The discouerie and confutation of a tragical fiction deuysed and played by Edward Squyer yeoman soldiar, hanged at Tyburne the 23. of Nouemb. 1598. Wherein the argument and fable is, that he should be sent from Spaine by William Walpole Iesuit, to poyson the Queen and Earle of Essex, but the meaning and moralization therof was, to make odious the Iesuites, and by them all Catholiques. ... VVritten for the only loue and zeale of truth against forgerie, by M.A. preest, that knew and dealt with Squyer in Spayne.

The discouerie and confutation of a tragical fiction deuysed and played by Edward Squyer yeoman soldiar, hanged at Tyburne the 23. of Nouemb. 1598. Wherein the argument and fable is, that he should be sent from Spaine by William Walpole Iesuit, to poyson the Queen and Earle of Essex, but the meaning and moralization therof was, to make odious the Iesuites, and by them all Catholiques. ... VVritten for the only loue and zeale of truth against forgerie, by M.A. preest, that knew and dealt with Squyer in Spayne.

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Title page

THE DISCOVERIE AND CONFVTATION OF A TRAGICAL FICTION, DEVYsed and played by Edward Squyer yeoman soldiar, hanged at Tyburne the 23. of Nouemb. 1598.

AN ADDITION, TO THE READER.

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THE DISCOVERIE AND CONFVTATION OF A TRAGICAL FICTION, DEVYsed and played by Edward Squyer yeoman soldiar, hanged at Tyburne the 23. of Nouemb. 1598.

AS he sayd not amisse in some sense; who sayd, homo homini Deus, man to man is a kynde of God, in respect of the many-benefytes which some men (though few) do procure to others: so with no lesse truthe is it thought, that an other wrote on the contrarie part, homo homini lupus, one man is a wolfe to an other, in that he deuoureth, destroyeth, and rageth often tymes most rauenously against those, that be of his owne kynde and condition. Of which subiect and argument, if we will beleeue the large and lamentable discourses of fondrie credible authors, we shal fynde the accompt made, that all the disasters, miseries, and calamities, insewing to man from all other creatures of the world, either in heauen, earth, sea, or ayer, or from the foure elementes together with their distemperatures or violence, doth not equal the number of hurtes receyued by man from man. Wherunto we if lay on the other syde, the opposite rule of Christian religion, founded vpon loue of one man towardes an other, and bynding each one to do as he would be donn vnto: we shal easely [Page] discouer the roote and reason, why so many do perish, and so few are saued, of those that professe the Christian name, for that so few do perform the obligation to that name annexed. For if hell were raked, and all faultes rared, for which the inhabitantes of that miserable dongeon are damned to those eternall tormentes, I nothing doubt, but that of thowsandes or millions, scarse few would be found. at least-wise of Christians, that receyued not their woful sentence, for some abuse or wickednes practised towardes their euen brethren and neighbours.

And this may be preface sufficient for the breef discouerie and reproofe that here I am to make, of a no torious iniquitie, practised of late in our countrie, (where now we are wolues eating one an other by malice of heresie, though England haue no wolues by nature of soyle) against certain innocent and eminent men in catholique profession, named Iesuites, to whose impugnation and general assault by all kynde of meanes, and by all sortes of euil affected people, is seemeth that the diuel and his angels, and all his instruments at once, haue made a compact to conspire together, by drawing all that is odious in the world vpon them: but especially the practises of princes deathes and murders, wherof in my conscience and knowlege (that haue knowen them, and dealt also with them very intrinsecally for a good part of these thirtie yeares, and haue noted their designementes, actions, and desyres not vndiligently) no one sort of people liuing are more free and further of from such cogitations then they, who detest such bloody meanes in all their speeches, doctryne, and proceedinges, leauing them to the aduersary spirit of Protestantes, Puritanes, and such other lyke teachers, who both preach, and practise such attempes, as appeareth by the actes and monumentes of Luther in Germany, Zuinglius in Swizer-land, Beza in France, [Page] Knokes in Scotland, and others els where, who haue raysed the turmoiles and tragedies that all men know, and haue brought many a iust and peaceable prince to destruction, desolation, and affliction; which no man can truely auouch of the Iesuites, notwithstanding their zeale and feruour in Godes cause be not vnknowen, which is the fountayne of all this hatred, complaynt, & conspiracie against them.

