An Abridgment of the late remonstrance of the army vvith some marginall attestations for the better understanding remembrance and judgement of the people : collected by speciall order for more publique satisfaction, and to undeceive the kingdome as to the false glosses by some put upon the said remonstrance printed.

An Abridgment of the late remonstrance of the army vvith some marginall attestations for the better understanding remembrance and judgement of the people : collected by speciall order for more publique satisfaction, and to undeceive the kingdome as to the false glosses by some put upon the said remonstrance printed.

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Title page

An Abridgment of the late Remonstrance of the Army, with some Marginall Attestations, both for the better understanding, remembrance, and judgment of the People.

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An Abridgment of the late Remonstrance of the Army, with some Marginall Attestations, both for the better understanding, remembrance, and judgment of the People.

To the Right Honourable the Commons of England assembled in Parliament, the humble Remonstrance of his Excellency Lord Generall Fairfax, and his Generall Councell of Officers, held at

Saint Albanes, Thursday November 16. 1648.

OVr tender reguard to the Freedome of Parliament and the offence taken at our least interposing in any thing of Civill consideration to the Parliament, have made us attend in silence the Councels of Parliament. But finding you upon those transactions, whereupon the life or death of all our Civill interest doth depend, and As in publik fires all must lift up their voice and hands, bringing what ladders, buckets, or other assistanc they can, non expectandus praefectus vigilum si obdormiat, non praefectus urbis si cunctetur; Certatim quisque aquam hauriat tectum s [...]andat, flammam arceat oportetseeing no effectuall helpe from elsewhere to appeare, we cannot be wanting in ought we can honestly say or do to hold off impending ruine As a part of the people in Armes, or an Army interposed against the standding authority for the life of good Ionathan. 1. Sam. 14.45 from an honest people and a good cause.

We are not ignorant that the rule Salus Populi suprema Lex, is most apt to be misapplyed, some men framing pretences of publike extremity.

Therefore though we are full of sad apprehensions of the extremity at hand, yet Commanders of the forces of the Kingdome have been taken into the Councell and execution of important matters, as in the deposing of a Tyrant and enthroning a young King upon tearms or agreement. 2. Chro. 23.1.14 20. 2. Kings 11.1.7. so in the slaying of Ioram and making Iehu King. 2. King 1.9. [...]ea David consulted with such in matters of Religion. 1. Chron. 13.1.15.25.25.1. Trajan the Emperour making Captain of the Praetorian band by the ceremony of giving him a Sword, said, use this for me if I Raign well, and against me if ill. [Page] we shall first with all sobernesse and clearnesse (as God shall enable us) remonstrate to you our apprehensions both of the danger at hand and of the remedy with our grounds in both.

We must first mind you of your votes once past concerning no more addresses to the King, and our engagement to adhere to you therein.

In this none can say you were acted beyond your owne free judgements, we are sure by no impulsion from the Army, the juster resolutions of the House did in this reclaime us, it pleased God instantly to lead you into such order, whereby the burthen of free quarter was taken off, supernumerary forces disbanded, the rest put into an established way of pay; but when the house being called on purpose for a settlement began to entertaine motions tending to the unsettlement of what they had resolved, the minds of men without also became propor [...]ionably unsetled in expectations which way things would bend, seeing such uncertainty of any end of troubles upon the Parliamentary account alone; then began your Enemies to hope and work your trouble, and their owne advantages, and in all the disturbances, so to execute all the other interests pretended, that at last they might set up that of the King and their owne above all others. Thus the Army which would not be won to disert the Parliamentary and publique interest to serve their turnes, was by them rendred the only common Enemy, and this new formed party at first professe for a full and free Parliament, and to free it from the force of an Army, as Ioseph was accused to his master Gen. 39.8 3.17.Whereas the latest quarrell against it was that it would not force the Parliament to comply with the interest of the King. They likewise pretended to be for the easing of the people of taxes to an Army, whereas indeed their workings did necessitate the Parliament to continue an Army, and taxes for it. They also pretended for the Covenant against an Army of Sectaries, and for all these ends a Personall Treaty with the King must be held forth as the only Soveraigne salve. And thus the People were taught mainly to depend upon the King for all, and to Petition for these things, and in pretence of them to levy Warre against the Parliament on the Kings behalfe, and his partie is brought into the manage of it. Yet they drive on the whilst the Treaty to deceive you by old Malignants, and a late discontented party in City and Parliament, the Lords closeing readily with the desires of them and the Prin [...]e, though in the Warre [Page] for your and the Kingdomes defence, or in declaring with you against the Scotch Army and others, they would neither lead nor follow. And when in any thing of the Treaty concerning the very life of your Cause you made som stick, clamorous Petitions with Menaces come thick upon you, and forces listed daily about you, the City neither taking course, nor suffering their Major Generall to do it. And thus you were at their mercy whiles your Armie was ingaged at distance against your enemies in Armes. Therefore we cannot conceive that in those resolutions for a Treaty, the judgement of Parliament was with due and former freedome. And we wish you to consider the evills of this Treaty in laying designes for the Kings escape, and settling future correspondencies, and further whether it can be just or safe in relation to publique interest.

