THAT the Revolution in 1688 (as just one Hundred years before) in pre­venting our falling both into Popery and Slavery, viz. the French King's Tyranny, was then look'd upon by the Body of the Nation, to be the wonderful Providence of God, and next to a Miracle, That the then Prince of Orange (now our King) with so small an Army, to adventure at such a season of the Year, as the dead of Winter, and so long a Voyage, and to sail by such a strong Fleet, almost in sight, then in the Downs, and also such a great and Disci­plin'd Army here in England, well paid, and the French ready to assist upon occa­sion; for I was inform'd that very evening that the News came of the late King's leaving Salisbury, by a person privy to that King's Design, that there were betwixt Calis and Bullen, about thirty thousand French Soldiers, design'd to Embark for England; and Dover-Castle was to protect such as should Land there; and Shereness and Tilbury Fort were to receive others to block up London and Chatham; and had not the Lord by the same Providence defeated their Designs, partly by the Divisions of the late King's Council, (as in the case of Absolon) and by the mea­sures that the French King took thereupon, (as in another Discourse enlarged) which had it not been thus, but that the French Army had Landed, and any con­siderable part of the King's Army stood by him, what Confusion must this poor Nation have been in, viz. England before now might have had the same fate of Germany and Flanders, where the French hath destroyed, or are in possession, and thereby the English Government, and the Protestant Religion at once, had been endan­gered, if not destroyed, and been subject to the French King's Tyranny.

And that some of those persons that then invited and encouraged the Prince of Orange, now our King, not only to expose his Royal Person, in coming hither from Holland, but also, when come, in pursuance of the said Invitation, desired his acceptation of the Government, and put the Sword in his hands; why such persons in so short a time, should oppose what they had then just before done, I will not presume to be judge of; but this I may say, what was then matter of fact, viz. the hindring a speedy Reduction of Ireland, which for that reason, oc­casioned the spilling of so much Bloud, and expending so vast a Treasure, to the undoing several Thousands thereby: And we cannot but own also a Divine Hand in that Reduction; when that whole Kingdom, except Londonderry, and some few Forts, were then in the hands of the French; for I look upon the late King to be but his Deputy, if so much: And why English Protestants should so soon con­tradict themselves in so short a time, is strange, and oppose that Deliverance from the French Tyranny, which they well knew, was all along design'd in both the late Reigns, and more plainly appearing by Coleman's Letters, and several other Transactions publickly detected since

And that Freemen should so earnestly long to be in Bondage and Slavery to [Page 2]that most Ʋnchristian King, may seem strange, who hath so much delighted in Bloud, and not only destroyed (without cause) so many Thousand Subjects of other Princes, but also of those whom he hath himself owned to be his most In­dustrious and Loyal Subjects, which may appear in a Letter to the Elector of Bran­denburgh, dated the Sixth of September, 1666.

What his Hypocrisie was then, appears in his Edict, October 1685. viz. when he thought he was ready to put in execution his Design, and had the late King James to join with him to carry it on, in which Edict he exposes his Granfather Henry the Great, who had so nobly declared himself in his Edict of Nants, April 1598. he begins thus,

That after the said Edict of Henry the Great, was so long quietly enjoyed by the Protestants in France, who continued always Loyal to their Prince, and as the present French King confesseth in his Letter to the Elector of Brandenburgh, had been so serviceable to him when he was in danger of his Crown, and that they were so greatly instrumental in settling him upon the Throne, that yet for that reason they should be destroyed, is a strange return of Gratitude; and if it be so, that he hath been so false and base to his own Loyal Subjects, it is no marvel that he hath bro­ken with others, and true to none, (if not consistent with his Ambition) let their obligations be never so great.

These things considered, it's incredible to think, that any Englishmen should con­tribute to his Greatness, by creating objections against the present Government, and with so much industry, magnifie and spread them abroad, in order to instill di­viding Principles in honest, well-meaning mens Minds, than which nothing can possibly tend more to our own ruine, and promoting the French Interest. Nor can I see with what peace of Conscience, such Men can desire that Misery to befal Eng­land; yea, even those very persons that have had particular obligations, tho never so great, to the late King James, especially if some of his actions be duly considered, even such as were transacted before his Abdication, as well as so lately attempted, which being matter of fact, carries its own evidence; for proof of which take the following account, viz.

