[Page] St. AVGVSTINE, OF THE CITIE OF GOD: WITH THE LEARNED COMMENTS OF IO. LOD. VIVES.

Englished by I. H.

DISSIPABIT AVGVSTINVS.

Printed by GEORGE ELD. 1610.

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TO THE HONORABLEST PATRON OF MVSES AND GOOD MINDES, LORD WILLIAM Earle of Penbroke, Knight of the Honourable Order, &c.

RIght gracious and gracefull Lord, your late imaginary, but now actuall Trauailer, then to most-conceited Uiraginia, now to almost-concealed Uirginia; then a light, but not lewde, now a sage and allowed translator; then of a scarce knowne nouice, now a fa­mous Father; then of a deuised Country scarse on earth, now of a desired Citie sure in heauen; then of Utopia, now of Eutopia; not as by testament, but as a te­stimonie of gratitude, obseruance, and hearts-honour to your Honor, bequeathed at hence-parting (thereby scarse perfecting) this his translation at the imprinting to your Lordships protecting. He, that against detrac­tion beyond expectation, then found your sweete pa­tronage in a matter of small moment, without distrust or disturbance in this worke of more worth, more weight, as he approoued his more abilitie, so would not but expect your Honours more acceptance.

Though these be Church-men, and this a Church-matter, he vnapt, or vnworthy to holde trafique with either; [Page] yet heere Saint Augustine, and his Commenter Uiues; most fauour of the secular: and the one accordingly to Marcellinus, the other to our King Henry, directed their dedications; and as translators are onely tyed, to haue, and giue, true vnderstanding: so are they freer then the authors to sute them-selues a Patrone. Which as to Scipio, the staffe and stay, the type and top of that Cornelian stemme, in quam, vt plura genera in vnam arborem, videtur insita multorum illuminata sapientia, your [...]. in Br [...]. poore Pacuuius, Terence, or Ennius, (or what you list, so he be yours) thought most conuenient to consecrate. VVherefore his legacie laide at your Honours feete, is rather here deliuered to your Honours humbly thrise-kissed hands by his poore delegate.

Your Lordships true-deuoted, Th. Th.

HENRY King of England, to IOANNES LODOVICVS VIVES greeting.

WORTHY Sir, and our very welbeloued friend, as soone as Saint AVGVSTINE de ciuitate Dei, en­lightned with your comments came to our hands, being right welcome to vs, it caused vs to doubt, whom wee should most congratulate; either you, by whose so learned labour so ehoise a worke is fini­shed; or Saint AVGVSTINE, who long time imper­fect and obscure, is now at last brought from dark­nesse to light, and restored to his ancient integrity, or all posterity, whom these your Commentaries shall infinitely profit. But whereas it pleased you, to dedicate these Commentaries to our name, wee cannot but retaine a gratefull minde, and returne you great thankes, in that especially your minde therein seemeth to manifest no vulgar loue and obseruance towards vs. Wherefore we would haue you perswaded, that our fauor and good will shall neuer faile in your affaires, whatsoeuer occasion shall bee offered, that may tend to your auaile. So fare you happily well. From our Court at Greenwich, the XXIIII. day of Ianuary M. D. XXIII.

IOANNES LODOVICVS VIVES to the renowned Prince HENRY the Eight, King of England, Lord of Ireland, &c. Salutations.

IT is so ordered by nature of mens dispositions, most fa­mous King, as we admire them truely and heartely, whom wee perceiue excell in that knowledge, which pleaseth vs most, and is approued amongst all: diuers are giuen to di­uers studies and exercises, nature doth so ordaine, as by this variety the world should consist both beautifull and wonderfull: and yet, as hee speakes, Euery mans owne is fairest to himselfe. Your Maiestie long since hath beene [Page] esteemed, yea and admired, for your opulency and large extended Empire, not conquered by armes & homicide, but lineally conuaied from your parents as, al­so for your strengh of minde and body, and for your warlike prowes. But now since you haue also giuen good proofe and essaies, how able are you in strength of wit and studies of wisdome, you are growne much greater and more admira­ble among all learned men, not, but that they highly esteemed you before, especi­ally for that you ioyne mildnes with maiesty, goodnes with gouernment, ther­by to appeare a louelier and liuelier image of the Prince of Nature, who as hee is greatest, so is he best, yea best before he proued greatest. But men giuen to lear­ning do not so much bewonder your wealth or your power, as with exceeding loue they imbrace & adore, that you are good & gracious: not deeming it to be admired that you are King, since euen wicked men haue oft beene Kings, yea and remarkeable for fayre endowments of the body. But when your defence of the Sacraments came forth, thē which nothing can be more elegāt, more pure, more religious, and in one word more christian, the reputation of your minds good­nes was much more confirmed, if more it might be: for it was now infixed in the minds of al, most firme & assured by many examples as if fastned with nailes, and admiration thereof arose in all men: yea euen in those who thinke nothing more honorable, more maiesticall then the power of a King; & those that place riches aboue al things, & that ascribe exceeding much to the gifts of the body, to beau­ty, brawny strength, and agility, and that are students in the arts of war, as if war were the omnipotent cōmander of al things: wher-hence it comes to passe, that all Princes, by all meanes & mediations they may, do ambitiously striue to hold frindship with you, al affecting to be ioined to you, or by confederacy, or which is more wished by alliance. Nor want you the studies of priuate men, which by the splender of your vertues you haue raised, alluring some with your benefi­cence, or eather magnificeuce, others with your humanity and sweetnesse of de­meanor, al with wisdom & iustice, two vertues indeed for a King. You being such I do insooth confesse my impudency, that oft times I did affect to be known vnto you: for this is my opinion, that it is no meane praise to be but knowne of you. And whereas at all other times fit occasion was wanting, it now voluntary pre­sented it self, my Commentaries vpon S. AVGVSTINES bookes de ciuitate dei, being in a readines: which whē I bethought me to whō I might dedicate in such sort, as both I might win some fauor worth the esteeming, for my labor, and he to whō they shold be presēted, might not think so much learning as leasing, so much stu­dy as stubble, not a book, but a burthē or bundel were profered vnto him; as also I might send them to a Censor as graue as gratious, who only allowing thē, they might seeme approued and commended by the applause of all men, you onely came to mind for many reasons and respects. First, for that such is your vertue and learning, as euen to you I should haue presented them, if you had bin a pri­uate man: next did I see this was the next way to attaine my desire, which erst I had conceaued and in my selfe avowed. Moreouer, as they tell that haue tryed, you are open-handed, & hearted to such kind of presents, then which scarse any may be more welcome to you. For who should offer you gold, filuer or gems, garments, horses or armo [...], should power water into the sea, and bring trees to the wood. And truely as in all other thinges, so in this, you do most wisely, to thinke that glory, beseeming your vertue and deserts, is purchased with al poste­rity by bookes & monumēts of learned men, if not by mine or those like me, yet surely by shewing your selfe affable and gratious to learned men, you shall light [Page] vpon some one, by whose stile, as a most conning pencill, the picture of that ex­cellent and al-surmounting minde, purtraied and polished may be commended to eternity, not to bee couered with the rust of obliuion, nor corrupted by iniury of after ages, but that posterity an vncorrupted witnesse of vertues, should not be silent of what is worthy to bee spoken of, both to the glory of your selfe, when you are restored to heauen, though that be the best and best to be regarded, and also, which is principall and most to be aspired, to the example of them that shall then liue. Besides all this, this worke is most agreeable to your disposition and studies, wherein Saint AVGVSTINE hath collected (as in a treasury) the best part of those readings, which hee had selected in the ancient authors; as ready to dispute with sharpest wits best furnished with choisest eloquence and learning. Where­by it is fallne out, that he intending another point, hath preserued the reliques of some the best things, whose natiue seate and dwelling, where they vsed to be fet and found, was fouly ouerturned. And therfore some great men of this later age haue bin much holpen by these writings of AVGVSTINE, for VARRO, SALVST, LIVY, and TVLLIE de republica: as HERMOLAVS, POLITIANVS, BLONDVS, BEROALDVS: all which you shal so read, not as they were new or vnheard-of, but recognize them as of old. Adde herevnto, that you and Saint AVGVSTINES point and purpose in writing, seeme almost to intend & attaine the same end. For as you wrote for that better Rome against Babylon, so Saint AVGVSTINE against Babylon defended that ancient, christian and holier Rome. This worke, not mine, but Saint AVGVSTINES, by whom I am protected, is also sutable vnto your greatnesse, whether the au­thor bee respected, or the matter of the worke. The author is AVGVSTINE, (good GOD) how holy, how learned a man, what a light, what a leane to the christian common-wealth, on whom onely it rested for many rites, many statutes, cu­stomes, holy and venerable ceremonies! and not without cause. For in that man was most plentifull study, most exact knowledge of holy writ, a sharpe and cleare iudgement, a wit admirably quick and piercing. He was a most diligent defender of vndefiled piety, of most sweet behauior, composed and conformed to the cha­rity of the Gospell, renowned and honored for his integrity and holinesse of life; all which a man might hardly prosecute in a full volume, much lesse in an Epistle. It is well, I speake of a writer knowne of all, and familiar to you. Now the worke is not concerning the children of Niobe, or the gates of Thebes, or mending cloathes, or preparing pleasures, or manuring grounds, which yet haue beene arguments presented euen to Kings: but concerning both Citties, of the World, and GOD, wherein Angells, deuills, and all men are contained, how they were borne, how bred, how growne, whether they tend, and what they shall doe when they come to their worke: which to vnfold, hee hath omitted no prophane nor sacred learning, which hee doth not both touch and explane; as the exploites of the Romanes, their gods, and ceremonies, the Philosophers opinions, the originall of heauen and earth, of Angells, deuills, and men: from what grounds Gods peo­ple grew, and how thence brought along to our LORD CHRIST. Then are the Two Citties compared, of GOD and the World, and the Assyrian, Sicyonian, Argiue, Attick, Latine, and Persian gouernments induced. Next what the Pro­phets, both Heathenish, and Iewish, did foretell of CHRIST. Then speaking of true felicity, he refuteth and refelleth the opinions of the ancient Philosophers concerning it. Afterwards, how CHRIST shall come, the iudge of quick and dead, to sentence good and euill. Moreouer of the torments of the damned. Last­ly of the ioyes and eternally felicity of Godly men. And all this with a wonder­full [Page] wit, exceeding sharpenesse, most neate learning, a cleare and polisht stile, such as became an author trauersed and exercised in all kinde of learning and writings, and as beseemed those great and excellent matters, and fitted those with whom hee disputed. Him therefore shall you read most famous and best minded King, at such houres, as you with-draw from the mighty affaires and tur­moiles of your kingdome to employ on learning and ornaments of the minde, and withall take a taste of our Commentaries; whereof let mee say, as Ouid sayd of his bookes de Faestis, when he presented them to GERMANICVS CaeSAR.

A learned Princes iudgement t' vnder goe,
As sent to reade to Phaebus, our leaues goe.

Which if I shall finde they dislike not you, I shall not feare the allowance of others, for who will be so impudent, as not to bee ashamed to dissent from so ex­act a iudgement? which if any dare doe, your euen silent authority, shall yet pro­tect me. Farewell worthiest King, and recon VIVES most deuoted to you, in any place, so he be reconed one of yours. From Louaine the seauenth of Iuly. M. D. XXII.

AN ADVERTISMENT OF IOANNES LODOVICVS VIVES Of Ualentia. DECLARING VVHAT Manner of people the Gothes were, and how they toooke Rome.

WHERE AS AVGVSTINE TOOKE OC­casion by the captiuity of the Romaines to write of the Cittie of GOD, to answer them, which iniuriouslie slaundered the Christian Religion, as the cause of those enormities and miseries, which befell them: It shall not be lost labour for vs (sounding the depth of the matter) to relate from the Originall, what kinde of people the Gothes were, how they came into Italie, and surprized the Cittie of Rome. ¶ First it is cleare and euident, that the former age named those Getes, whome the succeeding age named Gothes, because this age adulterated, and corrupted many of the ancient wordes. For those two Poets, to wit, RVTILVS and CLAVDIAN, when-soeuer they speake of the Gothes, doe alwaies name Getes. OROSIVS also in his Historie sayth, the Getes who now are named Goths, departing out of their Countrie with bagge and baggage, leauing their houses emptie, entred safely into the Romaine Prouinces with all their forces, being such a people, as ALEXANDER said were to be auoided, PYRRHVS abhorred, and CaeSAR shunned. HIEROME vpon Genesis, testifieth that the Gothes were named Getes of the learned in former time. Also they were Getes which inhabited about the Riuer Ister, as STRABO, MELA, PLINIE, and others auerre: possessing the Region adiacent, a great part of it lying waste and vnmanured, being intemperate through ex­tremity of cold: also the further parts of Ister to Scithia, and the hether parts towards Thracia. Where the Towne Tomus is, famous by the banishment of OVID, who of­ten writeth, that he liued amongst the Getes: They also inhabited the Mediterranean parts towards Germanie, and the spring head of the Riuer Ister. STRABO writeth in his seauenth book, that in former time they were named DACI and DAVI, when those nearer vnto Pontus were named GETES by the Greeks, and that both those people [Page] spake one kinde of language. Although PLINIE intimateth vnto vs, that there was no other difference betweene this people, but that the Greekes named them Getes, whome the Romaines called Daci. But wee will follow STRABO in this place. The Getes (sayth hee), are a barbarous and sauage nation, strong and of a stout minde, contem­ning death, because they are perswaded that the soules doe returne againe, as MELA writeth: or if they doe not returne, yet that they are not vttterly extinguished, and that they remoue into better places: But if neither happen, yet that death is better than life. It is reported that in later times the Getes were named Ostrogothes, and the Daci called Visigothes after their countrey names: because these bordered more toward the West, and the other more toward the East. But oftentimes these names are attributed as well to the one as to the other, without any difference, both by the olde and new writers. They report that this nation when the Romaines did flourish most, made an inuasion into a Prouince of the people of Rome, in the warre of MITHRIDATES: whome LVCVLLVS beeing Generall, and managing the military affaires in Asia, with a great armie expelled out of Misia.

After that they departed out of their owne countrey boundes with Baerebista their Captaine after hee had accustomed them to labour and millitary discipline, and that they brought many Nations vnder the yoke of subiection. And that hauing pas­sed ouer the riuer Isther with a great armie, they wasted and spoyled Thracia, Macedo­nia, Illiryum farre into the countries, putting the Romaines in great feare of them.

And that while the Romaines were making ready their forces to goe out against them BaeREBISTA their Captaine dyed.

AVGVSTVS sent forth almost tenne Legions against them, and so wasted and dimini­shed their forces, that hee brought them from two hundred thousand to forty thou­sand, and sped so well against them, that he had almost subiugated the whole Nation to the Romaine Empire. But a few yeares after they entring into the boundes of the Romaines, slew OPPIVS SABINVS, and his armie, who had borne the office of a Consull: yet CORNELIVS FVSCVS (DOMITIAN being Emperour) after many bickerings at last re­pressed their fury.

TRAIANVS the Emperor warred often against them, whereby he gotte him-selfe greate glory and renowne. ANTONIVS CARACALLA plagued them grieuously, oportunity seruing his turne, when they neither dreamed nor suspected any such matter. Also in the daies of GORDIANVS they spread them-selues often into the bounds of the Romains: But GOR­DIANVS the younger compelled them with little labour to depart out of their Pro­uince with great losse. Now this stout and mutinous people, discontented with the li­mits of their owne abode, many times hunted after oportunity to inuade the possessions of other nations.

Therefore PHILIPPVS VOSTRENSIS being Emperor (who first of the Romaine Prin­ces professed Christian religion) More then three hundred thousand of them, making a great slaughter and spoyle, entred forciblie into Thracia and Mysia, adioyning neae­rest vnto them. DECIVS was sent to driue them away, who had such bad lucke in his attempts, that hee gaue ouer before he obtained his purpose, which thing he closely smothered succeeding PHILIPPVS in his gouernment.

Afterward GALLVS the father and VOLVSIANVS his son concluded a peace with them vpon conditions vnprofitable vnto them-selues, which the Gothes kept not very long, bearing them-selues bolde vpon the slothfulnesse and idlenesse of GALIENVS the Prince, and assayled not only to make an attempt against Thracia, and Mysia, but also against Asia Minor. They wasted and spoiled Bythinia, and returning [...] Europe, they made great spoyle and wast in Thrasia and Macedonia: and when [Page] they were making towards Achaia, MA [...]RINVS incountred them, discomfited them, a [...] put them to flight, pursuing them so hard at the heeles, that hee draue them into their owne boundes. But they did not stay long there, although now departing out of their bounds, they were to deale with a most valiant Prince, who had bone no lesse fortunate than he was valorous, if he had liued longer in his Princely gouernment CLAVDI S was the man which partly destroyed, and partly tooke CCC thousand of them. Which is an argument that the number of this people were almost infinite. For not many yeares after they rose vp in armes against AVRELIAVS, possessing the Empire, and were van­quished at the first encounter at Danubius. [...] COTANTINVS made such a slaughter of them, that at last he inforced them to be at quiet for many yeres. For the condit on of their fight was such, that they did neither conquer without great harme done to [...] enemies: nor were ouercome without much hurt done to them-selues And these things were acted by the Gothes, while they had proper places of their owne to inhabite. Now in the raigne of Prince VALENS, the Hunns which are likewise Scythians them-selues, yet more cruell, barbarous and rude, in the affaires of humane Commerce, remaining neare the Riphaean mountaines, enclosed betweene Tanais and the people, named Mas­sagetae: chased the Gothes by force out of the region which they did inhabite. And al­though this region be not very commodious for the vse of men, by reason of the extreme coldnes: yet the Hunns did esteeme it to bee more wholesome and pleasant than all the rest, being a people bred and brought vp in a soile seldome warmed with the beames of the sun. Now the Gothes driuen out of their country houses and dwelling places hauing The Gothes [...] driuen out of their country by the Hunns, bene accustomed before time to inuade the bounds of other Nations, were now in such a narrow streight, that they must either valiantly lose their liues, or remaine within the possessions of strangers, hauing none of their owne. There are some that af­firme that those Getes (which we said were named Ostrogothes) came into the territo­ries of the people of Rome, but that the Visigothes dismayed and amated with the ad­uerse fortune of their associats, aduised them-selues to shift their dwelling, dreading to abide the like tempest, that the Ostrogothes had suffered, the forces of the Hunns ouerflowing al, like the swelling Sea) spoiling and destroying the neighbouring countries round about. This matter induced the Visigothes to dispatch Ambassadors with spee dy expedition to VALENS the Romame Emperor, who in the name of the whole Nati­on humbly intreated, that he would grant them the countrey of Mysia, which is on this side the Riuer Danubius, for their habitation and dwelling, [...]arnestly pretesting and vowing in the behalfe of all their Countrey-men; that they would all receiue the Christ­ian Religion, and become true and faithfull Tributaries to the people of Rome, man­fully defending those bounds of the Romanes by their sword and goods, from the vio­lent inuasions of the rest of the Scythians. VALENS pleased with their conutions, sent LVPI [...]INIVS and MAVINVS vnto them, as Duumuiri to deuide the grounde, and assign [...] places of habitations to the Visigoths. But they began to lay burthens of oppression vp­pon the necks of the people through their coueteousnesse and crueltie: now for a while the Gothes did patiently beare and lightly regarded the wrong done vnto them, be­cause they were loath, beeing but lately entered into the bounds of strangers to kindle any fire of sedition: supposing that those greedy Captaines being glutted with wealth would make an end of their oppressions. But while these coueteous wretches had little care for the distribution and prouision of victuals: they caused such a greeuous famine as was not onely a destruction to those hungry Captaines them-selues, but also to the Romaine prince, For the Gothes being assailed with pinching famine (like hungry beastes) tooke vppe their weapons hastily, killing the Romaine Captaines and their [Page] Guard, and then hauing armed them-selues, they range ouer all Mysia, and so from thencepasse into the nearest Thracia, which they compelled to become tributary vnto them. Here VALENS encountred them, and there was a sore and bloody battell on both sides, so that the Romaines were scattered and put to flight, and a great many of them slaughtered. The Emperour him-selfe beeing wounded was taken prisoner by the ene­mie, whome they burned aliue, so great was their furie after the effusion of so much Valens the Emperor burnt aliue blood. And then beeing proud of their victory, they march forward to Bizantium, and no repugnant forces stopping their passage, they besiege the Cittie, which held out for some space of time by her owne strength, by the industry and councell of DOMINICA, who was wife vnto VALENS: for the hartes of the Cittizens were fast vnited toward the Prince by the great bounty and liberality of DOMINICA. Afterward, the siege bee­ing raized by the valour and power of VALENTINIANVS, brother to VALENS, they retired backe and departed. VALENTINIANVS adopted THEODOSIVS a Spaniard, sent for out of Spaine, and made him partaker of his Empire. He vanquished and putte the Gothes to the worst in many battels, compelling them to bee humble sutors for peace, which beeing graunted, HALARICVS their King comming to visite THEODOSIVS beeing sicke, fell him-selfe also into a disease, of which hee died within a few moneths after: Nei­ther had they any other King, or Captaine but such as the Romaine Emperor elected and appointed ouer them.

In the meane while THEODOSIVS of Millan, who was a prince without all controuer­sie equall to the rest, and inferior to none of the most renowned, as well in warre, as peaee, departed out of this life, leauing two sonnes behinde him, named ARCHADIVS and HONORIVS, and one daughter called PLACIDIA. He made ARCHADIVS gouernour ouer Byzantium and the Orientall Regiment, and HONORIVS ouer the Occidentall, and the Cittie of Rome. And because they were some-what young, hee assigned Tutors and Gardians ouer them in his Testament, for their better education: namely RVFFI­NVS ouer ARCHADIVS, and STELICO ouer HONORIVS, both of them beeing crafty and wicked wretches, and so qualified by nature, as they could easily insinuate them selues into the bosome of Princes. These two bad Protectors abusing the Minority of these Princes (beeing an age subiect to iniury) that they might increase their owne ritches and strengthen them-selues with great power; did not bend their affects to the fruition of any priuate greatnesse: but their ambitious and treacherous thoughts aymed at the highest steppe of Royall dignity. RVFFINVS coueted the Empire for him-selfe, STI­LICO for his sonne. Thus both of them busied their wittes, and stretched the sinewes of their strength to satisfie their aspiring thoughtes: but they perceiued, that they could not come to the vpshotte of their desires but in the time of warre: because then the peaceable state beeing troubled, with the tempest of warre, their hatefull thoughts could not so well be discouered, and might with farre greater facility bee effected, the mindes of the Princes being perplexed with terrors of the warres, which might bee an occasion to grant any thing to men nearest vnto them, and such as should haue the chiefest command in the administration of all affaires. For they were not ignorant that in quiet time of peace (as in a fayre and calme day) the darke cloudes of their blacke mindes would soone haue beene discerned, and that punishment should with more expedition bee inflicted vppon them, the Princes and Nobles hauing leasure of consultation concerning that matter. Wherefore both of them solicite and incite the Gothes (a people ready to blow the bellowes to kindle the flame of sedition and tu­mults of war) that they would make war against their Prince, setting an edge vpon their greedy appetit with hope of a great rich booty: the Gothes supposing now that oportuni­ty was their friend, so that they might do some great good for themselues: or at least (the [Page] war not attempted) returne home again with no smal prey: betooke themselues to armes, and hauing created HALARICVS to bee their King, one of their owne bodie, and of the fa­mous house of the BALTHI: depart out of their owne bounds, not without great feare and terror of those which bordered neare vnto them. And within a while after RADAGAI­SVS The house of the Bal­thi. ioyned himselfe vnto their King with two hundered thousand Gothes: and when as no one land was able to nourrish two such hugh armies, the Generalls were constrai­ned to seperate their Tents, and one of them going one way, and the other another way through Panonia, Illiricum, and Noricum, they burne, and spoile all things, that com­meth in their way, and at last they come into Italy. Now RVFFINVS, foolishly execu­ting his designments, was slaine by those souldiers at Thessalonica. But STILICO more The death of the trai­tor Ruffi­nus. cra [...]tilie concealed his wicked plot. And now RADAGAISVS was come to the Cittie of Rome with his army marching through Etruria, putting all in great feare and terror, which way soeuer hee went. The Citty of Rome troubled with exceeding feare sendeth mercenarie captaines against him at his first approch. Now RADAGAISVS v [...]isedly and rashly ordering his army, threw himselfe, as it were, head-long into places of disad­uantage. So that the multitude of his souldiers pyned, & were consumed with famine, de­priued of their victual, And he himselfe seeing things were come to this vnlucky euent, attempted with a small company, to escape by flight be a secret and priuate way, but hee was intercepted, and slaine by the Romane souldiers, and a great multitude of Gothes The death of Rada­gaisus. were sold at a very low rate. After this ouerthrow, and slaughter of the Gothes, HA­LARICYS entreth into Italy, affrighting euery one with farre greater dread, then RA­DAGAISVS had done before, When tydings was brought vnto STILICO, which was at By­zantium, hee sent some of his souldiers before him, which should set vpon the rereward of the armie of the Gothes, and by that meanes hinder them from making any great slaughter, or spoile of the country.

Afterward, hee marched forward towardes them by the coast of the vpper sea, with all the forces of his horse-men and foote-men. The two armies pitch their Tents neere Rauenna, the Gothes got that part which is named Pollentia via, who in respect of their infinit number did farre exceed the Romanes: but in regard of skill, and militarie discipline, they were in no sort comparable vnto them. Now STILICO had often times gotte the vpper hand ouer the Gothes by his warre­like policie, and had cooped them vppe in such a narrow place, that sitting idlie at home hee might haue ended the warres at his pleasure, if hee had beene willing. But hee resolued to remaine with his armie vntill the Vandalls his friends and fauorites were come into France. For hee was perswaded without any doubt that then good occasion would bee offered vnto him for obteyning the Empire for EVCHLRIVS his sonne.

Therefore he trifled away the time by making a few light skrmishes with the ene­my. But when HALARICVS had ferrited out his hidden drift by secret passages, hee disclo­sed it to HONORIVS. And when as by this good turne (as by a ritch gift) hee supposed hee should both calme the fury, and insinuate himselfe into the fauor of HONORIVS: hee was encoraged to make petition vnto him, by the same ambassadors which he sent to reueale the treason of STILICO, that hee would grant part of France vnto him for his people to inhabit there, promising that they should liue after the lawes of the Romans, to the ad­uancment of the Romane Empire, and their warres; and that they would be inferior to none of their Prouinces either in fealty, or dutifull seruice. The Emperour amazed with this doubtfull mischiefe, made choice rather to admit the Gothes into part of his domi­nion then to procure a finall destruction to him and his, by the disloyalty of perfidious STILICO. [Page] But HALARICVS was not the first, that discouered to HONORIVS what villanie ST [...] was forging. Neuerthelesse he thought it was dangerous for him at any time to put such a man to death, as was father in law vnto him by his two wiues, beeing also so potent and mighty by his ritches farre aboue the highest degree of any priuat person. Therefore ha­uing dispatched his letters, hee sendeth them vnto STILICO by the ambassadors of the Goths, willing him without delay to permit the Goths, to haue free accesse into France. STILICO gaue but cold entertainment to this newes: for hee saw tha [...] he was defrauded of his great hope, and hee likewise suspected that his secret consultations some-time hid­den in his brest, were now divulged and dispersed into the ayre. Yet for all that, his stout, and stuborne minde made some pause vpon the matter: at last making choice of that which was safest for him, hee answered that hee would obey the commaundement of his Prince.

Neuerthelesse being loath to giue ouer so, and that the matter might not slippe who­lie out of his hands, hee suborneth one named SAVLVS and the souldiers of the Iewes to follow the Gothes hard at the heeles, who killing some thousands of them, oportuni­tie beeing offered, might by that meanes exasperat the mindes of the people and mooue them to breake the league. Now this SAVLVS vpon the LORDS Day, which by the ancient institution of our religion wee obserue as sacred and holie: wherein the Gothes were wholie intentiue to diuine seruices: made a suddaine and violent assault against them, and in the first tumult and vprore slew some of them. The Gothes being terrified with this vnexspected accident, consult suddenlie, as well as they might, in such a sudden and fearefull case, whether they should arme themselues for their defence, or not. For they held it a haynous crime, to touch any weapons, to shedde mans bloud, to make any slaughter of men on the festiuall day of Our Sauiour. But when the furie of the Iewes was without any meane, and measure in killing, murdering and slaying, then euery priuat person following his owne minde, armed himselfe for his owne safety, attending no longer what councell might asigne them to doe. Now many of them bee­ing armed, and come together, HALARICVS hauing put his companies in arr [...] so [...]ll as shortnesse of time would giue leaue casilie repressed the rage and madnesse of this [...] and vnwar like people. For the Gothes hauing a little conflict with them [...] the Iewes, and put them to flight. Afterward hauing complained that they were enforced to pollute and contaminate the sacred and diuine law, by the cruelty of them who had violated the lawes of men: and also calling vpon Christ, in whose name they tooke their oth when the league was confirmed betweene them, whose holy day they had polluted a­gainst their will, with effusion of bloud, murders, and slaughter; then without [...] in­flamed with furie and rage, they march thorough Italie to displate their bloudie col­loures before the Citty of Rome.

Now not long before STILICO had dismissed some of his souldiers, as men of small reckning, and of no vse but in time of warre: but by reason of the instant terror of im­minent daunger, hee was constrained to send to the Emperor, to haue them sent backe a­gaine vnto him, with a new supplie of other companies, that hee might goe with all the strength they could make to withstand the enterprizes of the Gothes. HONORIVS be­ing throughly possessed concerning the plot of trayterous STILICO sendeth a great ar­mie of souldiers vnto him: hauing priuilie giuen the captaines in charge, that watch­ing fitte occasion they should suddenlie kill STILICO and his sonne. Now they hauing consulted one with another concerning this action, and appointed a certain [...] day, when they might coragiously execute the commaundent of their prince: suddenly a [...]dat vna­wares set vpon STILICO and his sonne, some on this side some on that, and so slew them [Page] both, and some of his kindered which made resistance to rescue them. This quick dis­patch The deser­ued death of traite­rous Stil [...] and his sonne. of these two Traytors was acted at Rome in Foro Paci, in the Market place of peace. But the improuident and carclesse Emperour, after his generall was slaine, had no care to place another in his roome. I think he did it to preuent that any other hauing the like powre should attempt the like practize. So that now the army beeing destitute of a chiefe commander, was pittifully discomfited by the Gothes, who made such hauoke, and slaughther of the souldiers, that the very name of the Gothes, bred an exceeding terror and discoragement in the hearts of them all. Now the Gothes hauing put the Ro­manes to the foile, bring their bloudie ensignes to the City of Rome, and tooke the same, afflicted with a long siege, and beeing entered into the towne they beginne to rifle, ransacke and spoile it, beeing farre more greedy euery man to get a good bootie, then to commit slaughters, rapes, adulteries, and such like odious and filthy facts as are common­lie acted by the vnbridled out-rage of dissolute souldiers, at the sacking of Cities. For when HALARICVS was ready to enter into the Citty, he caused two Edicts to bee proclam­ed to his souldiers. The one was, that euery man should abstaine from slaughter, and laying violent handes vpon any person: because such cruell deedes, did highly displease him. The other was, that whosoeuer had taken Sanctuarie in the temples of the chiefe Apostles, should haue no harme done vnto them, nor those holie temples bee prophaned by any, and that the offendor should suffer death. The City of Rome was taken by the Gothes, after it was founded Anno. M. C. L. XIIII. Cal. April. PLAVIVS, and VARRO being Consulls. But after what manner is was taken, the Historiographers make small relation. PAPT STA EGNATIVS saith, that he had the manner of the taking of it, out of the workes of PROCOPIVS a Greeke author: and that hee did not a little maruell why the Interpreter did wittingly, and willingly ouer-skippe that place: or if it were so, that hee lighted vpon an vnperfect booke, that hee tooke no better heed to marke what was wanting. I my selfe haue not seene PROCOPIVS the Greeke author, therefore the truth of the cause shall relie vpon the credit of EGNATIVS: a man verie industrious and learned, as farre as I canne iudge by his workes. These are his words ensuing. HALARICVS had now besieged Rome, the space of two yeares, when HONORIVS re­mayning carelesse at Rauenna was neither able, nor durst come to succor and re­leeue the Citty. For hee regarded nothing lesse then the wel-fare and safety of the City, after the death of STILICO, hauing no care to place another Generall in his roome, which might haue managed the warres against the Gothes. These things were motiues to stirre vp the Gothes to besiege the Cittie, perceiuing that either the Romane souldiers daylie decaied, or that they went about their affaires with­out any corage. But when they found that they could not winne it by force, ha­uing besieged it a long time in vaine: then their barbarous enemies turne their thoughts to attempt what they may doe by policy. And now they beginne to make a false shew of their departing home into their owne country, wherefore they call three hundered young men, out of their whole army, excelling in actiui­ty of body and corage of minde, which they giue as a present to the Noble-men of Rome, hauing instructed them before hand, that by their lowly carriage, and ob­sequious seruice, they should bend themselues to win the fauor, and good liking of their maisters; & that on a certaine day concluded betwen them, about noone­time, when the Romane princes were either a sleepe, or idly disposed, they should come speedily to the gate, which is named Asinaria Porta, & there suddenly rush­ing vpon the keepers, murder them speedely, and then set open the gate for their country-men to enter, beeing ready at hand. In the meane while the Gothes pro­longed their returne, dissembling cunningly that some-time they wanted this [Page] thing, and some-time that. At last these three hundered young men wake [...]il to take the tide of oportunity, dispatched their taske coragiously, which they had vndertaken, &, at the appointed day set the gate wide open to their countri-men, and friends. Now the Goths hauing gotten entrance, rifle, ransack, spoile, and wast the whole City, procuring far greater dishonor, & shame vnto the Roman Nation, then they did losse by the taking of it. There are some which thinke the gate was set open by the meanes of PROBA, a most famous, & wealthy woman, pittying the lamentable, and distressed case of the common people, who died euery where, like brute beasts, pined with famine, and afflicted with grieuous diseases.

There are two things worthy of serious marking, first that HALARICVS made an Edict, that no violence or harme should be offered vnto them, which fled into the Temples of the Saints, especially of Saint PETER and PAVL, which thing was carefully kept. Next, when it was told HONORIVS being at Rauenna, that Rome was lost: hee thought it had beene meant of a certaine French-man a quarrellous, and fighting fellow whose name was ROME, maruelling that hee was so soone gone, with whom hee had so little before beene most pleasant. And thus much writeth EGNAT [...]VS.

Now the most blasphemous and wicked people fa [...]sly imputed the cause of all their mi­series and enormities vnto the Christian Religion: denying that euer it would haue come to passe, that Rome should haue beene taken, if they had kept still the Religions deuoutly obserued by their Ancestors and commended by tradition vn [...]o their Posteri­ty. As though the French-men before time had not taken, wasted, and ransacked that Citty, for the very same cause, namely for the breach of their oth: yea at that time when the prophane ceremonies of their Heathenish Religion (as they say) were in their chie­fest prime, and pride. And as though few Christian Emperors had managed their affaires well, or as though the decay of the Empire and ruine of it did not begin vnder the Em­perors of the Gentiles. And as if HONORIVS had not lost Rome, by the same negligence, and sloathfulnesse, that GALIENVS lost Aegipt, A [...]a, [...], passing the matter ouer with a pleasant test when newes came vnto him of th [...] l [...]se of them. Wherefore against these slanderous persons who would haue beene enemies, and aduersaries of the Christian Religion though no calamity had happened to them, AVGVSTINE wrote two and twenty bookes: defending the Citty of God (that is to say) the Christian Religion, against the rage, and fury of their frantick and impious calumniations.

FINIS.

The argument out of the second booke of the Retractations of Saint Augustine.

TRiumphant Rome, ruinated and deiected from her throne of Maiesty, into a gulphe of calamity, by the violent irruption of the barbarous Gothes, ma­naging their bloudy wars vnder the standard of ALARICVS: the worship­pers of false, and many gods, (whom wee brand in the fore-head with the common name of heathen [...] Pagans) began to breath out more damna­ble and virulent blasphemies against the true GOD, then their bestiall mouthes had euer breathed out bef [...]: labouring with might and maine to lay a heape of slanders vpon the neck of Christian rel [...]on, as the wicked Mother of all this mischiefe, and murderer of their worldly happinesse. Wherefore the fire and zeale of Gods House, burning within my bowells, I resolued to compile these bookes of the Citty of God, to batter down the strongest hold of their bitter blasphemies, and dispel the thick clowds of their grosse errors. Some yeares passed ouer my head, before I could compile and finish the whole frame of this worke, by reason of many intercedent affaires, whose impatient hast of quick ex­pedition would admit no delay. But at last this great, and laborious worke of the Citty of God, was ended in two and twenty bookes: of which the first fiue rebate the edge of their er­ronious opinions, which build the prosperity of humane affaires vpon such a tottering foun­dation, that they thinke it cannot stand long, vnlesse it be shored vppe by the worship of ma­ny gods, whom the blinded Pagans haue beene accustomed to worship and adore: auerring (but their truth is meere false-hood) that neglect and contempt of their vnworthy adoration hath beene the fountaine from whence these bitter waters of aduerse occurrences haue strea­med abundantly, and ouerflowed them. But the other fiue following are not meale-mouthed, but speake boldly against them which confesse, that the spring of worldly euills is not exhaus­ted, nor shal euer be dried vp: but the current flowing some-time more, some-times lesse, some-times swiftly, some times slowly, changing their state according to the circumstance of places times and persons: yet fondly are they opinionated (for verity hath not made them a war­rant) that the deuout adoration of many gods, in which sacrifices are offered vnto their ima­ginary Deity, is profitable for the life which wee hope for after death. Therefore in these ten bookes the absurdity of these two vaine opinions, both deadly foes vnto Christian religion, is discouered and confuted. But least some man may vpbraid mee that I am too forward to dis­proue the assertions of others, and slow enough to proue mine owne: the other part of this worke, which is confined within the bounds of twelue bookes, is directed to that purpose. Although in the first ten (where it is needfull) wee are not behinde hand to confirme the truth of our owne opinions and also to infringe the authority of contrary oppositions in the twelue bookes ensewing. Therefore the first foure of the twelue following, containe the originall of two Citties: of which one belongeth to GOD, the other to this World. The second foure containe their progresse. The third foure, which are the last, conteine their due bounds. Now though all the two and twenty bookes are compiled together of both Citties: yet they haue taken their title from the better part, and haue the name of the Citty of God printed on their fore-head. In the tenth booke it ought not to bee set downe for a miracle, that the fire falling Retract. 1. Chap. 8. from heauen ranne betweene the deuided sacrifices, when ABRAHAM sacrificed, because this was shewed vnto him in a vision. In the seauenteenth booke, where it is sayd of SAMVEL. He was not of the sonnes of ARON: it should rather haue beene sayd, He was not the sonne of the Retract. 2. Chap. 5. Priest. For it was a more lawfull custome, that the sonnes of the Priests should succeed in the roome of the deceassed Priests. For the Father of SAMVEL is found in the sonnes of ARON, but hee was not a Priest: yet not so in his sonnes, as if ARON had begot him, but in such sort as all of that people are said to bee the sonnes of ISRAEL. This worke beginneth thus, That most glorious society and celestiall Cittie of GOD &c.

THE CONTENTS OF THE first booke of the City of God.

  • 1. Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ spared by the Barbarians, in the sacking of Rome, onely for Christs sake,
  • 2. There neuer was warre wherein the Con­querors would spare them whome they conque­red, for the gods they worshipped.
  • 3. Of the Romaines fondnesse in thinking that those gods could helpe them, which could not helpe Troy, in her distresse.
  • 4. Of the Sanctuary of Iuno in Troy, which freed not any (that fled into it) from the Greeks at the Citties sack; whereas the Churches of the Apostles saued all commers from the Bar­barians at the sack of Rome. Caesars opinion, touching the enemies custome in the sack of Citties.
  • 5. That the Romaines themselues neuer spared the Temples, of those Citties which they conquered.
  • 6. That the cruell effects following the los­ses of warre, did but follow the custome of war: & wherein they were moderated, it was through the power of the name of Iesus Christ.
  • 7. Of the commodities and discommodities commonly communicated both to good and ill.
  • 8. Of the causes of such corrections as fall both vpon the good and bad together.
  • 9. That the Saints in their losse of things temporall, loose not any thing at all.
  • 10. Of the end of this transitory life, whe­ther it be long or short.
  • 11. Of buriall of the dead▪ that it is not preiudiciall to the state of a Christian soule to be forbidden it.
  • 12. The reasons why wee should bury the bo­dies of the Saints.
  • 13. Of the captiuity of the Saints, and that [...] they neuer wanted spirituall comfort.
  • 14. Of Marcus Regulus, who was a famous example to animate all men to the enduring of voluntary [...]tiuity for their religion: which notwithstanding was vnprofitable vnto him, by reason of his Paganisme.
  • 15. Whether the taxes that the holy Uir­gins suffered against their wills in their captiui­ties, could pollute the vertues of their minde.
  • 16. Of such as chose a voluntary death, to avoide the feare of paine and dishonor.
  • 17. Of the violent lust of the souldiers, exe­cuted vpon the bodies of the captiues; against their consents.
  • 18. Of Lucrecia that stab'd her selfe, be­cause Tarquins sonne had rauished her.
  • 19. That their is no authority which al­lowes christians to bee their owne deaths in what cause so euer.
  • 20. Of some sort of killing men, which not­withstanding are no murthers.
  • 21. That voluntary death can neuer bee any signe of magnanimity, or greatnesse of spirit.
  • 22. Of Cato who killed himselfe, being not able to endure Caesars victory.
  • 23. That the Christians excell Regulus in that vertue, wherein he excelled most.
  • 24. That sinne is not to bee avoided by sinne.
  • 25. Of some vnlawfull acts, done by the Saints, and by what occasion they were done.
  • 26. Whether wee ought to flie sinne with vo­luntary death.
  • 27. How it was a Iudgement of GOD, that the enemy was permitted to excercise his lust vpon the Christians bodies.
  • 28. What the seruants of Christ may an­swer the Infidells, when they vpbraide them with Christs not deliuering them in their aflic­tion from the fury of the enemies fury.
  • 29. That such as complaine of the Christian times, desire nothing, but to liue in filthy plea­sures.
  • 30. By what degrees of corruption the Ro­mans ambition grew to such a height.
  • 31. Of the first inducing of stage-plaies.
  • 32. Of some vices in the Romaines, which their Citties ruine, did neuer reforme.
  • 33. Of the clemency of GOD, in modera­ting this calamity of Rome.
  • 34. Of such of GODS elect as liue secretly as yet amongst the Infidells, and of such as are false Christians.
  • 35. What subiects are to be handled in the following discourse.
FINIS.

THE FIRST BOOKE OF SAINT AVGVSTINE Bishop of Hippo, his Cittie of God, vnto MARCELLINVS.
Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ, spared by the Barbarians in the sacking of Rome, onely for Christs sake. CHAP. 1.

THAT most glorious society and celestiall Citty of Gods faithfull, which is partly sea­ted in the course of these declining times, wherein he that liueth (a) by faith, is a Pil­grim amongst the wicked; and partly in that Habac. 2. solid estate of eternitie, which as yet the other part doth paciently expect, vntill (b) righteousnesse be turned into iudgment, being then by the proper excellence to obtaine Rom. 8. Psal. 93. the last victorie, and be crowned in perfecti­on of peace; haue I vndertaken to defend in this worke: which I intend vnto you (my deerest (c) Marcellinus) as being your due by my promise, and exhibite it against all those that prefer their false gods before this Cities founder: The worke is great and difficult, but God the maister of all difficulties is our helper. For I know well what strong arguments are requi­red Psalm. 61. to make the proud know the vertue of humilitie, by which (not being en­hansed by humane glory, but endowed with diuine grace) it surmounts all earthly loftinesse, which totters through the owne transitory instability. For the King, the builder of this Citty, whereof we are now to discourse, hath opened his minde to his people, in the diuine law, thus: God resisteth the proud, and giueth Iames 4. 1. Pet. 5. grace to the humble. (d) Now this which is indeed only Gods, the swelling pride of an ambitious minde affecteth also, and loues to heare this as parcell of his praise.

(e) Parcere subiectis & debellare superbos.
Aenead. 6.
To spare the lowly, and strike downe the proud.

Wherefore touching the Temporall Citty (which longing after dominati­on, though it hold all the other nations vnder it, yet in it selfe is ouer-ruled by the owne lust (f) after soueraignty) wee may not omit to speake whatsoeuer the qualitie of our proposed subiect shall require or permit, for out of this, arise the foes against whom Gods City is to bee guarded. Yet some of these reclaiming their impious errours haue become good Citizens therein: but [Page 2] others burning with an extreame violence of hate against it, are so thanklesse to the Redeemer of it for so manifest benefits of his, that at this day they would not speake a word against it, but that in the holy places thereof, flying thether from the sword of the foe, they found that life and safety wherein now they glory. Are not these Romaines become persecutors of Christ, whom the very Barbarians saued for Christs sake? yes, the Churches of the Apostles, and the Martyrs can testifie this, which in that great sacke were free both to their (g) owne, and (h) strangers. Euen thither came the rage of the bloudy enemie: euen there the murders furie stopt: euen thither were the distressed led by their pittifull foes (who had spared them, though finding them out of those sanctuaries) least they should light vpon some that should not extend the like pitty. And euen they that else-where raged in slaughters, comming but to those places, that forbad what law of warre else-where allowed, all their head-long furie curbed it selfe, and all their desire of conquest was conquered. And so escaped many then, that since haue detracted all they can from Christianity: they can impute their cities other calamities, wholy vnto Christ, but that good which was bestowed on thē only for Christs honor (namely the sparing of their liues) that they impute not vnto our Christ, but vnto their owne fate: whereas if they had any iudgement, they would rather attribute these calamities and miseries of mortalitie, all vnto the prouidence of God, which vseth to re­forme the corruptions of mens manners, by (i) warre and oppressions, and laudably to exercise the righteous in such afflictions, & hauing so tried them, either to transport them to a more excellent estate, or to keepe them longer in the world for other ends and vses. And whereas the bloudy Barbarians against all custome of warre, spared them both in other places, for the honor of Christ, and in those large houses that were dedicated vnto him, (made large, to containe many, for the larger extent of pitty;) this ought they to ascribe to these Christian times, to giue God thankes for it, and to haue true recourse by this meanes vnto Gods name, thereby to auoyde the (k) paines of eternall damnation: which name many of them as then falsely tooke vp, as a sure shelter against the stormes of present ruine. For euen those that you may now behold most petulantly insulting ouer Christs seruants, most of them had neuer esca­ped the generall massacre, had they not counterfeited themselues to be the ser­uants of Christ. But now through their vngratefull pride, and vngodly mad­nesse they stand against that name (in peruersnesse of heart, and to their eternall captiuation in darknesse) to which they fled with a dissembling tongue, for the obtaining of the enioying but of this temporall light.

The Commentaries of Iohn Lodouicus Viues vpon the first Chapter of the first booke of Saint Augustine, of the City of God.

HE that liueth (a) by faith] Habacuc. 2. 4. The iust shall liue by faith, so saith Paul in di­uerse places: for this indeed is the prouision of our liues voyage. In the text it is di­uersly read: some-time, by my faith; some-time, by his faith: the seuentie Interpreters translate it, [...], he shall liue by the faith of himselfe, or his faith. (b) Righte­ousnesse be turned into iudgement] Psal. 19. The true Hebrew saith; Because righteousnesse shall be turned into iudgement: It is meant of the end of the world, wherevnto that also belongs that followeth: The last victory: Th [...] Church vpon earth warreth daily, and conquereth daily: but the end of one warre is but a step into another. That shall be the last and most perfect victory, when the Church shall be wholy translated into heauen, to remaine for euer [Page 3] in peace with the King and peace-maker, Iesus Christ. (c) Marcellinus,] There are extant in Augustines Epistles, some dedicated vnto Marcellinus, and againe some from him to Au­gustine. Their acquaintance it seemes begun in Affrica: for thus writeth Orosius of this Lib. 7. c. 42 Marcellinus: In those dayes by Honorius his command, and Constantines assistance, there was a generall peace and vnitie throughout the whole Church of Affrica, and the body of Christ (which we indeed are) was cured by a willing or thankefull consent on all sides: this holy command being put in execution by Marcellinus, a man full fraught with wisdome, industry, and endeuour of all goodnesse. (d) Now this which indeed is onely Gods.] Either because such in their pride, The Ro­mans the proudest nation. desire what is properly Gods, namely to resist the proud; or, because pride (in others) is of it selfe so hated of the proud, that the proudest nation of all (the Romanes) reioyced to haue this reckoned vp as parcell of their glories, that they kept downe the proud: That the Romanes were proud themselues, and by reason of their owne pride hated it in all others, the words of Cato Censorius do prooue, in his Oration to the Senate for the Rhodians: They say (quoth he) the Rhodians are proud: obiecting that which I would not haue spoken of my children: They are indeed proud: what is that to vs? Are you greeued that any should be prouder then our selues? Vnto which words Gellius addeth this. There is nothing can be spoken either sharper or gentler Lib. 7. then this reproofe vnto those most proud high-minded men, that loue pride in themselues and re­prooue it in others. (e) To spare] Virgill hauing reckoned vp diuerse praises of other nations A Eneid. 6. wherein they excelled the Romanes, at length turning to Rome, saith thus:

Turegere imperio populos Romane memento,
Haetibi erunt artes, paci (que) imponere morem,
Parcere subiectis & debellare superbos.
But (Romane) let thy study be to sway
Thy realmes with awe to force them peace obey,
To spare the lowly, and to pull downe pride, &c.

To obey peace, is all one as to keepe or obserue it. (f) Lust after soueraigntie]: It is an old Prouerbe: The tyrants subiects are his slaues, and himselfe slaue to his lusts and pleasures. So said Diogenes the Cynick of the Persian King, and Tully in his Paradoxes of Caesar. (g) Their owne] that is, Christians. (h) Strangers;] namely such as did not worship Christs God­head: whom Augustine termeth Pagans. (i) By warre] This appeares most plaine in the Romanes, who liued more orderly in the times of warre, then at any time else, though in most secured peace. (k) The paine of eternall damnation] Not onely those temporall and mo­mentarie punishments.

There neuer was warre wherein the conquerors would spare them whom they conquered, for the Gods they worshipped. CHAP. 2.

THere hath beene thus many warres chronicled, partly before Rome was At the last sack of Hie­rusalem the Romanes themselues filled the Temple with dead bodies. builded, and partly since her founding: let them reade, and finde mee any one Citie taken by a stranger foe, that would spare any that they found re­tired into the temples of their gods, or any Barbarian Captaine, that euer com­manded, that in the sacke of the towne none should bee touched that were fled into such or such temples. (d) Did not Aeneas see Priamus slaine before the Altar, and with his bloud

Sanguine faedantem quos ipse sacrauerat ignes?
Sprinkling the flames himselfe had hallowed?

Did not (d) Diomede & Vlisses, hauing slaughtred all the keepers of the high tower,

—caesis summae custodibus arcis,
Corripuêre sacram effigiem manibus (que) cruentis,
Virgineas ausi diuae contingere vittas.
Snatch vp the sacred statue, and with hands
Besmeer'd in bloud, durst touch the (d) Virgins vaile?

[Page 4] (e) Yet is not that true which followeth:

Ex illo fluere ac retrò sublapsa referri
Spes Danaûm.—
From thence the Grecians hopes decline, and faile.

For after all this, they conquered: after this they threw downe Troy with sword and fire: after this they smote off Priams head before the Altar that hee fled vnto. Neither perished Troy because it lost the Palladium: for what had the Palladium lost first, that it selfe should perish? perhaps the keepers? indeed it is true, they being slaine, it was soone taken away: For the Image kept not the men, but the men kept the Image (f) But why then was it adored as the preser­uer of the country and Citizens, when it could not preserue the owne keepers?

L. VIVES.

DId not (a) Aeneas,] so saith Uirgill: There saw I Priam, Hecuba, and all their hundred daughters at the altar, &c. This happened vpon that night when Troy was taken and A Eneid. 2. burned by the Greekes: and Neoptolemus Pirrhus, Achilles his sonne slue Priam at the altar. (b) Himselfe had hallowed,] Wherein he showes the greater indignity, because those gods did not assist him, which he himselfe had made and consecrated in that very place. I thinke it is meant of Vesta in whose temple perpetuall fire was kept: Uirgils Commentators doe not explaine it: let each man take it as he please. (c) Diomedes,] This also is from Uirgill in the said booke: the words are Sinons, and meant of the Palladium, which in the Troyan warre Diomedes and Ulisses stole out of the Temple of Pallas. Nor feared they sacriledge, as to the which they added murther, and yet was (their party) the Grecians, conquerours ouer Troy. The Palladium was an Image of Pallas, whereof there are so many relations ex­tant, that I should thinke it idle to proceed in recounting all mens opinions thereof. Yet The Image of the Pal­lad [...]. will I extract what seemes most likely, out of Varro, Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Ouid, Plu­tarch, and Seruius: Chrysas the Daughter of Pallas being married vnto Dardanus, brought with her for hir dowry this Palladium, and the Images of the Great gods: for which, Darda­nus built a Temple in Samothracia; all which Images afterward in his Grand-childs time, were transported from thence into Ilium, an Oracle forewarning them, that as long as the Palladium was there kept, so long the City should continue vnruined. Wherefore it was placed in the most secret part of all the temple, and another Palladium made like that, was set in open sight, and carelesly respected. Now when Pirrhus had heard of Helenus, a Prophet, one of Priams sonnes, that Troy was inexpugnable, as long as the Palladium was safe, and that hee had told this vnto the Greeke Princes, Ulisses and Diomedes entred the towne in disguise, and getting to the Tower, set vpon the keepers, slew them, and tooke away that false Palladium. But the other, after the sack of Troy, together with the other great gods called the Troi [...]ns Penates, Sycas deliuered vnto Aeneas, who carried them all into Italy with him. And so from Alba Louga, or (as Uarro thinkes) from Lauinium, the Palla­dium was remooued vnto Rome, and set vp in the house of Uesta, which being by chance set on fire, Lucius Metellus then chiefe Priest, with the losse of his eyes, fetcht it forth of the midst of the flames. The Palladium was openly seene at the burning of the Temple of V [...]sta, in the time of Heliogabalus, saith Herodian. There was another Palladium, which Ni­cias did dedicate, in the Tower of Athens. (d) Uirgins vayle,] For Pallas euer was a Virgin. (e) Yet is not that true,] For it was spoken by the lyer Sinon: though it may bee held for true that then the Grecians hope was ouer-throwne. Neuerthelesse they gotte the Cittie. (f) But why then,] an argument which the Logicians call, à minore: how can that preserue the Citty and the countrie, that cannot preserue the owne keepers and garde, which is a worke of lesse moment, and yet in nature nearer concerning it?

Of the Romanes fondnesse in thinking that those Gods could helpe them which could not helpe Troy, in her distresse. CHAP. 3.

BEhold vnto what Patrones the Romanes reioyced to committe the protec­tion of their Cittie! O too too pitteous error! Nay, they are angry at vs when wee speake thus of their Gods: but neuer with their teachers and in­uentors, but pay them money for learning them such fooleries: yea and more­ouer haue vouchsafed their Authors, both stipends from the common treasury and ample honours besides: and namely in Virgill, who was therfore taught vn­to their children, because that they thinke this great and most renowned Poet being fastned in their mindes, whilst they are young, will neuer easily be for­gotten: according to that of Horace.

(a) Quo semel est imbuta recens seruabit odorem,—Testa diu.
Epist. 2.
The liquors that new vessels first containes,
Behinde them leaue a tast that long remaines.

Euen in the fore-named Poet Virgill, is Iuno presented as the Troians foe, inci­ting Aeolus the King of windes against them in these wordes▪

(b) Gens inimica mihi Tyrrhenum nauigat aequor
Ilium in Italiam portans, victos (que) penates.
Aene. 1.
The nation that I hate, in peace sayles by,
with Troy and Troyes falne Gods to Italy.

(c) Yea would any wise-man haue commended the defence of Rome vnto Gods already proued vnable to defend them-selues? but suppose (d) Iuno spoke this as a woman in anger, not knowing what shee said: what saies (the so often sur­named (e) godly) Aeneas him-selfe? does he not say plainly-

(f) Panthus Otriades, arcis, Phoebi (que) sacerdos,
Sacra manu, Victos (que) deos parvum (que) nepotem
Aene. 2.
Ipse trahit, cursu (que), amens ad limina tendit.
Panthus a Priest of Phaebus and the Tower,
Burdned with his falne gods, and in his hand
His poore young nephew, flyes vnto the strand?

Doth he not hold these Gods (which he dares call falne) rather commended vn­to him, then he to them: it being said to him-

(g) Sacra suos (que) tibi commendat Troia penates?
Aene. 2.
To thee doth Troy commend her Gods, her all?

If Virgill then call them fallen Gods, and conquered Gods, needing mans helpe for their escape after their ouerthrow and fall, how mad are men to thinke that there was any witte shewen in committing Rome to their keeping, or that it could not be lost, if first it lost not them? To worship conquered and cast Gods, as guardians, and defenders, what is it but to put by good deityes, and adore [Page 6] wicked (i) diuells? Were there not more wisdome shewen in beleeuing, (not that Rome had not come to this calamitie, vnlesse it had first lost them, but) that they had long since come to nothing had not Rome beene as the especially carefull keeper of them? Who sees not (that will see any thing) what an idle presumption it is, to build any impossibility of beeing conquered, vpon defen­ders that haue bene conquered? and to thinke that Rome therefore perished be­cause it had lost the Gods (k) guardians; when possibly, the onely cause why it pe­rished, was, because it would set the rest vpon such soone perishing guardians? Nor listed the Poets to lye when they sung thus of these subuerted Gods; it was truth that inforced their vigorous spirits to confesse it. But of this, more fitly in another place hereafter: At this time (as I resolued at first) I wil haue a little bout (as wel as I can) with those vngrateful persons, whose blasphemous tongues throw those calamities vpon Christ, which are onely the guerdons of their owne peruersnesse: But wheras Christs name alone was of power to pro­cure them their vndeserued safety, that, they do scorne to acknowledge: and being madde with sacrilegious petulancy, they practise their foule tearmes vp­pon his name, which like false wretches they were before glad to take vppon them to saue their liues by: and those filthy tongues which (when they were in Christes houses) feare kept silent, to remaine there with more safety, where euen for his sake they found mercy; those selfe-same, getting forth againe, shoot at his deity with al their envenomed shafts of mallice, and curses of hostility.

L. VIVES.

QVo (a) semel] Horace Epist. 2. Commonly cited to proue the power of custome in young and tender mindes: such is this too,

Ne (que) amissos Colores Lana refert madefacta fuco.
Wooll dyde in graine, will not change hew, nor staine.

(b) Gens inimica] Aeneads the 1. Iuno was foe to Troy: first, because they came from Dar­danus, sonne of Ioue and Electra, one of his whores. Secondly because Ganymede, Trois son being taken vp to heauen was made Ioues cup-bearer and Hebe, Iunos daughter put by. Thirdly because Antigone, Laomedons daughter, scorned Iunos beauty, being therfore tur­ned into a storke: Lastly because shee was cast, in the contention of beauty, by the iudge­ment of Paris, Priams sonne. (c) Yea? would any wise man] The discourse of these Penates, houshould or peculiar Gods, is much more intricate then that of the Palladium. I thinke they are called Penates, quasi Penites, because they were their penitissimi, their most inward & proper Gods. Macrobius holdes with them that say they are our Penates by which we do penitùs spirare, by whom we breath, and haue our body, & by whom we possesse our soules reason. So the Penates are the keepers or Gods Guardians of particular estates. The Penates of all mankind were held to be Pallas, the highest Aether, Ioue the middle Aether, and Iuno the lowest. Heauen also hath the Penates as Martianus Capella saith in his Nuptiae. And on earth, euery Citty and euery house hath the peculiar Gods Guardians. For euery house is a little Citty: or rather euery Citty a great house. And as these haue the Gods, so hath the fire also: Dionysius Halicarnasseus writeth that Romulus ordained perticular Vesta's for euery Court, ouer all which, his successor Numa set vp a common Vesta, which was the fire of the Citty, as Cicero saith in his 2. De legibus. But what Penates Aeneas brought into Italie, is vncertaine. Some say Neptune and Apollo, who (as we read) built the wals of Troy: Other say Vesta: For Virgill hauing said.

Sacra suos (que), &c.
To thee doth Troy commend her Gods, &c.—Addes presently,

Sic ait, & manibus vittas, Vestamque potentem,
Aeternum (que) adytis effert penetr alibus ignem.
This said, he fetcheth forth th' eternall fire:
Almighty Vesta, and her pure attire—

[Page 7] Now I thinke Vesta was none of the Penates, but the fire, added to them, and therefore the Dictator, and the rest of the Romaine Magistrates on the day of their instalment sacrificed to Vesta and the Gods guardians. Of this Vesta and these Gods thus saith Tully in his twentith booke de natura deorū. Nam vestae nomen, &c. The name of Vesta we haue from the Greekes: it is that which they call [...]. And her power is ouer fires and altars: Therefore in the wor­ship of that Godesse which is the guardian to the most inward and internall things, all the praiers and sacrifices offered are externall: Nor are the Penates far different from the power afore­said: being either deriued from Penu, which is whatsoeuer man eateth, or of penitūs, in that they What Pe­nu is. are placed within, and therefore called of the Poets, Penetrales, chamber or closetary gods. Thus far Tully. But here is no time for further dispute of this matter. Dionysius in his first booke saith he saw in a certaine blinde obscure temple not far from the Forum, two Images of the Troian gods, like two young men, sitting, and hauing Iauelins in their hands (two very old peeces of worke) and vpon them inscribed D. Penates: and that in most of the temples were Images in fashion and habit like these old ones. I make no question these were Castor and Pollux: for in other places they are called the Romanes Penates, which Prudentius testifies vnto Symmachus in these wordes.

—Gemini quo (que) fratres
Corruptâ de matre nothi Ledeia Proles
Nocturni (que) equites celsae duo numina Romae, Impendent &c.
—And the two brothers
The bastard twins of Laeda and the Swan,
Night-riders, as the Patron gods do watch
The wals of stately Rome, &c.—

But these were not the Patron Gods of Troy, for euen in the beginning of the Troyan warre, presently vpon the rape of Hellen, they died. And therefore she being ignorant of their death, lookes for them amongst the other Greeke Nobles from the walles of Troy. Homer. Iliad. 3. Neither were these two the Dij magni, the great Gods, for Heauen and earth (as Varro saith in his. 3. booke de lingua Latina) are (as the Samothracians principles doe teach) the Dii magni, the great Gods, and those whom I haue named by so many names. For Who were the Dij magni. neither were the two mens shapes which Aeneas set vp before the gates at▪ Samothracia, these great Gods, nor as the vulgar opinion holdeth, were the Samothracians Gods, Castor and Pollux: Thus farre Varro. The Troyan Penates were those [...], those great gods which sate as protectors of the Citty and Latium. Amongst which the Palladium was one, and the Sempiternall fire another, and herevpon it is that Virgill sings this.

—Vesta (que) mater
Quae Tuscum Tyberim, & Romana palatia seruas &c.
—And mother Vesta, she that lookes,
To Romes faire buildings, and old Tybers brookes &c.

Though indeed they held it a wicked fact to name the peculiar god Guardian of the Cit­ty, nor hold that it is Vesta. Valerius Soranus lost his life for being so bold as to name that name. But of this too much already, (d) But suppose Iuno spoke] For Seruius and Donate say that Iuno called them the fallen gods to make them the more contemptible, and free Aeolus from suspecting that he went about to do ought against the gods. (e) Godly] Godly in duty Piety. vnto his gods, his Father, and his Sonne, all whome he saued from burning. For Godlinesse is a dutifull worship vnto God, our Country, our Parents, and our kinsfolkes: breefely, a thanke­fulnesse vnto all to whome we are indebted. (f) Panthus] This is our of the second of the Ae­neads, beginning at this verse.

Ecce autem telis Panthus delapsus. Achiuūm.
Panthus Otriades &c.

[Page 8] (g) Sacra suos (que)] These are Hectors words spoken to Aeneas in a dreame. (h) That Rome had not come] An Argument from the euent of one thing, to the euent of the like: the sence is corrupted in the latine: it should haue beene: non Romam ad istam cladem: that it had run thus: Vt sapientius multò existimaret si non illud putaret, Romam ad hanc cladem non fuisse venturam, nisi illi periissent, sed illud potius putaret illos olim &c. (i) deuills] for the old wri­ters acknowledged some of these Daemones, or Genii to be very euill▪ and slothfull. For one Genius excelled another in vertue, wisdome, and power. Augustus his Genius was more cheerefull and lofty then was Marke Anthonies, as that same Aegiptian magician affir­med in Plutarke in Marke Anthonies life. Nor doth our Christian religion deny that there is preheminence of some aboue others aswell amongst the Angells as the Deuills, (k) Gods guardians] Iust such guardians as Plato in his Policy saith that drunken and lux­urious Magistrates are, that need guardians for themselues.

Of the sanctuary of Iuno in Troy which freed not any (that fled into it) from the Greekes at the Citties sack, where as the Churches of the Apostles saued all commers from the Barbarians, at the sacke of Rome. Caesars opinion touching the enemies custome in the sacke of Citties. CHAP. 4.

NOr could Troy it selfe that was (as I sayd before) (a) the mother of the Ro­manes progeny, in al her hallowed temples, saue any one from the Grecian force and fury, though they worshiped the same gods: nay did they not in the very sanctuary of Iuno,

—(b) Ipso Iunonis asylo
Custodes lecti (c) Phaenix, & dirus Vlisses
Praedam asseruabant. Huc vndique Troia gaza
Incensis erepta adytis, mensaeque deorum,
Craterésque auro solidi, captiuaque vestis
Congerit &c.
—To Iunos sanctuary
Comes all the prey, and what they thither carry
Is kept by choise men; the Phenician
And dire Vlisses: thether the whole state
Of Troies wealth swarmes, the gods, their temples plate,
There lies the gold in heapes, and robes of worth
Snatcht from the flaming coffers—&c.

Behold, the place dedicated vnto so great a goddesse was chosen out (not to serue for a place whence they might lawfully pull prisoners, but) for a prison wherein to shut vp all they tooke. Now compare this temple, not of a­ny vulgar god, of the common sort, but of Iupiters sister, and Queene of all the other gods, vnto the Churches built as memorialls of the Apostles. To the first, all the spoiles that were pluckt from the gods and flaming temples were caried, not to be bestowed backe to the vanquished, but to bee shared amongst the vanquishers. To the second, both that which was the places owne and (d) what euer was found also els-whereto belong to such places, with all religious honor and reuerence was restored. There, was freedome lost, here saued: there, was bondage shut in; here, it was shut out: thether were men brought by their proude foes, for to vndergo slauery: hither were men brought by their pitti­full foes, to be secured from slauery. Lastly, the temple of Iuno was chosen by the (e) vnconstant Greekes to practise their proud couetousnesse in, whereas the Churches of Christ were by (f) the naturally cruell Barbarians, chosen to [Page 9] excercise their pious humility in. Perhaps the Greekes in that their victory spared those that fled into the temples of the (g) Common gods, and did not dare to hurt or captiuate such as escaped thither: But in that, Virgill plaies the Poet indeed, and faignes it. Indeed there he describes the (h) generall custome of most enemies in the sacking of cities, and conquests; which (i) custome, Cae­sar himselfe (as Salust, that noble, true historian recordeth) forgetteth not to auouch, in his sentence giuen vpon the conspirators in the Senate-house: that (in these spoiles) the Virgins are rauished, the Children torne from their Pa­rents bosomes, the Matrons made the obiects, of al the victors lust, the temples, and houses all spoiled, all things turned into burning, and slaughter: and lastly all places stopt full of weapons, carcasses, bloud, and lamentation. If Caesar had not named temples, wee might haue thought it the custome of a foe to spare such places as are the habitations of their gods: but the Senators feared the ru­ine of their temples, not by an vnknowne or stranger enemy, but by (k) Catiline, and his followers, who were Senators and Citizens of Rome themselues. But these were villaines though, and their countries parricides.

L. VIVES.

MOther (a) of the Romanes] For the Troyans that came with Aeneas into Italy built Lauinium; the Lauinians, Albalonga, the Albans, Rome. But Saluste sayth that the Troyans themselues that wandred about with Aeneas without dwellings, built Rome at the first. (b) Iunonis] They are Aeneas his words Aenead. 2. (c) Phaenix] Amintors Son, Phaenix. and Achilles his Maister, one that taught him to say well and do well: Homer. Illiad. 3. (d) What euer was] There was at this sacke of Rome a huge quantity of gold taken out of the Va­ticane, but by Alaricus his command, it was al restored. Oros. Lib. 7 (e) Vnconstant Greekes] It was the Greeks character at Rome, & therfore they called them Graeculi: and some coppies of Augustines bookes haue Graeculorū: here Cicero in his oration for Flaccus saith these words, Wherein we earnestly desire you to remember the rashnesse of the multitude, and the truely Gree­kish l [...]ity. So meaneth Lucian in his Me [...]ces seruientibus, and [...]mblichus calls his Greci­ans, light-witted. (f) euen naturally cruell] This is added for more fulnesse to the compari­son. The Barbarians are apposed to the Greekes; not all Barbarians, but the naturally sa­uage and cruell, vnto those that would haue al humanity to be deriued from them alone. Cicero writeth thus to his brother Quintus, ruling then in Asia minor, which is Greece. See­ing we rule ouer those amongst whom not onely humanity is in it selfe, but seemes from thence to be deriued vnto all others, verily let vs seeke to ascribe that chiefely vnto them from whom we our selues receiued it. (g) common gods] For the Greekes and the Troyans worshipped the s [...]me gods. (h) generall custome] True, least his speech otherwise might haue made repre­hension seeme rather peculiar vnto the Greekes then vnto other Nations in their conquests of Citties. (i) which custome] Caius Caesar being then Praetor (& afterwards Dictator) hauing [...] the conspiracy of Catiline, being asked by the Consul Cicero, what he thought f [...] should be done vnto the conspirators; answered, as Saluste setteth downe; That these [...] which he had rehearsed, must needs haue come to effect, not only in this war, by rea­son it was domesticall, but that it is warres custome, to produce such bloudy effects, which the vanquished of all sorts are sure to feele. Tully against Verres saith thus: I omit to speake of the deflowring of free Virgins, and the rauishing of the matrons, &c. which were com­mitted in that sacke of the Citty, not through hostile hate, nor military loosenesse, nor custome of warre, nor right of conquest. Thus farre Tully. (k) Catiline] The history is at large in Saluste: and else where I will take occasion to say some-what of it.

That the Romanes themselues neuer spared the Temples of those Cities which they conquered. CHAP. 5.

BVt why should we spend time in discoursing of many nations, that haue wa­ged warres together, and yet neuer spared the conquered habitations of one anothers gods: let vs goe to the Romanes themselues: yes; I say, let vs ob­serue the Romanes themselues, whose chiefe glory it was,

Parcere subiectis & debellare superbos.
To spare the lowly, and pull downe the proud.

And (a) being offered iniurie, rather to pardon then persecute: in all their spa­cious conquests of Townes and Cities, in all their progresse and augmentati­on of their domination, shew vs vnto what one Temple they granted this priuiledge, that it should secure him that could flie into it from the enemies sword? Did they euer do so, and yet their Histories not recorde it? Is it like that they that hunted thus for monuments of praise, would endure the suppres­sion of this so goodly a commendation? Indeed that great Romane (b) Marcus Marcellus that tooke that goodly City of (c) Syracusa, is said to haue wept be­fore the ruine, and shed his owne (d) teares ere he shed their bloud: (e) hauing a care to preserue the chastitie euen of his foes from violation. For before hee gaue leaue to the inuasion, he made an absolute Edict, that no violence should be offered vnto any free person: yet was the Citie in hostile manner, subuerted vtterly, nor finde we any where recorded, that this so chaste and gentle a gene­rall euer commanded to spare such as fled for refuge to this Temple or that: which (had it beene otherwise) would not haue beene omitted, since neither his compassion, nor his command for the captiues chastitie, is left vnrecorded. So is (f) Fabius the conqueror of Tarentum commended for abstayning from making bootie of their Images. For his (g) Secretary asking him what they should do with the Images of the gods, whereof they had as then taken a great many: he seasoned his continencie with a conceit, for asking what they were, and being answered that there were many of them great ones, and some of them armed: O (said he) l [...]t vs leaue the Tarentines their angrie gods. Seeing therefore that the Romane Historiographers neither concealed Marcellus his weeping, nor Fabius his iesting, neither the chaste pitty of the one, nor the merry absti­nencie of the other, with what reason should they omit that, if any of them had giuen such priuiledge to some men in honor of their gods, that they might saue their liues by taking sanctuarie in such or such a Temple, where neither rape nor slaughter should haue any power or place?

L. VIVES.

BEing (a) offred iniurie,] Saluste in his conspiracie of Catiline, speaking of the ancient Increase by remission. manners of the Romanes, giues them this commendation: That they increased by pardo­ning. (b) Marcus Marcellus,] There was two sorts of the Claudii in Rome: the one noble, arising from that Appius Claudius that vpon the expulsion of the Kings came from Regillum The Clau­dian family. vnto Rome, and there was chosen Senatour, and his family made a Patriot: the other was Plebeyan, or vulgar, but yet as powerfull as the first, and as worthy, as Suetonius in the life of [Page 11] Tyberius doth testifie. And of this later, this man of whom Augustine here writeth, was the first that was called Marcellus, as Plutarch writeth out of Possidonius. Now I wonder at this great error of so great an Historiographer, and one that was most exact in the Romane af­faires: for there were Claudii Marcelli a hundred yeares before. But he of whom we speake was [...] times Consull: for the second time he was created Consull, because the election was corrupt, hee discharged it not. Now if one reckon right, hee was fiue times Consull, first with Cornelius Scipio, in the warre of France, wherein hee tooke [...] spoiles from Vir [...]domarus the French King: and those were the third and last warres which the Romanes had waged with so many nations and vnder so many Generalls. After his second Consulship he tooke S [...]acusa. In his fourth Consulship (he and Quintus Crispinus being intrapped by the enemies) this great, valorous and iudicious Captaine lost his life; in the eleuenth yeare of the second Carthaginian warre, after he had fought nine and thirty set battailes, as Plinie in Syracusa. his seuenth booke witnesseth. (c) Syracusa,] It is a citie in Sicily, now ancient, and whilom wealthy: three yeares did this Marcellus besiege it, and at length tooke it; beating as much spoile from that conquest (very neare) as from the conquest of Carthage, which at that time was in the greatest height, and stood as Romes parallell in power and authority. (d) Teares] So faith Li [...]) lib. 25. Marcellus entring vpon the walles, and looking ouer all the citty, standing at that time [...] and goodly, is said to haue shed teares, partly for ioy of this so great a conquest, and partly for pitty of the Cities ancient glory: The ouer-throwe of the Athenian nauie, the wracke of two great armies with their Captaines; so many warres and rich Kings, and all that before him to be in a moment on fire, came all into his minde at once. This is also in Ualerius Maximus. de humanitate. (e) Nay he had a care,] Liuie, as before. Marcellus by a generall consent of the Captaines, forbad the soldiers to violate any free body, leauing them all the [...] [...]or spoile: which edict contained the assurance of the sayd free women from death and all other violence, as well a [...] Fabius. that of their chastities. (f) Fabius the conqueror of Tarentum,] In the second Carthaginian warre, Tarentum, a famous citie in Calabria fell from the Romanes vnto Han [...]bal, but [...] Salinator the Captaine of the Romane garrison, retired into the tower. This Citie Fab [...] Maximus recouered, and gaue his soldiors the spoile of it. This is that Fabius that in the said second Punicke warre, by his sole wisdome put life into all the Romanes dying hopes, and by his cunning protraction blunted the furie of Hannibal. And of him Enius said truly.

Vnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem,
One mans wise, set delay, restor'd vs all.

I neither can nor list now to stand vpon all the errors of the first Commentator of this booke: it were too tedious, and too troublesome. But because in this place he goeth astray with many others, who indeed in other mens iudgements are learned in such matters, but in their owne iudgements most learned, (nor, to say trueth, are they vnlearned,) I could not choose but giue the reader this admonition, that this Fabius is not hee that was called Maximus, but his Grandfather was called so: because hee being Censor with P. Decius, di­uided the whole commonty of Rome into foure Tribes, which he named Vrbanae: though I deny not that this Fabius of whom Augustine speaketh, deserued this name, but the world as then did not giue it him. (g) Secretary] Hereof read Liuie in his 27. Booke.

That the cruell effects following the losses of warre, did but follow the custome of warre: and wherein they were moderated, it was through the power of the name of Iesus Christ. CHAP. 6.

THerefore all the spoile, murther, burning, violence and affliction, that in this fresh call amitie fell vpon Rome, were nothing but the ordinary effects following the (a) custome of warre. But that which was so vnaccustomed, that the sauage nature of the Barbarians should put on a new shape and appeare so mercifull, that it would make choise of great and spacious Churches, to fill with such as it meant to shew pitty on, from which none should bee haled to [Page 12] slaughter or slauerie, in which none should bee hurt, to which many by their courteous foes should be conducted, and out of which none should bee lead into bondage; This is due to the name of Christ, this is due to the Christian profession; he that seeth not this is blinde, hee that seeth it and praiseth it not is thanklesse, hee that hinders him that praiseth it, is madde. God forbid that any man of sence should attribute this vnto the Barbarians brutishnesse: It was God that struck a terror into their truculent and bloudy spirits, it was he that bridled them, it was he that so wonderously restrained them, that had so long before fore-told this by his Prophet. (b) I will visit their offences with the rod, and their sinne with scourges: yet will I not vtterly take my mercy from them. Psal. 89. 32. 33.

L. VIVES.

CVstome (a) of warre,] Quintilian recordes the accidents that follow the sacking of Ci­ties in his eight booke, thus: The flames were spread through the temples, a terrible crac­king A descrip­tion of the sack of a citie. of falling houses was heard: and one confused sound of a thousand seuerall clamours. Some fled they knew not whether: some stuck fast in their last embraces of their friends, the children and the women howled, and the old men (vnluckily spared vntill that fatall day): then followed the tearing away of all the goods out of house and temple, and the talke of those that had carri­ed away one burden and ranne for another, and the poore prisoners were driuen in chaines before their takers: and the mother endeuouring to carry her silly infant with her, and where the most gaine was, there went the victors together by th'eares. Now these things came thus to passe, be­cause the soldiers (as they are a most proud and insolent kinde of men, without all meane and modestie) haue no power to temper their auarice, lust or furie in their victory: and againe (because taking the towne by force) if they should not do thus for terror to the ene­mie, they might iustly feare to suffer the like of the enemy. (b) I will visit] It is spoken of the sonnes of Dauid, Psal. 89. If they be not good, &c.