The summe of publique interest of a Nation in relation to common Right, and in opposition to tyrrany of Kings or others, is, that for all matters concerning the whole they have a Parliament consisting of Deputyes or Representers freelly chosen and with as much equality as may be, And that the power of making or altering Lawes and of finall judgment be in them, and that it may not be left in the will of the King, or any other particular persons to make voyd their determinations or proceedings. And where the offence is in publique Officers against their trust, this same Counsell may call to account and punish such offenders either according to the Law, or where it hath not provided Which is the ground of their enacting any Law according to their own judgment.

Against these matters of publique interest this King hath all along his Raigne opposed to uphold the interest of his and his Posterities Will, and Power: First that there might be no such Common councell to restrain him, but that all things of Supreame trust concerning safety might rest in his breast alone without limit from any, or account to any on earth.1639. And for this he raised his first and second Armes against his people in both Kingdomes;1640. then he fell to play lower that none of those things of Supreame and absolute trust might be exercised by any others without him, no not by all the Trustees of the, Land, nor in any case though never so necessary for releife or saving of the People,1641. and for this he raised his third Armes, and when these his other claimes so farre failed, he would make you [Page] know that neither Parliament nor any power on earth (what ever ills he had done) might meddle with his sacred person, no not so much as to secure him from doing more evill; and for this last part of his Interest his fourth Armes were raised. There have also fallen in other particulars with these interests,1648. as on the Parliaments part to protect Religious men, and to give Freedome to the Gospell and take away those corrupt formes by which snares were laid for such conscientious men▪ But on the Kings part the interest was to doe contrary▪ So that the Parliamentary and publique interests hath been made very much one with the interest of the Godly, and the King interest one with their greatest opposites, now wee suppose that where a person trusted Rom. 13.3.4. Paul speakes of authority or Magistracy in its constitution (not of a person abusively exercising it) to be Gods instrument of good to every one, and an encourager of good in every man, and an enemy to evill. Therefore the Kings of the Israelites must know the Law for a Rule, Deut. 17. And Ioash being 7. yeares old had a Crown put upon his head, and the testimony in his hand 2. Kings 11 12. that being elder he might remember the rule which David avoucheth to be from Heaven as a rule for all Rulers 2 Sam. 23.3. he that ruleth among men, must be just ruling in the fear of God. with limited power to rule according to Lawes, shall not only pervert that trust but assume also hurtfull powers never committed to him, and take away foundations of liberty and redresse, such a person so doing forfeits all that power and trust he had, and 2. Chron. 21 10 Lib [...]ah which a Citty belonging to (the Preists. Iosh 21.13) revolted ne subjecti esset ei [Iunt) from all subjection, because he had forsaken the Lord God of his Fathers. absolving the people from the bonds betweene him and them, doth set them free to take their best advantage and proceed in judgement against Him: Much more when hee on these termes shall maintaine a war, and by division within and invasions from abroad lengthen it well to uphold the interest of his will and power against the Common interest of his people; such a person we may justly say is Guilty of the highest treason against the which is the safety of the People. highest law amongst men, now we may conclude that this King hath beene the Author and contriver of an unjust Warre, and so is Guilty of all the blood and mischeife to the Kingdome; and then how can the publike justice of the kingdom be satisfyed, the blood avenged, Numb. 35.4. hang them up that the fierce anger of the Lord may be turned away from Israel. Deu 19.13. thine eyes shall not pitty him, but thou shalt put away the guilt of innocent blood from Israel, that it may go well with thee. 2. Sam. 21.3.5.6.14 wherewith shall I make the atonement that ye may blesse the inheritance of the Lord, and they answered the man that consumed us, and that devised against us that wee should be destroyed, let 7 men of his sonnes be delivered to us and wee will hang them, & the King said I will give them; and after that god was intreated for the Land. the wrath of God for the same appeased without judgment executed against him, and consequently how far can an accomodation with him (when God hath given him so clearly into your power to do justice) can be just before god, or good men without somuch as [Page] a judiciall tryall or evident remorse for his fault he hath so long in word and practice denyed it, & never Not so much as Acban who yet suffered Ios, 7.20, 25 confessed it till all other wayes of force & fraud had failed him, & now confesseth it conditionally so as you satifie him in other things which is great Iob. 34 30. that the Hypocrite raigne not least the people be ensnared. hypocrifie, and while he thus in word confesseth it yet in Proverbs 28.13. Divine mercy to confessing and forsaking, but Ex. 9.17 34. Pharaoh hardened to destruction, though he Confesseth, yet when the dreadful thunders are gone his sin returnes. practise he denyes it by continuing Commissions to the Prince and other English Rebells and Revolters, yea to Ormond and his associate Irish. And what publique benefit can be from reunion of such contrary principles of Tyranny, and liberty, godlinesse and superstition?

