which for ſome days gave them ſatisfaction; but not ſo much as to harbour a good Thought of the late King, believing that if ever he ſhould be reſtored, they would be all loſt though his unconſtancy; and that by repoſing their Truſt in him, they confided in a rotten Reed: But however, they were appeaſed for that time.

Here the late King, forgetting his laſt Declaration and Proteſtation to the Iriſh, ſends the firſt Declaration for England without any amendment, or taking any notice of the laſt Declaration to the Iriſh; but with the former Exception againſt them, he lets it paſs for England; here (as they ſay abroad) it was publiſhed the 19th of May 1693; but ſeveral not believing the ſame to be the late King's Declaration, but the product of ſome other Invention to amuſe the People, ſeem'd diſguſted at it, and would give it no Credit: But that the People may be undeceived in the ſaid Declaration, notice was ſent to St. Germains, what the People ſaid about it; and immediately to remove all doubts touching the ſame, the late King cauſed it to be put in the Paris Gazette; where (to his great diſhonour and diſadvantage) it was Publiſhed by Authority; which gave content in England, and great diſcontent to the Iriſh Army, who were in great diſorder about it; but the French King promiſed to ſee them righted, who are weary of King James (except ſome Officers that cannot live ſo well at home as in their ſtation abroad) and willing to quit the Service upon any reaſonable Conditions whatſoever, eſpecially the common Soldiers, who are extraordinary poor and diſſatisfied, would give any thing to be at home; and the conſtant Deſertion confirms it.

The Nobility and Gentry of France, finding a Declaration of King James in the Paris Gazette, were ſurpriſed at it, and ſeeing him deſert the Roman Catholick Intereſt, did look upon it as great inconſtancy of reſolution, which in truth removed the Intereſt and Affection of the Clergy and Nobility of France from him, who, before that Publication, were all reſolved for him, and to promote his Reſtoration to their power; but ſince are grown cold upon the matter.

And is it not ſtrange, after ſuch a diſcovery of the Temper, and Principles of ſuch a Prince, now preſent with ſuch a Monſter in France, whoſe influences over him will ever be more powerful than his Brothers, even at their firſt Arrival in the year 1660? I ſay again, is it not ſtrange that Engliſhmen, yea, thoſe very perſons that were greatly inſtrumental in the ſaid Revolution, and put the Sword into our King's hand, and whilſt he is uſing it, with the frequent hazard of his own Life, to ſave ours, and to free us from Popery and Slavery, that ſuch perſons ſhould caſt away all ſenſe of Mercy and Freedom, and long to be under Bondage to that moſt Ʋnchriſtian King; (juſt as Iſrael, even without ſuch occaſions as they had of old, longed to go back again to Egypt) and thus expoſing not only themſelves at preſent, to be a ſcorn and reproach to all the World, but alſo by it to be inſtrumental in enſlaving their own Poſterity, ſo much degenerating from the Ancient and Generous Principles of rational Engliſhmen, even long before the word Proteſtant was ever known, as appears by the Act of Magna Charta, in Henry III. time, beſides many others in the ſucceeding Reigns, by which England now enjoys thoſe excellent Priviledges, even beyond any Nation whatſoever; and ſhall this Age be ſo fooliſh, as to be willing to loſe all, and ſubject it ſelf to one of the greateſt inhumane Tyrants in the World; Oh! that it may not be once named, that Engliſhmen ſhould ſo much degenerate; but let us reaſſume that Antient Spirit, and improve the opportunity of regaining our Honour, Peace and Liberty, purſuant to the King's Speech lately made to his Parliament, viz. That theſe Nations might be Settled, and the Peace of Europe made up; which Peace cannot well be made, nor long kept, but by bringing that aſpiring Prince (the French King) low, that hath occaſion'd ſo much bloud inhumanely to be ſpilt, for his Ambition and Pride, as well as of making ſo many Countrys deſolate; and therefore he that hath not only been ſo Tyrannical, but alſo Treacherous and Falſe to his Word and Oath, can never be truſted by any new Contracts, as the Emperor of Germany and King of Spain have ſo lately obſerved; and therefore nothing but a Power above him, can bring him to any tolerable Terms to keep within bounds; for ſhould a Peace be concluded at ſuch a ſeaſon as this, I do foreſee, who have made it my buſineſs to obſerve the Intrigues of that King, that ſuch a Peace would end in our Ruine, as is very well obſerved by another hand in theſe words,