Of the commodities, and discomodities commonly communicated both to good and ill. CHAP. 7.

YEa but (will (a) some say) Why doth God suffer his mercy to be exten­ded vnto the gracelesse and thankelesse? Oh! why should we iudge, but be­cause it is his worke that maketh the sunne to shine daily both on good and Rom. 5. 45. bad, & the raine to fal both on the iust and vniust? For what though some by me­ditating vpon this, take occasion to reforme their enormities with repentance? & other some (as the Apostle saith) despising the ritches of Gods goodnes, and long suffering, in their hardnesse of heart and impenitency (b) do lay vp vnto them-selues wrath against the day of wrath, and the reuelation of Gods iust iudgement, Rom. 2. 5. who will (c) reward each man according to his workes? Neuerthelesse Gods pati­ence still inuiteth the wicked vnto repentance as this scourge doth instruct the good vnto patience. The mercy of God imbraceth the good with loue, as his seuerity doth correct the bad with paines. For it seemed good to the almighty prouidence to prepare such goods, in the world to come, as the iust onely should inioy, and not the vniust: and such euils, as the wicked only should feele, and not the godly. But as for these temporall goods, of this world, hee hath left them to the common vse both of good and badde: that the goods of this world should not be too much desired, because euen the wicked doe also [Page 13] partake them: and that the euils of this world should not bee too cowardly auoyded, where-with the good are sometimes affected. But there is great dif­ference in the (d) vse both of that estate in this world, which is called prospe­rous, and that which is (e) called aduerse. For neither do these temporall goodes extoll a good man, nor doe the euill deiect him. But the euill man must needs bee subiect to the punishment of this earthly vnhappin [...]sse, because hee is first corrupted by this earthly happinesse: Yet in the distributing of these temporall blessings God sheweth his prouident operation. For if all sinne were presently punished: there should bee nothing to do at the last iudgement: and againe if no sinne were here openly punished, the diuine prouidence would not bee beleeued: And so in prosperity, if God should not giue competency of worldly and apparant blessings to some that aske them, we would say he hath nothing to do with them: and should he giue them to all that aske them, we should thinke he were not to bee serued but for them: and so his seruice should not make vs godly, but rather greedy. This being thus, what euer affliction good men and badde doe suffer together in this life, it doth not proue the persons vndistinct, because so they both do ioyntly indure like pains: for as in one fire, gold shineth and chaffe smoaketh, and as vnder one (f) f [...]yle the straw is bruised, and the eare cleansed; nor is the lees and the oyle confused because they are both pressed in one presse, so likewise one and the same violence of affliction, prooueth, purifieth, and (g) melteth the good, and conde [...]eth, wasteth and casteth out the badde. And thus in one and the same distresse do the wicked offend God by detestation and blasphemy, and the good do glorifie him by praise and praier. So great is the difference where­in we ponder not what, but how a man suffers his affects. For one and the same motion maketh the mud smell filthily, and the vnguent swell most fragrantly.

L. VIVES.

SOme (a) say] because the aforesaid wordes were spoken of the sonnes of Dauid (that is, Thesaur [...] what it is. the godly) How should the mercy of God be extended vnto the wicked? (b) Do lay vp] or heap together. For Thesaurus, is a laying together of euill things as well as good: and it is or­dinary with the Greekes to say [...], the treasure of Ills, and Plautus hath The­saurus stupri, the treasure of whoredome. (c) Willreward] *Humaine goods what they are. commonly it is read, Doth re­ward: Augustin hath it in better forme [...] for the Apostle speakes of the world to come: and the greeke is [...], Reddet will reward. (d) Vse both of that] Terence in his Heauton­timoreumenos saith: such things as are called humane goods, namely our parents, country, li­nage, friendes and wealth: all these are but as his mind is that possesseth them: to him that can vse them well, they are good; to him that vseth them otherwise then well, they are euil. This Terence hath out of Plato in diuers places. ( [...]) Is called aduerse] N [...]mely of the vul­gar and such as are ignorant of the true natures of things. (f) Flaile] Virgill in the first of his Georgikes, reckons the Flaile amongst the instruments of husbandry. Plinye in his eigh­teenth What Tri­bula is. booke saith: The haruest corne is thrashed forth vpon the floore sometime with flayles, sometime with the feete of horses, and sometime with staues. So that this same Tribulum, is an instrument where-with the corne being ripe is thrashed forth on the floore: (our fittest english is a flaile.) How this is done, Varro teacheth in his first book De re rustica. (g) Mel­teth the good] Maketh them liquid: it is a simily taken from gold: to exclude further dispu­tation hereof; the scripture saith the good are melted with charity: My soule melted as my beloued spoke, saith the Canticles: but if a man will follow this theame he shall neuer finde an end. The fittest teacher in this kind is the holy scripture.

Of the causes of such corrections as fall both vpon the good and bad together. CHAP. 8.

BVt tell me now in all this desolation what one thing did the Christians en­dure, which due and faithfull consideration, might not turne vnto their edi­ficātion? For first they might with feare obserue to what a masse iniquity was in­creased, at which the iust God being displeased had sent these afflictions vpō the world & that though they them-selues were far frō the society of the wicked, yet should they not hold them-selues so purely seperate from all faults, that they should thinke them-selues too good to suffer a temporall correction for diuers faults that might be found in their conuersations: for to omitte this, that ther is no man how euer laudable in his conuersation, that in some things (a) yeelds not vnto the concupiscence of the flesh; and that though hee decline not vnto the gulfe of reprobate offence and habitation of all brutish filthinesse, yet slips now and then into some enormities, and those either seldome, or so much more ordinary as then they are lesse momentary: To omitte all this, how hard a thing is it to find one, that makes a true vse of their fellowship, for whose hor­rible pride, luxury, auarice, bestiall iniquity and irreligiousnesse, the Lord (as his (b) Prophets haue threatned) doth lay his heauy hand vppon the whole world? How few do wee finde that liue with them, as good men ought to liue with them. For either we keepe aloofe, and forbeare to giue them due instruc­tions, admonitions or reprehensions, or else wee holde their reformation too great a labour: either we are affraid to offend them, or else wee eschew their hate for our owne greater temporall preferment, and feare their opposition either in those things which our greedinesse longeth to inioy, or in those which our weakenesse is affraid to forgoe: so that though the liues of the wic­ked be still disliked of the good, and that thereby the one do auoid that damna­tion which in the world to come is the assured inheritance of the other, yet be­cause they winke at their damnable exorbitances, by reason they feare by them to loose their owne vaine temporalities, iustly do they partake with them in the punishments temporall though they shall not do so in the eternall; Iustly do they in these diuine corrections, tast the bitternesse of these transitory af­flictions with them, to whome when they deserued those afflictions, they through the loue of this life, forbare to shew them-selues better: indeed he that forbeares to reprehend ill courses in some that follow them, because he will take a more fit time, or because he doubts his reprehention may rather tend to their ruine then their reformation, or because he thinkes that others that are weake, may by this correction be offended in their Godly endeauours or diuerted from the true faith: In this case forbearance arises not from occasi­on of greedinesse, but from the counsell of charity, (c) But their's is the fault indeed who liue a life quite contrary, wholy abhorring the courses of the wicked, yet will ouerpasse to taxe the others sins wherof they ought to be most seuere reprehenders and correctors, because they feare to offend them, and so be hurt in their possession of those things whose vse is lawfull both vnto good and bad, affecting temporalities in this kinde farre more greedily then is fit for such as are but pilgrimes in this world, and such as expect (d) the hope of a celestiall inheritance? for it is not onely those of the weaker sort that liue in [Page 15] marriage, hauing (or seeking to haue) children, and keeping houses and fami­lies: whome the Apostle in the Church doth instruct how to liue, the wiues with their husbands and the husbands with their wiues: children with their parents and the parents with their children: the seruants with their maisters and the maisters with their seruants: it is not these alone that get together these worldly goods with industry, and loose them with sorrow, and because of which they dare not offend such men as in their filthy and contaminate liues do extreamely displease them: but it is also those of the highter sort, such as are no way chayned in mariage, such as are content with poore fare and meane attire. Many of these through too much loue of their good name and safety through their feare of the deceits and violence of the wicked; through frailtie and weaknesse, forbeare to reprooue the wicked when they haue offended. And although they doe not feare them so farre, as to be drawne to actuall imi­tation of these their vicious demeanours; yet this which they will not act with them, they will not reprehend in them (though herein they might reforme some of them by this reprehension:) by reason that (in case they did not re­forme them) their owne fame and their safetie might come in danger of de­struction. Now herein they doe at no hand consider how they are bound to see that their fame and safety bee necessarily employed in the instruction of others, but they do nothing but poyse it in their owne infirmitie, which loues to be stroaked with a smooth tongue, and delighteth in the (e) day of man: fearing the censure of the vulgar, and the torture and destruction of body: that is, they forbeare this dutie, not through any effect of charitie, but meerely through the power of auarice and greedy affection. Wherefore I hold this a great cause, why the good liuers do pertake with the bad in their afflictions, when it is Gods pleasure to correct the corruption of manners with the pu­nishment of temporall calamities. For they both endure one scourge, not be­cause they are both guiltie of one disordered life, but because they both doe too much affect this transitorie life; not in like measure, but yet both toge­ther: which the good man should contemne, that the other by them being corrected and amended, might attaine the life eternall: who if they would not ioyne with them in this endeauour of attaining beatitude, they should be (f) borne with all and loued as our enemies are to be loued in Christianitie: we being vncertaine whilest they liue here, whether euer their heart shall bee turned vnto better or no, which to doe, the good men haue (not the like, but) farre greater reason, because vnto them (g) the Prophet saith: Hee is taken away for his iniquity, but his bloud will I require at the watch-mans hand, (h) for vn­to Ezech. 33. this end were watch-men, that is rulers ouer the people placed in the chur­ches, that they should (i) not spare to reprehend enormities. Nor yet is any other man altogether free from this guilt, whatsoeuer he bee, ruler or not ru­ler, who in that dayly commerce and conuersation, wherein humane necessity confines him, obserueth any thing blame worthy, and to reprehend it, seeking to auoyde the others displeasure, being drawne here-vnto by these vanities which he doth not vse as he should, but affecteth much more then hee should. Againe, there's another reason why the righteous should endure these tem­porall inflictions, and was cause of holy (k) Iobs sufferance, namely that here­by the soule may bee prooued and fully knowne whether it hath so much god­lie vertue as to loue God freely, and for himselfe alone. These reasons being [Page 16] well considered, tell me whether any thing be casuall vnto the good, that tend­eth not to their good: vnlesse we shall hold that the Apostle talked idely when he said: (l) Wee know all things worke together for the best vnto them that loue God?

L. VIVES.

IN something (a) yeelds] The lust of the flesh is so inwardly inherent in our bodies, and that affect is so inborne in vs by nature (that great workeman of all thinges liuing) who hath so subtilly infused it into our breasts, that euen when our minde is quiet vppon ano­ther obiect we do propagate our ofspring in the like affection: so that we can by no meanes haue a thought of the performing of this desire, without beeing stung within with a cer­taine secret delight: which many do make a sinne, but too too veniall. (b) by his Prophets] and that very often, as is plaine in Esay, and Ieremy. (c) But this is the fault] Cicero in his offices saith: There be some that although that which they thinke bee very good, yet for feare of enuy dare not speak it. (d) The hope] As the guide of their pilgrimage: (e) the day of man] 1. Cor. 4. I passe little to bee iudged of you or of the day of man: that is, the iudgement of man, wherein each man is condemned or approued of men: whose contrary is the daie of the Lord, which searcheth and censureth the secrets of all heartes: (f) borne with and loued] The wicked are not onely to bee indured, but euen to bee loued also, God commaunding vs to loue euen our enemies. Mat. 5. (g) The Prophet] Ezechiel, Chap. 33. But if the watchman see the sword come and blow not the trumpet, and the people bee not warned: and the sword come & take away any person from among them, he is taken away for his iniquitie, but his bloud will I require at the watch-mans hands. (h) For vnto this end were watch-men] [...] in Greeke is Speculator in latin, a watchman, a discryer, an obseruer, and a Gouernor, Cicero in his seauenth booke of his Epistles to Atticus saith thus: Pompey would haue me to be the [...] the Sentinell of Campania and all the sea-coastes, and one to whome the whole summe of the busines should haue speciall relation. Andromache in Homer cals Hector Troiae [...], the watchman or guardian of Troy. The Athenians called their Intelligencers, and such as they sent out to obserue the practises of their tributary citties Episcopos, Ouerseers, and [...], watchmen; the Lacedemonians called them [...], Moderatores, Gouernors. Ar­chadius the Lawyer cals them Episcopos that had charge of the prouision for vittailes. Some thinke the preposition [...] to bee heere a Pleonasme (whereof Eustathius one of Ho­mers interpreters is one) and that [...] and [...] is all one. 1. Not spare to reprehend] So saith saint Paul vnto Titus: And so doe our Bishops euen in these times, whome with teares we behold haled vnto martyrdome because they tell the truth in too bitter tearmes, and persecute vice through all, not respecting a whit their reuenues nor dignities. Christ Iesus glorifie them (k) Iobs] The history all men know; and Hierome vppon the same saith: These thinges fell vpon Iob, that he might shew outwardly vnto men the loue that he held inwardly vnto God. (l) UUee know] Rom. 8. 28. Aduerse and prosperous fortune ar both assistants in the good mans saluation: and there is nothing befalleth them but he can con­uert it vnto the augmentation of his vertues.

That the Saints in their losse of things temporall loose not any thing at all. CHAP. 9.

THey lost all that they had: what? their faith? their zeale? their goods of the (a) inward man; which inritcheth the soule before God? These are a Christians ritches, whereof the Apostle being possessed said: Godlinesse is a [Page 17] great gaine if man bee content with what he hath: for we brought nothing into this 1. Tim. 6. 6. 7. 8. world, nor can we cary any thing out: therefore when we haue foode and rayment, let vs content our-selues there-with, for they that wil be rich fall into temptation and snares, and into many foolish and hurtfull desires, which drowne men in perdition and destruction, for (b) coueteousnesse of mony is the roote of all euill, which while some lusting after, haue erred from the faith and cast them-selues in many (c) sor­rowes. Such therefore as lost their goods in that destruction, if they held them as the afore-said Apostle (d) (poore without, but rich within) taught them: that is, if they vsed the world so as if they vsed it not at all, then might they truly say with him that was so sore assalted and yet neuer ouerthrown (e) Nak [...]d came I out of my mothers wombe, and naked shall I returne thether againe. The Lord hath Iob 1. 21. giuen it, & the Lord hath taken it away, as it hath pleased the Lord so commeth it to passe: blessed be the name of the Lord. He held his Lords will, (as a good seruant) for great possessions, and by attending that, enritched his spirit: nor greeued he at all at the losse of that in his life time, which death perforce would make him leaue shortly after. But those farre weaker soules, though they preferre not these worldly things before Christ, yet stick vnto them with a certaine exor­bitant affection, they must needs feele such paine in the loosing of them, as their offence deserued in louing of them: and endure the sorrowes in the same measure that they cast themselues into sorrowes: As I said before out of the Apostle. For it was meete for them to taste a little of the discipline of experi­ence, seeing thy had so long neglected instruction by words: for the Apostle hauing said: They that will be rich fall into temptations; &c. Herein doth hee re­prehend the desire after ritches onely, not the vse of them: teaching likewise 1. Tim. 6. 9 (f) else-where: Charge them that are ritch in this world that they be not high min­ded, 16. vers. 17 18. & 19. and that they trust not in their vncertaine wealth, but in the liuing God, who gi­ueth vs plentifully all things to enioy: That they doe good and bee (g) ritch in good workes, ready to distribute and communicate: laying vp in store for themselues a good foundation against the time to come, that they may obtaine the true life. They that did thus with their ritches by easing small burthens, [...]eaped great gaines; tak­ing more ioy in that part which by their free distributiō vnto others they had (h) kept more safely, then they felt sorrow for that which by their care to pre­serue to themselues they lost so easily. For it was likely that that perish heare on earth which they had no minde to remooue into a more secure custo­die. For they that followe their Lords Counsell, when hee saith vnto them, Lay not vp treasures for your selues vpon the earth where the moth and rust corrupt, or where theeues dig through and steale, but lay vp treasures for your selves in Hea­uen, Math. 6, 19 20. 21. where neither rust nor moth corrupt: nor theeues digge through and steale, for where your treasure is, there will your heart be also: these (I say) in the time of tribulation were sure to find how well they were aduised in following that Maister of al truth, and that diligent and dreadles keeper of all good treasure: For seeing there were many that reioiced because they had hidden their trea­sure in a place which the foe by chance ouer-passed & found not: how much more certaine and secure might their comfort bee, that by their Gods in­struction had retired thither with their substance, whether they were sure the Paulinus bishop of Nola. foe could not come? And therefore one (i) Paulinus being Bishop of Nola, and hauing refused infinite ritches for voluntarie pouertie (and yet was he ritch in holynesse) when the Barbarians sacked Nola, and held him prisoner, thus [Page 18] prayed hee in his heart (as hee told vs afterward) Lord let mee not bee troubled for gold nor siluer: for where all my treasures are, thou knowest: Euen there had hee laid vppe all his, where hee hadde aduised him to lay it who fore-told these miseries to fall vppon the world. And so o­thers, in that they obeyed GODS instructions for the choyce and preseruation of the true treasure indeed, hadde euen their worldly trea­sures preserued from the fury of the Barbarians: But others paid for their disobedience, and because their precedent wisdome could not do it, their sub-sequent experience taught them how to dispose of such temporall trash. Some Christians by their enemies were putte vnto torture, to make them discouer where their goods lay: but that good whereby (k) them-selues were good, they could neither loose, nor discouer. But if they had rather haue indured torture then discouer their (l) Mammon of iniquitie, then were they far from good. But those that suffered so much for gold, were to be instructed what should bee indured for Christ: that they might rather learne to loue him that enricheth his Martyrs with eternall felicity, then gold and siluer for which it is miserable to indure any torment, whether it bee concealed by ly­ing, or discouered by telling the truth. For no man that euer confessed Christ could lose him amongst all the torments: whereas no man could euer saue his gold but by denying it. VVherefore euen those very torments are more profitable, in that they teach a man to loue an incoruptible good, then those goods in that they procure their owners torture through the blind loue they beare vnto them, But some that had no such goods, and yet were thought to haue them, were tortured also. VVhy? perhaps they had a desire to them though they had them not, and were poore against their wils, not of their owne election: And then though their possessions did not iustly deserue those afflictions, yet their affections did. But if their mindes flew a loftyer pitch, beholding both the possession and the affection of ritches with an eye of scorne, I make a doubt whether any such were euer tormented in this kinde, or beeing so innocent, incurred any such imputation. But if they did, truly, they in these their tortures, confessing their sanctified po­uertie, confessed CHRIST him-selfe▪ And therefore though the extor­ted confession of such holy pouerty could not deserue to bee beleeued of the enemie, yet should hee not bee put to this paine without an heauenly reward for his paines.

L. VIVES.

INward (a) man] The minde: being often so vsed in Pauls Epistles. (b) Coueteousnesse of mony] The vulgar translation hath Cupiditas, but Augustine hath auaritia, a better word: for the Greeke is [...], loue of money. (c) Many sorrowes] Thus farre Paul. (d) Poore without] He meaneth the Apostle Paul. (e) Naked] The words of Iob, comforting himselfe in the losse of his goodes and children. (f) elsewhere] namely in the same chapter, Verse. 17. (g) Rich in good workes] In these thinges they shall bee rich indeed. (h) Kept more safely] Laying vp the treasure of eternity for them-selues in heauen, in that they haue gi­uen freely vnto the poore and needie. Which is declared by that which followeth in the same chapter of Mathew, beeing Christes owne workes, (i) And therefore one Paulinus] [Page 19] The Gothes hauing sackt Rome, and ouer-running all Latium, the [...], Campania, Cala­bria, Salentinum, Apulia, or Aprutium; spoyling and wasting al as they went, like a gene­rall deluge, their fury extended as far as Consentia (a Citty in Calabria called now Cosen­za) and forty yeares after that Genserike with the Moores and Vandals brake out again, tooke Rome, filling all Campania with ruine, raized the citty of Nola. Of which Cittie at that time, Paulinus was Bishop (as Paulus Diaconus writeth) a most holy and (as Saint Gregory saith) an eloquent man, exceedingly read in humaine learning, and not altogether void of the spirit of prophecie, who hauing spent all hee had in redeeming Christian cap­tiues, and seeing a widow bewayling her captiue sonne, and powring forth her pious la­mentations mixt with teares, his pietie so vrged him that hee could not rest vntill hee had crossed ouer into Affricke with the widow, where her sonne was prisoner: And there by exchange of him-selfe for hir sonne, redeemed him, and gaue him free vnto his mother. Now his sanctity, growing admirable in the eies of the Barbarians, hee had the freedome of all his cittizens giuen him, and so was sent backe to his country. Thereof read at large in Gregories third booke of Dialogues. But I thinke Augustine speakes not of this later in­vasion (for then was Paulinus departed this life) but of the first irruption of the Gothes (k) Whereby them-selues were good] Namely, their vertue which no man can depriue them off: and that onely is the good which makes the possessors good. For if riches bee good (as Tul­ly saith in his Paradoxes) why do they not make them good that inioy them? (l) Mammon] Mammon (after Hierome) is a Syriake word: signifying that vnto them that [...] doth vnto the Greekes, namely Ritches: Augustine elswere saith that Mammon in the Punike language is gaine, and that the Affrican and Hebrew tongues do accord in the significa­tion Mammon. of many wordes. Serm. de verb. Dom. & quaest. Euang.

Of the end of this transitory life whether it be long or short. CHAP. 10.

THe extremity of famine they say destroyed many Christians in these The benefit of famine▪ inuasions. Well euen of this also the faithfull by induring it pati­ently, haue made good vse. For such as the famine made an end off, it deliue­uered from the euils of this life, as well as any other bodily disease could doe: such as it ended not, it taught them a sparing diet, and ablenesse to faste. Yea, but many Christians were destroyed by the foulest variety that might bee, falling by so many sortes of death: why this is not to bee disliked off, since it is common to all that euer haue beene borne. This I know that no man is dead that should not at leng [...]h haue died. For the liues ending, makes the long life and the short all one▪ neither is their one better and another worse, nor one longer, then another shorter, which is not in this end, made equall. And what skils it what kind of death do dispatch our life, when he that dieth cannot bee forced to die againe? And seeing that euery mortall man, in the daily casual­ties of this life is threatned continually with inumerable sortes of death, as long as he is vncertaine which of them he shall taste; tell me whether it were better to (a) suffer but one in dying once for euer, or still to liue in con­tinual feare, then al those extreames of death? I know how vnworthy a choice it were to choose rather to liue vnder the awe of so many deathes, then by once dying to bee freed from all their feare for euer. But it is one thing when the weake sensitiue flesh doth feare it, and another when the purified reason of the soule ouer-comes it. A bad death neuer followes a good life: for there [Page 20] is nothing that maketh death bad but that estate which followeth death. Ther­fore let not their care that needes must dye bee imployed vppon the manner of their death, but vppon the estate that they are eternally to inherit after death. Wherefore seeing that all Christians know that the death of the re­ligious (b) begger amongst the dogs licking his sores, was better thē the death of the wicked rich man in all his (c) silks and purples, what power hath the horrour of any kind of death to affright their soules that haue ledde a vertu­ous life?

L. VIVES.

SVffer but one] So said Caesar; that hee had rather suffer one death at once then feare it continually. (b) Religious begger] the story is at large in Saint Luke, the 16. Chapter beginning at the 19. verse of Lazarus and the rich glutton, &c. (c) Silks.] Byssus, is a kinde of most delicate line, as Plinie saith in his naturall history. lib. 19.

Of buryall of the dead: that it is not preiudiciall to the state of a Christian soule to be forbidden it. CHAP 11.

OH, but in this great slaughter the dead could not bee buryed: Tush our holy faith regards not that, holding fast the promise: It is not so fraile as to think that the rauenous beasts can depriue the body of any part to be wan­ting in the resurrection, where not a hayre of the head shall be missing. Nor would the scripture haue said: Feare not them that kill the bodie but are not able to kill the soule: if that which the foe could doe vnto our dead bodies in this Mat, 10. 28. world should any way preiudice our perfection in the world to come: Vnlesse any man will be so absurd as to contend that they that can kil the body are not to be feared before death least they should kill it, but after death least hauing killed it they should not permit it buriall. Is it false then which Christ saith, Those that kill the body, after they can do no more, and that they haue power to do so much hurt vnto the dead carkasse? God forbid that should be false which is spoken by the truth it selfe: Therefore it is said they do something in killing, because then they afflict the bodyly sence for a while: but afterwards they can afflict it no more, because there is no sense in a dead body. So then suppose that many of the Christians bodies neuer came in the earth: what of that, no man hath taken any of them both from earth and heauen, haue they? No: And both these doth his glorious presence replenish that knowes how to re­store euery Atome of his worke in the created. The Psalmist indeed com­playneth thus: The dead (a) bodies of thy seruants haue they giuen to be meat vnto the foules of the ayre: and the flesh of thy Saintes vnto the beastes of the earth: Their Psal, 79. 2. bloud haue they shedde like waters round about Ierusalem, and there was none to bury them. But this is spoken to intimate their villany that did it, rather then their misery that suffered it. For though that vnto the eyes of man these actes seeme bloudie and tyranous, yet, pretious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints. And therefore all these ceremonies concerning the dead, the care [Page 21] of the buriall, the fashions of the Sepulchers, and the pompes of the funeralls, are rather solaces to the liuing, then furtherances to the dead. (b) For if a goodly and ritch tombe bee any helpe to the wicked man being dead, then is the poore and meane one a hindrance vnto the godly man in like case. The familie of that rich (c) gorgeous glutton, prepared him a sumptuous funerall vnto the eyes of men: but one farre more sumptuous did the ministring An­gels prepare for the poore vlcered begger, in the sight of God: They bore him Luc. 16. 22. not into any Sepulcher of Marble, but placed him in the bosome of Abraham. This do they (d) scoffe at, against whom wee are to defend the citty of God. And yet euen (e) their owne Philosophers haue contemned the respect of buriall: and often-times (f) whole armies, fighting and falling for their earth­lie countrie, went stoutly to these slaughters, without euer taking thought where to be laide, in what Marble tombe, or in what beasts belly. And the (g) Poets were allowed to speake their pleasures of this theame, with applause of the vulgar, as one doth thus:

Caelo tegitur qui non habet vrnam.
Who wants a graue, Heauen serueth for his tombe.

What little reason then haue these miscreants, to insult ouer the Christians, that lie vnburied, vnto whom, a new restitution of their whole bodies is pro­mised, to be restored them (h) in a moment, not onely out of the earth alone, 1. Cor. 15. 52. but euen out of all the most secret Angles of all the other elements, wherein any body is or can possibly be included.

L. VIVES.

DEad (a) carcasses, [...], morticinia, the dead flesh. (b) For if a goodly.]

Et eternos animam collegit in orbes,
Non illuc auro positi, nec thure sepulti
Perueniunt,—Lucan. lib. 9.
The eternall spheres his glorious spirit do holde,
Sepulchers.
To which come few that lye embalmd in golde, &c.

(c) Gorgious] of whom in the Chapter before. (d) Scoffe at] The Romanes had great care ouer their burials: whence arose many obseruances concerning the religious perfor­mance thereof: and it was indeed a penalty of the law: hee that doth this or that, let him bee cast forth vnburied: and so in the declamations: hee that forsakes his parents in their necessities, let him bee cast forth vnburied: hee that doth not declare the causes of their death before the Senate, let him bee cast forth vnburied; An homicide, cast him out vnburied. And so speakes Cicero to the peoples humour for Milo, when he affirmes Clodius his carcasse to be therein the more wretched, because it wanted the solemne rites and honors of buriall. (e) Philosophers] those of the Heathen: as Diogenes the Cynike for one, that bad his dead body should be cast vnto the dogs and foules of the ayre: & being answered by his friends, that they would rent and teare it: set a staffe by me then, said he, and I will beate them away with it: tush you your selfe shall be sencelesse quoth they: nay then quoth he what need I feare their tearing of me? This also did Menippus, & almost all the Cyniks. Cicero in his Quae­stiones Tusculanae recordeth this answer of Theodorus of Cyrene vnto Lysmachus that threat­ned him the crosse: let thy courtiers feare that (quoth he) but as for me I care not whether I [...]ot on the ayre or in the earth: and so also saith Socrates in Plato's dialogue called Phaedo. (f) Whole armies] meaning perhaps those legions which Cato the elder speake of in his Ori­gines, that would go thether with cheerfulnesse, from whence they knew they should neuer returne. Nay, it was no custome before Hercules his time to burie the dead that fell in war [...] [Page 22] for Aelian in his Historia varia doth affirme Hercules the first inuenter of that custome. (g) Poets to speake] with the peoples approbation. Lucan in his 7. booke of the Pharsalian warre, speaking of the dead that Caesar forbad should bee burned, or buried, after hee had brought forth (as his custome is) many worthy and graue sentences concerning this mat­ter, at length he speaketh thus vnto Caesar:

Nil agis hac ira, tabesne Cadauera soluat,
An rogus, hand refert: placido natura receptat
Cuncta sinu:
In this thy wrath is worthlesse: all is one,
Whether by fire or putrefaction
Their carcasses dissolue: kinde nature still
Takes all into her bosome.

And a little after:

—Capit omnia tellus
Quae genuit; caelo tegitur qui non habet vrnam
Earths off-spring still returnes vnto earths wombe,
Who wants a graue, heauen serueth for his tombe.

And so saith the Declamer in Seneca: Nature giues euery man a graue; to the shipwrackt the water wherein he is lost: the bodies of the crucified droppe from their crosses vnto their graues: those that are burned quick their very punishment entombes them. And Virgill, who appoints a place of punishment in hell for the vnburied, yet in Anchises his words, shewes how small the losse of a graue is. That verse of Maecenas

(Nec tumulum curo, sepelit natura relictos:
I waigh no tombe: nature entombes the meanest:)

Is highly commended of antiquitie. The Urna, was a vessell wherein the reliques and ashes of the burned body was kept. (h) In a moment,] 1. Corinth. 15. 52.

The reasons why wee should bury the bodies of the Saints. CHAP. 12.

NOtwithstanding the bodies of the dead are not to be contemned and cast away, chieflie of the righteous and faithfull, which the holy ghost vsed as organs and instruments vnto all good workes. For if the garment or ring of ones father bee so much the more esteemed of his posteritie, by how much they held him dearer in their affection, then is not our bodies to be despised, being we weare them more neere vnto our selues then any attire whatsoeuer. For this is no part of externall (a) ornament or assistance vnto man, but of his expresse nature. And therefore the funeralls of the righteous in the times of old were performed with a zealous care, their burials celebrated, and their monuments prouided, and they themselues in their life time would lay char­ges vpon their children concerning the burying or translating of their bodies. (b) Tobye in burying of the dead was acceptable vnto God, as the Angell testi­fieth. T [...]. 2. And the Lord himselfe being to arise againe on the third day, commen­ded the good worke of that (c) religious woman, who powred the precious Math. 26. Iob. 19. 42 ointment vpon his head and body, and did it to bury him. And the (d) Gospell hath crowned them with eternall praise that tooke downe his body from the crosse, and gaue it honest and honorable buriall. But yet these authorities prooue not any sence to be in the dead carcases themselues, but signifie that [Page 23] the prouidence of God extendeth euen vnto the very bodies of the dead (for he is pleased with such good deedes) and do buildvp the beliefe of the resur­rection. Where by the way wee may learne this profitable lesson, how great the reward of almes-deeds done vnto the liuing, may be (e) since this dutie & fauour shewen but vnto the dead is not forgotten of God. There are other propheticall places of the holy (f) Patriarkes concerning the intombing or the translation of their owne bodies. But this is no place to handle them in, Gen. 47. &c. and of this wee haue already spoken sufficiently: but if the necessaries of mans life, as meate and clothing, though they bee wanting in great extremi­tie, yet cannot subuert the good mans patience, nor drawe him from good­nesse: how much lesse power shall those things haue which are omitted in the burying of the dead, to afflict the soules that are already at quiet in the secret receptacles of the righteous? And therefore, when as in that great ouer­throw of Rome, and of other Cities, the bodies of the Christians wanted these rights: it was neitheir fault in the liuing, that could not performe them, nor hurt to the dead, that could not feele them.

L. VIVES.

(a) ORnament] The Platonists held onely the soule to bee man, and the body to be but a case or couer vnto it, or rather a prison. But Augustine holdeth the surer opini­on, that the body is a part of the man. (b) Toby] Toby the 2. and 12. (c) The good worke of that religious] meaning Mary Magdalen. Math. 26. 10. & 12. (d) Gospell] Iohn the 19. 38. &c. meant of Ioseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus. (e) Since this] a draught of colde water giuen in the name of the Lord shall not want reward. Math. 10. 42. (f) Pa­triarches] Iacob at his death charged his sonne Ioseph to carry his body vnto the Sepul­cher of his elders, and not to leaue it in Aegipt, Genes. 47. 29. 30. And Ioseph himselfe commanded his brethren that they should remember, and tell their posteritie that when they went away into the land of promise, they should carry his bones thether with them. Genesis the last Chapter and 25. verse.

Of the captiuitie of the Saints, and that there­in they neuer wanted spiri­tuall comfort. CHAP. 13.

I, But many Christians (say they) were lead into captiuitie: This indeed had been a lamentable case, if they had been lead vnto some place where they could not possibly haue found their God. But for comforts in captiuity, the scriptures haue store: The (a) three children were in bondage: so was Daniel, so were (b) others of the Prophets: but they neuer wanted God, their com­forter. Dan. 1. No more did he here abandon his faithfull; being vnder the command of barbarous men, who forsooke not his (c) Prophet beeing euen in the bellie of a beast. This now they with whom wee are to deale, had rather scorne, then beleeue, yet of that fable in their owne bookes they are fully perswaded, name­ly that that same excellent harper (d) Arion of Methymna, beeing cast ouer [Page 24] boord, was taken vp on a Dolphins back, and so borne safe to land. Is our his­tory of Ionas more incredible then this? yes, because it is more (e) admirable; and it is more admirable, because more powerfull. Ionas 2.

L. VIVES.

THe (a) Three children] D [...]. 1. 6. Ananias, Azarias and Misael together with Dae­niell himselfe were prisoners in Babilon vnder Nabuchadnczzar. (b) Others of the Pro­phets] As Ieremy, Ezechiel, and others (c) Prophet] Meaning Ionas who was three daies in the Whales belly: a figure of Christ our Sauiours resurrection from death to life. (d) A­rion] The tale of Arion and the Dolphin is common amongst authors. Herodotus was the Arion. first that wrote it? Musar. lib. 1. After him Ouid in his Fastorum, and Pliny, lib. 9. Gellius, lib. 16. Aelian in his booke de animalibus and others: Arion was a harper in Nethyni [...] a towne of Lesbos, in the time of the seauen Sages of Greece: for Periander loued him deare­ly. (Some say he first inuented the Tragicke verse and the Chorus, and sung in Dithyram­biques:) This Arion returning out of Italy with great wealth, and perceiuing the saylers conspiring his destruction for his money, intreated them to take all he had and saue his life, which when he could not obtaine, hee begged leaue but to play a little vpon his harpe to comfort himselfe therewith against death, and vnto the sound of his instrument they say their gathered diuers Dolphins together, and Arion being skild in the nature of this fish, with his harpe and all as he was, leaped out of the shippe vpon one of their backes, who carried him safe and sound vnto Taenarus: where yet is seene the Image of a Dolphin swim­ing with a man vpon his backe. Pliny prooues by many examples that the Dolphin is a louer of man. (e) Admirable:] To be kept so long in the Whales guts.

Of Marcus Regulus, who was a famous example to animate all men to the en­during of vol [...]ntary captiuity for their religion: which notwith­standing, was vnprofitable vnto him by rea­son of his Paganisme. CHAP. 14.

YEt for all this our enemies haue one worthy exmaple proposed by one of their most famous men, for y willing toleration of bondagein the cause of religion: (a) Marcus Attilius Regulus, general of the Romanes forces was prisoner at Carthage: Now the Carthaginians being more desirous to exchange their prisoners then to keepe them, sent Regulus with their Embassadors to Rome to treat vpon this exchange, hauing first sworne him, that in case he effected not what they desired he should returne as captiue vnto Carthage, so he went vnto Rome, and hauing a day of audience granted him, hee perswaded the direct contrary vnto his ambassage: because he held it was not profitable for the Ro­mans to exchange their prisoners. Nor after this perswasiue speach did the Ro­maines compell him to returne vnto his enemies, but willingly did he go backe againe for sauing of his oth. But his cruell foes put him to death with horri­ble and exquisite torments: for shutting him (b) in a narrow barrell, strucken all full of sharpe nayles, and so forcing him to stand vpright, being not able to leane to any side without extreame paines, they killed him euen with ouer­watching him. This vertue in him is worthy of euerlasting praise, being made greater by so great infelicity. Now his oth of returne, was taken (c) by those [Page 25] gods for the neglect of whose forbidden worship those infidells hold these plagues laid vpon mankind. But if these gods (being worshipped onely for the attainement of temporall prosperity) either desired, or permitted these paines to be layd vpon one that kept his oth so truly, what greater plague could they in their most deserued wrath haue inflicted vpon a most periur'd villain then they laid vpon this religious worthy? but why do not I confirme mine (d) ar­gument with a double proo [...]e? If he worshipped his gods so sincerely, that for keeping the oth which he had taken by their deities, he would leaue his natu­rall country to returne (not vnto what place he liked, but) vnto his greatest e­nemies, if he held that religiousnesse of his any way beneficiall vnto his tem­porall estate, (which he ended in such horrible paines) hee was farre deceiued. For his example hath taught all the world that those Gods of his neuer fur­ther their worshippers in any prosperity of this life; since he that was so de­uout and dutifull a seruant of theirs, for all that they could doe, was conquered and led away captiue: Now if the worship of these Gods returne mens hap­pinesse in the life to come, why then do they callumniate the profession of the Christians, saying, that that misery fell vpon the citty, because it gaue ouer the worship of the old gods, when as were it neuer so vowed vnto their worship, yet might it tast of as much temporall misfortune as euer did Regulus: vnlesse any man will stand in such brainelesse blindnesse against the pure truth, as to say that a whole city duelie worshipping these Gods cannot bee miserable, when one onely man may, as though the gods power were of more hability and promptnesse to preserue generalls, then perticulars: (e) what? doth not euery multitude consist of singularities? If they say that Regulus euen in all that bondage and torment might neuerthelesse bee happie in the (f) vertue of his constant minde, then let vs rather follow the quest of that vertue by which an whole cittie may be made truely happy, for a citties happinesse and a particu­lar A Cittie. mans doe not arise from any seuerall heads: the cittie being nothing but a multitude of men vnited in one formality of religion and estate: wherefore as yet I call not Regulus his vertue into any question. It is now sufficient that his very example is of power to enforce them to confesse that the worship ex­hibited vnto the gods, aymes not any way at bodily prosperity, nor at things externally accident vnto man; because that Regulus chose rather to forge all these, then to offend his gods before whom hee had passed his oth. But what shall wee say to these men, that dare glorie that they had had one city of that quality whereof they feare to haue all the rest? If they haue no such feare, let them then acknowledge, that what befell Regulus, the same may befal an whole city, though their deuotion may paralell his in this worship of their gods; and therefore let them cease to slander the times of Christianity. But seeing that our question arose about the captiued Christians, let such as hereby take especiall occasion to deride and scorne that sauing religion, marke but this, & be silent: that if it were no disgrace vnto their gods, that one of their most zea­lous worshippers, by keeping his othe made vnto them, should bee neuerthe­lesse depriued of his country, and haue no place left him to retire to, but must perforce bee returned to his enemies, amongst whom he had already endured an hard and wretched captiuity, & was now lastly to taste of a tedious death, in most execrable, strange, and cruel torments: then far lesse cause is there to accuse the name of Christ for the captiuitie of his Saints, for that they, expec­ting [Page 26] the heauenly habitation in true faith, knew full well, that they were but pilgrims in their natiue soiles and (g) habitations here vpon earth, and subiect to all the miseries of mortalitie.

L. VIVES.

MArcus (a) Attilius Regulus] This is a famous history, and recorded by many. This Regulus in the first Carthaginian warre, was made Consull with Lucius Manlius Attilius Regulus. Uolsco: vnto which two the Affrican warre was committed: being the sole warre that the Romanes at that time waged: Regulus was the first Romane that euer lead armie ouer the Seas into Affricke, where hauing foiled the Carthaginians in many battailes hee droue them to seeke for helpe of Zanthippus of Lacedaemon, a singular and well practised captaine, by whose meanes the warre was renewed, and in a set fight the Romane army ouer-come, & Attilius Regulus taken by his enemies. Who hauing beene kept diuers yeeres prisoner in Carthage together with his fellow captiues, in the foureteenth yeare of the warre, and the 503. after the building of Rome, was sent Embassador to the Romanes about the exchang­ing of their prisoners: swearing vnto his enemies to returne vnlesse he attained the effect of his Embassage. Comming to Rome, and hauing a day of hearing appointed, the Consull desired him to ascend the Consuls seate, and thence to vtter his opinion of the Embassage; which he at first refused to vtter: but being commanded by the Senate to do it, he did so, and therevpon vtterly diswaded that which the Carthaginians desired; because the Cartha­ginian prisoners at Rome were young, and able for the warres, but the Romanes at Car­thage, old, past militarie vse, and not very needfull in counsell. To his opinion the whole Se­nate assented: Now hee himselfe, though hee were hindered by his children, kinsmen, ser­uants, countrimen, familiars, clients, and the most part of the people, yet would not stay, but needes would goe to discharge his othe which he had sworne to his enemies, although hee knew that the Affricans would hate him deadly, and so put him to death with some cruell torture or other. So returning vnto Carthage, and declaring the effect of his embassage, he was put to death indeed with strange and intollerable torments. (b) In a narrow barrell] some relate it in another manner, but all agree that hee was ouer-watched vnto death. (c) By the gods] It had beene more significantly spoken, to haue said by those gods, &c. with an emphasis. (d) Argument with a double proofe,] It is a Dilemma: If man receiue the rewarde following the due worship of those gods in this life, why perished Regulus, being so deuout in that kinde? if he haue it not vntill after this life, why do they as whip­pers expect the prosperous estate of this life from them? (e) What doth not each multi­tude] How then can the multitude bee happy, when euery particular man is miserable? (f) Uertue of his minde] So holds Tully in many places, Seneca also, and all learned and wise men, speaking of Regulus. (g) Habitations,] meaning these earthly ones.

Whether the Taxes that the holy Virgins suffered against their wills in their captiuities, could pollute the vertues of their minde. CHAP. 15.

O But they thinke they giue the Christians a foule blow, when they aggra­uate the disgrace of their captiuitie, by vrging the rapes which were wrought not onely vpon maried and mariageable persons, but euen vpon some Votaresses also: Here are wee not to speake of faith, or godlinesse, or of the vertue of chastitie, but our discourse must runne a narrow course, (a) betwixt [Page 27] shame and reason. (b) Nor care wee so much to giue an answer vnto stran­gers in this, as to minister comfort vnto our fellow Christians. Bee this therefore granted as our first position, that that power by which man liueth well, resting enthroned, and established in the minde, commands euery mem­ber of the body, and the body is sanctified by the sanctification of the will: which sactimonie of the will, if it remaine firme and inuiolate, what way The will sanctifies the body. soeuer the body bee disposed of or abused, (if the partie enduring this abuse cannot auoide it (d) without an expresse offence) this sufferance layeth no crime vpon the soule. But because euery body is subiect to suffer the effects both of the furie, and the lusts of him that subdueth it that which it suffereth in this latter kinde, though it bee not a destroyer of ones chastitie, yet is it a procurer of ones shame: Because otherwise, it might bee thought, that that was suffered with the consent of the minde, which it may bee could not bee suffered without some delight of the flesh: And therefore as for those, who to auoide this did voluntarily destroy themselues, what humaine heart can choose but pittie them? yet as touching such as would not doe so, fear­ing by auoyding others villanie, to incurre their owne damnation, hee that imputes this as a fault vnto them, is not vnguiltie of the faulte of folly.

L. VIVES.

BEtweene (a) shame and reason] for shame saith that the very violation of the body is to bee called euill; but Reason denyes it. (b) Nor care we] This we will speake as a comforting vnto our Christian women that endured these violences. (c) In the minde] The Platonists place the soule and hir powers in the head, as in a Tower, sitting there, as the commander of our actions, and the ouer-seer of our labours, as Claudian saith. (d) Without sinne,] for if wee can auoyde it without sinne, we ought to endeuour this auoydance with all our powers.

Of such as chose a voluntary death, to auoyde the feare of paine and dishonour. CHAP. 16.

FOR if it bee not lawfull for a priuate man to kill any man, how euer guil­tie, vnlesse the lawe haue granted a speciall allowance for it, then surely whosoeuer killes himselfe is guiltie of homicide: And so much the more guil­tie doth that killing of himselfe make himselfe, by how much the more guilt­lesse hee was in that cause for which hee killd himselfe. For if Iudas (a) his fact be worthily detested, and yet the Truth (b) saith, that by hanging of Math. 27. himselfe, hee did rather augment then expiate the guilt of his wicked trea­cherie, because his despaire of Gods mercy in his (c) damnable repen­tance, left no place in his soule for sauing repentance; how much more ought he to forbeare from being cause of his owne death, that hath no guilt in him worthy of such a punishment as death: for Iudas in hanging himselfe, hanged but a wicked man and dyed guiltie, not onely of Christs death, but [Page 28] of his owne also: adding the wickednesse of being his owne death, to that o­ther wickednesse of his, for which he dyed.

L. VIVES.

IUdas (a) his fact] which no man but hath heard out of the Gospell. (b) Truth saith] Peter in the first of the Actes affirmes, that hee did wickedly and vngodlyly both in be­traying of his Lord, and in hanging of himselfe. (c) Damnable repentance] For he repen­ted indeed, but so, as hee despaired of being euer able to repent sufficiently for so great a villanie.

Of the violent lust of the Souldiers, executed vpon the bodies of the captiues; against their consents. CHAP. 17.

BVt why should he that hath done no man euill, do himselfe euill, and by de­stroying himselfe, destroy an innocent man, for feare to suffer iniurie by the guilte of another, and procure a sinne vnto himselfe, by auoiding the sinne of another? O but his feare is, to be defiled by anothers lust! tush, anothers lust cannot pollute thee; if it doe, it is not anothers but thine owne. But chasti­tie being a vertue of the minde, and (a) accompanied with fortitude, by which it learnes rather to endure all euills, then consent to any, and (b) no man of this fortitude and chastitie, being able to dispose of his body as he list, but one­ly of the consent and dissent of his minde; what man of witte will thinke hee looseth his chastity, though his captiued body be forcedly prostitute vnto ano­thers beastialitie? If chastitie were lost thus easilie, it were no vertue of the minde; nor one of (c) those goods, whereby a man liues in goodnesse; but were to be reckoned amongst the goods of the body, with strength, beautie, health, and such like: (d) which if a man do decrease in, yet it doth not follow that he decreaseth in his vprightnesse of life: but if chastitie be of (e) another kinde, why should we endanger our bodies to no end, which feare to loose it? for if it be (f) a good, belonging to the mind, it is not lost though the body be violated. Moreouer it is the vertue of holy continencie, that when it with­stands the pollution of carnall concupiscence, thereby it sanctifies euen the body also: and therefore when the intention stands firme, and giues no way to vicious affects, the chastitie of the body (g) is not lost, because the will re­maines still in the holy vse, and in the power too, as farre as it can. For the body is not holy in that it is whole, or vntouched in euery member, for it may be hurt and wounded by many other casualties: And the Physitian of­tentimes for the preseruation of the health, doth that vnto the body which the eye abhorres to beholde. (h) A Midwife trying a certaine maides inte­gretie of the Virginall part, (whether for malice, or by chance, it is vncer­taine) spoiled it. Now I thinke none so foolish as to thinke that this virgin lost any part of her bodily sanctitie, though that part endured this breach of integritie. And therefore the intent of the minde standing firme, (which firm­nesse it is that sanctifies the body) the violence of anothers lust cannot depriue so much as the (i) body of this sanctity, because the perseuerance of the minde [Page 29] in continency euer preserueth it. But shall we say that any woman whose cor­rupt minde hath broken her promise vnto God, and yeelded her self willingly to the lust of her deceiuer, (though but in purpose,) is as yet holy in her bodie, when she hath lost that holinesse of minde which sanctified her body? God forbid. And heere let vs learne, that the sanctity of bodie is no more lost, if the sanctity of minde remaine, (though the bodie bee rauished) then it is kept, if the mindes holinesse bee polluted, though the bodie it selfe bee vn­touched. Wherefore if there bee no reason, that a woman that hath alrea­die suffred an others villanie against her owne will, should destroy her selfe by voluntary death, how much lesse ought this course to bee followed before there bee any cause? and why should murder bee committed, when the guilt which is feared (beeing feared from another) is as yet in doubt of euent? Dare they (against whom wee defend the sanctity not onely of the Christian womens mindes, but euen of their bodies in this last captiuitie) contradict this cleere reason, wherein we affirme, that whilest the chast resolution is vn­changed by any euill consent, the guilt is wholy the rauishers, and no part of it imputable vnto the rauished?

L. VIVES.

ACcompanied (a) With fortitude] For the vertues are all combined togither as the Philosophers teach. But there are some more peculiarly cohaerent then other some. (b) No man of this fortitude] Herevpon Plutarch (as I remember) affirmes out of Menan­der that it is not the part of a valiant and complete man to say I will not suffer this, but, I will not doe this. (c) Those goods] The vertues: for the Platonistis, and the Peripatetike Philosophers diuide al goods into three sorts: mentall, bodily, and fortunes, or externall. (d) Which if a man] This is the Platonistis and Peripatetikes opinion as well as the Stoikes: who Three sorts of good. held, that bodily and externall goods might haue reference vnto beatitude, but none at all vnto a good and sanctified life. (e) Another kinde] If it bee but a bodily good, it is not of such worth as we should loose the whole body for it: for the body is of more worth then it, if it be but such. (f) The body bee violated] So did Brutus and Collatinus comfort sor­rowfull Lucretia, (of whom the next Chapter treateth) by turning the guilt of the falte from her that was offended, vpon the author of the fact: neither the minde sinneth (sayth Liuy) nor the body: and where consent wanted, guilt wanteth also. And the Nurse in Se­neca's Hippolitus saith: the minde inferreth loosenesse, tis not chance. (g) Is not lost] The bodies chastitie flowes from that of the minde, (h) A midwife] Hee seemes to relate a thing done, because hee sayth A certaine maidens &c. (i) So much as the body] How simply was that spoken either of Brutus, or Liuy (both being wise and iudicious men) speaking of the bloud of Lucretia being then newly slaine. I sweare by this bloud, most chaste before this Kings villany: as though after his villany it were not as chaste still, if her minde were not touched with lust, as they hold it was not.

Of Lucretia, that stabb'd her selfe because Tarquins sonne had rauished her. CHAP. 18.

THey extoll (a) Lucretia, that Noble and ancient Matron of Rome, with al the laudes of chastity. This woman, hauing her body forcibly abused by Sextus [Page 30] Tarquinius son to Tarquin the proud, shee reuealed this villany of the dissolute youth vnto her husband Collatinus, and to Brutus her kinsman, (both Noble and valorous men) binding them by oth, to (b) reuenge this wicked outrage. And then, loathing the foulnesse of the fact that had beene committed vpon her, she slew her selfe. What? shall we say she was an adulteresse, or was shee chast? who will stand long in desciding this question. (c) One, declaming sin­gularly well and truely hereof, saith thus: O wonder! there were two, and yet but one committed the adultery: worthyly and rarely spoken: Intimating in this commixtion, the spotted lust of the one, and the chast will of the other; and gathering his position, not from their bodily coniunction, but from the di­uersity of their mindes, There were two (sayth hee) yet but one committed the a­dultry. But what was that then which shee punished so cruelly, hauing not committed any falt? (d) He was but chased out of his country, but shee was slaine: if it were no vnchastenesse in her to suffer the rape vnwillingly, it was no iustice in her being chaste, to make away her selfe willingly. I appeale to you, you lawes, & Iudges of Rome. After any offence be committed, you wil not haue (e) the offender put to death without his sentence of condemnation. Sup­pose then this case brought before you, and that your iudgement was, that the slaine woman was not onely vncondemned, but chaste, vnguilty, and innocent; would you not punish the doer of this deed with full seuerity? This deed did Lucretia, that so famous Lucretia: this Lucretia being innocent, chaste, and forcibly wronged, euen by (f) Lucretia's selfe, was murdered: Now giue your sentence. But if you cannot, because the offender is absent, why th [...]n doe you so extoll the murder of so chaste and guiltlesse a woman? you cannot defend her before the infernall iudges, at any hand, if they be such as your Poets in their verses decipher them: for according to their iudgement, she is (g) to be placed amongst those.

—Qui sibi lethum,
Insontes peperēre manu, lacem (que) perosi
[...]. [...].
Proiecêre animas—
That (guiltlesse) spoiled themselues through black despight:
And threw their soules to hell, through hate of light:

Whence if she now would gladly returne—

Fat [...] obstant, tristi (que) palus innabilis vnda
Alligat.—
Fate, and deepe [...]ennes forbids their passage thence,
And Stix—&c.

But how if shee be not amongst them, as not dying guiltlesse, but as beeing priuy to her owne sinne? what if it were so (h) which none could know but her selfe, that though Tarquinius son offred her force, yet she her self gaue a lustfull consent, & [...] did so greeue at that, that she held it worthy to be punished with death? Though she ought not to haue done so, howsoeuer if she thought her repentance could be any way accepted of a sort of false gods.) If it be so, & that it be false that there were two & but one did the sin, but rather that both were guilty of it, the one by a violent enforcement, the other by a secret consent, then shee died not innocent: And therefore (i) her learned de­fenders may well say, that shee is not in hell amongst those that de­stroyed [Page 31] them-selues beeing guiltlesse. But this case is in such a strait, that if the murder be extenuated, the adultery is confirmed, and if this bee cleared the other is agrauated: Nor (k) is there any way out of this argument: If she be an adulteresse, why is shee commended? If shee bee chaste why did shee kill her selfe? But in this example of this noble woman, this is sufficient for vs to con­fute those that beeing them-selues farre from all thought of sanctitie insult o­uer the Christian women that were forced in this last captiuity: that in Lucre­cia's praise, it is said that There were two, and but one committed adultery. For they then held Lucrecia for one that could not staine her selfe with any la­sciu [...]ous consent. Well then in killing her selfe for suffering vncleanesse, be­ing hir selfe vnpolluted, she shewed no loue vnto chastitie, but onely disco­uered the infirmity of her owne shame: he shamed at the filthinesse that was committed vppon hir, though it were (l) without her consent: and (m) being a Romain, and coueteous of glory, she feared, that (n) if she liued stil, that which shee had indured by violence; should be thought to haue been suffered with willingnesse. And therfore she thought good to shew this punishment to the eies of men, as a testimony of hir mind, vnto whome shee could not shew her minde indeed: Blushing to be held a partaker in the fact, which beeing by ano­ther committed so filthyly, she had indured so vnwillingly. Now this course the Christian women did not take; they liue still, howsoeuer violated: neither for all this reuenge they the ruines of others vppon them-selues, least they should make an addition of their owne guilt vnto the others, if they should go and murder them-selues barbarously, because their enemies had forst them so beastially. For howsoeuer, they haue the glory of their chastity stil within them (o) being the restimony of their conscience, this they haue before the eies of their God, and this is all they care for (hauing no more to looke to but to do wel that they decline not from the authority of the law diuine, in any finister indeauour to auoid the offence of mortall mans suspition.

L. VIVES.

(a) LVcretia] This history of Lucretia is common, though Dionisius relate it some-what differing from Liuie; they agree in the summe of the matter (b) Reuenge] so sayth Liuie in his person. But giue me your right hands and faiths, to inflict iust reuenge vppon the adulterer: and they all in order gaue her their faiths. (c) One declaming] Who this was I Virgil once pleaded. [] Al this is left out of ye Paris edition. haue not yet read: One Glosse saith it was Virgil, as hee found recorded by a great schol­ler and one that had read much. But Uirgil neuer was declamer: nor euer pleaded in cause but one, and that but once: perhaps that great reader imagined that one to bee this, which indeed was neuer extant. [Which he might the better doe, becasue he had read such store of histories: and better yet, if he were Licentiat, or Doctor] (d) He was chased] Tarquin the King, and all his ofspring were chased out of the Cittie: of this in the third book: (e) The of­fender] The man­ner of iudgement in matter of a Ro­mains life and death. Cicero saith that touching a Romains life there was a decree yt no Iudgement should passe vpon it, without the assent of the whole people, in the great Comitia, or Parliaments, called Centuriata. The forme and manner of which iudgement he sets down in his oration for his house; and so doth Plutarch in the Gracchi. (f) Lucretia her selfe] which aggrauats the fact: done by Lucretia, a noble and worthy matron of the Citty. (g) Placed amongst these] Uirgil in the 6. of his Aeneads diuides Hell into nine circles, and of the third hee Hels nine circles. speaketh thus.

[Page 32]
Proxima deinde tenent maesti loca, qui sibi lethum
Insontes peperere manu, lucem (que) perosi
Proiecere animas; quam vellent athere in alto
Nunc & pauperiem, & dur [...]s perferre labores?
Fata obstant, tristi (que) palus innabilis vnda
Alligat & nouies Styx interfusa coercet.

In english thus.

In the succeeding round of woe they dwell
That (guiltlesse) spoild them-selues through blacke despight,
And cast their soules away through hate of light:
O now they wish they might returne, t' abide
Extremest need, and sharpest toile beside:
But fate and deepes forbid their passage thence
And Styx, that nine times cuttes those groundlesse fennes.

(h) Which none could know] For who can tell whether shee gaue consent by the touch of It is a Lite­rats [...], in the text of al editions that I find. some incited pleasure? (i) Hir learned defenders] * It is better to read her learned defen­ders, or her not vnlearned defenders, then her vnlearned defenders, as some copies haue it. (k) Is there any way] It is a Dilemma, If shee were an adulteresse, why is she commended? if chaste, why murdered? The old Rethoricians vsed to dissolue this kinde of Argument either by ouerthrowing one of the parts, or by retorting it, called in greeke [...], a Antistrophe. conuersion, or retortion: Examples there are diuers in Cicero de Rethorica. Now Au­gustine saith, that this conclusion is inextricable & vnavoidable by either way. (l) Without The Ro­maine gree­dy of praise her consent] For shee abhorred to consent vnto this act of lust. (m) A Romaine] The Ro­maine Nation were alwaies most greedy of glory, of whom it is said:

Vincet amor patriae, laudum (que) immensa cupido.
Their countries loue & boundles this of glory
. Will conquer, &c.

And Ouid saith of Lucrece, in his Fasti:

Succubuit famae victa puella metu:
Conquer'd with feare to loose her fame, she fell.

(n) If she liued] after this vncleanesse committed vpon hir. (o) Being the testimony] for our glory is this (saith Saint Paul 2. Cor. I. 12.) the testimony of our consciences: And this the Stoikes and all the heathenish wise men haue euer taught.

That there is no authority which allowes Christians to be their owne deaths in what cause soeuer CHAP. 19.

FOr it is not for nothing that wee neuer finde it commended in the holy ca­nonicall Scriptures (or but allowed) that either for attaining of immorta­litie, or auoyding of calamitie, wee should bee our owne destructions: we are forbidden it in the law: Thou shalt not kill: especially because it addes not, Thy [...]. neighbour; as it doth in the pohibition of false witnesse. Thou shalt not beare false witnesse against thy neighbour: Yet let no man thinke that he is free of this later crime, if he beare false witnesse against him-selfe: because hee that loues his neighbour, begins his loue from him-selfe: Seeing it is written: Thou shalt [Page 33] loue thy neighbour as thy selfe. Now if hee bee no lesse guiltlesse of false Math. 2 [...]. witnesse that testifieth falsely against him-selfe, then hee that doth so against his neighbour (since that in that commandement, wherein false witnesse is forbidden, it is forbidden to be practised against ones neighbor, whence mis­vnderstanding conceits may suppose that it is not forbiddē to beare false wit­nesse against ones selfe) how much plainer is it to bee vnderstood, that a man may not kill him-selfe, seeing that vnto the commandement (Thou shalt not kil) nothing being added, excludes al exception both of others, & of him to whom the command is giuen? And therefore some would extend the intent of this precept, euen vnto beasts and cattell, and would haue it vnlawfull to kill any of them. But why not vnto hearbes also, and all things that grow and are nou­rished by the earth? for though these kindes cannot bee said to haue (a) sence or feeling, yet they are said to be liuing: and therfore they may die; and conse­quently by violent vsage be killed. VVherfore the Apostle speaking of these kinde of seedes, saith thus. Foole, that which thou sowest, is not quickened, except (first) it die. And the Psalmist saith: He destrored their vines with baile: but what? 1. Cor, 12. 36. Psal. 78. 47. Shall wee therefore thinke it sinne to cutte vp a twigge, because the com­mandement sayes, thou shalt not kill, and so involue our selues in the foule er­ror of the Manichees? VVherefore setting aside these dotages, when we read this precept: Thou shalt not kill; If wee hold it not to bee meant of fruites or trees, because they are not sensitiue; nor of vnreasonable creatures, either go­ing, flying, swimming or creeping, because they haue no society with vs in reason, which God the Creator hath not made common both to them and vs; and therefore by his iust ordinance, their deaths and liues are both most ser­uiceable and vse-full vnto vs; then it followes necessarily, that thou shalt not kil, is meant only ofmen: Thou shalt not kill, namely, Neither thy self, or another. For he that kils him-selfe, kils no other but a man.

L. VIVES.

TO haue (a) sence] Aristotle saith that plants are animate, and liuing creatures, but That plants are ani [...]ate or liuing creatures. yet not sensitiue. But Plato being of Empedocles his opinion, holds them both liuing and sensitiue: Either may be: they may die because they do liue, howsoeuer.

Of some sort of killing men, which notwith­standing are no murthers. CHAP. 20.

Indeed the authority of the law diuine hath sette downe some exceptions wherein it is lawfull to kill a man. But excepting those whome God com­maundes to bee slayne, either by his expresse law, or by some particular com­maund vnto any person by any temporall occasion (and hee committeth not homicide that owes his seruice vnto him that commaundeth him, beeing but as the sword is a helpe to him that vseth it. And therefore those men do not breake the commandement which forbiddeth killing, who doe make warre by [Page 34] the authority of (a) Gods commaund, or beeing in some place of publike ma­gistracie, do putte to death malefactors according to their lawes, that is, ac­cording to the rule of iustice and reason. Abraham was not onely freed from beeing blamed as a murtherer, but he was also commended as a godly man in Abraham that hee would haue killed his sonne Isaack, not in wickednesse, but in obedi­ence. And it is a doubtfull question, whether it bee to bee held as a command from God that (b) Iepthe killed his daughter that met him in his returne, seeing Gen. 22. Iudge. 11. 30. 31. that he had vowed to sacrifice the first liuing thing that came out of his house to meete him, when hee returned conqueror from the warres. (c) Nor could Sampson be excused pulling downe the house vpon him-selfe and his enemies, but that the spirit within him, which wrought miracles by him, did prompt him vnto this act. Those therfore beeing excepted, which either the iustice of the law, or the fountaine of all iustice, Gods particular commaund, would haue killed; he that killeth either himself, or any other, incurreth the guilt of a homicide.

L. VIVES.

AVthority (a) of Gods command] As the Iewes did: they waged warres, but it was by Gods expresse command. [But if they were counted godly yt to please God (though [] This is lefte out in the edition of Paris. against natural humanitie afflicted) his enemies with war and slaughter: truly then cannot we butbe held the most vngodly of ye world that butcher vp so many thousand Christians against the expresse will of God] (b) Iepthe] Iudges the 11. Chapt. Verse 31. Whose fact was like that, which the Tragedians write of Agamemnon, who sacrificed his daughter Iphigenia vnto Diana at Aulis. Many reproue this sacrifice of Iephte: for his vowe was to bee interpreted, as ment of those things, which were accustomed to be offred with Gods Agamem­non. good pleasure: and so was that of Agamemnons to haue bene construed also. (c) Nor could Sampson] Iudges the 16. chapter and the 30. verse.

That voluntary death can neuer be any signe of magnanimity, or greatnes of spirit. CHAP 21.

WHo soeuer haue committed this homicide vppon them-selues, may (per­haps) bee commended of some for their greatnesse of spirit, but neuer for their soundnesse of iudgement. But indeed if you looke a little deeper in­to the matter, it cannot bee rightly termed magnanimitie, when a man beeing vnable to indure either casuall miseries, or others oppressions (to auoid them) destroyeth him-selfe. For that minde discouereth it selfe to bee of the greatest infirmitie, that can neither indure hard bondage in his bodie, or the fond opinion of the vulgar: and worthily is that spirit entitled great, that can rather indure calamities then auoyde them: And in respect of their owne purity and inlightned conscience, can sette at naught the triuiall censures of mortall men (a) which are most commonly enclowded in a mist of ignorance and errour. If wee shall thinke it a part of magnanimity to putte a mans selfe to death, then is (b) Cleombrotus. most worthie of this magnanimous title, who hauing read Platoes [Page 35] booke of the immortality of the soule, cast himself headlong from the toppe of a wall, and so leauing this life, went vnto another which hee beleeued was bet­ter. For neither calamity, nor guiltinesse, either true or false, vrged him to a­voide it by destroying himselfe, but his great spirit alone was sufficient to make him catch at his death, and breake all the pleasing fetters of this life. Which deed notwithstanding, that it was rather great, then good, Plato him­selfe, whom he read, might haue assured him: who (be sure) would haue done it, or taught it himselfe, if he had not discerned by the same instinct whereby he discerned the soules eternity, that this was at no hand to bee practised, but rather vtterly (c) prohibited.

L. VIVES.

VVHich (a) Are indeed] The ancient wise men were euer wont to call the people the great Maister of Error. (b) Cleombrotus] This was the Ambraciot, who hauing The people hovv stiled. read Plato's dialogue called Phaedo of the immortality of the soule, that hee might leaue this life, (which is but as a death,) and passe vnto immortality, threw himselfe ouer a wall into the sea, without any other cause in the world. Of him did Callimachus make an epi­grame in Greeke, and in Latine, I haue seene it thus.

Vita vale, muro praeceps delapsus ab alto,
Dixisti moriens Ambraciota puer:
Nullum in morte malum credens; sed scripta Platonis
Non ita erant animo percipienda tuo.
When Cleombrotus from the turret threw
Himselfe to death, he cried, new life, adue:
Holding death, hurtlesse: But graue Plato's sense.
He should haue read with no such reference.

There was also another Cleombrotus, King of Lacedaemon, whom Epaminondas the The­bane ouercame. (c) Rather vtterly prohibited] For in the beginning of his Phaedo, hee saith it is wickednesse for a man to kill himselfe: and that God is angred at such a fact, like the maister of a family, when any of his slaues haue killed themselues: and in many other pla­ces, he saith that without Gods command, no man ought to leaue this life. For here we are all as in a set front of battell, euery one placed, as God our Emperor and Generall pleaseth to appoint vs: and greater is his punishment that forsaketh his life, then his that forsaketh his colours.

Of Cato, who killed himselfe, being not able to endure Caesars victory. CHAP. 22.

BVt many haue killed themselues for feare to fal into the hands of their foes. We dispute not here de facto, whether it hath been done or no, but de Iure, whether it were to be done or no. For soūd reason is before example, al autho­rities Reason a­boue exam­ples. to the contrary, as wherevnto all examples do consent, being such as by their excellence in goodnesse are worthily imitable: neither Patriarch, Prophet nor Apostle euer did this: yet our Lord Iesus Christ, when hee admonished his disciples, in persecution to flie from city to city, might haue willed them in such cases to make a present dispatch of themselues, and so to avoide their Math. 10. 23. [Page 36] persecutors (hadd hee held it fitte.) But if hee neuer gaue any such admoni­tion, or command, that any to whome hee promised a mansion of eternity at their deaths, should passe vnto their deaths on this fashion; (lette then the hea­then that know not God produce al they can) it is plainly vnlawful for any one than serueth the onely true God to follow this course: But indeed besides Lu­ [...]ia (of whome I think we haue sufficiently argued before) it is hard for Cap. 19. them to find one other example, worth prescribing as a fitte authority for o­thers to follow, besides that (a) Cato only that killed him-selfe at Vtica: (b) not that hee alone was his owne deaths-man but because he was accounted as a (c) learned, and (d) honest man, which may beget a beleefe, that to do as hee didde, were to doe well. VVhat should I say of his fact more then his friendes (and (e) some of them learned men) haue said? who shewed far more iudgement in disswading the deed, and censuring it as the effect of a spirit rather deiected, then magnanimous. And of this (f) did Cato him-selfe leaue a testimony in his owne famous Sonne. For if it were base to liue vnder Caesars victory: why did he aduise his son to this, willing him to entertaine a full hope of Caesars clemency? Yea why did he not vrge him to go willingly to his end with him? If it were laudable in Torquatus (g) to kill his sonne that hadde fought and foyled his enemy: (though herein he had broken the Dictators commaund) why didde conquered Cato spare his ouerthrowne sonne, that spared not him-selfe? VVas it more vile to bee a conquerour agaynst lawe, then to indure a conquerour against honour? What shall wee saie then, but that euen in the same measure that hee loued his sonne, whome hee both hoped and wished that Caesar woulde spare, in the same didde hee enuy Caesars glory, which hee (h) should haue gotten in sparing of him also, or else (to mollifie this matter som-what) he was ashamed to receiue such courtesie at Caesars hands.

L. VIVES.

THat (a) Cato] The Catoe's were of the Portian family, arising from Tusculum a towne The Ca­ [...]. of the Latines. The first of this stocke that was called Cato (that is wise and wary) was Marcus Portius, a man of meane discent, but attaining to all the honours of Consull, Censor, and of Triumph. His nephewes sonne was Marcus Portius Cato, both of them were great and (yet) innocent men. The first was called Maior, or the Elder, the later Mi­nor, or the younger. The younger beeing a Leader in the ciuill wars of Pompey tooke his (that was, the common weales and the liberties) part, against the vsurparion of Caius Cae­sar: Now Pompey beeing ouercome by Caesar at Pharsalia, and Scipio Metellus (Pompey his father in law) in Affrica, this Cato seeing his faction subuerted, and Caesar beare al down before him, being retyred vnto Vtica (a Citty in Affrike) and reading Platoe's Phaed [...] twise ouer together, the same night thrust him-selfe through with his sword. (b) Not be­cause he alone] No, for many in other warres had slaine them-selues, least they should fall into the hand of the enemie: and in this same warre, so did Scipio Metellus, Afranius & King Iuba (c) Learned] A stoyke and excellently skill'd in the wisdom of the Greeks (d) Ho­nest] the wisdom and innocencie that was in both these Catoes grew into a prouerb: and The in [...] ­grity of the C [...]es. hereof saith I [...]all.

T [...]rtius [...] Caelo cecidit Cato.
Now Heauen hath giuen vs a third Cat [...].

[Page 37] Velleius Paterculus writing vnto Uinicius, thus describeth this Cato. Hee was descen­ded from Marcus Cato that head of the Porcian family (who was his great grandfather) hee was a man like vertues selfe, and rather of diuine then humane capacity: hee neuer did good that he cared should be noted: but because hee could not doe any thing but good, as holding that onely reasonable which was iust: free was hee from all the corruptions of man, and euermore swayed his owne fortune to his owne liking, Thus farre Uelleius: to omit the great testimo­nies of Seneca, Lucane, Tully, Saluste and others, of this worthy man. (e) some of them lear­ned] It is recorded that Apollonides the Stoike, Demetrius the Peripatetike, and Cleanthes the Phisicion were then at Utica with Cato. For he loued much the company of the Greeke Philosophers, and his great grand-father neuer hated them so much as he respected them. And vpon the night that he slew himselfe on (saith Plutarch) at supper there arose a dispu­tation about such things as really concerne the liberty of a man: wherein, Demetrius spoke many things against Cato's constant assertions of the praise of such as killed themselues; which indeed was so vehement, that it begot a suspicion in them all, that hee would follow the same course himselfe, (f) This did Cato himselfe] Plutarch writeth that when Cato Cato his sonne. came to Vtica, he sent away his followers by shipping, and earnestly preswaded his sonne to goe with them, but could not force him to forsake his father. This sonne of his, Caesar af­terwardes pardoned, as Liuy saith lib. 114. and Caesar himselfe in his Commentaries of the African warre. Hee was (as Plutarch saith in his fathers life) much giuen to venerie, but in the battaile of Phillipi, fighting valiantly on his cozen Brutus his side for his countries free­dome hee was slaine, scorning to leaue the fight, when the chiefest captaines fled. (g) to kill his sonne] Titus Manlius Torquatus made his sonnes head bee cut off for fighting contrary Ma [...]. Torquat [...]. to the edict, though he returned with victory, But of this else-where. (h) should haue gotten by sparing of him] Commonly knowne is that saying of Caesar to him that brought newes of Cato's death: Cato, I enuy thy glory, for thou enuiedst mine, and would not haue it reckoned amongst mine other famous actes, that I saued Cato. Caesar wrote two bookes called Anti­catones, against Cato, as Cicero and Suetonius testifie. The Cardinall of Liege told mee that he saw them both in a certaine old librarie at Liege, and that hee would see they should bee sent me, which if he do, I will not defraud the learned of their vse and publication.

That the Christians excell Regulus in that vertue, wherein he excelled most. CHAP. 23.

BVt those whom we oppose will not haue their Cato excelled by our Iob, that holy man, who choose rather to endure all them horrible torments (a) in his flesh, then by aduenturing vpon death to auoide all those vexations: and other Saints of high credit and vndoubted faith in our scriptures, all which made choyce rather to endure the tirany of their enemies, then bee their owne butchers. But now we will prooue out of their owne records that Re­gulus was Cato's better in this glory. For Cato neuer ouer-came Caesar, vnto whom he scorned to be subiect, and chose to murder himselfe rather then bee seruant vnto him: But Regulus ouer-came the Africans, and in his generallship, returned with diuers noble victories vnto the Romanes, neuer with any nota­ble losse of his Citizens, but alwaies of his foes: and yet being afterwards con­quered by them, hee resolued rather to endure slauery vnder them, then by death to free himselfe from them. And therein hee both preserued his paci­encie vnder the Carthaginians, and his constancy vnto the Romanes, neither de­priuing the enemy of his conquered body, nor his countrymen of his vncon­quered minde: Neither was it the loue of this life, that kept him from death. [Page 38] This hee gaue good proofe of, when without dread, hee returned back vnto his foes, to whō he had giuen worse cause of offence in the Senate-house with his tongue then euer he had done before in the battaile with his force: & there­fore this so great a conqueror and contemner of this life, who had rather that his foes should take it from him by any torments, then that hee should giue death to himselfe, howsoeuer, must needes hold, that it was a foule guilt for man to bee his owne murderer. Rome amongst all her worthies, and e­ternized spirits, cannot shew one better then hee was, for hee, for all his great victories, continued (b) most poore: nor could mishap amate him: for with a fixt resolue and an vndanted courage returned he vnto his deadliest enemies. Now, if those magnanimous and heroicall defenders of their earthly habi­tacles, and those true and sound seruants of their (indeede false gods (who had power to cut downe their conquered foes by lawe of armes) seeing them­selues afterwardes to bee conquered of their foes, neuerthelesse would not be their owne butchers, but although they feared not death at al, yet would ra­ther endure to bee slaues to their foes superiority, then to bee their owne ex­ecutioners: How much more then should the Christians, that adore the true God, and ayme wholie at the eternall dwellings, restraine themselues from this foule wickednesse, whensoeuer it pleaseth God to expose them for a time to taste of temporall extremities, either for their triall, or for correction sake, seeing that hee neuer forsaketh them in their humiliation, for whom hee being most high, humbled himselfe so low: (e) especially beeing that they are persons whom no lawes of armes or military power can allowe to destroy the conquered enemies?

L. VIVES.

IN (a) his flesh] For hee was afflicted with a sore kinde of vlcere. (b) Most poore] Liuy in his eighteene booke, and Valerius in his examples of pouerty write this: When Attilius knew that his generallship was prolonged another yeare more, hee wrote to the Senate to haue Attilius his pouerty. them send one to supply his place: His chiefe reason why hee would resigne his charge was, be­cause his seauen acres of ground (beeing all the land hee had) was spoyled by the hired souldiers: which if it continued so, his wife and children could not haue whereon to liue. So the Senate (gi­uing the charge of this vnto the Aediles) looked better euer after vnto Attilius his patrimony. (c) Especialy being that they] He makes fighting as far from Christian piety, as religious hu­manity is from barbarous inhumanity.

That sinne is not to be auoided by sinne. CHAP. 24.

VVHat a pernicious error then is heere crept into the world, that a man should kill himselfe, because either his enemy had iniured him, or means to iniure him? whereas hee may not kill his enemy, whether hee haue offen­ded him, or bee about to offend him? This is rather to bee feared indeede, that the bodie, beeing subiect vnto the enemies lust, with touch of some [Page 39] enticing delight do not allure the will to consent to this impurity: And there­fore (say they) it is not because of anothers guilt, but for feare of ones owne, that such men ought to kill themselues before sinne be committed vpon them. Nay, the minde that is more truly subiect vnto God and his wisdome, then vnto carnall concupiscence will neuer be brought to yeeld vnto the lust of the owne flesh be it neuer so prouoked by the lust of anothers: But if it be a damnable fact, and a detestable wickednesse to kill ones selfe at all, (as the truth in plaine tearmes saith it is) what man will bee so fond as to say, let vs sinne now, least we sinne hereafter? let vs commit murder now, least wee fall into adul­tery hereafter? If wickednesse be so predominant in such an one, as hee or shee will not chuse rather to suffer in innocence than to escape by guilt: is it not bet­ter to aduenture on the vncertainety of the future adultery, then the certainety of the present murder? is it not better to commit such a sinne as repentance may purge, then such an one as leaues no place at all for repentance? This I speake for such as for auoyding of guilt (not in others but in themselues) and fearing to consent to the lust in themselues which anothers lust inciteth, doe imagine that they ought rather to endure the violence of death: But farre bee it from a Christian soule that trusteth in his God, that hopeth in him and rest­eth on him; farre bee it (I say) from such to yeeld vnto the delights of the flesh in any consent vnto vncleanesse. But if that (a) concupiscentiall dis­obedience which dwelleth as yet in our (b) dying flesh, doe stirre it selfe by the owne licence against the law of our will; how can it bee but faltlesse in the body of him or her that neuer consenteth, when it stirres without guilt in the body that sleepeth.