I remember at the latter end of the year 1687, when he had given a Commission to inspect what Fines had been Levied on the Dissenters, and not paid into the Exchequer, (which was design'd, and afterwards appeared, not for any good to them, but to set Protestants one against another, to make way for the Papists) amongst several illegal practices, there was one more notorious than others, (I speak my own knowledge, being in that Commission, and hearing the examination of the case) That a Justice of Peace in Middlesex, had caused the value of two hundred Pounds in Houshold-Goods to be seized upon from a Dissenter, yea his Childrens Cloths, and a Chimney-Piece to make it up, for several Meetings, (I could name both the Justice and the Dissenter, if it were necessary) which Goods were all carried to the Justices Stables, and there divided without any Appraisment, and restoring the over­pius back to the Owner; and so it fell out, one of the Commissioners, who had a [Page 4]great Interest in King James, did the next day inform him of the whole matter, who upon hearing thereof, seemed to be affected with the matter, insomuch that I expected nothing less than a restoration; but the contrary fell out, for when we had summoned the Justice to answer the Charge, which was some Weeks e'r he ap­peared, he did not deny the fact, but produc'd a Witness that it was done by the said King's particular order when he was Duke of York.

What greater Hypocrisie could there be? and how much like his Brother in France before mentioned, to which may be added some other instances, viz. One was in answer to an Address, wherein he solemnly protested his aversion to Per­secution; and in another he called God to Witness, how much Persecution was against his Judgment; and to a third Address, he said he had well considered the Spanish Inquisition, and wondred at his Brother the King of France's Proceedings, how injurious they were to Trade; and added, That he would give them leave to Chalk his Back as a Fool, if he should follow their steps; and to add a fourth, Printed on the Address of the Quakers, he appealed to Mr. Pen, how for many years he knew him averse to Persecution, which calls to mind, a Passage I heard from the then Dutchess of York's Secretary, in the year 1682, that he had often heard the Duke say, that to please some Dissenters, especially Mr. Ion, and other Quakers, he declared he was troubled at their Suffering, but afterwards laugh'd at them; besides all which, many cannot but know, that most of the Severities used in King Charles the Second's time, were influenced by the said King James, as in the instance be­fore of the Justice of Peace, on purpose to put the Church of England to prosecute the Protestant Dissenters (when the Papists were quiet) to make way to promote Popery; and to conclude, his causing so many Worthy and Eminent Men, (averse to Popery) to loose their Lives, on purpose to deter others; and therefore its plain, what we may expect from Men of such Principles, let their pretences be never so fair, which is already too notorious in the practice of the French King, and in part, began by the said King James, in the last mentioned actions; and how near we were under the same kind of the French Government, by the late King's actions; and so long design'd by both the said Kings, not only appearing in Coleman's Let­ters before mentioned, but in all their proceedings pursuant thereunto, which for Englishmen to promote, is monstrous, and never to be pitied. I would upon this occasion, and the late Design of the French, only incert the fact of Grandaval, who was Executed in Flanders the 13th of August 1692. for the same Design against His Majesties Royal Person at that time; the Relation is this, viz.

This Relation is so necessary at this time to be mentioned, because it agrees with our late discovered Plot, and Answers all the Objections produced by the French Advocates. This Conspiracy was carried on at that time when the late King James was preparing to Invade England that very Summer, 1692 And to this I shall crave leave to add an Abstract of what was not long since Published, which was the Relati­on [Page 6]of a Gentleman of very good Note, who had seen most of the Transactions at St. Germains, from 90 to 94, who reported,

And is it not strange, after such a discovery of the Temper, and Principles of such a Prince, now present with such a Monster in France, whose influences over him will ever be more powerful than his Brothers, even at their first Arrival in the year 1660? I say again, is it not strange that Englishmen, yea, those very persons [Page 8]that were greatly instrumental in the said Revolution, and put the Sword into our King's hand, and whilst he is using it, with the frequent hazard of his own Life, to save ours, and to free us from Popery and Slavery, that such persons should cast away all sense of Mercy and Freedom, and long to be under Bondage to that most Ʋnchristian King; (just as Israel, even without such occasions as they had of old, long­ed to go back again to Egypt) and thus exposing not only themselves at present, to be a scorn and reproach to all the World, but also by it to be instrumental in enslaving their own Posterity, so much degenerating from the Ancient and Generous Principles of rational Englishmen, even long before the word Protestant was ever known, as appears by the Act of Magna Charta, in Henry III. time, besides many others in the succeeding Reigns, by which England now enjoys those excellent Privi­ledges, even beyond any Nation whatsoever; and shall this Age be so foolish, as to be willing to lose all, and subject it self to one of the greatest inhumane Tyrants in the World; Oh! that it may not be once named, that Englishmen should so much degenerate; but let us reassume that Antient Spirit, and improve the opportunity of regaining our Honour, Peace and Liberty, pursuant to the King's Speech late­ly made to his Parliament, viz. That these Nations might be Settled, and the Peace of Europe made up; which Peace cannot well be made, nor long kept, but by bring­ing that aspiring Prince (the French King) low, that hath occasion'd so much bloud inhumanely to be spilt, for his Ambition and Pride, as well as of making so ma­ny Countrys desolate; and therefore he that hath not only been so Tyrannical, but also Treacherous and False to his Word and Oath, can never be trusted by any new Contracts, as the Emperor of Germany and King of Spain have so lately ob­served; and therefore nothing but a Power above him, can bring him to any to­lerable Terms to keep within bounds; for should a Peace be concluded at such a season as this, I do foresee, who have made it my business to observe the Intrigues of that King, that such a Peace would end in our Ruine, as is very well observed by another hand in these words,