Cicero sayd in his second Philippica against Antonie, that by his particular desteny it came to passe, that no man for many yeares had becomen an enemie to the Roman comonwealth, but that presently he had byd warre to him also, as a cheef defendour therof. But this may be much more truely sayd of the Iesuites, in respect of Christes comonwealth in our dayes, against whose churche & kingdome there is none lightly that ryseth or stirreth, ether by heresie, atheisme, wicked lyfe, or factious humours, but that ioyntly he becometh an enemy to Iesuites, and it is a comon note, and their crowne, and Godes special prouidence towardes them for their good.

But let vs see in the particular point of killing princes, what desyre there is of bringing them in question, aboue other men. There was a king of France not many yeares gone, most strangely slayne by a religious man, but no Iesuit. Was his order infamed, persecuted, or afflicted for the same? no, nor ought it to be, he being but a particular man, whose fault in no right could be layde vpon a multitude. Some yeares after, the king that now is, was assaulted by a yong man, that had studied in the Iesuites schooles only, but now did not, nor was he euer of them, nor appertayned any way to them; yet were all Iesuites driuen out of France, and pursued for this fact as murderers of princes, notwithstanding by publique sentēce of the Parisian magistrate, they were cleered of all participatiō, councel, or knowlege [Page] of the yong mans fault. What is the cause of this difference? that which Cicero before mentioned, his zeale and fidelitie to his common-wealth.

Of late there were published diuers pamphletes, of an intent that one Peter Panne a flemish cooper should haue, to kill the Counte Morisse, gouernour of thee rebelled states of Holland and Zeland for which also the sayd Peter Panne was beheaded; and to the end there should not want the ordinary solemnitie of hauing a Iesuit in one end of the tale, it was faygned and set downe in print, how that one father Oliuerius Manaraeus prouincial of the Iesuites in flanders (a very graue old man) with the prefect of the studies, and Rector of Doway, should be the deuisers and sticklers in this acte at Doway, vpon such a day and tyme, with such & such circumstances, which might make the matter probable to simple people, that cannot imagin the malice of heretiques. All which circumstances, with the principal subiect it self, were proued afterwardes to be most false, by publique examination, and testimonies of magistrates, in diuers citties of flanders. And among other poyntes it was proued, that the forefayd father Oliuerius, was more then 60. or 70. myles of from Doway (to wit at Brussels) at the very tyme that he was sayd to deale with Peter Panne in Doway) & that Peter Panne had neuer to deale with him in his lyfe, nor had any doing with the Iesuites, and that he was an heretiqoe, and had neuer receyued penny of money of Iesuites, nor by their meanes, as was forged in his pretended confessions. And many other most euident falshoodes are declared in diuers bookes written about this matter, and approued by the asseuerations of publique magistrates, in diuers townes and prouinces, since that tyme. So as the impudence of this heretical deuise is made notorious to all the world.

And yet now least England should be behinde France [Page] and Holland, and other places, in deuysing some notable practise of Iesuites, wherby not only to auert mēnes hartes from them, but euen to rayse the hayre of mens heades against them; there hath byn brought in of late the tragical comedie of one Edward Squyer soldiar, sent from Spayne (as is pretended) by one William Walpole a Iesuit, to poyson the Queen and Earle of Essex, with poyson in a dooble blader, deliuered him by the sayd William, and diuers imbrasinges at his departure, as also sondry exhortations sayd to be made out of holy scriptures to the sayd poysoner by William Walpole, for prosecuting of his purpose. All which circumstances we shall examin afterwardes, to discouer therby the fashood of this fiction. For albeit I meane not in this place to take vpon me to auerre, that all the whole narration touching Squyer is faygned, or that Squyer was innocent in all poyntes that he was accused of, or hanged for (notwithstanding his denyals at his death) yet dout I not, but to shew most euidently, that all and euery thing that concerneth the Iesuites, and William Walpole by name, condemned in this action, by a wrong name (for his true name is Richard) is a meer fable & malitious deuise of Squyer, or those that set him a worke, to make Spayne odious, and to slander the Iesuites.