Concerning the safety of such an agreement for his restitution especially supposing no reall remorse or change, but the same principles and affections first, how apt are princes in such case to take advantages for a breath, and secondly how easily may they do it after such agreement. For the former how apt it such a prince to doe it when the What other right soever any Prince hath, there must be such bonds Covenant or Agreement between him and his people, Besides Samuells anointings from God, David had that o Iudah, 2. Iam. 2.4. and made a League with all Israel before the Lord. 2. Sam. 5.3. and afterward they annointed him King over Israel. And at the Coronation of Ioash, 2. K. 11 17. There is a Covenant also between the King and people. Therefore 1. Pet. 2.13. the particular forme & Subject of Government is called an humane creature. bonds once accepted by him with unquestioned freedome at his admission to the Throne and the Oath of God betwixt him and his people, would not hold him, but of his owne mind have been all violated by him, and to justify the same the law of force set up to the utmost? how can it be expected that the bonds of new concessions and agreements imposed by force and vincible necessity should be of more power to hold him when an advantage to recover what he lost doth offer it selfe, for the faith keeping of this King his Accords with the Scottish Nation do witnesse for his revengefullnes; these petty revenges after severall parliaments which were taken against such patriots as had appeared for Common liberty against his INTEREST.

[Page]Next for Dan 8.25. through his policie shall he cause craft to prosper in his hand, and he shal magnifie himselfe in his heart, and by peace shall destroy many, Dan. 11.23.24. and after the leag [...] made wi [...]h him he shall work deceitfully, hee shall enter peaceably even upon the lat [...] places of the Province and shall do that which his Fathers have not done, nor his Fathers Fathers, facillity of Princes finding occasion and quarrell after such agreement, and yet with some co [...]lerable saving to his honour, we know the Court maximes concerning some Crowne Rights which a King cannot give away nor oblige his Heirs in; besides some matters of supreme trust are in the propositions barganed for with and taken as by Lease from the King, so as to confirme his claime of Right; but from the force or necessity lying upon the King in this Treaty, there is a ground of evasion from the whole agreement as not obligeing him what soever is drawne from him, and this is avowed publikely by the Prince and his Councell in answer to the Earle of Warwick, where the Prince clearly sayes, the King in truth is still in prison. And consider the Prince as heire, it serves to acquit himselfe, and as the next visible head of the Kings party, the King being in durance, it may serve on behalfe of the King and his heires and party as a protestation against any conclusion by his Treaty; and the King himself hath insinuated the same sence of the Treaty, and that not without grounds to gaine beleef, he being still confined within your Garrisons and guards and upon his paroll; so that if you proceed upon so rotten a foundation and be cousened, ye cousen your selves, and cannot blame him or his. And the King comming in thus may rest secure and wayte his advantage (having go your hands bound) till he finding it shall strike the first stroak which 'tis like he will make a sure one if he can. To proceed, the King comes thus in with reputation of having long sought peace and that in a Personall Treaty, which you after a long denyall at last granting are rendred by his freinds as refusers of peace, so long in that the Kings way he comes also with the reputation of having granted for peace sake, all that stood you upon, although it will apeare nothing at all to the publick interest. And if after this accomodation to satisfye the people you shall disband your forces, you are at the Kings As the Sheep dismissing their [...] with the wolves. And have the English people suffered so many things in vaine. courtesie still, and are but where you were at first. But the King in much fairer possibility to revi [...]e the old quarrell and carry it without fighting: for after so much blood and trouble for no thing, tis not like, you'le find a competent party for the opposing of him; & if you continue a sufficient strength & taxes they will be the more grevous, [Page] because deemed unnecessary, the King having granted what your selves did aske, we might reflect upon his numerous party ingaged by interest, or necessity to serve him, so long as he remaines in possibillity to head them, while hee by his supposed impunity whatsoever he does, hath encouragement to make all possible tryall of them, and they hope if he ever prevaile, he may make them amends: whereas this being once confuted by an example of justice upon him for such attempts, they would not be feared in relation to his posterities heeding of them; besides these, we cannot but consider the vast possibilities after his restitution to make or use factions amongst your selves, and your adherents, and doe not all men acknowledge him most exquisite at it? and if he had that faculty to availe at distance, much more in your bosomes, each party will be apt to strive which shall most and first comply with him, of which you and we have seene sad