So that if we consult our real Interest as Englishmen, we ought to promote it; for future success should encourage us, especially when we reflect upon the King's ma­nagement of the Campaign the last Year, when he gave so great a Check to the French King's Pride at the re-taling of Namur; and that the Venetians and the Duke of Tuscany, that had so long stood out, come to acknowledge our King's Au­thority, let us not now lose Ground again; for if we will but observe the particu­lar Providences of God to this Nation, we must needs own, it hath been still kept almost by Miracles.

Let us consider some of our late Deliverances, and particularly that in the year 1692 (compar'd with that lately discoverd) and a little reflect thereon, and call to mind how near we were then to destruction, and knew it not, and what the Pro­vidence of God was at that time, it may cause us to stand amazed; for I had some private hints at that time, and wrote them to a Friend of mine, attending the King in Flanders, which Person had been just then preserved from being drowned. An Abstract of which Letter I shall Transcribe,

It was a great and wonderful Providence it was not effected; that had not the Wind shifted at that time, and prevented the French Fleet from coming upon us, they might have soon destroyed that Squadron then off the Isle of Wight, and have Landed there and at Portsmouth; but as before hinted, the Wind shifting, the French Pre­parations proved, not only abortive, but very destructive to them at that time.

And it must be owned to be a Divine Hand at that time, in the very Wind, (as now lately upon this last Design of France) for as the Thoulon Squadron being stopt from coming, as was design'd, into the Channel, and when we were inform'd of their Design to Invade us, that then the Wind served just so long, as to carry our Fleet from the Nore to the Downs, and then immediately in having it shift till the Dutch joined us; so that England may say of the Wind, as Deborah of old did of the Stars, who in their order fought for Israel.

Let it be remembred, that the Wind at that time held West and South-West about 5 Weeks, was an apparent Providence to this Nation; and if we will ob­serve any thing of that Nature, we may conclude by the same Providence, what a Noble Peer of this Nation said some years ago, upon a Defeat of some Rebels in Scotland, and discovery of a Plot in Lancashire, That God would deliver us whether we would or no.

So that the Enemies Preparations proved then not only abortive, but an opportu­nity was offered to gain a great Victory upon them; and had it been pursued, France (to speak humanely) had in a great measure been ruined; for I was credibly inform'd by a Relation of mine, who was in the Engagement, and after the Fight did burn two great Ships of War at La Hogue, who observed, that had there been a few Men Landed, the French had fled when none pursued; their temerity of the one hand, and oppression on the other, would have render'd them uncapable or un­willing to defend their Country; the two powerful Motives that render'd the Re­volution among us in 1688 so feasible and easie. I speak not at random, but on good Grounds, from the Information I then received a little before the said Victo­ry, by a person that had been in France about that time, who inform'd me, that al­tho the Policy of the French King were such, as that his Maritime and Frontier Towns were not so much oppress'd, yet most of the Inland Provinces were so de­populated and impoverished, that there were not Men left to Till the Ground, nor Dress the Vines, as afterwards was more plainly demonstrated; and were we once unanimous, we might strike Terrour into the mind of that haughty Monarch of France.

I am not ignorant what sly Insinuations have been used to undermine our present Government, by telling us by way of objection, viz. How the Authors of the Hun­garian, and Piedmont Persecution, and the Spanish Inquisition should establish the Pro­testant Belief amongst us? I would answer, That the present War, in which we are engaged with the Emperor, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, is not upon the account of Religion, but upon Property and Civil Rights in those Prin­ces, who opposed the French King's Ambition; and the War with the Emperor, &c. was long before our Revolution. And therefore it was a very great Provi­dence to us in England, as well as other Protestant Countrys, that there is that agreement in all those Princes united against France: And should not England assist the rest of the Allies, they would soon be over-run by France; and should Holland be under that Government, England could not hold out very long; for when the Marine Forces in Holland is united to France, we may then rationally conclude, that not only England, but the two Neutral, Northern Crowns and Por­tugal, must at length receive Laws from France; I will not undertake, that his Holiness at Rome shall be exempt from his Jurisdiction. I might enlarge upon such reasons as may be convincing, if it were necessary, but it would be superfluous, matters of fact having been so much before-hand of that nature, how the French Monarch hath treated all persons that endeavour to thwart his Ambition, &c.