L. VIVES.

COncupiscentiall (a) Disobedience] The lust of the bodie is mooued of it selfe euen a­gainst all resistance and contradiction of the will: and then the will being ouercome by the flesh, from hence ariseth shame, as we will shew more at large hereafter. (b) Dying flesh] Our members being subiect vnto death doe die euery day, and yet seeme to haue in them a life distinct from the life of the soule: if then the lustfull motions that betide vs in sleepe, bee faltlesse, because the will doth not consent, but nature effects them without it; how much more faltlesse shall those bee, wherein the will is so so farre from resting onely, that it resists and striues against them?

Of some vnlawfull acts, done by the Saints, and by what occasion they were done. CHAP. 25.

BVt there were (a) some holy women (say they) in these times of perse­cution, who flying from the spoylers of their chastities, threw themselues head-long into a swift riuer which drowned them and so they died, and yet their martirdomes are continually honored with religious memorialls in the Catholike Church. Well, of these I dare not iudge rashly in any thing. Whether the Church haue any sufficient testimonies that the diuine [Page 40] will aduised it to honor these persons memories, I cannot tell, it may be that Particular vocation, it hath. For what if they did not this through mortall feare, but through hea­uenly instinct? not in error, but in obedience? as wee must not beleeue but that Sampson did. And if God command, and this command be cleerely and doubt­lesly discerned to bee his, who dares call this obedience into question? Who dare callumniate the dutie of holy loue? But euery one that shall resolue to sacrifice his sonne vnto God shall not bee cleared of guilt in such a resolution, because Abraham was praised for it. For the souldier, that in his order and obeysance to his gouernour (vnder whom hee fighteth lawfully) killeth a man, the citty neuermakes him guilty of homicid: nay it makes him guilty offalshood and contempt, if hee doe not labour in all that hee can to doe it. But if hee had killed the man of his owne voluntary pleasure, then had hee beene guilty of shedding humaine bloud, And so hee is punished for doing of that vnbid­den, for the not doing of which beeing bidde hee should also haue beene pu­nished. If this be thus at the generalls command, then why not at the creators? He therefore that heareth it sayd, Thou shalt not kil thy selfe, must kil himself if he commaunde him, whom wee may no way gainesay: Onely hee is to marke whether this diuine commaund bee not involued in any vncertainety. By (b) the eare wee doe make coniecture of the conscience, but our iudgement cannot penetrate into the secrets of hearts: No man knowes the things of a man, but the spirit of a man which is in him. This we say, this we affirme, this wee 1. Cor. 2. 11. vniuersally approoue, that no man ought to procure his owne death for feare of temporall miseries; because in doing this hee falleth into eternall: Nei­ther may hee doe it to avoide the sinnes of others, for in this hee maketh him­selfe guilty of a deadly guilt, whome others wickednesse could not make guilty: nor for his owne sinnes past, for which hee had more neede to wish for life, that hee might repent himselfe of them: nor for any desire of a better life to bee hoped for after death: Because such as are guil­tie of the losse of their owne life, neuer enioye any better life after their death.

L. VIVES.

BVt there were (a) some holy women] Ambrose lib. 3. de virginibus, writeth that Pelagia with his mother & sisters cast themselues headlong into a riuer, for feare to be rauished Pelagia. of the soldiers that pursued them: and yet the Church (saith he) hath placed her amongst the number of the martires: And Sophronia likewise who killed her selfe to auoide the lust of Maxentius Caesar as Eusebins recordeth in his Ecclesiasticall history. (b) by the eare] Wee iudge by appearances of what is within: for our eye cannot perce into the secrets of man. Sempronia.

Whether we ought to flie sinne with volun­tary death. CHAP. 26.

THere is one reason of this proposition as yet to handle, which seemes to proue it commodious for a man to suffer a voluntary death: namely least [Page 41] either alluring pleasures or tormenting paines should enforce him to sinne af­terwards. Which reason if we will giue scope vnto, it will run out so farre, that one would thinke that men should bee exhorted to this voluntary butchery, e­uen then, when by the fount of regeneration they are purified from all their sinnes. For then is the time to beware of all sinnes to come, when all that is past is pardoned. And if voluntary death doe this, why is it not fittest then? Why doth hee that is newly baptized forbeare his owne throat? Why doth he thrust his head freed againe into all these imminent dangers of this life, seeing he may so easilie avoide them all by his death: and it is written, Hee that lou [...]th daunger shall fall therein? Why then doth he loue those innumerable daungers? or if hee doe not loue them, why vndertakes hee them? Is any man so fondly Eccl. 3. 27 peruerse and so great a contemner of truth, that if hee thinke one should kill himselfe to eschue the violence of one oppressor least it draw him vnto sinne, will neuerthelesse a [...]ouch that one should liue still, and endure this whole world at all times, full of all temptations, both such as may bee expected from one oppressor, and thousands besides without which no man doth nor can liue? What is the reason then, why wee doe spend so much time in our exhor­tations, endeuouring to animate (a) those whom wee haue baptized, (b) ei­ther vnto virginity, or chaste widowhood, or honest and honorable marriage; seeing wee haue both farre shorter and farre better waies to abandon all con­tagion and daunger of sinne; namely in perswading euery one presently after that remission of his sinnes which hee hath newly obtained in baptisme, to be­take him presently to a speedy death, and so send him presently away vnto GOD, both fresh and faire? If any man thinke that this is fitte to bee per­swaded, I say not hee dotes, but I say hee is plaine madde: with what face can he say vnto a man, kill thy selfe, least vnto thy small sinnes thou adde a grea­ter by liuing in slauery vnto a barbarous vnchaste maister? how can hee (but with guilty shame) say vnto a man: kill thy selfe now that thy sinnes are for­giuen thee, least thou fall into the like againe or worse, by liuing in this world, so fraught with manifold temptation, so aluring with vncleane delights, so fu­rious with bloudy sacrileges, so hate-full (c) with errors and terrors? it is a shame and a sinne to say the one, and therefore is it so likewise to doe the o­ther. For (d) if there were any reason of iust force to authorize this fact, it must needes bee that which is fore-alledged. But it is not that, therefore there is none. Loath not your liues then (you faithfull of Christ) though the foe hath made ha [...]ock of your chastities. You haue a great and true consolati­on, if your conscience beare you faithfull witnesse that you neuer consented vn­to their sinnes who were suffred to commit such outrages vpon you.

L. VIVES.

THose (a) whom we haue baptized] [Least any man should mistake this place, vnderstand that in times of old, no man was brought vnto baptisme, but he was of sufficient yeares The old manner of baptizing. to know what that misticall water meant, and to require his baptisme, yea and that sundry times. Which we see resembled in our baptising of infants unto this day. For the infant is asked (be it borne on that day, or a day before) whether it wilbe baptized? Thrise is this [] al this is left out of ye Paris edition. question propounded vnto it: vnto which the God-fathers answere, it will: I heare that in some Citties of Italy they doe for the most part obserue the ancient custome as yet. This [Page 42] I haue related onely to explane the meaning of Augustine more fullie.] (b) Either to virgi­nity] He toucheth the three estates of such as liue well in the Church. (c) With so many er­rors and terrors] Of the seauenth chance, (d) For if there were any reason] A fit kinde of ar­gument, by repugnance: which taking away the adiunct, takes the subiect away also. Tully mentions it in his Topikes.

How it was a iudgement of God that the enemie was permitted to excercise his lust vpon the Christian bodies. CHAP. 27.

IF you aske me now why these outrages were thus permitted, I answere the prouidence of the creator & gouernor of the world, is high, and his iudge­ments are vnsearchable (a) and his waies past finding out: But aske your owne Rom. 11. 33. hearts sincerely whether you haue boasted in this good of continency and chastity, or no? whether you haue not affected humane commendations for it, and so thereby haue enuied it in others? I doe not accuse you of that whereof I am ignorant, nor doe I know what answere your hearts will returne you vnto this question. But if they answere affirmatiuely, and say you haue done so, then wonder not at all (b) that you haue now lost that, whereby you did but seeke and (c) reioyce to please the eyes of mortall men: and that you lost not that which could not bee shewed vnto men. If you consented not vnto the o­thers luxury, your soules had the helpe of Gods grace to keepe them from losse, and likewise felt the disgrace of humane glory, to deterre them from the loue of it. But your faint hearts are comforted on both sides: on this side being approoued, and on that side chastised: iustified on this, and reformed on the other. But their hearts that giue them answere that they neuer glo­ried in the guift of virginity, viduall chastity, or continence in marriage: but (d) sorting themselues with the meanest, did (e) with a reuerend feare Rom. 12. 1 [...]. Psal. 2. 1 [...] reioyce in this guift of God; nor euer repined at the like excellence of sanc­tity and purity in others; but neglecting the ayre of humane fame, (which alwaies is wont to accrew according to the rarity of the vertue that de­serues it) did wish rather to haue their number multiplied, then by reason of their fewnesse to become more eminent. Let not those that are such, (if the Barbarians Iust haue seized vpon some of them) (f) alledge that this is (meerely) permitted: nor let them thinke that God neglecteth these things because he some-times permitteth that which no man euer committeth vnpunished: for some, as weights of sinne and euill desires, are let downe by a pr [...]sent and secret iudgement, and some are reserued to that publique and vniuersall last iudgement. And perhaps those, who knew themselues vn­gu [...]e, and that neuer had their hearts puffed vppe with the good of this chastity, (and yet had their bodies thus abused by the enemie) had (notwithstanding) some infirmity lurking within them which (g) if they had escaped; this humiliation by the warres fury might haue increased vnto a fastidious pride. Wherefore (h) as some were taken away by death, least wickednesse should alter their vnderstandings, so these here [Page 43] were forced to forgoe (i) some-thing, least excesse of prosperitie should haue depraued their vertuous modestie. And therefore, from neither sort, either of those that were proud, in that their bodies were pure from all vncleane touch of others, or that might haue growne proud, if they had escaped the rape done by their foes, from neither of these is their chastitie taken away, but vnto them both is humilitie perwaded. The vaine-glory which is (k) immanent in the one, and imminent ouer the other, was excluded in them both. Though this is not to bee ouer-passed with silence, that some that endured these violences, might perhaps thinke, that continencie is but a bodily good, remaining as long as the body remaines vntouched▪ but that it is not soly placed in the strength of the grace-assisted will, which sanctifies both body and soule: nor that it is a good that cannot be lost against ones will: which error, this affliction brought them to vnderstand: for it they consider with what conscience they honor God, and do with an vnmooued faith beleeue this of him, that hee will not, nay can­not any way forsake such as thus and thus do serue him, and inuocate his name, and do not doubt of the great acceptation which he vouchsafeth vnto chastitie, Then must they neede perceiue that it followes necessarily, that he would neuer suffer this to fall vpon his Saints, if that by this meanes they should be despoi­led of that sanctimonie which hee so much affecteth in them, and infuseth into them.

L. VIVES.

ANd (a) his wayes] the vulgar (Rom. 12. 35.) reades inuestigabiles for the direct con­trarie, minimè inuestigabiles. Inuestigabilis, is that which is found, inuestigando, with sear­ching out. But the wayes of the Lord cannot be found out by humaine vnderstanding. The Greeke is [...], imperuestigabiles, vnsearchable. (b) That you lost that] that you lost your fame, and faire report, and yet lost not your chastitie. (c) Reioyced to please,] that is louingly desired. (d) But sorting themselues with the meanest] Rom. 12. 16. Bee not high minded, but make your selues equall with them of the lower sort: [...], saith the originall, verbally translated: humilibus abducti. (e) With reuerend feare] Psalm. 2. 11. Serue the Lord with feare, or reioyce with trembling. (f) Alledge] we interprete not causari as the Philosophers doe in the Schooles, in causa esse, to be the cause, but causam proferre, to alledge as cause, as Uirgill doth, saying:

Causando nostros in longum ducis amores.
With allegations thou prolongs our loues.

(g) If they had escaped this humiliation] Augustine here vseth humilitas for humiliatio, (I thinke) which is, a deiecting of a man by some calamitie: Vnlesse that some will reade it thus: Which if they had escaped, the humility of this warres furie, might haue blowne them vp into fastidious pride. (h) As some were taken away] The wordes are in the fourth of the booke of Wisdome, the eleuenth verse, and are spoken of Henoch: but they are not here to bee vnderstood as spoken of him: (for hee was taken vp in his life vnto the Lord:) but of others who after their death were taken vp to God for the same cause that Henoch was, before his death. (i) Some thing] what that something was, modest shame prohibiteth to speake. (k) Immanent in the one] not as the Grammarians take it, namely for vnconti­nuing or transitorie, but immanens, quasi intùs manens, inherent, ingrafted, or staying within. Augustine vseth it for to expresse the figure of Agnomination, or Paranamasia, which is in Parano­masia. the two words immanent & imminent; which figure he vseth in many other places.

What the seruants of Christ may answer the In [...]dels, when they vpbrayde them with Christs not deliuering them (in their afflictions) from the furie of their enemies furie. CHAP. 28.

VVHerefore all the seruants of the great and true God haue a comfort thats firme and fixed, not placed vpon fraile foundations of momentary and transitorie things: and so they passe this temporall life in such manner, as they neuer neede repent them of enioying it: because that herein they are prepared for that which is eternall, vsing the goods of this world but as in a pilgrimage, being no way entrapped in them, and so making vse of the euills of this world, as they make them serue alwayes either to their approbation, or their reforma­tion. Those that insult vpon this their vprightnesse, and (when they see them fallen into some of these temporall inconueniences) say vnto them (a) where is thy God? Let them tell vs, where their Gods are when they are afflicted Psal. 42. 3. with the like oppressions? their gods, which either they worship, or desire to worship onely, for the auoyding of such inconueniences. The family of Christ can answer, my God is euery where present, in all places, whole and powerfull, no space includes him: he can be present, vn-perceiued, and depart away againe, vnmooued. And he, when he afflicts vs with these aduersities, doth it either for triall of our perfections or reforming of our imperfections, still reseruing an eternall rewarde for our patient sufferance of temporall distresses. But who are you, that I should vouchsafe to speake vnto you, especially of your gods, but most especially of mine owne God (b) who is terrible and to bee feared aboue all Gods? for all the gods of the Heathen are Diuills, but the Lord made the heauens. Psal. 96. 4. 5

L. VIVES.

WHere (a) is thy God?] Psal. 42. My teares haue beene my bread day and night, whilest they dayly said vnto me: where is now thy God? (b) Who is terrible and to bee feared,] Psal. 95. 4. 5.

That such as complaine of the Christian times desire nothing but to liue in filthy pleasures. CHAP. 29.

IF that (a) your Scipio Nasica were now aliue, hee that was once your high Priest, who (when in the fearefull terror of the Carthaginian warres, the most perfect man of all the citie was sought for, to vndertake the entertainment of the Phrigian goddesse) was chosen by the whole Senate, he whose face per­haps you now durst not looke on, hee would shame you from this grose impu­d [...]nce of yours. For what cause is there for you to exclaime at the prosperi­tie of the Christian faith in these times, but onely because you would follow [Page 45] your luxury vncontrolled, and hauing remoued the impediments of al trouble­some oppositions, swim on in your dishonest and vnhallowed dissolution? Your affections do not stand vp for peace, nor for vniuersal plenty and prosperity, to the end that you might vse them when you hauethē, as honest men should do: that is, modestly, soberly, temperately, and religiously: No: but that hence you might keepe vp your vnreasonable expence, in seeking out such infinite vari­ety of pleasures, and so giue birth vnto those exorbitances in your prosperi­ties, which would heape more mischiefs vpon you then euer befel you by your enemies.

(b) But Scipio your high Priest, he whom the whole Senate iudged the best man amongst you, fearing that this calamitie would fall vppon you (that I speak of) would not haue Carthage in those dayes the sole paralell of the Romaine Empire vtterly subuerted, but contradicted Cato, that spoke for the destruction of it, because hee feared the foe of all weake spirits, Security: and held that Car­thage would bee vnto his fellow Cittizens (c) as if they were young punies) both a conuenient tutor, and a necessary terror. Nor did his iudgement delude him: the euent it selfe gaue sufficient proofe whether he spoke true or no: for after­wards when Carthage was raized downe, and the greatest curber and terror of the Romaine weale-publike vtterly extinguished and brought to nothing; Pre­sently such an innumerable swarm of inconueniences arose out of this prospe­rous estate, that the bondes of concord beeing all rent asunder and broken, first with barbarous and (e) bloudy seditions, and next (f) by continuall gi­uing of worse and worse causes by ciuill warres, such slaughters were effect­ed, so much bloud was shedde by ciuill warres, and so much inhumanitie was practised in proscribings, riots and rapines, that those Romaines that in the good time of their liues feared no hurt but from their enemies, now in the corrupt time of their liues indured far worse of their owne fellowes: and that lust after soueraignty, which among all other sinnes of the world, was most appropriate vnto the Romaines, and most immoderate in them all, at length getting head and happie successe in a fewe of the more powerfull, it ouerpressed all the rest, wearing them out and crushing their neckes with the yoake of vilde and slauish bondage.

L. VIVES.

IF that your Scipio (a) Nasica] This man was the sonne of Cnius Cornelius Scipio, who was slayne together with his brother Publius, by the Carthaginians in Spaine, in the second Scipio Nas­ica. war of Affrica. In the 14. year of which war the Decemuiri found a verse amongst the rest of the Prophecies in the books of the Sybils, which fore-told that the enemy should be chased out of Italy if that the mother of the gods were transported from Pessinuns, a citty of Phry­gia, vnto Rome. Here-vpon an ambassage was sent to Attalus, who as then was King of that country, to demand the mother of the gods of him, in the name of the Senate and people of Rome. The Ambassadours as they went, tooke the Oracle of Delphos in their way, to know what hope there was of attaining this mother of the goddes of the stranger King Attalus. The Oracle badde them bee of good courage, Attalus woulde not bee agaynst the fulfilling of their request for the Image: but withal willed them to haue an especiall care that when shee came into Italy, the best man of the whole Cittie of Rome should giue hir intertainment, and receiue hir into his custodie. [Page 46] So the shippe returning vnto Ostia with the Image of the goddesse, Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica was by the Senators (which were sworne to giue their opinions of the best man of the Cittie) adiudged as the best man, he being then but a youth and not out of his questor­ship, which was his first steppe vnto dignity; and so hee by the decree of the Senate, receiued the Phrigian goddesse: Liuie in his 29. booke and many others. (b) But Scipio] In the 600. The origi­nall of the Carthagi­nian wars. yeare after the building of Rome, when the Romaine Ambassadors that had bin at Carthage, reported that there they had found a huge deale of furniture for shipping, and all thinges fitt for a Nauall warre, the Senate held a consultation about the beginning of a warre with the Carthaginians. Now Marcus Portius Cato beeing Censor, to assure the Romains their estate at length, gaue counsell not onely to beginne this warre, but vtterly to extirpate and demo­lish (this terror of theirs) Carthage. But Nasica Scipio (of whom we spoke but now) would not see the people of Rome exposed to the inconueniences of too much Idlenesse, nor that they should swimme in too much security: and therefore would haue something to remaine as a bridle to curb the head-strong appetite of a powerful multitude: Where-vppon he gaue them the counsell not onely not to destroy Carthage, but euen not to beginne a warre with the Carthaginians without a lawfull and sufficient cause. Liuie and others. (c) As if they were young punies [Ualerius writeth that Appius Claudius vsed often to say that imployment did far more ext [...]l the people of Rome then quiet: that excesse of leisure and rest melted them in­to Labor bet­ter vn [...]o Rome then quiet. slothfulnesse, but the rough name of businesse, kept the manners of the cittie in their pristine state, vndeformed: when the sweet sound of quiet euer ledde in great store of corruption. (d) When Carthage was raized] Salust in his war of Iugurth saith thus: for before Carthage was rai­zed, the Senate and People of Rome gouerned the weale-publike wel, quietly and modestly betwixt th [...]-selues: nor was there any contention for glory or domination amongst them: the feare of the foes kept all the Citty in good arts & orders: but that feare being once remoued and abolished, then the attendants of prosperous estates, pride and luxury, thrust in vnrestrained. (e) And bloudy se­di [...]. As first yt of Tiberius Gracchus, then that of Caius his brother, in which two was the first ciuill effusion of Cittizens bloud beheld: the first of these happened tenne yeares after Carthage was destroyed. (f) By continual giuing of worse and worse causes]. For through the sedition of Caius Gracchus was the office of the Tribuneship inuented, and bestowed on Li­ [...] The [...] W [...]res. Drusus, whom the Senators opposed against the Gentlemen, who stood for the law that Gracchus had made. Hence arose the war called Sociale Bellum, because Drusus reformed not the citty as hee promised: and hence arose the warre of Mithridates, who taking aduantage of this discord of Italie, made many thousands of the Italians that traffick'd in his dominions to bee slaine: and hence arose the ciuill warre of Marius who sought to gette the vnder­taking of this Prouince and warre of Mithridates from Sylla. And from the seedes of this warre, sprung the warres of Sertorius, Lepidus, the conspiracy of Catiline, and lastly the warre of Pompey. And from that sprung the Empire of Caesar, and after his death the ciuil warres of Anthony, of Brutus and Cassius at the Philippi: of Sextus Pompeius in Sicilia, and that of Acti­ [...]. And lastly the common-weales freedome turned into a tiriannical monarchy.

By what degrees of corruption the Romaines ambition grew to such a height. CHAP 30.

FOr when [...] e [...]er this lust of soueraignty cease in proud mindes, vntill it [...] by co [...] of honours attained vnto the dignitie of regall domi­nation? And if their ambition didde not preuaile, they then hadde no meane to continue their honours: Now ambition would not preuaile but amongst a peo­ple [...], [...]. [...]. [...]. wholly corrupted with coueteousnes and luxury. And the people is al­w [...]s infected with these two contagions, by the meanes of affluent prosperity, [Page 47] which Nasica did wisely hold fit to be fore-seene and preuented, by not condis­cending to the abolishing of so strong, so powerfull, and so ritch a citty of their enemies: thereby to keepe luxurie in awfull feare: that so it might not become exorbitant, and by that meanes also couetousnesse might be repressed. Which two vices once chained vp, vertue (the citties supporter) might flourish, and a liberty befitting this vertue might stand strong. And hence it was, out of this most circumspect zeale vnto his country, that your said high Priest, who was chosen by the Senate of those times for the best man, without any difference of voices, (a thing worthy of often repetition) when the Senate would haue built (a) a Theater, disswaded them from this vaine resolution: and in a most graue oration, perswaded them not to suffer the (b) luxurie of the Greekes to creepe into their olde conditions, nor to consent vnto the entrie of forraigne corrup­tion, to the subuersion and extirpation of their natiue Romaine perfection, working so much by his owne onely authoritie, that the whole bench of the iu­dicious Senate being moued by his reasons, expresly prohibited the vse of (c) those mooueable seates which the Romaines began as then to vse in the behold­ing of Playes. How earnest would hee haue beene to haue cleansed the citie of Nasica a­bolished the sitting at Playes. Rome of the (d) Playes themselues, if hee durst haue opposed their authoritie whom he held for Gods, being ignorant that they were malitious Diuels: or if hee knew it, then it seemes hee held that they were rather to bee pleased, then despised. For as yet, that heauenly doctrine was not deliuered vnto the world, which purifying the heart by faith, changes the affect, with a zealous piety to desire and aime at the blessings of heauen, or those which are aboue the heauens, and freeth men absolutely from the slauery of those proud and vngracious Deuills.

L. VIVES.

BVilt a (a) Theater.] Liuie in his 48. booke, and Valerius Maximus de Instit. antiq. write that Ualerius Messala, and Cassius being Censors, had giuen order for a Theater to bee The Ro­maine I heater, when first erected. built, wherein the people of Rome might sitte and see playes. But Nasica laboured so with the Senate, that it was held a thing vnfit, as preiudiciall to the manners of the people. So by a decree of the Senate, all that preparation for the Theater was laide aside, and it was de­creed that no man should place any seates, or sitte to behold any playes within the citie, or within a mile of the walles. And so from a little while after the third Affrican warre, vn­till the sacke of Corinthe, the people beheld all their playes standing, but as then Lucius Memmius set vp a Theater for the Playes at his Triumph, but it stood but for the time that this triumph lasted. The first standing Theater Pompey the Great built at Rome of square stone (as Cornelius Tacitus writeth, lib. 14.) the modell whereof hee had at Mytilene, in the Mithridatique warre. Cauea here in the text, signifieth the middle front of the Thea­ter, Cauea what it is in the Theater. which afterward was diuided into seates for the Gentlemen, seuered into rankes and galleries. Some-times it is taken for the whole audience, as Seruius noteth vpon the eight of the Aeneads. (b) The luxurie of the Greekes,] the Grecians had Theaters before the Romaines many ages, and the very Greeke name prooues that they came first from Greece. For Theater is deriued of [...], which is, spectare, to behold. (c) Those moueable seates] standing but for a time. For such Theaters were first in vse at Rome before the standing, the continuing Theaters came in and were made with mooueable seates, as Tacitus saith, and the stage built for the present time. (d) The Playes themselues] Such as were presented vpon the Stage: whereof, in the next booke we shall discourse more at large.

Of the first inducing of Stage-playes. CHAP. 31.

BVt know, (you that know not this) and marke (you that make shew as if you knew it not, and murmur at him that hath set you free from such Lords) that your Stage-playes, those (a) spectacles of vncleannesse, those licentious vanities, were not first brought vp at Rome by the corruptions of the men, but by the direct commands of your Gods: (b) It were farre more tolerable for you to giue diuine honors vnto the fore-named Scipio, then vnto such kinde of deities, for they were not so good as their Priest was: And now doe but The Priest better then his Gods. obserue, whether your mindes being drunke with this continuall ingurgitati­on of error, will suffer you to taste a sip of any true consideration: Your Gods, for the asswaging of the infection of the Pestilence that seazed on their bodies, commanded an institution of Stage Playes presently to be effected in their ho­nors: but your Priest, for auoyding the pestilence of your mindes, forbad that any stage should be built for any such action. If you haue so much witte as to preferre the minde before the body, then choose which of the two said parties to [...] your God of: for (c) the bodily pestilence did not yet cease, because that the delicate vanitie of Stage-playes entred into the eares of this people (being then wholy giuen vnto warres, and accustomed onely to the (d) Circen­ [...] The [...] [...]. playes) but the wilie Diuels foreseeing (by naturall reason) that this plague of the bodies should cease, by this meanes tooke occasion to thrust one farre worse, not into their bodies, but into their manners, in corrupting of which, [...] their ioy; and such a plague, as blinded the mindes of that wretched peop [...] with such impenetrable cloudes of darkenesse, and bespotted them with such foule staines of deformitie, that euen now (though this may seeme incre­dible to Plague of [...] fol­ [...]ing the plague of [...]. succeeding ages) when this great Rome was destroyed, such as were p [...]ssed with this pestilence, flying from that sacke, could come euen vnto Carthage, and here contend who should runne maddest (e) after stage playing.

L. VIVES.

THose (a) Sp [...]ctacles of vncleannesse,] for there was both most beastly shewes presen­ted, and most filthy words spoken. (b) It were farre more tollerable,] Tertullian in his Apologeticus saith: It were better to make Socrates the God of Wisdome, Aristides of Iustice. Themistocies os warre, Tully of eloquence, Sylla of prosperitie, Craffus of ritches, Pompey of Magnificence, and Cato of grauitie, for these men excell the gods in these specialities. And [...] [...]ny of the ancient writers neuer denied, that their good men were better then their gods: [...] [...] for one, De vitae tranquillitate, lib. 2. affirmeth, that Cato of Utica was a better ex­ [...] of a wise man then either Hercules or Vlisses. Lucane calles him the true Father of his [...] worthy the Romaine Altars. (c) The bodily pestilence] Liuie in his 7. booke, faith, [...] did the first institution of Playes for augmentation of Religion, either augment religion [...] [...] [...], or diminish the pestilence of their bodies. (d) Circensian Playes] Those did Ro­ [...] [...] institute at Rome, in the fourth moneth after he had built the Cittie (as Fabius Pictor [...]) the same day that he forced away the Sabine Virgins. Some say it was not vntill [...] [...]fore-said time a great while, whom [...] had rather beleeue in this. Circenses they [...] (faith S [...]s) because they were encompassed with swords: of Circa and [...] the (n [...] as yet [...]ice) antiquitie, hauing not as yet built any places fit for such ex­ [...] [...]ctifed th [...] betweene a riuer side, and a ranke of swords, that the idle might see [...] on both sides. Afterwards Tarquinius Priscus appointed a ring for them, which [...] [...] [...]rward called Circus Max [...]: and euery yeare once, as Liuie saith, were these games [...] being diuersly named, as Magni, & Romani, & Circenses. They were consecrated [...] God C [...]sus, whom the Greekes call [...], that is, Neptune the Horse-rider, [Page 49] to whome Euander (as Dionysuus saith) erected a temple in Latium, and ordayned a feast day for him which the Greekes called [...], and the Latines Consualia, on which day all the horses and mules were exempted from labour and were decked with garlands. Now that the Romans at that time, and vntill the foresaid command, vsed onely the Circensi­an plaies, Liuie, lib. 7. & valerius de institut are witnesses. (e) after stage playing] not that they played themselues, Augustine doth not meane so, but that they ran a madding with the desire to see these strange plaies.

Of some vices in the Romaines, which their Citties ruine did neuer reforme. CHAP. 32.

O You sencelesse men, how are you bewitched, not with error but furor, that when al the nations of the East (as we heare) bewaile your citties ru­ine, and al the most remote regions bemone your misery with publique sorrow, you your selues run head-long vnto the Theaters, seeking them, entring them, filling them, & playing farre madder parts now then euer you did before? This your plague of mind, this your wracke of honesty, was that, which your Scipio so feared when hee would not haue any Theaters built for you: when hee saw how quickly your vertues would be abolished by prosperity, whē he would not haue you vtterly quitted from all feare of forraigne inuasions. Hee was not of opinion that that cōmon-weale or citty was in a happy estate, where the walls stood firme, and the good manners lay ruined. But the seducements of the dam­ned spirites preuayled more with you, then the prouidence of circumspect men. And hence comes it, that the mischiefes that your seles commit, you are so loth should be imputed to your selues, but the mischiefes that your selues suffer, you are euer ready to cast vpon the Christian profession, for you in your security do not seeke the peace of the common-weale, but freedome for your practises of luxury: you are depraued by prosperity, and you cannot be refor­med by aduersity. Your Scipio would haue had you to feare your foes, and so to suppresse your lusts: but (a) you, though you feele your foes, & are crushed down by them, yet will not restraine your inordinate affects: (b) you haue lost the benefit of affliction, & though you be made most miserable, yet remaine you most irreformable. And yet it is Gods mercy that you haue your liues still: his very sparing of your liues, summons you vnto repentance: he it was, that (though you be vngratefull) shewed you that fauour as to escape your enemies swords by calling of your selues his seruants, or flying into the Churches of his Martyrs.

L. VIVES.

THough (a) you feele your foes] Because you beheld the Playes at Carthage, with such a dissolute, intemperate affection. (b) You haue lost the benefite of affliction,] whereby men are reformed, and by correction grow instructed: it being imputed vnto them for me­rite, to tolerate aduerse fortune with patience. Plato in his Gorgias saith, that calamities The benefit of affliction and afflictions are vse-full both to the sufferers, and the beholders, bettering them both, one by their paine, the other by example.

Of the clemencie of God in moderating this calamitie of Rome. CHAP. 33.

IT is said that Romulus and Remus built (a) a Sanctuarie, where-vnto who so Of sanctu aries or A­syla. could escape, should be free from all assault or hurt: their endeuour in this [Page 50] being to increase the number of their cittizens. An example making way for a wonderfull honor vnto Christ: The same thing, that the founders of the citty did decree, the same doe the destroyers of it: And what if the one did it to increase the multitude of their cittizens, when the other did it to preserue the multitude of their foes? Let this then, (and what soeuer besides fitly may bee so vsed) be vsed as an answer of our Lord Iesus Christ his flock, and that pil­grim-citty of God, vnto all their wicked enemies.

L. VIVES.

A (a) Sanctuarie,] It is a sacred place, from whence it is not lawfull to draw any man: for thence is the name deriued, comming of [...], rapio, to draw or pull, and [...] the primi [...] letter. And so by a figure called Lambdacismus, is made asylum for asyrum. Ser­ui [...] [...] 8. Aenead. Though indeed [...] is tollere, to take away, as Homer vseth it: [...] &c. He tooke away the goodly armes. After that Hercules was dead, his nephews and post [...]itie, fearing the oppression of such as their grand-father had iniured, built the first sanctuary at Athens, naming it the temple of Mercy, out of which no man could bee taken, And this Statius testifieth also. Now Romulus and Remus built one betweene the tower and the Capitoll, calling the place where it stood Inter-montium; intending hereby that the multitude of offendors flocking hether for hope of pardon, would bee a meane to [...]ent the number of inhabitants in this new Citie. To what God or Goddesse it was [...], it is vnknowne: Dionisius saith hee cannot tell. Some say, vnto Veiouis: But the gr [...]e of the Sa [...]tie is honoured vpon the fourth of the Nones of February, as Ouid wri­t [...] Pastorum 2. In Greece and Asia haue beene many sanctuaries. Tiberius Caesar being out of liking with their too much licence, tooke from them almost all their liberties and pri­uiledges, as Tacitus and Suetonius do report.

Of such of Gods elest as liue secretly as yet amongst the Infidels, and of such as are false Christians. CHAP. 34.

AND let this Cittie of Gods remember, that euen amongst her enemies, there are some concealed, that shall one day be her Citizens: nor let her thinke it a fruitlesse labour to beare their hate (a) vntill shee heare their con­fession, as she hath also (as long as shee is in this pilgrimage of this world) some that are pertaker of the same sacraments with her, (b) that shall not bee pertakers of the Saints glories with her, who are partly knowne, and partly vnknowne. Yea such there are, that spare not amongst Gods enemies to mur­mure against his glory, whose character they beare vpon them: going now vnto Playes with them, and by and by, vnto the Church with vs. But let vs not despaire of the reformation of some of these, we haue little reason, seeing [...] we haue many secret and predestinated friends, euen amongst our most [...] aduersaries, and such, as yet know not themselues to be ordained for [...] [...]dship. For the two citties (of the predestinate and the reprobate) are [...]. in this world, confused together, and commixt, vntill the generall iudgement make a separation: of the originall progresse and due limits of both which ci­ties, what I thinke fitte to speake, by Gods helpe and furtherance, I will now be­ [...] to the glory of the Cittie of God, which being (d) compared with her [...], will spread her glories to a more full aspect.

L. VIVES.

VNtill (a) shee heare their confession.] At the last discouery, where euery man shall con­fesse himselfe, which shall bee then, when the bookes of mens consciences are opened, that is in the world to come. (b) That shall not be partakers,] According to the words of Christ, Many are called but few are chosen. (c) Untill the generall iudgement] So it is in the Gospell. The Angels shall seperate the euill from the middest of the iust in the end of the world. (d) Compared with her contrary,] So Aristotle saith, Contraries placed together, shew both the fuller.

What subiects are to be handled in the following discourse. CHAP. 35.

BVt we haue a little more to say vnto those that lay the afflictions of the Ro­maine estate vpon the profession of Christianitie, which forbiddeth men to sacrifice vnto those Idols. For we must cast vp a summe of all the miseries (or of as many as shal suffice) which that Citie, or the prouinces vnder her subiecti­on, endured before those sacrifices were forbidden. All which they would haue imputed vnto our religion, had it beene then preached and taught against these sacrifices, when these miseries befell. Secondly, wee must shew what customes and conditions the true God vouchsafed to teach them for the increasing of their Empire, (a that God, in whose hand are al the kingdomes of the earth: and how their false Gods neuer helped them a iotte, but rather did them infinite hurt by deceit and inducement. And lastly, we will disprooue those who though they be confuted with most manifest proofes, yet will needs affirme still that their gods are to be worshipped, and that not for the benefites of this life, but for those which are belonging to the life to come. Which question (vnlesse I be deceiued) will be (b) farre more laborious, and worthier of deeper considerati­on, in the which we must dispute against the Philosophers, (c) not against each one, but euen the most excellent and glorious of them all, and such as in many points hold as we hold, and namely of the immortality of the soule, and of the worlds creation by the true God, and of his prouidence, whereby he swayeth the whole creation. But because euen these also are to be confuted, in what they hold opposite vnto vs, wee thought it our dutie not to bee slacke in this worke, but conuincing all the contradictions of the wicked, as God shall giue vs power and strength to aduance the veritie of the Cittie of God, the true zeale and worship of God, which is the onely way to attaine true and eternall felicitie. This therefore shall bee the method of our worke: and now from this second exordium we will take each thing in due order.

L. VIVES.

THat God (a) in whose hand] for Christ saith, Math. 28. 18. All power is giuen vnto me in heauen and earth. (b) More laborious] Operosior, harder, of more toyle. (c) Not against each one] not against euery common Philosopher or smatterer, for so is quilibet, taken some­times, as [...], is often in the Greeke. In this Chapter, Augustine shewes briefly both what he hath done already, and how he meanes to proceede.

Finis Libri primi.

THE CONTENTS OF THE SECND BOOKE OF THE Citie of God.

  • 1. Of the method that must of necessity be vsed in this disputation.
  • 2. A repitition of the contents of the first booke.
  • 3. Of the choise of an history that will shew the miseries that the Romaines en­dured when they worshipped their Idols, before the increase of Christian religion.
  • 4. That the worshippers of Pagan gods neuer receiued honest instruction from them, but vs [...]d all filthinesse in their sa­cri [...]es.
  • 5. Of the obscaenaties vsed in the sa­crifices offred vnto ye mother of the gods.
  • 6. That the Pagan gods did neuer esta­blish the doctrine of liuing well.
  • 7. That the Philosophers instructions are weake and bootlesse, in that they beare no diuine authoritie, because that the ex­amples of the Gods are greater confirma­tion of vices in men, then the wise mens disputations are on the contrary.
  • 8. Of the Romaine Stage-playes, wher­in the publishing of their foulest impuri­ties did not any way offend, but rather delight them.
  • 9. What the Romaines opinion was touching the restraint of the liberty of Poefie, which the Greekes (by the councell of their Gods) would not haue restrained at all.
  • 10. That the Deuils, through their settled desire to doe men mischiefe, were willing to haue any villanie reported of them, whether true or false.
  • 11. That the Greeks admitted the Plai­ers to beare office in their commonweales, least they should seeme vniust, in despising such men as were the pacifiers of their [...].
  • 12. That the Romaines in abridging th [...]r liberty which their Poets would haue vpon men, and allowing them to vse it vpon their Gods, did herein shew, that they prised themselues aboue the Gods.
  • 13. That the Romaines might haue [...]serued their Gods vnworthinesse, by the [...] of such obscane solemniti [...].
  • 14. That Plato, who would not allow Poets to dwell in a well gouerned Citie, shewed herein that his sole worth was better then all the Gods, who desire to bee honored with Stage-playes.
  • 15. That flattery (and not Reason) created some of the Romaine Gods.
  • 16. That if the Romaine Gods had had any care of iustice, the Citty should haue had her forme of gouernment from them, rather then to borrow it of other nations.
  • 17. Of the rape of the Sabine women, and diuerse other wicked facts, done in Romes most ancient & honorable times.
  • 18. What the history of Salust reports of the Romains conditions, both in their times of danger and those of securitie.
  • 19. Of the corruptions ruling in the Romaine state before that Christ aboli­shed the worship of their Idols.
  • 20. Of what kind of happinesse, and of what conditions the accusers of Christia­nitie desire to pertake.
  • 21. Tullies opinion of the Romaine common-weale.
  • 22. That the Romaine Gods neuer re­spected whether the Citty were corrupted, and so brought to destruction, or no.
  • 23. That the variety of temporall estates dependeth not vpon the pleasure or dis­pleasure of those Deuils, but vpon the iudgments of God Almighty.
  • 24. Of the acts of Sylla, wherein the Deuils shewed themselues his maine hel­pers and furtherers.
  • 25. How powerfully the Deuils incite men to villanies, by laying before them examples of diuine authority (as it were) for them to follow in their villanous acts.
  • 26. Of certaine obscure instructions concerning good manners, which the De­uils are said to haue giuen in secret, whereas all wickednesse was taught in their publique solemnities.
  • 27. What a great meanes of the sub­uersion of the Romaine estate the induc­tion of those Playes was, which they sur­mized to be propitiatory vnto the Gods.
  • 28. Of the saluation attained by the Christian religion.
  • 29. An exhortation to the Romaines to renounce their Paganisme.

THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE CITTY OF GOD: Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo, vnto Marcellinus.
Of the method which must of necessity be vsed in this disputation. CHAP. 1.

IF the weake custome of humaine sence durst not bee so bold, as to oppose it selfe against the reasons of apparant truth, but would yeeld this languid infirmitie vnto whole­some instruction, as vnto a medicine which were fittest to apply, vntill by Gods good assistance, and faiths ope­ration it were throughly cured; then those that can both iudge well, and instruct sufficiently, should not need many words to confute any erronious opinion, or to make it fully apparant vnto such, as their desires would truly in­forme. But now, because there is so great and inueterate a d [...]sease rooted in the mindes of the ignorant, that they will (out of their extreame blindnesse, where­by they see not what is most plaine, or out of their obstinate peruersnesse whereby they will not brooke what they see) defend their irrationall and bru­tish opinions, after that the truth hath beenetaught them as plaine as one man can teach another: hence it is, that (a) there ariseth a necessitie, that bindeth vs to dilate more fully of what is already most plaine, and to giue the truth, not vnto their eyes to see, but euen into their heads, as it were to touch and feele. Yet notwithstanding this by the way: What end shall wee make of alteration, if we hold that the answerers are continually to be answered? For, as for those that either cannot comprehend what is said vnto them, or else are so obstinate in their vaine opinions, that though they do vnderstand the truth, yet will not giue it place in their minds, but reply against it, as it is written of them: like spec­tators of iniquitie, those are eternally friuolous: And if wee should binde our selues to giue an answer to euery contradiction that their impudencie will thrust forth, (how falsly they care not, so they do but make a shew of opposition vnto our assertions) you see what a trouble it would be, how endlesse, and how fruitlesse. And therefore (sonne Marcelline) I would neither haue you, nor any other (to whom this our worke may yeeld any benefit in Iesus Christ) to read this volume with any surmise, that I am bound to answer whatsoeuer you or they shall heare obiected against it: least you become like vnto the women of whom the Apostle saith, that they were alwayes learning, and neuer able to come 2. Tim. 3. vnto the knowledge of the truth.

L. VIVES.

H [...] [...] i [...] that (a) there ariseth a necessity] The latine text is, fit necessitus, spoken by a G [...]e figure, [...], saith Demosthenes: [...], necessitas, for necesse: and it is an ordinary phrase with them, though the Latynes say, est necessitas, as Quintilian hath it.

Arepetition of the Contentes of the first booke. CHAP. 2.

THerefore in the former booke, wherein I began to speake of the City of God, to which purpose all the whole worke (by Gods assistance) shall haue reserence, I did first of all take in hand to giue them their answere, that are so shamelesse as to impute the calamities inflicted vpon the world, (and in particu­lar vpon Rome in her last desolation wrought-by the Vandales) vnto the religi­on of Christ, which forbids men to offerre seruice or sacrifice vnto deuills: whereas they are rather bound to ascribe this as a glory to Christ, that for his names sake alone, the barbarous nations (beyond all practise and custome of warres) allowed many and spacious places of religion for those (ingratefull men) to escape into; and gaue such honor vnto the seruants of Christ, (not only to the true ones but euen to the counterfeit), that what the law of armes made lawfull to doe vnto all men, they held it vtterly vnlawfull to offer vnto them. And hence arose these questions: How and wherefore these gracious mercies of God were extended vnto such vngodly and vngratefull wretches as well as to his true servants, and why the afflictions of this siege fell vpon the godly (in part) as well [...] on the reprobate? For the better dissoluing (a) of which doubtes, I stayd some­w [...] long in a discourse of the daily guiftes of God, and the miseries of man, [...]ing out in the whole tract of this transitory life, (both which, by reason that they often light confusedly togither, alike, and vndistinguished both vpon good [...]ers and impious, are very powerfull in moouing the hearts of many): and mine especiall intent herein was to giue some comfort vnto the sanctified and chast women, who had their chastities offended by some incontinent acts of the foldiours: and to shew them, that if those accidents had not wrackt their c [...] resolutions, they ought not to bee ashamed of life, hauing no guilt in them whereof to be ashamed, and then I tooke occasion to speake some-what against those that in such villanous and impudent maner doe insult ouer the poore Christians in their aduersities; and chiefly ouer the deflowred women; these fellowes themselues beeing most vnmanly and depraued wretches, altogither degenerate from the true Romains, vnto whose honors (being many, and much recorded) these base creatures are so directly opposite. For it was these, that made Rome (which was first founded, and after increased by the care [...] industry of her old worthies) to shew more filthy and corrupted in her pros­per [...]y, then shee was now in her ruine: for in this, there fell but stones, walles & houses; but in the liues of such villaines as these, al the monuments, al the or­naments, (not of their walls, but) of their maners were vtterly demolished: as then did [...]se fire burne in their affections, then this was now that did but [...] their houes: with the close of this, I gaue an end vnto the first booke, and now (as I r [...]ed) wil proceed, to cast vp a reckoning of the sundry mischienes that this City of Rome hath suffered since shee was first founded, either in her­selfe or in some of the Prouinces vnder her command: all which those vile per­sons would haue pinned vpon the backe of Christianity, if the doctrine of the gospel against their false & deceitfull gods had in those times beene reuealed and preached.

L. VIVES.

DI [...]ing (a) of which d [...]bs] The first of these, was ye chiefe questiō of those Philosophers [Page 55] yt denied the world to be gouerned by the prouidence of God. Plut. de placit. Philosoph. lib. 1

Of the choise of an history which wil shew the miseries that the Rom­ains indured, when they worshipped their Idols, before the increase of Christian Religion CHAP. 3

BVt remember this, that when I handled those points, I had to do with the ig­norant, out of whose blockish heads this prouerb was first borne: (a) It wil not raine because of the Christian. For there are some others amongst them that are learned, & loue that very history that makes these things plain to their vnder­standing: but because they loue to set ye blind & erronius vulgar at enmity and dissention with vs Christians, they dissemble & conceale this vnderstanding of theirs, labouring to perswade the people this, that the whole processe of calami­ties, which at diuers times and in seuerall places (b) fell and were still to fall vp­pon all the world, hadde the original, and haue had, onely and meerely from the profession of Christ, greeuing that it spreadeth so farre and shineth so glori­ously against all other their gods and religions. But lette these malicious men read but with vs, with what excesse of affliction the Romain estate was wrung & plagued, & that on euery side, before that euer this name (which they so much do enuy) did spread the glory to such note: and then if they can, let them defend their goddes goodnesses shewed vnto them in these extremities, and if that as their seruants they honour them for protection from these extremities, which if they do but suffer now in any part, they are ready to lay al the blame vpō our necks, for why did their gods permit their seruants to bee plagued with these great afflictions (which I am now to recount) before that the publishing of the name of Christ gaue them cause of offence, by prohibiting their sacrifices.

L. VIVES.

IT (a) will not raine] He rehearseth this, as a common speach of the wicked infidels, who How hate­full the name of Christians was once at Rome. would impute all the euils that hapned them vnto the Christian cause. Tertullian, Preten­ding for the defence of their hatefulnesse, this vanity besides, that they held the Christians the one­ly causers of all the mischiefes and harmes that fall vpon the state and cittie. If Tiber ouer-flow his bankes, if Nilus do not water the fieldes, if the heauens stand, or the earth shake; if there arise either famine or plague, straight to the Lions with a Christian cryes the whole crew. Cypryan against Demetrianus. If whereas you say that many complaine that it is imputed vnto vs that there is so often warres, pestilences, famines, inondations, and droughts, then wee must bee no longer silent, &c. (b) Fell, and were still to fall] Through the euer-changing estate of humanity, and that Fate which is indeed the will of almighty God.

That the worshippers of Pagan gods neuer receiued honest instructi­on from them; but vsed all filt hinesse in their sacrifices: CHAP. 4.

FIrst, why would not their gods haue a care to see their seruāts wel mannerd: the true God doth worthily neglect those yt neglect his iust worship: but as for those gods whom this wicked & vngrateful crew complain that they are for­bidden to worship, why do they not helpe to better the liues of their worship­pers by giuing thē some good lawes? It was very requisit that as they carefully attended their goddes sacrifices, so their gods should haue gratiously amended their imperfections. I (but wil some say) euery man may be vitious at his owne The gods neuer taught. their vvor­ships good manners. will and pleasure. True; who denies that? yet notwithstanding, it was the part of these great gods guardiās, not to conceale the formes and rudiments of good & honest life frō their suppliants; but to to teach them plaine, and fully, and by [Page 56] theirs Prop [...] to correct & restrain the offendors: to testrain euil doers with publik punishments, & to incourage good liuers with ful rewards: what Tem­ple of of [...] this multitude of gods, was euer accessary to any such sound? we our selues (once in our youth) went to view these spectacles, their (a) sacriligious mockeries: there we saw the (b) Enthusiastikes, persons rapt with fury; there we heard the (c) pipers, and tooke (d) great delight in the filthy sports that they B [...]hia Mother of the Gods. acted before their gods and goddesses: euen before Berecynthia (surnamed the Celestiall virgin, and mother to al the gods) euen before hir litter, (e) vppon the feast day of her very purification, their (f) beastly stage-plaiers acted such ribaul­dry, as was a shame (not onely for the mother of the gods, but) for the mother of any senatour of any honest man, nay euen for the mothers of the players them selues to giue care too: Naturall shame hath bound vs with some respect vnto our parents, which vice it selfe cannot abolish. But that beastlynesse of ob­ [...] speaches and actions, which the Players acted in publike, before the mo­ther of all the gods, and in sight and hearing of an huge multitude of both sex­es, they would be ashamed to act at home in priuate before their mothers (g) were it but for repitition sake. And as for that company that were their spec­ [...], though they might easily bee drawn thether by curiosity, yet beholding c [...]ity so fouly iniured, me thinkes they should haue bene driuen from thence by the meete shame that immodesty can offend honesty withall. What can [...]dges be, it those were sacrifices? or what can bee pollution, if this were a The [...] offe­red to the Gods. purification? and these were called (h) Iuncates, as if they made a feast where all the v [...]eane d [...] of hell might fill their bellies. For who knowes not what [...] of spirit [...] are that take pleasure in these obscurities? vnlesse hee [...] [...] that there bee any such vncleane spirits that thus illude men vnder the names of gods: or else, vnlesse hee be such an one as wisheth the pleasure, and feares the displeasure of those damned powers more then hee doth the loue and wrath of the true and euerliuing God.

L. VIVES.

SAcriligious (a) mockories] Inuerting this, the holy plaies, a phrase vsed much by the Pa­gans. [...] [...] [...]. (b) The Enthusiastikes persons rapt] This place requireth some speech of the mother of the gods: Diodorus Siculus (Biblioth lib. 4.) tels the story of this Mo­ther of the gods diuers waies. For first hee writeth thus. Caelus had by his wife Titaea fiue & forty children, two of which were women, called Regina, and Ops: Regina being the elder, and miser of the two, brought vp all her other bretheren (to doe her mother a pleasure) and there­fore she was called the mother of the gods, and was marryed to hir brother Hiperion, to whome shee [...] Sol and Luna; who being both murdered by their vncles wicked practises, she fel mad, ranging vp and downe the Kingdome with a noise of drummes and cimbals, and that this grew to a custome after she was dead. Then he addes another fable: that one Menoes an ancient King of Phry [...] had by his wife Dindimene, a daughter whome he caused to be cast forth vpon mount Cy [...], [...] that the infant being nourished vp by wilde beasts; grew to be of admirable beauty, and [...] [...] by a [...]pheardesse, was by her brought vp as her own childe, and named Cibele [...]. [...]. of the [...] [...] [...] was found: that shee innented many arts of her owne head, and taught [...] [...] [...] [...] on pipes, danncing, drummes and cimbals, also farying of horses & [...] [...] [...] [...] [...] ▪ wherein shee was so fortunate that they named her The great mo­ther. A [...]. G [...]ing vp vnto yeares she fell in loue with a youth of that country called Atis, & being with child [...] by [...] was s [...] for backe by her father Menoes for a Uirgin: but the guilt beeing knowne, [...] and the Nurses were put to death: and Cibele being extreamely in loue with Atis fell madde, [...] [...] her fathers house along with a Timbrell and a cimball, she came to Nisa to Dioni­ [...] [...] [...]) where s [...] few yeares after she dyed: And soone after a great famine toge­ [...] [...] [...], [...] all P [...]gia, the inhabitants were commanded by Oracle to giue [Page 57] diuine worship to Atis and Cibele: and hence arose the first canonization of the Mother of the gods. Thus farre Diodorus, who no doubt hath declared the true originall of it as it was. But some do guesse that she was the mother of Iupiter, Iuno, Neptune and Pluto, and therefore was called Rhea, and in latine Ops: and Cibele, and Vesta, as all one. Nor make I any question but that this history is confounded, as is vsuall in euery fable of the gods: that she was a virgin, and therefore named Vesta, and that therefore Atys was faigned to bee a goodly young man, whom she louing, and commanding that she should neuer meddle with any other woman, he neglecting her command, fell in loue with a Nimph called Sangritis, which Cybele depriued him of those partes whereby hee was man, and for that reason euer since will haue her Priests defectiue in that fashion. And because that she was most or­dinarily worshipped of the Phrygians vpon Mount Ida, there vpon she got the name of the Idean mother, and of Berecynthia, as also of the Phrigian goddesse: Hie Priests were called The Priests called Gal­li. Galli, of the riuer Gallus in Phrigia, the water whereof beeing drunke, maketh men madde. And these Galli themselues, doe wherle their heads about in their madnesse, slashing their faces and bodies with kniues, and tearing themselues with their teeth when they are either madde in shew, or madde indeed. Their goddesse, (which was nothing but a great stone vpon Mount Ida) the Romanes transported into Italy, the day before the Ides of Aprill, which day they dedicated vnto her honours, and the plaies called Megalesia as on that day were acted. Liuy lib. 29. speaking of the Mother of the gods hath these words. They brought the goddesse into the Temple of Victorie which is on the Mount Palatine, the daie be­fore the Ides of Aprill. So that was made her feast daie. And all the people brought giftes vn­to the goddesse, vnto the Mount Palatine, and the Temples were spred for banquets, and the Plaies were named Megalesia, this is also in his sixteenth booke. About the same time a Temple was dedicated vnto the great Idean mother, which P. Cornelius receiued, being brought out of Asia by sea, P. Cornelius Scipio (afterward surnamed Africane) and P. Licinius beeing consulls. M. Liuius, and C. Claudius beeing censors, gaue order for the building of the Temple: And thirteene yeares after, it was dedicated, or consecrated by M. Iunius Brutus; M. Cor­nelius, and T. Sempronius beeing Consulls; and the Plaies that were made for the dedication thereof, (beeing the first plaies that euer came on stage;) Antias Valerius affirmeth were nam­ed Megalesia: Thus farre Liuy: To whom Varro agreeth also liber. 3. de lingua Latina. En­thusiastiques, or persons rapt] Were men distraught, taken with madnesse, as Bertcynthia's Galli were. Saint Augustine vpon Genesis calls them, men taken with spirits possessed. (c) Pi­pers] Or the singers, Symphoniacos, it commeth [...], which is Harmony, or con­sort. In the feastes of Cybele, was much of this numerall musicke, with Pipes and Tymbrells. Hereof Ouid singeth thus (in his fastorum, lib, 4.)

Protinus inflexo Berecynthia tybia cornu,
Flabit & Idaeae festa parentis erunt:
Ibunt Semimares, & inania tympana tundent;
Aera [...] tinnitus are repulsa dabunt.
Then Berecynthias crooked pipes shall blovv,
Th' Idaan mothers feast approcheth now,
Whose gelded Priests along the streetes doe passe,
With Timbrells, and the tinckling sounds of brasse.

And a little after:

Tibia dat Phrygios vt dedit ante, modos:
The Phrygian Pipe sounds now, as late before.

Diodorus saith the pipe was Cybele's inuention, and that shee taught Marsiat; him, that contended with Apollo. (d) Wee were delighted:] Some reade they were delighted but erroniously: wee reade it, with more reason, in the first person, Wee were de­lighted with the filthy plaies &c. Now though this Berecynthia was mother to so many gods yet they held that shee was a Virgin, as beeing Vesta as well as Berecynthia, as also be­cause he would haue her father Menoes to take her for such an one, and so to beleeue. (e) The feast day of her purification] The day before the Ides of Aprill, the Galli, her Priests v­sed to carry the Image of this great Mother in as great pompe, vnto the riuer Almon (which The ablu­tion of the mother of the gods. falleth into Tyber not farre from Rome) and there (according to the order of an old cus­tome) to wash it in the meeting of both the riuers: I say by an old custome. For the first day that it was brought from Asia, the Priest washed it there, wherevpon, that order was kept euery yeare. Hereof sings Lucane.

[Page 58]
[...] [...] p [...] r [...] Al [...] Cibelen, &c. lib. 1.
Cibele vvasht in Almon they fetch backe &c.

But Ouid more p [...]nely:

Est lo [...] [...] Tib [...] quo lubricus in fluit Almon
E [...] [...] [...] per dit in amne minor.
[...] [...] [...] cum veste Sacerdos,
[...] Al [...] sacra (que) louit aquis. Fastorum. 4.
There is a place were Almons current flovves
To Tibers streames, and so his name doth lose:
There vvasht the aged priest (in purple clad)
The Goddesse, and the reliques vvhich he had,

And Prudentius, writing of Saint Romanus his martyrdome, saith thus:

N [...]dare plant [...] ante carpentum sci [...]
Pr [...]ceres togatos in atris Idaeae sacris
Lapis nig [...]llus eue [...]endus essedo,
M [...]ebris o [...]s clausus arge [...]to sedet,
Quem ad laua [...]rum pr [...]do ducitis,
Ped [...] re [...] atterentes [...]eis.
Almonis [...] [...] riv [...].
I knovv vvhen Cibels feasts are honoured,
Your Lords all bare-foot march before the throne,
Whereon, in a rich chariot, the blacke stone
Sits in a vvomans shape ore siluered,
Which vvhen to purifying you do lead,
You vvalke before it, in strange vncouth shooes,
Vntil you reach the place vvhere Almon flovves.

(f) Beastly Stage-players] The first Stage-playes euery yeare were the Megalesian, wherin the Players comming forth to this new taske, spake most filthy and abhominable lafciuious The Mega­lesian plaies wordes vpon Cibel and Atis: and at that time diuers of the most ciuill Romaines, disguising them-selues from being knowne, went wandring about the streetes in all licentiousnesse. No speach, to act of vncleane luxury was left vnpractised, as Herodian affirmeth in the life of Co [...]dus. (g) Euen for repetition sake] though they spoke it but for exercising their memories, for learning of it by heart. (h) Iuncates] The text is fercula a ferendo, of carrying, because in sollemnities either of religion or tryumph they carry pictures and statues with re­uerence, Fercula vvhat they vvere. as the Images of the goddes and worthies were in the sacrifices: and in their tri­umps they carryed the pictures of such citties as they had conquered, and such armes as they had despoyled their foes off, the money that they had taken, and the rest of the pillage what­soeuer, So saith Tully, Su [...]tonius and others. And such meates also as were set on the table at sacr [...], were called Fercula, because they were brought in vppon chargers very state­fully, and with a kind of religious reuerence.

Of the obscaenities vsed in these sacrifices offered vn­to the mother of the goddes. CHAP. 5.

NOr will I stand to the iudgement of those whome I knowe doe rather delight in the vicious custome of enormities then decline from it: I will haue Scipio Nasica him-selfe to be iudge, and he whom the whole Senate pro­claimed for their best man, one whose onely handes were thought fitte to re­ceiue and bring in this Diuels picture: let him but tell vs first whether that hee desire that his mothers deserts were such that the Senate should appoint him Di [...] ho­ [...]r [...] to be [...]fac­tors. diuine honours: (as wee read that both the Greekes and other Romaine nations, also haue ordained for some particular men whose worth they held in high esteeme, and whose persons they thought were made immortall, and admitted amongst the gods.) Truly he would gladly wish his mother this felicity, if that such a thing could be. But if we aske him then further, whether he would haue such [...]thy pres [...]tations as Cibeius enacted as partes of his mothers honours; would he not a [...]ow (think you) that he had rather haue his mother lye dead and soncelesse, then to liue a goddesse, to heare and allow such ribauldry? Yes: Farre bee it [...] such a worthy Senator of Rome, as would forbidde the building of a Theater in a state maintaind by valour, to wish his mother that worshippe [...] please her goddesse-shippe, which could not but offend all woman-hood. [...] it possible that hee could bee perswaded, that diuinity could so farre [Page 59] alter the lawdable modesty of a woman, as to make her allow her seruants to call vpon her in such immodest tearmes, as being spoken in the hearing of any liuing woman, if shee stoppe not her eares and get her gone, the whole kinred of her father, husband, children and all would blush, and bee ashamed at her shamefulnesse. And therefore such a mother of the gods as this, (whom euen the worst man would shame to haue his mother a like vnto) did neuer seeke the best man of Rome (in her entrance into the peoples affections) to make him better by her counsells and admonitions, but rather worse, by her deceites and illusions: (like her of whom (a) it is written. A woman hunteth for the precious life of a man:) that his great spirit being eleuated by this (as it were diuine) testimo­ny Pro. 6. 26 of the Senate he holding himself soly the best, might bee thus with-drawne from the truth of religion, and godlinesse: without which, the worthiest wit is euer ouer-throwne and extinguished in pride and vaine glorie, what intent then (saue deceit) had she in selecting the best and most honests man, seeing she vseth and desireth such things in her sacrifices as honest men abhor to vse, were it but euen in their sports, and recreations?

L. VIVES.

OF whom (a) it is witten] Prouerbs 6. 26. Hierome readeth it, Capit, taketh: Saint Augus­tine readeth Captat, as the Septuagints doe [...], Venatur, hunteth: more aptly.

That the Pagans gods did neuer establish the doctrine of liuing well. CHAP. 6.

HEnce it proceedeth that those gods neuer had care of the liues and man­ners of such Cities and nations as gaue them diuine honors: but contrari­wise gaue free permission to such horrible & abhominable euils, to enter, not vpon their lands, vines, houses, or treasures, no nor vpō the body (which serues the minde) but vpon the minde it selfe, the ruler of all the flesh, and of all the rest: this they euer allowed without any prohibition at all. If they did prohi­bite it, least it be proued that they did. I know their followers will talke of cer­taine secret traditions and I know not what, some closely muttred instructions, tending to the bettring of mans life, but let thē shew where euer they had any publike places ordained for to heare such lectures: (wherein the Plaiers did not present their filthy gesture and speeches: nor where the (a) Fugulia were kept with all licentiousnesse of lust, fitly called Fugalia, as the Chasers away of all chastity and honesty:) but where the people might come and heare their gods doctrine concerning the restraint of couetousnesse, the suppression of ambition, and the brideling of luxury and riot: where wretches might learne that which (b) Persius thunders vnto them, saying.

Discitique [...] miscri, & causas cognoscite r [...]rum,
Quid sunus, aut quidnam victuri gignimu [...] [...]or do
Quis [...]tus, aut metoe quàm mollis flexus, & Unde [...]
Quis modus orgenti, quid fas optare, quid aspe [...]
V [...] nu [...]mus b [...]et: patriae charisque propinquis
Quantum elargiri decet, quem te Deus esse
[...], & humana qua parte locatuses in re.
Learne wretches, and conceiue the course of things
b What man is, and why nature forth him brings:
Satyra 3.
His settled c bounds, frō whence how soone he straies:
d What welths mean, & e that for which the good man praies
f How to vse mony: how to giue to friends,
What we in earth, g and God in vs, intends, &c.

Let them shew where these lessons of their instructing Gods were euer read or rehearsed: whether euer ther worshippers were vsed to heare of any [Page 60] such matters, as wee vse to doe continually in our Churches, erected for this purpose in all places wheresoeuer the religion of Christ is diffused.

L. VIVES.

NOr (a) where the fugalia] Of these feasts I doe not remember that I euer read any thing saue here. I would not let to set downe some-what out of my coniecture that the reader might admit another word for it, but that Augustine himselfe addeth, truely called The Fuga­lia. fugalia, viz of chastity and honesty. And though I know many coniectures which indeede whilest the truth is vnknowne are but truth, beeing once discouered are ridiculous, yet I will see what good may be done vnto others vnderstandings in this respect: that if I re­ueale not the truth I may stirre vp others to seeke it. First Uarro (de lingua latina lib. 5.) writeth that one day of the month of Iune was named Fugia, because the people on that day fled into Rome in a tumult: for it was not long after the Galles, who had chased thē out, were depar­ted: Fugia, a goddesse. and then the Countries that lay about Rome, as the Ficulneates, and the Fidenates, con­spired all against them: some significations of the flight of this day doe as yet remaine in the monuments: whereof in our bookes of Antiquities you may read at large; thus farre varro. This was the feast of the goddesse fugia, so called because they chased away their enemies: For the next day after, the Romanes conquered all their foes about them, and therevpon these feastes were kept with great mirth & sollemnity; for they were in a great feare least the re­mainder of the Romane nation leaft by the Galles should haue beene vtterly destroied by the rest. (Hilus in his booke of the gods calles this goddesse Vitula, (now Philo saith that Uictoria was called Uitula, as Macrobius testifieth in his Saturnalia.) wherefore these fu­galia, Vitula. or fugialia were feasts kept with all mirth and reuells vnto the goddesse Laetitia, the second of the Nones of Iune. In which feast, it is likely that the people let themselues loose to all riot and licentiousnesse. This I speake not intending to preiudice any other mans assertion, but onely to excite others to looke farther into the matter if they hold it a mat­ter worth looking into The Fu­galia weare feasts in Rome in­stituted for the expuls­ing of Ta [...] ­quin and the Kings: a Fugando, saith Censo­rinus. (b) Persius.] In his third satire, vpon an old sentence Nosce teipsum, that had wont to bee written vpon the dore of Apollo his Temple, dilateth as aforesaid. (c) Bounds from which how soone] In the Hippodromi, or horse-races there were seauen bounders: Domitian in certaine games ordained that they should runne but vnto the fift: because he would haue the sports sooner performed. Seauen times they touched all these bounds, saith Suetonius in his life. And there was great care and cunning in turning of their horses and chariots from bound to bound, least hee that was behind by his quicker turne should get before him that led—Propertius.

Aut prius infecto deposcit premia cursu,
Septima quam metam triuerit ante rota.
Or claimes his guerdon ere the course be done,
Before his wheeles past the seauenth marke haue run.

And hereto belongs that of Horace: Od. I.

Sunt quos curriculo puluerem Olympicum,
Collegisseiuuat, meta (que) feruidis
—Euitata rotis &c.
Some loue to see th' Olympick dust to lie,
About their chariot, and to thunder by
—The marke, with heated wheeles &c.

In the courses amongst the Grecians, there were some where it was not sufficient to run vnto the marke, but they must runne backe againe to the start: their turne at the halfe­course, they called the Diaulodrom [...]s, for [...] is the going about of a certaine space (as Vitruuius saith lib. 5.) which those that compassed sixe times were called Dolichodromi, and this is properly the signification of Meta, and Flexus in the text. Persius either thinketh [...]. that it is easie to turne out of a vertuous course into a vicious, or contrariwise that it is hard to turne frō the later to the first, when custome once hath rooted it in our affections & giuen it powre to tiranize: wherefore he wills vs to restraine that vse be-times, because it is not in our powre to thrust the yoake of it from our necks, when & where we would. Or he may meane of the variation of our age, as when wee passe from child-hood vnto mans e­state, wherein it is fit wee alter our conditions, (as hee in Terence saith) or when wee leaue our lusty and actiue part of life, our mans state, for a more settled and retired age. Where­of Cicero (in his first booke de Oratore) saith thus. If the infinite toyle of law businesses and the eployments of ambition should haue concurred with the ebbe of honours and the decay of our bodilie vigor through age &c. But more plainely in his Oration for Marcus Caelius: and in the same Metaphore. In this declining age, (for I will hide nothing from you; my trust of your [Page 61] humanity and wisdome is so great) indeed the young mans fame stucke a little at the bound, by rea­son of his vnhappy neighbourhood and knowledge of that woman, &c. Wee must not looke to these turnes in the horse-races onely, but in our liues also, and within our selues, saith Seneca (de tran­quillit. Uitae lib. 1.) There were bounds also in their water-games, or sea-sights, when and where to turne.

Hic viridem Aeneas frondenti ex illice metam,
Constituit signum nautis pater vndereuerti
Scirent, & longos vbi circumflectere cursus. Saith Virgil.
Here did Aencas sette vpon an oke
A signall, which inform'd the Saylers plaine,
How far to row, and where to turne againe. Aevead. [...]

I haue seeene this place of the text read thus in an old copy, Quâ mollis flexus et vnde, which indeed is not much amisse: Anthony of Lebrixa, our industrious gramarian, readeth it so. (d) Wealthes meane] Out of Plato, whence Persius hath all his morallitie. In the dialogue called Phaedo, Socrates prayeth thus: O my deare Pan, and all you other goddes giue me that eternal beau­tie: grant that all my externall adiuncts may bee confined to my affects within: let me thinke him onely wealthy that is wise. Let me haue but so much of riches, as no man but he that is temperate can sway, or dispose off. Thus prayed Socrates: and indeed moderat wealth is better worth wish­ing, then excesse. (e) And that for which] This he hath from Alcibiades in Plato (lib. 2. de voto) Wherein Plato teacheth him what to pray for. The said sentence of Socrates, Valerius rehear­seth also. (Lib. 7.) Of prayers Iuuenall saith thus:

Orandum est vt sit mens sana in corpore sano.
Pray for a sound soule, in as sound a breast.

Perhaps this limitation of Persius hath reference to that which followeth. How to vse money. (f) How to vse money] Asper in the text ioyned with Nummus, signifieth the roughnesse of the coyne being newly stampt, and which is worne smooth by passing from hand to hand. So Plinie calles carued vessells, which are graced with any bosses or branches standing out, Aspera, Rough Siluer. rough. Suetonius saith that Nero sought for tried gold, and rough or new coyned money, with exceeding greedinesse. Whether it be taken heere for newlly coyned, or because rough peeces were better then the smooth, or what they were I know not. But that the same vneuen'd peeces were called rough, the definition of roughnesse in Plato his Timaeus doth shew. Rough­nes) Roughnes defined. (saith he) is hardnesse commixt with vneuenesse. (g) God in vs intends] This is out of Plato also, who maketh God the commander of al mankind, assigning euery one his particular stati­on, as in a pitched field, from whence hee may not depart without his command. And it is a good help vnto the instruction of our life, that each of vs know, in what ranke of mankind he is placed, so to adapt his life to his estate, and discharge his function duly: be he a husbadman or a citizen, a free man or a seruant; a craftsman, a scholler, a minister, a soldiour, an officer, [...] Prince, or a priuate man.

That the Philosophers instructions are weake and bootlesse, in that they beare no diuine authority: because that the examples of the gods are greater confirmations of vices in men, then the wise-mens disputations are on the contrary part. CHAP. 7.

DO you think they will mention their Philosophy schooles vnto vs? as for them first of al they are deriued from Greece, and not from Rome: or if you say they are now Romaine because Greece is become a Prouince of the Romaines, I answer againe that the instructions giuen there are not of the documents of your gods, but the inuentions of man, whose quicke wits especiall indeauour was to find by disputation (a) what secrets were hid in the treasury of nature: (b) what was to Philoso­phies pre­cepts. bee desired, and what to be auoided in our Morallity (c) And what was cohaerent by the Lawes of disputation, or not following the induction, or quite repugnant vnto it. And some of these gaue light to great inuentions, as the grace of God as­sisted them, but yet they euermore erred, as the frailty of man possessed them; the The Phi­losophers more wor­thy of di­uine ho­nour then the Gods. diuine prouidence iustly opposing (d) their vain glory to shew the tract of piety to rise from humblenesse vnto height, by their comparrison: Which wee shall hereafter take an occasion to search into further by the will of the true and euer­lasting God. But if it were true that these Philosophers inuented any meanes suffi­cient [Page 62] to direct one to the attaining of a happy course of life, is there not far grea­ter reason to giue them (d) diuine honours; then the other? How much more ho­nest were it for to heare Platoes bookes read in a Temple of his, then the Galli gel­ded in the diuels? To view the (e) effeminate consecrated; the lunatike gashed with cuttes, and each thing else either cruell or beastiall, or bestially cruell, or cruelly bestiall, so commonly celebrated in the sollemnities of such goddes? Were it not far more worthy to haue some good lawes of the gods rehearsed vnto the youth for their instruction in integrity, then to passe the time in vaine commenda­tions of the labours of illuded antiquitie; but indeed (f) all the worshippers of such gods, as soone as they are initiate vnto those luxurious and venemous adorations, (g) As Persius saith, do looke more after Iupiters deeds, then either Platoes doctrine, or Catoes opinions. (h) And here-vpon it is that Terence bringes in the lustfull youth gazing vpon a table picture wherein was drawne how Ioue sent downe a showre of gold into the lap of Danae: and this was a fit president for this youth to follow in his lust, with a boast that he didde but imitate a god. But what god (saith he): Euen he that shakes the Temples with his thunder: since he aid thus, shal I (a meane wretch to him) make bones of it? No; I did it with all mine heart.

L. VIVES.

WHat (a) secrets were hid] Hee touches the three kindes of Phylosophy: in this place the Naturall. (b) what was to be desired] Here the Morall. (c) What was coherent] Here the Rationall or Logicall. Of these hereafter. (d) Their vaine glory] Because all that they inuented they ascribed vnto their owne wittes sharpnesse, and not a whit vnto gods influence. Of this Lactantius disputeth at large. (e) Effeminate consecrated.] Al these Galli were al of them beast­ly villaines, Sodomites giuen to al filthinesse in the world. Of whome Apuleyus relates most ab­hominable things, in the eighth and ninth book of his Asse: So doth Lucian also, whence Ap­puleyus had his argument. (f) All the worships] The examples of those whom we reuerence do moue vs much: for we indeauor to imitate them in al things, be they gods or men: the people affects the fashion of the Prince, the schollers of the maister they honour, and all mortall men their conditions whom they hold immortall. And here-vppon is our Sauiour Christ and his Saints set before al of our religion, to be obserued and imitated. Plato lib. de Repub. 2. amongst diuers reasons why he wil not tollerate Poets in his common-wealth, brings this for one, because their fictions of the gods, giue examples, very preiudiciall vnto the honesty of the readers, as their warres, thefts, seditions, adulteries and such like. Out of which Lucian hath the words he giues to Menippus in his Necromantia. I saith he being a boy and hearing Hesiod and Homer sing­ing of seditions and wars, not onely those of Heroes and demi-gods, but euen of the gods them-selues, their adulteries, rapines, tyranies, chasings out of parents, and marriages of bretheren and sisters, truly I thought all these things both lawfull and lawdable, and affected them very zealously. For I thought the gods would neuer haue bin lechers, nor haue gone together by th'eares amongst them-selues, vnlee they had allowed al these for good and decent. Thus far Lucian. We haue rehersed it in the words of Thomas Moore: whome to praise negligently, or as if wee were otherwise imployed, were Sir Thomas Moore. grosenes. His due commendations are sufficient to exceed great volumes. For what is hee that can worthily limme forth his sharpnes of wit, his depth of Iudgement, his excellence and varie­ty of learning, his eloquence of Phrase, his plausibility and integrity of manners, his iudicious fore-sight, his exact execution, his gentle modesty and vprightnes, and his vnmoued loyaltie? vnles in one word he wil say they are al perfect, intirely absolute, & exact in al their ful propor­tions? vnles he wil cal them (as they are indeed) ye patterns and lusters, each of his kinde? I speake much, and many that haue not known Moore, will wonder at me: but such as haue, wil know I speak but truth: so wil such as shal either read his works, or but heare or looke vpon his actions: but another time shal be more fit to spred our sailes in this mans praises, as in a spacious Ocean, wherin we wil take this ful and prosperous wind & write both much in substance, and much in value of his worthy honours: and that vnto fauourable readers. (g) As Persius saith] Satyrd. 3.

—Cum dir [...] [...] bids
Mou [...] ingen [...] fer [...]ti [...]cta [...].
—When the blacke lust of sinne.
Dipt in hot poison burnes the minde within.

[Page 63] It is meant indeed of any gaules; which is hotte poyson: But Augustine vseth it heare for the generatiue sperme, which some call Virus. (h) Here-vppon it is that Terence bringes] In his Eunuchus: Chaerea who was carried disguised for an Eunuch by Parmeno vnto Thais, beeing enamourd on a wench, that Thraso the soldior had giuen to her, and telling his fellow Antipho how he had inioyed her, re [...]ates it thus: While they prepare to wash, the wench satte in the Parlour, looking vpon a picture wherein was painted how [...] sent downe the showre of gold into Danaes lappe: I fell a looking at it with her: and because hee hadde plaid the same play before me, my mind gaue me greater cause of ioy, seeing a God hadde turned him-selfe into a man, and stolne vnto a woman through another mans chimney, and what God? Euen hee that shaketh Temples with his thunder: should I (beeing but a wretch to him) make bones of it? No I didde it euen withall my heart. Thus farre Terence. Danae beeing a faire Virgin, her father Acrisius Danne. kept her in a Tower that no man should haue accesse vnto her. Now Iupiter being in loue with her, in a showre of gold dropt through the chimney into the Tower, and so inioyed [...]er: that is, with golden guifts (against which no locke, no guard is strong ynough) hee corrupted both the keepers and the maid her-selfe.

Of the Roma [...]s Stage plaies, wherein the publishing of their gods foulest imparities, did not any way offend, but rather delight them. CHAP. 8.