experiences already; yet we refused ought of private contract or trust with him and his; and all was with saving for the publike interest; yet in that degree of our complyance with him, we find matter of acknowledgement before the Lord concerning our error therein; and we blesse him that preserved us from worse▪ And if from the divisions we have, such complyances have beene with, and such advantages given to the Kings party while acknowledged enemies, what worse may we not expect, when by a Peace made they shall have the reputation of friends? To conclude this, wee confesse our feares from the act of this Parliaments unlimited continuance. If he forme As he often hath in particular Votes. a ballancing party in the house of Commons for his interest, that which should be our conservative, would be our baine, and yet we should be debarred from change of medicine; or if a period be set to this Parliament, and no provision for certaine succession, and sitting of Parliaments, without dependance on the Kings wil; or if no provision for a more due constitution by more equall Elections; then the successe will be lesse hopefull and safe then the present, and you have not in this Treaty made any provision for any of these things. But to proceed, to shew the certain insecurity to publike interest, in an accommodation with a restitution of the King. For you the supreame Judicatory of the Kingdome (when he is in your power to doe justice upon) to decline that way, and instead thereof to seek to him your Prisoner in way of Treaty, what speakes it lesse then that he is indeed [Page] above all humane And Lawes which is to be more then man as Persian and Roman Emperors have been flattered to be; for just Lawes being from God (Themis the daughter of Iove) who is not ever under them, ownes not his subjection to God, whereas God hath not put that distance betwixt a King and other men, they are his brethren though his subjects, Deut. 17. ult. So David calls his subjects 1 Chro. 28.2. justice not accountable to or if any King because a King be unpunishable by men, then all Kings are so, and no man may justly punish any King, but when a people to be punished, should spare their King as Saul (the people then admiring haply the persons as well as government of Kings) spared Agag, 1 Sam. 15.9. but we find Gods Instruments fixing more solemne punishment on wicked Kings then on their wicked people, Iosuah slayes all their Kings Ios. 11.17. being thirty one, 12. Cap. last, and hangs up some Iosh. 10.24.28.30.40. Gideon more solemnely executes the Kings of Midian then other enemies, Iudges 8.1.21. Ebud slayes King Eglon, Judg. 3.21. So Iehoiadah, and the Commanders put Athalia to death, 2 Chro. 23.14. and if it be said that these two last Princes came to the Crown by force & blood, and so were without a title, it may be replyed, that such was the ontrance of the first of the English, French, &c. Royall race from whom the present Kings claime; liue further, these two had Raigned, and the people been subject to them (which makes the most usuall title,) the one for 18. yeares, Iudg. 3.14. the other six yeares, 2 Chro. 22.12. Iehu did slay both the Kings of Israel and Iedah 2 Kings 9. and Asaph Psalme 83.11. prayes that Nobles and Princes of Enemies may be used after former examples. And as this ranke of men is opposing Christ in the last times; so are they by him and his people to be punished Psal. 2. Psalm. 110.5. the Lord [...] right hand shall strike through (Kings in the day of thy wrath Psa. 149.8.9. to bind their Kings with Chaines, and their Nobles with Fetters of Iron to execute upon them the judgement written Rev. 19.17.18. the fowles invited to eat the flesh of Kings and Capt. are slaughtered by the Lambs As for David sparing Saul, it was necessary for David a private person, and under private and personall hate and injury, and therefore could not within his bounds, and without scandalous appearance of revenge or ambition have done otherwise, and it was only declared against the succeeding of his Race not the continuance of his person, but the State and people not taking course against Saul, did smart in his other way of punishment, as for David, it appears that he forbore him not meerly out of reverence to his authority, for he took up Arms to defend himselfe against him and would (if that part of the people would have joyned) have maintained Kailah against him, 1 Sam. 23. now all this was contrary to subjection, and intimates that David, if he had beene put to it, and he could no otherwise have escaped, would have used force against Saul, and as for David being spared, who can thence conclude that he should be so; and if he should be spared then who can conclude the like for every offending King, since there was something speciall in his case not applyable to every case, besides other there was his publik repentance undoubtedly acknowledged by God to be true, also Gods declaring how he should be punished himselfe, taking the matter in hand, yet so, that the people shared in his sufferings further, his miscarriage was but an act, and against a person not a cause (or against a Nation.) punishable do any power on earth, what ever he does, & that kings cannot erre or doe wrong, whereas one example in this kind made, would be of more terror and availe then the execution of his whole party, yea then all satisfaction you can imagine.