So that it is our real Interest to assist the rest of the Confederates, notwith­standing all the present inconveniences, and evil consequents that do attend us, which in a little time may be avoided.

It is not now a thing Disputable, for we have too evident Experience, and the Nation has been convinced, that the Growth of France would be the Ruine of Eng­land; as witness those many Parliamentary Addresses made to King Charles the Se­cond, as well as by the many Bills brought in, and Acts past in the Reign of His present Majesty; and he exposing his Royal Person in order to bring down that lof­ty Prince, and shall we now by a few false friends, and their sly insinuations, be prevail'd upon to alter our minds, and take those methods that most directly ru­ine us. As for Example, should I pretend to go for Exon or Berwick, we know Ware is the Rode to one, and Hounslow to the other, and should be met at Graves­end, Rochester, &c. and pursue that direct Rode by Land and Water, any body that knows the Rode, must conclude, I design'd for France, let my pretences be never so much to the contrary.

It's grievous to think, that when England is honoured with the greatest Privi­ledges of any Nation under Heaven; and that it will be allowed, its Laws (as to the main of them) exceeding other Nations, but most backward as to execution, that which is wanting, is one general Law to put others in execution.

I am sorry I have the occasion to mention a particular case that past in my own sight the last Year, viz. When some Overtures were made to settle a Trade be­twixt us and the Duke of Savoy and Piedmont, and discoursing with a great Gentle­man concern'd in that Affair, gave me the sight of the Agent, who was then to go on this Affair, being a Frenchman, I asked him, whether since the Trade to be promoted, was for England, it would not be more proper to send an Englishman? To which he answered, No, for we were too sluggish to promote, even our own real good; had I not too much experience of the truth of his Answer, I should have argued with him; for I have generally observed the disposition of too too many guilty of this fault, and more particularly noted by another Pen (viz.)

‘We have been more careful to receive the Law from France, in all their Modes, both in Eating and Wearing, than from the great Creator for our Conversation; and so prevalent is the humour of that Country, with us, and so powerful the Ascendant it hath over us, that we seem to be Frenchmen, only we live in Eng­land, so that they have sufficiently revenged themselves upon us, by the loose Man­ners they have brought among us; but I must needs say to their Credit, they keep their Wits in their Debaucheries, whilst we, by over-doing them in the imitation of them, lose both; What is become of that Antient Education of the Kingdom, our Integrity, Gravity and Manhood, which gave our Nation so great Reputation in the World; is it not turned into Swearing and Drinking, a Duel and a Wench? their Prophaneness is their Wit; and their base Crafts must be called Policy; and as this we have learned from France, as to our Men, so let us consider as to our Women; but where is that retired Breeding, which made our Women so famous for Virtue as they were always for their Beauty; Alas! there hath been a sort of industry used to subdue their native Modesty; as if it were an indecent thing to have it, and Arts practised to make them hardy against their own blushes, and master their shy and bashful disposition (so peculiar to Chastity) into an unconcerned Confidence; as if it were their Perfection, to be insensible of any ill, and to be tam'd at all things. Strange! that sobriety should be turned into levity, and lust call'd love, and wantonness good humour; this have been the effect of the French Modes given us.’ And the same Author pro­ceeds [Page 12]in the Description of a well-constitued Monarchy in ancient Times, with the Mischiefs that befel them when they grew slotful, and gave themselves to Pride, Luxury, &c. which I crave leave to mention only for a Warning for us to consider of, his words are these, ‘The first Empire had Nimrod's strength, and the Wisdom of the Chaldeans to establish it; and whilst prudence and sobriety lasted, they prospered, no sooner came Voluptuousness than the Empire decayed; and was at last by the base Effe­minacies of Sardanapalus (in whom that Race ended) transfer'd to another family. It was the Policy of an Assyrian King, to subdue the strength of Babylon (then under good Discipline) not to Invade it with Force, but to Debauch it: Wherefore he sent in Play­ers, Musitians, Cooks, Harlots, &c. and by those means introducing Corruption of Man­ners, there was little more to do than to take it. Nebuchadnezzar by his Virtue and In­dustry, seen in the Siege of Tyre, and of many great Enterprizes, recovered and enlarged it to a mighty Empire; and his Discipline was so excellent (those times considered) that it was praised in Scripture; but when he grew Proud and Foolish, for getting that Pro­vidence that had shewn it self so kind to him, he became a Beast, and grazed among the Beasts, till God, whom he had forgotten, had restored him the heart of a Man and his Throne together.’