I But (wil some say) these things are not taught in the institutions of the gods, but in the inuentions of the Poets. I will not say that the gods misteries are more obicaene then the Theaters presentations: but this I say (& wil bring history sufficient to conuince all those that shal denie it) that those playes which are for­med according to these poeticall fictions, were not exhibited by the Romaines vn­to their goddes in their sollemnities through any ignorant deuotion of their owne, but onely by reason that the goddes them selues didde so strictly com­maund, yea and euen in some sort extort from them the publike presenting and dedication of those plaies vnto their honours. This I handled briefly in the first booke. For (a) when the citty was first of al infected with the pestilence, then were stages first ordained at Rome by the authorization of the chiefe Priest. And what is he, yt in ordering of his courses, will not rather choose to follow the rudi­ments which are to be fetched out of plaies, or whatsoeuer being instituted by his gods, rather then the weaker ordinances of mortall men? If the Poets didde falsely record Iupiter for an adulterer then these gods being so chast, should be the more offended, and punish the world, for thrusting such a deale of villany into their ce­remonies, and not for omitting them. (b) Of these stage-plaies the best and most tollerable are Tragedy and Comedy: being Poetical fables made to be acted at these shewes: wherein notwithstanding was much dishonest matter, in actions, but none at al of wordes: and these the old men do cause to be taught to their chil­dren, amongst their most honest and liberal studies.

L. VIVES.

FOr (a) when the citty was] Because in this booke and in the other following, Saint Augus­tine doth often make mention of Stage-plaies, it seemeth a fit place here to speake somewhat thereof: and what should haue beene seattered abroad vpon many chapters, I will here lay all into one, for the better vnderstanding of the rest. And first of their Originall, amongst the Greekes first, and the Romaines afterwards: for imitation brought them from Greece to Rome. The old husbandmen of Greece vsing euery yeare to sacrifice to Liber Pater for their fruites, The inuen­tion of Plaies. first vsed to sing something at the putting of the fire on the altars, in stead of prayers: and then to please him the better, they sung ouer all his victories, warres, conquests, triumphs, and his captiuation of Kings. For reward of which paines of theirs, a Goat was first appointed, or the Skin of an offered Goat, full of wine. So these rewards partly, and partly oftentation, set ma­ny [Page 64] good wits work amongst these plaine countrimen, to make verses of this theame; meane and few at first, but as al thinges else, in processe of time they grew more elegant and conceited: and because the Kings yt Liber had conquered, afforded not matter ynough for their yearely songs they fell in hand with the calamities of other Kings, like to the former, and sung much of them And this song was called a tragedy either of [...], a Goate, the reward of the conqueror in this Tragedy. contention, or of the wine-leese wherwith they anoynted their faces; called by the Greeks [...] Now some wil haue the Comedy to haue had the Originall from these sacrifices also: others frō the sollemnities of Apollo Nomius, that is the guardian of sheapheards and villages, some say yt Comedy. both these sacrifices were celebrated at once. I wil set down the most common opinion. When the Athenians liued as yet in dispersed cotages (Theseus hauing not yet reduced them to a Citty) The husbandmen vsed after their sacrifices to breake iests, both vpon such as were at the sacrifices and such as trauaild by chance that way: and by these mirthfull scoffes, delighted all the company. Now after that the citty was builded, the husbandmen at the times appointed for the sollemnities, came into the towne in carts, and iested one while at their fellowes, and a­nother while at the cittizens, cheefly such as had offended them. And this was called a Come­dy, either of [...] a Village, because they liued in such, or of [...] away, and [...] to be saucy, or to reuell; because they were profuse and spared no man in the way with their petulent quips. (And this is rather the true deriuation, because the Athenians as then did not call the villages [...], but [...].) This custome pleased the cittizens, and made them animate those of the prō ­test wits, to write more exactly in this kinde of verse. And so by little and little, the countrie fellowes were thrust out, whose quips were simple, and how euer enuious, yet not bloudy: now the citty Poets taxing at first the vices of the cittizens with bitternes, did some good in reclai­ming particulars from folly, through feare of being personated: but afterwards when they be­gan to follow their own affects and their friends, exercising their grudges with sharpnesse, and vsing their pens for their weapons, they would sometimes traduce Princes that neuer had de­serued any such matter, and euen name them. Which tricke when Eupol [...]s had plaid with Al­cibiades Eupolis. in his Comedy called Baptis, hee caused him to bee taken and throwne into the sea: being then Generall of the Athenian forces, and hauing a Nauie in the Hauen Pireus: when hee was throwne in, it was said Alcibiades rehearsed these wordes often times ouer: thou hast often drowned me vpon the stage Eupolis, I will once drowne thee in the sea. By this example Alcibiades the rest of the Poets were so terrified, that Alcibiades got a law past, that no man should dare to name any man vppon the Stage. So that kinde of Comedy called [...] that is the olde Three kindes of Comedies. Old. Meane. Nevv. Comedy, was abolished. Then came in the second, wherein many were girded at priuily sup­pressing of names vnder coullors, and this the Nobility fell in dislike withall, least their factes should bee glanced at vnder hand. So that was taken quite away: and a new kinde inuented, which treated of meane persons vnder change of names, the argument whereof was euer so different from the facts of the Nobility, as each man might perceiue that they were farthest frō the drift of these taxations. And besides there was such moderation vsed in all the effects, that no man could iustly complaine of them, though they hadde spoken of him by name. Of this kinde Menander was the chiefe Poet, who liued with Alexander the great, beieng some-what younger then hee was. The olde kinde flourished in the warres of Peloponesus, and in that kinde Aristophanes was most excellent, by report some say that he was very good at the second sort also. But doubtlesse Antiphanes of Larissa was the best in this kinde that euer wrote. And these kindes were all in Greece. But in the foure hun­dreth yeare after Rome was builded, T. Sulpitius Potitus, and C. Licinius Stolon beeing Consuls, when the Cittie was (both the yeare before, and that yeare also) grieuously infected with the plague, by an Oracle out of the books of the Sibils were Stage-playes called thether (a new accustomed thing to such a warlike nation.) Their players they hadde out of Hetruria, and they named them Histriones:, in the language of that countrey: And these didde daunce vnto the flute, without speaking any thing, but not without such conceited gestures as then were in vse else-where. And then the Countrey people of Italy after the fashion of the Greekes, hauing sacrificed after their haruest, and giuen their goddes thankes for their yeares good increase, after all, in their mirth, vsed to iest one vp­pon another for sportes sake, sparing not now and then to cast forth a sluttish phrase, and some-time a bitter quippe. And this they didde interchangeably, in verses called Fescenini, of such a Cittie in Hetruria These the Romaine Players began to imitate, but neuer named for that was expresly forbidden before by a law in the twelue Tables. But these Fescenine vses [...]. [Page 65] wore out of the playes by a little and little, and were left onely vnto marryages and tri­umphes: And such plaies began to bee inuented as were delightfull and yet not offensiue, which Horace touches at in his Epistle to Augustus. So it being not allowable to traduce any man by his name vppon the stage, there sprung vppe diuers sorts of these playing fables in Italy, after the manner of the Greekes, as the New Comedie, and the Satyre: Not that which taxeth vices and is bound vnto that one kinde of verse, which Horace, Persius, and Iuuenall wrote in: for that was first inuented by Lucilius (who serued vnder Scipio Aemi­lianus in the warres of Numance.) But that wherein the Satyres were brought in, in a slut­tish Satyres. and approbrious manner, as in hayry coates, heauy paced, and altogether [...]nsome and slouenly. Their Stage was strowed with flowers, leaues and grasse, to resemble the The Sa­tyres. Mountaines, Woodes and Caues; euen like as the tragike Stage resembleth the state of kingly Pallaces, and the comicall, the fashion of meaner mens houses, as Vitruuius writeth, (Lib. 5.) After these Satires went out of vse; The first True omedie in latine verse was The first nevv [...]o­medy at Rome. written by Liuius Andronicus, Salinators freed seruant, after Rome was builded, iust fiue hundred and forty yeares, in the Consulshippes of Appius Claudius Sonne to Caecus, and Sempronius Tuditanus, the first Carthaginian warre beeing ended some few yeares before, as Atticus doth account the time. And this man seconded By Noeuius, Plautus Ennius, Te­rence, and many other Comedians after them: what remaineth of this subiect, shall be spoken in the fittest place.

(b) Of these Stage-plaies the best] In these reuels, sometimes there were plaies presented worth the hearing: and sometimes againe, the players would act most filthy gestures in si­lence, and sometimes speake some-what for the feast they kept. Of these Comedies some were called Palliatae, their argument being Greeke and their actors in Greekish cloakes: such Pallia [...]. are all Terences and Plautus his: Others Togatae, their argument concerning the Romaine affaires, and their actors presenting it in Romaine gownes: such are those of Afranius. And Togata. these Togatae are of two sorts, either Pretextatae, the plotte beeing of the deedes of some Praetextata. Kings or Emperours of Rome, wherein the Pretexta, the Noblemans habite must needes bee vsed; (from which kinde I cannot see that the Trabeatae do differ much, those which C. Meli­us Trabcata. of Spoleto, Mecenas his free-man inuented: I know not whether they were a [...] one or Taberna­ria. not, hauing hereof no certaine notice:) or Tabernariae, wherein the actions of the vulgar were desciphered. where are Tragedies, Comedies, Satyres, and there are Mimikes, which are called otherwise, Plaine-feete, plani-pedes, wearing neither shooes nor buskins, but comming The Mi­mikes. bare-foote vpon the Stage: The Satyres notwithstanding and the Mi [...]kes are both included vnder the Comedie. And some say so is the Tragedie too. But the Tragedie discourseth of lamen­table fortunes, extreame affects, and horrible villanies, but farre from turpitude. The Comedie treates of the Knaueries and trickes of loue, being brought into it by Menander to please the Macedonians that stood affected to such passages. The Satyre containeth the looser Faunes, and Siluanes whose rusticall iestes delighted much, and sometimes they would lament. But as they were v [...]lceanely and slouenly goddes, so were their speeches often times foule, and disho­nest to heare. But the Mimikes forbore no beastlinesse, but vsed extreeme licentiousnesse And yet these were more tollerable then other things which were acted in the sollemnities of Bac­chus: (which for their incredible filthinesse were expelled out of Italie by a decree of the Se­nate.) Also in the Saturnalia, and Floralia, which twoo feastes were celebrated by common Floralia. strumpets, and the most raskally sort of all men. The actors of the Floralia, though they reue­renced not their owne goddesse, yet when Cato came, they reuerenced him, and would not act Cato. them in his presence.

What the Komaines opinion was touching the restraint of the liberty of Poesie, which the Greekes, by the counsaile of their Goades, would not haue restrained at all. CHAP. 9.

WHat the Romaines held concerning this point, (a) Cicero recordeth in his bookes which he wrote of the Common wealth, where Scipio is brought in say­ing thus: If that the priutledge of an old custome had not allowed them, Comedies could neuer haue giuen such proofes of their v [...]esse vpon Theaters. And some of the ancient Greekes pretended a conuenince in their vicious opinion, and made it a [Page 66] law that (c) the Comedian might speake what he would, of any man, by his name. Wherfore (as Africanus saith well in the same booke) Whom did not the Poet touch, nay whom did he not vexe, whom spared he? perhaphs so, saith one, he quipt a sort of wicked, seditious, vulgar fellowes, as (d) Cleo (e) Clytophon, and (f) Hyperbolus: to that we assent (quoth hee againe) though it were fitter for such falts to bee taxed by the (g) Censor then by a Poet, but it was no more decent that (h) Pericles should bee snuf­fed at, hauing so many yeares gouerned the Citty so well both in warre and peace, then it were for (i) our Plautus, or Naeuius to deride (k) Publius or Cneius Scipio, or for (l) Caecilius to mocke (m) Marcus Cato. And againe, a little after, Our twelue Tables (quoth hee) hauing decreed the obseruation but of a very few things (n) vpon paine of death, yet thought it good to establish this for one of that few, that none should (o) write or acte any verse, derogatory from the good name of any man, or preiudiciall vnto manners. Excellently well! for our liues ought not to bee the obiects for Poets to play vpon, but for lawfull magistracy, and throughly informed iustice to iudge vpon, nor is it fit that men should here them-selues reproached, but in such places as they may ans­were and defend their owne cause in. Thus much out of Cicero in his fourth booke of The Common wealth: (which I thought good to rehearse word for word, one­ly I was forced to leaue out some-what, and some-what to transpose it, for the easier vnderstanding. For it giues great light vnto the proposition which I (if so be I can) must prooue and make apparant.) Hee proceedeth further in this dis­course, and in the end concludeth thus, that the ancient Romanes vtterly disliked, that any man should be either praised or dispraised vpon the stage. But as I said before, the Greekes in this, though they vsed lesse modesty, yet they followed more conuenience, seeing they saw their gods so well to approue of the repre­sented disgraces, not onely of men, but euen of themselues, when they came vpon the stage: whether the plaies were fictions of Poetry, or true histories of their deeds. (and I wish their worshippers had held them onely worth the laughing at; and not worth imitation!) for it were too much pride in a Prince to seeke to haue his owne fame preserued, when hee sees his gods before him set theirs at six and seauen. For where as it is said in their defence, that these tales of their gods were not true, but merely poeticall inuentions, and false fictions, why this doth make it more abhominable, if you respect the purity of your religion: and if you obserue the malice of the diuil, what cūninger or more deceitful fetch can there be? For when an honest & worthy ruler of a contry is slandered, is not the slāder so much more wicked & impardonable, as this parties life that is slandered is clearer and sounder from touch of any such matter? what punishment then can be sufficient for those that offer their gods such foule and impious iniury?

L. VIVES.

CIcero (a) recordeth in his] If of all the ancient monuments of learning which are either Tullyes bookes de republi­ca. wholy perished, or yet vnpublished, if I should desire any one extant, it should bee Cicero his sixe bookes de Republica. For I doubt not but the worke is admirable, and gesse but by the fragments which are extant. I doe heare that there are some that haue these bookes but they keepe them as charily as golde apples; but vntill they come forth to light let vs make vse of the coniectures, recorded in other places of Cicero his workes. (b) where Scipio] The Cornelian family amongst other sur-names, got vp that of Scipio. from one of their bloud that was as a staffe (Scipionis Vicè) to his kinde and sickly Father. Of this family The Sci­ [...]. [Page 67] were many famous men, of whom wee meane to speake some-what in their due places. This whom Tully brings in, speaking in his worke De Republica, was sonne vnto L. Aemilius Pau­lus, that conquered Perseus King of Macedon. Scipio the sonne of the greater Scipio African adopted him for his sonne, and so he was called Aemilianus, of the stock of whence he was dis­cended. He razed Carthage and Numance. (c) The Comedian,] this was the olde Comedy, [...]: and of this we said before, that the citizens for feare of being brought vpon the stage, would either begin to liue well (if so they intended) or at least forbeare to bee seene do euill. Old come­dies. Socrates said it was meete to expose ones selfe freely to the Comick Pen; for if they write true of our vices, they are a meane to reforme vs: if they write false, it concernes not vs. Yet euen Socrates himselfe that innocent hurtlesse man was mocked by Aristophanes in his Nebulae, a knauish comedie, set forth onely to that end. And this was one of the greatest proofes, that the Aristopha­nes [...]is Nebu [...]ae. Poets of this Old kinde of Comedy, at that time had mercenarie Pens, and followed peruerse and maleuolent affects.

(c) Cleon,] hee was a Lether-seller, a seditious fellow, enemy to Nicias, Demosthenes, Cleon. and almost vnto all honest men: yet no euill souldior, if wee may trust Thucidides and Aristopha­n [...]s his [...]quites. Plutarch: against him, did Aristophanes make a comedy, and hee called it Equites, the Knights: and when the Poet would haue presented this view of Cleons extortion and tyr­ranous rapine to the people, the workeman durst not make a visar like Cleons face, for feare of his power: So the Poet was faine to dawbe the actors faces with wine lees: and yet they being afraid to enter vpon the Stage, Aristophanes himselfe came forth alone and acted Cleon, so great was his rancour against him. For which afterwards hee was accused of Cleon, and fined at fiue talents as himselfe complaineth in his comedy called Acharnenses, that is, hee cast vp as much as hee had taken in, for perhaps Demosthenes and Nicias had hired him to write it, as Melitus & Anitus, Socrates his enemies gotte him with money to pen that comedie called Nephelis. He was a man that wrote much when he was drunke. This Cleon, Plutarch mentioneth in his Politickes also.

(e) Cleophon] This fellow (saith Plutarch) was such another as Cleon. (f) Hy­perbolus,] Cleophon. Hiperbolus Thucidides and Plutarch, and Lucian also in his Misanthropus, do mention this fellow with the additions of a wicked Cittizen, and affirme that he was banished the Citty by the law, of Ostracisme, (a kinde of suffrage-giuing) not for any feare of his power & dignitie, as others were, but as the common shame and scandall of the whole towne. Cicero in his Brutus speaking of Glaucias saith: He was a man most like Hyperbolus of Athens, whose vile conditions the olde Athenian Comedies gaue such bitter notes of. That he was taxed by Eupolis, Quintilian intima [...]es in his first booke of his Institutions, speaking of Musick. And Caelius Rhodoginus hath a whole Chapter of him. Lection. Antiqu [...]r. lib. 9. (g) Of the Censor,] Euery fift yeare the Romaines elected two, to ouer-see the Census, that is, to estimate and Iudge of the wealth, manners, and The Cen­sor. esteeme of euery particular citizen. And herevpon they were called Censors, (for as Festus saith, euery one held himselfe worth so much as they rated him at,) and the Maisters of the manners. So saith Cicero vnto Appius Pulcher. (h) Pericles] This man, by his eloquence and other ciuill Pericles. institutions, did so winne the hearts of the Athenians to him, that he was made the gouernor of that common-weale for many yeares together, being euer both wise and fortunate, in warres abroad, and in peace at home. Eupolis an old Comedian saith, that On his lips sat [...] that is, the Goddesse of perswasion, whom fully (de oratore lib. 3) calleth Lepor, Eanius Suada, and Horace [...]. (by the diminutiue) Suadela: of the matter of those verses, Cicero and Quintilian make very of­ten vse in Greeke fragments: for the whole Comedies of Eupolis, and many more, are now lost. These verses are extant in the first Booke of Plinius [...]ecilius his Epistles, and part of them also in Suidas. I much maruell that Politian mentions neither of them in his Chapter of his Centaures, where hee speaketh of this. The verses hee hath out of one of Aristides his inter­pretours, whom he nameth not. Indeed I deny not but that there are more of his verses, then are either in Suidas or Plinie.

Aristophanes also, the ancient Comedian said that Pericles cast lightning and thunder from his lippes, and confounded all Greece. And this both Eupolis and hee spake in the powring out of their callumnies against him, as Tully (de orat. lib. 3. & de perfecto oratore.) and Quintilian (liber. 12.) doe both affirme. The Comedian scoffed also at his long shaped head, and therefore hee was alwayes pictured in his Helmitte. (i) For our Plautus,] Li­uie was the first Latine Poet, as I haue sayd before, and next after him, Naeuius, who [Page 68] serued as a souldiar in the first warre of Affricke: Then, Plautus, almost of the same time with Naeuius: hee left many comedies, the most part whereof wee haue, and there was no part of Plautus. all that, or the following age that pleased better then hee. Scipio calleth him Our Plautus, not that he euer knew him, but because he was a latine Poet, and he had spoken of the Greekes be­fore (k) P. or C. Scipio] These were brethren and as Seruius saith twinnes. Publius was father to the Greater Scipio Affrican, Cneius vnto Nasica that good man, of whom wee spake be­fore. They were both slaine in Spaine by the Africanes in the second Carthaginian warre, Scipios the brethren. which began in the Consulship of Publius. Tully in his Oration for Cornelius Gallus, calles these two brethren the two Thunderbolts of the Empire: and some say that that verse of Virgill is meant of them.

—Geminos duo fulmina belli,
Scipiadas—. Aenaed 6.
Scipiades belli [...]ulmen, Carthaginis horror—&c.
—two thunderbolts of warre,
The Scipios—taking it out of Lucretius.
Warres thunder Scipio, Carthages dread feare &c.

So that these Poets liued in their times. (l) Or Caecilius] Caecilius Statius liued in the Ma­cedonian, Caecilius. and Asian warre, and was chamber-fellow with Ennius. Volcatius Sedigitus giues him the pricke and praise for Commedy, and Horace approoues his grauity. We haue nothing Cato the el­der. of his now extant. Tully seemes not to like of his phrase. (m) Marcus Cato] The Elder, hee that first made the Portian family honorable: hee was borne at Tusculum, and attained the honor of Consul, Triumph, and Censor. Beeing but of meane discent, the nobility enuied him wholy: but his authority with the Commonalty was very great: he liued in the times of Enni­us and Caecilius. (n) Few things vpon paine of death] There were very few crimes with the old Romanes punished with death, and farre fewer in the times that followed: for the Portian The Porti­an law. lawe forbad the death of any condemned Citizen, allowing onely his banishment. So that it being held death-worthy to depraue any man by writing, proues that the Romanes were ex­treamely afraid of infamy. But here let the Reader obserue the meaning of this law, out of Fes­tus: Capite di­miaui, what. who speaking of this Capitis Diminutio, this Capitall Punishment writeth thus, He is said to be capite diminutus, capitally punished, that is banished, that of a free man is made a bond­slaue to another, that is forbidden fire and water, and this the Lawiers call, Maxima capitis di­minutio, the most capitall punishment of all. For there are three kindes of it: the greatest, the meane, and the smallest. This I thought good to set downe, not out of mine owne iudgement: Horace writeth thus vnto Augustus.

—Quin etiam lex
Paena (que) dicta, malo quae nollet carmine quenquam
Describi: vertêre modum formidine fustis, &c.
—besides a penall law
Frobidding all such verse as shame prouokes:
So changed they their notes for feare of stroakes &c.

Porphiry vpon this place saith he that wrote infamous verses vpon any man, was iudged to be beaten with clubs: But Acron maketh Horace to speake metaphorically, (o) Acte] The old booke hath occenàsset, should sing out, and I thinke better then otherwise: the ancient Latinists (saith Festus) vsed occentare, for the same for which we vse conuitium facere, to mocke, Occentare what it is. or reproach: which was done aloud, and as it were sung out vnto others hearing a farre off, and this was held dishonest.

That the diuills through their settled desire to doe men mischiefe were wil­ling to haue any villanies reported of them, whither true or false. CHAP. 10.

BVt those wicked spirits, whō these mē take to be gods, were desirous to haue such beastly stories spred abroad of thē, (though they themselues had neuer acted any such thing) only to keep mens mindes inueigled in such bestiall opini­ons, as it were in snares, or nets, and by that meanes to draw them to predestinate [Page 69] damation for company: whether it bee true that such men as those that loue to liue in errors, doe select for gods, did themselues commit any such things (for which the diuills set themselues out to be adored, by a thousand seuerall trickes of hurtfull deceite:) or that there were no such things done at all, but onely, those malicious and suttle diuills doe cause them to bee faigned of the gods, to the end that there might bee sufficient authoritie, deriued as it were from heauen to earth, for men to commit all filthinesse by. Therefore the Grecians, seeing that they had such gods as these to serue, thought it not fit to take away any li­berty from the Poets in vsing these stage-mockes and shames: [...]dt is they did either for feare least their gods should bee prouoked to anger against them, in case they went about to make themselues into more honest moulds then they were, and so seeme to preferre themselues before them; or els for desire to bee made like their gods, euen in these greatest enormities. And from this imagi­ned conuenience came it, that they hold the very (a) actors of such plaies, to bee worthy of honours in their Cities. For in the same booke Of the Common-wealth; (b) Aeschines, of Athens, an (c) eloquent man, hauing beene an Actor of Tra­gedies in his youth, is sayd to haue borne office in the Common-wealth. And Aristodemus (d) another actor of Tragedies was sent by the Athenians vpon an Embassage to Phillip, about especiall and weighty affaires of warre and peace. For they held it an vnmete thing (seeing they saw their gods approue of those actions, and artes of playing,) to repute those worthy of any note of infamy, that were but the actors of them.

L. VIVES.

THe very (a) actors] Aemilus Probus speaking of the Greekish fashions saith. In those coun­tries it was no disgrace for any man to come vpon the stage, and set himselfe as a spectacle to the people: which wee hold for partly infamous, and partly base and vnworthy of an honest man. (b) Aeschines] An [...]rator of Athens, enemie to Demosthenes hee acted Tragedies vpon the stage. And therefore Demosthenes in his Oration de Corona calles him [...], An apish trage­dian, Aschines. or a tragicall ape. Quintilian saith hee was Hypocrita, that is Histrio, a stage-plaier. Plutarche (in 10. Rhetoribus) saith hee was an Actor of Tragedies: So saith Philostratus also in his booke De sophistis, and that he did not leaue his country through con­straint, or banishment, but beeing iudged to bee ouercome in a contention by [...]tesiphon, hee went away vnto Alexander, who as then was Emperor of Asia: but hearing that hee was dead before he came at him, hee bent his course for Rhodes, and liking the sweet aptnesse vnto study that that soile afforded, hee settled himselfe there. Aeschines himselfe in an Epistle hee wrote to the Athenians, seemes to affirme, that hee had giuen ouer his stage-playing before hee bore any place in the Common-wealth (c) an eloquent man] That hee was most eloquent, is most plaine: as also that his voice was sweete, and full: and some there are that asigne him next dignity vnto Demosthenes: nature gaue him more worth then industry: Some say hee was scholler vnto no man: but of a sudden from a scribe hee became an oratour, and that his first oration was against Phillip of Macedon: and hereby hee got such fauor and credite amongst the people, that they sent him Embassadour to the same King. Others asigne him Plato, and Isocrates for his Maisters, and some Leodamas: This Rhodian Rhetorik [...]; was a certaine meane, betweene the Asian and the Athenian. Aeschines inuented and taught it in his schoole at Rhodes after his retirement thether (d) Aristodemus another actor] This man as Demosthenes writeth, went Embassadour to King Philippe with Demosthenes himselfe, and Aeschines. This Aristode­mus. is hee, who, when Demosthenes asked him what fee hee had for pleading, answered, a talent: I but (quoth Demosthenes) I had more for holding of my tongue. Critolaus repor­teth this.

That the Grecians admitted their Plaiers to beare office in their Commonwealths, least they should seeme vniust in despising such men as were the pacifiers of their Gods. CHAP. 11.

THis was the Grecians practise: absurd inough howsoeuer, but yet most fitly applied vnto the nature of their gods: (a) they durst not exempt the liues of their cittizens from the lashes of poeticall pennes and plaiers tongues, because they saw their gods delighted at the traducing of themselues: and they thought surely, that those men that acted such things vpon the stage, as pleased the gods, ought not to be disliked at any hand by them that were but seruāts to those gods: Nay not onely, that, but that they ought to bee absolutely and highly honored by their fellow Cittizens: for what reason could they finde, for the honoring of the Priests that offered the sacrifices which the gods accepted well of, and yet allowe the actors to bee disgracefully thought of, who had learnt their profession by the speciall appointment of the selfe same gods, that exact these celebrations of them, and are displeased if they bee not sollemnized? Especially seeing that (b) Labeo, (who they say was most exact in these matters) distinguisheth the good spirits from the badde by this diuersity of their worshippes, that (c) the badde ones are delighted with Slaughters, and tragicall inuocations, and the good with mirthfull reuells, and sportfull honors, such as Playes (quoth he) banquets, and (d) reuelling on beddes are; of which hereafter (so God bee pleased) wee will discourse more at large. But to our present purpose: whether it bee so that all kindes of honours bee giuen vnto all the gods mixt and confused, as vnto onely good ones: (for it is not fit to say there are any euill gods, although indeede they are all e­uill, beeing all vncleane spirits) or that according as Labeo saith, there must bee a Al vnclean spirits are vvicked di­uills. discretion vsed, and that these must haue such and such particular rites of obser­uances asigned, and those other, others; howsoeuer, the Greekes did most con­ueniently to hold both Priests and Plaiers worthy of honorable dignities, the Priests for offring of their sacrifices, and the Plaiers for acting of their enterludes: least otherwise, they should bee guilty of offring iniury either to all their gods, if they all loue plaies, or (which is worse) to those whom they account as the good ones, if they onely affect them.

L. VIVES.

THey (a) durst not exempt] Sisitheus presenting a Commedy wherein he scoffed at Cleanthes the Stoicke, whereas others were offended at it, they say the Philosopher himselfe replied that it were a shame for a man to fret at such things, seeing that Hercules, and Dionysius being gods, are dayly mocked thus, and yet are not displeased. (b) Labeo] There were three Labeo's; all of great skill in the ciuill law: But the most learned of them all was Antistius Labeo who The Lab [...]s. liued in Augustus his time: he was scholler to Trebatius Testa, and was cunning not onely in the law, but in all antiquity and knowledge, being (as Gellius reports) an exact historian. But Augustus did not much affect him by reason of his great freedome of speech, and largenesse of wit: This opinion of his hee seemes to deriue from Platonisme, and Stoicisme, though with some alteration. For the Platonists held that all the gods were good: but that amongst the Daemones and Heroes, some were good and some were badde. Porphiry, in his booke of sacri­fices saith, that a true worshipper must neuer sacrifice any liuing creature vnto the gods, but onely vnto those Daemones. And the same author in his booke De via intelligibilium, ex­plaines more fully which are good Daemones, and which are euill. But of this, in another place. (c) the bad ones] The worse that these gods are, and the more infernall, the sadder kind of in­uocations doe they desire to be vsed to them: so doe the Hell-gods; Pluto, Proserpine, and o­thers: Sad sacri­fices. Lucane brings in Erichtho inuocating the infernall Deities thus:

[Page 71]
—Sivos satis ore nefando,
Pollu [...]óque voco: si nunquam haec carmina fibris, humanis ieiuna [...]ano: si pectora pl [...]na
Saepe de [...]i, & laui calido prosecta cerebro: si quis, qui vestris caput extáque lancibus infant
Imposuit, victurus crat.—
—If [...]uer I [...]uok'd
In well black't phrase: if ere my charmes lackt guilt of mangling humane brests: if I haue spilt
Bloud in such plenty: brought your quarters vvasht, in their ovvne braynes: if [...]re the members gasht,
I seru'd you in, vvere to reuiue.—

d. reuelling vpon beds] Hereof in the third booke.

That the Romaines in abridging that liberty (with the Poets would haue vsed vpon men,) and in allowing them to vse it vpon their gods, did herein shew, that they prized themselues aboue their gods. CHAP. 12.

BVt the Romaines (as Scipio glorieth in that booke of the common wealth) would by no meanes haue the good names and manners of their cittizens liable to the quippes and censures of the Poets, but inflicted a capitall punishment vpon all such as durst offend in that kind: which indeed (in respect of themselues) was honestly and well instituted, but in respect of their gods most proudly and irre­ligiously, for though they knew that their gods were not onely pacient, but euen well pleased at the representing of their reproaches and exorbitances, yet would they hold them-selues more vnworthy to suffer such iniuries then their gods, thrusting such things into their sollemnities, as they auoyded from them­selues by all rigor of lawes. Yea Scipio; dost thou commend the restraint of this poeticall liberty in taxing your persons, when thou seest it hath beene euer free to callumniate your gods? Dost thou value the (a) Court alone so much more then the Capitoll, then all Rome, nay then all heauen, that the Poets must be cur­bed by an expresse law, from flowring at the Citizens, and yet without all con­troll of Senator, Censor, Prince, or Priest, haue free leaue to throw what slander they please vpon the gods? what? was it so vnseemely for Plautus, or Naeuius to traduce P. or Cneius Scipio; or for Caecilius to ieast vpon M. Cato? and was it seeme­ly for (b) your Terence to animate a youth to vncleannesse, by the example of the deed of high and mighty Iupiter.

L. VIVES.

YOur (a) Court] The Court, was the place where the senate sat: here it is vsed for the Sena­tors: curia vvhat, Terence. the Capitoll, for the gods themselues, (b) your Terence] for indeed he was very familiar with Scipio and Laelius, and many thinke that they helped him in writing of his com­medies, which he himselfe glanceth at in his prologue to his Adelphy. Memmius thinkes he meanes of Scipio, (in that Oration which he made for himselfe.) Quintilian lib, 10. Institut. Of Laelius, Cornelius Nepos maketh mention, and Tully also in one of his epistles vnto Atticus: but from other mens reports.

That the Romaines might haue obserued their gods vnworthynesse, by their desires of such obscaene solemnities. CHAP. 13.

IT might be, Scipio (were he aliue againe) would answer mee thus; How can we possibly set any penalty vpon such things as our gods them-selues do make [Page 72] sacred, by their owne expresse induction of those playes into our customes, and by annexing them to the celebration of their sacrifices and honors, wherein such things are euer to be acted and celebrated? But why then (say I againe) doe not you discerne them by this impurity to be no true gods, nor worthy of any diuine honors at all: for if it bee altogether vnmeete for you to honor such men as loue to see and set forth Playes that are stuffed with the reproche of the Romaines, how then can you iudge them to bee gods, how then can you but hold them for vncleane spirits, that through desire to deceiue others, require it as part of their greatest honors to be cast in the teeth with their owne filthinesses? Indeed the Ro­maines, though they were lockt in those chaines of hurtfull superstition, and ser­ued such gods as they saw required such dishonest spectacles at their hands, yet had they such a care of their owne honestie and dignitie, that they would neuer voutchsafe the actors of such vile things, any honor in their common-wealth, as the Greekes did: but according to Scipio his words in Cicero: Seeing that (a) they held the art of stage-playing as base and vnmanly, therefore they did not onely detaine all the honours of the Cittie from such kinde of men, but appointed the (b) Censors in their views, to remooue them from being part of any tribe, and would not voutchsafe them to be counted as members of the Cittie. A worthy decree, and well beseeming the Romaine wisdome; yet this wisdome would I haue to imitate and follow it selfe: Rightly hath the councell of the cittie in this well desiring and deseruing commendations, (shewing it selfe to be in this, (c) truly Romaine,) appointed that whosoeuer will choose of a Cittizen of Rome to become a Player, he should not onely liue secluded from all honors, but by the Censors censure should bee made vtterly vncapable of liuing as a member of his proper tribe. But now tell mee but this, why the Players should be branded with inhability to beare honors, and yet the Playes they acte, inserted into the celebration of the gods honors? The Romaine (d) valour flourished a long time, vnacquainted with these theater-tricks: suppose then that mens vaine affections gaue them their first induction, and that they crept in by the errours of mans decayed members, doth it hence follow that the gods must take delight in them, or desire them? if so, why then is the Player debased, by whom the god is pleased? and with what face can you scandalize the actors and instruments of such stage-guilt, and yet adore the exacters and com­manders of these actions? This now is the controuersie betweene the Greekes and the Romaines. The Greekes thinke that they haue good reason to honor these Players, seeing that they must honour them that require these playes: the Ro­maines on the other side, are so farre from gracing them, that they will not allow them place in a (e) Plebeyan tribe, much lesse in the court or Senate, but holds them disgracefull to all callings: Now in this disputation, this onely argument giues the vp-shot of all the controuersie. (f) The Greekes propound; If such gods be to be worshipped, then such actors are also to be held as honorable: The Romaines assume: But such actors are no way to bee held as honorable: The Christians conclude, Therefore such gods are no way to be worshipped.

L. VIVES.

SEing that (a) they held the arte,] It must of force be granted that the Players were the most pernicious men of conditions that could be, and the vilest in their villanies: because The infamy of Stage. players. they could not be allowed for Cittizens of that Cittie, which harboured so many thousands of wicked and vngratious fellowes, all as Cittizens. That Players were excluded from being of any tribe, and exempt from paying any taxe, Liuie and Ualerius doe both testifie: vnlesse Decimus Laberius. authoritie made them such; for that seemes as a constraint: as befell to Decimus Laberius, [Page 73] whom Nero requested to acte a Mimike of his vpon the stage: and yet hee neuerthelesse was The Attel­lan come­dies. after that, a gentleman of Rome. For hee that is forced to offend the law, is held not to offend it. But from this decree of plaiers exclusion, the Actors of the Comedies called Attelanae were exempted, for their comedies were more graue, and their iests came nearer to the old The Cen­sors vievv of the city. Italian forme of discipline: Liu: and Valer. And therefore they vsed no Visars on the stage, as the rest did. Festus (b) The Censors in their view] Which went ouer the estate and conditi­ons of euery man, euery fifth yeare (c) truely Romane] The text is Germané Romanum. The Latines vse Germané, for truely, natiuely, expressly, and naturally: So doth Cicero (to shut vp all examples in one) in his fifth oration against Verres: As then (quoth he) I said much, and this a­mongst the rest to shew plainely the great difference betweene him, and that same Numidicum Ve­rum & Germanum, that true and expressly Numidian, Metellus: So say we Germanè Romanum, The orders of the Ro­maines. truely Romane. Romane is here vsed by Augustine for Generous, and honestly bent. (d) the Ro­mane valor florished a long time] Very neere foure hundred years. (e) Plebeyan] There were three orders of Roman Citizens: the Senatorians, the Patricians, and the Plebeyans; which were the lowest: of these hereafter. He doth not say, a Plebeyan tribe, as though there were any such distinct one, but because there were Plebeyans, men of the base and common sort, in euery tribe. (f) the Greekes propound thus:] The Logicians, and the Rhetoricians following them, diuide a perfect argument (called by the Greekes Syllogismus, by the Latines, Ratiocinatio) in­to The parts of a Syllo­gisme. three parts: the first that includes and declares the summe of the argument: this is called the proposition, or exposition, the second which assuming from the proposition, selects an espe­ciall thing which wee are to know more fully: and this is called the Assumption: The third, shuts vp the argument, and is called the Conclusion. How these are placed in discourse, it mak­eth no matter: the conclusion is sometimes before, and the assumption often-times the second, or the last [And here our false Logicians spoile all; out of their ignorance of all good artes: and Paris copy defectiue. thinke that change of place doth alter the nature of things: lying as fast as they can in­uent: and seeming in the schooles more then men, in ciuill conuersation abroade are lesse then children.]

That Plato, who would not allow Poets to dwell in a well gouerned City, shewed that his sole worth was better then those gods, that desire to be honoured with stage­plaies. CHAP. 14.

AGaine, we aske another question: why the Poets that make those Comedies, (and being prohibited by a law of the twelue tables to defame the Citizens, yet doe dishonor the gods with such foule imputations,) are not reputed as dis­honest and disgracefull as the plaiers? what reason can bee produced, why the (a) actors of such poeticall figments, being so ignominious to the gods, should be deputed infamous, and yet the authors be voutchsafed honours? Is not (b) Plato more praise-worthy then you all, who disputing of the true perfection of a citty would haue Poets banished from that society, as enemies to the cities full per­fection? hee had both a greefe to see his gods so iniured, and a care to keepe out these fictions whereby the cittizens mindes might bee abused: Now make but a comparison of his (c) humanity in expelling of Poets from his city, least they should delude it with the gods diuinity that desired such Plaies and Reuells in their honours; by which the city might be deluded: He, though he did not (d) in­duce or perswade them to it, yet aduised and counselled the light and luxurious Greekes in his disputation, to restraine the writing of such things: But these gods, by command, and constraint, euen forced the modest and staied Romanes to pre­sent them with such things: nay not only to present them, but euen to dedicate and consecrate them in all sollemnity vnto their honors. Now to which of these may the citty with most honesty ascribe diuine worship? whether to Plato that would forbid these filthy obscaenities, or to these diuils that exult in deluding of those men whom Plato could not perswade to truth? This man did (e) Labeo think meet to be reckned amongst the Demi-gods, as he did Hercules also, & Romulus: & he prefers the Demi-gods before the Heroës, but notwithstanding (f) makes deities Plato held a Demigod. [Page 74] of them both: But howsoeuer, I hold this man whom he calls a Demi-god, worthy to be preferred not only before the Heroës, but euen before all their other gods themselues: And in this the Romaine lawes doe come some-what nere his dispu­tations: for where as he condemnes all allowance of Poets, they depriue them of their liberty to raile at any man. He (g) excludeth Poets from dwelling in his ci­tie: they depriue the actors of poeticall fables from the priuiledges of citizens: and it may be (if they durst do ought against gods that require such stage-games) they would thrust them forth for altogither. Wherefore the Romanes can nei­ther receiue nor expect any morall instructions, either for correcting of falts, or increasing verues, from those gods, whom their owne lawes already doe subuert and conuince. The gods require plaies for increase of their honors: the Romans exclude plaiers from pertaking of theirs: the gods require their owne falts to be celebrated by poets inuentions: the Romaines restraine the Poets loosenesse frō touching any of the Romaines imperfections. But Plato, that Demi-god, he both resists this impure affection of the gods, and shewes what ought to bee perfected by the (h) towardlinesse of the Romaines: denying Poets all place in a well or­dered Common-welth, howsoeuer, whether they presented the figments of their owne lusts and fancies, or related ought els as the guilt of the gods, & therfore of imitable exāples: But we Christians make Plato neither whole God nor Demigod: nor do we vouchsafe to compare him with any of Gods Angels, or his Prophets, not with any of Christs Apostles or his Martirs, no not with any Christian man, and why we will not, by Gods help, in the due place we will declare. But notwith­standing, seeing they wil needs haue him a Demi-god, we thinke him worthy to be preferred, (if not before Romulus or Hercules though there was neuer (i) historian, nor (k) Poet (l) affirmed, or (m) fained, (n) that he euer killed his brother, (o) or committed any other mischiuous act, yet at least) before (p) Priapus or any (q) Cy­nocephalus, or lastly any (r) Febris, all which the Romaines either had as (s) Gods frō strangers, or set them vp as their (t) owne in peculiar. How then could such gods as these by any counsel they could giue, preuent or cure such great corrup­tion of mindes and maner (whether imminent, or already infused) seeing they re­garded nothing els but to diffuse and augment this contagion of wickednes, & to haue it instilled into the peoples notices from the stage, as their own acts, or acts which they approue, to the end, yt mans lust might ru [...]he course of wickednesse freely, after the gods exāples? Tully exclaimeth all in vaine vpon it (u) who being to speake of Poets, when he came to them saith: The clamor and approbation of the people, when it is ioyned with these poeticall fictions, as the testimony of some great and learned Maister, oh what darknesse doth it involue a man in? what fears it inflicts, what lusts it enflames?

L. VIVES.

THe (a) actors] There are actors, ab agendo, of acting: plaiers vpon the stage, & Authores, the Authors, the Poets that write these fables: though the name of Author is taken many waies; Actor, Au­thor, Plaier. What Po­ets Plato expells. but this is a Grammer question. (b) Is not Plato] Plato (de rep. lib. 2.) expels al Poets out of a well ordered citty, for the wickednes which they sing of the gods: & (in the tenth booke of the same worke) Socrates hauing spoken much against them, concludeth al in this, yt he holds that poetry only fit to be excluded, which giues life to vnmanly affections: & that to be allowed,' which is manly, & honest: So yt he condemnes not all poetry, for sometimes he calls Poets, a diuine kinde of men, namely when they sing himmes to the Deities: more-ouer hee saith that if the Poets doe sing of any good man, though he be pore, he is happy: & againe that an euil man though he bee ritch their songs wil make him miserable: if they exceed not in loosenesse, nor yeeld to rancour nor consent vnto flattery, nor in their songs sowe seeds of corruption, such poets are profitable Humanity. [...]. members in Plato's commonwealth. (c) His humanity] Humanity is not taken here for any natural gentlenesse or courtesie of ye minde, or mans good wil, called in Greeke [...], not for any [Page 75] knowledge of ye liberal arts which the Greekes call [...], but for that nature, by which wee are men: as goodnesse is that by wt we are good: the sence following proues it, for it is compared vnto diuinity & in this signification it is also vsed elsewere as in Tully (de orat lib. I.) (d) Though hee did not induce] Imaruaile much that our Philosophers & Diuines could not out of this place learn Suadere. Persuadere. the difference of Suadeo, & Persuadeo. But they (which is very nere a miracle) vnderstand latine without knowing the latine tongue, and are very perfect Grecians, and can read neuer a word of Greeke: indeed in Greek, [...] is both suadere, to aduise or counsel, and persuadere to perswade or induce. (e) This man did Labeo] Here wil I deliuer the orders of the gods; first out of Uar­ro, and next out of other bookes of the Platonists. The Romains call some of their goddes Summi, the highest: others Medioxumi middle-most: others Heroes infimi, or earthly ones: [...], which the ancients (as Capella affirmeth) called Earth. The Medioxumi were such Medioxumi. Heroes. as were taken vppe to heauen by their deserts: as Tulli saith: (in his booke De legibus:) that is Semi-gods, or as it were a kind of Mungrels begot of mortallity and immortallity; such were Romulus, Hercules, Aesculapius, Castor and Pollux, with others. The Heroes were born of mortal parents on both sides, but by their merits got a more aduanced state in desteny then the residue of the vulgar. Some to adde vnto these another kinde, called Semones: but of them else-where. (f) Makes Deities of them both] Such as here in this world liued wel and holily, the old Ro­mains did stil put into the number of the gods when they were dead, and assigned them feastes called Necya. Cicero de legibus lib. 2. (g) He excludeth Poets] In the old copy of Bruges, and Nesci [...] Coleigne, the verbe repellit, is left out, and for Poeticarum here, is talium in them. (h) Froward­nesse of] By their begun vertue, their proofe and demonstration of goodnesse, though some­times towardlynesse stands for full vertue it selfe: but here it is as I said, and is declared by Toward­lynesse. that which goes before; What was to be performed. (i) Historian.] As there are that do of Ro­mulus. (k) Poet.] As do of Hercules. (l) Affirmed.] The Historian did not. (m) Fained.] The Poet did not. (n) That he euer killed his brother] Which Romulus did, in killing of Remus. (o) Or committed any other mischieuous act, as is true of Hercules, who defiled the whole world with whoredomes, rapines, robberies and slaughters: yet they thought yt the world was purged of such guilts by him. (p) Before Priapus] Diodorus saith that Priapus was made a god Priapus. vppon this occasion: Osiris King of Egipt beeing murthered by the wicked villeny of his brother Tiphon, the conspirators cutte all his body in peeces, and euery one tooke a share, and because no man would take the priuie members, they threw them into the Riuer Nilus. Afterwards Isis the wife of Osiris hauing ouercome Tiphon, she found all the parts of hir husbands body, but the fore-named, which being lost, shee consecrated them, and instituted their diuine worship with many ceremonies, and such as were admitted to be Priests in Aegipt, offered their first sacrifices vnto this: calling it Priapus by an vnknowne name, which to couer the dishonesty of the thing ment, the honest ancients vsed. The Greeks call this God Phallus, Phallus, seu Ihyphallus. and Ihtyphallus. Of this these verses are extant in Collumella: lib. 11.

—Sed truncm forte dolatum
Arboris antiquae nun on Uencrare Ityphally,
Terriblis membri, medio qui semper in horto,
Inguinibus puero, praedoni falce minetur.
—That peece of ancient tree.
Adore, as Ityphallus Deitie,
That ougly thing: which in the garden stands
Gainst bo [...]es & theeues, with armed gro [...]ne and hands.

For he was the Keeper of gardens: Diodorus saith he was also called Tiphon, and makes him the son of Uenus and Dionysius: borne (as Seruius and Ualerius Flaccus say) at Lampsacium, a citty in Hellespont and that therefore was named Lampsasenus, and Hellespontiacus. Virgill Georgi [...].

Et custo furum et (que) [...]uium, cum falce saligna
Hellespontiaci seruit tutela Priapi.
And Priap us of Hellespont, with his hooke,
Of Willow, wel to birds and the eues will looke,

And in the Lusus in Priapum, Priapus speaketh thus.

—Patria m [...]ctaber, et olim
Ille [...]uus ciuis Lampsace, Gallus [...]o.
Ile loose my country: Lampsacus euen hee
That was borne thine, now Cibels Priest will bee.

Some say hee was borne in the citty Priapus, not farre from Lampsacus, neare vnto the vine­yeards. Strabo thinks his deification was first from Hellespont. But a new God he is, for Hesiod knew no such in his time: Fulgentius makes him one of y Semones, & saith he is not yet taken vp Cynocephae­lus. into heauen, his deserts ar so slender. (q) Cynocephalus] y is indeed, Dogs-head. Diodorus (lib. 4.) [Page 76] saith that the Cynocephali were a people of humane shape and voyce, but headed like Dogges: a Barbarous and cruell kind of creatures, and many of them liued in the Ilands of Nilus. Osiris had a Sonne called Anubis, who following his father in his trauells, bore the Dogge for his armes: and hence it came that he was worshipped in Egypt in the shape of this creature, Anubis. and called (by Virgil Aenead. 8) Latrator, the barker, as also because he was held the keeper of the bodies of Osiris and Isis. Some thinke that this was Mercurius, and called thus for his quicke capacity and apprehention. (r) Febris] The Romaines erected many altars vnto Febris: Cicero maketh mention of one ancient one that stood in the mount Palatine (de legib. lib. 2.) Febris a goddesse. and of the same Valerius also (in Antiquanstitut.) and Plinye lib. 2. do speake: as also of ano­ther that was placed in the Court of Marius his monuments, and a third at the vpper end of the long street (s) Gods from strangers] Lucan speaketh to Egypt.

Nosin templa tuam Romana accepimus Isim,
sc [...]icanesque Deos & sistra mouentia luctum,
We in Romes temples now thine [...]is place.
thy Halfe-dog Gods, and hornes that woes do raise.

(t) There owne in peculiar as Febris] (u) who being to speake of Poets] in some bookes, the words of Tully begins at Accessisset, and not at Clamor. The whole sentence I take it is out of the booke of his common-wealth, in the third of his Tusculane questions, speaking of the causes which corrupt the seeds of vertue, which are naturally sowne within vs; he saith: Hereunto also may Poets be added, who pretending a great deale of doctrine and wisdome, are learnd, read, heard, and borne away in the mind of euery man. But when that great maister, the multitude is added also, and the whole company swarming on euery side vnto vices, then chiefely are we infected with depra­ued opinion, and drawne from our very expresse nature. Like vnto this also he hath in his second and fourth booke, and that at large: which we but touch at, to avoyd the ouer-charging of the reader, or the booke, with tediousnes.

That flattery and not reason created some of the Romaine Gods. CHAP. 15.

BVt what other reason in the world (besides flattery) haue they to make choice of these so false and fained gods? Not voutsafinge Plato any little temple, whome notwithstanding they will haue to be a demi-god, (and one who tooke such paines in disswading the corruption of manners through the (a) de­prauation of opinions:) and yet preferring Romulus before diuers of the gods, whom their most secret and exact doctrine doth but make (b) a semi-god, and not The Fla­mines. an entire deity; yet for him they appointed a (c) Flamine, (d) a kind of Priesthood so farre aboue the rest as (e) their crests did testifie that they had onely (f) three of those Flamines for three of their chiefest deities, the Diall or Iouiall for Iupiter; the Martiall, for Mars; and the Quirinall, for Romulus: for (g) the loue of his citi­zens hauing (as it were) hoysed him vp into heauen, he was then called (h) Quiri­nus, & kept that name euer after: and so by this you see Romulus here is preferred before Neptune & Pluto Iupiters brother nay euen before Saturne, father of them all: so that to make him great, they giue him the same Priesthood that Iupiter was honored by, & likewise they giue one to Mars, his pretended father, it may be ra­ther for his sake then any other deuotion.

L. VIVES.

THrough (a) the deprauation of opinions] some read animi, some animis, some leaues it out, but the best, is animae (b) A semigod] Let them worship (saith Cicero in his de leg) such as haue bin and are held gods, and such as their meritts haue made celestial and instawled in heauen, as Her­cules, Liber Pater, Aesculapius, Castor, Pollux, Quirinus. (c) A Flamine] what I meane to speake of the Flamine, shall bee out of Varro, Dionysius, Festus, Plutarch, Gellius, and Seruius. [Page 77] Amongst the orders of Priests were Some of Numa Pompilius his institution, and called by the name of Flamines: their habit of their head was a hat, as the high Priest had also: but vp­on the top of it, they wore a tufte of white wollen thred: therefore were called Flamines qua­si Pilamines hairy, or tufted crownes: some deriue it of Pileus, a hat, but that cannot be, for so had the high Priests Some againe say their name came of Filum, a thred, because in the heate of Summer when it was to hot to weare their hats, they wrapped their heads about with thred of linnen cloth: for to go bare headed-abroade, their religion forbad them: but vpon feast daies they were bound to weare their hats in the ceremonies, Appian of Alexandria saith that the Iouiall Flamine wore his hat and vaile both vpon feast and no feast daies. Others say that they were called Flamines a Flamineo, which was a kind of yellow head-tire, but more pro­per The Iouiall to women then them. These kind of Priests Numa first ordained, and that three of them: one for Iupiter, called the Diall of Dios, Ioue or Iouiall: one to Mars, the Martiall; and one to Quirinus, the Quirinall. Other gods might haue no Flamines, nor might one of those Gods haue more then one, but in processe of time the number increased, and became fifteene: be­sides those which flattery consecrated to the dead Caesars, as one to C. Caesar, by Antonyes law, (which Cicero reproueth (Phillippic 2.) one to Augustus, and so to diuers others. But those that Numa made were the principall alwaies, and the principall of them was Ioues Flamin the Di­all: he onely of all the rest went in a white Hat, and was held the most reuerend: His ceremo­nies and lawes are recounted both by Plutarch in his Problemes and also by Gellius (lib. 10.) out of Fabius Pictor, Massurius Sabinus, Varro, and others. The lowst in degree of all the Fla­mines, Pomona Goddesse. was the Pomonall Flamine, because Pomona, the goddesse of Apples, was of the least es­teeme. Others there were of meane dignity, as Vulcanes, Furidàs, Father Falacers, The God­desses that pretected mount Palatine, and mother Floràs. (d) which kind of Priesthood] Though the Flamines were of great authority yet were all obedient vnto the chiefe Priest: for so the people commanded it should be, when in the second warre of Affrike: L. Mettellus, being chiefe Priest with-held the consul Posthumus, being Mars his Flamine, and would not let him leaue his order, nor his sacrifices: and likewise in the first warre of Asia, P. Licinius, high Priest, staid Q. Fabius Pictor then Praetor and Quirinall Flamine from going into Sardinia (e) as their crests they wore] Apèx, is any thing that is added to the toppe, or highest part of a thing: The Fla­mines Apex or crest. here it is that which the Flamine bore vpon his head, his cap, or his tufte of woll. Lucane.

Et tollens opicem generoso vertice Flamen:
The Flamine with his cap, and lofty crest:

Sulpitius lost his Priesthood because his crest fell of whilst he was a sacrificing, saith Valerius, (lib. 1.) The Romaines gaue not this crest but vnto their greatest men in religion: as now we giue Miters, they called it Apex (saith Seruius vpon the eight Aenead) ab apendo, which is, to ouercome: and hence comes Aptus, & Apiculum filum, that was the small tufted thred which the Flamines folded their Crests in: Fabius speaketh of these Crests and Virgill.

Hin [...] exultantes Sal [...]os, nudosque Laper cos,
lanigerosque apices,—
Here Salii danc'd naked Lupe [...]ci there,
and there the tufted crownes. Aenead. 8.

(f) Onely three of those their chiefe and true Flamines, inheritours of the auncient Flaminshippe (g) the loue of his cittizens] Romulus being dead, the people began to suspect that the Senate had butchered him secretly amongst them-selues. So Iulius Proculus, appeased the rage of the Romulus is a God. multitude by affirming that hee saw Romulus ascending vp into heauen. Liuye in his first booke. Ennius brings in the people of Rome lamenting for Romulus in these words.

O Romule, Romule, dic,
qualem te patriae custodem Dij genuerunt,
Tu proauxisti nos intra lvmi [...]s oras,
O Pater, O genitor patriae, O sanguine diso [...]iunde.
O Romulus, O Romulus, shevv vs,
hovv they, thy countries gard, the gods begat,
Thou brought vs first to light, O thou our father,
thy countries father borne of heauenly seed.

(h) called Quirinus] many of such mens names haue beene chaunged after their deyfying, to make them more venerable, hauing cast of their stiles of mortality, for so was Laeda (so called Quirinus. when she was aliue) after her death and deification stiled Nemesis: and Circe, Marica: and Ino, Matuta; And Aeneas, Iupiter Indiges, Romulus was called Quirinus to gratifie the Sabines; In which respect also the Romaines were called Quirites of Cures a towne of the Sabines, or else as Ouid saith.

[Page 78]
Siue quòd Hasta, Quiris priscis est dicta Sabinis,
Bellicus a [...] ve [...]t in Astra deus:
Siue su [...] Reginomenposu [...]re Quirites
Seu q [...]a Romanis iunxerat ille Cures.
Or, for the Sabines, speares Quirites call:
His weapons name made him celestiall,
Or els they so enstil [...] him herevpon
because he made them, and the Cures, one.

That if the Romaine gods had had any care of Iustice, the Citie should haue had their formes of good gouernment from them, rather then to goe and bor­row it of other nations. CHAP. 16.

IF the Romaines could haue receiued any good instructions of morality from their gods, they would neuer haue beene (a) beholding to the Athenians for The A­thens law followed by Rome. Solons lawes, as they were, some yeares after Rome was built: which lawes not­withstanding, they did not obserue as they receiued them, but endeauoured to better them and make them more exact; and though (b) Licurgus fained that hee gaue the Lacedemonians their lawes by ye authorization of Apollo, yet the Romanes very wisely would not giue credence to him, (c) & therfore gaue no admission to these lawes. Indeed (d) Numa Pompilius, Romulus his sucessor is said to haue gi­uen them some lawes: but (e) al too insufficient for the gouernment of a Cittie. He taught them many points of their religion (f) but it is not reported that hee had these institutions from the gods: Those corruptions therefore of minde, conuersation, and conditions, which were so great, that the (g) most learned men durst affirme that these were the cankers by which all Common-weales pe­rished, though their walls stood neuer so firme; those did these gods neuer en­deauor to with-hold from them that worshipped them, but as wee haue proued before, did rather striue to enlarge and augment them, with all their care and ful­lest diligence.

L. VIVES.

BEholding (a) to the Athenians] In the 300. yeare after Romes building: when there had beene many contentions betweene the Patricians & the Plebeyans, they sent three Ambas­sadours to Athens, to coppy out Solons lawes, and to learne the policy and ciuility of the rest The lawes of the 12. [...]. of the Greekes: that the Romane estate might bee conformed and settled after the manner of the Grecians. Chaerephanes was then gouernor of Athens, it beeing the 82. Olympiade. The Ambassadors dispatched their affaires with all diligence, and returned the next yeare after, and then were the Decemuiri elected to decree lawes, and those wrote the first ten tables of the Romanes ciuill lawe, and afterwards they added two more, all which were approoued in the great Parliament called Comitia Centuriata. And these were their noblest lawes, which were written in the twelue Tables. (Liuy lib. 3. Dionys. lib. 10 & others also) (b) Lycurgus] The lawes which Lycurgus gaue (as [...]e faigned, by Apollo's oracle) to the Lacedemonians, are very fa­mous. The Greeke and Latine authors are full of this mans honours, and of the hard lawes which he gaue the Spartans There is a worke of Xenophons extant, onely of these lawes, and many of them are recorded in Plutarche, I neede not trouble the Reader in so plaine a matter. Lycurgus [...] [...]. (c) therefore gaue no admission] And also, because Solons lawes were more accomodate and ap­pliable to [...] education, and mansuetude, then the rough seuere ones of Lycurgus, as Plato and Aristotle doe very well obserue. For his lawes aimed at no other end but to make the Spartanis warriers. (d) Numa Pompilius] He was borne at Cures in the country of the Sabi­nes, and was the bestman of his time in the world. Of this man reade Liuy lib. 1. Dionysius, and Plutarch, of his whole life, besides diuers others. (e) all to insufficient] This is plaine, for they fetched lawes frō others. (f) it is not reported] Yes, he fained that he conferred with Ae­geria; but she was rather a Nimph then a goddesse, & besides, this is known to be a fable (g) the most learned] Here I cannot choose but ad a very conceited saying out of Plautus his comedy called Persa. Sagaristio the seruant askes a Virgin, how strong dost thou think this towne is? If the townsmen (quoth shee againe) bee well mannered, I thinke it is very strong: if treachery, [Page 79] couetousnesse, and extortion, bee chased out, and then enuie, then ambition, then detraction, then periury, then flattery, then iniury, then and lastly, (which is hardest of all to get out) villa­nie: if these be not all thrust forth, an hundred walls are all too weake to keepe out ruine.

Of the rape of the Sabine women, and diuers other wicked facts, done in Romes most ancient and honorable times. CHAP. 17.

PErhaps the gods would not giue the Romaines any lawes, because as Salust (a) saith: Iustice and honestie preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe: very good: (b) out of this iustice and honestie came it (I thinke) that the (c) Sabine virgins were rauished. What iuster or honester part can be plaide, then to force away other mens daughters with all violence possible, rather then to receiue them at the hand of their parents? But if it were vniustly done of the Sabines to deny the Romaines their daughters, was it not farre more vniustly done of them to force them away after that deniall? There were more equitie showne in making warres vpon those that would not giue their daughters to beget alliance with their neighbours and countrimen, then with those that did but require back their owne, which were iniuriously forced from them. Therefore Mars should rather haue helped his warlike sonne, in reuenging the iniury of this reiected proferre of marriage, that so he might haue wonne the Virgin that he desired, by force of armes. For there might haue beene some pretence of warlike lawe, for the con­queror iustly to beare away those whom the conquered had vniustly denied him before. But he, against all law of peace, violently forced them from such as denied him them, and then began an vniust warre with their parents, to whom hee had giuen so iust a cause of anger. (d) Herein indeed he had good and happy successe: And albeit the (e) Circensian playes were continued to preserue the memory of this fraudulent acte, yet neither the Cittie nor the Empire did approoue such a president: and the Romaines were more willing to erre in making Romulus a deity after this deed of iniquitie, then to allow by any law or practise, this fact of his in forcing of women thus, to stand as an example for others to follow. Out of this iustice and honesty likewise proceeded this, that (g) after Tarquin and his children Tarquine Collatine depriued of office, and put out of Rome. were expulsed Rome, (because his sonne Sextus had rauished Lucresse.) Iunius Bru­tus being consull, compelled (h) L. Tarquinius Collatine, husband to that Lucresse, his fellow officer, a good man, and wholy guiltlesse, to giue ouer his place, and abandon the Cittie, which vile deed of his, was done by the approbation (or at least omission) of the people, who made Collatine Consul, aswell as Brutus himself. Out of this iustice and honesty came this also, that (h) Marcus Camillus that most Camillus exiled by his coun­tries mon­strous in­gratitude. illustrious worthy of his time, that with such ease sudued the warlike Veientes, the greatest foes of the Romaines, and tooke their cheefe citty from them: after that they had held the Romains in ten yeares war, and foiled their armies so often, that Rome hir selfe began to tremble, and suspected hir owne safety: that this man by the mallice of his backe-biting enemies, and the insupportable pride of the Tri­bunes, being accused of guilt, & perceiuing the citty (which he had preserued) so vngrateful, that he needs must be condemned, was glad to betake him-selfe to wil­ling banishment: and yet (i) in his absence was fined at ten thousand Asses (k) Be­ing soone after to be called home again to free his thankelesse country the second time from the Gaules. It yrkes me to recapitulate the multitude of foule enormi­ties which that citty hath giuen act vnto: (l) The great ones seeking to bring the people vnder their subiection: the people againe on the other side scorning to be Seditions betwixt the great men and the people. subiect to them, and the ring-leaders on both sides aiming wholy rather at supe­riority and conquest, then euer giuing roome to a thought of iustice or honesty.

L. VIVES.

SAlust (a) saith] In his warre of Catiline, speaking of the ancient Romaines, he saith thus: The law is a ciuill equity either established in literall lawes, or instilled into the manners by verball Lawe. instructions. Good, is the fount, moderatour and reformer of all lawe: all which is done by the Iud­ges Good. prudence, adapting it selfe to the nature of the cause, and laying the lawe to the cause, not the cause to the lawe. As Aristotle to this purpose speaketh of the Lesbian rule, (Ethic. 4.) This is al­so Right and reason: aquum & bonum. termed right & reason; as Salust againe saith in his Iugurth Bomilchar is guilty rather by right and reason, then any nationall lawe. Crassus (saith Tully in his Brutus) spake much at that time against that writing, and yet but in right and reason, It is also called equitie'. That place (saith Cicero for Caecinna) you feare, and flie, and seeke (as I may say) to draw mee out of this plaine field of equitie, into the straite of words, and into all the literall corners: in this notwithstand­ing (saith Quintilian) the iudges nature is to bee obserued, whether it be rather opposed to the lawe, then vnto equitie, or no. Hereof wee haue spoken some-thing in our Temple of the lawes: But the most copious and exact reading hereof is in Budaeus his notes vpon the Pan­dects: explaining that place which the Lawyers did not so well vnderstand: Ius est ars aequi & boni. This mans sharpenesse of witte, quicknesse of iudgement, fulnesse of diligence, and Budaeus his praises. greatnesse of learning, no Frenchman euer paralleld, nor in these times any Italian. There is no­thing extant in Greeke or Latine, but he hath read it, and read it ouer, and discussed it throughly: In both these toungs he is a like, and that excellently perfect. Hee speakes them both as fami­liarly as he doth French, his naturall tongue: nay I make doubt whether hee speake them no better: hee will read out a Greeke booke in Latine words extempore, and out of a Latine booke, in Greeke. And yet this which wee see so exactly and excellently written by him, is no­thing but his extemporall birthe. Hee writes with lesse paines both Greeke and Latine, then very good schollers in both these tongues can vnderstand them. There is no cranke, no secret, in all these tongues, but he hath searcht it out, lookt into it, and brought it forth like Cerberus from darknesse into light. Infinite are the significations of words, and the proprieties of phrase which onely Budaeus hath fetched out of deepest obliuion and exposed them to mens vnder­standings. And yet all these singular and admirable guifts hath hee attained to by his owne industry alone, without helpe of any maister. O happy fertile witte! that in it selfe alone found both maister and scholler, and method of instruction! That whose tenth part others can hardly le [...]of great and cunning maisters, he alone without helpe of others drew wholy from him­selfe. I haue not yet sayd any thing of his knowledge in the lawe, which he alone hath begun to restore from ruine: nor of his Philosophie, whereof in his bookes De Asse, he hath giuen such proofe, as no man possibly could but such an one as had dayly conuersation with such rea­ding of all the Philosophers, and deepe instruction in those studies. To all this may bee added that which indeed excells all things else; an honestie congruent to all this learning, so rare, and so admirable, that being but considered without the other graces of witte and learning, it might seeme the worlds miracle: his honesty no more then his learning acknowledgeth none his superior. A man that in all the diuerse actions of his life, giues his religion alwayes the first place: A man that hauing wife and many children, was neuer drawne from his true square with any profit or study to augment his estate: but euer-more swaid both himselfe and his fortunes, and directed both: Fortune could neuer lead him away, though she promised neuer so faire: he had her alwayes in his power. A man continually in court, in Embassages, yet neuer followed Princes fauours, nor nousled them with flatteries. Hee neuer augmented his patrimony, be­cause he would neuer depart an haires-breadth from honesty: he was alwayes a seuerer censor of his owne conditions then of any others: and hauing vndergone offices which were obiects of the greatest enuie, he neuer found callumnie from any tongue, nor incurd suspition of any error, though he had to doe with a free nation, and a people as ready to accuse as froward to suspect. I see I haue forgot breuities bounds, being whirled beyond them with the loue I haue to relate the vertues of mine honored friend: now to our purpose. Salusts meaning therefore is, that as well this ciuill equitie which they call lawe, as that naturall equitie which nature produceth in the mindes of the iudicious, (and then which nothing is better, it being there­fore called good); were no more powerfull with the Romaines in their decretall lawes, then in the naturall discretions of vnderstanding men. (b) Out of this Iustice] A most bitter Ironie: a [...]. [...] quippe. (c) That the Sabine Virgins] When as Romulus could not obtaine women of [...] neighbouring nations, for his cittizens to marry with, by the aduise of his grand-father [Page 81] Numitor and the Senate, hee gaue it out that hee would celebrate some games in honour of Neptune the horse-rider, or Hippoposeidon: so the women, their neighbours, comming to see the sports, the Romanes tooke them all away by force, (especially the Sabines) out of the middest of the exercises. For so had Romulus and his companions resolued: the fourth month after the building of Rome as Dionysius relateth out of Fabius Pictor. Plutarch saith it was the 14. of the Calends of September, and both agreed: for the city was begun to be built the 12. of the Calends of May on the feast day called Palilia. Though Gellius (not Aulus with the Attican nights, but) another ancient writer affirmes it was in the 4. yeare that this was done: which is the likelier to be true. They tooke away (as Dionysius saith) six hundred and eighty: which I do hold for the more likely then that which other talke, of three hundred: from whence the names of the Curiae, or the wards: Iuba addeth three more to the number before. Antias Valerius Thalassus. names but fiue hundred twenty and seauen. Some say that Thalassus was not a man, but onely the signe giuen to shew them when to begin their rape. Festus, out of Varro saith it was so taken about spinning of woll: as a man would say, a panier or a basket. (d) herein indeed] Both, those nations, of whence the women were, whom they forced away, as also others whom the The confe­deration against Ro­mulus. rest by their lamentable intreaties, and the feare of their owne dangers moued, tooke vp armes against the Romanes: the Sabines, the Ceninenses, the Crustumerians, and the Atennates, all com­bined against them: Romulus seeing so dangerous a warre likely to ensue vpon him, confede­rateth with the Hetrurians, whose powre at that time was very great: & Caelius Vibennus prince Mount Caelius. of Hetruria gaue Romulus aide, of whom this Mount Caelius in Rome tooke the name. His grand-father also sent him succors. So that with small adoe he ouerthrew the forces of the Ce­ninenses, the Crustumerians, and the Attenuates: and contending with the Sabines in a doubt­full and dangerous war, vpon a sudden by the entreaty of the women themselues the war ceas­ed, and both the parties ioyned in league and amity together. (e) the Circensian plaies] Euery yeare was there plaies, or games celebrated vnto Neptune Equéster, and they were diuersly cal­led: the Circensian plaies, the Great plaies, the Romane plaies: and amongst the ancients, Consua­lia, Consus a god. of Consus a God to whom they offered sacrifice, and beleeued him to gouerne al Counsells: and of him Romulus asked instruction in all his perills, & in the doubts of those marriages. His alter was hidden in the earth: because as Plato saith, counsell ought not only to bee held [...]oly, but secret also. (f) after Tarquin] Another Ironicall taunte. (g) L. Tarquin Collatine] The Kings being casheered out of Rome by the great Centuriall Parliament (which Seruius Tullus The first Consulls. had before instituted) L Iunius Brutus, and L. Tarquin Collatine, Lucraetias husband were elec­ted Consulls: the later of which, was son to Egerius, Tarquinius Priscus his brother, as Liuy saith But Nephew to him saith Dionysius: Brutus being desirous not onely to expell the King himselfe, but all his name with him, disanulled the magistracy of his fellow, because his name was Tarquin, and so he willingly tooke his goods, and departed the citie, going to Collatium to dwell. Now Tully (Offic. lib. 3.) confesseth that this was no very honest part of Brutus: but because it was most profitable to the assurance of the cōmon-wealth, therfore it past for an act of honesty. It hath bin obserued (saith Iulius Obsequens) that no man that euer abrogated his fel­lowes magistracy liued his yeare to an end; the first that did so was this Brutus, the next Tiberius Gracchus, the third P. Tarquinius. (h) Marcus Camillus] This was he that tooke the City Veii, Camillus. after ten yeares continuall siege: At that time began the Romanes first to lodge in tents, & vn­der beast skins in winter, because they hated this people so deadly that they would not depart thence vntill the warres were ended: for euer since the raigne of Romulus for three hundred years togither held they almost continuall warre with the Veientes: Liuius lib. 5. Plutarche in Camillus his life. This Camillus being said to haue dealt vniustly in sharing the Veientane spoils amongst the people, L. Apuleius cited him to a day of hearing: But hee to auoide their enuie (though innocent of that he was charged with,) got him away to liue at Ardea, in exile. This fell out two years before the Galles tooke Rome. (i) ten thousand] Liuy saith he was fined in his absence at 15000. Assis grauis. Plutarch, at 15000. Assium. Aes And Assis graue was al one as Asse & Aes graue, all one. my Budeus proues (k) being soone after] The Galles hauing taken Rome, Camillus hauing ga­thered an army together of the remainder of the Allian ouerthrow was released of his exile, & in a counsell Curiaté, made Dictator by them that were besieged in the Capitoll. At first hee expelled the Galles out of the Cittie, and afterwards in the roade way to Gabii, eight miles from the Citty, hee gaue them a sore ouer-throw. (Liu. lib. 5) Thus this worthy man choose rather to remember his countries affliction then his owne priuate wronge: beeing there­fore [Page 82] stiled another Romulus. (l) the great ones] These mischieues were still on foote, for very neere fiue hundred yeares after the expelling of their kings, the Patritians, and the Plebeyans were in continuall seditions and hatreds one against another, and both conten­ding for soueraignty: which ambition was kindeled in the people by a few turbulent Tri­bunes, and in the nobles by a sort of ambitious Senatours, and hereof doth Lucan sing that which followeth.

Et [...] consulibu [...] turbantes iura Tribuni.
Tribunes and Consulls troubling right at once.

What the history of Saluste reports of the Romains conditions, both in their times of daunger and those of security. CHAP. 18.

THerefore I will keepe a meane, and stand rather vnto the testimony of Sa­lust himselfe, who spoke this in the Romaines Praise (whereof we but now discoursed) that iustice and honesty preuailed as much with them by nature, as by lawe: extolling those times wherein the citty (after the casting out of her kings) grew, vp to such a height in so small a space. Notwithstanding al this, this same author confesseth in (a) the very beginning of the first booke of his history, that when the sway of the state was taken from the Kings and giuen to the Consuls, (b) within a very little while after, the citty grew to be greatly troubled with the oppressing power of the great ones; and (c) the deuision of the people from the fathers vpon that cause, and diuers other daungerous dissentions; for hauing re­corded how honestly, and in what good concord the Romaines liued together (d) betwixt the second warre of Africa, and the last; and hauing showed that it was not the loue of goodnesse, but the feare and distrust of the Carthaginians might, and per [...]ideousnesse, that was cause of this good order, and therfore that vpon this Nasica would haue Carthage stand stil vndemolished, as a fit meane to debarre the entrance of iniquity into Rome, and to keepe in integrity by feare; he addeth presently vpon this, these words (e) But discord, auarice, ambition, and all such mis­chiefes as prosperity is midwife vnto, grew vnto their full light after the destruction of Charthage, intimating herein, that they were sowne, & continued amongst the Romains before: which he proues in his following reason. For as for the violent of­fensiuenesse of the greater persons (saith he) and the diuision betwixt the Patricians and the Plebeians thence arising, those were mischiefes amongst vs from the beginning: nor was there any longer respect of equity or moderation amongst vs, then whilest the kings were in expelling and the citty and state quit of Tarquin, and the (f) great war of Hetruria. Thus you see, how that euen in that little space wherein after the ex­pulsion of their Kings they embraced integrity, it was onely feare that forced them to do so, because they stood in dread of the warres, which Tarquin, vpon his expulsion being combined with the Hetrurians waged against them. Now obserue what Salust addeth, for after that (quoth he) the Senators bgan to make slaues of the people, to iudge of heades &, (g) shoulders, as bloudily & imperiously (h) as the [...]ings did to chase men from their possessions: & only they, of the whole crue of factions, [...] [...] [...]rial sway of al, With which outrages (& chiefely with their extreame taxes and [...]tions) the people being sore oppressed, maintaining both soldiours in continuall armes, and paying tribute also besides, at length they stept out, tooke vp armes, and drew to [...] head vpon Mount Auentine and Mount Sacer. And then they elected them [...], and set downe other lawes; but the second warre of Africa gaue end to these [...] on both sides. Thus you see in how little a while, so soone after the [Page 83] expelling of their Kings, the Romaines were become such as hee hath described them: of whom (notwithstanding) he had affirmed, that Iustice and honestie pre­uailed as much with them by nature as by lawe. Now if those times were found to haue beene so depraued, wherein the Romaine estate is reported to haue beene most vncorrupt and absolute, what shall wee imagine may then bee spoken or thought of the succeeding ages, which by a graduall alteration (to vse the au­thors owne words) of an honest and honorable citie, became most dishonest and dishonorable, namely after the dissolution of Carthage, as hee himselfe relateth? How he discourseth and describeth these times, you may at full behold in his hi­storie, and what progresse this corruption of manners made through the midst of the Cities prosperitie, euen (k) vntill the time of the ciuill warres. But from that time forward, as hee reporteth, the manners of the better sort did no more fall to decay by little and little, but ranne head-long to ruine, like a swift torrent, such excesse of luxurie and auarice entring vpon the manners of the youth, that it was fitly said of Rome, that she brought forth such (l) as would neither keepe goods them-selues nor suffer others to keepe theirs. Then Salust proceeds, in a discourse of Sylla's villanies, and of other barbarous blemishes in the common­wealth: and to his relation in this do all other writers agree in substance, though (m) they bee all farre behinde him in phrase. But here you see (and so I hope The com­mon cor­ruption be­fore Christs comming. doe all men) that whosoeuer will obserue but this, shall easilie discouer the large gulfe of damnable viciousnesse into which this Citty was fallen, long before the comming of our heauenly King. For these things came to passe, not onely before that euer Christ our Sauiour taught in the flesh, but euen before he was borne of the Virgin, or tooke flesh at all: Seeing therefore that they dare not impute vnto their owne gods those so many and so great mischiefes, eyther the tolerable ones which they suffered before, or the fouler ones which they incurred after the de­struction of Carthage, (howsoeuer their gods are the engraffers of such maligne opinions in mens mindes, (n) as must needs bud forth such vices,) why then do they blame Christ for the euills present, who forbids them to adore such false and deuillish gods, by his sweete and sauing doctrine, which doe condemne all these Christ the founder of a new citie. harmefull and vngodly affections of man by his diuine authoritie, and from all those miseries, with-drawes his flock and familie by little and little out of all pla­ces of the declining world, to make of their companie an eternall and celestiall cittie, not by the applause of vanitie, but by the election of veritie.