Well it may be that Squyer, after his returne from Spayne (whence he escaped by flight and not by mission as shalbe proued) hauing gone abrode with my L. of Essex to sea, and that in his owne shippe, vnder pretence to discouer great matters of Spayne, not fynding such comeditie or preferment afterwardes as he looked for; might begin to cast out some wordes of discontentmēt, and say for his better credit (not fore seeing the danger that might insew therof) that in Spayne he might haue byn imployed by principal men, in great matters; and in this speech it may be also, that [Page] father Walpole being a Iesuit, and the man that was best knowen vnto him, and had done most for him; for relief of his miseries, after father Persons departure from Seuil; he might I say, perhaps make mention of his name though he knew it not aright, as hath byn sayd: and that therin being taken at the aduantage, and pressed to go forward partly by fayre promisses, & partly by torture (as at the barre he affirmed that he had byn fyue houres vpon the torture) he might happen standing thus between feares of condemnation if he drew back, and hopes of pardon if he accused others, to begin to frame the tale that in his confession is set downe. And when he would haue denyed it agayne (as he did at his arraynment) it would not be taken or admitted. It may be also that Munday, and Stanley, or other some such compaignions (for I know or remember them not) coming after him out of Spayne into England, and desirous to get creditt, might (as the fashion of such folke is) being poore and beggarly, begin vpon emulation to appeach, and call Squyer in question, as was obiected in the arraynement that they did, and as it fell out diuers yeares past, between Doctor Parry and Mayster Neuil, that called himself Lord Latimer. The storie of which two frendes and compaignions, for that it seemeth not much vnlyke to this, both in the matter it self, and in some particular circumstances, I shall heare repeate with great breuitie.

William Parry, after he had serued the state of England, some six or seauen yeares by spierie in Italie, and other places (as himself confessed) he waxed weary, and to repayre his credit againe on the catholique syde, he went to confession in Lions to a Scottish Iesuit, named father Critton; and then hearing that the Lord Paget was comen out of England to Paris for his conscience, and that Doctor Allen (afterward Cardinal) and father Persons were come also to Paris to see him, he [Page] came thither in the yeare 84. and vsed all meanes possible, both by himself and his frendes in that place, to enter into credit with the sayd Doctor and father; and when he saw that in no case they would deale with him in matter of secresie or moment (though otherwise they vsed hun courteously, and were glad of his conuersion to be a catholique) he was greatly offended therat, and one euening being led by a certayne frend and countriman of his, to the bishop of Rimini, Nuntius at that tyme for Pope Gregorie the thirteenth in France, he deliuered him a letter written by himself in Italian to the Pope; wherin he shewed first and confessed, that he had done great hurtes to the catholique cause and churche, by his former seruices of the state of England, and that now he was to go thither to make recompence for the same, and to do great seruices in fauour of the sea Apostolique, desiring his Holines approbation and benediction, without specifying any particularitie what he meant to do, as by the said letter of his, yet heer in Rome to be seen, is manifest. And to this letter did Cardinal Como answere, and his answere was deliuered by Parry himself to the Queen, and the same produced against him afterward at his araygnment: but to go forward. The Doctor hauing donn this act with the Nuntius, he got himself away secretly from Paris towards England without taking his leaue, either of Doctor Allen, or father Persons, and passing by Roan towards Diep in Normandy, he tolde on maister Wattes a Priest there, that his dissignement was in England, to raise a faction against the Iesuites, from which maister Wattes dissuaded him, but he passed on, and as soon as he came to Diep, before he would imbarque, he wrote a letter to the Lord Burleigh for a passeporte and order, to speak with the Queen at his first ariual in England, for that he had great matters to vtter: and so the order came, and he by secret wayes was brought to her Maiestie, [Page] and had long talke with her, and told her among other pointes, that he was sent by Iesuites and their frendes to kil her. And to confirme this the more, he shewed her also the answere of Cardinal Como when it came, as I haue sayd: and well knowing that it was no treason when himself vttered the same, he inlarged himself in many particulers, about the manner and order how it should be donne, as her maiestie can remember, hoping therby to get great credit, which yet afterward turned to his destruction.