I wish we may take up in time, and observe how it was brought in amongst us; for when the two late Kings (to whom not only England, but great part of Europe, may attribute the present War) that during their abode in France, a foundation was laid for the ruine of England, which was gradually put in execution, as it would bear, and it had certainly been effected, had not the Revolution prevented. It is very pertinent, what is written by another hand on the observation of the 29th of May, the Birth-day and Restoration of Ch. 2d, viz. ‘Now let us see how great cause we had to fall into so high and exceeding demonstration of joy; let the event shew, how great a Blessing this Restoration proved to the Nation. We know some­times God gives Kings in his Anger, and takes them away in his Wrath. Plague, War and Fire came in with King Charles, but all little enough, in comparison of that Floud of Vice and Corruption, in the way of Prophaneness, Impiety, Debauchery, &c. which being encouraged by Example and Impunity, followed him, and like a mighty stream, have so overflowed the Nation, that in all likelihood, it will re­quire more Judgments, and many years to come, to purge the Land of it; 'tis over­spread almost, from the Child in the Cradle, to the Old Man going to his Grave. Whoredom and Wine take away the heart, and our Understanding too, which make us grow an Effeminate Nation, contemptible to our Neighbours; and made us cast away the Honour and Interest of the Country, and become Tools of the Ambiti­on and Greatness of those, whose growing Power we ought to have opposed; and which since, made Europe groan, and labour to be delivered from that Bondage or Danger we helped to bring it under: We slighted the suits and offers of ma­ny Princes and States, and Addresses of Parliament, who offered their Lives and Fortunes to stop the growing Power of France, which had her Emissaries of both Sexes in our Bosom; by whose counsels Parliaments were Adjourned, Prorogued and Dissolved, whilst in less than 2 Years time above 100000 souls, for Religion sake, forsook the Kingdom, insomuch that one person, viz. Tilham, carried 3000 unto the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, upon the account of Religion; and carried great part of our Trade; and that which is remarkable is, that we laid the [Page 13]foundation of the losing it, at least a great part of it, the same way we got it.’

But this was what was all along design'd in both our late Reigns, and without doubt agreed unto by the French King, when those Princes were so long in France, which is plainly proved, and more enlarged by other Pens.

Were the consequences of these things well considered, which is matter of fact, and were we more (as true Englishmen) unanimous (and abate those little peaks of no true value) and not suffer our selves to be imposed upon, we need not fear the most daring and potent Adversary whatsoever; but on the contrary, if we should be led away by Jealousie and Discontent, and thereby give way to our Enemies, what confusion may not be expected? especially among the common Peogle (who hath hitherto, by almost a Miracle, been restrained by the Lord, who stilleth the noise or tumult of the People) for they, if let loose, not walking by Law, Rule or Reason, but through Rashness and Madness run themselves, and the Nation into great Confusion and Misery.

And as the case stands at present, we cannot expect to enjoy the Liberty and Peace at home, without great cost to keep the War at a distance. I would there­fore offer some Considerations in reference to those unavoidable Taxes, that tho they may be great, and hard to be born, especially by some sort of persons, yet if we consider it's for the preservation of our future security and ease, as well as of, our lives, and the comfortable use of what is left.

And if persons, tho no present Distemper be upon them, are voluntary under­taking a Course of Physick, and are exposed to no little pain and trouble in its working, yet they bear it patiently, because they expect the effects thereof, both for the preserving their present Health, and preventing future distempers.

Give me leave to add, that tho the War is very uneasie to many, yet I may pre­sume to say, and that upon good grounds, that had not the said War fell out as it did, it's more than probable, that we should e'r this time, have lost the greatest part of our Trade by France. And I am happily prevented in dilating my thoughts further on this Subject, by the remembrance of my old Acquaintance, the ingenious and faithful Monitor, Mr. Andrew Marvel, who, tho dead many years since, yet as if he had beheld our present circumstances, expressed himself in these words in the year 1677. A more evident and certain reason of our decay in Trade, and the grand spring of this whole matter, lies in France; that King is a most vigilant and potent Prince, for he hath made War with all Europe, with his Sword against his Enemies, but against his Friends by Traffick, which is indeed, as the more just, so the more effectual way of de­stroying them; but among all, none hath on this latter account more suffered than England; for besides the Wine, which we purchase at most excessive rates, and for the most part for ready money; and besides these Trinkets, of which we are so fond, and to the making of which the French Genius was formerly adopted; he hath for many years applied his People to the making solid Trades of Cloth and Stuffs (made of our Wool) and indeed of all things valuable, embracing in effect, or in projection, the Universal Monarchy of Commerce. Never did any Prince so addict himself wholly to the encouragement of Trade and Navi­gation; to this he hath either wholly prohibited, or which is tanto mount, laid so excessive Impositions upon all our English Manufacture, that they are in a manner totally excluded, and we have no Commodity to exchange with, but whatever we have of his, must be bought [Page 14]with a Penny; insomuch that I have a particular, drawn up in Parliament, wherein they have computed, besides the lucrum cessorum, that the Nation sustained a clear loss of eleven hundred thousand Pounds yearly by the French Trade.