'Tis true indeed, that Peace is the greateſt of National Felicities, and ought to be our moſt deſirable Bleſſing, eſpecially if we look back to that effuſion of bloud, and expence of Treaſure has already been made, and therefore to ſound the Trumpet for the encouragement of War, muſt be ſomewhat ungrateful in our ears: However, when thoſe two moſt potent Motives Honour and Intereſt, lay that unavoydable neceſſity upon us, That it's impoſſible we can ſheath our Swords with any thing leſs, than giving up our Necks to a moſt certain Slavery; War and only War is our common ſecurity, Peace made up with an Enemy, whoſe Power is too ſtrong, and Fidelity too weak, is only a Web-lawn to break through at pleaſure; and a reconciliation of Friendſhip with ſuch a Prince, is the only means to impower him to be a more dangerous, becauſe then a more ſurpriſing Enemy. Should France in her preſent height of Greatneſs, give a ceſſation to Hoſtility; 'tis certain, ſhe can never give a ceſſation to her Ambition; and 'tis as certain, that War is only rak'd up, not quenched, when the Coles of Ambition are ſtill glowing, that at any convenient Rupture, may ſit it freſh a blazing to that Aſpirer, that ſo viſibly aims at Univerſal Monarchy. Ʋniverſal Peace can be no more than Diſguiſe and Stratagem, the Snake in the Graſs is but too notoriouſly to be ſuſpected under ſo foler, how ſeemingly fair Bed of Flowers. In ſhort, in any preſent accommodation with France, her holding her hand, will be no other than to enable her to make a ſtronger Blow.

So that if we conſult our real Intereſt as Engliſhmen, we ought to promote it; for future ſucceſs ſhould encourage us, eſpecially when we reflect upon the King's management of the Campaign the laſt Year, when he gave ſo great a Check to the French King's Pride at the re-taling of Namur; and that the Venetians and the Duke of Tuſcany, that had ſo long ſtood out, come to acknowledge our King's Authority, let us not now loſe Ground again; for if we will but obſerve the particular Providences of God to this Nation, we muſt needs own, it hath been ſtill kept almoſt by Miracles.

Let us conſider ſome of our late Deliverances, and particularly that in the year 1692 (compar'd with that lately diſcoverd) and a little reflect thereon, and call to mind how near we were then to deſtruction, and knew it not, and what the Providence of God was at that time, it may cauſe us to ſtand amazed; for I had ſome private hints at that time, and wrote them to a Friend of mine, attending the King in Flanders, which Perſon had been juſt then preſerved from being drowned. An Abſtract of which Letter I ſhall Tranſcribe,

London, 25th April 1692. Sir,

I am glad to hear of your great Deliverance ſince you Landed on that ſide, but ſorry I have occaſion to tell you what my fears are, viz. that if the Lord be not as wonderful at this time in the preſervation of that Liberty he was pleaſed to work for us at His Majeſties firſt arrival from Holland in 1688; we are very like to go back again to that Bondage we were then delivered from; for the daily Collections furniſheth me with freſh occaſions of mourning; and but yeſterday I was caution'd not to expoſe my ſelf in that Poſt I have ſtood ſo long in, viz by oppoſing the French Intereſt, for that the late King James would be here in a Month, and little oppoſition be made againſt him; having a ſecurity of a quiet reception; and many reaſons were then given to induce me to believe it, which I ſhall, for other reaſons, no • omit naming them; and if the Wind continue long as it is, and that the French Fleet are joined, they may come and do what they pleaſe, becauſe our Fleet are in no condition to oppoſe them, they being kept ſo long to Rendevouz in the Nore; when it was urged long before to Rendevouz at Spithead. I was in hopes that the King was ready to come back, but tho diſpairing of that, am now informed that he will be in the Fleet to animate the Deſcent, &c.

Poſtſcript. Before Sealing, the Wind ſhifting, hath blowed away ſome of my fears.

It was a great and wonderful Providence it was not effected; that had not the Wind ſhifted at that time, and prevented the French Fleet from coming upon us, they might have ſoon deſtroyed that Squadron then off the Iſle of Wight, and have Landed there and at Portſmouth; but as before hinted, the Wind ſhifting, the French Preparations proved, not only abortive, but very deſtructive to them at that time.

And it muſt be owned to be a Divine Hand at that time, in the very Wind, (as now lately upon this laſt Deſign of France) for as the Thoulon Squadron being ſtopt from coming, as was deſign'd, into the Channel, and when we were inform'd of their Deſign to Invade us, that then the Wind ſerved juſt ſo long, as to carry our Fleet from the Nore to the Downs, and then immediately in having it ſhift till the Dutch joined us; ſo that England may ſay of the Wind, as Deborah of old did of the Stars, who in their order fought for Iſrael.

Let it be remembred, that the Wind at that time held Weſt and South-Weſt about 5 Weeks, was an apparent Providence to this Nation; and if we will obſerve any thing of that Nature, we may conclude by the ſame Providence, what a Noble Peer of this Nation ſaid ſome years ago, upon a Defeat of ſome Rebels in Scotland, and diſcovery of a Plot in Lancaſhire, That God would deliver us whether we would or no.