If our King claime by And in no other way will the people yeeld themselves to the discretion of a Prince to be distroyed or not. conquest: God hath given you the [Page] same against him to fix your justice first upon the head, and thereby let his successors see what themselves may expect if that they attempt the like. This may hopefully discourage them from heading any more what Instruments they might find in the like quarrell; but to punish only Instruments, and let the head go free, leads 2 Chr. 23. ul [...] And the City was quiet afte [...] they had slaine Athaliah with the Sword. to endlesse trouble; besides it seemes a most unequall Num. 25.4, 5, 9. The chiefe men guilty were first hang'd, being 1000; and then inferiour men slaine, being 23000 as 1 Cor. 10.8. both making 24000. and partiall way of justice; and the same principles that exempt Kings from justice would As for infalliblenesse and superiority to the Law would excuse Abraham in slaying his sonne, Gen. 22. and did the Israelites in robbing, Exod 12.35. absolve their inferiour Ministers for what they doe in pursuance of such commands.

If any object the Covenant as obliging us to perpetuall addresses to the King as being the onely way consistent with the preservation of his person and authority. We answer, the Covenant engageth to matters of publike interests, primarily, and absolutely without limitation, and after that to the preservation of the Kings person and authority with the restriction to wit, in the preservation of the true Religion and liberties of the Kingdomes, so that it obligeth thereto no further, nor in any other way then shall be consistent with this restriction, yea this obligation to preserve his person and authority should be fulfilled in the preservation and defence of Religion and Liberty, otherwise the whole proceedings of both Kingdoms ins making warre against him for preservation of Religion or liberties, were questionable for breach of Covenant since that way of preserving them did tend probably to the destruction, and was not with any safe provision for his person or that authority which is in conjunction with it, also where severall persons joyning in Covenant for the good and union of themselves (who are present and parties to it) doe withall make a clause to the benefit of another person to the end he might joyne with them in the agreement, and pertake the benefit thereof; if the absent party doe not accept, but refuse the agreement, as he keepes himselfe free from it, so he excludes himself from claime to any benefit there from. Upon all the reasons and considerations aforegoing we propound.

First, that it may be expressely declared and provided by you, that [Page] notwithstanding any thing concluded in the Treaty, the person of the Even a servant by the Civill Law may accuse his Master as guil [...]y of Treason, [...]o, liberti certis le causis p [...]ssant capitalem accusationem adversus patronos in [...]ituere. King may and shall be proceeded against in way of justice for the bloud spilt, and other evils and mischiefes done by him or by his Commission or procurement, and in order thereto shall be kept in safe custody as formerly.