He further saith, The French, who were not long since, but the Milliners of Europe, are now become, or pretend to be the Cape Merchants; and that King gives not only the Mode, but Garment to all Christendome, and the World puts it self into his Livery at their own expence. Well may we therefore complain of the death rather than deadness of our Manu­facture, when from this cause it receives such an obstruction, even to suffocation; when we are not only deprived of that general and gainful vent that we had formerly in France it self: but in all other places where we Traffick, we meet the French at every Town, and the Foreign Post brings News from all Parts, that they come before us, and have undersold us in the same Commodity; and to this Disease which is so mortal, and which is beyond any pri­vate man to remedy, we do more particularly contribute by those vast quantities of Wool which are Transported to France, so that Callice is still no less our Staple than when it was under the English Dominion.

And if it was thus so long ago, we may by woful experience, conclude the French had grown much more great in so many years after.

Give me leave a little to reflect upon what past in the 2 last Reigns, both as to the Church of England, and also Dissenters, of which the Nation consists. First, As to the Protestant Dissenters, when they were violently persecuted in the later end of the Reign of King Charles, and beginning of King James, what would that sort of People have done to have purchased the Liberty now enjoyed?

Secondly, And those of the Church of England, not only of the Clergy, but al­so of the Laity, both Nobility and Gentry, as well as Tradesmen, what would they have parted with to be secured of their Properties, when envaded, and the Bi­shops were Tryed? Yea, some of our English Catholicks themselves, that were think­ing Men, some of which I could name, when the Irish was for burning; and as all knows what sort of People they are, making no difference wherever they come, even in France it self, amongst those of their own pretended Religion, if it may be called a Religion.

As to our present Taxes, let us compare the state of Flanders and Germany, where the French come, and where the Seat of War is, who are forced not only to pay Taxes to both Parties, but at last, all and their Lives to boot.

If we on the other hand, consider the value of Freedom and Trade, and particu­larly Holland, who at all times, both in time of Peace as well as War, bear great Taxes, yet their Freedom and Trade make them go through it, as if none at all; and we our selves at this day, tho some particular persons may be great sufferers, yet the body of the Nation, for many years last past, never lived so great as now, if we may judge by outward appearance; and give me leave to say, had we no Taxes, and should lose our Trade, as before hinted, we should be miserable, for it's that which is the main Spring and Fountain that gives life unto, and doth support a People or Nation, and the want of which at present in the Bowels of France, doth great­ly expose that People.

I say again, when I consider the many Millions this Nation hath contributed to­ward the War, the great losses many of our Merchants have sustained, as also the general Dammage by the abuse of our Coin; notwithstanding all these things, if [Page 15]we look through the Nation in general, (excepting some few persons in particular) where is the just complaint? where are the Countries, Citys or Towns, that doth visibly demonstrate their Poverty? where are Tables less furnished? where are the Backs or Heads of each Sex not ornamented? Let us therefore not befool our selves, and court Poverty and Ruine to our selves? for can it otherwise be expected, that if ever the late King should be settled here, he must of necessity be the French King's Deputy; and supposing we may escape the Sword of the French King's Forces, its easie to apprehend what our condition will be hereafter, if we look back and re­member how the French incroached upon us in our Trade in the last Two Reigns, while we had Peace with them, that for near 20 years together, the over-ballance of the Trade with France, was near 4 Millions per Annum, we cannot in reason sup­pose that our loss will be less for the future, when we are but a Province of France; and then let us consider, what our condition will be (if we escape with our lives, which will be difficult) when we shall lose our Trade and Freedom, and be liable to make good to France, all the Debts the late King hath contracted with the French since his Abdication (as Spain hath been, for the Money borrowed to make War with Queen Elizabeth) for can it be ever thought by any considering person, that the great and extraordinary Charge the French King hath been put to, both in the Defence of Ireland so long, and all the cost in France, together with all the Preparations in the year 1692, and this late intended Invasion; as also the Debts contracted in France ever since the said Abdication, must not be allowed him; be­sides the gratifying his Friends; let us therefore consider all these things together, and expostulate with our selves, what state and condition we shall then be in? for my part I dread to speak or write.

But should Peace be made up before he is brought so low, as not to be in a con­dition to hurt us, the consequence would be very bad; for 'tis plain, that there is nothing but what we have reason to fear, if France gets advantageously out of this War; and that after the Proof they have had of their Forces, they will treat their Neighbours hereafter with much more state than they have already done.