So that the Enemies Preparations proved then not only abortive, but an opportunity was offered to gain a great Victory upon them; and had it been purſued, France (to ſpeak humanely) had in a great meaſure been ruined; for I was credibly inform'd by a Relation of mine, who was in the Engagement, and after the Fight did burn two great Ships of War at La Hogue, who obſerved, that had there been a few Men Landed, the French had fled when none purſued; their temerity of the one hand, and oppreſſion on the other, would have render'd them uncapable or unwilling to defend their Country; the two powerful Motives that render'd the Revolution among us in 1688 ſo feaſible and eaſie. I ſpeak not at random, but on good Grounds, from the Information I then received a little before the ſaid Victory, by a perſon that had been in France about that time, who inform'd me, that altho the Policy of the French King were ſuch, as that his Maritime and Frontier Towns were not ſo much oppreſs'd, yet moſt of the Inland Provinces were ſo depopulated and impoveriſhed, that there were not Men left to Till the Ground, nor Dreſs the Vines, as afterwards was more plainly demonſtrated; and were we once unanimous, we might ſtrike Terrour into the mind of that haughty Monarch of France.

I am not ignorant what ſly Inſinuations have been uſed to undermine our preſent Government, by telling us by way of objection, viz. How the Authors of the Hungarian, and Piedmont Perſecution, and the Spaniſh Inquiſition ſhould eſtabliſh the Proteſtant Belief amongſt us? I would anſwer, That the preſent War, in which we are engaged with the Emperor, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, is not upon the account of Religion, but upon Property and Civil Rights in thoſe Princes, who oppoſed the French King's Ambition; and the War with the Emperor, &c. was long before our Revolution. And therefore it was a very great Providence to us in England, as well as other Proteſtant Countrys, that there is that agreement in all thoſe Princes united againſt France: And ſhould not England aſſiſt the reſt of the Allies, they would ſoon be over-run by France; and ſhould Holland be under that Government, England could not hold out very long; for when the Marine Forces in Holland is united to France, we may then rationally conclude, that not only England, but the two Neutral, Northern Crowns and Portugal, muſt at length receive Laws from France; I will not undertake, that his Holineſs at Rome ſhall be exempt from his Juriſdiction. I might enlarge upon ſuch reaſons as may be convincing, if it were neceſſary, but it would be ſuperfluous, matters of fact having been ſo much before-hand of that nature, how the French Monarch hath treated all perſons that endeavour to thwart his Ambition, &c.

So that it is our real Intereſt to aſſiſt the reſt of the Confederates, notwithſtanding all the preſent inconveniences, and evil conſequents that do attend us, which in a little time may be avoided.

It is not now a thing Diſputable, for we have too evident Experience, and the Nation has been convinced, that the Growth of France would be the Ruine of England; as witneſs thoſe many Parliamentary Addreſſes made to King Charles the Second, as well as by the many Bills brought in, and Acts paſt in the Reign of His preſent Majeſty; and he expoſing his Royal Perſon in order to bring down that lofty Prince, and ſhall we now by a few falſe friends, and their ſly inſinuations, be prevail'd upon to alter our minds, and take thoſe methods that moſt directly ruine us. As for Example, ſhould I pretend to go for Exon or Berwick, we know Ware is the Rode to one, and Hounſlow to the other, and ſhould be met at Graveſend, Rocheſter, &c. and purſue that direct Rode by Land and Water, any body that knows the Rode, muſt conclude, I deſign'd for France, let my pretences be never ſo much to the contrary.

It's grievous to think, that when England is honoured with the greateſt Priviledges of any Nation under Heaven; and that it will be allowed, its Laws (as to the main of them) exceeding other Nations, but moſt backward as to execution, that which is wanting, is one general Law to put others in execution.

I am ſorry I have the occaſion to mention a particular caſe that paſt in my own ſight the laſt Year, viz. When ſome Overtures were made to ſettle a Trade betwixt us and the Duke of Savoy and Piedmont, and diſcourſing with a great Gentleman concern'd in that Affair, gave me the ſight of the Agent, who was then to go on this Affair, being a Frenchman, I asked him, whether ſince the Trade to be promoted, was for England, it would not be more proper to ſend an Engliſhman? To which he anſwered, No, for we were too ſluggiſh to promote, even our own real good; had I not too much experience of the truth of his Anſwer, I ſhould have argued with him; for I have generally obſerved the diſpoſition of too too many guilty of this fault, and more particularly noted by another Pen (viz.)