There was sent ouer vnto Roan at the same time, or very soon after, the forsayd maister Neuil to exercise the same office of spiarie, which maister Parry had donne before in Italy, and waxing also wearie of his occupation, for that rewardes came out of England but slowly, he made great meanes in like manner to speak with father Persons, who by chaunce lay for a time in that towne, but secretly, and in the end obteining the same, and proposing his miserie and affliction of minde, he receiued the same answere and counsel that Doctor Parry had donn before: to wit, that the best way of remedie, was to leaue that trade of life, & to returne to a vertuous & peaceable Catholique course, & to haue patience if for a time he were not trusted by Catholiques, being knowen to haue bin imployd against them, and that as his credit had bin crazed by woorkes, so must his reputation be restored by deeds also, and by time. Wherto maister Neuil answered, that he could not liue without credit, and rather then he would liue so: or see men crow ouer him, he would aduenture far, and so they parted: and maister Neuil returned into England, and there meeting with Doctor Parry, who was now growen discontented again for missing of diuers suites (but especially the hedship of Saint Catherins, which he pretended as I haue bin informed) they two fel into new discourses about that, which in my opinion neither [Page] of them euer ment indeed, I meane the murdering of her Maiestie, but the one preuenting the other in accusation, it was the Doctors euil luck to be hanged, who yet tooke himself for the more conning man. And the lyke hath happened to this our Squyer, that stood not a litle vpon his owne wit in Spayne, and hoped perhaps to inioy the labours therof in England; but dealing doubly, and dissembling with God and man (as Parry did) was taken as it seemeth in the same net of his owne deuyses, as by the sequel of this narration shal more appeare.

And I haue taken vpon me the rather to wryte this breef discouerie of his false and treacherous dealing against Iesuites, for that I knew him, and conuersed with him in Spayne, and with his fellow maister Rolles also, both before and after their apprehension by the Inquisition, and knew the spetial obligation they had to these kynde of men, whome Squyer now hath slandered so lewdly, as many others do, that receyue help & benefytes by them. And I haue heard afterward being in Rome, by sundry letters from Spayne, of the manner of their departure from thence by stealth, which was such, as doth euidently ouerthrow all this whole fiction of poyson geuen by father Walpole. And albeit I dout not, but that when the storie of this tragical fable shal come to Seuil, they will send many authentical proofes from thence, of the malitious falshood of so fond an inuention, yet could I not omit in this meane whyle to preuent their further diligence, with so much as I my self knew, and am able to say therof, as also two other reuerend preestes besydes that came with me to Rome from Spayne, and knew both the sayd men and matter, to wit, father William Med. and father Iohn Wor. who were with me in Seuil and haue dealt with the parties. We all three together can and do testifie and protest vpon our consciences, that in our iudgementes it is a [Page] meer fiction, for so much as concerneth F. Walpole, and his setting Squyer a worke, to kill the Queen & Earle of Essex, or geuing him poyson for that end, and other lyke pointes mentioned in Squyers most ridiculous arraynement. And this testification of ours, wilbe sufficient (I doubt not) to satisfie the iudgemētes of all sober catholique men, as we beseech them that it may; and as for others also, if they be vnpassionate, and will admit reason or truthe for their satisfaction, I referre them to the argumentes and demonstrations sett downe in this discouerie. Wherin first of all I will lay forth the true historie of Squyer and Rolles his compaignion, their being in Spayne, and then of their departure or flight from thence, and lastly by the same declare most euidently, the sottish forgerie of this faygned calumniation.