Secondly, that for other Delinquents, you would lay aside that particular barganing proposition, and declare that all Delinquents shall submit to the judiciall power of the Parliament, to be thereby proceeded against according to justice or mercy, as cause shall appeare, and that none shall be exempt therefrom, nor pardonable by any other power then that of the Kingdom in Parliament.

The power of Justice and mercy being thus saved, we proceed in order to the actuall dispensing thereof in relation to the late wars, and to peace with God, and quiet amongst men, to propound, as followeth:

First, that the God hates all workers of iniquity, Psalm 5.5. and excepteth not the person of Princes, nor regards the rich more then the poore, Iob 34.19. and therefore he saith, Levit. 19.15. Ye shall doe no unrighteousnesse in judgement, thou shalt not respect the person of the poore, nor honour the person of the mighty; Reformation were better begin at the Majorites then the Minorites, Num. 25.17. and the 31 &c. Midianites▪ and Psalm 140.9. David prayes against the head of those that compasse him about; and he gives a generall Law for punishment of murderers, Gen. 9.6. and Num. 35.33. So you shall not pollute the Land wherein ye are, for blood it defiles the Land, and a Land cannot be cleansed of blood that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that shed it, 2 Chron. 25.27. Now after the time that Amaziah did turn from following the Lord, they made a conspiracy against him, Vajiksher gnalaiv kesher, ligaverunt contra enim ligationem or ligam, some copies of 70 read Syndesmos, a Combination, League, or confederacy against him; the words signifies any conjunction, as Iob 38.31. of the Pleiades, and Nehem. 4.6. of the wall, and it is of a warrantable combyning of Iehu, 2 Kings 9.14. and this against Amaziah was in Ierusalem the seat of the chiefe State or great Councell of the Kingdome, and it was done (as it seems) by publique Authority, for he fled to Lachish, and there as Iunius. 2 Kings 14.21. lived a private life for eleven yeeres, in the mean while when they so conspired or combined against him, the whole people of Iudah made Azariah King instead of his father; yet though they deferred the execution, they did not omit it, but after the said yeers, sent after Amaziah to Lachish, Vbi morte offecerunt eum vamitha hac Ethana to Sea, they put him to death. So that this was done in an open publique, (not in a sudden and clandestine, or tumultuous) way, which it selfe was not afterward punishable, as in this case of Amaziahs father, 2 Kings 12.10. & 14 chap. 5. and of wicked Ammon, the people slew them servants of his that slew him in his own house, 2 Kings 21.23, 24. Capitall and grand Authour of our troubles, the person of the King, by whose procurement, and for whose interest onely of will and power, all our wars have been, may be brought to Justice for the Treason, Bloud, and mischiefe he is therein It cannot be unjust to desire justice, and that on, and as a guilty man, and no further. guilty of.

[Page]Secondly, that a timely day may be set for the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Yorke to come in, by which time if they doe not, that then they may be immediately declared incapable of any government or trust in this Kingdom or its Dominions, & thence to stand exild for ever as Enemies and Traytors, to die without mercy if ever after found and taken therein. Or if by the time limited they doe render themselves, that then the Prince be proceeded with as on his appearance he shall give satisfaction, or not. And the Duke as he shall give satisfaction, may be considered as to future trust, or not. But however that the Revenue of the Crown (saving necessary allowances for the Children, and for Servants and Creditors to the Crown) be sequestred; And the costly pompe suspended for a good number of yeeres; and that this Revenue be for that time disposed toward publique Charges, Debts and dammages, for the easing of the people, so as the estates neither of friends to publique interest, nor alone of inferiour enemies thereto, may bear wholly the burden of that losse and charge, which by and for that Family, the Kingdome hath been put unto.

Thirdly, that capitall punishment be speedily executed upon a competent number of his chiefe instruments also, both in former and latter wars; and that some of both sorts be pitcht upon as are really in your hands or reach.

Fourthly, that the rest of the Delinquents English, may upon rendring themselves to justice have mercy for their lives; and that onely Fines be set upon them, and their persons declared incapable of any publique trust, or having any voyce in elections thereto, at least for a good number of yeers. And that a short day be set by which all such Delinquents may come in, and for those who come not in by that day, that their estates be absolutely confiscate and sould to the publique use, and their persons stand exild, as Traytors, and to die without mercy if ever found after in the Kingdome, or its Dominions.