We have been more careful to receive the Law from France, in all their Modes, both in Eating and Wearing, than from the great Creator for our Converſation; and ſo prevalent is the humour of that Country, with us, and ſo powerful the Aſcendant it hath over us, that we ſeem to be Frenchmen, only we live in England, ſo that they have ſufficiently revenged themſelves upon us, by the looſe Manners they have brought among us; but I muſt needs ſay to their Credit, they keep their Wits in their Debaucheries, whilſt we, by over-doing them in the imitation of them, loſe both; What is become of that Antient Education of the Kingdom, our Integrity, Gravity and Manhood, which gave our Nation ſo great Reputation in the World; is it not turned into Swearing and Drinking, a Duel and a Wench? their Prophaneneſs is their Wit; and their baſe Crafts muſt be called Policy; and as this we have learned from France, as to our Men, ſo let us conſider as to our Women; but where is that retired Breeding, which made our Women ſo famous for Virtue as they were always for their Beauty; Alas! there hath been a ſort of induſtry uſed to ſubdue their native Modeſty; as if it were an indecent thing to have it, and Arts practiſed to make them hardy againſt their own bluſhes, and maſter their ſhy and baſhful diſpoſition (ſo peculiar to Chaſtity) into an unconcerned Confidence; as if it were their Perfection, to be inſenſible of any ill, and to be tam'd at all things. Strange! that ſobriety ſhould be turned into levity, and luſt call'd love, and wantonneſs good humour; this have been the effect of the French Modes given us. And the ſame Author proceeds in the Deſcription of a well-conſtitued Monarchy in ancient Times, with the Miſchiefs that befel them when they grew ſlotful, and gave themſelves to Pride, Luxury, &c. which I crave leave to mention only for a Warning for us to conſider of, his words are theſe, The firſt Empire had Nimrod's ſtrength, and the Wiſdom of the Chaldeans to eſtabliſh it; and whilſt prudence and ſobriety laſted, they proſpered, no ſooner came Voluptuouſneſs than the Empire decayed; and was at laſt by the baſe Effeminacies of Sardanapalus (in whom that Race ended) transfer'd to another family. It was the Policy of an Aſſyrian King, to ſubdue the ſtrength of Babylon (then under good Diſcipline) not to Invade it with Force, but to Debauch it: Wherefore he ſent in Players, Muſitians, Cooks, Harlots, &c. and by thoſe means introducing Corruption of Manners, there was little more to do than to take it. Nebuchadnezzar by his Virtue and Induſtry, ſeen in the Siege of Tyre, and of many great Enterprizes, recovered and enlarged it to a mighty Empire; and his Diſcipline was ſo excellent (thoſe times conſidered) that it was praiſed in Scripture; but when he grew Proud and Fooliſh, for getting that Providence that had ſhewn it ſelf ſo kind to him, he became a Beaſt, and grazed among the Beaſts, till God, whom he had forgotten, had reſtored him the heart of a Man and his Throne together.

I wiſh we may take up in time, and obſerve how it was brought in amongſt us; for when the two late Kings (to whom not only England, but great part of Europe, may attribute the preſent War) that during their abode in France, a foundation was laid for the ruine of England, which was gradually put in execution, as it would bear, and it had certainly been effected, had not the Revolution prevented. It is very pertinent, what is written by another hand on the obſervation of the 29th of May, the Birth-day and Reſtoration of Ch. 2d, viz. Now let us ſee how great cauſe we had to fall into ſo high and exceeding demonſtration of joy; let the event ſhew, how great a Bleſſing this Reſtoration proved to the Nation. We know ſometimes God gives Kings in his Anger, and takes them away in his Wrath. Plague, War and Fire came in with King Charles, but all little enough, in compariſon of that Floud of Vice and Corruption, in the way of Prophaneneſs, Impiety, Debauchery, &c. which being encouraged by Example and Impunity, followed him, and like a mighty ſtream, have ſo overflowed the Nation, that in all likelihood, it will require more Judgments, and many years to come, to purge the Land of it; 'tis overſpread almoſt, from the Child in the Cradle, to the Old Man going to his Grave. Whoredom and Wine take away the heart, and our Underſtanding too, which make us grow an Effeminate Nation, contemptible to our Neighbours; and made us caſt away the Honour and Intereſt of the Country, and become Tools of the Ambition and Greatneſs of thoſe, whoſe growing Power we ought to have oppoſed; and which ſince, made Europe groan, and labour to be delivered from that Bondage or Danger we helped to bring it under: We ſlighted the ſuits and offers of many Princes and States, and Addreſſes of Parliament, who offered their Lives and Fortunes to ſtop the growing Power of France, which had her Emiſſaries of both Sexes in our Boſom; by whoſe counſels Parliaments were Adjourned, Prorogued and Diſſolved, whilſt in leſs than 2 Years time above 100000 ſouls, for Religion ſake, forſook the Kingdom, inſomuch that one perſon, viz. Tilham, carried 3000 unto the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, upon the account of Religion; and carried great part of our Trade; and that which is remarkable is, that we laid the foundation of the loſing it, at leaſt a great part of it, the ſame way we got it.