L. VIVES.

THis same author (a) confesseth,] This historie of Saluste concerning the ciuill warres of Rome, wee haue lost. Onely some few Orations there are remaining. (b) Within a ve­rie little while,] But fifteene yeares. (Liu. lib. 2.) Appius Claudius, and P. Seruilius were made Consuls for that yeare: And this yeare was made famous by the death of Tarquin the proud. The death of Tarquin the proud. Hee died at Cumae, whether after his wrackt estate hee retired vnto Aristodemus the Tyran. The newes of his death sturred both Patricians and Populars to ioy and mirth: but the Pa­tricians reuells were too saucie: for then they began to offer iniury to the people, whome till that day they had obeyed. (c) The diuision.] the people diuided themselues from the Patrici­ans, The diuisi­ons of the people frō the Patriots because of the sesse laide vpon them the seuenteenth yeare after the obtaining of their li­berty: and againe because of the tyrannie of the Decemuiri in making cruell lawes, Anno. 303. after the building of Rome. Thirdly by reason of their debts, and the long dissentions betweene the tribunes and the Senators, some few yeares before Pirrhus his warre. (d) Betwixt the second] [Page 84] There were three seuerall warres begun and ended betweene the Romaines and the Carthage­nians: The first in Sicilie 22. yeares together, and afterwards in Affricke: it began the 390. The [...] of Africa. yeare after the building of Rome. Appius Clandius Caudax, and Qu. Fuluius Flaccus being Consuls. So many are the yeares in Plinies 33. booke, wherein I thinke for 585. must bee read Plinius cor­rected 485. Liuy and Eutropius count not so much by thirteene yeares. The second of these warres began some 23. yeares after, P. Scipio, and T. Sempronius being Consuls: it went through Spaine, Sicily, Italy and Affricke, and there it was ended by Scipio African the elder, seuen­teene yeeres after the first beginning of it. The third arose 49. yeares after that, Manlius, and Martius Censorinus being Consuls, it was finished three yeares after in Affrick (where it who­ly continued) by Scipio African the yonger: and the end of this was the subuersion of Car­thage. Of these warres more at large else-where. (e) But discorde] Saluste in his Bellum Iu­gurthinum. (f) The great warre of Hetruria] With Porsenna the mighty King of Hetruria, Porsenna his [...]. who would haue Tarquin restored to his kingdome: and begirt the Cittie of Rome with a hard and dangerous siege: and had taken it, but that the valour of Scaeuola terrified him from per­sisting. Liu. lib. 1. (g) Of the heads and shoulders] Of death, and other punishments. Those that the Romaines adiudged to death, they first scourged with roddes, and then killed them. Some­times, if the fact were not very wicked, they did but onely scourge them with rodds. Besides, Hovv of­fenders were puni­shed at Rome. The Porti­an & Sem­pronian lavves. Act. 22. those that were sued by their creditors and brought before the Iudge, were most villanously and miserably abused, their creditours being allowed to chaine them, and beate them like their slaues: against which foule enormitie the Portian and the Sempronian laws were promulgated, which forbid that the body of any free Romaine should bee beaten either with roddes or any scourges. (h) To chase men from their possessions] For, such fields as were wonne by the valour of the people of Rome, the ritch men would first vndertake by the appointment of the Senate, to till and make fruitfull, as if they were hired by the Senate: marry afterwards, (their fellows winking at it) they would thrust the people from their right, and make themselues absolute lords of all: And herevpon were the Agrarian lawes so often put to be past, concerning the di­uiding The Agra­rian lavves. of the lands amongst the people: but were neuer mentioned without great anger in the Patriots, and huge hurly-burlies in all the Citie. (i) Mount Sacer] The people first encam­ped The first departure of the people. on Mount Sacer, or the Holy Hill, a little beyond the riuer Anien, (now called Teuerone) or as Piso saith on Auentine a part of the Citie. There were the Tribunes Plebeian first elected, as Tutors of the Populars: who should stand as watches ouer the peoples good, and step between The Tri­bunes. all iniuries that the Patriots should offer them, and be accompted as sacred men: whom if any man wronged, his head should be giuen to Iupiter for sacrifice, and his goods solde all at the temple of Ceres. The second encamping was vpon Auentine, and from thence to fill the Cittie with grearer desolation, they departed vnto Mount Sacer. And then hauing agreed with the The second departure. Senate, they returned to Auentine againe, and there recouered their Tribunes: and from Auen­tine they went vp to the capitoll, where in a great Parliament held by the chiefe Priest, the tri­bunes election was assigned and confirmed. Cic. pro Cornel. de Maiestate. (k) Vnto the ciuill warres] First betwixt the Senators and the Gracchi, Tiberius first, and then Caius: and so vnto the ciuill warres betwixt Sylla and Marius. (l) As would neither keepe goods themselues] For such excessiue prodigalls, and spending whatsoeuer they could seaze on, they must needs force meanes from other mens estates to maintaine this their luxurious riotte: and so they laboured to fill a barrell full of holes. (m) They are all farre behinde him,] The pithy and succinct stile Saluste phrase. of Saluste was delightsome to all ages: our Critikes haue paralelld him with the Greeke Thu­cydides; as Quintilian doth, lib. 10. (n) Must needs bud] as branches and woods vse to do: it Sy [...]scere, [...] [...] [...]. is a word much vsed in the writers of husbandry, Cato and Columella: The Grecians call it [...], Sy [...]scere, to grow into woods and bushes, which in herbes is [...], Luxuriare, to growe ranke.

Of the corruptions ruling in the Romaine state, before that Christ abolished the worship of their Idols. CHAP. 19.

BEhold now this commonwealth of Rome, which I am not the first that affirme, but their owne writers, out of whom I speake, doe auerre, to haue declined from good by degrees, and of an honest and honorable state, to haue fallen into [Page 85] the greatest dishonesty and dishonour possible. Behold, before euer Christ was come, how that Carthage beeing once out of the waie, then the Patricians man­ners decaied no more by degrees, but ranne head-long into corruption like a swift torrent, the youth of the cittie was still so defiled with luxurie and a­uarice.

Now let them reade vs the good counsell that their gods gaue them against this luxury and auarice: I wish they had onelie beene silent in the instructions of modesty and chastity, and had not exacted such abhominations of their wor­shippers, vnto which by their false diuinity they gaue such pernicious autho­rity. But let them reade our lawes, and they shall heare them, thundering out of diuine oracles and Gods cloudes (as it were) against auarice and luxurie, by the mouthes of the Prophets, by the Ghospell, the Apostles, their actes and their Epistles, so diuinely, and so excellently, all the people flocking to­gether to heare them; not as to a vaine and iangling Philosophicall disputati­on but as to an admonition from Heauen. And yet these wretches will not blame their gods, for letting their weale-publike bee so fowlely bespotted with enormous impieties, before the comming of Christ: but what-soeuer miserie or affliction their effeminate and vnmanlie pride hath tasted of since this comming, that the Christian Religion is sure to haue in their teeth with­all. The good rules and precepts whereof, concerning honesty and integritie of manners, if all the Kings of the earth, and all people, Princes and all the iudges of the earth, young men and Virgins, olde men, Children, all ages and sexes capable of reason, and euen the very souldiars, and (a) taxe-takers themselues (to whome Iohn Baptist speaketh) would heare and regard well; their common-wealths would not onelie adorne this earth belowe with pre­sent honestie, but would ascend vppe to Heauen, there to sit on the highest point of eternall glorie. But because this man doth but heare, and that man doth not regard, and the third doth despise it, and farre more doe loue the (b) stroaking hand of viciousnesse, then the rougher touch of vertue, Christs children are commaunded to endure with patience the calamities that fall vpon them by the ministers of a wicked common-wealth: bee they Kings, Princes, Iudges, Souldiours and Gouernours, ritch or poore, bound or free, of what sexe or sort soeuer, they must beare all with patience: beeing by their suffrance heere, to attaine a most glorious place in that Royall In the City of God his will is all the lavv. and (c) Imperiall Citty of Angells aboue, and in that Heauenlie common-wealth, where the will of Almightie GOD is their onelie lawe, and his lawe their will.

L. VIVES.

SOuldiours and (a) taxe-takers] Luke 3. 12. 13. Then came there Publicanes to bee baptized, and sayd vnto him, Mayster, what shall wee doe? And hee sayd vnto them, Require no more Exactors or taxe-takers. then that which is appointed vnto you. Require in this place, in the vulgar Latine is Facite: in the Greeke [...]: which as Erasmus first of all noted, is to bee translated Exigite, ex­acte, or require, and hence it is that Saint Augustine doth rightly name the Exactores, taxe-takers, which were the [...], the Publicanes. (b) The stroaking hand of viciousnesse] Hee allu deth vnto Hesiods two waies to vice and vertue: which Virgill or as (some say) Au­sonius immitated in that same poeme of Pythagoras his letter. (c) Imperiall] Augustissima The verses of the leter Y. it must needes bee, and not Angustissima, most straite or narrow: But withall take a certaine [Page 86] Friars note with you, I had almost tould his name, who affirmed that heauens court is called Augusta heere, because the way is straight (as Christ our Sauiour saith) that leadeth vnto life: and few thera are that enter in thereat. And that his auditors might beare it the better a­way, [] No word of this in the editi­on of Pa­ris. he shut it vp in this fine verse:

Arcta est via verè, quae ducit ad gaudia vitae.
The way is straight and quickly mist, that leads vs vp to glories blist.

He shewed plainely that he cared not greatly for true position, or quantity of syllables, so that he made it goe roundly off, and sound well.]

Of what kinde of happinesse, and of what conditions the accusers of Christianity de­sire to pertake. CHAP. 20.

BVt such worshippers, and such louers of those vicious gods, whome they reioyce to followe and immitate in all villanies and mischieues, those doe neuer respect the goodnesse, or the integrity of the common-wealth. No, say they, let it but stand, let it but bee ritch and victorious; or (which is best of all) let it but enioy security and peace, and what care wee? Yes mar­rie, it doth beelong to our care, that euerie one might haue meanes to in­crease his wealth, to nourish the expense of his continuall riot, and where­withall the greater might still keepe vnder the meaner. Let the poore o­bey the ritch, for their bellies sakes; and that they may liue at ease vn­der their protections: Let the ritch abuse the poore in their huge atten­daunces, and mynistring to their sumptuousnesse. Let the people applaude such as afford them delightes, not such as proferre them good counsells. Let nought that is hard bee enioyned, nought that is impure bee prohi­bited. Let not the Kings care bee howe good, but howe subiect his people bee. Let not subdued Prouinces serue their Kings as reformers of their manners, but as the Lords of their Estates, and the procurers of their pleasures: Not honouring them sincerely, but fearing them seruilely. Let the lawes looke to him that lookes after another mans possessions, rather then him that lookes not after his owne life. Let no man bee brought be­fore the Iudges, but such as haue offered violence vnto others Estates, hou­ses, or persons. But for a mans owne, let it bee free for him to vse it as hee list, and so of other mens, if they consent. Let their bee good store of Com­mon Harlottes, either for all that please to vse them, or for those that cannot A descrip­tion of the publike corruption. keepe priuate ones. Let stately and sumptuous houses bee erected, banquets and feasts sollemnized, let a man drinke, eate, game and reuell day and night, where hee may or will: (a) let dauncing bee ordinarie in all places: let luxu­rious and bloudy delightes fill the Theater, with dishonest wordes, and shewes, freelie, and vncontroulled. And let him bee held an enemie to the publike good, that is an opposite vnto this felicitie. Let the people turne away their eares from all such as shall assaie to disswade or alter them, let them banish them, let them kill them. Let them bee eternized for gods, that shall procure the people this happinesse, and preserue what they haue procured. Let them haue what glorie or worshippe [Page 86] they will, what plaies they will, or can exact of their worshippers: onely let them worke so that this felicity stand secure from enemy, pestilence, and all o­ther inconueniences. Now tell mee, what reasonable creature would wish such a state, (not vnto Rome, but euen) to the house of (b) Sardanapalus? which whilom King, was so farre giuen ouer to his pleasures, that he caused it to bee written vpon his graue, that hee onely as then possessed that, which his luxury in his life time had wasted: Now if those fellowes had but a King like this, that would nousle them in these impurities, and neuer controull nor correct them in any such courses, they would bee readier to erect a Temple to him, and giue him a Flamine, then euer were the old Romaines to do so vnto Romulus.

L. VIVES.

LEt (a) Dancings] Saltationes; in the Bruges copy it is Salutationes, in Coleynes it was Salutiones, but the letter v. is razed out. Surely the loue of Saluting one another was The salu­tations at Rome. great in Rome. Highly was hee honored that was saluted, and well was hee mannerd, that did salute, but great plausibility attended on both: both were very popular, and great steps to powrefulnesse. Salust, in Iugurth. Truely some are verie industrious in saluting the people. All the Latines writings are full of salutations. (b) Sardanapalus] The Grecians called Sardanapa­lus. Sardanapalus, Thonos Concoloros. Hee was the last King of the Assyrians: a man throwne head-long into all kinde of pleasures. Who knowing that Arbaces the Median prepa­red to make warres against him, resolued to trie the fortune of warre in this affaire. But bee­ing conquered (as he was an effeminate fellow, and vnfit for all martiall exercises) hee fled vn­to his house, and set it on fire with himselfe and all his ritches in it. Long before this, when hee was in his fullest madnesse, after pleasures, hee causes this epitaph to bee engrauen vpon his tombe. Sardanapa­lus his epi­taph.

[...] &c.

Tully translates it thus.

Haec habeò, quae edi, quae (que) exaturata voluptas
Hausit: at illa iacent multa et preclara relicta
What I consum'd, and what my guts engross't,
I haue: but all the wealth I left, I lost.

What else could any man haue written (saith Aristotle in Cicero) vpon the graue of an Oxe rather then of a King? hee saith he hath that being dead, which he neuer had whilest hee liued but onely while he was a wasting of it. Chrysippus applies the verses vnto his Stoicisme: here­of reade Athenaeus lib. 5.

Tully his opinion of the Romaine Common-wealth. CHAP. 21.

BVt if hee be scorned that said their common-wealth was most dishonest and dishonorable, and that these fellowes regard not what contagion and cor­ruption of manners doe rage amongst them, so that their state may stand and continue, now shall they heare that it is not true that Salust saith, that their common-wealth is but become vile and so wicked, but as Cicero saith, it is absolutely gone, it is lost, and nothing of it remaines. For hee brings in Scipio (him that destroied Carthage) disputing of the weale-publike, at such time as it was (a) presaged that it would perish by that corruption which Saluste describeth. For this disputation was (b) at that time when one of the Gracchi was slaine, from which point Salust affirmeth all the great seditions to haue had their [Page 88] originall, (for in those bookes there is mention made of his death.) Now Scipio hauing said (in the end of the second booke) that as in instruments that go with strings, or wind, or as in voices consorted, there is one certaine proportion of discrepant notes, vnto one harmony, the least alteration whereof is harsh in the care of the skilfull hearer: and that this concord, doth [...]onsist of a number of contrary sounds, and yet all combined into one perfect musicall melody: so in a cittye that is gouerned by reason, of all the heighest, meane and lowest estates, as The har­mony of the common wealth. of soundes, there is one true concord made out of discordant natures: and that which is harmony in musike, is vnity in a citty: that this is the firmest, and surest bond of safety vnto the commonweale, and that a commonweale can neuer stand without equity: when hee had dilated at large of the benefit that equity brings to any gouernment, and of the inconuenience following the absence therof: then (c) Pilus, one of the company, begins to speake, and intreated him to handle this question more fully, and make a larger discourse of iustice, because it was then be­come a common report (d) that a commonwealth could not be gouerned without iniustice and iniury: herevpon Scipio agreed, that this theame was to be handled more exactly, and replied: that what was as yet spoken of the commonwealth was nothing; and that they could not proceed any farther, vntill it were proued not onely that it is faulse, that a weale publike cannot stand without iniury, but also that it is true that it cannot stand without exact iustice. So the disputation concerning this point being deferred vntill the next day following, in the third booke, it is handled with great controuersie. For Pilus, he vndertakes the defence of their opinion, that hold that a state cannot be gouerned without iniustice, but with this prouision, that they should not thinke him to bee of that opinion himselfe. And he argued very diligently for this iniustice against iustice, ende­voring by likely reasons and examples, to shew that the part hee defended was vse-full in the weale publike, and that the contrary was altogether needlesse Then (e) Laelius being intreated on all sides, stept vp, and tooke the defence of iustice in hand, and withal his knowledge, laboured to proue that nothing wrackt a citty sooner then vniustice, and that no state could stand without perfect iustice which when hee had concluded, and the question seemed to be throughly discus­sed, Scipio betooke himselfe againe to his intermitted discourse, and first he re­hearseth and approueth his definition of a commonwealth, wherein he said it A common wealth. was the estate of the commonty, then he determineth this, that this commonty is not meant of euery rablement of the multitude, but that it is a society, gathered toge­ther in one consent of law, and in one participation of profite. Then he teacheth, (f) the profite of definitions in al disputations: and out of his definitions he gathe­reth, that onely there is a commonwealth, that is, onely there is a good estate of the commonty, where iustice and honesty hath free execution, whether it be by (g) a King, by nobles, or by the whole people. But when the King be­comes An estate gouerned without [...]tice is no common weale. vniust, (whom he calleth (h) Tyranne as the Greekes do) or the nobles be vniust, (whose combination hee termeth (i) faction) or the people them-selues be vniust, for which hee cannot finde a fit name, vnlesse he should call the whole company as he called the King, a Tyran) then that this is not a vicious common-wealth, (aswas affirmed the day before) but, as the reasons depen­ding vpon those definitions proued most directly, it is iust no common-wealth at all, for it is no Estate of the people, when the Tyran vsurpeth on it by Faction, nor is the commonty, a commonty, when it is not a society gathered [Page 89] together in one consent of law and one participation of commodities, as hee had defined a commonty before. VVherefore, seeing the Romane Estate was such as Saluste doth descipher it to bee, it was now no dishonest or dishonorable Common-wealth (as hee affirmed) but it was directly no common-wealth at all: according vnto the reasons proposed in that discourse of a common-wealth (k) before so many great Princes and heads thereof: and as Tully himselfe, not speaking by Scipio or any other, but in his owne person doth demonstrate in the beginning of his fift booke: where hauing first rehearsed that verse of (l) Ennius where he saith.

Moribus antiquis res stat Romana viris (que).
Old manners, and old men vpholden Rome.

‘Which verse (quoth Tully) whether you respect the breuity, or the verity) mee seemeth he (m) spoake out as an oracle: for neither the men (vnlesse the city had had such manners, nor the manners, vnlesse the city, had had such men) could ei­ther haue founded, or preserued a common-wealth of that magnitude of iustice, and Empire. And therefore before these our daies, the predecessors conditions, did still make the successors excell, and the worthy men still kept vp the ordi­nances of honorable antiquity: But now, our age receiuing the common-wealth as an excellent picture, but almost worne out with age, hath not onely no care to renew it with such collours as it presented at first, but neuer regarded it so much, as to preserue but the bare draught (n) and lineament of it: For what re­mainder is there now of those olde manners which this Poet saith supported Rome! doe wee not see them so cleerely worne out of vse, and now so farre from beeing followed, that they are quite forgotten? what neede I speake of them men? The manners perished (o) for want of men, the cause whereof in iustice, wee should not onely bee bound to giue an account of, but euen to answere it, as a capitall offence: It is not any mis-fortune, it is not any chance, but it is our own viciousnesse that hath taken away the whole essence of our common-wealth from vs, and left vs onely the bare name.’

This was Cicero's owne confession, (p) long after Africanus his death, whom he induceth as a disputant in this worke of his of the Common-wealth, but yet (q) some-what before the comming of Christ. Which mischieues had they not beene (r) divulged vntill the encrease of Christian Religion, which of all those wretches would not haue beene ready to callumniate Christ for them? But why did their gods looke to this no better, nor helpe to saue the state of this weale-publike, whose losse and ruine Cicero bewaileth with such pittifull phrase, long afore Christ came in the flesh? Nay, let the commenders thereof obserue but in what case it was euen then when it consisted of the ancient men and their manners, whether then it nourished true Iustice or no; and whether at that time it were honest indeed, or but glossed ouer in shew! which Cicero not conceiuing what hee sayd, confesseth, in his relation thereof. But, by Gods grace, wee will consider that more fully else-where: for in the due place, I will doe what I can to make a plaine demonstration out of Cicero's owne definitions of the common-wealth and the people (spoken by Scipio and iustified by many reasons, either of Scipio's owne, or such as Tully giues him in this discourse) that the estate of Rome was neuer any true common-wealth, because it neuer was gui­ded by true iustice: Indeed according to some other probable definitions, and after a sort, it was a kind of common-wealth: but far better gouerned by the an­tiquity of the Romaines, then by their posterity. But there is not any true iustice [Page 90] in any common-wealth whatsoeuer, but in that wherof Christ is the founder, and the ruler, if you please to call that a common-weale which we cannot deny is the weale of the commontie. (s) But if this name being els-where so common, seeme too discrepant for our subiect and phrase, truely then there is true iustice, but in that Citie wherof that holy scripture saith: Glorious things are spoken of thee, thou Cittie of God. Psal. 87. 3.

L. VIVES.

IT was (a) presaged] I doe reade praesentiebat, hee foresawe, for praesciebater it was presaged. (b) at that time when one of the Gracchi] When as Tiberius Gracchus had promullgated the Tiberius Gracchus. lawe Agraria, to the great griefe and amazement of the Patriotts, and would haue his tri­buneshippe continued still, thereby to haue beene more secure against their iniuries, and had effected that no one man should possesse aboue fiue hundred acres of grounde, Scipio Nasica, beeing followed by the Senate killd him: (Scipio Africane beeing at the same­time in warres at Numance) His body was throwne into Tyber. This Affricanus, is hee, whome Tully bringeth in disputing in his garden with Laelius and Furius of the com­mon-wealth, The death of A [...]ilian Scipio. alittle before his death. Hee was murthered (as it is thought) by the meanes of Cayus Gracchus, Tiberius his brother, and Sempronia sister to the Gracchi, and wife to Sci­pio. (c) Then Pylus] When as betweene the second and last African warre, the Athenians sent Ambassadors to Rome, Carneades the Academicke, Critolaus the Peripatetike, and Diogenes The three learned A­thenian Ambassa­dors. the Stoik the most excellent Philosophers of that age, Carneades, either to exercise his faculty or to shew his wit, made an elegant and excellent oration for iustice, in the presence of Cato the elder, Galba, and diuers other great men: and the next day after, hee made ano­ther for iniustice vnto the same audience, wherein hee confuted all the arguments for iustice which hee brought the day before, and alleadged more strong ones for iniustice: this he did, to shew his sect which teacheth neuer to affirme any thing, but onely to confute what o­thers affirme. Out of the later of these orations hath L. Furius Pylus his proofes: who was held for a cunning latinist, and went about his subiect of iniustice with farre more dexterity L. Furius Pylus. of learning then the rest, to stirre vp Laelius his inuention in commendations of his contrarie. As Glauco did in Plato's 2. booke de Republ. praysing iniustice to make Socrates shew his cunning in praise of iustice. (d) That a common-wealth could not] It is an old saying: without iustice Iupiter himselfe cannot play the King: Plut. de doc. Princ. And seeing that the weale-publicke for the generall good of it selfe and liberty, is often compelled to vse ex­tremity against the Citizens priuate, and also often-times in augmenting the owne powre, A commō-wealth not gouerned without in­iustice. breaketh the lawes of equity in encroaching vpon others: both which notwithstanding fell still very well out; the Romaines altered the old saying, and made it: A weale-publike can­not bee gouerned without iniustice. This Carneades touched, as Lactantius affirmeth, and told the Romaines themselues, who possessed all the world, that if they would bee iust, that is, restore euery man his owne they must euer returne to their cotages, and lead their liues in all pouerty and necessity. (e) Then Laelius] This controuersie doth Cicero speake of in his Lae­lius also. (f) The benefite of a definition] Plato, Aristotle, and all the old Philosophers both held and taught that the course of all disputation ought to bee deriued first [...]om the definition. For you cannot make a plaine discourse of any thing, vnlesse you first lay downe what it is. The vse of a definition. Rodolphus Agricola in his first booke de Dialectae inuentione, saith; That this manner of de­fining is very vse-full, both for the vnderstanding of the matter, which beeing opened in the definition, it is maruellous to see how it doth as it were point out the limmite of knowledge to which all our notions must bende; and also for the authority of the disputer, for no man can bee held to vnderstand a thing more perfectly, then hee that can expresse it in a pithy and succinct definition.

Thus far Agricola, whom' Erasmus in his Prouerbes doth iustly praise: and hee it is alone Rod. Agri­cola. that may be an example to vs that fortune ruleth in all things, (as Salust saith) and lighteneth or obscureth all, rather according to her pleasure then the merit and worth of the men themselues. I know not two authors in all our time nor our fathers, worthier of reading, & ob­seruing thē Rodolphus Agricola the Phrysian: There is such abundance of wit, art, grauity, iudg­ment, [Page 91] sweetnes, eloquence & learning in al his works: and yet so few there are y do know him. The three formes of Rule. He is as worthy of publike note, as either Politian or Hermolaus Barbarus, both which truly in my conceit hee doth not onely equallize, but exceedeth in Maiesty, and elegance of stile. (g) Whether it be by a King] Hee touches at the formes of Rule. For a Common-wealth is eyther swayed by the people alone: and that the Greekes call a Democraticall rule: or by a cer­taine few: and that they cal Oligarchical vnder wt is also contained the rule of the choycest of the common-wealth which is called Aristocracy: or the rule of the best: (They call the Nobili­ty the best: but indeed such as were most powerfull in the State in countenance or wealth, such Optimates. were the right Ooptimates.) And therefore there is not much difference betwixt Oligarchy and Aristocracy as Tully shewed, when he said the second part of the few Nobles: now the third Tyrannus. what and whence. kind of Rule is that of one called Monarchy: (h) A Tyran] In ancient times they called all Kings Tyrans, as well the best as the worst: as Uirgill and Horace do in their Poemes, for the name in Greeke, signifieth onely Dominion. Plato who was the onely man that laid downe the right forme of gouernement for a Citty, is called [...]: A Tyran and a King. Festus thinketh (Lib. 15.) That the word was deriued from the notorious cruelty of the Tyrr­henes: But I think rather yt when the Athenians had brought in the Democratical gouernment, and other Citties through emulation followed their example, that was the cause that first brought the word Tyrannus into hatred and contempt: and so they called their Kings Tyrans, because they gouerned their owne wealth, but not the Common-wealth: besides that the Ro­mains vsed it in that manner also, because they hated the name of a King deadly: and in Greece also, whosoeuer bore rule in a Citty that had before bin free, was called a Tyran, but not a King. (i) Faction] Memmius (in Salust) speaking of the Seniors, saith: They haue transferred the feare Friendship & faction. that their owne guilt surprized them with, vnto your slothfulnes: it is that which hath combined them in one hate, one affect and one feare: this in good men were friendship, but in euillmen it is rightly termed faction. (k) Before so many great Princes] For it is imagined that at that discourse there were present, Scipio Affrican, Caius Laelius, surnamed the wise, Lucius Furius: three, who (at that time, as Porcius saith) led the Nobility as they would: and of the yonger sort C. Fanius, Q. Scaeuola the Soothsaier, Laelius his son in law; & Quintus Tubero, al of worthy families. Ennius] There is nothing of this mans extant but a few fragments, which I intend to gather out of the Writers through which they are dispersed and set them forth together in one volume. Hee Ennius. was borne at Rudiae (as Mela and Silius affirme) a Cittie of the Salentines, and liued first at Ta­rentum, and afterwards at Rome. being very familiar with Cato, Galba, Flaminius, and other great men: and was made free Dennizen of the Citty by Flaminius. (m) Gaue out] Effatus, the proper word of the religion. (n) And Lineaments] A simily taken from painters; who first doe onely delineate, and line forth the figure they will draw: which is called a Monogramme: and then with their coullors they do as it were giue spirit and life vnto the dead picture. (o) Want of men] So Salust saith in Cataline yt the times are now barren, and bring not forth a good man. (p) Long after.] About seauenty yeares. (q) Before the comming of Christ] Threescore yeares: For it is iust so long from Tullies Consulship, at which time he wrote his bookes De re­pub. vnto the 24. yeare of Augustus his Empire, at which time Christ was borne. (r) diuul­ged] Diffamarê how vsed. So Diffamata is heere reported abroad or diuulged: and so likewise other authors vse it. And warning the Citty to looke to their safety, (Diffamauit) he reported or cryed out: (saith Apuleius (Asini lib. 4.) That his house was a fire vpon a sodain: [But it is pretty truly, yt Remigius an interpreter of Saint Pauls Epistles saith vpon that place wt the translatour had turned A vobis [...]. diffamatus est sermo domini. Thess. 1. 1. 8. For from you sounded out the Word of the Lord: This Not a word of this in our Paris print. Commentator saith, that saint Paul being not curious in choosing of his words put Diffamatus, for Divulgatus, or Manifestus. What shall we doe with these School-doctors, that as yet can­not tell whether Paul wrote in Greeke or in Latine? Nay, to marke but the arrogant foole­ry of these simple fellowes: in such manner as this they will talke and prate so often about the signification of wordes, as continually they do in their Logike and Philosophy lectures: and yet they would not be held for profest Gramarians: but are very easily put out of patience if a­ny man begin but to discusse their wordes of art a little more learnedly] (s) But if this name] It may bee hee speaketh this because a Common-wealth is a popular gouernment, but Christes Kingdome is but his alone.

That the Romaine Gods neuer respected whether the Citie were corrupted, and so brought to destruction, or no. CHAP. 22.

BVt to our present purpose: this common-wealth which they say was so good and so lawdable, before euer that Christ came, was by the iudgment of their owne most learned writers, acknowledged to bee changed into a most dishonest and dishonorable one: nay it was become no common-wealth at all, but was fal­len into absolute destruction by their owne polluted conditions. Wherefore to haue preuented this ruine, the gods that were the patrons thereof, should (mee thinkes) haue taken the paines to haue giuen the people that honored them some precepts for reformatiō of life & maners, seeing that they had bestowed so many temples, so many priests, such varitie of ceremonious sacrifices, so many festiuall solemnities; so many & so great celebrations of plaies & enterludes vpō them. But these deuils minded nothing but their own affaires: they respected not how their worshippers liued: nay their care was to see them liue like diuels, only they bound them through feare to affoord them these honors. If they did giue them any good counsell, why then let it be produced to light and read, what lawes, of what gods giuing were they, that the (a) Gracchi condemned, to follow their turmoiles and seditions in the Citie: shew which precept of the gods, (b) Marius or (c) Cinna, or (d) Carbo violated, in their giuing action vnto the ciuill warres: which they began (e) vpon such vniust causes, followed with such crueltie and iniuries, and ended in more iniurious cruelties: or what diuine authorities (f) Sylla himselfe broke, whose life, deeds, and conditions, to heare Salust describe (and other true Historians) whose haire would not stand vp right? What is he now that will not confesse that (g) then the weale publike fell absolutely? What is he now that will dare to produce that sentence of Virgill for this corruption of manners, in the defence of their gods?

(h) Discéssere omnes adytis arisque relictis,
Dij, quibus imperium hoc steterat.—Aen 2.
The gods by whom this Empire stood, left all
The temples and the Altars bare.—.

But admit that this were true: then haue they no reason to raile vpon Christia­nitie, or to say that the gods being offended at that, did forsake them: because it was their predecessors manners, that long agoe chaced all their great multitude of little gods from the cittie altars, like so many flyes. But where was all this nest of Deities, when the (i) Galles sacked the cittie, long before the ancient manners were contaminate? were they present and yet fast a sleepe? the whole cittie was all subdued at that time, onely the Capitoll remained: and that had beene surpri­zed too, if (k) the Geese had not shewen themselues better then the gods, and waked when they were all a sleepe. And here-vpon did Rome fall almost into the (l) superstition of the Aegiptians that worship birds and beasts, for they hence­forth kept a holy day, which they called the (m) gooses feast. But this is but by the way: I come not yet to dispute of those accidental euils, which are rather cor­porall then mentall and inflicted by foes, or misfortunes. I am now in discourse of the staines of the minde, and manners, and how they first decayed by degrees, and afterward fell head-long into perdition: so that thence ensued so great a de­struction to the weale-publike (though their cittie walles stood still vnbattered) that their chiefest authors doubted not to proclaime it lost and gone. Good rea­son was it that the gods should abandon their Temples and Altars, and leaue the Euill man­ners chase [...]vay the gods. towne to iust destruction, if it had contemned their aduices of reformation. But [Page 93] what might one thinke (I pray yee) of those gods, that would abide with the peo­ple that worshipped them, and yet would they neuer teach them any meanes to leaue their vices, and follow what was good?

L. VIVES.

THE (a) Gracchi:] These were sonnes vnto Titus Gracchus (who was twise Consul, triumphed twise, and held the offices of Censor, and Augur) and Cornelia, yonger daugh­ter The Grac­chi. to African the elder: they were yong men of great and admirable towardnesse: both which defending the Agrarian lawe, concerning the diuision of lands, were murdered by the offended Senate, in their Tribuneships: Tiberius by Nasica a priuate man, Caius by L. Opi­mius the Consul, nine yeares after: the first with clubs, and stooles feete: the latter with swords: and this was the first ciuill dissension that euer came to weapons: Anno P. R. C. DCXXVII. Marius. (b) Marius] Arpinas was his place of birth; a man ignoble by descent: but came to be sea­uen times Consull. Hee first conquered Iugurth, then the Cymbrians, and Teutishmen, and tri­umphed of all these: at last enuying and hating Sylla, who was his legate in the warre of Iu­gurthe, he fell to ciuill warres with him, wherein Marius was put to the worst, and forced to flie into Africa. (c) Cinna] Marius being ouercome, Sylla going to warre vpon Mithridates, left C. Cornelius Cynna, and Octauius Consuls in the cittie. Cynna, desirous of innouation, seue­red Cinna. himselfe from his fellow, and was chased out of the Citty by him and the good faction, which iniurie Cynna endeuouring by all meanes possible to reuenge, calleth back Marius out of Africa, and so made warre vpon his countrie, and entring it with mightie powers, he but­chered vp numbers, and made himselfe the second time, and Marius the seuenth time Consull, without the voyces of the people, in which Magistracie Marius dyed, after many bloudy massacres, and foule actes committed. (d) Carbo,] There were many of the Carbo's, as Tully Carbo. writes to Papyrius Paetus, of the Papyrian family, but not of that of the Patriotts: This of whom Saint Augustine speaketh, was Cneus Papyrius Carbo, one of Marius his faction, who being ouer-come by Sylla, fled into Sicily, & there at Lylibaeum was slaine by Pompey the great. (e) Uniust cause L. Sylla, and Q. Pompeyus being Consuls, the Prouince of Asia, and the warre of Mitrhidates fell vnto Sylla. This Marius stomocked because of his olde grudge at P. Sul­pitius, The origi­nall of the ciuill warre betweene Sylla and Marius. Tribune, a most seditious and wicked fellow, to gette the people to make election of him for the warre against Mithridates. The people, though in a huge tumult, yet tooke notice of what the Tribune propounded, and commanded it should be so. Sylla not brooking this disgrace, demanded helpe of his armie, and offered force to Marius his Ambassadors, who went to take vp legions at Capua: and so brought his angry powers to the Citty, with intent to wreake this iniurie by fraude, or force. Hence arose the seedes of all the ciuill warres: for Marius with his faction mette him in the Cittie at Port Esquiline, and there fought a deadly sette battaile with him. (f) Sylla,] This man was a Patriot, of the Cornelian familie: and hauing done worthy seruice in armes, hee was made Consull; In which Magistracie, hauing conquered Mithridates, chased out the ciuill warres, ouer-throwne Marius the yonger, Carbo, Sylla. Norbanus, Sertorius, Domitius, Scipio, and the rest of the Marian faction, hee tooke vpon him perpetuall Dictatorship by the lawe Valerian, wherein hee proscribed many thousands of the Romaine Citizens with outragious crueltie. He was a most bloudy fellow, and giuen ouer vnto all kinde of lust and intemperance. (g) Then the weale publike] Lucane by the mouth of Cato:

Olim vera fidei, Sylla Mario (que) receptis,
Libertatis obijt.—.
Whilom, when Marius and feirce Sylla stroue,
True liberty fell dead.—

(h) Discessere omnes adytis,] The verse is in the second booke of Uirgils Aeneads, which Seruius and Macrobius doe thinke belongeth vnto the calling out of the gods: for when as a The calling out of the gods. citty was besieged, & the enemy had an intent to raze it to the ground, least they should seeme to fight against the gods, and force them from their habitations against their wils (which they held as a wicked deed) they vsed to call them out of the besieged citty, by the generall that did besiege it, that they would please to come and dwell amongst the conquerors. So did Camillus at the Veii, Scipio at Carthage and Numance, & Mummius at Corinth. (i) The Galls sacked] The The Galles take Rome. Transalpine Galls burst often into Italy in huge multitudes. The last of them were the Senones, who first sacked Clusium, & afterwards Rome: Anno P. R. C. CCCLX. whether there were only these, or some Cisalpine Galls amongst them, is vncertaine. (k) The Geese] It is a very common story, that when the Galles had found a way vp to the Capitol, and were climbing vp in the night when all the keepers were a sleepe, they were descried by the noise that the geese did make which they kept in the capitoll as consecrated vnto Iuno. And there-vpon Manlius The Capi­tolls Geese. [Page 94] snatching vp his weapons, mette a Gall vpon the very top of the battlement, and tumbled him downe with his bucklar: whose fall struck downe the rest that were a comming vp, and in the meane time, the Romaines gotte them into armes, and so repulsed the Galles with much adoe. (l) Superstition of the Egiptians] They had certaine beasts, which because of their vse-fulnesse they consecrated as gods: Tullie de nat. deor. lib. 1. of them at large in Diodorus, Biblioth. lib. 2. Egipts beast gods. Such were the Dog, the Cat, the bird Ibis, the Oxe, the Crocodile, the Hawke. &c. (m) The gooses feast,] Because of that good turne which the Geese did them, the Romaines did euery yeare vse this ceremonie: (Plut. de Fortuna Romanor.) I will relate it in Budaeus his words, for I can­not vse a more excellent phrase. A Dogge was hangd vpon a gallowes, and a Goose was placed The gods honors at Rome. very decently in a gallant bed or panier, for all men to visit as that day. For the same cause (saith Plinie lib. 29.) there were Dogges hanged vp euery yeare vpon a gallowes betweene the Tem­ples of Iuuentus, and Summanus, the gallowes was of an elderne tree: and the first thing that the Censor doth after his institution, is to serue the holy geese with meate.

That the varietie of temporall estates dependeth not vpon the pleasure or displeasure of these deuills, but vpon the iudgements of God almighty. CHAP. 23.

NAy what say you to this, that these their gods doe seeme to assist them in ful­filling their desires, and yet are not able to restraine them from brooding vp such desires: for they that helped (a) Marius, an vnworthy base borne fellow, to runne through the inducement and managing of such barbarous ciuill warres, The happy successe of wicked Marius. to be made seuen times Consull, to die an old man in his seuenth Consulship, and to escape the hands of Sylla, that immediatly after bare downe all before him, why did not these gods keepe Marius from affecting any such bloody deeds, or exces­siue crueltie? If his gods did not further him in these actes at all, then haue wee good aduantage giuen vs by their confession, that this temporall felicitie which they so greatly thirst after, may befall a man without the gods furtherance: and that other men may be as Marius was, enguirt with health, power, ritches, ho­nours, friends, and long life, and enioy all these, mauger the gods beards: and againe, that other men may be as Regulus was, tortured in chaines, slauerie, mise­rie, ouer-watchings, and torments, and perish in these extremities, do all the gods what they can to the contrary: which if our aduersaries doe acknowledge, then must they needs confesse that they do nothing benefit their worshippers (b) com­modity, and consequently that all the honor giuen them as out of superfluitie: for if they did rather teach the people the direct contraries to vertue and piety, the rewards whereof are to be expected after mens deaths, then any thing that way furthering them: and if in these transitorie and temporall benefits, they can neither hinder those they hate, nor further those they loue: why then are they followed with such zeale and feruencie? why do you mutter that they are depar­ted, as from a course of turbulent and lamentable times, and hence take occasion to throw callumnious reproches vpon the religious christians? If that your gods haue any power to hurt or profit men in these worldly affaires, why did they stick to that accursed Marius, and shrinke from that honest Regulus? doth not this con­uince them of iniustice and villanie? Doe you thinke that there was any want of their worship on the wretches party? thinke not so: for you neuer read that Regulus was slacker in the worship of the gods then Marius was. Nor may you perswade your selues, that a corrupted course of life is the rather to be followed, because the gods were held more friendly to Marius then to Regulus: for (c) Me­tellus, the honestest man of all the Romaines, (d) had fiue Consuls to his sonnes, [Page 95] and liued happy in all temporall estate: and (e) Cateline, that villenous wretch, was oppressed with misery and brought to naught in the warre which his owne guilt had hatched: good men that worship that God who alone can giue felicity, do shine, and are mighty in the true and surest happinesse: wherefore, when as the contaminate conditions of that weale-publike, did subuert it, the gods neuer put to their helping hands to stop this invndation of corruption into their manners, but rather made it more way, and gaue the Common-wealth a larger passe vnto distruction. Nor let them shadow them-selues vnder goodnesse, or pretend that the Citties wickednesse draue them away. No, no, they were all there, they are produced, they are conuicted, they could neither helpe the Citty by their instruc­tiōs, nor conceale themselues by their silence. I omit to relate how (f) Marius was commended vnto the goddesse Marica by the pittiful Minturniās in hir Wood, & how they made their praiers to hir that she would prosper all his enterprizes, and how he hauing shaken of his heauy disperation, returned with a bloudy army euē vnto Rome it selfe: Where what a barbarous, cruell, and more then most inhumain victory he obtained, let them that list to read it, looke in those that haue recorded it: This as I said I omit: nor do I impute his murderous felicity vnto any Marica's, or I cannot tell whome, but vnto the most secret iudgement of the most mighty God to shut the mouthes of our aduersaries, and to free those from error that doe obserue this with a discreet iudgement and not with a preiudicate affect. For if the diuels haue any power or can do any thing at all in these affaires, it is no more then what they are permitted to do by the secret prouidence of the almighty: and in this case, they may be allowed to effect somwhat to the end that we should nei­ther take too much pleasure in this earthly felicity, in that wee see that wicked men like Marius may inioy it, neither hold it as an euil, & therfore to be vtterly refused, seeing that many good honest men, and seruants of the true & liuing God haue possessed it in spite of all the diuels in hell: and that we should not be so fond as to thinke that these vncleane spirits are either to be feared for any hurt, nor ho­noured for any profit they can bring vpon mans fortunes. For they are in power, but euen as wicked men vpon earth are, so that they cannot do what they please, but are meere ministers to his ordinance, whose iudgements no man can either comprehendfully, or reprehend iustly.

L. VIVES.

THey that helped Marius] Ater he returned out of Affrica, hee called all the slaues to his standard, and gaue them their freedome: and with all cruelty spoyled the Collonies of Os­tiae, Marius his cruelty. Antium, Lavinium, and Aritia. Entring the Citty, he gaue his soldiars charge that to whom­soeuer he returned not the salute, they should immediatly dispatch him. It is vnspeakeable to consider the innumerable multitude of all sortes, Noble and ignoble, that were slaughtered by this meanes. His cruelty Lucan in few wordes doth excellently describe.

Vir ferus & fat [...] [...]vpienti perdere Romam.
Sufficiens,—
Cruel & fittest instrument for fate.
To wrack Rome by.—

And yet this bloudy man (as I said before) in his seauenth Consulship, died quietly in his bed, as Lucan saith:

Folix [...]uersa Consull moritarus in vrb [...].
Happy dead Consull in his ruin'd towne.

Soone after his death, came Sylla out of Asia, and rooted out Marius his sonne and all the whole faction of them vtterly. (b) Commodity] Saint Augustine plaies with these Antitheses, Compendio & Superfluo: Compendio Breifely, or Compendio to their commodity, [Page 96] whose contrary is Dispendium, Excesse or Superfluity. (c) Metellus.] Ualerius, lib. 7. and Pli­ny lib. 7. Q. Metellis Macedonicus was iudged of all men the most happy, as a man endowed Metellus, his felicity with all good qualities of body and minde. Hee was Consul, he was Censor, hee managed great warres with happy successe, he attained the glory of a triumph: hee left foure sonnes, three of thē were Consuls, two of which triumphed: one of which was Censor: his fourth was Prae­tor, & prickt for the Consulship, and (as Uelleius saith) hee attained it: Besides hee had three daughters all married to Noble and mighty houses, whose children he him-selfe liued to see; and by this illustrious company, all sprung from his owne loines (beeing of exceeding age) he was borne forth to his funerall. (d) Fiue Consuls to his sonnes] [This history is depraued by some smattering fellow: For I do not thinke that Saint Augustine left it so. Vnlesse you will take Quin (que) filios Consulares, for Fiue sonnes worthy to be Consuls: as my fine Commentator ob­serued most acutely: which hee had not done vnlesse his skill in Logike had beene so excellent [] Paris copy [...]eanes [...] this. as it was: so hee findes it to be Consulares quasi Consulabiles, or Consulificabiles, that is (in the magisteriall phrase) in potentia to become Consuls.] (e) And Cateline] The life and conditions of L. Sergius Cateline, are well knowne because Salust him-selfe the author that reporteth them, is so well knowne. It is said that amongst other reasons, pouerty was one of the cheefe, Cateline. ( that set him into the conspiracy against his countrey, for he was one whose excessiue spending exceeded all sufficient meanes for a man of his ranke. In Syllas time he got much by rapine, and gaue Sylla many guifts; who vsed his help in the murder of M. Marius, & many others. (f) I omit to relate that Marius] C. Marius hauing escaped alone out of the first battell of the ciuill wars, fled to Minturnae a town of Campania. The Minturnians to do Sylla a pleasure sent a fel­low to cut his throat: but the fellow being terrified by the words, and maiesty of the man, and Marius his fligt. running away as one-wholy affrighted, the Minturnians turned their mallice to reuerence, and began to thinke now that Marius was one whome the goddes had a meseriall care of: so that they brought him into the holy Wood which was consecrated to Marica, a little without the towne, and then they sette him free to go whether hee would: Plutarch in the life of Marius. Velleius saith they brought him to the marish of Marica: She that was first called Circe (saith Lactantius) after her deifying, was enstiled Marica. Seruius (in Aenaeid. lib. 8.) saith, Marica Marica. was the wife of Faunus, and that she was goddesse of the Minturnians shores, neare the riuer Ly [...]: H [...]race:

[...] Maricae litterribus tenuisse Lyrim,
Held Lyris swimming neare Maricas, shores.

But if we make her the wife of Faunus, it cannot be so: for the Topicall Gods, that is, the local gods of such and such places, do neuer change their habitations, nor go they into other coun­tries: But Poeticall licence might call her Marica of Laurentum, when indeed she was Marica of Minturnum. Some saie that by Marica should be vnderstood Uenus: who had a Chappel neere vnto Marica wherin was written [...], the Temple of Venus. Hesiod saith that Latinus was the sonne of Ulisses and Cyrce: which Virgill toucheth, when hee calles him His gransires forme, the sonnes: Solis aui specimen. But because the times do not agree, therefore we must take the opinion of Iginius touching this point, who affirmes that there were many that were called by the names of Latinus: and that therefore the Poet wresteth the concordance of the name, to his owne purpose. Thus much saith Seruius.

Of the Actes of Sylla, wherein the Deuils shewed them-selues his maine helpers and furtherers. CHAP. 24.

NOw as for (a) Sylla him-selfe, who brought all to such a passe, as that the times before (whereof he professed him-selfe a reformer) in respect of those that hee brought forth, were wished for againe and againe; when he first of all set forward against Marius towardes Rome, Liuie writes that the entrailes in the sacrifices were so fortunate, that (b) Posthumius the Sooth-sayer would needes haue him-selfe to bee kept vnder guard, with an vrgent and willing proffer to loose his head, if all Syllas intents sorted not (by the assistance of the goddes) vnto [Page 97] his head, if all Syllas intents sorted not (by the assistants of the gods) vnto most wished and happy effect. Behold now, the gods were not yet gone: they had not as yet forsaken their altars, when they did so plainly fore-shew the euent of Syllas purposes: and yet they neuer endeuoured to mend Sylla's manners. They stucke not to promise him wished happinesse; but neuer proffered to suppresse his wic­ked affections. Againe, when he had vnder-taken the Asian warre against Mithri­dates, L. Titius was sent to him on a message, euen from Iupiter himselfe, who sent him word that he should not faile to (c) ouer-come Mithridates: no more he did indeed. And afterwards, when hee endeuoured to re-enter the citie, and to re­uenge himselfe, and his iniured friends, vpon the liues of the Citizens, hee was certified that a certaine souldiour of the sixt legion, brought him another mes­sage from Ioue, how that he had fore-told him of his victorie against Mithridates before, and how he promised him now the second time, that hee would giue him power to recouer the rule of the weale-publike from all his enemies, but not with out much bloud-shed. Then Sylla asking of what fauour the souldior was: when they had shewed him, he remembred that it was hee that brought him the other message in the warre of Mithridates, and that hee was the same man that now brought him this: What can be said to this now, that the gods should haue such care to acquaint Sylla with the good euents of these his wishes: and yet none of them haue power to reforme his fowle conditions, being then about to set a­broach such mischiefes by these domestique armes, as should not pollute, but euen vtterly abolish the state of the weale-publike? By this very acte doe they prooue them-selues (as I said here-to-fore) directly to bee deuils. And wee doe know, our scripture shewes it vs, and their owne actions confirme it, that their whole care is to make themselues be reputed for gods, to be worshipped as diuine powers, and to haue such honours giuen them, as shall put the giuers and the re­ceiuers both into one desperate case, at that great day of the Lord. Besides, when Sylla came to Tarentum, and had sacrificed there, hee descryed in the chiefe lappe The forme of a crown [...] of gold in the liuer of a Calfe. of the Calues liuer, a figure iust like a crowne of golde: and then Posthumius the Sooth-sayer answered him againe, that it portended him a glorious victo­rie, and commanded that hee alone should eate of these intrayles. And within a little while after, (d) a seruant of one Lucius Pontius came running in, crying out in Prophetike manner, I bring newes from Bellona, the victory is thine Sylla: and then added, That the Capitoll should bee fired. Which when hee had sayd, presently going forth of the rents, hee returned the next day in greater haste then before, and sayd that the Capitoll was now burned: and burned it was in­deed. This now might quickly bee done by the deuill, both for ease in the knowledge of it, and speede in the relation. But now to speake to the purpose, marke but well what kinde of gods these men would haue, that blaspheame Christ, for deliuering the hearts of the beleeuers from the tyrranie of the deuill. The fellow cryed out in his propheticke rapture: The victorie is thine, O Sylla, and to assure them that hee spake by a diuine instinct, hee told them of a sudden euent that should fall out soone after, in a place from whence hee in whom this spirit spake, was a great way distant. But hee neuer cryed, Forbeare thy Villanies O Sylla: those were left free to bee executed by him with such horror, and com­mitted with such outrage, as is vnspeakeable, after that victory which the bright signe of the Crowne in the Calues liuer did prognosticate vnto him. Now if they were good and iust gods, and not wicked fiends, that had giuen such signes, then truly these entrailes should haue expressed the great mischiefes that [Page 98] should fall vpon Sylla himselfe, rather then any thing else: for that victory did not benefit his dignitie so much, but it hurt his affections twise as much: for by it was his spirit eleuated in vaine glory, and he induced to abuse his prosperitie without all moderation, so that these things made a greater massacre of his manners, then he made of the cittizens bodies. But as for these horred and la­mentable euents, the gods would neuer fore-tell him of them, either by entrailes, Prophesies, Dreames, or Sooth-sayings: for their feare was least his enor­mities should bee reformed, not least his fortunes should bee subuerted. No, theyr (e) endeuour was, that this glorious conquerour of his Citizens, might bee captiuated and conquered by the rankest shapes of viciousnesse, and by these, bee more strictly bound and enchained vnto the subiection of the deuils themselues.

L. VIVES.

SYlla (a) himselfe. The Marian faction (during their superioritie) gouerned the common­wealth with such crueltie and insolence, that all the desires and hearts of the people longed for Sylla, and called him home, to come and reuenge those tyrannies. But his good beginnings Sylla his crueltie. lifted him vp vnto such intollerable pride, and blood-thirst, that afterwards they all acknow­ledged Marius as a meeke lambe in respect of him. Lucane.

Sylla quo [...] immensis accessit cladibus vltor,
Ille, quod [...]xiguum restabat sanguinis vrbis
Ha [...]it.
Then Sylla came to wreake the woes sustained,
And that small quantitie that yet remained,
Of Romaine bloud he drew.—

And a little after:

T [...] [...]ta libert [...] odijs, resoluta [...] legum
Franis i [...] a [...]uit: non vni cuncta dabantur,
Sed fecit sibi quisquenefas, semel omnia victor
[...].
Then hate brake freely forth, and (lawes raines gone)
Wrath mounted: not lay all the guilt on one,
But each wrought his owne staine: the victors tongue
Licenc'd all acts at once.—

(b) Posthumius] Cicero (De diuinatione lib. 1.) saith that hee was also a Sooth-sayer with Sylla in the warre called Sociale, of the Associates or confederates. In which warre, Cicero P [...]sthu­mius. himselfe was a souldiour. Ualerius also affirmes this to bee true (de prodigiis.) (c) Mi­thridates] This was a most valiant King of Pontus, against whome the people of Rome de­nounced Mithrida­ces. warres, first of all because hee chased Nicomedes out of Bythinia. But afterwards, brake the warre out beyond all bounds, because that vpon one sette day, all the Romaine Ci­tizens that were found traffiquing in his dominions, were murthered euery man, by the command of Mithridates him-selfe. This Kings fortunes did Sylla first of all shake, then did Lucullus breake them, and last of all Pompey did vtterly extinguish them, subiecting his whole kingdome vnto the Romaine Empire, the King hauing killed him-selfe. Plutarch in the liues of Pompey, Lucullus, &c. Appian Alex. in Mithridatico. Florus, and others. (d) A seruant of one] So saith Plutarch in his life of Sylla. The Capitoll was built on mount Tarpeius by Tarquin the Proud: and a Temple, the fayrest of all them on the Capi­toll, was dedicated vnto Iupiter by Horatius Puluillus then Consull, the first yeare of the Citties libertie. It was burned in the Marian warre: Cn: Carbo, and L. Scipio being Con­sulls. Anno P. R. C. DCLXXI. Repaired by Sylla, finished and consecrated by Q. Ca­ [...]ulus: onely in this (as Sylla sayd) did fate detracte from his felicitie. Some thinke it was burnt by Sylla's meanes, others by Carbo's the Consulls: Appian saith, that it was fired by meere chance, no man knew how. (e) Endeuoured] Satis agebant, had a diligent and a [...]xione-care to effect it.

How powerfully the Deuills incite men to villanies, by laying before them examples of diuine authoritie (as it were) for them to follow in their villanous acts. CHAP. 25.

WHo is he then (vnlesse he be one of those that loueth to imitate such gods) that by this which is already laide open, doth not see, how great a grace of God it is to be seperated from the societie of those deuils? and how strong they are in working mischiefe, by presenting their owne examples, as a diuine priui­ledge and authoritie, whereby men are licensed to worke wickednesse. Nay, they The deuils together by the cares amongst themselues. were seene in a (a) certaine large plaine of Campania, to fight a set battell amongst themselues, a little before that the citizens fought that bloudy conflict in the same place. For at first there were strange & terrible noyses heard; & afterwards it was affirmed by many, that for certaine dayes together, one might see two armies in continuall fight one against the other. And after that the fight was ceased, they found the ground all trampled with the steppes of men, and horses, as if they had beene made in that battaile. If the deities were truly and really at warres amongst themselues, why then indeed their example may giue a sufficient priuiledge vnto humaine conflicts: (but by the way, let this bee considered, that these deities in the meane space must either bee very malicious, or very miserable:) but if they did not fight, but onely illuded the eyes of men with such a shew, what intended they in this, but onely that the Romaines should thinke that they might lawfully wage ciuill warres, as hauing the practises of the gods themselues for their pri­uiledges? for presently vpon this apparition, the ciuill dissentions began to bee kindled, and some bloudy massacres had beene effected before. (b) And already were the hearts of many greeued at that lamentable acte of a certaine souldiour, who (c) in taking of the spoiles of his slaine foe, and discouering him by his face, to be his owne brother, with a thund [...]r of curses vpon those domestique quarrels, he stabd himselfe to the heart, and fell downe dead by his brothers side. To enue­lop and ouer-shadow the irkesomnesse of such euents, and to aggrauate the ardent thirst after more bloud and destruction, did those deuils (those false repu­ted gods) appeare vnto the Romaines eyes in such fighting figures, to animate the cittie not to be any whit in doubt to imitate such actions, as hauing the example of the gods for a lawfull priuiledge for the villanies of men. And out of this subtilty did these maleuolent powers giue command for the induction of those Stage-playes, whereof we haue spoken at large already, and wherein such disho­nest courses of the gods were portraited forth vnto the worlds eye, vpon their stages, and in the theaters; that all men (both those that beleeue that their gods did such acts, and those that doe not beleeue it, but see how pleasing it is to them to behold such impurities) may hence be bolde to take a free licence to imitate them, and practise to become like them in their liues. Least that any man there­fore should imagine, that the Poets haue rather done it as a reproche to the gods, then as a thing by them deserued, (d) when they haue written of their fightings The Gods examples furthered the vvarres. and brablings one with another, to cleare this misconstruction, they them-selues haue confirmed these Poesies, to deceiue others: and haue presented their com­bats, and contentions, not onely vpon the Stage by players, but euen in the plaine fields by themselues. This was I enforced to lay downe; because their owne au­thors haue made no doubt to affirme and record, that the corrupt and rotten man­ners of the Cittizens, had consumed the state of the weale-publike of Rome vnto nothing, long before that Christ Iesus came into the world: for which subuersi­on of their state they will not call their gods into any question at all, but all the [Page 100] transitorie miseries of mortalitie (which notwithstanding cannot make a good­man perish whether he liue or dye) they are ready to heape on the shoulders of our Sauiour Christ. Our Christ, that hath so often powred his all-curing pre­cepts vpon the incurable vlcers of their damned conditions, when their false gods neuer put to an helping hand, neuer vp-held this their religious common­weale from ruining, but cankering the vertues that vpheld it with their vile acts and examples, rather did all that they could to thrust it on vnto destruction. No man (I thinke) will affirme that it perished because that

Discessere omnes adytis aris (que) relictis,—Dij—
The gods were gone, and left their Altars bare.—

As though their loue to vertue, and their offence taken at the wicked vices of the cittie had made them depart: no, no, there are too many presages from in­trailes, sooth-sayings, and prophecies, (whereby they confirmed and animated their seruants, and extolled them-selues as rulers of the fates, and furtherers of the warres) that prooue and conuince them to haue beene present: for had they beene absent, the Romaines in these warres would neuer haue beene so farre trans­ported with their owne affections, as they were with their Gods instigations.

L. VIVES.

IN (a) a certaine plaine of Campania] L. Scipio and C. Norbanus being Consuls, betweene Capua and Uulturnum was heard a huge clashing of armes, and sounding of martiall instru­ments, with an horrible noyse and crying, as if two battels had beene there fighting in their greatest furie. This was heard for many dayes together. Iulius Obsequens. Now this Scipio and this Norbanus were the two first Consuls with whom the great Sylla had the first conflict, after Prodigious sounds of battles heard. his returne into Italy, for they were both of Marius his faction. (b) And already] for when friends and acquaintance meete, and know one another in contrary fronts of battell: then know they well what kinde of warre they are fallen into; and haue a full view of the fruites of ciuill hate: So saith Lucane in his Tharsalia, lib. 4.

—Postquam spacio languentia nullo
Mutua conspicuush ab uerunt lumina vultus.
Et fratres, nat [...]sque sicos videre patrésque,
Deprehensum est ciuile n [...]as.—
—when they from their confronting places,
Gazed a good while in each others faces,
And fathers mette their sonnes, and brethren there,
Then shew'd the warre true eiuill—

(c) Taking of the spoyles] Liuie lib. 79. This fell out when Cynna and Marius sought that desperate battle with Cn. Pompey, father to Pompey the great. Ualerius (lib. 5.) saith that one of Pompeys souldiours killed his owne brother that serued Sertorius in his warres. Liuie Brethren killing one another. putteth Cynna for Sertorius; but both might come to passe: for all the armies were of Cyn­na's raysing, which not-with-standing were diuided into foure. Cynna led one, Marius an­other, Q. Sertorius the third, Cn. Carbo the fourth. Orosius writeth that Pompey fought a battle with Sertorius, wherein this tragedy of the two brethren fell out. (d) When they haue written of their fightings, and their] Homer in the warres of Troy, makes the gods to bee at great variance, euen vnto stroakes amongst them-selues: Mars, Venus, and Apollo, against Pallas, Iuno, and Neptune.

Of certaine obscure instructions concerning good manners which the Deuills are sayd to haue giuen in secret, whereas all wicked­nesse was taught in their publike solemnities. CHAP. 26.

WHerefore seeing that this is so, seeing that all filthines confounded with cru­elties, all the gods fowlest facts and shames, whether true or imaginary, by their owne commandements, and vpon paine of their displeasures, if it were [Page 101] otherwise, were set forth to open view, and dedicated vnto themselues, in the most holy and set solemnities, and produced as imitable spectacles to all mens eyes: to-what end is it then, (a) that seeing these deuils, who acknowledge their owne vncleannesse, by taking pleasure in such obscaenities, by beeing delighted with their owne villanies and wickednesses, as well performed as inuented; & by their exacting these celebrations of modest men in such impudent manner, doe confesse themselues the authors of all pernicious and abhorred courses; yet would seeme (forsooth) and are reported to haue giuen certaine secret instructi­ons against euill manners, in their most priuate habitacles, and vnto some of their most selected seruants? If it be so, take here then an excellent obseruation of the crafte and maliciousnesse of these vncleane spirits. The force of honesty, and cha­stitie, is so great and powerfull vpon mans nature, that all men, or almost all men, are mooued with the excellencie of it, nor is there any man so wholy abandoned to turpitude, but he hath some feeling of honesty left him. Now for the deuills depraued nature, we must note, that vnlesse hee sometime change him-selfe into an angell of light, (as we read in our scriptures that hee will do) hee cannot fully 2. Cor. 11. effect his intention of deceit. Wherefore he spreads the blasting breath of all im­puritie abroad, and in the meane time, whispers a little ayre of dissembled chasti­tie within. He giues light vnto the vilest things, and keepes the best in the darke, honestie lyeth hid, and shame flies about the streetes: Filthinesse must not bee acted, but before a great multitude of spectators: but when goodnesse is to bee taught, the auditorie, is little or none at all: as though puritie were to be blushed at, and vncleannesse to be boasted of: But where are these rules giuen, but in the deuills temples? where, but in the very Innes, or exchanges of deceit? And the reason is, because that such as are honest (being but few) should hereby bee en­ueighled, and such as are dishonest, (which are multitudes) remaine vnreformed. But as for vs, we cannot yet tell when these good precepts of celestiall chastitie were giuen: but this we are sure of, that before (b) the very temple gates, where the Idoll stood, we beheld an innumerable multitude of people drawne together, and there saw a large traine of Strumpets on one side, and a (c) virgin goddesse on the other; here humble adorations vnto her; and there, foule and immodest things acted before her. We could not see one modest mimike, not one shamefast actor amongst them all: but all was full of actions of abhominable obscaenitie. They knew well what that virgin deity liked, and pronounced it for the nations to learne by looking on, and to carry home in their mindes. Some there were of the chaster sort, that turned away their eies from beholding the filthy gestures of the players, and yet though they blushed to looke vpon this artificiall beastlinesse, they gaue scope vnto their affections to learne it. For they durst not behold the impudent gestures of the actors boldly, for being shamed by the men: and lesse durst they condemne the ceremonies of that deity whom they so zealously ado­red. But this was that presented in the temples, and in publike which none will commit in their owne priuate houses, but in secret. It were too great a wonder if there were any shame left in those men of power, to restraine them from acting that, which their very gods doe teach them, euen in their principles of religion; and tell them that they shall incurre their displeasures if they do not present them such shewes. What spirit can that be, which doth enflame bad minds with a worse instinct, which doth vrge on the committing of adulterie, and fattes it selfe vpon The deuils incite men to mischief by wicked instigations the sinne committed, but such an one as is delighted with such representations, filling the temples with diabolicall Images, exacting the presenting of loathsome [Page 102] iniquity in Plaies, muttering in secret, I know not what good Consels, to deceiue and delude the poore remainders of honesty, and professing in publike all incite­ments to perdition, to gather vp whole haruests of men giuen ouer vnto ruine?

L. VIVES.

TO what end is it (a) that] A diuersity of reading. We follow the best copy. (b) before the temple] Hee speaketh of the sollemnities of the Goddesse Flora; which were kept by all the strumpets and ribalds in the Citty, as Plutarch, Ouid, and others doe report. For Flora her self was an whore: Lactantius lib. 1. The playes of Flora are celebrated with all lasciuiousnesse The God­desse Flora. befitting well the memory of such a whore. For besides the bawdery of speeches, (which they stuck not to spew forth in all vncleanesse) the whores (at the peoples earnest intreaty) put off all their ap­parell (those I meane that were the actors did this) and there they acted their immodest gestures before the people, vntill their lustfull eyes were fully satisfied with gazing on them. (c) The virgin goddesse] That was Vesta. Vpon the day before the Calends of May, they kept the feasts of Flo­ra, Vesta, Apollo, and Augustus, vpon Mount Palatine. Ouid. Fastorum. 4.

Exit & in Maias festum Florale Calendas,
Tune repetam, nunc me grandius vrget opus:
Aufert Vesta diem, cògnati, Vesta recepta est
Limine: sic iusti constituere Patres.
Phaebus habet partem: Vestae pars altera cessit:
Quod superest illis tertius ipse tenet.
State Palatinae Laurus, pretexta (que) quercus
Stet: domus aeternos tres habet vna deos.
Let Flora's feasts, that in Mayes Calendes are,
Rest till they come: now, to a greater faire:
This day is Vesta's: she is entertained,
In her sonnes house: our fathers so ordained.
Phaebus hath part, Vesta hath part assign'd
The third's Augustus share that's left behind.
Liue greene thou noble oke, and Palatine
Keepe greene thy daies, three gods possesse one shrine.

What a great meanes of the subuersion of the Romaine estate, the induction of those scurrilous plaies, was, which the surmized to be propitiatory vnto their gods. CHAP. 27.

TErtullius (a) a graue man, and a good Philosopher, being to be made Edile, cri­ed out in the eares of the whole City, that amongst the other duties of his magistracy, he must needes goe pacifie mother Flora, with the celebration of some sollemne plaies: (b) which plaies, the more fowly they were presented, the more deuotion was held to be shewen. And (c) in another place (being then Consul, he saith that when the City was in great extremity of ruine, they were faine to present plaies continually for ten daies togither; and nothing was omitted which might helpe to pacifie the gods, as though it were not fitter to anger them with temperance, then to please them with luxurie: and to procure their hate by honesty, rather then to flatter them with such deformity. For the barbarous inhumanity of those (d) men, for whose villanous acts the gods were to bee ap­peased were it neuer so great, could not possibly doe more hurt, then that fil­thinesse which was acted as tending to their appeasing, because that in this, the gods will not bee reconciled vnto them, but by such meanes as must needes pro­duce a destruction of the goodnesse of mens mindes, in lieu of their pre­uenting the daungers imminent onely ouer their bodies: nor will these Deities defend the citties walls, vntill they haue first destroied all goodnesse within the walles. This pacification of the gods, so obscaene, so impure, so wicked, so impudent, so vncleane, whose actors the Romaines diss-enabled from all magistracie, (e) and freedome of City, making them as infamous as they knew them dishonest: this pacification (I say) so beastlie, and so directlie opposite vnto all truth of Religion, and modestie, these fabulous inuentions of their gods filthinesse, these ignominious facts of the gods themselues [Page 103] (either fouly fained, or fowlier effected) the whole citty learned both by seeing and hearing: obseruing plainly, that their gods were well pleased with such pre­sentations, and therefore they did both exhibite them vnto their Idols, and did imitate them themselues: But as for that (I know not indeed well what) honest instruction, and good counsell, which was taught in such secret, and vnto so few, that I am sure was not followed, if it be true, that it were taught belike it was ra­ther feared, that too many would know it, then suspected that any few would follow it.

L. VIVES.

TErtullius (a) a graue man] it should surely be Tullius: for this that Saint Augustine quo­teth is out of his orations: Wherefore it must either be: Tullius that graue man, and that smatterer in Philosophie: (Saint Augustine so deriding his speculation, that could not free him from such grosse errors,) or Tullius that graue man and thrise worthy Philosopher: to shew, that the greatest Princes were infected with this superstition, and not the vulgar onely, nor the Princes onely but the grauest princes, and those that were Philosophers, not meane ones, but of chiefe note: adding this, to amplifie the equitie of his Philosophie, as Ter maximus, the thrise mighty. Now (saith Tully in verrem, Actio. 6. that I am made Aedile, let mee reckon vp the charge The office of the Aedile. that the citie hath imposed vpon mee. I must first present the most sacred Playes and ceremoniall solemnities vnto Ceres, Liber and Proserpina: then, I must reconcile mother Flora vnto the Citie and people of Rome, with the celebration of her enterludes, &c. (b) Which playes] They were such that the actors would not play them as long as Cato the elder was present. Seneca, Valeri­us, Plutarch and Martiall doe all report this. (c) In another place] In Catilinam. Actio. 3, (d) Men for whose] he meaneth Cateline and his conspiratours, (e) Freedome of Citie] some copies read Tributa amouit, but the ancient ones do read it Tribu mouit, with more reason.

Of the saluation attained by the Christian religion. CHAP. 28.

WHy then doe these men complaine thinke you? because that by the name of Christ, they see so many discharged of these hellish bands that such vn­cleane spirits held them in, and of the participation of the same punishment with them. Their ingratefull iniquitie hath bound them so strongly in these de­uilish enormities, that they murmure and eate their galls, when they see the peo­ple flock vnto the Church, to these pure solemnities of Christ, where both sexes are so honestly distinguished by their seuerall places; where they may learne how well to lead their temporall liues here, to become worthy of the eternall here-after: where the holy doctrine of Gods word is read from an eminent place, that all may heare it assure a reward to those that follow it, and a iudgment to those that neglect it. Into which place if there chance to come any such as scoffe at such precepts, they are presently either conuerted by a sudden power, or cured by a sacred feare: for there is no filthy sights set forth there, nor any obscaenities to be seene, or to be followed; but there, either the commandements of the true God are propounded, his miracles related, his guifts commended, or his graces implored.

An exhortation to the Romaines to renounce their Paganisme. CHAP. 29.

LEt these rather bee the obiects of thy desires, thou couragious nation of the Romaines, thou progenie of the Reguli, Scaeuolae, Scipioes, and (a) Fabricii. [Page 104] long after these, discerne but the difference betweene these, and that luxurious, filthy shamelesse maleuolence of the diuills. (b) If nature haue giuen thee any lawdable eminence, it must be true piety that must purge and perfect it: impie­ty contaminates and consumes it. Now then, choose which of these to follow, that thy praises may arise, not from thy selfe that may bee misled, but from the true God, who is without all error. Long agoe, wast thou great in popular glory: but as then (as it pleased the prouidence of the high God), was the true Religion wanting, for thee to choose and embrace. But now, awake, and rowse thy selfe (c) it is now day, thou art already awake in some of thy children, of whose full ver­tue, and constant sufferings for the truth we doe iustly glory: they euen these who fighting at all hands against the powers of iniquity, and conquering them all by dying vndaunted, haue purchased this He mean­eth they haue bin a great en­largement of the true Church of God, vpon earth, by suffring so constantly. possession for vs with the price of their bloud. To pertake of which possession wee do now inuite and exhorte thee, that thou wouldest become a Citizen, with the rest, in that citty wherein true re­mission of sinnes standeth as a glorious sanctuary. Giue no eare vnto that de­generate brood of thine, which barketh at the goodnesse of Christ and Christi­anity, accusing these times of badnesse, and yet desiring such as should bee worse, by denying tranquillity to vertue, & giuing security vnto al iniquity: these times didst thou neuer approue, nor euer desiredst to secure they temporall estate by them. Now then reatch vp at the heauenly ones, for which, take but a little paines, and thou shalt reape the possession of them, vnto all eternity. There shalt thou finde no vestall fire, nor (e) stone of the capitoll, but one true God, (f) who will neither limmit thee blessednesse in quality, nor time, but giue thee an Empire, both vniuersal, perfect, & eternall. Be no longer led in blindnesse by these thy illu­ding and erroneous gods; reiect them from the, and taking vp thy true liberty, shake of their damnable subiection. They are no gods, but wicked fiends; and all the Empire they can giue them is but possession of euerlasting paine. (g) Iuno The hap­pines that the deuills can bestow on men. did neuer greeue so much that the Troyans (of whom thou descendest) should arise againe to the state of Rome, as these damned deuills (whom as yet thou holdest for gods) doe enuie and repine, that mortall men should euer enioy the glories of eternity. And thou thy selfe hast censured them with no obscure note, in affording them such plaies, whose actors thou hast branded with expresse in­famy. Suffer vs then to plead thy freedome against all those Impure deuills that imposed the dedication and celebration of their owne shame & filthinesse vpon thy neck and honor. Thou couldst remoue and dis-inable the plaiers of those vn­cleanesses, from all honors: pray likewise vnto the true God, to quit thee from those vile spirits that delight in beholding their owne spots, whither they bee true, (which is most ignominious) or faigned, (which is most malicious). Thou didst well in clearing the state of thy Citty from all such scurrilous off-scummes as stage-plaiers: looke a little further into it: Gods Maiesty can neuer delight in that which polluteth mans dignity. How then canst thou hold these powers, that loued such vncleane plaies, as members of the heauenly society, when thou holdest the men that onely acted them, as vnworthy to bee counted in the worst ranke of the members of thy Cittie? The heauenly Cittie is farre aboue thine, where truth is the victory; holinesse the dignity; happinesse the peace, and eternity the continuance. Farre is it from giuing place to such gods, if thy cittie doe cast out such men. Wherefore if thou wilt come to this cittie, shunne all fellowshippe with the deuill. Vnworthy are they of honest mens seruice, that must bee pleased with dishonesty. Let christian reformation seuer thee from [Page 105] hauing any commerce with those gods, euen as the Censors view seperated such men from pertaking of thy dignities. But as concerning temporal felicity, which is all that the wicked desire to enioye; and temporall affliction, which is all they seeke to auoide, hereafter wee meane to shew, that the deuills neither haue nor can haue any such power of either, as they are held to haue, (though if they had, wee are bound rather to contemne them all, then to worshippe them, for these benefites, which seeing that thereby we should vtterly debarre our selues of that, which they repine that wee should euer attaine:) hereafter (I say) shall it bee prooued, that they haue no such powre of those things, as these thinke they haue, that affirme that they are to bee worshipped for such endes. And here shall this booke end.

L. VIVES.

ANd (a) Fabricii.] Fabricius was Consull in Pyrrhus his warre at which time the Romaines Fabucius. vertue was at the height: he was, valourous, poore, continent, and a stranger to all pleasure, and ambition. (b) If nature haue giuen thee] The Stoikes held that nature gaue euery man Vertues seedes. some guifts: some greater some lesser: and that they were graced, increased, and perfitted by discipline, education, and excercise. (c) it is now day] Alluding vnto Paul. Rom. 13. 12. The night is past, and the day is at hand. The day, is the cleere vnderstanding of goodnesse, in whose Day, how vsed. powre the Sunne is, as the Psalmist faith. The night is darke and obscure. (d) in some of thy Children] Meaning, that some of the Romaines were already conuerted vnto Christ. (e) no stone of the Capitol] Ioues Idoll, vpon the capitoll was of stone: and the Romaines vsed to sweare by Per Ioue un­lapidem. Ioue, that most holy stone: which oth became afterwards a prouerbe. (f) who will neither lim­mit] They are the words of Ioue in Virgil, Aeneid. 1. promising the raysing vp of the Romaine Empire. But with farre more wisdome did Saluste (orat. ad Caium Caesarem senen) affirme, that the Romaine estate should haue a fal: And African the yonger seeing Carthage burne, with the teares in his eyes, recited a certaine verse out of Homer, which intimated that Rome one day should come to the like ruine. (g) Iuno did not] Aeneides the first.

Finis Lib. 2.

THE CONTENTS OF THE third booke of the City of God.

  • 1. Of the aduerse casualties which onely the wicked doe feare, and which the world hath al­waies beene subiect vnto, whilest it remained in Paganisme. chapter 1.
  • 2. Whether the Gods to whom the Romaines and the Greekes exhibited like worship, had suf­ficient cause giuen them to let Troy be destroi­ed. chap. 2.
  • 3. That the gods could not iustly be offended at the adultery of Paris vsing it so freely and frequently themselues. chap. 3.
  • 4. Of Varro's opinion, that it is meete in pol­licy that some men should faigne themselues to be begotten of the gods. chap. 4.
  • 5. That it is alltogither vnlikely that the gods reuenged Paris his fornication, since they permitted Rhea's to passe vnpunished. chap. 5.
  • 6. Of Romulus his murthering of his bro­ther which the gods neuer reuenged. chap. 6.
  • 7. Of the subuersion of Illium by Fimbria a captaine of Marius his faction. chap. 7.
  • 8. Whether it was conuenient to commit Rome to the custody of the Troian gods. chap. 8.
  • 9. Whether it bee credible, that the gods pro­cured the peace that lasted all Numa's raigne. chap. 9.
  • 10. Whether the Romaines might desire iust­ly that their citties estate should arise to prehe­minence by such furious warres, when it might haue rested firme and quiet, in such a peace as Numa procured. chap. 10.
  • 11. Of the statue of Apollo at Cumae, that shed teares (as men thought) for the Grecians miseries, though he could not help them. cap. 11.
  • 12. How fruitlesse their multitude of gods was vnto the Romaines, who induced thē beyond the institution of Numa. chap. 12
  • 13. By what right the Romaines attained their first wiues. chap. 13
  • 14. How impious that warre was which the Romaines began with the Albanes, and of the nature of those victories which ambition seekes to obtaine. chap. 14
  • 15. Of the liues and deaths of the Romaine Kings. chap. 15
  • 16. Of the first Romaine Consulls, how the one expelled the other out of his country: and he himselfe after many bloudy murthers, fell by a wound giuen him by his wounded foe. chap. 16
  • 17. Of the vexations of the Romaine estate after the first beginning of the consulls rule: And of the little good that their gods all this while did them. chap. 17
  • 18. The miseries of the Romaines in the A­frican wars, and the small stead their gods stood them there in. chap. 18
  • 19. Of the sad accidents that befell in the se­cond African warre, wherein the powres on both sides, were wholy consumed. chap. 19
  • 20. Of the ruine of the Saguntines, who pe­rished for their confederacy with Rome, the Ro­mainē gods neuer helping them. chap. 20
  • 21. Of Romes ingratitude to Scipio, that freed it from imminent danger, and of the con­ditions of the cittizens in those times that Sa­luste commendeth to haue beene so vertuous. chap. 21
  • 22. Of the edict of Mythridates, comman­ding euery Romaine that was to be found in A­sia, to be put to death. chap. 22
  • 23. Of the more priuate and interior mis­chieues that Rome indured, which were presag­ed by that prodigious madnesse of all the crea­tures that serued the vse of man. chap. 23
  • 24. Of the ciuill discord that arose from the seditions of the Gracchi. chap. 24
  • 25. Of the temple of Concord built by the Senate in the place, where these seditions and slaughters were effected. chap 25
  • 26. Of the diuers warres that followed af­ther the building of Concords temple. chap. 26
  • 27. Of Silla and Marius. chap. 27
  • 28. How Silla reuenged Marius his murders. chap. 28
  • 29. A comparison of the Gothes irrupsi­ons, with the calamities that the Romaines in­dured by the Gaules, or by the authors of their ciuill warres. chap. 29
  • 30. Of the great and pernitious multitude of the Romaines warres a little before the com­ming of Christ. chap. 30
  • 31. That those men that are not suffered as now to worship Idolls shew themselues fooles in imputing their present miseries vnto Christ, see­ing that they endured the like when they did worship the diuills. chap. 31.
FINIS.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE CITTY OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo, vnto Marcellinus.
Of the aduerse casualties which onely the wicked do feare: and which the world hath al­waies beene subiect vnto, whilest it remained in paganisme. CHAP. 1.