This is certain, they have done things which they could scarce think themselves capable of doing, and therefore we have more reason to be jealous of that King than ever, and should make use of the present League to reduce them into their just bounds. Experience has but too plainly convinced us, That there was need of no less than all the Powers that are united in the present War, to make head against France. But who can assure us, that it shall be possible to unite them a second time? Can so many circumstances that meet together to give birth to the League, concur afresh to form a new one? Every one knows, that to produce and confirm this Uni­on, it was necessary that all the Allies were convinced of the Injustice of the French Proceedings; that every one of them in particular had experienced their unhappy effects; and that one common danger had put them into an indispensible necessity of defending themselves; and how many incidents have occurred since? The Re­treat of King James; the happy Revolution that followed it, and the Reduction of Ireland, have been degrees by which the Nation has been put in a state to act with vigour against the common Enemy.

It was not enough to be Governed by a Prince that would not be discouraged by difficulties, nor disturbed by dangers, who Commands his Armies in Person, and [Page 16]animates them by his Example: The State of Affairs required; besides this, that this Prince should have Credit in Germany, to oppose, with success, the Intrigues of France there; and that he should be at the Head of the Forces of a powerful Republick, both by Sea and Land; and sure there need no great pains to prove, That since we cannot promise our selves a like Juncture hereafter, 'tis absolutely necessary, to make the best use of it while we have it.

'Tis easie to foresee, That some years of Repose, would give France the means of making a stronger Party in Germany, and the Northern Courts; so that it would not fail to make use of the first Revolution that should happen in Europe, to renew the War. No body is ignorant, that 'tis their Policy not to disarm in time of Peace; and that the Revenue of that Crown is always the same, which gives it infi­nite advantage, when it Attacks those who are used to disband at the end of a War; and which keep up the Armies by Taxes, which are presently intercepted by Peace. Besides this, the French King is absolute in his Government; his Frontier Towns are extreamly strong; and in such a scituation as to command all the Neighbouring Countries; so that he is always ready to make Invasions, and out of danger of hav­ing them made on him; and the unquiet Genius of that Nation, together with the care that is taken to form it to Slavery, requires frequent Wars abroad.

Besides, that Crown is so far from having the Hopes and the Repose of its Sub­jects in view, that its main study is to keep them low. The Clergy can no more vaunt of any Prerogative; the King is as absolute over the Spiritualty, as he is over the Temporality: All depends upon his good Pleasure, which is now become the only Law of the State. The Nobility have lost all their Priviledges; they are reduced to a necessity of cringing severely to an Intendant of a Province; and have no other way to aspire to any distinction, but by low and unbecoming submis­sions.

As to the Subsidies granted to our King, it is to be considered, tho they are great, yet he himself doth not dispose them for his private advantage; but they are made use of for our own safety, the King adventuring the hazard of his own Royal Per­son in pursuance of the end design'd in all the Taxes, That these Nations might be Settled, &c. Wherefore, take heed Oh Murmurers! lest God deal with you as with the Israelites in Samuel's time, when that People had such Experiences of the Good­ness of God by his many Deliverances by his own Hand, and by the Persons he was pleased to raise as his Instruments; but (too much like unto you) this was not sa­tisfactory unto them, but they would choose a King, and declined the method which God had been pleased to lead them by; but require of Samuel a King to Judge them, like other Nations, and the Lord permitted Samuel to answer their desire, saying, that they had not rejected him, viz. Samuel, but had rejected the Lord, according to all the Works they had done, viz the Murmurers (for there were always some that stood in the Gap) since the day they came out of Egypt: And when they were to be gratified, Samuel was ordered by the Lord, to shew them the manner of their King, (viz.) This shall be the manner of the King that shall Reign over you, he will take your Sons and Daughters for Himself, and he will take your Fields and your Vineyards, and give them to his Servants: and ye shall cry out in that day because of your King, which you shall have chosen you, and the Lord will not hear [Page 17]you in that day; nevertheless the People refused to obey the Voice of Samuel; and they said, Nay, but we will have a King over us, &c. How plainly applicable this would be to our case, is easie to understand, should we by our Murmurings, provoke the Lord to anger against us; and by our Divisions and Animosities one against the other, intice and animate the French King to attempt another Invasion, under the speci­ous Pretences of a Magnanimous and Royal Act of Restoring King James to his Throne again: But alas! who can describe the consequence of such an Act, I trem­ble to go about it; and Methinks! the Israelites yoke under their King is easie to what we may expect: To begin with the first clause, He will take your Sons and your Daughters for Himself, denoting the absolute Authority the King was to have over their Children, for the placing of them here or there, this or that Employment, as is there express'd, noble and ignoble, some were to be Captains of Thousands, others of Fifties; Confectioners, Bakers; some to reap, some to sow, &c. as you may read in the Story: Here is Mercy mix'd with Judgment, an ordinary variety of circum­stances of humane Life, wherein no Man, even the meanest servant, was to be de­barr'd the placid reflection (he having done his duty) upon the Law of God, Fear God, Honour the King, the meanest Israelite reaping, might rejoice in his happy state, compar'd with Egypt's cruel, oppressive Slavery. But oh fearful Thought! What can we expect from our Enemies, who, I am bold to affirm, are the Enemies of God and good Men? Stupid Souls! Can you think the French King will be kinder to you than to his own, Faithful, Loyal Subjects, who gain'd him the Crown by their indefatigable Labour and true Valour: Take a view of his Gratitude and their Recompence; Are they made Captains of Thousands and Hundreds; yea, tell me where is the poor Protestant Reaper allow'd to dwell peaceably in all his Dominions? Instead of taking their Sons and Daughters to himself, some he hath sent to the cru­el Slavery of the Gallies; some he has destroy'd without Mercy, in most inexpres­sible Tragical manner; and, are not our eyes daily beholders of the many, misera­bly banish'd Subjects of that King, besides the innumerable multitudes, banish'd other Countries? Will your Sons and Daughters, think ye, be better used? No no, be not deceived, the Fire of his Ambition, Hatred, Covetousness, is rather seven times hotter; and instead of Delighting in the Flames of London's Houses, he would be glad to see (Nero like) your Sons and Daughters, (how delicate soever they are in your eyes) burnt with them.