But this was what was all along deſign'd in both our late Reigns, and without doubt agreed unto by the French King, when thoſe Princes were ſo long in France, which is plainly proved, and more enlarged by other Pens.

Were the conſequences of theſe things well conſidered, which is matter of fact, and were we more (as true Engliſhmen) unanimous (and abate thoſe little peaks of no true value) and not ſuffer our ſelves to be impoſed upon, we need not fear the moſt daring and potent Adverſary whatſoever; but on the contrary, if we ſhould be led away by Jealouſie and Diſcontent, and thereby give way to our Enemies, what confuſion may not be expected? eſpecially among the common Peogle (who hath hitherto, by almoſt a Miracle, been reſtrained by the Lord, who ſtilleth the noiſe or tumult of the People) for they, if let looſe, not walking by Law, Rule or Reaſon, but through Raſhneſs and Madneſs run themſelves, and the Nation into great Confuſion and Miſery.

And as the caſe ſtands at preſent, we cannot expect to enjoy the Liberty and Peace at home, without great coſt to keep the War at a diſtance. I would therefore offer ſome Conſiderations in reference to thoſe unavoidable Taxes, that tho they may be great, and hard to be born, eſpecially by ſome ſort of perſons, yet if we conſider it's for the preſervation of our future ſecurity and eaſe, as well as of, our lives, and the comfortable uſe of what is left.

And if perſons, tho no preſent Diſtemper be upon them, are voluntary undertaking a Courſe of Phyſick, and are expoſed to no little pain and trouble in its working, yet they bear it patiently, becauſe they expect the effects thereof, both for the preſerving their preſent Health, and preventing future diſtempers.

Give me leave to add, that tho the War is very uneaſie to many, yet I may preſume to ſay, and that upon good grounds, that had not the ſaid War fell out as it did, it's more than probable, that we ſhould e'r this time, have loſt the greateſt part of our Trade by France. And I am happily prevented in dilating my thoughts further on this Subject, by the remembrance of my old Acquaintance, the ingenious and faithful Monitor, Mr. Andrew Marvel, who, tho dead many years ſince, yet as if he had beheld our preſent circumſtances, expreſſed himſelf in theſe words in the year 1677. A more evident and certain reaſon of our decay in Trade, and the grand ſpring of this whole matter, lies in France; that King is a moſt vigilant and potent Prince, for he hath made War with all Europe, with his Sword againſt his Enemies, but againſt his Friends by Traffick, which is indeed, as the more juſt, ſo the more effectual way of deſtroying them; but among all, none hath on this latter account more ſuffered than England; for beſides the Wine, which we purchaſe at moſt exceſſive rates, and for the moſt part for ready money; and beſides theſe Trinkets, of which we are ſo fond, and to the making of which the French Genius was formerly adopted; he hath for many years applied his People to the making ſolid Trades of Cloth and Stuffs (made of our Wool) and indeed of all things valuable, embracing in effect, or in projection, the Univerſal Monarchy of Commerce. Never did any Prince ſo addict himſelf wholly to the encouragement of Trade and Navigation; to this he hath either wholly prohibited, or which is tanto mount, laid ſo exceſſive Impoſitions upon all our Engliſh Manufacture, that they are in a manner totally excluded, and we have no Commodity to exchange with, but whatever we have of his, muſt be bought with a Penny; inſomuch that I have a particular, drawn up in Parliament, wherein they have computed, beſides the lucrum ceſſorum, that the Nation ſuſtained a clear loſs of eleven hundred thouſand Pounds yearly by the French Trade.

He further ſaith, The French, who were not long ſince, but the Milliners of Europe, are now become, or pretend to be the Cape Merchants; and that King gives not only the Mode, but Garment to all Chriſtendome, and the World puts it ſelf into his Livery at their own expence. Well may we therefore complain of the death rather than deadneſs of our Manufacture, when from this cauſe it receives ſuch an obſtruction, even to ſuffocation; when we are not only deprived of that general and gainful vent that we had formerly in France it ſelf: but in all other places where we Traffick, we meet the French at every Town, and the Foreign Poſt brings News from all Parts, that they come before us, and have underſold us in the ſame Commodity; and to this Diſeaſe which is ſo mortal, and which is beyond any private man to remedy, we do more particularly contribute by thoſe vaſt quantities of Wool which are Tranſported to France, ſo that Callice is ſtill no leſs our Staple than when it was under the Engliſh Dominion.

And if it was thus ſo long ago, we may by woful experience, conclude the French had grown much more great in ſo many years after.

Give me leave a little to reflect upon what paſt in the 2 laſt Reigns, both as to the Church of England, and alſo Diſſenters, of which the Nation conſiſts. Firſt, As to the Proteſtant Diſſenters, when they were violently perſecuted in the later end of the Reign of King Charles, and beginning of King James, what would that ſort of People have done to have purchaſed the Liberty now enjoyed?