WHat we haue already spoken I thinke is sufficient, concerning the depraued state of mens mindes and manners, which is prin­cipally to be auoyded: that in these cases these faulse imagina­ry gods did neuer endeuour to lighten their seruants of any of these inconueniences, but rather added vnto their loades and furthered their depriuations. Now, I see it is time to take those euills in hand, which are the onely things that these men are so loth to en­dure, aboue and beyond all others, as famine, sicknesse, warre, inuasion, thraldome, slaughter, and such other like, as wee haue recited in our first booke: for these things alone are they, which euill men account for euills, that do not, nor are not of power to make men any way euill: nor are these wretches ashamed to giue goods things their due praise, and yet keepe euill still them-selues that are the praysers of good: being far more offended at the (a) badnesse of their lands, then of their liues; as if man were made to enioy all things except himselfe: But not­withstanding all this, their gods (for all their dutyfull obseruance) neuer did go about to restraine the effects of those euills, which their seruāts are so sore afraid of, nor euer with-held them from lighting vpon them, for the world was oppres­sed with diuers extreame & sore calamities at seuerall times, long before the re­demption; & yet (as touching those times) what other gods but those Idols were there worshipped in any part of the world except only amongst the Iewes (b) and by some other peculiar persōs whom it pleased the vnsearchable wisdome of the great God to illuminate. But because I study to be briefe, I will not stand vpon the worlds miseries in generall: onely what is Romes peculiars, or the Romaine Empires, I meane to relate: that is, such inflictions as before the comming of Christ, fell either vpon the citty it selfe, or vpon such prouinces as belonged vnto it, either by conquest or society, as members of the body of that commonweale, of those I meane to speake somewhat in particular.

L. VIVES.

AT the (a) badnesse of their lands] Some read it, si illa mala, others, (and the more aunci­ent) si villam malam, better, and more acutely by a figure called Denomination (b) some other peculiar] As Iob, and some other gentiles, that proportioned their liues by the lawes of nature, of whom heareafter:

Whether the gods, to whome the Romaines and the Greekes exhibited like worship, had sufficient cause giuen them to let Troy be destroyed. CHAP. 2.

FIrst therfore of Troy, or Ilium, whence the Romaines claime the discent (for we may not omit nor neglect what we touched at in the 1. booke:) why was Troy beseeged, & destroyed by the Greekes that adored the same gods that it did; The [Page 108] priuity of (a) Laomedon: the father (say some) was wreaked in this sack, vpon Priam the son. Wel then it is true that (b) Apollo & Neptune serued as workmen vnder the Apollo and Neptune worke the building of Troy. same Laomedon, for otherwise the tale is not true that saith that he promised them pay and brake his oth vnto them afterwards. Now cannot I but maruell that such a great fore-knower, as Apollo was, would worke for Laomedon, and could not foretell that he would deceiue him: nor is it decent to affirme that Neptune his vncle Iupiters brother & king of al the sea, should haue no foresight at al in things to come. For (c) Homer brings him in foretelling great matters of the progeny of Aeneas, whose successors built Rome (yet is Homer (d) reported to haue liued before Iliad 2. the building of Rome) nay more, he saueth Aeneas from Achilles by a cloud, desi­ring to raze this periurd citty of Troy though it were his own handy-worke as (e) Virgill declareth of him. Thus then these two gods, Neptune and Apollo, were Aeneid. 5. vtterly ignorant of Laomedons intention to delude them, and builded the walles of Troy (f) for thankes and for thankelesse persons. Looke now, whether it be a worse matter to put confidence in such gods, or to consume them. But Homer him-selfe (it seemes) did hardly beleeue this tale, for he maketh (g) Neptune to fight against Troy, and Apollo for it; whereas the fable giueth them both one cause of being of­fended, namely Laomedons periury. Let those therefore that beleeue such re­ports be ashamed to acknowledge such deities: and those that beleeue them not, let them neuer draw cauills from the Troians periuries, nor maruell that the gods should hate periuries at Troy, and loue them at Rome. For otherwise, how could it come to passe, that besides the aboundance of all other corruption in the city of Rome, there should bee such a great company in Catilines conspiracy that liued onely by their tongues practise in periury and their hands in murder? what other thing did the senators by taking bribes so plentifully and by so many false iudgments? what other thing did thee (i) people by selling of their voices, & play­ing double in all things wherein they dealt, but (k) heape vp the sinne of periury? for euen in this vniuersall corruption, the ould custome of giuing & taking othes was still obserued, but that was not for the restraint of wickednesse by awe of religion, but to ad periury also vnto the rest of their monstrous exorbitances.

L. VIVES.

THe periurie (a) of Laomedon] Virgill in the first of his Georgikes:

—Sat is iampridem sanguine nostro,
Laomedont [...]ae luimus periuria Troi [...].
—Our bloud hath long agone,
Paid for the faith-breach of Laomedon.

(a) Then it is true] Apollo and Neptune seeing Laomedon the King of Phrygia, laying the foun­dations of the walles of Troy, and marking the hugenesse of the worke hee went about, agreed for a great summe of gould, to make an end of this worke for him, which hauing done, he denied that he promised them any thing (c) Homer brings] Aeneas vpon a certaine time being in fight with Achilles, and being put to the worst, in so much that he was almost slaine, Neptune speaketh thus: Homer Iliad. 5.

[...]. &c.’ as followeth in English thus.

But let vs saue him yet ere he be slaine,
Least great Achilles fury if againe
It burst into effect, we helpe too late:
Whilest it is time, let vs deceiue his fate:
Least all the stocke be quite abolished
Of Dardanus whom I so valued:
Whome Ioue his father prised aboue all
His sonnes, whose mothers were terrestriall.
But seeing Ioue doth now detest his line,
This man, in birth and valour neare diuine,
Shall rule the Phrygians: and through him, their King,
There to an endlesse nation shall they spring,

Neptunes Prophecy. [Page 109] Because of these verses in Homer, Dionisius Halicarnasseus writeth that many haue affirmed, that Aeneas leauing his fellowes in Italy, returned into Phrigia, and there hauing repaired Troy, reigned as King, and left the crowne to his posterity after him. But Homer speaketh of the Italian Troy, and the kingdome which arose from that Phygian Troy, namely of the Albi­ans & the Lauinians; both which nations descended from the Troians that accompanied Aene­as (d) Homer reported] at what time Rome was built, or at what time Homer liued the auncient writers do not iustly and vniformely define: though the first be lesse dubitable then the latter. Plutarch in the life of Romulus saith that hee and Remus first founded the walles in the third yeare of the sixt Olimpiad on which day was an eclips of the moone: Dionisius and Eusebius say. the 1. yeare of the 7. Olympiade: after the destruction of Troy CCCCXXXII. yeares. Solin. in Polihist. Cincius will haue it built in the twelth Olympiad: Pictor in the eighth: Nepos, and Luctatius, (to whom Eratosthenes and Apollodorus agree) the seauenth Olympiade, the second yeare. Pomponius Atticus and Tully, the seauenth and the third yeare, therefore by all corres­pondency of the Greeke computations to ours, it was built in the beginning of the seauenth Olympiad CCCCXXXIII. yeares after the ruine of Troy. About Homers time of liuing, his country, and his parentage, the Greeke writers keepe a great adoe: Some say he was present at the warres of Troy: Indeed he himselfe brings in his Phemius singing in the banquet of the wooers (Odissi.) But whether he do it through an ambitious desire to grace his Mr. in beyond the reach of the time or no, it is doubtful. Others say he liued not vntil an hundred yeares after this warre of Phrigia: and some there bee that ad fifty more vnto the number. Aristarchus gives him to those times about which there was a Colonye planted in Ionia, sixty yeares after the subuersion of the Heraclidae: CXXX. yeares after the Troians warrs. Crates thinketh that there was not foure-score yeares betweene the demolishing of Troy and the birth of Homer: Some affirme him to haue beene sonne to Telemachus, Vlisses his sonne, and Tolycasta, daugh­ter to Nestor. In the cronicle of Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea we find this recorded: We find (saith he) in the latine history, that Agrippa reigning amongst the Latines, Homer florished amongst the Greekes, as Appollodorus the Grammarian, and Euphorbeus the Historiographer do both testifie, CXXIIII yeares before the building of Rome, and as Cornelius Nepos saith before the fi [...]st Olympiade an C. yeares. Howsoeuer then it fall out Homer was before the building of Rome: which Tully also doth beare witnesse of in his Quaestiones Tusculanae. (e) Uirgill decla­reth.] Aeneid. 5.

—Pelidae tunc ego f [...]rti,
Congressum Aeneam, nec diis nec viribus aequis,
Nube caua eripui: cuperem cum vertere ab imo,
Structa meis ma [...]ibus periturae maenia Troiae &c.
—Then in an hollow cloud,
I sau'd him, when he combatted that Greeke,
Though hauing neither fate, nor force alike.
Then when mine own [...] worke Troy, I sought to raze &c.

(f) for thankes and thankelesse] Gratis, & ingratis: that, an aduerbe, this an adiectiue, (g) Nep­tune] Apollo fa­uoreth the Troians. Neptune after that Laomedon had thus cheated him, was alwayes a heauy enemy of the Troyans: But Apollo, being more gentle, and remisse, was as good friends with them as before. Virgill, Aeneid. 6.

Phaebe graues Troiae semper miscrate lab [...]res.
Dardana qui Paridis direxti [...]ela manusque,
Corpus in Acacidae &c.
Phaebus, that alwaies pitied Troies distresse,
And g [...]ue the hand of Paris good successe.
Against Achilles life. &c.

(h) the senators] by the Semprnoian law which Caius Gracchus preferred, the Gentlemen of Rome had the iudging all causes twenty yeares together without any note of infamy and then by the law Plautian were selected fifteene out of euery tribe, by the suffrages of the people The law Sempronian of iudge­ments. The Plau­tian The Corne­lian, The Aure­lian. to be iudges for that yeare, this was done in the second yeare of the Italian warre. Cn. Pompeius, sonne to Sextus, and L. Cato being consuls, Afterwards the law Cornelian which Silla instituted, the authority was reduced to the senat: who iudged ten yeares together most par­tially, and most corruptedly When the greater sort iudged saith Tully against Verres) there was great complaning of vniust indgements. Last of all by the law Aurelian, preferred by M Aureli­us Cotta being praetor, both senat and people combined, had the hearing and censuring of cau­ses (i) the people] Lucane in his first booke.

[Page 110]
Hinc raptifasces precio, sectorque fauoris,
Ipse sui populus, lethalisque ambitus vrbi:
Annua venali referens certamima campo.
Hence, coyne Fought consulships, through this deiection
The people sold their voices: this infection,
Fild Mars his field with strife at each election.

(k) But heapt vp] for the iudges were sworne to iudge truly, and the people before they gaue their voices were sworne at a sacrifice, not to hold any reward, or fauour of the worth of the commonwealths estate and safety.

That the gods could not iustly be offended at the adultry of Paris, vsing it so freely and frequently themselues. CHAP. 3.

WHerefore there is no reason to say that these gods who supported the em­pire of Troy were offended with the Troians periury, when the Greekes did preuaile against all their protections. Nor is it, as some say, in their defence, that the anger at Paris his (a) adultery made them giue ouer Troyes defence, for it is their custome to practise sinne them-selues, and not to punish it in others. (b) The Troians (saith Salust) as I haue heard, were the first founders & inhabitants of Rome: those were they that came away with Aeneas, and wandered without any certaine abode. If Paris his fact were then to be punished by the gods iudgements, it was either to fall vpon the Troians, or else vpon the Romaines, because (c) Aeneas his mother was chiefe agent therein. But how should they hate it in Paris, when as they hated it not in Venus, one of their company, who (to omit her other pranks) committed adultery with Anchifes and by him was begotten (d) Aeneas. Or why should his falt anger Menelus, and hers (e) please Vulcane? I do not thinke the gods such abasers of their wiues, or of themselues, as to vouchsafe mortall men to partake with them in their loues. Some perhaps will say I scoffe at these fables: and handle not so graue a cause with sufficient grauity: why then if you please let vs not beleeue that Aeneas is sonne to Venus I am content, so (f) that Romulus like­wise be not held to be Mars his sonne. (g) If the one be so, why is not the other so also, Is it lawfull for the gods to medle carnally with women, and yet vnlaw­full for the men to meddle carnallie with Goddesses: a hard, or rather an incredi­ble condition, that what was lawfull for Mars (h) by Venus her law should not be lawfull for Venus by her owne law. But they are both confirmed by the Romain au­thority, for (i) Caesar of late, beleeued no lesse that (k) Venus was his grand-mother then (l) Romulus of old beleeued that Mars was his father.

L. VIVES.

PAris his (a) adultery] This I thinke is knowne to all, both blind men and barbers (as they say) that the warres of Troy arose about Alexander Paris his rape of Hellen, wife vnto Me­nelaus (b) the Troians] at what time, and by whom Rome was built, Dionisius, Solinus, Plutarch, and diuers others, discourse with great diuersity: he that will know further, let him looke in them. (c) Aeneas his mother] for Paris vsed Venus as his baud, in the rape of Hellen, and Ue [...] in the contention of the goddesses for beauty, corrupted the iudgement of Paris with promise of Hellen, (d) Aeneas] he was sonne to Anchises and Uenus. Uirgil.

Tunc ille Aeneas quem Dàrdanio Anchisa
Alma Venus Phryg as g [...]nuit Sy [...]oēntis od vn [...]s?
Art thou that man whom bea [...]teous Uenus bore,
got by [...] on smooth Symois shore?

And Lucretius.

Aeneadum genitrix hominum, diuum (que) vol [...]ptas,
Alma Venus.—
Mother t' A [...]eas liue, the gods delight
Faire Uenus—

(e) Vulcan] Husband vnto Venus, (f) Romulus not be] Dionysius. Ilia, a Vestal Virgin, going to Mars his wood to fetch some water, was rauished in the Church (some say) by some of her sutors, Romulus his [...]atner. some, by her vncle Amulius being armed, others by the Genius of the place. But I thinke ra­ther that Romulus was the son of some soldiar, and Aeneas of some whore: and because the sol­diars are vnder Mars, and the whores vnder Venus, therefore were they fathered vpon them. Aeneas his mother. Who was Aeneas his true mother, is one of the sound questions that the grammarians stand vpon in the foure thousand bookes of Dydimus, as Seneca writeth. (g) If the one bee so] Illud, and illud, for hoc and illud, a figure rather Poeticall then Rhetoricall. (h) By Venus her law] A close, but a conceited quippe. Mars committed adultery with Venus. This was lawfull for Mars by Venus lawe, that is by the law of lust, which Venus gouerneth: then why should not the same priuiledge in lust bee allowed to Venus her selfe, beeing goddesse thereof: that which is lawfull to others by the benefit of Venus, why should it not bee permitted to Venus to vse her selfe freely in her owne dominion of lust, seeing she her-selfe alloweth it such free vse in others. (i) Caesar] This man was of the Iulian family, who was deriued from Iulus, Aeneas his sonne, and so by him to Venus. This family was brought by King Tullus from Alba Caesars fa­mily. longa to Rome, and made a Patrician family. Wherefore Caesar beeing dictator built a temple to Venus, which hee called the temple of mother Uenus: my Aunt Iulia (saith Caesar in Sueto­nius) on the mothers side is descended from Kings, and on the fathers, from gods. For from An [...]us Martius, a King, the Martii descended, of which name her mother was: and from Venus came the Iulii, of which stocke our family is sprung. (k) His grand-mother] Set for any progenitrix, as it is often vsed. (l) Romulus of old] And Caesar of lat [...], because of the times wherein they liued, being at least sixe hundred yeares distant.

Of Varro's opinion, that it is meete in policy that some men should faigne them­selues to be begotten of the gods. CHAP. 4.

BVt doe you beleeue this will some say? not I truly. For Varro, one of their most learned men, doth (though faintly, yet almost plainely) confesse that they all are false. But that it is (a) profitable for the citties (saith he) to haue their greatest men their generalls and gouernours, beleeue that they are begotten of gods, though it be neuer so false: that their mindes being as illustrate, with part of their parents deitie, may bee the more daring to vndertake, more seruent to act, and so more fortunate to performe affaires of value. Which opinion of Var­ro, (by me here laid downe) you see how it opens a broad way to the falshood of this beleefe: and teacheth vs to know, that many such fictions may be inserted in­to religion, whensoeuer it shall seeme vse-full vnto the state of the city, to inuent such fables of the gods. But whether Venus could beare Aeneas by Anchises, or Mars beget Romulus of Syluta, (b) Numitors daughter▪ that we leaue as we find it, vndiscussed. For there is almost such a question ariseth in our Scriptures. Whe­ther the wicked angells did commit fornication with the daughters of men, and Gen. 6. whether that therevpon came Giants, that is, huge and powrefull men, who in­creased and filled all the earth?

L. VIVES.

IT is (a) profitable] It is generally more profitable vnto the great men themselues, who hereby haue the peoples loue more happily obliged to them. This made Scipio that he would neuer The bene­fit of being held diuine. seeke to change that opinion of the people, who held, that hee was begot by some god: and Alexander in Lucian saith it furthered him in many great designes, to bee counted the sonne [Page 112] of Iupiter Hamon. For hereby he was feared, and none durst oppose him that they held a god. [...] (saith he) [...]. The Barbarians obserued mee with reuerence and amazement, and none durst with-stand mee, thinking they should warre against the gods, whose confirmed sonne they held mee. (b) Numitors daughter,] Numitor was sonne to Procas the Albian King, and elder brother to Amulius, But Numitor & his children being thrust by his brother from his crowne, he liued priuately, Amulius enioying the crowne by force and fraude. Numitor had Lausus to his sonne, and Rhea or Ilia Syluia to his daughter: the boy was killed, the daughter made Abbesse of the Vestals by Amulius, meaning by colour of religion to keepe her from children-bearing: who not-with-standing had two sonnes, Ro­mulus and Remus, by an vnknowne father as is afore-said.

That it is altogether vnlikely that the gods reuenged Paris his fornication, since they permitted Rhea's to passe vnpunished. CHAP. 5.

WHerefore now let vs argue both the causes in one. If it be certaine that wee read of Aeneas and Romulus their mothers, how can it bee that the gods should disallow of the adulteries of mortall men, tollerating it so fully and freely in these particulars? If it be not certaine, howsoeuer, yet cannot they distaste the dishonesties of men, that are truly acted, seeing they take pleasure in their owne, though they be but faigned: Besides, if that of Mars with Rhea be of no credit, why then no more is this of Venus with Anchises. Then let not Rhea's cause be co­uered with any pretence of the like in the gods. She was a virgin Priest of Vesta, and therefore with farre more iustice should the gods haue scourged the Ro­maines for her offence, then the Troians for that of Paris: for the (a) ancient Romaines them-selues did punish such vestalls as they tooke in this offence, by burying them quick: (b) neuer censuring others yt were faultie in this kind with death, (but euer with some smaller penalty,) so great was their study to correct the offences of persons appertaining to religion, with all seuerity aboue others.

L. VIVES.

THE (a) ancient] If a virgin vestall offended but lightly, the high Priest did beate her: but being conuicted of neglect of chastitie, or whoredome, shee was caried in a coffin to The punish­ment of the offending vestall. the gate Collina, as if shee went to buriall, all her friends and kinsfolkes bewailing her, the Priests and other religious following the hearse with a sadde silence. Neere to the gate was a caue, to which they went downe by a ladder, there they let downe the guilty person, alone, tooke away the ladder, and shutte the caue close vp: and least she should starue to death, they set by her, bread, milke, and oyle, of each a quantitie, together with a lighted lampe: all this finished, the Priests departed: and on that day was no cause heard in law; but it was as a vaca­tion, mixt with great sorrow and feare: all men thinking that some great mischiefe was pre­saged to befall the weale publick by this punishment of the Vestall. The vowes and duties of those Vestals, Gellius (amongst others) relateth at large. (Noct. Atticarum lib. 1.) (b) Neuer censuring others] Before Augustus, there was no law made against adulterers, nor was euer No lawe against a­dultery be­fore Au­gustus. cause heard (that I know of) concerning this offence. Clodius indeed was accused for pollu­ting the sacrifices of Bona Dea, but not for adulterie, which his foes would not haue omitted, had it laine within the compasse of lawe. Augustus first of all instituted the law Iulian against men adulterers, it conteined some-what against vnchaste women also, but with no capitall pu­nishment: though afterwards they were censured more sharpely, as we read in the Caesars an­swers The lawe Iuliana. in Iustintans Code, and the 47. of the Pandects. Dionysius writeth, that at Romes first ori­ginall Romulus made a lawe against adultery, but I thinke hee speakes it Graecanicè, as hee doth prettily well in many others matters.

Of Romulus his murther of his brother, which the gods neuer reuenged. CHAP. 6.

NOw I will say more: If those Deities tooke such grieuous and heinous displeasure at the enormities of men, that for Paris his misdemeanour they [Page 113] would needes vtterly subuert the citty of Troy by fire and sword: much more then ought the murder of Romulus his brother to incense their furies against the Romaines, then the rape of Menelaus his wife against the Troians: Parricide (a) in the first originall of a Citty, is far more odious then adultery in the wealth and height of it. Nor is it at all pertinent vnto our purpose (b) whether this murder were commanded or committed by Romulus, which many impudently deny, ma­ny doe doubt, and many do dissemble. Wee will not intangle our selues in the Laborinth of History, vpon so laborious a quest: Once, sure it is, Romulus his bro­ther was murdered: and that neither by open enemies, nor by strangers. If Ro­mulus either willed it, or wrought it, so it is: Romulus was rather the cheefe of Rome then Paris of Troy. VVhy should the one then set all his goddes against his countrey for but rauishing another mans wife, and the other obtaine the protec­tion of (c) the same goddes for murdering of his owne brother? If Romulus bee cleare of this imputation, then is the whole citty guilty of the same crime how­soeuer, in giuing so totall an assent vnto such a supposition: and in steed of kil­ling a brother, hath done worse in killing a father. For both the bretheren were fathers and founders to it alike, though villany bard the one from dominion. There is small reason to be showne (in mine opinion) why the Troians deserued so ill, that their gods should leaue them to destruction, and the Romaines so well, that they would stay with them to their augmentation; vnlesse it bee this, that be­ing so ouerthrowne and ruined in one place, they were glad to flie away to prac­tise their illusions in another; nay they were cunninger then so; they both stayed still at Troy to deceiue (after their old custome) such as afterwards were to inhabit there; and likewise departed vnto Rome that hauing a greater scope to vse their im­postures there they might haue more glorious honours assigned them to feede their vaine-glorious desires.

L. VIVES.

PArricide (a) in] Parricide is not onely the murther of the parent, but of any other equall: Parricide. some say 'Parricidium, quasi patratio caedis, committing of slaughter. It is an old law of Num|'s: He that willingly doth to death a free-man shall be counted a Parricide (b) Whether this mur­ther] Numa's. [...]aw Remus his death. There be that affirme, that Remus being in contention for the Kingdome, when both the factions had saluted the leaders with the name of King, was slaine in the by [...]kerng between them: but whether by Romulus or some other, none can certainely affirme. Others and more in number, saie that he was slaine by Fabius, Tribune of the light horsemen of Romulus, because he leaped in scorne ouer the newly founded walles of Rome; and that Fabius did this by Romu­lus his charge: Which fact Cicero tearmes wicked and inhumaine. For thus in his fourth booke of Offices he discourseth of it. But in that King that built the citty it was not so. The glosse of commodity dazeled his spirits: and since it seemed fitter for his profit to rule without a partner then with one, he murdered his owne brother. Here did he leape ouer piety, nay and humanity also: to reach the end hee aimed at, profit: though his pretence and coullour, about the wall, was neither pro­bale, nor sufficient wherfore be it spoken with reuerence to Quirinus or to Romulus Romulus in this did well. (c) The same godds] Which were first brought to Aeneas to I auiniun, & from thence to Alba by Ascanius, and from Alba the Romaines had them by Romulus, with the Assent of Num [...]tor: and so lastly were by Tullus transported all vnto Rome.

Of the subuersion of Ilium by Fimbria, a Captaine of Marius his faction. CHAP. 7.

IN the first (a) heate of the (b) ciuill wars, what hadde poore Ilium done that (c) Fimbria, they veriest villaine of all (d) Marius his sette, should raize it [Page 114] downe with more fury and (e) cruelty then euer the Grecians had shewed vpon it before? For in their conquest, many escaped captiuity by flight, and many avoi­ded death by captiuity: But Fimbria charged in an expresse edicte, that not a life should bee spared: and made one fire of the Citty and all the creatures within it. Thus was Ilium requited, not by the Greekes whom her wronges had prouoked, but by the Romaines whom her ruines had propagated: their gods in this case (a like adored of both sides) doing iust nothing; or rather beeing able to do iust nothing: what, were the gods gone from their shrines, that protected this towne since the repayring of it after the Grecian victory? If they were, shew me why? but still the better citizens I finde, the worse gods. They shut out Fim­bria, to keepe all for Sylla; hee set the towne and them on fire, and burned them both into dust and ashes. And yet in meane-time (f) Sylla's side was stronger, and euen now was hee working out his powre by force of armes: his good be­ginnings as yet felt no crosses. How then could the Ilians haue dealt more ho­nestly Sylla's side stronger then Marius his. or iustly? or more worthy of the protection of Rome? then to saue a cit­ty of Romes, for better endes, and to keepe out a Parricide of his countries com­mon good? But how they sped, let the defenders of these gods obserue. They for-sooke the Ilians beeing adulterers, and left their cittie to the fires of the Greekes: that from her ashes, Chaster Rome might arise: But why did they leaue her the second time, beeing Romes allied, not rebelling against her Noble daughter, but keeping her faith sincerely vnto Romes best parts and powers? why did they let her be demolished so vtterly, not by the valorous Grecians, but by a barbarous Romaine? Or, if the gods fauoured not Sylla's endeauours, for whom this cittie kept her selfe, why did they attend his fortunes with such happy suc­cesse else-where? doth not this proue them rather flatterers of the fortunat, then fauorers of the wretched? And therfore they had not forsaken Illium vtterly whē it was vtterly destroied: no, no, the diuells will still keepe a watchfull eye for ad­uantage to deceiue. For (g) when all the Images were burned together with the The deuills car [...] to de­ceiue. towne, onely Mineruàs was found vnder all the ruines of her Temple, as Liuy writeth, vntouched: not that it should bee sayd, You Patron gods that alwaies Troy protect: but that it should not be sayd. The gods were gone and left their altars bare: in their defence they were permitted to saue that Image, not that they might thereby proue themselues powrefull, but that we might thereby proue them to haue beene present.

L. VIVES.

IN the (a) first] Marius dying in his seauenth Consulship, Cinna ioyned Valerius Flaccus with him in office, committing Asia to his rule, (which Sylla then gouerned) and strengthning him with two legions. This Flaccus by his couetise (the souldiour-hated vice) and other crimes growing very odious, was killed by C. Fimbria, Embassador at Nicomedia: which Fim­bria by the souldiors assent, entred vpon his place, and warred against Mithridates with good fortune: hauing almost taken him prisoner in the siege of Pergamus: leading his army into Phrygia, and hearing that the Ilians were of Sylla's faction, he entred the city cunningly (saith Appian) forcibly (saith Liuy) and killed all the Cittizens, man, woman, and child, without all mercy, sparing nothing neither hallowed nor prophane: after the Greekes had destroied it be­fore M. L. yeares. (b) ciuill warres] After the first Marian warre, before Sylla came into Italy to the vtter subuersion of that faction, this fell out. (c) Fimbria] This was a most audatious and impudent fellow, most prompt vnto all villany. He killed Crassus, and in the funeral of Marius, made Q. Scaeuola a noble and honest man to bee sore hurt. But seeing that the wound was not C. Fimbria. mortall, he cited him to answere an accusation. The whole city wondring that the chiefe priest should accuse the most honest man of the whole state, and flocking to heare the crime: he sayd [Page 115] he accused him for not taking the thrust of the weapon deepe inough into his body. This Tully relateth in his Oration for Roscius Amerinus. (d) Marius his] Rather Cynna's but all the facti­on against Sylla was called Marian. (e) cruelty.] Appianus in Mithridato, saith that the daie after the burning of Ilium, Fimbria himself went all ouer the ruines, prying and searching whe­ther ought was left standing, intending to raze that downe also, so that hee left no house, no temple, no nor no statue standing in all Ilium. (f) Sylla's side] Saluste. Sylla of late, being victor, when he commanded Damasippus and others that had patched vp their estate by the miseries of the weale-publike to be slaine who did not applaud him? euery man sayd that such wicked creatures as had kept the fires of sedition still burning in the common-wealth, were now well rewarded. But in­deed this was the roote whence sprung a wood of miseries. Thus farre Saluste in his Catilines con­spiracy: and a little before, Lucius Sylla hauing recouered the sway of the state by armes, beganne wel, but ended badly inough: Which saying, S. Augustine here toucheth. (g) when all the Images] Appian, and Iulius Obsequens also say that the Palladium remained still vnburnt. Seruius (in 2. The Palla­dium. Aeneid.) saith that Fimbria showed it, and brought it vnto Rome. Truly I wonder if that were the old Palladium that Aeneas (they say) brought from Troy into Italy, with the other Great Gods, which was placed by Hostilius in the Temple of Vesta after Alba was destroied: which Temple being fired, Metellus the Priest fetched the Palladium from forth the greatest flames, for which deede the Romaines assigned him ample honours: which fell out soone after the peace concluded betwixt Rome and Carthage, after the ende of the first African warre, be­fore Fimbrias time, C. L. yeares. Some thinke that Aeneas leauing the Latine Kingdome to his fellowes, returned vnto Phrigia with the Palladium: but this wee haue else-where disal­lowed of. The Lacaedemonians indeed beleeued that they had the Troyan Palladium, neere the temple of the Leucippidae: which one Temon stole from Ergiaeus a kinsman of Diomedes at Argos, and brought it to Lacedemon. Whose Cittizens beeing warned by oracle to keepe it, they erected it vnto Ulisses, one of the Heroes. But that is the Palladium which Ulisses and Di­omedes bore away as wee said before in the Troyan warre. Seruius saith that Mamurrius the Smith made many figures of this Palladium, least the true one indeed should bee knowne. Wherein no doubt but Seruius forgot himselfe and tooke the Palladium for the Ancylia.

Whether it was conuenient to commit Rome to the custody of the Troyan gods. CHAP. 8.

VVHerefore seeing Troy had left so plaine a lesson for all posterity to obserue; what discretion was there shewne in the commending of Rome to the protection of the Troyan gods? O but, will some say, they were settled at Rome when Fimbria spoiled Ilium: were they so? whence comes the Image of Minera then? But well: it may be they were at Rome when Fimbria razed Ilium, and at I­lium when the Galles sacked Rome. And being quick of hearing, and swift in mo­tion, as soone as euer the geese called them, they came all on a cluster, to defend what was left, the Capitol. But they were not called soone inough to looke to the rest, or else it should not haue beene as it was.

Whether it be credible, that the gods procured the peace that lasted all Numa's raigne. CHAP. 9.

IT is thought also that these are they that helped Numa Pompilius, Romulus his successor, to preserue that continuall peace that lasted all the time of his raign, and to shut the gates of Ianus his (a) temple; and that because hee deserued it at their handes, in instituting so many sacrifices for the Romaines to offer vnto their honour. In earnest, the peace that this Prince procured was thanke­worthy, could hee haue applied it accordinglie, and (by avoiding so penicious a curiositie,) haue taken more paines in enquitie after the true diuinitie. But beeing as it was, the gods neuer gaue him that quiet [Page 102] leasure: but it may bee they had not deluded him so fowlely, had they not found him so idle. For the lesse that his businesse was, the more time had they to en­trappe him: for Varro recordeth all his courses, and endeauours to associate him­selfe and his Citty with those imaginary gods: all which (if it please God) shall be rehersed in their due place. But now, since wee are to speake of the benefits which are pretended to come from those fained deities: peace is a good be­nefit: but it is a benefit giuen by the (b) true God onely, as the raine, the sunne and all other helpes of mans transitory life are; which are common euen to the Peace be­stovved on the vnvvor­thy. vngratious, and vngratefull persons as well as the most thankefull. But if these Romaine gods had any powre to bestow such a benefit as peace is vpon Numa, or vpon Rome, why did they neuer do it after, when the Romaine Empire was in grea­ter maiesty and magnificence? was their sacrifices more powrefull at their first institution, then at any time after? Nay, many of them then were not as yet in­stituted, but remained vnspoaken of vntill afterwardes, and then they were insti­tuted indeed, and kept for commodity sake. How commeth it then to passe that Numa's 43. Or as some say 39. yeares were passed in such full peace? and yet those sacrifices beeing neither instituted nor celebrated vntill afterwardes; Numa's peace of 43. or 39. yeares. and the gods whom these sollemnities inuited, beeing but now become the gardians and patrons of the state, after so many hundred yeares from Romes foun­dation vntill the reigne of Augustus, there is but (c) one yeare reckned, and that is held as wholy miraculous, which falling after the first African warre, gaue the Romaines iust leaue to shut vp the gates of warres Temple?

L. VIVES.

IAnus (a) his temple] Ianus was a god, whose temple-dore beeing opened, was a signe of wars, and being shut, of peace vnto Rome on all partes. This was erected by Numa, nere Argiletus Ianus. his Sepulchre, as a monument of the fight against the Sabines, wherein a great deale of water bursting in at that gate, gaue the Romaines much furtherance to the victorie. And therevpon, it was decreed that that gate should be opened as it were to giue assistance in all designes of warre. He (that is, Numa) was the first that shut the gate that he builded, as saith Macrobi­us, Saturnal. 1.) and Manlius the second time, after the first Punike warre. Augustus thirdlie. Liu. lib. 1. (b) true God] Therefore Christ our Sauiour gaue his disciples that peace which the world cannot giue (c) One yeare reckned] T. Manlius Torquatus &c. C. Attilius were Con­sulls this yeare, if wee shall beleeue Eutropius, who is no bad historian. These Consulls ha­uing triumphed ouer the Sardes, and hauing procured a settled peace both by sea and land, shut the gates of Ianus Quirinus, which not many monthes after was opened againe: A. L Posthumus Albinus, and Cn. Fuluius Centimalus beeing Consulls: or as others saie, Sp: Car­bilius was in Fuluius his place: In the Illirian warre:

Whether the Romaines might iustly desire that their Citties estate should arise to pre­heminence by such furious warres, when it might haue rested firme, and quiet, in such a peace as Numa procured. CHAP. 10.

VVIll they reply (thinke you) that the Imperiall state of Rome had no other meanes of augmentation but by continuance of warres, nor any fitter course to diffuse the honour thereof then this? A fit course surely! why should any Empire make disquiet the scale vnto greatnesse? In this little world of mans body, is it not better to haue a meane stature with an vnmooued health, then a huge bignesse with intollerable sicknesse? to take no rest at the point where thou shouldst rest, the end? but still to confound the greater grouth with the greater griefe? what euill had there beene, nay what good had there not beene if those [Page 117] times had lasted that Salust so applawded, saying: Kings in the beginning (for this (a) was first Imperiall name on earth) were diuers in their goodnesse: some exercised The first Kings prac­tises. their corporall powers, some their spirituall, and mens liues in those times were without all exorbitance of habit or affect, each one keeping in his owne compasse: why should the Empire be aduanced by those practises that Virgil so detesteth? saying.

Deterior donec paulatim & d [...]color aetas
Et belli rabi [...]s, & amor successit habendi.
(b) Vntill peruerse declining times succeed:
World-frighting warres, and [...]ll-pretended need.

But indeed the Romaines as yet had a iust defence for their so continued con­tentions and warres: because, their foes engirting them with such vniuersall in­uasions, it was very necessity to saue them-selues, and not their endeauour to be­come powrefull ouer others that put weapons into their hands. Well bee it so. For, (as Saluste writeth) when they had well settled their estate by lawes, cus­tomes and possessions, and seemed sufficiently potent, then, as it is in most affaires of mortality, out of their eminence arose enuy in others, which armed many of their neighbour Kings against them, and with-held most of their reputed friends from assisting them; they rest standing affraid, and a farre off. But the Romaines them-selues, sticking to warres tackling, cheered vp one another, to encounter the foe with courage, standing in their armes as the bulwarkes of their freedome, their countrey, and their kinred. And hauing made their vertue breake through all mistes of opposed daungers, they aided those that affected them, returning more gaine of friend-shippe to their estate by beeing the agents of bounty then the obiects, rather by doing good turnes to others, then by receiuing such of others. In these formes of augmenting her selfe, Rome kept a good Decorum. But now, in Numa's raigne, was there any iniuries of enemy or inuasions, con­curring to disturbe this peace of his time, or was there not? If Rome were as then molested with wars, & yet did not oppose hostility with hostility; then those meanes that kept the foe from beeing ouerthrowne in fight, and yet without stroakes compelled them to composition; those very meanes alone should bee still of powre to shut Ianus his gates, and keepe this peace continually in Rome. Which if it were not in their powre to doe, then verily the Romaines had not their peace as long as it pleased the gods to allow it them, but as long as the neighbour Princes listed not to inuade and trouble them; (c) vnlesse those gods had farmed that which lieth not in theirs but others powre, vnto each one at their pleasure, as it it were by the letter pattent. There is much difference truly in these deuills working vpon mens proper infirmities, whether they worke with terrors, or with incitations. But howsoeuer, were they of this powre alwaies, and were not controuled by a superior soueraignty, they would still be practising their au­thorities in warres and slaughters: which (as they fall out in truth) ordinarily, are rather the effects of mortall mens peculiar passions and affections, then direct practises of the damned spirits.

L. VIVES.

FOr this (a) was] So saith Iustine lib. 1. Herodotus, and Pliny. This institution deriued from Aegipt, where they say that Menes was the first King: though Diodorus affirme that O­syris, The first Kings. Horus, and diuers others of the gods raigned before him. Our scriptures say that Nem­broth was the first King, and raigned at Babilon. (b) Vntill peruerse] Hesiod in his Opera & Di­es, saigneth fiue ages of mortality, which place he beginneth thus.

[...] &c.
—The gods did first of all
Make men in golden moldes: celestiall
Their habitations were: In Saturnes raigne
Fiue ages of men.
The vvorld afforded such.—

This, Uirgil, Ouid, and others did immitate. The first age the Golden one, they say was [Page 118] vnder Saturne: without warres, or will to warres, humanity was lockt in vnity; neither were men contentious nor clamorous. These were called Saturnian daies. The next age Siluer, vnder Ioue, then warre began to buffle: so did her daughter, care, hate, and deceit. The third, Brazen warre hurles all vpon heapes, and quasseth liues and bloud. The fourth of the Halfe-Gods, Heroes, who thought they loued iustice, yet their bosomes harboured an eager thirst of warres. The first, Iron, wherein mischiefe goeth beyond bound and limit, and all miseries, breaking their prisons, assault mans fortunes; open deceit, open hate, open warres, slaughters, vastations, burnings, rapes, and rapines, all open violent and common (e) vnlesse] vnlesse the gods be so impudent, that they will sell that vnto men, as a benefit from them, which hath the original from another mans wil, and so require thankes of them as though it were there guift when it is rather the gift of another. [One interpreter vnderstanding not the figure, rappeth [Paris co­py leaues out this intirely.] out what came first on his tongues end, and vpon that, as vpon a marble foundation, Lord what a goodly building he raiseth, concerning selling, and the powers of deuills, mans affects, and many good morrowes: euen such like as this in foundation is much of our Philosophers and Schoole-diuines trattle for all the world, what wounderfull maters do they wring out of such or such places of Aristotle or the scriptures, as (indeed) they neuer could truly vnder­stand. O happy builders, that vpon no foundation but onely a meere smoke, can rayse such goodly buildings, as are held absolutely sky-towring, so elegant, and so durable!]

Of the statue of Apollo at Cumae, that shed teares (as men thought) for the Grecians miseries though he could not helpe them. CHAP. 11.

NOtwithstanding, that there are many of these warres and conquests that fall out quite against those gods likings, the Romaine history it selfe (to omit those fables that do not tel one truth for a thousand lies) shall giue cleare profe, for therein we read that the statue of Apollo (a) Cumane, in the time of the Ro­mans warres againe the Achaians and (b) King Aristonicus, did persist foure daies together in contiunall weeping: which prodigy amazing the South-sayers, they held it fit to cast the statue into the sea, but the auncients of Cumae disswaded it, and shewed them that it had done so likewise in the warres both against (c) Anti­ochus, and (d) Pers [...]us, testifying also, that both these wars succeeding fortunarly vnto Rome, the senat sent ther guifts and oblations vnto the statue of Apollo And then, the South-sayers hauing learned wit, answered, that the weeping of Apollo was lucky to the Romaines, because that (e) Cuma was a Greeke collony, and that the statues teares did but portend mishap vnto the country from whence it came, namely vnto Greece. And soone after, they heard how Aristonicus was taken pri­soner, and this was the cause of Apollos woes, shewen in his teares. And as touch­ing this point, not vnfitly, though fabulously, are the diuells trickes plainely dis­couered in the fictions of the Poets: Diana was sory for Camilla in Virgill: And Hercules wept for the death of Pallas. And it may be that vpon this ground Numa in his great peace giuen him, hee neither knew nor sought to know by whome, bethinking him-selfe in his idlenesse vnto what gods he should commit the pre­seruation of the Romaines fortunes, (neuer dreaming that it is onely the great and almighty God that hath regard of these inferior things) and remembring himselfe, that the gods that Aeneas brought from Troy, could neither preserue the estate of the Troians, nor that of the Lauinians erected by Aeneas, into any good continuance, he thought fit to seeke out some others, to ioyne with the for­mer were gone with Romulus to Rome and that were afterwards to go, at the distruction of Alba either to keepe them from running away, or to helpe them when they saw them too weake.

L. VIVES.

APollo (a) Cumane] King Attalus at his death, made the people of Rome heyres to his Kingdome: of which, Aristonicus his brothers bastard sonne, got possession before them: Aristoni­cus. hence grew there warres, in which, Licinius Consull and Priest, was sent as Generall, whom Aristonicus ouer-came. M. Perpenna the next yeares Consull hearing of Crassus his fortune, came with speed into Asia, and hauing ouer-throwne Aristonicus, and forced him into Strato­nica, through famine he forced him to yeeld, and so sent him to Rome. In this warre Nicome­des, Mithridates, Ariarathes and Pylemanes, Kings of Bythinia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and Pa­phlagonia fauoured the Romaines: Achaia onely, assisted Aristonicus. (b) King Aristonicus] Cra [...]us death. This weeping of Apollo happened in the Consulshippe of Appius Claudius, and M. Perpenna, as Iulius Obsequens (Fragm lib. de prodigiis) in these wordes affirmeth App. Claudius and M. Perpenna being Consulls, P. Crassus was slaine in battaile against Aristonicus. Apollo's statue wept foure daies. The prophets presaged the destruction of Greece, from whence it came. The Ro­maines The gods in a sweate. offered it sacrifice and brought giftes vnto the temple. Thus farre Obsequens. The weep­ing of a statue portended mis-fortune to those that it fauoured, as vpon the weeping of Iuno Sospita at Lauinium (Consulls, L. Aemilius Paulus, & Cn. Bebius Pamphilus:) followed a great pestilence. So saith Lucane of the prodigies in the ciuill warres.

Indig [...]tes fl [...]uisse d [...]os, v [...]bis (que) laborem
Testatos sudore Lares:—
The Patron gods did weepe: the cities paines,
The swea [...]ng Lars recorded.—

(c) Antiochus] King of Syria, conquered by L. Cornelius Scipio, brother to Africanus: Liuie Antiochu [...]. at large Decad. 4. (d) Perseus] Some write Xerxes, but it is better, Perseus, sonne to Philip King of Macedon, whom. L: Aemilius Paulus conquered in a few houres, in the second Macedoni­an warre. Plutarch in Aemilius his life: and others. (e) Cumae] The Chalcidians, and the Cu­maeans (Strabo. lib. 5:) being people of Greece, sailed into Italy with a great nauy, and landing in Campania there built a citty: The Cumaeans captaine was Hippocles, the Chalcidians Me­gasthenes: these agreed amongst themselues that the one people should inhabite the towne, and the others should name it: and so they did: It was called Cumae, and the inhabitants were Chalcidians. Of this Cumae, Virgil hath this verse. Aenead. 6. Cumae.

Chalcidica (que) leuis tandem superastitit ar [...]:
And light at last on the Chalcidian towre.

This City (saith Strabo) is the most ancient Citty both of all Italy and Sicily.

How fruitlesse their multitude of gods was vnto the Romaines, who induced them, be­yond the institution of Numa. CHAP. 12.

NOr could Rome bee content with those sacrifices which Numa had in such plentifull measure prescribed, for it had not as yet the great temple of Iupi­ter. For it was Tarquin that (a) built the Capitoll a good while after. And (b) Aesculapius came afterwards from Epidaurus vnto Rome: because he being a (c) most expert Phisitian, might practise in so famous a Cittie with the greater cre­dite. The Mother of the gods also (of (d) whence, who can tell) came thether from (e) Pessinuns, It being a thing vnmeete for the sonne to bee the chiefe God of the Capitol, and the mother to ly obscured I know not where: But if shee bee the mother of all the gods, she did not follow all her children vnto Rome, but left some to follow her thither. I wonder whether shee were dam vnto Cynocephalus, that (f) came out of Aegipt long after or no. Whether the goddesse. (g) Febris bee one of her Children or no, (h) let Aesculapius, (i) her Nephew looke to that. But wheresoeuer shee was borne, I hope the stranger goddes dare not call a goddesse base, that is (k) a Romaine Cittizen. Well, Rome beeing placed vnder the protection of so many gods (as who can recken vppe?) both of Italians, and Forreyners, both of Heauen, Earth, Hel, Seas, Fountaines, and Riuers, & as Varro saith, both (l) certain & vncertaine, [Page 120] and as it is in creatures, both male & female of all these seuerall kinds: me thinkes that Rome hauing all these to be her Tutors, should neuer haue tasted of such intol­lerable troubles as I meane to relate briefely out of their huger multitude. The great (m) smoake she sent'vp was like (n) a beacon, and called to many gods to her defence: vnto all which the Priests erecting seuerall monuments, and seuerall mysteries, enflamed the furie of the true God in farre greater measure, to whom onely all these institutions & rights were belonging. Truly, Rome thriued a great deale better, when shee had farre fewer protectors: But growing greater, like as a ship calleth in more saylers, so call'd she in more gods: doubting (I thinke) that those few, (vnder whom she had passed a peaceable reuolution before, in compa­rison of that that followed) were not now of sufficiencie to defend her greatnesse, it was so much augmented. For at first, vnder the Kings themselues, (excepting Numa, of whom wee spake before) what a mischieuous beginning of dissention was that, wherein Romulus killed his owne and onely brother?

L. VIVES.

TArquin (a) built] The proud. (Liui. lib. 1.) (b) Aesculapius] In the warre of the Sam­nites he was brought from Epidaurus to Rome, by Ogolnius the Legate, in the shape of a Aesculapius. tame Snake, and he swamme ouer into the Ile of Tyber, where his temple was built, and a feast instituted to him in the Calends of Ianuary. Epidaurus (once called Epitaurus: Strab.) is a towne in Achaia, aboue Corinthe, on the Easterne shore, which Pliny called Saronium, and is named at this day Golfo di Engia: it was famous for the Temple of Aesculapius which stood in that territorie, some fiue miles from the Cittie. (c) A most expert Phisitian] Cicero holds there were three Aesculapii. First Apollo's sonne, worshipped in Arcadia. Second brother to the second Mercury, who was sonne to Valens and Phoronis: hee was struck with thunder, and it is said hee is buried at Cynosurae. The third, sonne to Arsippus and Arsinoe, first inuentor of purging, and tooth-drawing: his sepulcher and his graue is to bee seene in Arcadia, not farre from the riuer Lusius. Tarquinius speaking of the famous men (this we haue from Lactantius) saith that Aesculapius was borne of vnknowne parents, and being cast out, and found by hun­ters, was fed with bitches milke, and afterwards committed to Chyron, of whom hee learned Phisicke: that by birthe he was a Messenian, but dwelt at Epidaurus. Hippocrates saith, that he wrote the booke called Nauicula (as we haue said in our principles of Philosophie) Corn. Cel­sus saith, he was numbred amongst the gods, for giuing excellence and lustre vnto Phisicke, which before was but rude and vnpolished. (d) Of whence,] She was of ignoble and ob­scure descent, as Saturne her brother also was. For shee they say was Ops: and therefore they held them as the children of Caelus, knowing not indeed of whence they were, who not-with­standing prooued so famous and admired. Such as these were, the people thought to come But best of all by Li­uie h [...] leaue to say with the text, Pessinus, for Pessinus was a towne in in Phrygia, where Cybel had a tem­ple, before she had any at Rome. downe from heauen. (e) Pessinus,] Some write Mount Prenestine: this place is faultie in all the copies that euer I could finde. Others write Mount Pessinunt, but it were better to say, Mount Palatine, for there was the mother of the gods placed, at her first comming to Rome. (Liu. lib. 36.) and Victor de Regionibus vrbis. (f) Came out of Egipt] Apuleius in his Asse saith, that the Deities of Egipt were brought thence vnto Rome about Sylla's time, that is, aboue an hundred yeares after the mother of the gods came to Rome. But L. Piso, and A. Gabinius being Consuls, decreed by edict, that they should not come in the Capitoll, though afterwards they did. Tertull. Apologetic. (g) Febris,] Some read, the god Februus, which cannot be good: for Februus is Pluto, vnto whom they sacrificed in February, called so because of Purgation: this is not doubted of. But that it must bee Febris here, that which followeth of Aesculapius, doth approoue, and other subsequences. (h) Let Aesculapius,] Wittily applyed, because hee is a Phisition. (i) Nephew] Or grand-childe: hee was sonne to Apollo, hee to Iupiter, and hee vn­to Ops. (k) A Romaine Cittizen] This is conceited also: for the Romaines made Febris a god­desse. (l) Certaine and vncertaine,] For some of their Deities were doubtfull: as Pans, the Syluans, and the Nimphs. Ouid brings in Iupiter speaking thus:

Sunt mihi semidei, sunt rustica Nomina, Faumi,
[Page 121] Et Nymphae, Satyrîque & monticolae Syluani,
Quos quoniam caeli nondum dignamur honore,
Quas dedimus certè terras habitare sinamus.
Metamorph.
We haue of Semy-gods, and Syluanes, store:
Nymphs, Fawnes, and Satyres, and many more:
Whom since as yet we haue debard the skies,
We needs must guard on earth from iniuries.

Such also are Corybantes, Hyppolitus, Atys and Sabbazius, whom Lucian calleth [...], aliens and doubtfull gods, (m) Smoake] Of the sacrifices: or meaning their vanitie, is an allusion vnto smoake, for smoake is often taken for a vaine and friuolous thing, as to sell smoake. (n) As a Beacon] In time of warre, or suspition, the watchmen Sellers of smoake. placed bundels of drye small sticks, vpon their high watch-stands, that when the enemy approached on a sudden, they might fire the sticks, and so giue notice vnto their owne soul­diers and the neighbouring townes: The Greekes called those bundels [...], and by these fires within lesse then halfe an houre, notice might bee giuen vnto the contrey an hundred mile about, to come betimes to the preuenting of their danger. It may also bee vnderstood of the signe giuen in battels.

By what right the Romaines attained their first wiues. CHAP. 13.

IN like manner, neither Iuno (for all that shee was now as her husband was, good friends with the Romaines) nor Venus, could helpe her sonnes progenie to honest and honorable mariages, but suffered this want to growe so hurtfull vnto them, that they were driuen to get them wiues by force, and soone after were compelled to go into the field against their wiues owne fathers, and the wretched women beeing yet scarcely reconciled to their husbands for this wrong offered them, were now endowed with their fathers murthers and kin­dreds bloud: but in this conflict the Romaines had the lucke to be conquerors. But O what worlds of wounds, what numbers of funerals, what Oceans of bloud­shed did those victories cost! for one onely father (a) in lawe Caesar, and for one onely sonne in law Pompey; (the wife of Pompey, and daughter to Caesar being dead) with what true feeling, and iust cause of sorrow doth Lucane crie out.

Bella per Emathios plus quam ciuilia campos,
[...]us (que) datum sceleri canimus:
Warres worse then ciuill in th' (b) Emathian plaines,
And right left spoile to rage we sing:—

Thus then the Romaines conquered, that they might now returne and embrace the daughters with armes embrued in the bloud of the fathers: nor du [...]st the poore creatures weepe for their slaughtered parents, for feare to offend their conquering husbands: but all the time of the battle, stood with their vowes in their mouthes (c) and knew not for which side to offer them. Such mariages Bellona, (and not Venus) bestowed vpon the Romaines: or perhaps (d) Alecto that filthy hellish furie, now that Iuno was agreed with them, had more power vpon their bosomes now, then shee had then, when Iuno entreated her helpe against Aeneas. Truly (e) Andromacha's captiuitie was farre more tollerable then these Romaine mariages; for though she liued seruile, yet Pyrrhus after hee had once embraced her, would neuer kill Troian more. But the Romaines slaugh­tered their owne step fathers in the field, whose daughters they had already enioyed in their beds. Andromacha's estate secured her from further feares, though it freed her not from precedent sorrowes: But these poore soules being matched to these sterne warriours, could not but feare at their husbands going [Page 122] to battell, and wept, at their returne, hauing no way to freedome either by their feares or teares. For they must either (in piety) bewaile the death of their friendes and kinsfolkes, or (in cruelty) reioice at the victories of their husbands. Besides, (as warres chance is variable) some lost their husbands by their fathers swords; and some lost both, by the hand of each other. For it was no small war that Rome at that time waged. It came to the besieging of the citty it selfe, and the Romaines were forced to rely vppon the strength of their walls and gates which (f) being gotten open by a wile, and the foe being entred within the wals (g) euen in the very market-place was there a most wofull and wicked battell, struck betwixt the fathers in law and the sons. And here were the rauishers cō ­quered maugre their beards, and driuen to flye into their owne houses, to the great staine of all their precedent (though badly and bloudily gotten) (h) con­quests: for here Romulus him-selfe dispairing of his soldiors valors, (i) praid vn­to Iupiter to make them stand, and (k) here-vpon got Iupiter his sur-name of Sta­tor) (l) Nor would these butcheries haue euer beene brought vnto any end, but that the silly rauished women came running forth, with torne and dishe­ueled haire, and falling at their parents feete, with passionate intreaties, insteed of hostile armes, appeased their iustly inraged valors. And then was Romulus that could not indure to share with his brother, compelled to diuide his King­dom with Tatius, the King of the Sabines: but (m) how long would he away with him, that misliked the fellowship of his owne twin-borne brother? So Tatius be­ing slaine, he to become the greater Deity, tooke possession of the whole king­dome. O what rights of mariage were these, what firebrands of war; what leagues of brother-hood, affinity, vnion, or Deity! And ah what (n) liues the cittizens lastly led, vnder so huge a bed-roll of gods Guardians! You see what copious matter this place affordeth, but that our intention bids vs remem­ber what is to follow, and falles on discourse to other particulars.

L. VIVES.

FAther in law (a) Caesar] Iulia the only daughter of C. Caesar was married vnto Cn. Pom­peius the great. Shee died in child-bed, whilst her father warred in France. And after that Aema­thia. he and his sonne in law waged ciuils wars one against another: (b) Emathian] That which is called Macedonia now, was called once Emathia. (Plin. lib. 4.) There did Pompey and Cae­sar fight a set field. (c) And knew not.] Ouid (Fastor. 3.) hath these wordes of the Sa­bine women when the Romaines battell and theirs were to ioine: Mars speaketh.

Conueniunt nuptae dictam Iunonis in aedem,
Quas inter mea sic est nurus ausa loqui:
O pariter raptae, quoniam hoc commune tenemus,
Non vltra lentae possumus essepiae.
Stant acies: sed vtradij sunt pro parte rogandi?
Eligite, hinc coniunx, hinc pater arma tenet.
Querendum est, viduae fieri malitis, an orbae? &c.
The wiues in Iunoes church a meeting make,
Where met, my daughter thus them all be spake:
Poore rauisht soules, since all our plights are one,
Our zeale ha's now no meane to thinke vpon.
The batails ioine: whom shall we pray for rather?
Choose: here a husband fights, and there a father:
Would you be spouselesse (wiues) or fatherlesse. &c.

(e) Or perhaps Alecto] The 3. furies, Alecto, Magera, & Tisiphone, are called the daughters of night & Acheron. Alecto affects y hart with ire, hate, tumult, sedition, clamors, war, slaughters.

T [...] p [...]es una [...]s ar [...]re in pr [...]lia [...]ratres,
[...] [...]is ver [...]re d [...]s—
Tis thou can make sworne bretheren mortall foes,
Confounding hate with hate—

[Page 123] Saith Iuno to Alecto, stirring her vp against the Troians. Aeneid. 7. (e) Andromache] Hectors Andro­mache. wife, daughter to Tetion King of Thebes in Cilicia: Pyrrhus married her after the de­struction of Troye. (f) Beeing gotte open] Sp. Tarpeius was Lieutenant of the Tower, whose daughter Tarpeia, Tatius the Sabine King with great promises allured to let in his souldiors when shee went out to fetch water. Shee assented, vpon condition that shee might haue that which each of his souldiors wore vpon his left arme. Tatius agreed, and being let in, the Sol­diours Tarpeia. smothered the maide to death with their bucklers: for them they wore on their left armes also, whereas shee dreamed onely of their golden bracelets which they bore on that arme. Plutarch (out of Aristides Milesius) saith, that this happened to the Albanes, not to the Sabines. In Parallelis. But I do rather agree with Liuie, Fabius, Piso, and Cincius, of the La­tine writers, and Dionysius of the Greekes. (g) In the very market place] Betweene the Capitoll and Mount Palatine. (h) Conquests] Not of the Sabines, but of the Ceninensians, the Crus­tumerians, and the Attennates. (i) Praid vnto Iupiter] In these words: But O thou father of Gods and men, keepe but the foes from hence, take away the Romanes terror, and stay their flight. Vnto thee O Iupiter Stator, doe I vowe to build a temple in this place, as a monument vnto all po­steritie, that by thine onely helpe the citty was saued. Liuius lib. 1. (k) Herevpon] stato â sistendo, of staying, or à stando, of stablishing, that is, erecting the Romaine spirits that were deiected. Cicero calleth this Iupiter, the preseruer of the Empire, in many places. I thinke it is because his Stator. house was neere this temple. Saint Hierome saith, that this Iupiter was formed standing: not that he thinketh he was called Stator, because he standeth so vpright, but because Iupiter To­nans (as Hermolaus Barbarus hath noted) was alwayes stamped and engrauen vpon ancient coynes sitting: and Stator, standing, as being in readinesse to helpe and assist men: Seneca giues a deeper reason of his name. Hee is not called stator (saith he) because (as history reporteth) hee stayed the Romaine armie after the vowe of Romulus, but because by his benefits all things consist, and are established. De benefic. lib. 4. And Tully likewise: When we call Iupiter, Almighty, Salu­taris, Hospitalis, & Stator, wee meane, that all mens health, and stabilitie is consisting of him and from him, being vnder his protection. But both these authors doe here speake Stoically. For Tully maketh Cato the Stoike speake these fore-alledged words. De finib. lib. 3. For all these assertions of the gods the Stoikes reduced to a more Metaphysicall or Theologicall sence. (l) Nor would these Butcheries] In the middest of the fight the women gaue in betwixt the battels all bare­headed and loose haired: and calling on their parents on this side, and their husbands on that, with teares besought them both to fall to agreement. So the battell ceased, a league was made, the Sabines became citizens, and Tatius was ioyned King with Romulus. (m) But how long] The Laurentians of Lauinium slew Tatius the fift yeare of his raigne with Romulus, because his friends had iniured their Embassadors. Hereof was Romulus very glad. (n) Liues] some read Iura, lawes. But in the old manuscripts, some haue vita, and some vitae, liues, both better then Iura.

How impious that warre was, which the Romaines began with the Albans, and of the nature of those victories which ambition seekes to obtaine. CHAP. 14.

BVT when Numa was gone, what did the succeeding Kings? O how tragicall (as well on the Romaines side as on the Albanes) was that warre betweene Rome and Alba? Because (forsooth) the peace of Numa was growne loath­some, therefore must the Romaines and the Albanes begin alternate massacres, to so great an endamaging of both their estates: And Alba (a) the daughter of As­canius, Aeneas his sonne, (a more appropiate mother vnto Rome then Troye) must by Tullus Hostilius his prouocation, bee compelled to fight with Rome it selfe, her owne daughter. And fighting with her, was afflicted, and did afflict, vn­till the continuall conflicts had vtterly tyred both the parties. And then they were faine to put the finall ending of the whole warre (b) to sixe bretheren, three Horatij on Romes sides, and three Curiatij on Albas. So two of the Horatij [Page 124] fell by the three other: and the three other fell by the third onely of the Horatij. Thus gotte Rome the vpper hand, yet so hardly, as of sixe combattants, onely one suruiued. Now who were they that lost on both sides? who were they that lamented but Aeneas his progenie, Ascanius his posteritie, Venus of spring, and Iupiters children? for this warre was worse then ciuill, where the daughter citty bore armes against the mother. (c) Besides, this brethrens fight was closed with an horrid and an abhominable mischiefe. For in the time of the league be­tweene both citties, a sister of the Horatij, was espoused to one of the Curiatij, who seeing her brother returne with the spoiles of her dead spouse, and bursting into teares at this heauy sight, was runne thorow the body by hir owne brother in his heate and furie. There was more true affection in this one poore woman (in my iudgement) then in all the whole Romaine nation besides. Shee did not deserue to be blamed for bewailing that hee was slaine to whom shee ought her faith (or that her brother had slaine him to whom he him-selfe perhaps had pro­mised her his sister.) For Pious Aeneas is commended in Virgill for bewailing (d) him whom hee had slaine as an enemie. And Marcellus, viewing the faire cittie Syracusa, being then to bee made a prey to ruine by the armes of his conduct, re­uoluing the inconstancie of mortall affaires, pittied it, and bewailed it: I pray you then giue thus much leaue to a poore woman, in tender affection, faultlesly to be­waile her spouse, slaine by her brother, since that warlike men haue beene praised for deploring their enemies estate in their owne conquests. But when this one wretched soule lamented thus, that her loue had lost his life by her brothers hand, contrarywise did all Rome reioyce, that shee had giuen their mother so mighty a foyle, and exulted in the plenty of the allyed bloud that she had drawne. What face then haue you to talke of your victories and your glories hereby gotten? Cast but aside the maske of mad opinion, and all these villanies will appeare naked, to view, peruse, and censure: weigh but Alba's cause and Troyes together, and you shall finde a full difference. Tullus began these warres, onely to renew the discon­tinued Rome had no iust cause of war against Alba. valours and triumphs of his country-men. From this ground, arose these horrid warres, betweene kindred & kindred, which not-withstanding Saluste doth but ouer-run, sicco pede: for hauing briefly recollected the precedent times, when men liued, without aspiring or other affects, each man contenting himselfe with his owne. But after that (e) Cyrus (quoth he) in Asia, and the Lacedemonians and Athenians in Greece, began to subdue the countries & cities within their reaches, th [...]n desire of soueraignty grew a common cause of warre, and opinion placed the greatest glory in the largest Empire, &c. Thus farre he. This desire of soueraigntie is a deadly corrasiue to humaine spirits. This made the Romaines triumph ouer Alba, and gaue the happy successe of their mischiefes, the stile of glories. Because, as out Scripture saith; The wicked maketh boast of his hearts desire, and the vniust dealer blesseth himselfe. Take off then these deluding vayles from things, and let them Psal. 10. 3. appeare as they are indeed Let none tell me, Hee, or Hee is great, because he hath coped with and conquered such and such an one. Fencers can fight & conquer, & those bloudy acts of theirs in their combate (f) doe neuer passe vngraced. But I hold it rather fit to expose a mans name to all taint of idlenesse, then to purchase renowne from such bad emploiment. But if two Fencers or sword-plaiers should come vpon the stage, one being the father, & another the sonne, who could endure As they did in Rome to fight for [...]heir lines. such a spectacle? how then can glory attend the armes of the daughter city against the mother? do yee make a difference in that their field was larger thē the fencers stage, & yt they fought not in view of the theater but the whole world, presenting [Page 125] a spectacle of eternall impiety both to the present times, and to all posteritie? But your great guardian-gods bore all this vnmooued, sitting as spectators of this tragedy, whilest for the three Curiatij that were flaine, the sister of the Horatij must be stabbed by the hand of her owne brother, to make euen the number with hir two other brethren, that Romes conquest might cost no lesse bloud then Alba's losse did: which, as the fruite of the victory (h) was vtterly subuerted: euen this place, which the gods (after Ilium, which the Greekes destroyed, and Lauinium, where Latinus placed fugitiue Aeneas as King) had chosen to bee their third place of habitation. But it may be they were gone hence also, and so it came to be razed: yes sure, all they that kept the state of it vp, were departed from their shrines. Then they left Alba where Amulius had raigned, hauing thrust out his brother, and went to dwell at Rome, where Romulus had raigned, hauing killed his brother. Nay, but before this demolition (say they) the people of Alba were all transported vnto Rome, to make one Cittie of both. Well be it so, yet the Cittie, that was the seate Royall of Ascanius, and the third habitacle of the Troian gods, was vtterly demolished. And much bloud was spilt, before they came to make this miserable confusion of both these peoples together. Why should I particu­larize the often renouation of these warres vnder so many seuerall kings; which when they seemed to be ended in victory, began so often againe in slaughters, and after combination and league, brake out so fresh betweene kindred and kindred, both in the predecessors and their posteritie? No vaine Embleme of their misery was that continuall standing open of Ianus his gate: so that for all the helpe of these gods-guardians, there was not one King of them that continued his raigne in peace.

L. VIVES.

(a) ALba,] There were many Alba's: one in Spaine, called also Virgao. Another in that part of France called Prouence, a towne of the Heluii. A third in Italy, by the Lake Alba. Fucinus, now called Lago di Marso, or Lago di Celaeno, &c. A fourth in Lombardy called Pom­peia. The fift vpon Mount Albanus, called Alba Longa. And Rome (not onely that which Romulus built) was a collony of the Albanes brought out by Romulus and Remus: but many thinke that the old Rome also, that was long before, was built by Romulus, Aeneas his sonne: which being at length through pestilence and often inuasion left desolate, was by the Albans (pitying the inhabitants cases) restored, and diuerse of them sent to repaire and people it. (b) Three bretheren,] (Liu lib. 1.) It is commonly knowne that Metius Suffetius the Dicta­tor of Alba, counselled and agreed with Tullus the King of Rome, to take a course to saue the liues of so many innocent people on both sides, and to haue the controuersie decided by a few onely: so making a league, sixe men were appointed to fight for both the states soueraign­ties. Now there were three bretheren in either armie, these were turned together into the lists, and whose side conquered, that people should bee soueraigne. (c) Besides,] Saint Augustine may be his owne comment herein, hee tells it so plaine. (d) Bewayling him] Lau [...]us, Mezen­tius his sonne, Aeneid 10. (e) Cyrus] There were two Cyri the greater, meant here, Conqueror of Asiae, Scythia, and all the East, reigning in the time of Tarquin the proud. Hee tooke Craesus The two Cyri. the ritch King of Lydia: but by Tomiris Queene of Scythia, himselfe was taken, beheaded, and his head souced in a tubbe of bloud, to satisfie his cruell thirst. Plutarch, Strabo, Trogus, Herodotus, &c. Herodotus calleth him [...], the great King. And there-vpon the other Persian Kings are vsually so stiled. The other was Cyrus the lesser, sonne to Darius, bro­ther Magnus Rex. to Artaxerxes, whose iourney into Persia, Xenophon wrote. (f) Doe neuer passe] With crownes hung all with labells and pendants. (g) Amphitheater] The Theater was like halfe a circle, the Amphitheater like a full circle: it was strowed with Sand, and there the Fencers The Thea­ter & Am­phitheater. fought. (h) Was vtterly] Liu. In the first Veian warre, when Metius of Alba stood as neuter with his armie, and would not helpe Tullus according to the conditions of the league, Tullus made him be drawne in peeces with horses, destroied Alba, & remoued all the Albans to Rome.

Of the liues and deaths of the Romaine Kings. CHAP. 15.

BVt how ended their Kings still? for Romulus, let that flattering fable looke to him, which hath sent him vp into heauen. Let'some of their owne (a) writers iudge, that affirme him torne in peeces by the Senate for his pride, and that (b) I know not whom, one Iulius Proculus, was suborned to say, that he appeared vnto him, commanding him to bid Rome giue him diuine honor, and so was the furie The sunnes naturall Eclipse at Romulus his death. of the people surprised. Besides, an Ecclipse of the sunne falling out at the same time, wrought so vpon the (c) ignorance of the rude vulgar, that they ascribed all this vnto Romulus his worthe and glories. As though that if the sunne had mourned, as they thought it did, (d) they should not rather imagine that it was because Romulus was murdered, and therefore that the sunne turned his light from such a villanie; as it did indeed when our Lord and Sauiour was crucified by the bloudy & reprobate Iewes. (e) That the Eclipse which befell at our Saui­ours death, was quite against the regular course of the stars, is hence most plaine, Luc. 13. because it was the Iewes Easter: which is continually kept at the ful of the Moone. But (f) the regular eclipse of the Sunne neuer hapneth but in the changing of the Moone. Now Cicero intimates plainely that this admission of Romulus into heauen, was rather imagined then performed; there where in Scipio's words (De repub.) speaking of his prayses, Hee attained so much (saith hee) that being not to be found after the sunnes Eclipse, he was accounted as admitted into the number of the gods: which opinion, there is no man without admirable merit of vertue can purchase. Now whereas hee saith, that hee was not to bee found, hee glanceth doubtlesse eyther at the secrecie of the murther, or intimateth the violence of the tempest. For other writers (g) adde vnto this Ecclipse a sudden storme, which either was the agent or the occasion of Romulus his murther. Now Tully in the same bookes, speaking of (h) Hostilius (third King after Romulus) who was striken to death with thunder, saith, that hee was not reckoned amongst the gods, be­cause that which was prooued true (that is, that which they beleeued was so) in Romulus the Romaines would not (i) embase, by making it too common, in giuing it to the one as well as the other. And in his Inuectiues hee saith plainly. It is our good-will and fame, that hath made Romulus (this Citties founder) a God. To shew that it was not so indeed, but onely spred into a reporte by their good-will to him for his worthe and vertues. But in his Dialogue called (k) Horten­sius, disputing of regular Eclipses, hee saith more plainely: To produce such a darkenesse as was made by the Eclipse of the Sunne at Romulus his death. Here he feared not to say directly his death, by reason hee sus [...]ained the person of a dis­putant, rather then a Panegyricke. But now for the other Kings of Rome, excepting Numa, and Ancus Martius, that dyed of infirmities, what horrible ends did they all come to? Hostilius, the subuerter of Alba, as I sayd, was con­sumed, together with his whole house by lightning. (l) Tarquinius Priscus was murthered by his predecessors sonnes: And Seruius Tullius, by the villanie of his sonne in lawe Tarquin the proude, who succeeded him in his kingdome. Nor yet were any of the gods gone from their shrines, for all this so haynous a parricide, committed vpon this so good a King, though it bee affirmed that they serued wretched Troye in worse manner, in leauing it to the licentious fu­rie of the Greekes, onely for Paris his adulterie. Nay, Tarquin hauing shedde his father in lawes bloud, seazed on his estate himselfe. This parricide gotte [Page 127] his crowne by his step fathers murder, and after-wards glorying in monstrous warres and massacres, and euen building the Capitoll vp, with hence-got spoiles: This wicked man, the gods were so far from [...]or saking, that they sat and looked on him, nay and would haue Iupiter their principall to sit, and sway all things in that stately temple, namely in that blacke monument of parricide, for Tarquin was not innocent, when he built (m) the Capitoll, and for his after-guilt, incurred expulsion: No, foule and inhumaine murder was his very ladder to that state whereby he had his meanes to build the Capitol. And (n) whereas the Romains expelled him the state and Citty afterwards, the cause of that (namely Lucresses rape) grew from his sonne and not from him, who was both ignorant and absent when that was done: for then was he at the siege of Ardea, and a fighting for the Romaines good: nor know we what he woold haue done had he knowne of this fact of his sonne, yet without all triall or iudgement, the people expelled him from his Empire: and hauing charged his army to abandon him, tooke them in at the gates, & shut him out. But he himselfe after he had plagued the Romaines (by their borderers meanes) with eztreame warres, and yet at length being not able to recouer his estate, by reason his friends fayled him: retired himselfe (as it is reported) vnto (o) Tusculum, a towne fourteene miles from Rome, and there enioy­ing a quiet and priuat estate, liued peaceably with his wife, and died farre more happily then his Father in law did, who fell so bloudily by his meanes, and (p) his owne daughters consent, as it is credibly affirmed, and yet this Taquin was neuer surnamed cruell nor wicked by the Romaines, but the Proud; it may be (q) because their owne pride would not let them beare with his: As for the crime of killing that good King his Step-father, they shewed how light they made of that, in making him murder the King, wherein I make a question whether the gods were not guilty in a deeper manner then he, by rewarding so highly a guilt so horrid, and not leauing their shrines all at that instant when it was done, vn­lesse some will say for them, that they staid still at Rome, to take a deeper reuenge vpon the Romaines, rather then to assist them, seducing them with vaine victo­ries, and tossing them in vnceasing turmoiles. Thus liued the Romaines in those so happy times, vnder their Kings, euen vntil the expelling of Tarquine the proud, which was about two hundred forty and three yeares together, paying so much bloud, and so many liues for euery victory they got, and yet hardly enlarging their Empire the distance of (r) twenty miles compasse without the walles: How farre then haue they to conquer, and what store of stroks to share, vntill they come to conquer a City of the (s) Getulians?

L. VIVES.

THeir owne (a) writers] Dionisius (lib. 2) saith that the senators tore him in peeces and euery Romulu his dea [...]. one bore away a peece wrapped in his gowne: keping it by this meanes from the notice of the vulgar (b) I know not whome] this hee addeth either because the author is obscure, or because the lye that Proculus told was vile & periured. (c) Ignorance] Before that their Philo­sopers shewed men the causes of eclipses, men when they saw them, feared indeed either some great mischiefe, or the death of the planets themselues, nor was this feare only vulgar, euen the learned shared in it, as Stefichorus, and Pindarus, two lyrick Poets (d) They should not rather] not Eclipses. is put into the reformed copies otherwise the sence is inuerted, (e) that that eclipse] the partly meeting of the Sun and Moone depriues vs of the Suns light, and this is the Eclypse of the Sun but the shade of the earth falling from ye suns place lineally vpon the moone, makes the moones eclipse. So that neither can the Sunne bee Eclipsed but in the Moones change, and par­tile coniunction with him; neither can the Moone be eclipsed but at her ful, and in her farthest [Page 128] posture from the sunne: then is she prostitute to obnubilation. (f) The regular] Regular and Canonicall is all one: of Canon the Greeke word: well was this waighed of the Augustine Monkes, who holding the one insufficient, would be called by them both. (g) Adde vnto this] Liuie, A tempest suddainely arose, with great thunder and lightning: (h) Of Hostilius] Some write that he and his whole house was burnt with lightning. Some, that it was fired by Mar­tius Tullus Hostilius. Ancus his successor. (i) Embase] Vilefacere saith Saint Augustine, but this is not well, nor learnedly: no, if any of our fine Ciceronians correct it, it must be Uilificare: for this is their vsuall phrase: Hominificare, animalificare, accidentificare, asinificare. (k) Hortensius] Wee haue lost it: that which some take to bee it, is the fourth of the Tusculanes. Marcellus. (l) Tarquinius Priscus] The fift Romaine King, Demaratus his sonne of Corinth, hee was Tarquinius Priscus. slaine by shephards suborned by the sonnes of Martius Ancus. After him came Seruius Tul­lus his step-sonne, powrefull in peace, and warre: who adorned his Citty with many good in­stitutions. Hee was slaine by the meanes of Tarquin the proude. This Tarquin was brutish and cruell to his people: but exceeding valourous in warre and peace. (m) The Capitol] On The Ca­pitol. the hill Saturnius, afterwardes called Tarpeius, did hee dedicate the Capitol to almighty Ioue. (n) And whereas] The seauenth and last King of the Romaines, hee was expelled by Brutus, Collatinus, Lucretius, Valerius, Horatius &c. Partly because of many old iniuries, but chiefely for his sonne Sextus his Rape of Lucresse. Hee was befieging Ardea when the people beganne this depriuation, and when he came to the Citty, Brutus, that came into the campe another waie, with-drew all his army from him. (o) Tusculum] It is more commonly beleeued that hee died at Cumae with King Aristodemus, liuing neere at the age of 90. yeares: I doe not denie his stay some yeares at Tusculum with Octauius Mamilius his sonne in law, vntill at that memo­rable filed at Lake Regillus (now called Lago. di. S. Prassede) Mamilius was slaine by T. Herminius, Legate of Rome. Which perhaps is cause of Saint Augustines forgetfulnesse in a matter of so small a moment, caring not whether it bee reported thus or thus, (p) His owne daughters consent] Nay, furtherance it is sayd, and continuall vrging her husband to the fact. (q) There owne pride] A pithy and elegant saying. (r) twenty miles] Eighteene, saith Ruffus, won by Ancus from Rome to Ostia by the sea. Eutropius hath but sixteene. (s) Getulians] Getulia is a part of Affrike, neere the inhabitable Zone, as Mela saith. Salust writeth thus of Getulia. them. The rude and barbarous Getulians dwelt at first in Africa: the flesh of wild beastes & grasse was their meate, as beasts, haue also their apparell. Law had they none, nor gouernment, nor place of aboade. This and more hath Salust of the Getulians. Mela saith they are a great and popu­lous country.