Fifthly, that the satisfaction of arrears to the Souldiery, with other publique Debts, and competent reparations of publique dammages may be put into some orderly way. And therefore that the Fines and Compositions of Delinquents be disposed to those uses onely, as [Page] also the Confiscations of such who shall be excluded from pardon, or not come in by the day assigned.

Now after publique justice thus far provided for, we proceed in order to the generall satisfaction and setling of the Kingdom.

First, that you would set some reasonable and certain period to your own power.

Secondly, that with a period to this Parliament, there may be a settlement of the peace and future government of the Kingdom.

First, that there may be a certain succession of future Parliaments, annuall or bienniall, with secure provision, 1. For the certainty of their sitting, meeting, and ending. 2. For equall elections. 3. For the peoples meeting to elect, provided that none engaged in warre against the Kingdom may elect, or be elected, nor any other who oppose this settlement. 4. For clearing the future power of Parliaments, as supream onely, they may not give away any foundation of common Right. 5. For liberty of entring dissents in the said Representatives, that the people may know who are not fit for future trust, but without any further penalty for their free judgements.

Secondly, that no King be hereafter admitted 2 Chro. 23.3. All the Congregation made a Covenant with the King, 2 Sam. 16.18, whom the Lord and his people and all the men of Israel chuse, his will I be. but upon election of, and as upon trust from the people by such their Representatives, not without first disclaiming all pretence to a negative voyce against the determinations of the Commons in Parliament, and this to be done in some forme more cleare then heretofore in the Coronation Oath.

These matters of generall settlement we propound to be provided by the Authority of the Commons in this Parliament, and to be further established by a generall Contract or agreement of the people with their subscriptions thereunto. And that no King be admitted to the Crown, nor other person to any Office of publique trust, without expresse accord and subscription to the same.

For our parts, let but that way of justice be effectually prosecuted, and the settlement of the publique interest be assured to us and the Kingdom, we shall desire discharge from our present service, and shall be ready to disband all or part, as shal be thought fit, the Arrears of the Souldiery being satisfied: We therefore desire that you would leave all private matters, and things of ordinary Justice and Right [Page] to the Laws and proper Officers, and commit all ordinary matters of State to the mannage of a fit Councell of State, and apply your counsels to such things as are the proper work of Parliament, to wit, the Reformation of evils in present Laws and administrations. And in order to such things that you would in time and place consider the Petitions of welwishers to publique good. We againe desire that even from henceforth the aforesaid liberty of entring dissents may be admitted amongst you, as in the Scotch Parliament; or at least, that such liberty be taken by all honest and faithfull Members.

By the appointment of his Excellency the Lord Generall, and his generall Councell of Officers, Signed J. RUSHWORTH, Sce.

Decemb. 27. 1648.

FINIS.

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

AN ABRIDGMENT Of the late REMONSTRANCE OF THE ARMY.

VVith some Marginall Attestations, for the better Understanding, Remembrance, and Judgement of the PEOPLE.

Collected by speciall Order for more publique satisfaction, and to undeceive the Kingdome as to the false Glosses by some put upon the said REMONSTRANCE Printed.

By the Appointment of the Lord Generall, and his Generall Councell of Officers.

Decem. 27. 1648. Signed, JO RUSHWORTH.

LONDON, Printed for Laurence Blaiklocke, and are to be sold in the Old-Baily. 1648.

Information about this book

Title statement

An Abridgment of the late remonstrance of the army vvith some marginall attestations for the better understanding remembrance and judgement of the people : collected by speciall order for more publique satisfaction, and to undeceive the kingdome as to the false glosses by some put upon the said remonstrance printed.

Edition statement

1648

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A23670

ID [STC]

Wing A107

ID [STC]

ESTC R6461

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

11966386

ID [OCLC]

ocm 11966386

ID [VID]

51717

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A23670)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51717)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 46:10)

Source

— An Abridgment of the late remonstrance of the army vvith some marginall attestations for the better understanding remembrance and judgement of the people : collected by speciall order for more publique satisfaction, and to undeceive the kingdome as to the false glosses by some put upon the said remonstrance printed., Rushworth, John, 1612?-1690..

Extent

15 p.

Printed for Laurence Blaiklocke ...,. London :: 1648.. ("By the appointment of the Lord Generall, and his Generall Councell of Officers. Decem. 27, 1648. Signed, Jo. Rushworth")

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