Secondly, And thoſe of the Church of England, not only of the Clergy, but alſo of the Laity, both Nobility and Gentry, as well as Tradeſmen, what would they have parted with to be ſecured of their Properties, when envaded, and the Biſhops were Tryed? Yea, ſome of our Engliſh Catholicks themſelves, that were thinking Men, ſome of which I could name, when the Iriſh was for burning; and as all knows what ſort of People they are, making no difference wherever they come, even in France it ſelf, amongſt thoſe of their own pretended Religion, if it may be called a Religion.

As to our preſent Taxes, let us compare the ſtate of Flanders and Germany, where the French come, and where the Seat of War is, who are forced not only to pay Taxes to both Parties, but at laſt, all and their Lives to boot.

If we on the other hand, conſider the value of Freedom and Trade, and particularly Holland, who at all times, both in time of Peace as well as War, bear great Taxes, yet their Freedom and Trade make them go through it, as if none at all; and we our ſelves at this day, tho ſome particular perſons may be great ſufferers, yet the body of the Nation, for many years laſt paſt, never lived ſo great as now, if we may judge by outward appearance; and give me leave to ſay, had we no Taxes, and ſhould loſe our Trade, as before hinted, we ſhould be miſerable, for it's that which is the main Spring and Fountain that gives life unto, and doth ſupport a People or Nation, and the want of which at preſent in the Bowels of France, doth greatly expoſe that People.

I ſay again, when I conſider the many Millions this Nation hath contributed toward the War, the great loſſes many of our Merchants have ſuſtained, as alſo the general Dammage by the abuſe of our Coin; notwithſtanding all theſe things, if we look through the Nation in general, (excepting ſome few perſons in particular) where is the juſt complaint? where are the Countries, Citys or Towns, that doth viſibly demonſtrate their Poverty? where are Tables leſs furniſhed? where are the Backs or Heads of each Sex not ornamented? Let us therefore not befool our ſelves, and court Poverty and Ruine to our ſelves? for can it otherwiſe be expected, that if ever the late King ſhould be ſettled here, he muſt of neceſſity be the French King's Deputy; and ſuppoſing we may eſcape the Sword of the French King's Forces, its eaſie to apprehend what our condition will be hereafter, if we look back and remember how the French incroached upon us in our Trade in the laſt Two Reigns, while we had Peace with them, that for near 20 years together, the over-ballance of the Trade with France, was near 4 Millions per Annum, we cannot in reaſon ſuppoſe that our loſs will be leſs for the future, when we are but a Province of France; and then let us conſider, what our condition will be (if we eſcape with our lives, which will be difficult) when we ſhall loſe our Trade and Freedom, and be liable to make good to France, all the Debts the late King hath contracted with the French ſince his Abdication (as Spain hath been, for the Money borrowed to make War with Queen Elizabeth) for can it be ever thought by any conſidering perſon, that the great and extraordinary Charge the French King hath been put to, both in the Defence of Ireland ſo long, and all the coſt in France, together with all the Preparations in the year 1692, and this late intended Invaſion; as alſo the Debts contracted in France ever ſince the ſaid Abdication, muſt not be allowed him; beſides the gratifying his Friends; let us therefore conſider all theſe things together, and expoſtulate with our ſelves, what ſtate and condition we ſhall then be in? for my part I dread to ſpeak or write.

But ſhould Peace be made up before he is brought ſo low, as not to be in a condition to hurt us, the conſequence would be very bad; for 'tis plain, that there is nothing but what we have reaſon to fear, if France gets advantageouſly out of this War; and that after the Proof they have had of their Forces, they will treat their Neighbours hereafter with much more ſtate than they have already done.

This is certain, they have done things which they could ſcarce think themſelves capable of doing, and therefore we have more reaſon to be jealous of that King than ever, and ſhould make uſe of the preſent League to reduce them into their juſt bounds. Experience has but too plainly convinced us, That there was need of no leſs than all the Powers that are united in the preſent War, to make head againſt France. But who can aſſure us, that it ſhall be poſſible to unite them a ſecond time? Can ſo many circumſtances that meet together to give birth to the League, concur afreſh to form a new one? Every one knows, that to produce and confirm this Union, it was neceſſary that all the Allies were convinced of the Injuſtice of the French Proceedings; that every one of them in particular had experienced their unhappy effects; and that one common danger had put them into an indiſpenſible neceſſity of defending themſelves; and how many incidents have occurred ſince? The Retreat of King James; the happy Revolution that followed it, and the Reduction of Ireland, have been degrees by which the Nation has been put in a ſtate to act with vigour againſt the common Enemy.