And to the second description of the murmuring Israelites King, And he will take your Fields and your Vineyards, and give them to his Servants, &c. Here the King's peremptory will over his Subjects Estates is described; an Israelite with an Israe­lite; one advanced, and the other brought low; no Family exempted from such vicissitudes; but the most dejected Israelite, tho never so abject in the King's sight, if free from blemishes of the Law, might have recourse to the Temple, and there rejoice in the God of his Father Abraham: Blessed Priviledge, meliorating the sowr­est affliction. But what? Oh murmuring Englishman! Canst thou expect from the French King, that great Destroyer of Countrys, Vineyards, Corn-Fields, Pastorage, &c. Do you Think, if you escape with your Lives, you shall dispose of your Hou­ses, Riches, Lands, &c. Vain thought! Forget not how you have been served by your own Kings, born among you, who never arriv'd to so infinite Barbarity as he hath done; yet have not they banish'd several of your fellow Subjects to the West-In­dies? [Page 18]dispos'd your Goods and Money amongst vile Informers. Is France more ten­der-hearted? What bravely erected Churches, curious Mansions, fair Estates of his Protestant Subjects hath he demolished and made heaps of Rubbish, even Dunghils of; and forced the Owners of them into other Countries, to seek for places of Refuge, where they might sigh out their piteous complaints, like the bless'd Souls under the Altar, How long, O Lord, just and true, &c.? And will he be kinder to you, ye hard-hearted Murmurers? No! He will esteem the meanest pitiful, flattering Vale de Cham­bre-Monsieur, before the most noble, generous-hearted Peer of England, and make him possessor of his Estate. Pray tell me, have ye not seen from among your selves, a cunning, tricking, flattering person, to serve the Prince's by-ends, preferr'd before you? What! expect ye kinder usage from France? Don't mistake, if ye by your Mur­murings provoke the Lord to Anger, and your hatred one of another, break his commands, and bring the French among you, The Dogs of his Flock will he make to traverse your Estates, and when he has done, if it were possible, make them Heirs of them, rather than you. His Revenge is not a light matter. Provoke not the Al­mighty to let it out upon you.

It may not be impertinent to re-mind you, the greatest Grievance you at present lie under, in reference to the Coin, is from the pre-meditated revenge, cunning intrigues of your Antient Enemies the French, it being part of the Plot in 1678; as may be seen in the Narrative of the Plot, and in a late Discourse, called A Tragedy, &c. in these words— This Flot was to be effected by worse than Jew­ish Interest; Transportation of Trade, People, Stock and Money, ADƲLTERATING MONEY AND PLATE. To which end they have Bankers, Merchants, Gold­smiths and other Traders, whom they stock and set up with Money of their Society; of which they boast to have one hundred thousand pounds Cash, &c. What Stock they may have now, is inconceivably great. Oh England! how long will you nourish these poy­sonous Vipers of the World, by your Murmurings and Jealousies, and discern it not?

I shall conclude in the words of another, As the Case stands now, there are but two Ways, Victory or Slavery; We must either make the French stoop to us, or be forced to submit to them; there remains no Terms of Peace for us, but what will fix an everlast­ing Infamy upon the English Name: In short, the Greatness of England and France is incompatible, if they rise, we must fall; and the richer they grow, the poorer we shall be; their Glory will be erected on our Shame; and a Peace at this time would introduce far greater, and more certain Calamities than War, &c.

Awake England! Thine Enemies are not only upon thee, but within thee.