Of the first Romaine Consulls; how the one expelled the other out of his country, and hee himselfe, after many bloudy murders, fell by a wound, giuen him by his wounded foe. CHAP. 16.

VNto these times, adde the other, wherein (as Salust saith) things were mo­destly and iustly caried, vntill the feare of Tarquin and the Hetrurian warre were both ended. For whilest the Hetrurians assisted Tarquins endeauours of re-instalment, Rome quaked vnder so burthenous a warre. And therefore (saith Salust) were things caried modestly and iustly, feare beeing the cause here of by restraint, not iustice, by perswasion. In which short space, O how cruell a course had the yeare of the two first Consulls! The time beeing yet vnexpired, Brutus debased Collatine, and banished him the Citty: And soone after, perished he him­selfe, hauing (a) enterchanged a many wounds with his foe, (b) hauing first slaine his owne sonnes, and his wiues brothers, because he found them actors in a plot to recall Tarquin. Which deed, Virgill hauing laudably recited, presently doth in gentle manner deplore it: for hauing sayd.

—Natos (que) Pater mala bella mouentes
Ad panam pulcra pro libertate vocabit.
His sonnes, conuict of turbulent transgression
He kills, to quit his country from oppression.

Presently in lamenting manner he addeth.

[Page 129]
Infaelix, vtcun (que) ferent ea fact a minores
Haplesse, how ere succeeding times shall ringe.

Howsoeuer his posterity shall ring of the praise of such an act, yet haplesse is he, that giues deathes summons to his owne sonnes: But to giue some solace to his sorrowes, he addeth after all.

Vi [...]t amor patriae laudum (que) immensa cupido,
Conquer'd by countries loue, and lawds high thirst.

Now in Brutus his killing of his owne sonnes, and (c) in beeing killed by Tarquins sonne, whome hee had hurt, and Tarquin himselfe suruiuing him, is not (d) Collatines wrong well reuenged, who beeing so good a cittizen was banished (onely because his name was but Tarq [...]n) as well as Tarquin the tyrant: (e) It was the name (you say) that was the cause of this: well, hee should haue beene For it is said Brutus was [...]ar­quins ki [...] ­man. made to change his name then and not to abandon his country. Againe (f) this word would haue beene but little missed in his name, if hee had beene called L. Collatine onely: This therefore was no sufficient cause, why hee, beeing one of the first Consulls, should bee forced to abiure both his honours and his Citie. But is this vniustice being so detestable, and so vse-lesse to the state fit to bee the foundation of Brutus his glory? Did he these things, being Conqu [...]r'a by our coun­tries loues, and laudes high thirst? Tarquin beeing expelled, L. [...]arquin Collatine, Lucraetia's-husband was ioyned Consull with Iunius Brutus: how iustly did the people respect the conditions of the man a [...]d not the name? But how vniust­ly did Brutus (hauing powre to depriue him onely of the cause of the offence, his name) in depriuing him both of his country, and place of honour? Thus these euills, thus these thwart effects fell out euen then when things were said to be carried so modestly and so iustly. And (g) Lucraetius, that had Br [...]tus his place, died ere this yeare ended: So that P. Valerius that succeeded Collatine, and M. Horatius that had Lucraetius his place, ended that Hellish and murderous yeare, which saw it selfe passe by fiue Consulls. This was the yeare, where­in Rome deuised her platforme of new gouernment, their feares now be­ginning to surcease, not because they had no warres, but because those they had were but light ones: But the time beeing expired wherein things were mo­destly and iustly carried, then followed those which Salust doth thus breeflie deliniate. Then b [...]ganne the Patriots to oppresse the p [...]ople with seruile conditions, to iudge of life and death as Imperiously as the Kings had done before, to thrust men from their possessions, to put by all others, and to s [...]are all themselues; with which outrages, and chiefly with their extorted taxes, the people beeing to much vexed, (beeing bound both to maintaine an armie and also to par contributions besid [...]s) they rusht vppe to armes, and entrenched themselues vpon Mount Sacer, and Auentine: and there they made them Tribunes, and diuers lawes; but these discords and tumultuous contentions ended not till the second African warre.

L. VIVES.

HAuing (a) ent [...]rchanged] With Arnus, King Tarquinius sonne [...] beeing slaine, the matrons mourned a whole yeare for him, and his Coll [...]ague, Valerius made an oration in his praise, the first of that kinde in Rome. (b) Hauing first slaine] The Vite [...], Brutus his wiues brethren, conspired with certaine secret messengers of Tarquin, to bring him secret­ly in againe, and made Titus and Tiberius, Brutus the Consull sons, priuy and pertakers in this affaire. Brutus discouering the plot, put them all to death (c) In beeing killed] The manuscripts haue this diuersly: wee haue it the best. (d) Collatines wrong] I noted before, That those that [Page 130] depriued their fellowes in Consull-ship liued not a yeare after. (e) For it is sayd] Hee was sonne to M. Iunius, and Tarquins sister. (f) This name would] Some hereof transpose the word if, but erroneously. (g) Lucraetius] This first yeare had fiue Consulls: first Brutus and Collatine: then P. Valerius Poplicola in Collatines place, Then Sp: Lucraetius (after the death of Brutus in warre,) had Brutus his place: and hee dying ere the end of the yeare, M. Horatius Puluillu: succeeded him.

Of the Vexations of the Romaine estate, after the first beginning of the the Con­sulls rule: And of the little good that their gods all this while did them CHAP. 17.

BVt why should I spend so much time in writing of these things, or make o­thers spend it in reading them? How miserable the state of Rome stood all that long time vntill the second Punike warre, how sorely shaken by forraine warres, and intestine discord, Salust hath already made a succinct demonstration. So that their victories neuer brought any true felicity to the good, but onely vaine solaces to the wretched, and inductions & inticements to the turbulent, to continue disquiets progresse. Let no wise Romaine then bee angry with vs for saying this: but we need not intreate, wee are already assured, they will not. For wee vse but the words of their owne writers, and that with farre lesse gall, then themselues meant it, and in lesse glosse then they spoake it. Yet those doe they learne, and those they make their children learne: Then why stomack they mee for saying as Salust sayes: Many troubles, seditions, and lastly ciuill warres burst out, whilst a few (a) of the greatest, vnder the honest stile of fathers, vsed the licence of ty­rants, nor did the Cittizens attaine the titles of good and bad, according to their (b) deserts in the state (all being fowle a like) but he that had most wealth and powre to in­iure, because hee defended the present gouernment (as fittest for his turne) hee was the onely good man. If these writers now held it as pertinent to an honest mans liber­ty to be so free tongued against their owne citties corruptions, which other-wise they haue beene often enforced to commend, in that they had no knowledge of any better state, wherein they might become denizens eternall; what then shall wee doe, whose trust in God by how much it is firmer, so much ought our tongues to bee the freer, in repelling the scandall they cast vpon our Sauiour Christ, with intent to seduce vnsettled and vnsound mindes from that citty, where happinesse is mans possession vnto all eternity? Neither do we loade their gods with any more horrid guilt, then their owne writers doe, whom they reade and reuerence: what wee say, we say it from them, beeing vnable to recite all, or all that they haue of this kind. (c) where then were these gods, (which men hold so venerable for the attayning of worldly vanities) when the Romaines, whose seruices they angled for so cunningly, were afflicted so extreamely? where were they when Consull Valerius was slaine in defence of the Capitol, when it (d) was scalled by slaues and exiles? It was rather in his powre to protect the temple of Iupiter, then in the powres of all that kennell of gods, and their great King, to yeeld him any helpe at all. Where were they when the citty being so ouer-borne with seditions, was faine to send to Athens to borrow lawes, and in that little ex­pectation of quietnesse, was vnpeopled by such a sore famine and pestilence? Where were they besides, when the people in this great famine, elected their first Praefect of the prouision, and when that in the increase of this dearth, (e) Sp: Aemilius, for distributing of corne ouer bountifully amongst the starued people, was brought in suspition of affecting Monarchy, and at the instance of the sayd [Page 131] praefect, by the meanes of L Quintius, Dictator, an aged weake man, hee was slaine by the hand of Q. Seruilius the Generall of the horse-men, not without a most dreadfull and dangerous tumult in the whole Citty. where were they when at the beginning of a wastefull pestilence, the people beeing wholy tyred with frustrat inuocations, thought it fitte to appease them with new (f) Bed-spreadings, a thing neuer done before? Then were there beddes brought into the Temples and spread in honour of the goddes, and hence this sacrifice (nay sacriledge) tooke the name. Where were they when for ten full yeares together the Romaines neuer fought against the Veians but they had the worse, until Furius Camillus was faine to help them, whome they kindly banished afterwards for his good seruice? Where were they when the Galles tooke Rome, sacked it, spoyled it, burned it, and made a very shambles of it? Where were they when that great plague destroyed almost all the Citty, and Camillus amongst the rest, who hadde saued his thanklesse country from the Veians and after from the Galles? In this pestilence they first brought vppe their Stage-playes, a greater plague then the other, to their conditions though not to their carkasses. Where were they, when (g) another sadde contagion arose (as it is said) from the poysoning trickes of the Matrons, yea of the most and Noblest, whose conditions here­in proued worse then all those pestilent ayres? Or when the two Consuls with their armie beeing shutte in the Caudine Straites by the Samnites, were gladde to make a base composition with them? And deliuering sixe hundred Gentle­men for hostages, went away with all the rest, without armes, without bag­gage, without any thing but their very vpper garments? Or when the army pe­rished almost wholly, part by the plague, and part by thunders? Or when in ano­ther great mortallity the Citty was forced to fetch Aesculapius (as a Phisition for her) from Epidaurus, because Iupiter the King of the Capitoll, hadde euer beene so imployed in his youth in rapes and adulteries, that these exercises gaue him no time to learne Physicke. Or when the Brutians, Lucans, Samnites, He­trurians and Senonian Galles, conspiring altogether, first flew their Ambassadours, and then a whole army with the Praetor, ten tribunes, and thirteene thousand sol­diours? Or then when the long and fatall sedition in the Cittie, wherein the people at last incamped them-selues on Ianiculus, hauing booty-haled all the whole Cittie? Which mischiefe grew to such a lamentable passe, that they were gladde (for the last refuge in all desperate cases) to create a Dictator: Horten­sus, who hauing re-vnited the people, and recalled them, died in his office, as no Dictator had done before, which was a great shame to the gods, now that Aescu­lapius was come to make one. And (h) then grew wars so fast vpon thē, that their Proletarii their Brood-men, those that they alwaies forbare for getting of childrē, being so needy they could not follow the wars themselues, were now for want of soldiars, compelled to serue them-selues? For now did (i) Pyrrhus that famous and warlike Epirot (beeing called in by the Tarentines) become Romes hea­uie foe: (k) And asking the Oracle of his successe, truly Apollo answered him very neatly, in such ambiguous manner, that which way so ere it happe­ned, his deity might stand vnblemished: Aio te Aeacida Romanos vincere posse: saith hee: So that whether Pyrrhus or the Romaines hadde the vpper hand, the Oracle neede not care, for Apollo speakes true how euer. After this, followed a sore and bloudy fight, wherein notwithstanding (l) Pyrrhus was conquerour, so that now hee might iustly esteeme Phaebus a true fore-teller, as he vnderstood him; but that in the next conflict the [Page 132] Romaines hadde the better (m) and in this great hostility, arose as great a plague amongst the women: For, ere they could bee deliuered, being bigge with childe, still they dyed. Now heere Aesculapus hadde an excuse, hee professed him-selfe (n) the Prince of Physicke and not of Mid-wifery. Cattell dyed also so sore, that one would haue thought the worldes vtter vastation was entered. And then there was a winter how strangely vnseasonable! The snow lying in the Market­place forty daies together in a monstrous depth; all Tiber beeing frozen quite ouer: If this hadde hapened in our times, Lord how it would haue beene scan­ned vppon. And then for that (o) great pestilence, how many thousand tooke it hence: (which maugre all Aesculapius his druggs) lasting till the next yeare, they were faine to betake them-selues to the bookes of the Sybils: (p) In which kind of Oracles (as Tully saith well in his booke De diuinat.) the expounders of them are oftener trusted, then otherwise; gesse they neuer so vnlikely: and then it was said that the pestilence raged so because that (q) many of the Temples were put vnto priuat mens vses: Hereby freeing Aesculapius either from great ignorance, or negligence. But why were these Temples turned vnto priuate habitations without prohibition, but onely because they saw they hadde lost too much la­bour in praying to such a crue of goddes so long: and so becomming wiser by degrees, had left haunting of those places by little and little, and at length aban­doned them wholy, for the priuate vses of such as would inhabit them. For those houses that as then, for auoiding of this pestilence, were so dilligently repared if they were not afterwards vtterly neglected, and so incroched vppon by priuat men as before; Varro should bee too blame to say (speaking of Temples) that many of them were vnknowne. But in the meane time this fetch was a pretty ex­cuse for the goddes, but no cure at all for the Pestilence.

L. VIVES.

A Few (a) of the greatest] The Plebeians, either through hate to the Nobles, or ambition in them-selues, disturbed the common state exceedingly, to assure and augment their owne: pretending the defence of the peoples freedome, notwithstanding in all their courses the Pa­triots opposed them, abstracting from the peoples meanes to share amongst them-selues, preten­ding the defence of the Senates dignity, which the state would haue most eminent: but indeed they did nothing but contend & bandy factions, each with other, according to his power. (b) deserts] Some books put in incesserant, but it hurteth the sence. (c) Where then were] All this relation of Augustines is out of Liuie: read it in him least our repitition becomme both te­dious and troublesome. (d) It was scaled] Incensum scaled, and not incensum fired: (e) SP. Aemilius] This must be Melius assuredly, by the history. (f) Bed-spreadings] It was an old fashion to banket vpon beds. But in their appeasiue, and sacrifical banquets, in the Temples, and in the night orgies, they made beds in the place, for the gods to lye and reuel vpon, and this was called Lectisterium, Bed-spreading. the Citty being sore infected with the plague (saith Liuie lib. 5.) a few yeares ere it was taken by the Galles, the Sybils bookes directed the first Bed-spreading, Bed-sprea­ding. to last eight dayes: three beds were fitted: one for Apollo and Latona, one for Dia­na and Hercules, one for Mercury and Neptune. But how this can bee the first Bed-spreading I cannot see, seeing that in the secular games yt Poplicola, Brutus his Collegue ordayned, there were three nights Bed-spreadings: Valer lib. 2. Censorin de die Natall. (g) Another] In y Consul­ship of C L. Marcellus & T. Ualerius, was a great question in the Court about poisons because many great men had bene killed by their wiues vsing such meanes. (h) Then grew wars] Against [...] vsed at Rome. the Samnites, Galles, Tarentines, Lucans, Brutians, and Hetrurians: after al which, followed Pyrr­hus the King of Epirus his warre. But now a word or two of the Proletarij, the Brood-men here named: Seruius Tullus the sixt King of Rome, diuided the people into six companies or formes, in the first was those that were censured worth C. M. Asses; or more, but vnder that King the greatest Censure was but C X M. (Plin: lib. 33.) the second contained all of an estate between [Page 133] C. and LXXV Asses. the third, them vnder L. the fourth them vnder XXXV. the fift, them vnder XI. the last was a Century of men freed from warre-fare, Proletarii or Brood-men, and Capiti-censi. A Brood-man was hee that was rated ML. Asses in the Censors booke more or A Brood-man. lesse, and such were euer forborne from all offices and vses in the Cittie, beeing reserued onely to begette children, and therefore were stiled Proletarii, of Proles, brood or ofspring. The Ca­pite Censi were poorer and valued but at CCCLXXV. asses. Who because they were not cen­sured by their states, were counted by the poll, as augmenting the number of the Cittizens. These two last sorts did Seru. Tullius exempt from all seruice in warre, not that they were vnfit them-selues, or hadde not pledges to leaue for their fealty, but because they could not beare the charges of warre; for the soldiers in those daies maintained them-selues. It may be this old custome remained after the institution of tribute, and the people of Rome thought it not fitte that such men should go to warre, because that they accounted all by the purse. This reason is giuen by Valerius and Gellius. But these Brood-men were diuers times ledde forth to the wars Capitae censi afterward, mary the Capite Censi neuer, vntill Marius his time, and the warre of Iugurthe: Salust. Valer. Quintillian also toucheth this In milite mariano. And here-vppon Marius their Ge­nerall was called Capite Census. (i) Pyrrhus] Descended by his mother from Achilles, by his father from Hercules, by both from Ioue: This man dreaming on the worlds Monarchy, went Pyrrhus. with speed at the Tarentines intreaty against the Romaines: hence hoping to subdue Italie, and then the whole world, as Alexander had done a while before him. (k) Who asking] Cicero de diuinat. (lib. 2) saith that it is a verse in Ennius: Aio and as in the text. Which the Poet affir­meth that the Oracle returned as answer to Pyrrhus in his inquiry hereof. Whence Tully wri­teth thus. But now to thee Apollo, thou that sittest vpon the earths nauell, from whence this cruel and superstitious voice first brake. Chrysippus fill'd a booke with thine Oracles, but partly fai­ned (I thinke) and partly casuall, as is often seene in ordinary discourses: and partly equiuocall, that the interpreter shall need an interpreter, and the lotte must abide the try all by lotte: and partly doutful, & requiring the skil of Logike.’ Thus farre he: seeming to taxe Poets verse with falshood: Pyrrhus is called Aeacides, for Achilles was son to Peleus, and Peleus vnto Aacus. Virgill. ipsum (que) Aeacidem &c. meaning Pyrrhus. (l) Pyrrhus was conqueror] Pyrrhus at Hera­clea He [...]aclear. victory. ouerthrew Valerius, Consull, but got a bloudy victory: whence the Heraclean victory grew to a prouerb; but after Sulpitius and Decius foyled him, and Curius Dentatus at length ouer­threw him and chased him out of Italy. (m) And in this] This is out of Orosius (lib. 4.) hapning in the Consulship of Gurges and Genutiu [...], in Pyrrhus his warre. (n) Prince of physicke [...]: Iatros is a Physitian, Obstetrix, a mid-wife: and Archiatri were also the Princes Physitians: Ius­tin. Archiatri. Codic. Of the Comites, and Archiatri which the Spaniards call Protomedici, &c. (o) Great pestilence] (Oros. lib. 4.) In the entrance of the first Affrican warre. (p) In which] Cice. de diuini: (lib. 2) at large, of the Sybils and their books. (q) Many of the temples] The Sooth saiers answer in Tullies time concerning the prodigies, was y very same. Cic. Orat. de Aruspic. respons.

The miseries of the Romaines in the Affrican warres and the small stead their gods stood them therein. CHAP. 18.

BVt now in the wars of Affrica, victory still houering doubtfully betwixt both sides, and two mighty and powerful nations vsing all their might & power to reciprocrall ruine, how many petty Kingdomes perished herein? How many faire citties were demolished, or afflicted, or vtterly lost? How sar did this disastrous contention spread, to the ruine of so many Realmes and great Estates? How often were the conquerors on either side conquered? What store of men (armed and naked) was there that perished? How many ships were sunke at [...]eas by fight and tempest? Should we particularize, wee should become a direct Historiographer. Then Rome beeing in these deep plunges, ran head-long vnder those vaine and re­diculous remedies: for then (a) were the Secular plaies renued by the admonition of the Sibils books: which institution had bin ordained an hundred yeares before, [Page 134] but was now worn out of al memory, in those so happy times. The high priests also (b) renued the sacred plaies to the hel-gods wt the better times had in like manner a­bolished before: nor was it any wonder to see thē now reuenged, for the hel-gods desired now to becom reuellers, being inriched by this continual vncesing world of men: who (like wretches) in following those blody & vnrelenting wars, did no­thing but act the diuels reuels, and prepare banquets for the infernal spirits. Nor was there a more laudable accident in al this whole war, then that Regulus should be taken prisoner: a worthy man, and before that mishap a scourge to the Cartha­ginians: who had ended the Affrican war long before, but that he would haue boūd the Carthaginians to stricter conditions then they could beare. The most sodaine captiuity, & the most faithful oth of this man, and his most cruel death, if the gods do not blush at (c) surely they are brazen-fac'd, and haue no blood in them. Nay for all this, Romes wals stood not safe, but tasted of some mischiefe, and all those within them, for the riuer Tiber (d) ouer-flowing, drown'd almost al the leuel parts Tibers in­undation. of the citty: turning some places as it were into torrents, and other some into fens or lakes: this plague vshered in a worse of fire, (e) which beginning in the market­place, burned al the higher buildings therabouts, sparing not the owne (f) harbor Fire in the Citty. and temple of Vesta, where it was so duly kept in, by those (g) not so honorable as damnable Votaresses. Now it did not only continue here burning but raging: with the fury wherof the virgins being amazed (h) Metcllus the high Priest ran into the fire, and was half burned in fetching out of those fatal reliques which had bin the ruin of (i) three citties, where they had bin resident. (k) The fire neuer spared him for all he was the Priest. Or else the true Deity was not there, but was fled before though the fire were there still: but here you see how a mortal man could do Vests more good then she could do him: for if these gods could not guard them-selues from the fire, how could they guard their citty wc they were thought to guard frō burnings and inundations? Truly not a whit, as the thing shewed it selfe: Here­in we would not obiect these calamities against the Romains, if they would affirme that al these their sacred obseruations only aime at eternity, and not at the goods of this transitory world; and that therefore when those corporall things perished, there was yet no losse by that, vnto the endes for which they were ordained, be­cause that they might soone be made fit for the same vses againe. But now such is their miserable blindnesse, that they think y those idols that might haue perished in this fiery extremity, had power to preserue the temporall happines of the citty: but now seeing that they remained vnconsumed, and yet were able to shew how such ruins of their safeties and such great mischiefs hath befalne the citty, this makes them ashamed to change that opinion which they see they cannot possibly defend.

L. VIVES.

THen were (a) the secular plaies] I think it will not be amisse if I say somwhat of those plaies, from their first originall. Ualesius Sabinus, a rustick, as the best were then, praying for his three sick children, heard a voice y said they should recouer, if he would carry them ouer Tiber The secu­lar plaies. to Terentum, & there recreate them with the warm water of Dis and Proserpina. Valesius drea­ming of the citty Terentum, though it were far off, and no such riuer as Tiber neer it, yet hiring a ship, sailed with his sons to Ostia, & setting them on shore to refresh them-selues in Mars his field, he asked y ship-master where he might haue som fire: he replied at the adioining Terentū, for ther he saw som that ye sheapheards had made: (it was called Terentum of Tero to weare, be­cause the riuer ware away the shore: or because Dis his alter was there inhumed) Ualesius hea­ring the name commanded the shippe to put ouer thether, thinking this was the place mean [...] by the Oracle: and departing to the citty, to buy an altar, hee bad his seruants meane while [Page 135] to digge a place for it. They digged 20. foot deep, and there they found an old altar inscrib'd, To Dis and Proserpina. (This the Romaines had inhumed after their infernall sacrifices, beeing to fight with the Albasnes, for so the deuil bad them doe ere they ioyned battaile.) Ualesius returnes, and finding the altar, offers blacke offrings to Dis and Proserp. and spreading beddes for the gods, staied there three nights (for so long after were they sicke) with reuells and dances, that these children had escaped this sicknesse. This custome. P. V. Poplicola, one of Valesius his progeny brought into the Citty, in the first yeare of the freedome. Three daies and nights the people watched at the altars of Ioue and Apollo, offring a white bull, and cer­taine children whose parents were liuing sung a song to Apollo. Then watched they at Iu­no's: offring a white Heifer; this was in the day time: on the night at Dianas, Proserpina's, Terra's and the Destenies, offring black creatures, and burning of tapers: and then were Stage­plaies presented to Apollo, and Diana, and the Circian Games: and those stately and famous spectacles were called ye Secular plaies, because they were acted once euery age, taking an age here for the longest space of mans life: Some giue it more yeares, some lesse, as it is in Censo­rinus. The Romaines called an C yeares, an age: as Valerius, Antias, Varro, & Liuie lib. 136. An Age. doe report. But by the Quindecimvirs commentaries, and Augustus his Edict, together with Horace his verse, it includes a space of ten yeares more, and euery C. X. yeare, those plaies were kept. Though this verse of Horace, Certus vndenos deciès per annos, which Censorinus and others trust to, I cannot see but may be read Certus vt denos decies per annos, and so diuers doe reade it. But there is another Greeke verse cited by Zosimus, cut of the Sybills bookes, hee saith, wherein is [...] without point or accent. Besides, the crier called the people inthese words Come to those plaies that none of you euer saw, nor hereafter euer shall see. Hence came Vitellius flattery to Claudius, presenting those plaies: May you doe it often. Poplicola, as wee said, first presented them: Ab vrbe cond. CCXLIIII. yeares: they were renewed Ab. vr. Con. D. I. Consulls, P. CL. Pulcher and L. Iuni. Brutus, the XI. yeare of the first African warre: acted againe, the third yeare of the second Punick warre: Consulls, M. Manlius M. Censorinus. Fourthly, before their time, L. Aem. Lepidus, and L. Aurel. Orestes, Consulls, the fift: Augustus and Arippa presented, hauing brought them to the iust time: Consulls, Furnius and Sillanus: the sixt, C L. Caesar, too soone for the time: Himselfe and L. Vitellius, the third Consulls. The seauenth, Domitian, after a true computation, Himselfe and L. Minutius Ruffus being Consulls: the eight Septimius Severus, at their iust time: Conss. Chilo, and Vibo. the ninth Phillip Vostrensis ab vrbe Cond. a M. years: Aemilianus and Aquilinus being Conss. Cassiodore. Thus much of the Secular plaies from Varro, Valer. Horat. L. Florus, Festus, The Tau [...]i­an games. Zosimus, Herodian, Suetonius, Censorinus, Cassiodorus, Porphiry, Aeron, and Politian, now to the rest. (b) Renewed] Here seemes a difference betweene the plaies of Dis and Proserpina, and the Secular plaies, but indeede there is none, vnlesse Augustine diuide the infernall Orgies, from the sacrifices offered at the same time to other gods: and truely the Infernall Orgies and the Secular plaies seeme to differ in their originall: for Festus saith thus: The Tauri were games made in honour of the infernall gods, vpon this occasion. In the raigne of Tarquin the proude, there falling a great death amongst the child-bearing women, arising out of the too great plenty of bulls-flesh, that was sold to the people, herevpon they ordained games in honour of the Infernalls, calling them Tauri. Thus farre Festus. Besides, the Secular plaies were kept vnto Apollo on the day, and Diana on the night, but the Tauri were kept to the Infernall powres. (c) Surely brasse] Some put Aerei, ayry, for arei, brazen, and more fitting to Augustines opinion: for the Platonists say the diuells are ayrie creatures, whose doctrine Augustine doth often approue in some things, as wee will shew hereafter. In blushing the bloud adornes the face with red-nesse. (d) Ouer-flowing] Oros. L. 4. (e) Fire] Ib. Liu. lib. 19. Ouid. Fast. 6. Sencca's declamers dispute whether Metellus should bee depriued of his Priest­hood or no beeing blind; the law commanding them to haue a perfect man to their Priest. (f) Harbour and temple] Because there was the fire worshipped as is immediately declared. (g) Honoured] Their honour was vniuersall great, their very Magistrates gaue the way vnto V [...]stas Priests. (h) Metellus] L. Caecilius Metellus was High Priest, twice Consull, Dictator, Maister of the Horse, Quindecemvir in the sharing of the landes, and hee was the first that led Elephants in. Triumph in the first African warre, of whom Q. Metellus his sonne left re­corded Mettellus. in his funerall oration, that he attained the ten things so powrefull and so admirable that the wisest haue spent all their time in their quest. That is, to bee a singular warriour, an excellent orator, a dreadlesse commander, a fortunate vndertaker, a especiall aduancer of honor, [Page 136] an absolute man of wisdome, a worthy common-wealths man, a man of a great estate well gotten, a father to a faire progenie, and the most illustrious of the whole cittie. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 4. (i) Three citties] Ilium, Lauinium, Alba. (k) The fire neuer] This place is extreamely depraued, we haue giuen it the best sense befitting it.

Of the sad accidents that befell in the second African warre, wherein the powers on both sides were wholy consumed. CHAP. 19.

BVt all too tedious were it to relate the slaughters of both nations in the se­cond African warre, they had so many fightes both farre and neere, that by (a) their owne confessions who were rather Romes commenders then true Chroniclers, the conquerours were euer more like to the conquered then o­therwise. For when Hannibal arose out of Spaine, and brake ouer the Pirenean hilles, all France, and the very Alpes, gathering huge powres, and doing horri­ble mischieues in all this long tract, rushing like an inondation into the face of Italy, O what bloudy fields were there pitcht, what battailes struck! how often did the Romaines abandon the field, how mans citties fell to the foe, how many were taken, how many were razed? what victories did that Hanniball winne, and what glories did he build himselfe vpon the ruined Romaines. In vaine should I speake of (b) Cannas horrible ouer-throwe, where Hanniballs owne excessiue thirst of bloud was so fully glutted vpon his foes, that hee (c) himselfe bad hold: (a) whence hee sent three bushells of rings vnto Carthage, to shew how huge a company had fallen at that fight, that, they were easier to be measured thē num­bred: and hence might they coniecture, what a massacre there was of the meaner sort, that had no rings to weare, and that the poorer they were the more of them perished. Finally, such a defect of souldiars followed this ouer-throw, that the Romaines were faine to get (e) malefactors to goe to warre for quittance of their guilt; (f) to set all their slaues free, and out of this gracelesse crue, not to supply their defectiue regiments, but euen to (g) make vp a whole army. Nay these slaues, (O (h) let vs not wrong them, they are free men now) wanted euen weapons to fight for Rome withall: that they were faine to fetch them out of the temples, as if they should say to their gods, come, pray let these weapons goe, you haue kept them long inough to no end: wee will see whether our bond­slaues can doe more good for vs with them, then your gods could yet doe: And then the treasury fayling, the priuate estate of each man became publike, so that each one giuing what he was able, their rings, nay their very Bosses, (the wretched marks of their dignities) being al bestowed, the senat themselues (much more the other companies & (i) Tribes) left not themselues any mony in the world: who could haue endured the rages of those men, if they had bin driuen to this pouerty in these our times? seeing we can very hardly endure them as y world goeth now, although they haue store now to bestow vpon stage-plaiers, which as then, they were ful faine of, for their vttermost means of safety, to spend vpon the soldiars?

L. VIVES.

BY (a) their owne] Liu. Proaem. 3. Decad. The victors were the nearer vnto ruine, continu­ally. Sil. Ital. 1. This Poet, and Liuy, the first in verse, and later in prose, haue recorded these warres at large. Besides others, reade them. (b) Cannas] There Haniball gaue the Romaines a [...]ore ouer-throw in the third yeare of the warre. L. Aem. Paulus, and L. Terent. Varro, The mas­ [...]cre of C [...]. Consulls. Liu. lib. 12. Cannas is not the towne Canusium, but a towne in Apulia, nere the riuer Aufidus now Cannella. Sabbellic. Annot. (c) Himselfe badde hold] Perhappes Augustine meaneth of the wordes that Hanniball said to Maharball, that willed him to march straight vnto Rome: no saith hee, Let our foes leade the waie, all is well, wee will follow them at leasure. For I reade not that Hanniball euer spared the Romaines, either in the fight or after it. Vnlesse it bee their that Liuie saith, that after the fight at Cannas, Hannibal called the Romaines to him (which hee neuer did before) and gently told them, that it was [Page 137] not for bloud, but for Empire and dignity that he warred with them, allowing them leaue to redeeme the prisoners, rating an horse-mans ransome at fiue hundred peeces, a footmans at three hundred, a seruants at a hundred. (d) Three bushels] some adde halfe a bushell, some diminish two bushels, which Liuie saith is most likely. The Ring was the Gentlemans The Ring. marke or cognisance, distinguishing them from the common sort: the Senate also and the No­bility wore them. But they were generally vsed about this time. (Plin. lib. 33.) Else (saith he) they could not haue sent three bushels of them to Carthage. A bushell what it is Budaeus declares, in his booke De Asse, amongst other measures the discourse is long, look it there. (e) Malefac­tors] Iunius Bubulcus his deuice, in imitation of Romulus, that made his citty populus by al­lowing sanctuary to male factors.Oros. lib. 4. Iunius (saith Liuie) allighted from his horse and proclaimed, that all such as were capitall offenders, or desperate oebters, should go with him to warre, vpon condition to bee freed of all their aff [...]ctions.’ (f) To set all the slaues] eight thousand of slaues were freed, imbanded, and called Volones: because beeing asked if t [...]ey The volons would fight, each one said Volo, I will. Liuie. (g) Make a whole] For there were eight thousand of these, and six thousand of them Malefactors, whom they armed with French spoiles of C Fla­minius his triumph. (h) Nay let vs not] Though they were not free vntill they had ouerthrown Hanno at Beneuentum, and were therefore freed by the Generall Gracchus, vnder whome they fought most stoutly. (i) And tribes] Whether this word bee added by some other or no, I I [...]s. know not. Truly the Senate them-selues were of the tribes, which were three in the whole, as Romulus appointed them at first, but in time increased to thirty fiue. The Senators, Gentle­men and Plebeyans were parts of each of these: nor was there any Romaine cittizen but he was of some tribe. Is there any of you (saith Cicero Antonian. 6. ad Pop. Rom.) that hath no tribe? none. They haue made him Patron of thirty fiue tribes. Wherefore what should this meane? The Senate was as well diuided from the tribes, as it was from the Gentlemen and Ple­beyans; or it may be spoken as this is: The Senate and people of Rome, or, the Senate People and commonty of Rome: both, or all three, being all included one in another: This hold [...] the most likely.

Of the ruine of the Saguntines, who perished for their confederacy with Rome; the Romaine gods neuer helping them. CHAP. 20.

But in all the disasters of the second Affrican warre, there was none more la­mentable then the dissolution of the (a) Saguntines: these inhabiting in a citty in Spaine being sworne friendes to the Romaines, were destroied for keeping their faith to them. For Haniball breaking the league with Rome, gaue here the first oc­casion of warre, inguirting the citty of Saguntum with a cruell and straight siege: Whereof the Romaines hauing intelligence, sent an Ambassage to wish Haniball to raize his siege: but the Legats being dispised by him, went to Carthage, whence (hauing done nothing) they returned without any redresse for the breach of the league, and in the meane time, this citty (whilom so stately) was now brought to that misery, that about eight or nine months after the beginning of the siege, the Affricans tooke it and raized it to the very ground. To reade how it perished were a horror; much more to write it: yet I wil run ouer it briefely, seeing it is ve­ry pertinent to the argument we prosecute: first it was eaten downe with famine: for some say it was driuen to feed vppon the carkasses which it harboured. And then being in this laborinth of languors, yet rather then it would take in Haniball as a conqueror, the cittizens made a huge fire in the Market-place, and therein in­tombed all their parents, wiues, children and friends (after they had slaine them first) and lastly them-selues (b) Here now these gluttenous, trecherous, waste­full, cousening, dauncing gods should haue done somew-hat: heere they should haue done some-what to helpe these distressed faithfull friendes of the Romaines, [Page 138] and to saue them from perishing, for their loyalties sake. They were called as witnesses betweene both, when the league was made betweene Rome and these poore men; who keeping that faith which they hadde willingly passed, sollemnely sworne, and sacredly obserued, vnder their protections, were besieged, afflicted, and subuerted by one that had broken all faith, all religion. (c) If the goddes with thunder and lightning could fright Hanniball from Romes walles, and make him keepe aloofe from them, they should first haue practised this here: For I dare a­uerre, that with farre more honesty might they haue helped the Romaines friends, beeing in extreames, for keeping their faith to them, and hauing then no meanes nor power, then they did the Romaines them-selues, that fought for them-selues, and had very good forces, and purses able to repell Hannibals powers. If they hadde beene carefull guardians of Romes glory, they would neuer haue left it stai­ned with the sufferance of this sadde calamity of the Saguntines. But now how sottish is their beleefe that thinke these goddes kept Rome from perishing by the hand of victorious Hanniball and the Carthaginians, that could not saue Sagun­tum from perishing for keeping hir faith sworne so sollemnly to the Romaines? If Saguntum hadde beene Christian and had suffered such an extremity for the Gos­pell, (though it ought not as then to haue wrackt it selfe by fire nor sword) yet had it indured such for the Gospell, it would haue borne it stoutly, by reason of that hope which it would haue held in Christ to haue beene after all crowned by him with an eternall guerdon. But as for these false goddes, that desire to bee and are worshipped onely for the assurance of this transitory tearme of our mortallitie, what can their Atturneies, their Orators, say for them in this ruine of the Sagun­tines, more then they said in that of Regulus? only he was one man, this a whole cit­ty, but perseuerance in faith was cause of both calamities. For this faith would he returne to his foes, and for this would not they turne to their foes. Doth loyalty then greeue the goddes? Or may vngratefull citties (as well as men) be destroyed, and yet stand in their gods liking still? Let them choose whether they like: If the goddes bee angry at mens keeping of their faith, lette them seeke faithlesse wretches to serue them. But if they that serue them and haue their fauours, bee neuer-the-lesse afflicted and spoiled; then to what end are they adored? VVherfore let them hold their tongues that thinke they lost their Citty because they lost their gods: for though they had them all, they might neuer-the-les not only com­plaine of misery, but feele it at full, as Regulus and the Saguntines did.

L. VIVES.

THe dissolution (a) of the Saguntines] (Liu. lib 21.) Saguntum is a citty of that part of Spaine Saguntus. which is called Arragon. a mile from our sea, built and inhabited by the Zacynthi and the Ardeates (saith Silius) people that came into Spaine before the destruction of Troy. It was made famous by the fall, and true faith kept to the Romaines. The ruines at this day doe shew the models of diuers ancient, and most magnifical houses and diuers inscriptions & monuments are to be seene there as yet. It is called now in Spanish Moruedre; the old wall, belonging to the County & iurisdiction of Valencia. There is a peece of the Towre yet standing vpon the moun­taine that diuides almost all Spaine. Polib. (lib. 3.) saith that it excelled al the citties in Spaine, both for plenty, populousnes, & arts military. Hanibal hated it, for sticking so to ye Romains: for it had done much hurt to the Carthaginian consederats in Spain: so he made war vppon it, both to reuenge the wrongs it had done others, and also to turne the whole aime of the war vpon the Romaines, which he had desired most feruently euer since he was 9. yeares old. (b) Here now] some copies want Dii, goddes, but they are imperfect. Glutton is vsed by Tully in an ho­nest sence, calling Cato a Glutton of Bookes. (De fin. lib 3.) (c) If the goddes] Liuie, lib. 26. [Page 139] Hanniball standing before the walles of Rome, being now to throw warres dice at the citty it selfe, a great tempest arose, and parted the armies, who were no sooner retired, the one to their tents, and the other into the Citie, but immediatly it grew admirably faire and cleare: And this happened the second day also, both armies being in the field, and staying but for the signall to ioyne battles. Which Hanniball obseruing, grew superstitious, doubting the gods displeasure with him for staying there, and so commanded the campe to remoue from thence.

Of Romes ingratitude to Scipio, that freed it from imminent danger, and of the conditions of the Cittizens in those times that Saluste commendeth to haue beene so vertuous. CHAP. 21.

FVrthermore, in the space betweene the first and second Carthaginian warre when as Saluste saith the Romaines liued in all concord and content (the re­membrance of my theme makes me omitte much): In those times of concord and content, Scipio, (a) that protector and raiser of his countrie, the rare, admirable ender of that so extreame, so dangerous and so fatall a warre as that of Carthage was, the conqueror of Hanniball, the tamer of Carthage, whose very youth is graced with all praises of (b) religiousnesse, and diuine conuersation: this man so great and so gratious, was forced to giue place to the (e) accusations of his enemies, to leaue his country, which but for him had beene left to destruction, and after his high heroicall triumph, to bequeath the remainder of his dayes to the poore towne of (d) Linternum: banishing all affect of his countrie so farre from him, that it is said that he (e) gaue expresse charge at his death, that his body should not in any case bee buried in that so vngratefull soyle of Rome. (f) Afterwards, in the triumph of Cn. Manlius (vice-Consull) ouer the Gallo­grecians, the (g) luxurie of Asia entred, the worst foe Rome euer felt. Guilded beds, and pretious couerings gotte then their first ingresse. Then began they to haue wenches to sing at their banquets, and many other licentious disorders. But I am to speake of the calamities that they suffered so vnwillingly, not of the offences that they committed so lauishly. And therefore what I spo [...]e of Scipio, that left his country for his enemies (hauing first preserued it from vtter ruine) and died a willing exile, that was to our purpose, to shew that the Romaine gods, from whose temples he d [...]aue Hanniball, did neuer require him with any the least touch of temporall felicitie, for which onely they are adored. But because Sa­luste saith that Rome was so well mannered in those dayes, I thought good to touch at this Asian luxurie, that you might vnderstand that Saluste spoake in comparison of the after-times, wherein discorde was at the highest floud, and good manners at their lowest ebbe. For then, (that is betweene the second and last African warre, the (h) Voconian law was promulgate, that none should make a woman his heyre, no were shee his (i) onely daughter; then which decree, I can see nothing more barbarous and vniust. But indeed the mischieues that the cittie suffered were not so many nor so violent in the space betwixt the two Punicke warres, as they were at other times: for though they felt the smarte of warre abroade, yet they enioyed the sweet of victorie; and at home they agreed better then they did in the times of securitie.

But in the last African warre, by the onely valour of that Scipio, that there­fore was surnamed African, that Cittie, that compared and contended with Rome, was vtterlye razed to duste and ruined; And then brake [Page 140] in such an inundation of depraued conditions drawne into the state by securitie and prosperitie, that Carthage might iustly be said to haue beene a more dange­rous enemy to Rome in her dissolution, then shee was in her opposition. And this continued vntill Augustus his time, who (me thinkes) did not abridge the Romaines of their liberty, as of a thing which they loued and prised, but as though they had vtterly despised it, and left it for the taking: Then reduced be all things vnto an imperiall command, renewing and repairing the common­weale, that was become all moth-eaten and rusty with age, vice and negligence. I omitte the diuerse and diuersly arising contentions and battels of all this whole time: that league of (k) Numance, stained with so foule an ignominie, where the (l) chickens flew out of their cages, as presaging some great ill luck (they say) vnto Mancinus then Consull: so tha [...] it seemed (m) that little cittie that had plagued the Romaine armie that besieged it so many yeares, did now begin to be a (n) terror to the Romaines whole estate, and boded misfortune vnto those her powers that came against it.

L. VIVES.

SCipio (a) that protector] P. Cornelius Scipio African, who passing ouer into Africke, fet­ched Hanniball out of Italy, sixteene yeares after his first entrie, ouer-threw him in [...]frick, Scipio. African. chased him thence, and gaue end to this most dangerous warre. (b) Religiousnesse] Liu. lib. [...]6. Besides from the time that he tooke on his gowne of man-slate, hee would neuer meddle in any matter publike or priuate, before he had beene in the temple, in the Capitoll, and had me­ditated there awhile alone. This he vsed all his life time. (c) Accusations] Liu. lib. 38. Plut. in his life. (d) Linternum] It is in Campania, called now Torre della Patria. (e) Gaue charge] Liuie reciteth diuerse opinions of the place of his death. For it is vncertaine whether he died at Rome, or no. (f) Afterwards] Liu. lib. 39. The Gallo-grecians were a people of the lesser The Gallo­grecians. Asia, called in Greeke Galatae, of the Galles that went thether vnder Brenne, and inhabited there. (g) Luxurie of As [...]] the lesser: whereof hereafter. (h) Voconian] preferred by Q. Voconius Saxa, tribune. Approoued by Cato the elder, a little before Perseus warre. Liu. lib. 41. The lawe Uoconian. where Volumnius is read for Uoconius. (i) Onely daughter] Though he had no other children but her. (k) League of Numance] Hostilius Mancinus Consull with an armie of 30000. was ouer-throwne by the Numantines, being but 4000. and forced to make a shamefull peace with them. (l) Chickins flew] The Romaines in their warres vsed to carry chickens about with them in Cages, and he that kept them was called Pullarius, the chickin-keeper. If they fead greedily it was a good signe, if so greedily that part of their victuales fell to the earth, it was the best of all. For that was called Tripudium Solistimum, and once it was called Terripa­nium, Tripudium Solistimum. à pauiendo, of striking the earth in the fall of it. And Solistimum of Solum, the ground. For thus it was written in the Augurs bookes, that if any of the Chickens meate fell from them, it was Tripudium. But an vnluckly signe it was, if they fedde not, as happened to P. Claudius, Caecus his sonne. But a worse if they flew out of their cages. The Sooth-sayers (as Festus saith) obserued the signes of fiue seuerall things: the heauens, birds, these Tripudia, beasts, and curses. (m) Little citty,] Without walles or Fortes, keeping but an armie of 4000. men. The warre began, because they receiued the Sedigenses (people that the Romaines ha­ted, and had ouer-throwne) into their cittie and houses. (n) Terror] Cicero calles Carthage and Numance, the two terrors of the Romaine Empire. Pro Muraena.

Of the Edict of Mithridates, commanding euery Romaine that was to be found in Asia, to be put to death. CHAP. 22.

BVt as I said, these shall passe: marry not that of Mithridates, (a) King of Asia who gaue direct command, that what euer Romaine was to bee found [Page 141] traffiquing or trauelling any where in al Asia, vpon one certaine day he should be immediately slaine: and it was effected. How dolorous a sight was this, to see men slaine in such numbers, wheresoeuer they were taken, in field, way, towne, house, streete, court, temple, bed or table, or wheresoeuer, so suddenly and so wickedly? what sorrowes would possesse the standers by, and perhaps the very doers of the deeds themselues, to heare the sad grones of the dying men? vnto what extremi­ty were the hosts of lodgings brought now, when they must not onely behold those murders committed in their houses, but euen helpe to performe them them­selues. To turne so suddenly from gentle humanity vnto barbarous cruelty? to do the act of an enemy in peace, and that on his friend, enterchanging indeed wounds with the murthered, the murthered being striken in the body, & the mur­therer in the mind? & did al these that were thus slaine, neglect Auguries? Had they no gods publike nor priuat to aske counsell of ere they betooke them vnto this trauell from whence they were neuer to returne? If this bee true, then haue they of our times no cause to complaine of vs, for the neglect of those things, the Romaines of ould contemned them as vanities. But if they did not, but vsed to aske counsell of them, then tell me (I pray) to what end was it when other mens powers fell so heauy vpon these wretches without all prohibition, or meanes to avoyd them?

L. VIVES.

MIthridates (a) King.] The first Mithridates was of the bloud of the seauen Persians that Diuerse Mithridates tooke the kingdome from the Magi. Antigonus King of Syria was his foe and chaced him into Cappadocia, where he was afterwards King: and so left his crowne to his sonne, he to his, and so downe to the sixt of his descent, the sixt was the Mithridates that warred with the Romaines, a man of a strong body, and of as stout a spirit, he guyded sixe horses in his chariot, he spake two and twenty seuerall languages, and was surnamed the great. First hee was friend to Rome, for hee sent Crassus ayde against Aristonicus, but by reason of the warre hee had with Nicomedes King of Bythynia, he fell from affecting the Romaines; inuaded the Romaine Prouinces in Phrigia, expelled the legate Aquilius, and soone after imprisoned both him and Q. Oppius, viceconsuls together: and sent his letters forth through out all Asia, that vpon one set day, what euer Romaine were resident, in all his dominions, should be forthwith slaine without all respect of dignity, age, sexe or place that hee should fly into. And it was done as he commaunded.

Of the more priuat and interior mischieues, that Rome endured, which were presaged by that prodigious madnesse of all the creatures that serued the vse of man. CHAP. 23.

BVt now let vs do what we can to recite those euills which the more domes­tique they were to Rome, the more miserable they made it: I meane the ciuill or rather vnciuill discordes, being now no more seditions but plaine warres, and those in the very bowells of the Citty, wherein so much bloud was spilt: where the Senators powers were now no more bent to altercations (a) and wranglings, but directly to armes and weapons. O what riuers of Romaines bloud flowed from the Sociall, Seruile, and Ciuill warres? how sore a wast fell vpon the brest of all Italy from hence? For before that (b) Latium, (being associate and confederate with the rest) arose against Rome (c) all the creatures that were vse-full vnto Man, dogges, horses, asses, oxen, and all others besides, that serued humane occasions, Prodigies in the catle. [Page 142] growing suddenly starke mad, and losing all their meeknesse, runne wild out of the townes into the deserts, fieldes and forrests, flying the company not onely of all others, but euen of their owne maisters, and endangering any man that offered to come neare them. What (d) a prodigious signe was heare? but if this, being so great a mischiefe of it selfe, were but the presage of another, what a mischiefe must that be then, that was vshered in by such a mischieuous presage. If this had befallen in our times, wee should bee sure to haue had these faithlesse miscreants a great deale madder then the others dogs were.

L. VIVES.

ALtercations (a) and [For before, they did but wrangle, reuile, and raile, their fights were only in words, no weapons. (b) Latium being associate] when as the Senate had set vp M. Li­uius drusus tribune against the power of the Gentlemen, who had as then the iudging of all causes, through Gracchus his law, Drusus to strengthen the senates part the more, drew all the seuerall nations of Italy to take part with him, vpon hope of the possessing the citty, which hope the Italians catching hold vpon, and being frustrate of it by Drusus his sudden death, first the Picenians tooke armes, and after them the Vestines, Marsians, Latines, Pelignians, Maru­cians Lucanes, and Samnits Sext. Iul. Caesar, & L. Marcius Philippus being consulls: in the yeare of the citty, DCLXII. They fought often with diuers fortunes. At last, by seuerall generalls, The con­federats [...]rre. the people of Italy were all subdued. The history is written by Liuy, Florus, Plutarch, Oro­sius, Velleius, Appian (b) asociats] the Latins begun the stirre resoluing to kill the consulls, Caesar and Philip vpon the Latine feast daies, (c) all the creatures] Orosi. lib. 5. The heards about this time fell into such a madnesse that the hostility following was here-vpon coniectured, and many with teares fore-told the ensuing calamities. (d) a prodigious signe▪ Here the text is diuers­ly written in copies, but all to one purpose.

Of the ciuill discord that arose from the seditions of the Gracchi. CHAP. 24.

THe sedition (a) of the Gracchi about the law Agrarian, gaue the first vent vnto all the ciuill warres; for the lands that the nobility wrongfully possessed, they would needes haue shared amongst the people, but it was a daungerous thing for them to vndertake the righting of a wrong of such continuance, and in the end, it proued indeed their destruction: what a slaughter was there, when Tiberius Gracchus was slaine? and when his brother followed him within a while after? the noble and the base were butchered together in tumults and vproars of the people, not in formal iustice nor by order of law but al in huggermugger. After the latter Gracchus his slaughter, followed that of L. Opimius consull, who taking armes in the Citty agaist this Gracchus and killing him and all his fellowes, had made a huge slaughter of Cittizens, by this meanes hauing caused three thousand to bee executed, that he had condemned by law. By which one may guesse, what a mas­sacre there was of all in that tumultuous conflict, sith that 3. thousand were mar­ked out by the law, as orderly condemned, and iustly slaine. Hee that (b) killed Gracchus, had the waight of his head in gould, for that was his bargaine before And in this fray was (c) M. Fuluius slaine, and all his children.

L. VIVES.

THe (a) Gracchi] we haue spoken of them before, Tiberius was the elder and Caius the youn­ger, Tiberius was slaine nine yeare before Caius: read of them in Plutarch, Appian. Ualerius, Cicero, Orosius, Saluste, Pliny and others (b) killed Gracchus] C. Gracchus seeing his band [Page 143] expelled by the Consull and the Senate, hee fled into the wood of Furnia, Opimius proclaiming the weight of his head in gold, for a rewarde for him that brought it. So Septimuleius A­nagninus a familiar friend of Gracchus his, came into the wood quietly, and hauing talked a Septimu­leius Anag­ninus. while friendly with him, on a sudden stabbeth him to the heart, cuts off his head, and to make it weigh heauier, takes out the braines and filles the place with lead. Opimius was Consull with Q. Fabius Maximus, nephew to Paulus, and kinsman to Gracchus. (c) M. Fuluius] one that had beene Consull with Marcus Tlautius but fiue yeares before.

Of the temple of Concord, built by the Senate in the place where these seditions and slaughters were effected. CHAP. 25.

A Fine decree surely was it of the Senate, to giue charge for the building of Concords (a) temple, iust (b) in the place where those out-rages were acted: that the monument of Gracchus his punishment might bee still in the eye of the (c) pleaders, and stand fresh in their memory. But what was this but a direct scof­fing of their gods? They built a goddesse a temple, who had she beene amongst them, would neuer haue suffered such grose breaches of her lawes as these were; vnlesse Concord being guilty of this crime, by leauing the hearts of the citizens, deserued therefore to be imprisoned in this temple. Otherwise, to keepe formality with their deedes, they should haue built Discord a Temple in that place. Is there any reason that Concord should be a goddesse and not Discord? or that (according to Labeo his diuision) shee should not bee a good goddesse and Discord an euill one? Hee spoake vpon grounds, because he sawe that Feuer had a Temple built her, as well as Health. By the same reason should Discord haue Discord a goddesse. had one as well as Concord. Wherefore the Romaines were not wise, to liue in the displeasure of so shrewd a goddesse: they haue forgotten that (d) shee was the destruction of Troy, by setting the three goddesses together by the eares for the golden Apple because shee was not bidden to their feast: Where-vpon the goddesses fell a scolding; Venus shee gotte the Apple, Pa­ris, Hellen and Troye vtter destruction. Wherefore if it were through her anger because shee had no Temple there with the rest, that shee sette the Romaines at such variance, how much more angrye would shee bee to see her chiefest enemie haue a Temple built in that place, where shee had showne such absolute power? Now their greatest Schollers doe stomacke vs, for deriding these vanities, and yet worshipping those promiscuall gods, they cannot for their liues cleare them-selues of this question of Concord and Dis­cord, whether they let them alone vnworshipped, and preferre Febris and Bel­lona before them (to whome their most ancient Temples were dedicated) or that they doe worship them both as well as the rest. How-so-euer, they are in the bryers, seeing that Concord gotte her gone, and left Discord to play hauock amongst them by her selfe.

L. VIVES.

COncords (a) Temple] There were many Temples of Concord in Rome: the most anci­ent, Concords Temple. built by Camillus, for the acquittance of the Galles from Rome. I know not whe­ther it was that which Flauius dedicated in Vulcans court, which the Nobles did so enuie him for, P. Sulpitius and P. Sempronius being Consulls. I thinke it is not that. Another was vowed by L. Manlius Praetor, for the ending of the Souldiers sedition in France. [Page 144] It was letten forth to bee built by the Duum-viri Gn. Puppius Caeso, and Quintius Flaminius were for this end made Duum-virs. It was dedicated in the towre by M. and Gn. Attilii. Liu. lib. 22. and 23. A third was in the Romaine court neere to the Greeke monuments, built by Opimius Consull, hauing dissolued Gracchi his faction, and there also is the Opimian Palace. Varro. de Ling. Lat. lib. 3. The building of this temple vexed the Romaines extreamly: and at the building, there was written in it, Opus vecordiae: the worke of sloath. A fourth was built by Liuia Augusta, vnlesse it were but Camillus his olde one which she repared. Ouid. fast. 1. Con­cords feasts were in Februaries Calends the xviii. (b) In the place] Appian saith in the plea­ding place, and so doth Varro and Victor de region. vrb. puts it in the eight Region, that is, in the Romaine court, the fight ending in Auentinus though it began in the Capitoll. (c) Pleaders] Tribunes, and such as spake to the people in Couenticles: that they should speake nothing but well of the Senate, taking example by Gracchus, whose memory that monument still remembe­red. (d) She was] Discord alone being not bidden to the mariage of Peleus and Thetis being angry hereat, sent a golden ball into the feasters, with this inscription, [...], let the The cause of Troyes destruction fairest haue it. Herevpon grew a strife betweene Pallas, Iuno, and Venus. So they came to Paris to haue iudgment, whence arose all that deluge of destruction that ouer-whelmed Troy.

Of the diuerse warres that followed after the building of Concords temple. CHAP. 26.

NOw they all thought that this new temple of Concord, and testimony of Grac­chus, would be an excellent restraint vnto all seditious spirits. But how farre they shotte wide, let the subsequent times giue aime. For from that time forth, the Pleaders neuer went about to auoide the examples of the Gracchi, but labou­red to exceed them in their pretences. L. (a) Saturninus Tribune, (b) C. Caesar, Seruillius Praetor, and (c) not long after that, (d) M. Drusus, all these began more bloudy seditions, whence there arose not onely ciuill slaughters, but at last they brake openly out into the Confederates warre, which brought all Italy vnto most miserable and desperate extremities. Then followed the (e) Slaues warre, and other ciuill warres, wherein it is strange to recorde what fields were pitched, what bloud-shed and what murther stucke vpon the face of all Italy, as farre as the Romaines had any power or signorie. And how small a company, lesse then seuentie Fencers, began this Slaues warre, which mounted to that terrour and danger. What multitudes of Generalls did this raskall crew ouer-throw? what numbers of Romaine citties and Prouinces they destroyed, it is more then worke enough for a professed Historian to declare? For the warre held out not onely in Italy, but these slaues ouer-ranne all Macedonia, Sicily, and the sea coastes. And then what out-ragious robberies at first, and what terrible warres after­wards were managed by the (f) Pyrates, what penne is them sufficient to re­capitulate?

L. VIVES.

L. (a) Saturninus,] This man being Tribune, and troubling the state with the Agrarian law, was killed by C. Marius, and L. Ualer. Flaccus, Consuls, to whom the Senate had com­mitted the protection of the state: yet did Saturninus preferre this law to doe Marius a plea­sure. (b) C. Caesar.] This name is not in the old copyes, but onely C. Seruilius Glaucia, Prae­tor, of Saturninus his faction: Of the Seditious, Lucius Apuleius Saturninus came nearest the Gracchi in eloquence, for he attracted all mens affections by his gesture and apparell, more then by his tongue or discourse. But C. Sext [...]lius Glaucia was the most wicked villaine that euer was, and yet most suttle and quick witted, but yet hee was very ridiculous. He had beene Consull for all his filthinesse of meanes and manners, if it had beene held fit hee should haue stood for it: For hee had the people sure for him, and had wonne the Gentlemen by pleasuring [Page 145] them. But being Praetor he was publikely slaine on the same day with Saturnine, Marius and Flaccus being Consuls. All this is out of Tullies Orator

But if some will haue it Caesar, they are not much amisse; excepting for the times: mary hee that was L. Caesars brother, mooued the Romaines against Sulpitius the Tribune, which conten­tion gaue beginning to the warre of Marius, as Pedianus hath recorded. This Caesar saith Tully, being Aedile, made euery day an Oration. In Bruto. (c) Not long after▪ Seauen yeares passed iust betweene the Tribuneships of Saturnine and Drusus: and from the Consulships of Marius and Flaccus, to Flaccus and Herennius. (d) M Drusus] he was of good birth but the proudest man in Rome: quicke to speake: and being called to the Senate, hee sent the Se­nate worde to come to him: and so they didde. The Senate called his father their Patron (e) Slaues warre.] It began in Cicilie before the Confederates warre, by one Eunus a Syrrian that fained him-selfe to bee inspired with the Cibels spirit. Hee gotte together sixtie thou­sand The slaues warre. men: ouerthrew foure Praetors and tooke their tents. At length Perpenna besieged and conquered them. A little after Cleon a Cicilian, began such another warre in the same Iland, getting huge powers, ouerthrowing the Praetors as before, and spoyling the Tents. This warre M. Aequilius ended. In Italy Spartacus and Chrysus began it, who broke out of the schoole of Lentulus, when hee was at Capua, and gotte forth to the number of seauenty-foure, to whome a great many slaues adioined them-selues soone after. P. Varenus Prae­tor, and Claudius Pulcher Legate, that met them first in armes, they ouercame. Afterward Chrysus and his bands were defeated by Q. Uarius Praetor. Spartacus continued the warre with great good fortune, against Lentullus the Consull first, and then against L. Gellius and Q. Arius Praetor, and afterward with Cassius Vice-Consull, and Cn. Manlius Praetor. Lastly M. Crassus being Praetor ouercame him, and put his armie to the sword. (f) Pyrats.] The Cilician Pirats troubling the sea P. Seruilius Vice-Consul was sent against them, who took Isaurum and The pirate war. diuers of their Citties: but hee retyring home, they rose with greater powers, and boote-hal'd all the Coast vnto Caieta, Missenum and Ostia, to the great terror and reproch of the Romaine name. At length Cn. Pompey beeing made Admirall by the Gabinian Lawe, quitte the sea of them in forty daies. (Liu. lib. 99.) Cicero pro leg. Manil. L. Florus, and others.

Of the ciuill warres betweene Sylla and Marius CHAP. 27.

VVHen Marius being now imbrued with his countrymens bloud, and hauing slaine many of his aduersaries, was at length foyled and forced to flie the citty, that now gotte time to take a little breath; presently (to vse (a) Tullies wordes) vpon the sodaine Cinna and Marius began to bee conquerours againe. And then out went the heart blouds of the most worthy men, and the lights of all the cittie. But soone after came (b) Sylla, and reuenged this barbarous massa­cre; but with what damage to the state and cittie, it is not my purpose to vtter; For that this reuenge was worse, then if all the offences that were punished, had bene left vnpunished. Let Lucan testifie: (c) in these wordes.

Excessit medicina modum, nimium (que) secuta est
Qua morbi duxêre manus: periêre nocentes
Sed cùm iam soli possent superesse nocentes
Tunc data libertas odijs resolutà (que) legum
Frenis ira ruit—
The medicine wrought too sore, making the cure
Too cruell for the patient to indure:
The guilty fell: but none yet such remaining,
Hate riseth at full height, and wrath disdaining
Lawes reines brake out—

For in that war of Sylla and Marius, (besides those that fell in the field,) the whole cittie, streetes, Market-places, Theaters, and Temples were filled with dead [Page 146] bodies: that it was a question whether the conquerors slaughtered so many to at­taine the conquest, or because they had already attained it. In Marius his first victory, at his returne from exile, besides infinite other slaughters, Octauius his head (the Consuls) was polled vp in the pleading-place: Caesar and (d) Fimbra were slaine in their houses, the two (e) Crassi, father and son, killed in one anothers sight, (f) Bebius and Numitorius trailed about vpon hookes till death: (g) Catulus poisoned him-selfe to escape his enemies, and (h) Menula the Iouial Flamine cutte his owne veines and so bled him-selfe out of their danger, Marius hauing giuen order for the killing of all them whome he didde not (i) re-salute, or profer his hand vnto.

L. VIVES.

TO vse (a) Tullies words] For the following words are Tullyes in his 3. Inuectiue against Ca­teline: Where men were slaine by Cinna and Marius (saith he) wee haue already rehearsed in our third Oration for Sylla: namely the two bretheren C. and L. Iulij, Caesars, Attillius Soranus, P. Lentulus, L. Crassus, M. Anthony the Orator, Gn. Octauius, L. Cornelius, Merula the Diall Flamine: Consuls, L. Catulus, Q. Arcarius, M. Bebius, Numitorius, Sext. Licinius. (b) [...]ylla, and reuenged] Tullyes wordes also ibid. (c) In these wordes] Lib. 2. Nobles slaine. by Cynna & Marius.

Sylla quo (que) immensis acce [...]sit cladibus vltor,
Ille quod exiguum restabat sanguinis vrbi
Hausit: dam (que) minis iam putrida membra recidit,
Excessit medicina modum—
Then Sylla came to auenge the worthi's slaine
And that small Romaine bloud that did remaine
He drew: but clean sing still the parts impure
The medicine wrought to sure—

(d) Fimbria] There was one C. Fimbria, whome Velleius calles Flauius, he was a Marian, and the razer of Ilium. There was an other C. Fimbria, sur-named Licinius, who liued with the C. Fimbria Licinius. Gracchi, and entring inro the ciuil wars, was slaine in his own house, as Caesar was: of this Fim­bria speaks Tully de clar. orator. And he it was (I thinke) that would not giue his iudgemet in the contention about a good man. (Cic. offic. lib 3. Valer. lib. 7.) e) Crassi.] The son fel by the hands of the soldiors of Fimbria, Cinna's Lieutenant: the father stabbed him-selfe. (f) Be­bius] He was torne in peeces by the executioners like a beast, without any vse of yron vppon him. (Lucan. lib. 2.) Bebius.

—Vix te sparsum per viscera Bebi
Innumeras inter carpentis membra coronae,
Discerpsisse manus—
—Nor thee poore Bebius, torne,
And scattered through a thousand bloudy hands,
Renting them in a ring—

(g) Catulus] L. Luctatius Catulus was ioynt Consull with Marius in his 4. Consulship in the Cimbrian warre, and tryumphed with him ouer them: The whole Senate intreating Mar [...] Catulus. for him, he answered he must die, which Catulus hearing of, stifeled him-selfe with coales: whe­ther swallowing them as Portia did, or inclosing the smoake close in his chamber, hauing newly limed it so he died, it is not certaine: (for this later is a present way to death, vnlesse remedies be forth-with gotten) Some think he died of poison, as Augustine saith here. (h) Merula] He cut his veines in Ioues shrine. (i) Re-salute] That was the signe that Marius gaue for life and death.

How Sylla reuenged Marius his murthers. CHAP. 28.

NOw as for Sylla's victory, ye reuenger of al this cruelty, it was not got with [...] much store of cittizens bloud, and yet the wars only hauing ended and n [...] the grudges: this victory brake out into a far more cruell wast, in ye midst of al the peace. For after the butcheries that the elder Marius had made (beeing yet b [...] [Page 147] fresh and bleeding, there followed worse by the handes of the yonger Marius & Carbo, both of the old faction of Marius. These two perceiuing Sylla to come vp­pon them, being desperate both of safety and victory, filled all with slaughters, both of them-selues and others: For besides the massacre they made else-where in the citty, they besieged the Senate in the very Court, and from thence as from a prison, dragged them out by the heades to execution. (b) Mutius Seaeuola, the Priest was slain iust as he had hold of the altar of Vesta, the most reuerend relique of all the cittie (c) almost quenching that fire with his bloud, which the Virgins care kept alwaies burning. Then entered victorious Sylla into the citty (d) and in the common streete, (wars cruelty now done, and peaces beginning) put seauen thousand vnarmed men to the sword, not in fight, but by an expresse commaund. And after that he put euen whom he list to death, throughout the whole citty, in so much that the slaughters grew so inumerable (e) that one was gladde to put Sylla in mind that he must either let some liue, or else he should haue none to bee Lord ouer. And then indeed this rauenous murtherer began to be restrained by degrees; and a (f) table was set vp (with great applause) wt proscribed but 2000. of the Patriots and Gentlemen, appointing them all to bee presently killed. The number made all men sad, but the manner cheered them againe: nor were they so sad, that so many should perish, as they reioyced, that the rest should escape. Ne­uerthelesse, this cruell carelesnesse of theirs groned at the exquisite torments, that some of the condemned persons suffered in their deaths. For (g) one of them was torn in peeces by mēs hands without touch of iron, wher the executiōers shew­ed far more cruelly in rending this liuing man thus, then they vse ordinarily vpon a dead beast. (h) Another hauing first his eies pluckt out, and then all the parts of his body cut away ioint by ioint, was forced to liue, or rather to die, thus long in such intollerable torment. Many also of the noblest citties and townes were put vnto the sacke: and as one guilty man is vsed to be led out to death, so was one whole Citty as then laid out and appointed for execution. These were the fruits of their peace after their warres, wherin they hasted not to gette the conquest, but were swift to abuse it being got. Thus this peace bandied in bloud with that war, and quite exceeded it. for then war killed but the armed, but this peace neuer spared the naked. In the war he that was striken, if hee could might strike againe: but in this peace, he that escaped the war, must not liue, but tooke his death with patience perforce.

L. VIVES. Marius his Sonne.

THe yonger (a) Marius] Son to the elder: ioined Consul with Carbo ere he were 25. yeares old by forced meanes. He commanded his man Damasippus to kill all the Patriots in the citty, who (being military Praetor) like a good seruant did al that his maister bad him, & vnder shew of calling a Senate, killed them euery one. (b) Mutius Scaeuola] (Liu. lib. 87.) But Lucan (lib 2.) seemes to hold that Scaeuola was slaine by the elder Marius: mary so do not the Histori­agrahers; but by the yonger. (c) Almost quenshing] In imitation of Lucan.

—Parum sed fessa senectus
Scaeuola.
Sanguinis effudit iugulo; flammis (que) pepercit.
—Nor did the aged sire
Bleed much: but spared the prophaned fire.

(d) In the common streete] Liuie saith, eight thousand, and the author of the booke De viris illustribus, saith nine thousand. (e) One was] This Eutropius and Oros. thinke was Q. Catulus. Others say that C. Metellus trusting to his kindred with Sylla spake this in a youthfull for­wardnesse: Plutarch and Florus say it was Fusidius (though Plutarch call him Offidius that is but a falt as a great many more are in him either through him-selfe, his translators, or the [Page 148] copiers.) Orosius saith Fursidus. This Fusidius, Salust remembers in his oration of Lepidus the Consull. (f) A table] The table of proscription, shewing the certaine number of such as should bee slaine, that each might know what should become of him. Such as were proscribed it Tables of proscripti­on. was lawfull to kill, their goods were shared, part to Sylla, part to the executioner. Their chil­dren were depriued of honors and forbidden by Sylla's law to sue for any. This was the first proscription table, that Rome euer saw. (g) One] This was Bebius, a Marian, the other was for Sylla: and they died both one death. For the Syllans returning like cruelty for like vpon the Marians, vsed their Bebius after the same sort as the other was vsed by them. Florus names The Bebii. them both. (h) Another] M. Marius Gratidianus, Caius his kinsman. This deed was Cat­ilines, at the Graue of L. Caculus, vpon this Marius, a most gratious and honest man, hauing beene twice tribune, and twice Praetor. Q. Cicero in Paraenes. ad. M. Fratr. He first cut off his armes and legges, then his eares, tongue, and nose: then puld out his eyes, and lastly cut off Marius Gra [...]idia­nus his death. his head. (i) Put to the sacke] Subhastatae, doth Laurinus reade it, most congruently to the history. The fairest holds of Italy (saith Florus) Subhastatae sunt, came to the souldiors spoyling: Spoletum, Interamna, Praeneste, Fluentia. But Sulmo, an ancient friend of Romes, (Oh vnworthy deede) being vnbesieged, euen as warres pledges beeing condemned to die, are ledde forth to executi­on, so was this City by Sylla, singled out and appointed for a direct spoile and slaughter. Flor. lib. 3. Liuie lib. 88. Saith that Sylla commanded all the Prenestines, beeing disarmed to bee slaine, Sulmo. Subhastate was a word of vse in Augustines time, for Theodosius, and Archadius Emperors doe both vse it. C. de rescind. vend.

A comparison of the Gothes coruptions, with the calamities that the Romaines en­dured either by the Galles, or by the authors of their ciuill warres. CHAP. 29.

VVHat barbarousnesse of other forraigne nations, what cruelty of strangers is comparable to this conquest of one of their Cittizens? What foe did Rome euer feele, more fatall, inhumane and outragious? Whether in the irrup­tions first of the Galles, and since of the Gothes, or the invndations that Sylla, Marius, and other great Romaines made with the bloud of their owne citizens, more horrible, or more detestable? The Galles indeed killed the Senate, and spoi­led all but the Capitol, that was defended against them. But they notwithstand­ing sold the besieged their freedome for golde, where as they might haue ex­torted it from them by famine, though not by force. But as for the Gothes, they spared so many of the Senate, that it was a maruell that they killed any. But (a) Sylla, when as Marius was yet aliue, sat on the very Capitol, (which the Galles entred not) to behold from thence, the slaughters which hee commanded to bee performed. And Marius, beeing but fled, to returne with more powre and fury, hee, keeping still in the Capitol, depriued numbers of their liues and states, co­louring all this villany by the decrees of the Senate. And when he was gone, what did the Marian faction respect or spare, when they would not for-beare to kill old Seaeuola, a cittizen, a Senator, the chiefe Priest, embracing that very al­ter, where on they say the fate of Rome it selfe was adored? And for that (b) last ta­ble of Sylla's, (to omit the inumerable deathes besides) it cut the throates of more Senators, then the Gothes whole army could finde in their hearts but to offer, ransacke, or spoile.

L. VIVES.

BVt (a) Sylla] In his first victory against Marius, proclaming Sulpitius, the Marii, and di­uers others his foes, enemies to the state by a decree of the Senate. (b) Last table] Plutarch saith, th [...] as then in a little space, were diuers proscription tables hung vp.

Of the great and pernicious multitude of the Romaines warres a little before the comming of Christ, CHAP. 30.

WIth what face then, with what heart, with what impudency, folly, nay mad­nes, do they impute these later calamities vnto our Sauiour, and yet wil not impose the former vpon their Idols? Their ciuil discords by their own writers confessions haue beene euer more extreamely bloody then their forraine warres. The meanes which did not afflict, but vtterly subuert: their state arose long be­fore Christ, by the combination of these wicked causes arising from the warre of Sylla and Marius, vnto that of (a) Sertorius and (b) Cateline, the one of whome, Sylla proscribed, and the other he nourished: and then downe-wards to the wars of (c) Lepidus and Catulus, wherof the one would confirme Syllas ordinances, and the other would disanull them: Then to the warre of (d) Pompey and Caesar: where­of Pompey was a follower of Sylla, and either equalled, or at least exceeded him in state and power; And (e) Caesar was one that could not beare the greatnesse of Pompey because hee lackt it him-selfe: which notwithstanding, after hee hadde o­uerthrowne him and made him away, hee went far beyond. From hence they come downe to the other Caesar, called (f) Augustus, in whose raigne our Sauiour Christ was born. This Augustus had much ciuil wars, wherin were lost (g) many excellent men, & (h) Tully that excellent common-wealths-man was one amongst the rest For C. (i) Caesar, the conqueror of Pompey though hee vsed his victory with mercy, restoring the states and dignities to al his aduersaries: notwirstanding all this, by a conspiracy of the noblest Senators he was stabbed to death in the court, for the defence of thei [...] liberty, who held him to affect a Monarchy. After this (k) Antonie (a man neither like him in meanes, nor manners, but giuen ouer to al sensuality) seemed to affect his power: Whome Tully didde stoutly with. stand in defence of the said liberty. And then (l) stepped vp that yonger Coesar, the other Caesars adopted sonne, afterwards stiled (as I said) Augustus: Him did Tully fa­uour and confirme against Anthony, hoping that hee would be the man, who ha­uing demolished Anthonies pretences and powers, would re-erect the liberty of his country. But (m) farre mistaken was hee and mole-eid in this matter, for his young man whose power he hadde augmented, first of all suffered Anthony to cut of Ciceroes head, as if it hadde beene a bargaine betweene them, and then brought that liberty which the other wrought so for, vnto his owne sole commaund, and vnder his owne particular subiection.

L. VIVES.

OF (a) Sertorius] Q. Sertorius Mirsinius, seeing the faction of Marius (which he fauoured) to go downe the winde, by the leaders follies, gotte away with the forces hee led, through Sertorius. all the ragged and difficult passages into Spaine, and there warred valiantly against the Syllans. At last being put to the worst by Pompey, hee was stabbed at supper by the treason of Perpenna, Antonius, and others his fellowes: A worthy Captaine hee was, hadde he hadde a worthier meane to haue shewed him-selfe in. (b) Cateline] Hee was for Sylla, and cutte many throates at his command. Afterward rebelling and taking armes against his country, hee was ouer­throwne Cateline. and slaine by Cicero and C. Antony Consuls. (c) Lepidus] In his, and Q. Luctatius Lepidus. Catulus. Catulus his Consulship Sylla dyed and was buried in Mars his field. At his buriall the two Consuls were at great wordes about the reformation of the state, Lepidus desiring to recall Sylla's proscripts, and to restore them their goddes, and Catulus contradicting him together with the Senate: not that it was not iust, but because it would bee the originall [Page 150] of a new tumult, the most dangerous of all in that little breathing time of the state. from wordes they fell to weapons. G. Pompey and Q. Catulus ioined battell with Lepidus, ouer­threw him with ease, and despoyling him of his whole strength returned to Rome without any more stirre or other subsequence of war. The victory was moderately vsed, and armes presently laid aside. (d) Pompey.] Cn. Pompey the great, C. Pompey Strabo's sonne mette Syl­la Cn. Pom­pey. comming out of Asia, with three legions which hee hadde taken vppe amongst the Pise­nes: hereby furthering Sylla greatly in his victory, who vsed him as one of his chiefe friendes, and surest Captaines in ending the ciuill warre in Cicilie, Afrike, Italy and Spaine. Hee try­umphed twise beeing but agent of Rome, no Senator. Hee hadde great good fortune in subduing the Pyrats. He conquered Mithridates and all the East, getting greate and glorious triumph therby, and wondrous wealth. He was of mighty power and authority in the State, all which I haue more at large recorded in my Pompeius fugiens. Lastly, warring against Cae­sar for the Common-wealth hee was foiled, fledde away to Ptolomey the young King of Aegipt, where to doe Caesar a pleasure, hee was murdered. (e) Caesar.] This man was sonne to L. Caesar, whose Aunt Iulia was wife vnto Marius; beeing Consull, by Pompeys meanes, Iul. Caesar. hee gotte the Prouince of France for fiue yeares: and those expired, for fiue more, of the Con­suls, Pompey and Crassus. In which tenne yeares hee conquered all France: and fretting that Pompey could doe more in the state then hee, pretending other causes, hee brought his forces against his country. Lucan.

Nec quenquam iam ferre potest Caesarue priorem
Pompeiusue parem—
Caesar indureth no superiour,
Pompey no equall—

Suetonius in Caesars life writes a Chapter of the causes of these warres. But Pompey beeing dead, Caesar gotte to bee perpetuall Dictator and then gouerned all the state like a King.