It was not enough to be Governed by a Prince that would not be diſcouraged by difficulties, nor diſturbed by dangers, who Commands his Armies in Perſon, and animates them by his Example: The State of Affairs required; beſides this, that this Prince ſhould have Credit in Germany, to oppoſe, with ſucceſs, the Intrigues of France there; and that he ſhould be at the Head of the Forces of a powerful Republick, both by Sea and Land; and ſure there need no great pains to prove, That ſince we cannot promiſe our ſelves a like Juncture hereafter, 'tis abſolutely neceſſary, to make the beſt uſe of it while we have it.

'Tis eaſie to foreſee, That ſome years of Repoſe, would give France the means of making a ſtronger Party in Germany, and the Northern Courts; ſo that it would not fail to make uſe of the firſt Revolution that ſhould happen in Europe, to renew the War. No body is ignorant, that 'tis their Policy not to diſarm in time of Peace; and that the Revenue of that Crown is always the ſame, which gives it infinite advantage, when it Attacks thoſe who are uſed to disband at the end of a War; and which keep up the Armies by Taxes, which are preſently intercepted by Peace. Beſides this, the French King is abſolute in his Government; his Frontier Towns are extreamly ſtrong; and in ſuch a ſcituation as to command all the Neighbouring Countries; ſo that he is always ready to make Invaſions, and out of danger of having them made on him; and the unquiet Genius of that Nation, together with the care that is taken to form it to Slavery, requires frequent Wars abroad.

Beſides, that Crown is ſo far from having the Hopes and the Repoſe of its Subjects in view, that its main ſtudy is to keep them low. The Clergy can no more vaunt of any Prerogative; the King is as abſolute over the Spiritualty, as he is over the Temporality: All depends upon his good Pleaſure, which is now become the only Law of the State. The Nobility have loſt all their Priviledges; they are reduced to a neceſſity of cringing ſeverely to an Intendant of a Province; and have no other way to aſpire to any diſtinction, but by low and unbecoming ſubmiſſions.

As to the Subſidies granted to our King, it is to be conſidered, tho they are great, yet he himſelf doth not diſpoſe them for his private advantage; but they are made uſe of for our own ſafety, the King adventuring the hazard of his own Royal Perſon in purſuance of the end deſign'd in all the Taxes, That theſe Nations might be Settled, &c. Wherefore, take heed Oh Murmurers! leſt God deal with you as with the Iſraelites in Samuel's time, when that People had ſuch Experiences of the Goodneſs of God by his many Deliverances by his own Hand, and by the Perſons he was pleaſed to raiſe as his Inſtruments; but (too much like unto you) this was not ſatisfactory unto them, but they would chooſe a King, and declined the method which God had been pleaſed to lead them by; but require of Samuel a King to Judge them, like other Nations, and the Lord permitted Samuel to anſwer their deſire, ſaying, that they had not rejected him, viz. Samuel, but had rejected the Lord, according to all the Works they had done, viz the Murmurers (for there were always ſome that ſtood in the Gap) ſince the day they came out of Egypt: And when they were to be gratified, Samuel was ordered by the Lord, to ſhew them the manner of their King, (viz.) This ſhall be the manner of the King that ſhall Reign over you, he will take your Sons and Daughters for Himſelf, and he will take your Fields and your Vineyards, and give them to his Servants: and ye ſhall cry out in that day becauſe of your King, which you ſhall have choſen you, and the Lord will not hear you in that day; nevertheleſs the People refuſed to obey the Voice of Samuel; and they ſaid, Nay, but we will have a King over us, &c. How plainly applicable this would be to our caſe, is eaſie to underſtand, ſhould we by our Murmurings, provoke the Lord to anger againſt us; and by our Diviſions and Animoſities one againſt the other, intice and animate the French King to attempt another Invaſion, under the ſpecious Pretences of a Magnanimous and Royal Act of Reſtoring King James to his Throne again: But alas! who can deſcribe the conſequence of ſuch an Act, I tremble to go about it; and Methinks! the Iſraelites yoke under their King is eaſie to what we may expect: To begin with the firſt clauſe, He will take your Sons and your Daughters for Himſelf, denoting the abſolute Authority the King was to have over their Children, for the placing of them here or there, this or that Employment, as is there expreſs'd, noble and ignoble, ſome were to be Captains of Thouſands, others of Fifties; Confectioners, Bakers; ſome to reap, ſome to ſow, &c. as you may read in the Story: Here is Mercy mix'd with Judgment, an ordinary variety of circumſtances of humane Life, wherein no Man, even the meaneſt ſervant, was to be debarr'd the placid reflection (he having done his duty) upon the Law of God, Fear God, Honour the King, the meaneſt Iſraelite reaping, might rejoice in his happy ſtate, compar'd with Egypt's cruel, oppreſſive Slavery. But oh fearful Thought! What can we expect from our Enemies, who, I am bold to affirm, are the Enemies of God and good Men? Stupid Souls! Can you think the French King will be kinder to you than to his own, Faithful, Loyal Subjects, who gain'd him the Crown by their indefatigable Labour and true Valour: Take a view of his Gratitude and their Recompence; Are they made Captains of Thouſands and Hundreds; yea, tell me where is the poor Proteſtant Reaper allow'd to dwell peaceably in all his Dominions? Inſtead of taking their Sons and Daughters to himſelf, ſome he hath ſent to the cruel Slavery of the Gallies; ſome he has deſtroy'd without Mercy, in moſt inexpreſſible Tragical manner; and, are not our eyes daily beholders of the many, miſerably baniſh'd Subjects of that King, beſides the innumerable multitudes, baniſh'd other Countries? Will your Sons and Daughters, think ye, be better uſed? No no, be not deceived, the Fire of his Ambition, Hatred, Covetouſneſs, is rather ſeven times hotter; and inſtead of Delighting in the Flames of London's Houſes, he would be glad to ſee (Nero like) your Sons and Daughters, (how delicate ſoever they are in your eyes) burnt with them.