Of this ciuill warre wrote hee him-selfe, Plutarch, Appian, Florus, Eutropius, and Ci­cero who was present, and pertaker in the whole businesse. (h) Augustus] C. Octauius, Cneius his sonne (a Praetorian) and Actia's, the daughter of Actius Balbus and Iulia, Caesars sister. C. Octauius. Caesar made him heire of the nineth part of his estate, and called him by his name. Sueton. Many of the old soldiers after Caesars death came vnto him for his Vncles sake, by whose meanes (as Tully saith) hee defended the causes of the Senate against Anthony when hee was but a youth: ouer-threw him, chased him into France vnto Lepidus: at whose returne, hee made a league trium-virate with them, which was the direct ruine of the Common-wealth. The Trium-viri were Anthony, Lepidus and hee him-selfe. The conditions were, that Antho­ny should suffer his Vncle Sext. Iul. Caesar to be proscribed: Lepidus his brother Lucius, and The Tri­umviri. Octauius, Cicero; whome hee held as a father. This was Anthonies request, because Cicero in his Orations hadde proclaimed him an enemy to the Common-weale: Of these three, Tully was killed by Anthonies men, the other two escaped. The Octauians warred with Brutus and Cassius, and at Phillippi by Anthonies helpe ouerthrew them. Then hee warred with L. Anthony, the Tryumvirs brother, and at Perusia made him yeelde the Towne him-selfe: After­ward with Pompey the greats sonne, and tooke the Nauy from him: and then with Lepidus depriuing him of the Triumvirship: Lastly with Marke Anthony the Tryumvir whome hee conquered, and so remayned sole Emperour of Rome, hauing ended all the ciuill wars, and beeing saluted Augustus by Ualerius Messala in the name of the whole Senate and people of Rome.

In the foure and fortith yeare of his reigne ab V. C. DCCLI. an happy peace breathing on the bosome of all the earth both by Sea and Land, mankind beeing in absolute quiet from contention, THE PRINCE OF NATVRE, THE CREATOR, THE KING OF KINGS, AND THE LORD OF LORDS, IESVS CHRIST was borne in Bethelem Christ borne. Luc. 2. a cittie in Iuda. (g) Many excellent] The Triumviri proscribed farre more of euery sort then Sylla didde. Those three Iun [...]nal calls (bitterly) Sylla's Shollers, and faith they excelled their men in the art of proscription.

(h) Cicero] Hee was slaine being 63. yeares of age: After the reckoning of Liuie and Aufidius Ciceroes death. [Page 151] Bassus The diuers opinions of his death are to be read in Seneca. (Suasor. lib. 1.) Augustine calles him an excellent Common-wealths-man, because his tongue (like a sterne) did turne the Shippe of the State which way hee would: which he knowing, vsed this verse to the great vexation of his enemies.

Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea lingua.
That armes should yeeld to arts tis fit:
Stoope then the wreath, vnto the witte.

Pliny the elder meeting him, Haile thou (quoth hee) that first deserued a tryumph by the gowne, and a garland by thy tongue. (i) C. Caesar] Brutus, Cassius, and sixty Senators more Caesars death. conspired against Caesar, and in Pompeies court killed him with daggers the Ides of March.

(k) Anthony] He and Dolabella were then Consuls. Anthony hauing the command of the armies, affected the Soueraignty of the state exceedingly, which at first Tully by his Orati­ons M. Antony. suppressed: but then (as I said) he became Triumvir. The story of his warre is as well recorded in Tullyes Philipques as can bee. (l) Kept vp.] Tully by his eloquence armed him and Hircius and Pansa the Consuls against Anthony. (m) Far mistaken] Brutus hadde giuen Tul­ly Brutus. sufficient warning of Octauius, not to make him too powerfull, nor trust him too much: that his witte was childish, though good, and better fortunes might make him insolent. And here are yet two most graue Epistles of Brutus vpon his theame, one to Tully and another to Atticus: wherin Brutus his manlynesse and iudgement is clearly apparent. I think not Tul­ly so foolish, though that he could not fore-see this as well as he didde many other euents not so apparant: which he shewed in his frequent vse of these wordes, Octauius Caesar is to be com­mended, adorned, extolled, Velleius and Brutus in an Epistle to Cicero do both make mention of this.

That those men that are not suffered as now to worship Idols, do shew them-selues fooles, in imputing their present miseries vnto Christ, seeing that they indured the like when they didde wor­shippe the Diuels. CHAP. 31.

BVut lette them blame their owne goddes for such mischiefes, that will not thanke our Sauiour Christ for any of his benefits. For when-soeuer they be­fell them before their goddes altar steamed with Sabaean perfumes, and fresh flowers, their Priestes were gallant, their Temples shined, playes, sacrifices and furies were all on foote amongst them. Yea euen when there was such an effusi­on of ciuill blood, that the altars of the very goddes were besprinkled with it. (b) Tully choose no Temple for refuge, because he sawe it auailed not Scae­uola. But those that are now so ready with their saucy insultations against Chris­tianity, of late either fledde them-selues into such places as were dedicated to Christ, or else were brought thether by the Barbarians.

This I knowe, and euery vnpartiall iudge may know as well as I, that if man-kinde hadde receiued Christianity before the Affrican warres (to omitte the other that I haue rehearsed, and that is too long to rehearse) and withall that such a desolation should haue happened, as fell vppon Europe and Africke in the said warres; there is none of those Infidels that oppose vs now, but would haue laid onely the cause of it all vppon the backe of Christendome. But much more intollerable would their railings bee, if that either the irrup­tion of the Galles, or the inundation of Tiber, and that great spoyle by [Page 152] fire had immediately followed, vpon the first preaching and receiuing of Christi­an religion: but worst of all, if the ciuill warres, that exceeded all, had followed therevpon. And those evills which fell out so incredibly, so farre beyond all be­liefe, that the world reputed them as prodigies, had they come to passe in Christi­an times, who should haue borne the blame thereof, but the Christians? for those things which were rather strange, then pernitious, as the (c) speaking of the oxe, the exclamations of children in their mothers wombes, the (d) flying of serpen [...]s, and the (e) alteration of female creatures, both hens, and women into masculine formes, and such as these I willingly omit, those things are recorded in their his­tories, not in their fables, but be they true or false, they do not bring so much af­fliction vnto man as admiration. But when (f) it rained earth, and (g) chalke, and (h) stones, (not concrescences, that might be called haile, but (i) direct stones) this verily might greatly endomage the earths inhabitants. In the said authors wee read, that the fires of (k) Aetna brake out so far, that the sea boyled therewith, the rockes were burned, & the pitch dropt of the ships. This was noe light hurt, but a large wounder. Againe, (l) Sicily was so ouerwhelmed another time with the ashes therof, that the houses of (m) Catina were all turned ouer into the dust: wherevpon the Romaines pitying their calamity, released them of (n) that yeares tribute. It is recorded also, that the number of the (o) Locusts in Africa was most wonderfull, Locusts in Africa. and prodigious, it being as then a prouince of the Romaines: and that hauing con­sumed al the fruites & leaues of the trees, they fell al into the sea like a most huge & vnmesurable cloud. And being dead, and cast vpon the shore againe, arose such a pestilence of their stinke that thereof died (p) 80000. men (q) only in Massi [...]s­sa Pestilence. his kingdome, and (r) many more in other countries thereabouts, and of the (s) 30000. Romaine souldiars that remained at Vtica, there were but only ten that sur­uiued. So that this foolery of theirs, which we must both endure and answer, what wronge would it not offer to the profession of the ghospell, had it beene preached before the birth of these prodigious accidents? yet it will not call the meanest of their gods to account, for any of these misfortunes whatsoeuer, and yet (t) these fooles will worship them still in hope to be protected by them from these incon­ueniences, when they see neuerthelesse, how those that worshipped the same gods before haue beene oppressed, and ouer-borne with the same burdens of cal­amity, nay with loades of miseries, farre more ponderous and intollerable then euer these latter times produced.

L. VIVES.

SAbaean (a) perfumes] Saba is the mother of Frankencence lying betweene Syria, and Arabia. India mitit ebur, molles sua thura Sabaei, saith Virgil: Ebon from Inde, from Iaua, Frankencense, Sabaea. Seruius saies they are so called of [...], to worship: because frankincense is an expiation, (b) Tully chose.] He died in his farme Formianum, being kept by tempest from crossing the sea to Prodigies. Brutus. (c) speaking of] often falling out, once in the second Punicke warre, in the consulships of Fabius Maximus and Marcellus, the fourth of the firsts consulshippe and the third of the laters, and in the same yeare, a woman became a man at Spoletum and an infant in the mothers wombe at Marusia, cried out Io triumphé. Liu. lib. 24.) another time, in the warre of Anticchus an Oxe cried Rome looke to thy selfe: and in Antonies ciuill warre, the Maister whipping his Oxe to worke, the beast told him. There would want no corne but there would want men to eate [...]. And often besides. (d) flying.] The Southwest wind brings many of those flying Serpents out of Lybia into Egypt, to the great annoyance of the inhabitants. And therefore Tully saith, they adore the Ibis, for driuing away these pestilent creatures from them. So saith He­rodotus P [...]ying ser­ [...]. in his Euterpe. (e) Of females] Changing of sexes, women into men and hennes into [Page 153] cockes. There is no fault in the text: [Our interpreter knew not the force of the coniuncti­on: and thought that Female, Faemina, had belonged onely vnto man, and that homo was one­ly lbis whv worshiped in Egipt. of the masculine gender. See what sort of men the age before vs respected and reueren­ced: they would take vpon them the interpretation of worthy authors, and yet knew not that [...]mo might belong to a woman, nor faemina to a beast. Wee doe wonder how wee haue our [] Paris co­pie doth leaue out this be­tweene these markes.] liberall artes so corrupted, but considering that these men haue had the medling with them, wee haue more reason to wonder how wee haue any sparke of them left vs at all.] This alteration, Pliny saith, is possible: bringing confirmation of diuers examples, and his owne credite, saying hee had seene it verefied himselfe: But considering the seuerall natures of the sexes, it is hard for a male, to become a female: but not so hard for the other change. For the masculine member to be drawne in, and dilated into the feminine receptacles, is exceeding hard, mary for the female partes to bee excrescent, and coagulate into the masculine forme, may be some-what, but not neare so difficulte as is thought, though it bee seldon seene. (f) It rained] Often, say authors. Liuius Iul. Obsequ. &c. (g) chalke] Consulls Q. Metellus, and Tul. Didius. Obsequ. (h) Stones] This is not rare. First it did so in Tullus Hostilius his time, and then it was strange. But after it grew ordinary, to perticularize in this were idle. (i) Direct stones] Some reade, directly earth, &c. (k) Aetna] Aetna is a hill in Sicily, sacred to Vulcan, cas [...]ing out fire in the night by a vent, ten furlongs about; the vent is called the cauld [...]on. Solinus saith it hath two of them. Aetna, Briareus Ciclops his son, or Aetna, sonne to Caelus and Terra otherwise called Thalia, gaue it the name. Seruius. Uirgill describes it in a large Poeme, which some say is Ouids: but Seneca saith, Ouid durst not deale with it, because Virgil had done it before him. Others say Cornelius Seuerus did it. The fire doth much harme to the bordering partes of the Island. This that Augustine declareth, happened in the Consul­ships Aetna. of Cn. Seruil. Scipio, and C. Laelius: and in M. Aemilius and L. Aurelius their Consul­ships, the flames burst forth with an earth-quake, and the sea was heated therewith, as farre as the Island Liparae, so that diuers shippes were burnd, and diuers of the saylours stifled with the sulphurous vapor. It killed an inumerable company of fish which the Liparians feeding vpon, got a pestilent disease in their bellies, which vnpeopled almost all the whole Is­land. Obseq. This was a little before Gracchus his sedition, and it was such, that many were driuen to flie from their dwellings into other places. Oros. (l) Sicily] Oros. lib. 5. and 12. (m) Catina] Or Catana, it is called by both names, though their be one Catina in Spaine, and ano­ther in Arcadia. This that Augustine relateth of is recorded by Pliny lib. 3. (n) That yeares] And nine yeares more, saith Orosius. (o) Locusts] This was in the Consulships of P. Plautius [...] M. Fulu. Flaccus, before C. Gracchus his sedition. Liu. lib. 9. Oros. Eutrop. Iul. Obseq. (p) 80000.] So saith Orosius, but of Micipsa his Kingdome. Of this sicknesse in al, died 800000. men, saith Obsequens. 900000. saith Eutropius (who is indeede no good computator) in Nu­midia, Catina. about Carthage, 200000. of the Romaine souldiars that kept the legion there, 30000. so saith Orosius, putting onely 80. for 90. (q) Onely in Masinyssa's] Or rather Micipsa's his sonne. For Masinissa himselfe was dead. But it might bee called his, because Rome gaue it him, for his worthy deserts. (r) Many more] Our historians write not so; perhaps Augustine followed others, or els like an Orator, applied the history to his owne vse and purpose, which Cicero doth allow in his Brutus, and hath practised some-times himselfe, as wee haue obserued in his Orations, and as Pedianus hath noted therein also. (s) 30000.] Beeing left at Vtica as the Guarison of Afrike. (t) a difference of reading: we haue giuen it the truest sence.

Finis lib. 3.

THE CONTENTS OF THE fourth booke of the City of God.

  • 1. Of the contents of the first booke.
  • 2. Of the contents of the second & third booke.
  • 3. Whether happy and wise men should ac­count it as part of their felicities, to possesse an Empire that is inlarged by noe meanes but war.
  • 4. Kingdomes without iustice, how like they are vnto theeuish purchases.
  • 5. Of those fugitiue sword-plaiers whose pow­er grew paralel'd with a royall dignity.
  • 6. Of the couetise of Ninus, who made the first war vpon his neighbours, through the greedy de­sire he had to increase his kingdome.
  • 7. Whether the Pagan gods haue any power either to further or hinder the progresse, increase or defects of earthly kingdomes.
  • 8. What pretious gods those were by whose power the Romaines held their empire to bee in­larged and preserued, seeing that they durst not trust them with the defence of meane and perti­cular matters.
  • 9. Whether it was Ioue, whome the Romaines held the chiefest GOD, that was their protector and enlarger of their empire.
  • 10. What opinions they followed that set diuers gods to rule in diuerse parts of the world.
  • 11. Of the multitude of gods which the Pa­gan Doctors avouch to bee but one and the same Iupiter.
  • 12. Of their opinion that held God to bee soule and the world the body.
  • 13. Of such as hold that the resonable crea­tures, onely are parts of the diuine.
  • 14. That the augmentations of kingdomes are vnfitly ascribed to Ioue. victory (whome they call a goddesse) being sufficient of herselfe to giue a full dispatch to all such buisinesses.
  • 15. Whether an honest man ought to enter­taine any desire to enlarge his empire.
  • 16. The reason why the Romaines in their appointments of seueral gods for euery thing, and euery action, would needs place the Temple of Rest or Quiet without the gates.
  • 17. Whether if Ioue bee the chiefe God of all victory, & to be accounted as one of the number.
  • 18. Why Fortune and Felicity were made Goddesses.
  • 19. Of a Goddesse, called Fortuna muliebris.
  • 20. Of the Deification of Vertue and Faith by the Pagans: and of their omission of the wor­ship that was due to diuers other Gods, if it bee true that these were gods.
  • 21. That such as knew not the true and onely God had better haue bin contented with Vertue and Felicity.
  • 22. Of the knowledge of these Pagan Gods which Varro boasteth he taught the Romaines.
  • 23. Of the absolute sufficiency of Felicity a­lone, whome the Romaines (who worshipped so many Gods) did for a great while neglect, and gaue no diuine honors vnto.
  • 24. What reason the Pagans bring for their worshipping of Gods guifts for Gods themselues.
  • 25. Of the worship of one God onely, whose name although they knew not, yet the tooke him for the giuer of Felicity.
  • 26. Of the stage playes which the gods exac­ted of their seruants.
  • 27. Of the three kinds of gods whereof Sca­uola disputed.
  • 28. Whether the Romaines dilligence in this worshippe of those gods did their empire any good at all.
  • 29. Of the falsenesse of that augury that pre­saged courage and stability to the state of Rome.
  • 30. The confessions of such as doe worshippe those Pagan Gods, from their owne mouthes.
  • 31. Of Varros reiecting the popular opinion, and of his beleefe of one God, though hee knew not the true God.
  • 32. What reasons the kings of the world had for the permitting of those false religions in such places as they conquered.
  • 33. That God hath appointed a time for the continuance of euery state on earth.
  • 34. Of the Iewes Kingdome, which one god alone kept vnmooued as long as they kept the truth of religion.
FINIS.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD: Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo, vnto Marcellinus.
Of the Contents of the first Booke. CHAP. 1.

AT my first entrance vpon this Discourse of the Citty of God, I held it conuenient, first of all to stop their mouthes, who in their ex­treame desire of onely temporall blisse and greedinesse after wordly vanities, doe make their exclaime vpon Christianity (the Christian Religion. true and onely meane of saluation) whensoeuer it pleases God in his mercy to correct and admonish them, (rather then in his iu­stice, to punish or afflict them) with any temporall inconueni­ence. And because the vnlearned, and vulgar sort of those persons, are incited against vs the more, by the endeuours and examples of those whom they holde learned, thinking (vpon their assertions) that such calamities as haue befallen them of late, neuer befell in times past: and being confirmed in this error, by such as know it for an error, and yet dissemble their knowledge; wee thought it fi [...]e to shew, how farre this their opinion swarued from the truth, out of such bookes as their owne authors haue left vnto posterity, for the better vnderstand­ing of the estates of precedent ages: and to make it plaine & apparant, that those imaginary gods, which they either did worship as then in publick, or as now in secret, are nothing but most foule, vncleane spirits, and most deceitfull and ma­lignant False gods. deuils: so that their onely delight was to haue most bestiall & abhominable practises, either published as their true exploits, or faigned of them by poe [...]icall muentions; these they cōmanded to be publikely presented in playes & at solemne feastes: to the end, that mans infirmitie presuming vpon these patternes, as vpon diuine authorities might neuer be with-drawne from acting the like wickednesse. This we confirmed, not by meere coniectures, but partly by what of late times our selfe hath beheld in the celebration exhibited vnto such gods: and partly by their owne writings, that left those reports recorded, not as in disgrace, but as in the honour of the gods: So that Varro, (a man of the greatest learning and autho­ritie amongst them of any writing of diuinity and humanitie, and giuing each varro. obiect his proper attribute according to the worth & due respect thereof) stick­eth not to affirme, that those stage playes are not matters of humaine inuention, but meerely diuine things, whereas if the cittie were quit of all but honest men, stage-plaiers should haue no roome in meere humanity. Nor did Varro affirme this of himselfe, but set it downe as he had seene the vse of these playes in Rome, being there borne and brought vp.

L. VIVES.

NOw must we passe from the historicall acts of the Romaines, vnto their religion, sacrifices & ceremonies: In the first bookes we asked no pardon, because for the Romaine acts, though they could not be fully gathered out of one author (a great part of them being lost with the writings of eloquent Liuie) yet out of many they might. But in the foure bookes following we must needes intreate pardon, if the reader finde vs weake, either in diligence or abilitie. For there is no author now extant, that wrote of this theame. Varro's Antiquities are lost, Varro's an­tiquities. with a many more: if wee had but them, we might haue satisfied Saint Augustine, that had his assertions thence. But now we must pick y vp frō seuerall places, which we here produce, least comming without any thing we should seeme both to want ornaments, & bare necessaries. If it [Page 156] haue not that grace that is expected, we are content, in that our want is not wholy to bee sha­med at, and our endeuours are to bee pardoned in this respect, that many learned and great Schollers (to omitte the vulgar sort) haue beene willingly ignorant in a matter of such intri­cate study, and so little benefite; which makes our diligence the lesse faultie. This Varro te­stifies. Iuuenall seemes to bee ignorant whether Money were worshipped in Rome for a god­desse or no. Satyra. 1.

—Et si funesta pecunia templo
Lady Pe­cunia.
Nondum habitas, nullas nummorum ereximus aras.
—Though fatall money doth not sit
Ador'd in shrine, nor hath an altar yet.

Notwithstanding Varro reckoneth vp her with God Gold, and God Siluer, amongst the deities. Who wonders then if we be not so exact (in a thing that the goodnesse of Christ hath al­ready abolished out of humaine businesses) as some of those idolators were, or as Varro him­selfe was, who not-with-standing did truly obiect vnto the Priests, that there was much in their deities which they vnderstood not, hee being the best read of all that age? Besides, hu­maine learning should sustaine no losse, if the memory, as well as the vse of those fooleries were vtterly exterminate. For what is one the better scholler, for knowing Ioues tricks of lust, or Uenus hers? what their sacrifices are? what prodigies they send? which God owes this ceremonie, and which that? I my selfe know as much of these dotages as another: yet will I maintaine that the ignorance of these things is more profitable, then in any other kinde: and therefore I haue had the lesse care to particularize of the deities, kindes, temples, altars, feasts, and ceremonies of euery God and Goddesse, though I would not send the reader empty away that desireth to haue some instruction herein.

The contents of the second and third booke. CHAP. 2.

AND hauing propounded a methode of our discourse in the end of the first booke, whereof we haue prosecuted some parcels in the bookes following, now we know that we are to proceed in these things, which our order obligeth vs to relate. We promised therefore to say some-what against those that impute the Romaines calamities vnto Christianitie: and to make a peculiar relation of the euills that wee should finde their cittie, or the prouinces thereof, to haue endu­red ere their sacrifices were prohibited: all which questionlesse they would haue blamed vs for, had they befallen them in the times of our religious lustre and au­thoritie: This we performed sufficiently (I thinke) in the two last bookes, in the former of them, reciting the euills which were either the onely ones, or the so­rest Ill man­ners. and most extreame; I meane those corruptions of manners: In this last of those which these fooles haue so maine a feare to suffer, as afflictions (a) of body and goods, which the best men often-times pertake of, as well as the worst. But for the things that make them euill, and depraue their soules, those they detaine, with more then patience, with extremitie of desire. Then I toucht a little at the citty, and so came downe speedily to Augustus. But if I would haue dilated (not vpon these reciprocall hurts, that one man doth to another, as was desolations, &c. but) vpon the things that befall them by the very elements, and from nature, which (b) Apuleius briefly speakes of in one place of his booke De Mundo, say­ing: that all earthly things haue their changes, (c) reuolutions, and dissolutions: for (he saith) that by an exceeding earth-quake, the ground opened at a certaine time, and swallowed vp whole citties, and all that were in them: showers and in­undation [...] ouer-whelmed whole countries: continents were cut into the maine by strange [...]ides, and made Ilands; and the sea else-where cast vp large grounds and left them bare: Stormes and tempests ouer-turned whole cities: lightning consumed many of the Easterne countries, and deluges as many of the West. Fire sprang from the cauldrons of Aetna, as from a torrent, and ranne downe [Page 157] the hills: if I should haue collected all of this kinde that I could, which happe­ned long before that the name of Christ beate downe those ruines of saluation, what end should I euer make? I promised also to make demonstration of the Ro­maines conditions, and why the true God did vouchsafe them that increase of their Empire, euen hee, in whose hand are all kingdomes, when their owne pup­petries neuer did them a peny-worth of good, but cousened them in all that euer they could. Now then am I to discourse of their cousenage, but chiefely of the Empires increase. For, as for their deuills deceites, the second booke opened them reasonable fully. And in all the three bookes past, as occasion serued, wee noted how much aide and comfort the great God did vouchsafe both the good and bad, in these afflictions of warre, onely by the name of CHRIST, which the Barbarians so highly reuerenced, beyond all vse and custome of hostilitie. Euen he did this, that maketh the sunne to shine both vpon good and bad, raineth both vp­on Mat. 5. the iust and the vniust.

L. VIVES.

AFflictions (a) of body] Bodily goods are three-fold, and so are their contraries. (b) Apu­leius] Apuleius [...] Platonist. Hee was of Madaura, a Platonist, a great louer and follower of antiquitie, both in learning and language. His Asse hee had from Lucian, but added much to the translation: His booke de Mundo, from Aristotle, cunningly dissembling his author (which I much ad­mire off) though he professe to follow Aristotle and Theophrastus in this worke in a new and ciuill phraise; for stealing an imitation is all one herein with him, which is more ciuill, then to call flying, giuing place: these are new significations, giuen the wordes to grace the stile, Iustine Martyr and Themistius (to omitte the later writers) say directly that the worke d [...] mundo is Aristotles Euphradae though the phrase seeme to excell his in elegance. But this is no fitte argument fot this place. Surely it is either Aristotles, or Theophrastus-his, or some of the Aristotelians of those times: being (as Iustine faith) a compendium of the Perpatetiques, physiology. Augustines quotation of him heere, is not in the Florentine copy, which Pietro Aegidio, a great scholler and my most kinde and honest friend lent me: nor in the elder Uenice copie, which I sawe at Saint Pietro Apostolio's, nor in the new one which Asulanus, Aldus his father in law Printed: for in all them it is thus. All earthly things haue their changes, reuo­lutions, and dissolutions. Lastly, that which the gouernour is in the ship, &c. Yet that Apuleius wrote the rest, which Augustine relateth, appeareth by the very stile and phrase, both trulie Apuley [...]: as also because it is in Aristotles worke it selfe, beginning at these wordes, [...]. &c. as followeth, which Apuleius hath translated, there where hee saith, [...]. The Easterne regions were consumed and burned. The burning of Phaeton, Aristotle describeth plainely, that hee was Apollo's sonne, and through want of skill Phaeton. set heauen and hell on fire. But the burning of Aetna, (both mentioned in the sayd words of Aristotle) was the first eruption of fire from that mountaine, happening in the second Aetnas burning. yeare of the 88. Olympiade, three yeares before Plato's birth, if Eusebius his account bee true: which is neuer otherwise, vnlesse the copiers of him bee in fault. In this fire certaine godly men were saued from burning by a miracle, which Aristotle toucheth at in this his Booke de Mundo, and more at large in his Physickes, but I make a question whether these bee his or no. (c) Reuolutions,] [mine interpreter had beene vndone, had hee not put in Intensiones & remissiones, that hee might make Augustine talke of his formes and formalities: [This note is left ou [...] in Paris copy.] about which these fellowes keepe a greater adoe, then euer did the Greekes and the Troy­a [...]s about Hellens fayre forme, for they thinke their formes are as worthy to bee wrangled for, [...]s hers was. But in the olde manuscripts are not guiltie of any two such words as inten­siones et remissiones, nor Aristotle neither, in this place [...], hee hath reuoluti­one [...] & [...]ritus, so that the first must be changes, and not subuersions.]

Whether happy and wise men should accoumpt it as part of their felicitie, to possesse an Empire that is enlarged by no meanes but warre. CHAP. 3.

NOw then let vs examine the nature of this spaciousnesse, and continuance of Empire, which these men giue their gods such great thankes for: to whom also they say they exhibited those playes (that were so filthy both in actors and the action) without any offence of honestie. But first, I would make a little inqui­rie, seeing you cannot shew such estates to bee any way happy, as are in continu­all warres, being still in terror, trouble, and guilt of shedding humaine bloud, though it be their foes: what reason then, or what wisdome shall any man shew, in glorying in the largenesse of Empire, all their ioy being but as a glasse, bright and brittle, and euer-more in feare and danger of breaking: To diue the deeper into this matter, let vs not giue the [...]ailes of our soules to euery ayre of humaine breath, nor suffer our vnderstandings eye to bee smoaked vp with the fumes of vaine words, concerning kingdomes, prouinces, nations, or so: No, let vs take two men, (for euery particular man is a part of the greatest cittie and king­dome The com­parison of poore quiet and rich trouble. of the world, as a letter is a part of a word) and of these two men, let vs imagine the one to be poore, or but of a meane estate, the otherpotent and weal­thy: but with-all, let my wealthy man take with him, feares, sorrowes, couetise, suspect, disquiet, contentions, let these bee the hookes for him to hale in the augmentation of his estate, and with-all the increase of those cares, together with his estate: and let my poore man take with him, sufficiencie with little, loue of kindred, neighbours, friends, ioyous peace, peacefull religion, sound­nesse of body, sincerenesse of heart, abstinence of dyet, chastitie of cariage, and securitie of conscience: where should a man finde any one so sottish, as would make a doubt which of these to preferre in his choyse? Well then, euen as wee haue done with these two men, so let vs doe with two families, two nati­ons, or two kingdomes: Laye them both to the line of equitie: which done, and duly considered, when it is done, here doth vanitie lye bare to the view, and there shines felicitie. Wherefore it is more conuenient, that such as feare and follow the lawe of the true God, should haue the swaying of such Empires: not so much for them-selues, as for those ouer whome they are Emperors. For them-selues, their pietie, and their honestie (gods admired gifts) will suffice them, both to the enioying of true felicitie in this life, and the attaining of that eternall and true felicitie in the next. So that here vpon earth, the rule, and regalitie that is giuen to the good man, doth not returne him so much good, as it doth to those that are vnder this his rule and regalitie. But contrari­wise, the gouernment of the wicked, harmes them-selues farre more then their subiects: for it giueth them-selues the greater libertie to exercise their lusts: but for their subiects, they haue none but their owne iniquities to answer for: for what iniurie so-euer the vnrighteous maister doth to the righteous seruant, it is no scourge for his guilt, but a triall of his vertue. And therefore hee that is (a) good, is free, though hee bee a slaue: and he that is euill, a slaue though hee bee a King: Nor is hee slaue to one man; but that which is worst of all, vnto as many maisters as hee affecteth vices: according to the Scripture speaking thus hereof: Of what-so-euer a man is ouer-come, to that hee is in bondage. [...]. P [...]. 2. 19

L. VIVES.

HE that is (a) good] A Stoicall paradoxe mentioned by Tully. In Paradox, & pro Muren. Stoicisme like to Christiani­tie. Wherefore Hierome thinkes that Stoicisme commeth neerer to Christianitie, then any of the Sectes besides it.

Kingdomes with-out iustice, how like they are vnto theeuish purchases. CHAP. 4.

SET iustice aside then, and what are kingdomes but faire theeuish purchases? because what (a) are theeues purchases but little kingdomes? for in thefts, the hands of the vnderlings are directed by the commander, the confederacie of them is sworne together, and the pillage is shared by the law amongst them. And if those ragga-muffins grow but vp to be able enough to keepe forts, build habita­tions, possesse cities, and conquer adioyning nations, then their gouernment is no more called theeuish, but graced with the eminent name of a kingdome, gi­uen and gotten, not because they haue left their practises, but because that now they may vse them with-out danger of lawe: for elegant and excellent was (b) that Pirates answer to the Great Macedonian Alexander, who had taken him: the king asking him how he durst molest the seas so, hee replyed with a free spirit, How darest thou molest the whole world? But because I doe it with a little ship onely, I am called a theefe: thou doing it with a great Nauie, art called an Emperour.

L. VIVES.

WHat are (a) theeues] The world (saith Cyprian very elegantly to Donatus) is bathed in flouds of mutuall bloud: when one alone kills a man, it is called a crime, but when a many together doe it, it is called a vertue. Thus, not respect of innocence, but the greatnesse of the fact sets it free from penaltie. And truly, fighting belongs neither to good men, nor theeues, nor to any that are men at all, but is a right bestiall furie, and therefore was it named Bellum, of Bellua, a beast. Cic. offic. Fest. (b) The Pirates] out of Tully de Rep. lib. [...]. as Nonni­nus Marcellus saith. The King asking him what wickednesse mooued him to trouble the Bellum, warre: of whence. whole sea with one onely gally-foyst? the same (saith he) that makes thee trouble the whole earth. Lucane calles Alexander a happy theefe of earth, and

Terrarum fatale malum, fulmenque quod omnes
A pirates words to Alexander.
Percuteret populos, pariterque & sydus iniquum
Gentibus,—
Earths fatall mischiefe, and a cloud of thunder
Rending the world: a starre that struck in sunder
The Nations—

Of those fugitiue Sword-players, whose power grew paralell with a regall dignitie. CHAP. 5.

I Will therefore omitte to reuiew the crew that Romulus called together, by proclaming freedome from feare of punishment to all such as would inhabite Rome; hereby both augmenting his citty, and getting a sort of fellowes about him that were fitte for any villanous or desperate acte what-so-euer. But this I say, that the very Empire of Rome, albe it was now growne so great and so power­full by subduing of so many nations, and so become sole terror of all the rest, was neuer thelesse extreamly danted, and driuen into a terrible feare of an inuasi­on very hardly to bee auoyded, by a small crew of raskally sword-players, that had fled from the fence schoole into Campania, and were now growne to such a [Page 160] mightie armie, that vnder the conduct of three (a) Captaines they had made a most lamentable and cruell waste and spoile of the most part of the countrie. Let them tell mee now, what God it was that raised vp these men from a fewe poore contemptible theeues, to a gouernment so terrible to the state and strength of Rome it selfe: will it be answered that they had no helpe at all from the Gods, because they continued (b) but a while? As though that euery mans life must of necessitie bee of long continuance: why then the Gods helpe no King to his kingdome, because that most kings dye very soone: nor is that to bee accounted as a benefite which euery man looseth in so little a time, and which vanisheth (like a vapor) so soone after it is giuen: for what is it vnto them that worshipped these gods vnder Romulus, and are now dead, though the Romaine Empire be neuer so much encreased since, seeing they are now pleading their owne particular causes in hell: of what kinde, and in what fashion they are there, belongs not to this place to dispute. And this may bee vnderstood likewise of all that haue ended their liues in few yeares, and beare the burthens of their deeds with them, how-so-euer their Empire be afterwards augmented, and con­tinued through the liues and deaths of many successors. But if this be not so, but that those benefits (though of so short space) be to be ascribed to the gods good­nesses, then assuredly the Sword-players had much to thanke them for, who by their helpe did cast of their bonds of slauerie, and fled and escaped, and gotte an army of that strength and good discipline together, that Rome it selfe began to be terribly afraide of them, and lost diuerse fields against them. They gotte the vp­per hand of diuerse generalls, they vsed what pleasures they would; they did euen what they lusted; and vn [...]ill their last ouer-throw, which was giuen them with extreame difficultie, they liued in all pompe and regalitie. But now vnto matter of more consequence.

L. VIVES.

THree (a) Captaines] Spartacus, Chrysus, and Oenomaus: worthy of memory is that of The leaders of the fugi­tiues. Plinie, lib. 3. & 30. that Spartacus forbad the vse of golde and siluer in his Tents; so that I wonder not that he became so powerfull. That lawe in the tents of those fugitiues, was bet­ter then all the other Midas lawes in the Cities of mighty Kings. (h) But a while] In the third yeare of their rebellion, M. Licinius Crassus vtterly dispersed and killed them.

Of the couetousnesse of Ninus, who made the first warred vpon his neighbors, through the greedy desire he had to increase his kingdome. CHAP. 6.

IVstine, that wrote the (a) Greeke (or rather vniuersall) historie after Torgus Pompeyus, not onely in Latine (for so did hee) but in a more succinct manner, beginneth his booke thus. (b) The sway and rule of nations at the first was in the hands of Kings, who gotte their heights of Maiestie, not by popular ambition, Iust forme of kingdom but by their owne moderate carriage, approoued by good men. The people had no lawe but (c) the Kings will. Their care and custome was the keeping, not the aug­menting of their dominions limmittes. Euery mans kingdome was bounded with­in his owne countrie. (d) Ninus of Assyria was the first th [...]t followed the lust of Soueraigntie in breaking the olde hereditary lawe of Nations. (e) Hee first warred on the adioyning countries, subduing the people (as yet vnacquainted [Page 161] with Arts military) as farre as Lybia. And a little after: Ninus confirmed his conquest by continuing possession of it. And hauing subdued the neighbouring nati­ons, from them hee [...] stronger powers, and set farther footing into the world, vn­till by making one victorie the continuall meanes of another, hee had made an entire conquest of all the East. (f) How truely so-euer hee or Trogus wrote this (for I haue found them both else-where erronious by true proofes): yet it is cer­taine by the recorde of other writers, that Ninus enlarged the Assyrians Mo­narchie exceedingly: And that it continued longer then the (g) Romaines hath done as yet. For as the Chroniclers doe deliuer vp account, it was MCCXL. yeares from Ninus his reigne, to the translation of this Monarchie to the Medians. Now to warre vpon ones neighbours, and to proceede to the hurt of such as hurts not you, for greedy desire of rule and soueraigntie, what is this but flatte the euery in a greater excesse and quantitie then ordinary?

L. VIVES.

THE (a) Greeke] Tro [...]s Pompeyus wrote an vniuersall historie from the beginning of the nations vnto his owne times. This great worke did Iustine contract into an Epitome, cal­ling it so: as Florus did Liuies workes: though more at large. I would Florus had not beene Florus. so briefe. Iustine is now read for Trogus. I haue heard some say they haue seene Trogus whole in Italy: it may bee so, in a dreame. (b) The sway] Euery family at first had a King, eyther The first Kings. the eldest, wisest, or most iust of the houshold: Afterwards, one king began to rule many fa­milies, and some-times many Kings ouer one, whom the people were compelled to receiue as guides and gouernours, or watch-men ouer the weale-publike: nor did this election follow chance, nobilitie, nor ambition; euery mans owne priuate good, and the common good with­all, which each man duly respected, made him choose the best and fittest man. (c) The Kings will] for if hee bee good, his will is better then a law, Arist. de Rep. (d) Ninus] Sonne to Ninus. Belus, of him else-where. (e) Hee first] There were warres before him: the Aegiptians and the Africans warred with staues hardned with fire, which they called Phalanges, Plinie saith, The f [...]rst warre. that the Phaenicians were the first fighters. lib. 5. Vexores the Egiptian King, and Tanais the Scithian, saith Iustine, did first inuade the adioyning nations, for desire of glory. And Ninus first, for desire of Soueraigntie. (f) How truly,] The Greekes either through desire to flourish in The Greeke ly [...]s. their stiles, or for their countries admiration, or for delighting their readers, or by some na­turall guift, haue not failed to lye wonderfully in all their Histories. And the Latines that medled with their affaires, being forced to follow them, fell into the same defect, as Trogus and Curtius Ruffus did. (g) Romaines hath] Of the continuance of the Assyrian Monarchy, The Assy­rian Mo­narchie. there is no certaintie. It lasted MCCXL. yeares saith Eusebius. MCCCLX. saith Diodo­rus Siculus. Thirtie lesse saith Ctesias, whose computation Iustine followes in the Asian af­faires: nor is the number of the Kings knowne. They were thirtie saith Diodorus, thirtie sixe saith Eusebius, thirtie three Velleius, successiuely the sonne to the father, from Ninus to Sarda­napalus. When Au­gustine wrote this worke. Augustine wrote this worke in the bginning of the raigne of Honorius and Theodo­sius the younger, about MCLXX. yeare after Rome was built.

Whether the Pagan Gods haue any power either to further or hinder the progresse, increase, or defects of earthly kingdomes. CHAP. 7.

IF this kingdome continued so long, and so spacious, with-out the assistance of any of those gods, why are they reputed as the enlargers and preser­uers of Romes Monarchie? There is the like reason for both. But if Assyria were bound to thanke the gods, I demand which gods? for the nations that Ninus conquered had none. And if the Assyrians had any peculiar ones, that [Page 162] were better state-wrights, what, were they dead then when the Monarchy was translated to the Medes? Or were they vnpaid, or had the (a) Medians promised them better wages, that they would needs thither & (b) from them againe into Persia at the inuitation of Cyrus, as promising them some-what that better liked them? The (c) Persians euer since, a little after the short (though spacious) Mo­narchy of Alexander the great, confirmed their estate in that large country of the East, and are a Kingdome at this day. If this bee so, then either the gods haue no faith, in that they keepe this flitting from the friend to the foe (which Camillus would not doe, though Rome were most vnthankfull to him for his most auay­leable conquest of the Veii, but burying the wrong, freed it the second time from the Galles) Or else they are not so valiant as gods should bee: but may bee con­quered and chased away by humaine strength and cunning. Or when they doe fight, it is the gods on the one side that beate the gods on the tother, and not the men. Oh then, belike they are foes amongst themselues aswell as humaine crea­tures. Good: the citty should neuer giue them any more worship then it held to be due to any other people or nation what-soeuer that helpeth thē. But howsoe­uer this flight, or this remoouall, or this killing of these gods fell out, the name of Christ was not yet knowne in those times and places, when and wherein these changes of states did thus follow the effects of warre. For if that (d) after those MCC. yeares, and the ouer-plus, when the Aslyrian Monarchy was remooued, christian religion had come in, and preached of another, an eternall Monarchy, and condemned all their gods for false and faigned, and their sacrifices for sacri­ligious fooleries. What would the vaine mē of that nation haue replied, but that the Kingdome was ouer-throwne because they had left their old religion, and receiued this of ours? In which foolish answere, let these our later Antagonists behold themselues as in a glasse: and blush (if they be not past grace) to follow so fond a president. (e) Though indeed the Romaine Empire bee rather afflicted then altered or translated, as it was often before Christs comming: and as it re­couered from those afflictions before, so may it from these, there is no cause of despaire. Who knowes the will of God herein.

L. VIVES.

THe (a) Medians] By Arbaces praefect of Media who killed Sardanapalus, as scorning that so many thousand men should obey a beast. Iustin. Oros. Plutar. Euseb. &c. (b) From them] The Monarchy of Asia remained with the Medians from Arbaces to Cyrus, Cambyses sonne, CCCL. yeares. Astyages was the last King, whose daughter Mandane, Cambyses wife, was mother to Cyrus. Cyrus being borne, his grand-sire (through a dreame he had) caused him to be Astiages. cast out to the wild beasts in the woods. But by chance he was saued. And beeing become a lusty youth, entring into Persepolis, hee commanded the people to make ready their axes, and cut downe a great wood: next day he made them a delicate banquet, and in the midst thereof asked them whether they liked this day better then the other. They all replied, this day: well saith hee, as long as you serue the Medians, the world shalbe as yesterday to you, but bee your owne Lords your selues, and it wilbe this day. Herevpon, leauying an army, he ouer-threw his vncle, and transferred the Monarchy vnto Persia. (c) Persians] Their Kingdome continued from Cyrus to Alexander, Philips sonne, CCXXX. yeares. Alexander ruled Asia. VI. yeares. his successors after him vnto Seleucus and Antiochus the two brethren, that is from the 104 Olympiade vnto the 134. at which time Arsaces, a meane but a valorous fellow, set his coun­try free, by meanes of the two brethrens discord, and raigned King himselfe. Thence arose the The Per­sian Mo­narchy. Parthian Kingdome, lasting vnto Alex. Seuerus Caesars time, at which time Xerxes the Persian subdued them and annexed them to the Persian crowne, and this Kingdome was during in Augustines time. Whereof read Herodian in Antoninus. (d) After those] The text of some [Page 163] copies, followes Eusebius, but the old bookes doe leaue out et quadraginta. So that Augustine did not set downe his opinion amongst this diuersity of accounts, but onely the ouerplus, to shew onely, that it was more then MCC. yeares, but how much more he knoweth not; sure­ly it was not an C. (e) Though] The name of it remaineth as yet in the ancient dignity, but with no powre.

What precious gods those were by whose power the Romaines hela their Empire to bee enlarged and preserued, seeing that they durst not trust them with the defence of meane and perticular matters. CHAP. 8.

LEt vs now make inquiry, if you will, which God (or gods) of all this swarme that Rome worshipped, was it that did enlarge and protect this their Empire. In a world of such worth, and dignity, they durst not secretly commit any deal­ing to the goddesse Cloacina (a), nor to the goddesse (b) Volupia, the lady of plea­sure, nor to (c) Libentina, the goddesse of lust, nor to (d) Vaticanus the god of chil­drens crying, nor to (e) Cunina the goddesse of their cradles. But how can this one little booke possibly haue roome to containe the names of all their gods and goddesses, when as their great volumes will not doe it, seeing they haue a seue­rall god to see to euery perticular act they take in hand? Durst they trust one god with their lands thinke you? No, Rusina must looke to the country, Iugatinus to the hill-toppes: Collatina to the whole hills besides, and Vallonia to the vallies. Nor could (f) Segetia alone bee sufficient to protect the corne: but while it was in the ground, Seia must looke to it: when it was vp, and ready to mow, Segetia: when it was mowne and laid vp, then (g) Tutilina tooke charge of it, who did not like that Segetia alone should haue charge of it all the while before it came dried vnto her hand: nor was it sufficient for those wretches, that their poore seduced soules, that scorned to embrace one true god, should become prostitute vnto this meaner multitude of deuills, they must haue more: so they made (h) Proserpina goddesse of the cornes first leaues, and buddes: the (i) knots Nodotus looked vn­to: Volutina to the blades, and when the eare began to looke out, it was Patelena's charge: when the eare began to be euen bearded (because (k) Hostire was taken of old for to make euen) Hostilinas worke came in; when the flowres bloomed, (l) Flora was called forth: when they grew (m) white, Lacturtia; beeing ripe (n) Matuca, beeing cut downe (o) Runcina. O let them passe, that which they shame not at, I loath at. These few I haue reckoned, to shew that they durst at no hand affirme, that these gods were the ordainers, adorners, augmenters or preseruers of the Empire of Rome, hauing each one such peculiar charges assigned them, as they had no leasure in the world to deale in any other matter. How should Se­getia guard the Empire, that must not meddle but with the corne? or Cunina looke to the warres, that must deale with nought but childrens cradles? or Nodotus giue his aide in the battaile, that cannot helpe so much as the blade of the corne, but is bound to looke to the knot onely? Euery (p) house hath a porter to the dore: and though he be but a single man, yet hee is sufficient for that office: but they must haue their three gods, Forculus for the dore, (q) Cardea for the hinge, and Limentius for the threa-shold. Be-like Forculus could not possibly keepe both dore, hinges, and threa-shold.

L. VIVES.

CLoacina (a)] Some reade Cluacina, and some Lauacina, but Cloacina is the best: her statue was found by Tatius (who raigned with Romulus,) in a great Priuy or Iakes of Rome Cloacina. and knowing not whose it was, named it after the place, Cloacina, of Cloaca. Lactant. Cipria [...] [Page 164] calles it Cluacina, but it is faulty, I thinke. There was Uenus surnamed Cluacina, or the figh­ter: for Cluo is to fight. Her statue stood where the Romaines and Sabines agreed, and ended Venus Clo­acina. the fight for the women. Plin. lib. 15. (b) Uolupia] She had a chappell at the Theater Nauall neare the gate Romanula. Varro de Ling. Lat. lib. 3. Macrob. Saturn. The 12. Cal. of Ianuary is Angeronia's feast kept by the Priests in Volupia's chappell: Verrius Flaccus saith shee was so Volupia. called, for easing the angers and troubles of the minde. Masurius saith her statue stood on Volupia's alter, with the mouth sealed vp, to shew that by the pacient suppressing of griefe, is Angeronia pleasure attained. (c) Libentina] Varro. lib. 3. of Libet, it lusteth, there was Venus Libentina, and Venus Libitina, but Libithina is another. (d) Vaticanus] Not Uagitarius as some reade. Gell. Libentina. Vaticanus. lib. 16. out of Varro. As vnder whome (saith hee) the childes first cry is, which is va, the first­syllable of Vaticanus, whence Vagire also is deriued; and in old bookes it is Uatiganus not Uagitanus. (e) Cunina] The cradle-keeper and wich-chaser. (f) Segetia] Or Segesta. Plin. lib. Cunina. 18. for those gods were then best knowne. Seia to bee the goddesse of Sowing and Segetia of the corne; their statues were in the Theater. (g) Tutilina] And Tutanus, hee and she, guarders Tutanus. Tutilina. of all things. Non. Marcell. They were called vpon, in suddaine charmes; as Hercules was, surnamed Alexicacus, the euill-driuer. Varro. It was a sinne to inuocate Tutilina in an vnfor­tunate thing. (h) Proserpina] Daughter to Ceres and Ioue, rauished by Pluto her vncle. Cicero Proserpina. de nat. deor. lib. 2. Shee is Proserpina, which the Greekes call Persephone, and will haue her to be nothing but the seede of haruest, which beeing hid in the earth, was sought by her mother. Varro will haue her the moone, with Ennius and Epicharmus. (i) The knots] Plin. lib. 18. Some graine begins to put forth the eare at the third ioynt, and some at the fourth, wheate hath 4. ioynts, rie six, barley eight: but they that haue those, neuer bud the eare, vntill all the ioynts bee growne out. Varr, de re rust. lib. 1. The huske of the eare, ere it open is called vagina, in the care, is the graine, and the eare is in the huske: the awne, or beard, is as a rough needle, sticking forth from the eare, which ere it bee died is called Mutica. (k) Because Hostire] Ho­stire, is to suppresse, and so giue back, and hereof comes Hostis. Non. or to strike: Festus, also to Hostire. doe iustice, to recompence, whereof comes redostire, and hostimentum: both vsed by Plautus. Flora. Chloris. (l) Flora] Some take her for Acca Laurentia, the Courtizan, some for Melibaea, Niobes daugh­ter, called Chloris, for changing her colour through feare of Apollo and Diana. Hence shee was called Flora, whom with her sister Amicla, Niobe hauing preserued, and pleased Latona, she bore Nestor vnto Neleus, Neptunes sonne. Homer, Odyss. 11. who saith that the other pe­rished with her brethren. Ouid makes her wife to Zephirus, because she is goddesse of flow­ers. (m) White] Some reade Lacticina. There was also Lactans, the god that whitned the corne with milke. Seru. Geor. 1. (n) Matuta] Daughter to Cadmus, wife to Athamas; casting her Lacturcia. selfe downe head-long from a rocke into the sea, shee changed her name from Ino, into Leu [...] ­thé, Matuca. the white goddesse, called by the Latines Mother Matuta, who say she is Aurora, wherof comes tempus matutinam, the morning time. Melecerta her sonne was also made a sea-god, and called Palaemon. Ouid. Lact. &c. her temple was in the eight region of Rome. (o) Runcina] Varro de ling. lat. Runcare is to pull vp. Auerruncus, the god that pulls away euills from men. (p) Euery one] One man sufficeth, when three gods cannot. (q) Cardea] Carna rather: first Runcina. called Carne, Ianus lay with her, and then made her the goddesse of hinges. Shee rules in mans vitall partes, her feast is in Iunes Calends. Ouid. Fast. 5. Brutus hauing expelled Tarquin, kept Carna. her feast at the fore-said time, with beane-flowre, and bacon. Macrob. Satur.

Whether it was Ioue, whom the Romaines held the chiefest god, that was this protector and enlarger of their Empire. CHAR. 9.

VVHerefore setting aside this nest of inferior gods (for a while) let vs looke into the offices of the greater; and which of them brought Rome to such a praeeminence ouer the other nations. This same surely was Ioues worke. For, him they made the King ouer all their gods besides, as his scepter, and his seate on the highest (a) part of all the Capitoll doe sufficiently testifie. And of him, they haue a very conuenient saying (though it bee from a Poet) (b) All is full of Ioue. [Page 165] And Varro (c) is of opinion, that those that worship but one God, and that with­out any statue, do meane this Ioue, though they call him by another name. Which being so, why is he so euill vsed at Rome, and by others also in other places, as to haue a statue made him? This euill vse so disliked Varro, that although he were o­uer-borne with the custome of so great a citty, yet hee doubted not both to af­firme, and record, that in making those statues, they both banished all feare, and brought in much error?

L. VIVES.

HIghest (a) part] On Tarpeius. (b) Al is full of Ioue] Virgil out of Aratus [...] and Lucane in his eight booke.

[...] deisedes v [...] i terra, vbi Pontus, & acr,
Et Caelum & virtus: Superos quid quaerimus vl [...]rà:
Io [...]e sits where earth, where ai [...]e, wher [...] sea and shore
Where heauen, and vertue is, why aske vve more.

(c) Is of opinion] The Greekes call Ioue, [...], and [...], both of Liuing, because he was held to giue all things life. Orpheus in Cratere. Plato deriues them both of [...], to liue by him­selfe. Iupiter why so cal­led. In Cratylo. The Romaines called him Ioue, a Iunando of helping. The old Philosophers called that same Mens that Intellect that created all things, Ioue. And therefore the wise men worshipped this, who otherwise held no mortall creature for any God, but onely that immor­tall, almighty Prince of nature, hauing diuers names, one amongst the Greekes, another with the Persians, a third with the Phaenicians, a fourth in Egipt &c. Plutarch. Saturnes son of Crete was called Z [...], because he was the first of Saturnes male children that liued. Lactantius.

What opinion they followed, that set diuers gods to rule in di [...]ers parts of the world. CHAP. 10.

BVt why had he Iuno added to him, both as his sister and wife? because (a) wee place Iupiter in the skie (say they) and Iuno in the aire, and these two are con­tiguall, one immediately next aboue the other. Very well, then all is not full of Ioue as you said but now, if Iuno doe fill a part. Doth the one fill the other, (be­ing man and wise) and are they distinct in their seuerall elements, and yet con­ioyned in them both? why then hath Ioue the skie assigned him and Iuno the ayre? Againe, if onely these two sufficed for all, what should (b) Neptune doe with the sea, and Pluto with the earth? Nay, and for feare of want of broods Neptune must haue a (c) Salacia, and Pluto (d) a Proscrpina for wiues to breede vpon. For as Iu­no possesseth the heauens inmost part the aire (say they:) so doth Salacia the inner parts of the sea▪ and Proserpina the bowells of the earth. Alas good men, they would faine stitch vp their lies hand-somely, and cannot finde which way. For if this were true, the world should haue but three elements, (and not (e) 4. as their ancient writers haue recorded) if euery couple of gods should haue their element. But they themselues haue there affirmed, that the (f) skie is one thing & the aire another. But the water, within and without is all but water, (there may bee some diuersity to the dyet, but neuer any alteration of the essentiall forme:) and earth is earth, how euer it bee seuerally qualified: Now the world beeing complete in these foure, where's (g) Minerua's share? shee hath a share (h) in the Capitol though shee bee not daughter to Ioue and Iuno both. If she dwell in the highest part of the skie, & that therefore the Poets faigned her to be the birth of Ioues owne braine, why is not she then made the absolut Empresse of heauen, see­ing y she sitteth aboue Ioue? Because it is not meet to make the child Lord ouer the parent? why then was not that equity kept between Saturne & Iupiter? because Saturne was conquered? why then belike they fought! no y gods forbid, say they; y [Page 166] is but a poeticall fiction, a fable: well, thus you see they will trust no fables, they do thinke better of their gods then so, but how chanceth it then that Saturne (seeing hee might not sit aboue his sonne I [...]ue) had not a seate equall with him? Because (i) Saturne (say they) is nothing but the length of time, well then, they that worship Saturne, worshippe Time and Ioue, the King of all the gods is said to be borne of Time, and what wrong doe we to Ioue and Iuno in saying they are borne of Time seeing that by the Paganes owne confessions they signifie Heauen and Earth, both which were created in time, for this the greatest schollers and (k) wisest of them all commend to our memory, nor did Virgill speake out of fiction, but out of Philosophy, when he said.

Tum pater ommi [...]otens saecundis imbribus Aether
Coniugis in gremium lae [...]ae descendit.—
Almighty Aether in a fatning shower.
Dropt in the lappe of his glad spouse—

That was, the Earth. In which they make a difference also, for herein (l) Terra, and Tellus and Tellumon are al seueral things, they say. And all these they haue as gods, Iuno and Terra the ea [...]th al one Va [...], de ling la [...]. distinct in name, office, and ceremoniall rites. Terra (m) is also called the mother of the Gods besides, that the poets may now faigne with farre more toleration, seeing that their very bookes of religion affirme, that Iuno is not only wife and si­ster but ( [...]) mother also vnto Ioue. The same Earth they stile both (o) Ceres, & Vesta, yet (p) Vesta they say most commonly is the fire, and guardeth that which the citty cannot want? And therefore the Virgins kept it, because fire, and Virginity do neuer bring forth any thing. All which vanity, it was fit hee onely should abo­lish that was borne of a Virgin. But who can endure to heare them ascribe so much honor and chastity to the fire, and yet not shame to call (q) Vesta, Venus, that her Virgins might haue the lesse care of the honor of virginity for if Venus were Vesta (r) how should the Virgins do her good seruice in abstayning from venery? or (s) are there two Ven [...]sses, the one a Virgin, the other a wanton? or three rather, one of the virgins (Vesta) one of the wiues, & one of the whores, to such an one as this last is, the (t) Phaenicans cōsecrated the prostitution of their daughters, before that they maried them: now which of these, is Vulcans wife? not the Virgin, she ne­uer had husband, not the whore, oh no, not (v) Iunos sonne, & (x) Mineruas forge [...], be wronged. Well then, it was Venus the wife: yet we would haue her to stand as a patterne to bee imitated for her trickes that shee playd with Mars, oh now (say they) you runne to the fables againe, why what reason is there that you should greeue to here those things at our tonges and yet explaud them on your owne stages? why doth it vexe you that we should say (a thing vtterly incre­dible but that it is so fully proued) that those foule and open crimes of their gods instituted and celebrated in their publike honors, and by their own commaunds.

L. VIVES.

BEcause (a) we place.] Cir. 2. de nat, deor. The Skie as Ennius, Euripides, the South-sayers and the whole world affirme, is Ioue: the Ayre, betweene that and the Sea, (as the Stoicks hold) is Iuno sister and wife to Ioue by reason of the ayres likenesse, and nearenesse to Heauen, now they made the ayre a woman, because it is the softest thing that (b) is. Neptune Sa­turnes three sonnes shared the world: Ioue had Heauen, Neptune the Sea: Pluto the Earth. Iuno Sa [...]es So [...]ne. married Ioue, and was made Lady of the Ayre, this fable arose from thence, because that in the deuiding of the fathers kingdome, Ioue got the East, resembling Heauen, (wherein also mount Olimpus stood, whose likelyhood of name added to the fiction.) Neptune had the nauy: Dis or Pluto the west part of the realme fained to bee hell: Saturne was said to bee banished into Hel because he fled from the East, into Italy, lying in the West: (c) Salacia of Sa­lum [...]. [Page 167] the salt fome, varro: the water old of (faith fest.) was called Salacia, a salum ciendo, of mouing the froth, so the Poet Pacuuius vseth it. Neptune was a cunning seaman, and made Admirall by Ioue, for which posterity deified him. (d) Proserpina. Of hir, before. Hir mother finding her in Hell, begged and obtayned of Ioue that she might be halfe the yeare with her on earth and halfe a yeare with Pluto. Shee had her name A proserpendo, because she crept some while this way and some while that, being all one with the Moone and the earth. Uarro: you may read of her rape almost euery where. (e) foure] First fire, then ayre, then water and lastly earth. (f skie] Heauen it selfe and the vpper region of the aire, they called Ethaer or the skie. the lower parts, ayre onely, though the Poets confound them. (g) Minerua] daughter of Ioue and Themis, saith Euhemerus, Hist. sacr. There were fiue Mineruas, but the Poets confound them all. Tull. de nat deor. One was borne (they say) of Ioues braine and is the Goddesse of all wisdome, and there­fore was held so borne and a Virgine: and her throne was counted the highest in heauen. Mar­tian, Nupt. lib. 6.

Virgo armata deceas rerum sapientia Pallas,
Aetherius fomes, mens & solertia f [...]ti,
Ingenium mundi, prudentia sacra tonantis,
A [...]dor doctificus, nostrae (que) industria sortis.
Quae fa [...]is arbi [...]ium sapientis praeuia curae,
A [...] rationis apex, diuum (que) hom númque sacer [...].
Vl [...]a terga means rapidi ac splendentis Olympi,
Celsior vna Ioue flammantis circulus aet [...]rae.
Paslas, thou armed Virgin, wisdomes wonder,
Fate iudging faire, fount of Aethereall light:
Worlds vnderstanding, and arbritre [...]e of thunder,
Ar [...]s ardor, spring, wherein man cleares his sight,
Discretions arch, which reason raigneth vnder,
Essence, in gods, and men, su [...] mounting bright:
Towr [...]ng beyond the Spheares, and all in fire,
Thron'd aboue Ioue, far brighter, and far higher.

(h) in the capitol] Now Ioue almighty (saith Tully) that rulest all, and then Iuno his fellow, and thou Pallas Minerua, and all you gods that inhabite the capitoll. &c. Pro equit in exil. Tar­qui [...] Priscus in the Sabine warre vow'd a temple to Ioue, Iuno, and Minerua, and playned the top of Mount Tarpeius to make a place for it to stand in, but was slaine [...]e hee had laid the foundation, so it was renewed and finished by Tarquin the proud, and called the capitoll because of a mans head that was found in digging the foundation. Before this, there was a temple to Ioue, Iuno, and Minerua, on Floras cliffe. Diodor. Sicul. (i) Because.] Saturne was sonne to Caelus and Terra, a most vngratious flellow, but quitted by his Sonne Ioue, who expelled him, as he Saturne. had expelled his father, and so made the prouerbe true. Do as as you would be done vnto. Here­after he was called the god of time. Hesiod, Euhem, Diod, Cicero. Saturne, is he (they say) that diuides and distinguishes the times: and therefore the Greekes call him [...], which is, [...]. sp [...]ce of time. Hee was called Saturnus, quasi Satur annis, full of yeares, and was fayg­ned by the Poets to deuour his children, because time deuoures all things. He was impriso­ned by Ioue, that is limited by the starres from running too wild a course. (k) their wisest] Uarro de ling. lat. lib. 3. calles Iuno both Terra and Tellus. Plutarch interpreteth Iuno the earth, and the nuptial coniunction of man and wife. Euseb, de prep. Euang, Seruius saith that Ioue is put for the Terra Tellus, sky, and the ayre; Iuno for earth and water

(l) [...]Herein Terra] Terra, is the earth it selfe Tellus, a diminutiue, the goddesse of the earth, though the Poets confound them, yet they alwaies said Tellus her temple and not Terra's. Pluto also and Proserp, were called Tellumo, and Tellus, also Altor, and Runsor were both his names, and hee had charge of all earths businesse: so that some say hee was Ceres Sonne Diodor. lib. 6. Porpheryus calles one part of the earth, Uizy the fat and fertile, Ceres, and the craggy, hilly and stony, Ops, or Rhea. Euseb. de praep Euang, where he saith much of these things. lib. 3. (m) is also] namely Rhea. (n) Mother] for as she was Iuno she was his wife and sister; and as she was Ops his mother. (o) Ceres] the earth is called Ceres, a Gerendo, of bearing corne, or of Ceres. Cereo to create. Varro! Tully. out of Chrisppus, for the earth is mother to all. Pluto in Cratyl. She was daughter vnto Saturne and Ops, Sister to Uesta and Iuno, all these sisters and mothers they say is but onely earth. Ouid. Fast. 6.

Ves [...] eadem est, & terra subest, subit ignis vtrique,
Significat sed [...] terra socus (que) suam,
Vaesta is earth, and fire: earth vndergoeth,
The name, and so doth fire: Vaesta's both.

And a little after.

Sta [...] v [...] [...] sud, vi stando Vesta vocatur:
Earth stands alone, and therefore Vesta hight.

To this doth Orpheus and Plato both assent (p) yet Vesta] Cic. de nat deor. for Uesta is deriued Vesta. [Page 168] from the Greekes being called with them Hestia; her power is ouer fires and altars. de legib. 2 Vesta is a [...] the citties fire, in Greeke, which word we vse almost vnchanged. Ouid East. 6.

Nec in [...] Uestam quam viuam intellige flammam,
Nataque de flamma corp [...]ra nulla vides,
Thinke Vesta is the fire that burneth still,
That nere brought creature forth, nor euer will,

And being a fire, and called a Virgin, therefore did virgins attend it, and all virginity was sa­cred vnto it, first for the congruence of society and then of nature which was alike in both: this custome arose in Aegipt, and spred farre, through the Greekes, and the Barbarian countries. Diodor. It was kept so at Athens, and at Delphos, Plutar. Strabo, Uaestas sacrifices and rites came from Ilium to Latium, and so to Rome by Romulus his meanes, and therfore Virgill calles her often times, the Phrigian vesta.

Sic ait et manibus vittas, vestamque potenten,
Aeternumque adytis effert penetralibus ignem.
This said, he bringeth forth eternall Fire,
Almighty Vaesta, and her pure attire:

Speaking of Panthus the Troyan Priest. There was then for euery Curia, a Vaesta, Dionis. but Numa built the temple of the first publike Vesta, In the yeare of the citty, X L. as Ouid ac­compteth. (q) Uesta Venus] naturally, for the naturalists call the vpper hemisphere of the earth Uenus, and Vesta also: the nether, Proserpina, Plotinus calleth the earths vertue, arising from the influence of Venus, Uesta. Besides, Vesta being the worlds fire, and the fatnesse comming from Venns, there is little difference, in respect of the benefit of the vniuerse, so that Vesta was euery where worshipped, not as barren, but as fruitfull and augmentatiue, making the citties and nations happy in eternall and continuall increase. (r) How should.] The punishment of an vnchast Uestall was great: but after thirty yeares, they might leaue the profession and Two [...]. marry.

(s) is there two] so saith Plato In Conuiuio. Heauenly, procuring excellence of conditions, earthly, prouoking vnto lust; the first, daughter to Caelus, the later to Ioue and Dione, much younger then the first. There was also a Uenus that stirred vp chast thoughts. And therefore when the Romaine women ranne almost mad with lust, they consecrated a statue of Uenus verticor­dia, out of the Sibills bookes, which might turne the hearts from that soule heate vnto ho­nesty. The Cipri­an virgines custom. Ualer. lib. 8. Ouid. Fast, 4. (t) Phaenicians] This Iustin reporteth of the Cipprians, lib. 18. It was their custom (saith he) at certen set daies to bring their daughters to the sea shore ere they were married, and there to prostitute them for getting of their dowries, offring to Venus for the willing losse of their chastities. I thinke this was Uenus her law left vnto the Ciprians whome shee taught first to play the mercenary whores. Lactant. The Armenians had such anther custome Strabo. and the Babilonians being poore, did so, with their daughters for gaine. The Phenicians honored Uenus much for Adonis his sake who was their countryman, they kept her feasts with teares, and presented her mourning for him, Macrob. She had a Statue on Mount Liba­nus, which leaned the head vpon the hand and was of a very sad aspect: so that one would haue thought that true teares had fallen from hir eyes. That the deuills brought man-kind to this, wilbe more apparant (saith Eusebius) if you consider but the adulteries of the Phaenici­ans, at this day in Heliopolis and elsewhere they offer those filthy actes as first fruits vnto their gods. Euseb. de. praeparat. Euang: which I haue set downe that men might see what his opinion was hereof, though my copy of this worke of his be exceeding falsly transcribed. This custome of prostitution, the Augilares of Africke did also vse, that maried in the night. Herodot. Solin. Mela.

The Sicae also (of the same country') practised the same in the Temple of Uenus the ma­tron, Ualer. The Locrians being to fight, vowed if they conquered, to prostitute all their daugh­ters Mars. at Uenus feast. (v) Iunos Sonne.] It may bee Mars that lay with Uenus, and begot Harmonias, (for hee was Iunos sonne, borne (they faigned) without a father, because they knew not who was his father) It may be Mars, by that which followes, cooperarius Mineru [...], Vulcan. for both are gods of warre: but, It is rather ment of Vulcan, sonne to Ioue and Iuno, (though vsually called Iunos sonne and Apator) who was a Smith in Lemnos, and husband vnto Venus that lay with Mars. So it were Vulcans wrong to call her whore, for to be a cuckold is a dis­gracefull thing. (x) Minerua's forger] Or fellow workers, for they both haue charge of Ioues [Page 169] thunder, and somtimes through his bolts. Virgil

Ipsa Iouis rapidum iaculata é nubibus ignem.
Quite through the cloud shee threw Ioues thundring fire.

Which there are but three may do (saith Seruius) Iupiter, Minerua and Uulcan, though Pliny bee of another mind. De disciplin. Etrusc. & Rom (lib. 2.) Minerua looketh vnto I [...]ues Aegis, which was indeed his apparrell; made by Minerua's wisdome and Vulcans labour: And though Ioues bonnet be fire, yet Pallas made it. Mart. Nupt. Or is Vulcan her fellow forger, because he begat Apollo on hir, that hath the tuition of Athens? Cic. de nat. (lib. 3.) But Augustines minde I thinke rather is this, that Uulcan is Minerua's fellow forger. Because she is called the goddesse of all arts, euen the mechanicall: and he is godde of the Instruments vsed in all these mechanicall artes. Fire is the instrument of all artes (saith Plutarch) if one knew how to vse it. De vtilit. inimic. Besides Vulcan is said to gouerne artes him-selfe. The warlike artes (saith Eusebius) were Minerua's charge, the pyrotecknical, or such as worke in fire, Vulcans: Theo­doret saith that the Greekes vsed the word Vulcan for artes, because few artes can be practised without fire. Phurnutus saith that all arts are vnder Minerua and Vulcan, because shee is the Theory, and he the Instrument of practise. And therefore Homer saith of a worke-man thus: [...], Whome Vulcan taught and Minerua.

Of the multitude of Goddes which the Pagan Doctors auouch to bee but one and the same Iupiter CHAP. 11.

WHerefore let them flourish with their physicks as long as they like. Lette Iupiter be one while the (a) soule of this terrene world, filling the whole fa­brike of the foure Elements, more, or lesse, as they please; and another while but a quarter-ruler with his bretheren and sisters: lette him be the skie now, imbracing Iuno which is the aire vnder him, and let him by and by be skye and aire both, fil­ling the lappe of the earth, his wife and mother with fertile showers and seedes; (b) This is no absurdity in their Diuinity; And (to omit the long and tedious ca­talogue of his remooues and strange transmutations) lette him forth-with bee but one, and that onely God, of whome the famous Poet was thought to say:

—Deum (que) nam (que) ire per omnes,
Terras (que) tractus (que) maris caelum (que) profundum.
—(c) For God his spirit imparts,
To th'earths, the seas, and heauens profoundest parts.

(d) Let him be Iupiter in the sky, Iuno in the Aire, Neptune in the Sea, Salacia in the seas depth, Pluto in the earth, Proserpina in the earths lowest part, Vesta in ye house­holds fire, Vulcan in the Smiths shop, Sol, Luna and the stars in the sphears, (e) A­pollo in diuination (f) Mercury in trafficke, in (g) Ianus (h) the Porter, in the Bounds Terminus, in time Saturne, in war, Mars and (i) Bellona, in the vineyards, Bacchus, in the Corne, Ceres, in the Woods, (k) Diana, in mens wits, Minerua, let him rule the (l) seed of man as Liber, and of women, as Libera, as hee is father of the day, let him be (m) Diespiter, as ruler of the monthly disease of women, lette him be the goddesse Mena: and (n) Lucina that helpes in their child-birth. And helping the fruits which increase, let him take the name of Ops. Let him bee (o) Vaticanus, that opens the childes mouth first, to cry, and Leuana, that takes vp from the mother: and Cunina, that guards the Cradle. Let none but him sing the destinies of the new-borne childe, and be called (p) Carmentes, lette him sway chance, and bee stiled Fortune, or womens dugges, and bee called (q) Rumina, [Page 170] (because the ancients called a dugge Rum [...]) lette him bee (r) Potina and suckle the hog-babes: or Educa and feed them: Or Pauentia, for frighting them, or (t) Venilia for sodaine hope: Volupia for pleasure, Agenoria for action, Stimula for prouocation, Strenua for confirming mans courage, Numeria for teaching chil­dren to tell twenty (u) and Camaena for singing. Nay lette vs make him (x) Consus, for his counsaile, (y) Sentia for his sententious inspirations, (z) In­uentas for the guiding of our (a) egresse from youth, to fuller age. For our chins sake (which if he loue vs, he clothes in haire) let him be (b) Fortuna Barbata: Nay free, because he is a male-Godde, lette him either bee Barbatus, as Nodotus is, or because hee hath a beard, lette him not bee Fortuna, but Fortunius. Well, on, lette him bee Iugatine, to looke to the Hills, and at the loosing of a virgins nup­tiall guirdle lette him bee inuoked by the name of Virginensis: lette him bee (c) Mutinus: which amongst the Greekes was Priapus, but that (it may bee) hee will bee ashamed off. Lette Iupiter alone bee all these that I haue reckoned, and that I haue not reckoned (for I haue thought fit to omit a great many,) or as those hold, which make him the soule of the world (many of whome are learned men) let all these bee but as parts and vertues of him: If it be so, as I doe not yet inquire how it is, what should they loose if they tooke a shorter course, and adore but one God? what one thing belonging vnto his power were dispised, if him-selfe intire­ly were duly worshipped? If they feare that some of his parts would be angry for being neglected, why then it is not as they say, that al this is but as the life of one soule, containing all those gods as the parts, powers, vertues and faculties therof: but euery part hath a life, really and distinctly seperate from the other: This must needs be true, if one of them may be offended, and another bee pleased, and both with one act. And to say that whole Ioue would be offended, if al his parts were not seuerally worshipped, this were foolish? for ther were not one of them left out, if the persō were adored in whom they ar al iointly included. For to permit the rest, (being inumerable) wheras they say that the stars are al & euery one real parts of Ioue, and liue, haue reasonable soules, and therfore are absolute gods; they say they know not what, and see not how many of them they leaue without Altars & with­out worship, both which not-withstanding they haue exhibited them-selues and commanded others to exhibit vnto a certaine smal number of them: Wherfore if they doubt the anger of the rest, why are not they affraid to liue in the displeasure of the most part of heauen, hauing giuē content but vnto so few? Now if they wor­shipped al ye stars inclusiuely in Iupiters particular person, they might satisfie them all by this meanes in the adoration of him alone: for so, none of them would think much, seeing they all were worshipped in him: nor should any haue cause to think they were contemned: VVhereas otherwise the greater part may conceiue iust anger for beeing thus omitted by those that giue all the honor vnto a very few: And their anger may wel bee the greater in that they shine aboue as vn-regarded, and behold filthy Priapus stand naked below, in great respect and credit.

L. VIVES.

THe soule (a) of this] The opinion of Thales, and Democritus. The Stoicks held with Pl [...] that God was a spirit, but that [...]ee vsed not the World as a body. That the World was: GOD, and hadde a soule, and an intellect, but that it was not the fore-said GOD. The olde writers, (as Tully and Pliny, following Homer) thought that the Sun was the soule [...] [Page 171] the world. Phurnutus saith the world hath a soule called Iupiter, that rules it euen as our Iupiter. soule doth vs. (b) This is no] Earth (saith Hesiod) bore Caelus and then lay with him, and bore him eleuen children wherof Saturne was one. (c) For God] Most of the old writers held God to be a power diffused through the vniuerse. (d) Let him] The wisest Gentiles held that there was but one God, diuersly stiled, by his diuers qualities. Arist. de mundo. Plut. de placit. Phi­los. Macrobius puttes the son for al the goddes. Saturnal. (e) Apollo] Holding him to bee the Apollo. worldes eye, they might easily thinke he could see al thinges, past, present and future. So was he sought vnto, far and neare, but gaue answers especially at Delphos. Diodor. Which Oracle had this originall. There was a deep and obscure caue, there where the shrine in Delphos was first: where-vnto a Goate comming by chance to feed, was inspired with an extraordinary spi­rit, The [...] [...] [...]. and began to leape and dance beyond measure. Which the sheap-heard wondring at, and comming to the mouth of the Caue, hee grew rapt him-selfe, and began to prophecy. And others vpon tryal, did so also: where-upon it grew to that passe that such as would know things to come, would but bring one to leane his head into the Caue and he should answer them the truth to all that they would aske. Which afterwards they finding to bee dangerous (for it had beene the death of diuers) they built a Temple there vnto Apollo, and ordained a Virgin to re­ceiue the inspiration, vpon a frame a good height from the Caue, and so to giue answers to the inquirers, which frame they named a Tripos, of three feet, hauing the same shape that the bra­zen The Tri­pos. The Py­thia. Tripodes had afterwards. This Virgin Priest was called the Pythia, at first a Virgin, like Di­anes Priest. Afterward Echechratus lying with y Pythia, they ordained that the Priest should be vnder 50. yeares of age: medling no more with Virgins at any hand: only she went virgin-like, to keepe some memory of the ancient custome. Diodor. (f) Mercury] Accounted the God of Mercury. eloquence, of bargaines and contracts, because words doe al these. The Marchants feast was in the Ides of Maie, that day that Mercuries Temple was dedicated: The Greekes called him [...] that is a Market-man, and he had a statue in the market-place: Plautus describeth his office in his Amphitruo: whereof here-after. (g) In Ianus] being the eldest god of all, hee ruled the beginning of things. He was indeed King of Latium in Saturnes time. Some (as Ouid and Festus) took him for the the old Chaos, and that his name Ianus was thence deriued. Others ab eundo, of going. Cic. de Nat. de. wherof comes Ianua gates. Cornificius saith that Tully called Ianus. him Eanus, and not Ianus. The hill Ianiculus bare his name, some say because hee was buried there, others because they went ouer it into Hetruria, Hee had two faces, as the lord of begin­nings Ianiculus. and endes, of him read Ouids Fastorum, and Macrobius. (h) Proter] To look to the gate, for which Ianus is put in the text. (i) Bellona] Of Bellum warre, and Duellona also. Shee was thought to bee Pallas, because Pallas ruled warre also. The Greekes called him Ennuo, Hesich: hir face was full of terror and contention. Homer calls hir [...]; as he doth Mars, and the Poets fained hir to bee Mars his mother, and therfore calls him [...]. Shee was called En­nuo, quasi [...], &c. Of putting spirit and fury into those that were to fight, or of being fu­rious hir selfe. Hir Temple stood in the ninth region, and before it a pillar, from which the signe of war was euer giuen, by putting forth a speare. Ouid. (k) Diana] The Moone had ma­ny names: Lucina, Proserpina Hecate and Diana. She was fained to be a virgin, giuen all to hunt much in the Woodes, and shooting. Wher-vpon Aeneas meeting his mother in the Woodes thought it hadde been Diana, Aeneid. 1. I haue read these two verses of the Moone, but I know not where.

Terret, Lustrat, agit, Proscrpina, Luna, Diana,
Ima, superua, feras, sceptro, fulgore, sagita.
Diana, Luna, Proserpine, doth strike, doth spread, doth fight,
The beasts, the Deities and diuels, with scepter, shafts & light.

They are none of the grossest: Prudentius in his third booke against Symmachus, hath these verses.

—Ter (que) suas eadem variare figuras.
De [...]ique dum Luna est, sublustri splendet Amictu,
[...] succ [...]cta iacit calamos, Latonia virg [...] est.
[...] Subni [...]a sedet solio Plutonia coninx
I [...]peritat [...]ijs & dictat [...]ura Megae [...]ae.
—Three times she turnes hir shape,
She is the Moon, when bright her spheare doth shewe▪
Laton as daughter when she hunts below
But thronde in hell, shee [...]' Pluto [...]s wife, and awes
The furies, giuing sterne Megaera lawes.

(l) Seed of] Liber and Libera were Ceres children, saith Tully de nat. deor. (lib. 2.) Ma­ny think they are Sol and Luna, who haue power ouer generation. Liber of the men and ther­fore [Page 172] the Satyres were said to accompany him, and Pyrapus was worshipped in his Temple: Li­bera Diespiter. Lucina. for the women. (m) Diespiter] Quasi Dios Pater, or the father of the day. Varro. (n) Luci­na.] This was Luna, Diana or Iuno, Cicero. Iuno Lucina helpe me, cryes Glycerium in Terences Andria. Shee was also called Opigena, of hir helpe in the womens trauels, and worshipped at Rome of the Matrons. F [...]stus. Tym [...]us saith that the night that Alexander the great was Opigena. borne,