And to the ſecond deſcription of the murmuring Iſraelites King, And he will take your Fields and your Vineyards, and give them to his Servants, &c. Here the King's peremptory will over his Subjects Eſtates is deſcribed; an Iſraelite with an Iſraelite; one advanced, and the other brought low; no Family exempted from ſuch viciſſitudes; but the moſt dejected Iſraelite, tho never ſo abject in the King's ſight, if free from blemiſhes of the Law, might have recourſe to the Temple, and there rejoice in the God of his Father Abraham: Bleſſed Priviledge, meliorating the ſowreſt affliction. But what? Oh murmuring Engliſhman! Canſt thou expect from the French King, that great Deſtroyer of Countrys, Vineyards, Corn-Fields, Paſtorage, &c. Do you Think, if you eſcape with your Lives, you ſhall diſpoſe of your Houſes, Riches, Lands, &c. Vain thought! Forget not how you have been ſerved by your own Kings, born among you, who never arriv'd to ſo infinite Barbarity as he hath done; yet have not they baniſh'd ſeveral of your fellow Subjects to the Weſt-Indies? diſpos'd your Goods and Money amongſt vile Informers. Is France more tender-hearted? What bravely erected Churches, curious Manſions, fair Eſtates of his Proteſtant Subjects hath he demoliſhed and made heaps of Rubbiſh, even Dunghils of; and forced the Owners of them into other Countries, to ſeek for places of Refuge, where they might ſigh out their piteous complaints, like the bleſs'd Souls under the Altar, How long, O Lord, juſt and true, &c.? And will he be kinder to you, ye hard-hearted Murmurers? No! He will eſteem the meaneſt pitiful, flattering Vale de Chambre-Monſieur, before the moſt noble, generous-hearted Peer of England, and make him poſſeſſor of his Eſtate. Pray tell me, have ye not ſeen from among your ſelves, a cunning, tricking, flattering perſon, to ſerve the Prince's by-ends, preferr'd before you? What! expect ye kinder uſage from France? Don't miſtake, if ye by your Murmurings provoke the Lord to Anger, and your hatred one of another, break his commands, and bring the French among you, The Dogs of his Flock will he make to traverſe your Eſtates, and when he has done, if it were poſſible, make them Heirs of them, rather than you. His Revenge is not a light matter. Provoke not the Almighty to let it out upon you.

It may not be impertinent to re-mind you, the greateſt Grievance you at preſent lie under, in reference to the Coin, is from the pre-meditated revenge, cunning intrigues of your Antient Enemies the French, it being part of the Plot in 1678; as may be ſeen in the Narrative of the Plot, and in a late Diſcourſe, called A Tragedy, &c. in theſe words— This Flot was to be effected by worſe than Jewiſh Intereſt; Tranſportation of Trade, People, Stock and Money, ADƲLTERATING MONEY AND PLATE. To which end they have Bankers, Merchants, Goldſmiths and other Traders, whom they ſtock and ſet up with Money of their Society; of which they boaſt to have one hundred thouſand pounds Caſh, &c. What Stock they may have now, is inconceivably great. Oh England! how long will you nouriſh theſe poyſonous Vipers of the World, by your Murmurings and Jealouſies, and diſcern it not?

I ſhall conclude in the words of another, As the Caſe ſtands now, there are but two Ways, Victory or Slavery; We muſt either make the French ſtoop to us, or be forced to ſubmit to them; there remains no Terms of Peace for us, but what will fix an everlaſting Infamy upon the Engliſh Name: In ſhort, the Greatneſs of England and France is incompatible, if they riſe, we muſt fall; and the richer they grow, the poorer we ſhall be; their Glory will be erected on our Shame; and a Peace at this time would introduce far greater, and more certain Calamities than War, &c.

Awake England! Thine Enemies are not only upon thee, but within thee.

FINIS.