In the yeare 96. when Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins made their vnfortunate voyage to the west Indies, there was sent from Seuil a noble yong Gentleman, named Don Petro Tellio (that had byn prisoner before with our Lord Admiral of England, & speaketh great good of him euerie where, for his honorable treatie) and he was sent with six or seauen light litle gallions (called Sabras in spanish) to wafte home certayne millions of gold, that were remayning in Porto ricco, in the great gallion of Don Sançho Pardo, retyred thither vpon tempest out of the Indian fleet, a litle before.

This Don Petro drawing neer to Porto-ricco fell vpon a litle shippe or pinnace of Sir Francis company, wherin among others were taken the foresayd two English men, M. Rolles gentleman (as he sayd) and Edward Squyer a soldiar, who being brought prisoners to Seuil, found there by their good happe F. Persons, who presently (according to his custome for all English in that case) began to deale with Don Petro for their [Page] libertie, and obtayned the same, after some dayes without ransome, or any other lett or molestation in the world. And hauing done this, he procured also some temporal helpe for them, and for their apparayling, to returne home into England, and this he did, though he knew them to be Protestantes in religion, vpon diuers conferences had with them, both before and after their deliuerie by don Petro. In one of which conferences, I do well remember, and cannot forget, how Squyer was so hote and earnest in defending of his religion, within the English College of Seuil, and that in the hearing of diuers English schollers, as he sayd and stood to it, that he knew for certayne, that he had the holie ghost within him, for the true vnderstanding of scriptures, wherat the sayd schollers laughed hartely, and so did F. Persons also.

Wherefore both Rolles and he being redy now for their departure towardes England, they tooke their iourney together downe by water to the porte of saint Lucars (some fourtie myles from Seuil) in the company of one Captayne North. And staying there some dayes, whether it were by indiscreet behaueour of their owne, or that some of their company accused them (as they suspected) they were taken in that place by the inquisition, and brought back prisoners to Seuil, where F. Persons yet remayning, he procured for them all kynde of curteous dealing at the Inquisitors hādes, and at his departure from thence (which was in May after) he left the matter much recommended to the foresayd F. Richard Walpole Iesuit, and prefect of the studies in the English College, as also vnto me, and others of our nation there remayning, that we should help and fauour what possibly we could these two poore men, for that all their compaignions or the most were now gone, being let slippe away by the fauour of the sayd father. And so about August or [Page] September next insewing, M. Rolles was first let out of the prison of Inquisition, and placed in the Iesuites college named of S. Herminigildo, prince in olde tyme and Martyr of Spayne, and there he was most courteously vsed by the sayd fathers, and I and others visited him there, and made a common purse to helpe to apparayle him, and at my departure towardes Rome (which was in October after) I do well remember in particular, and he cannot forget, that of my smale abilitie I lefte him some fyue and twentie shillinges to assist his necessities, and others did perhaps more, as they were able. And of this he being at this present in England may be examined, and I doubt not but he will tell the truth, and whether any euil word or meaning, was euer vttered vnto him by any there against her Maiestie.

As for Squyer, though he were detayned in the Inquisition some moneth after Rolles was let forth, (for that he was taken to be more obstinate in his errors) yet at length he was let forth also, and placed for his further instruction in Catholique fayth as prisoner still, in a certayne monasterie neer to the English colege, which I take to be of the Carmelites, if I remember well, vnto which place as also to Rolles, the foresayd F. Walpole was permitted to haue accesse, both for their instruction, and further help and comfort, and so he did. And this indured vntill the moneth of May next insewing, in the yeare 97. at what tyme they both conspiring together fled away, and left both F. Walpole, and other English that had geuen their wordes for them in the bryars. Wherof themselues being ashamed, and hauing some scruple when they were in saftie, they excused themselues by a comō letter written with Squyers hand, but subscrybed by them both, and sent to Seuil, wherin, they asked pardon very effectually of the sayd father, and of all their [Page] countrimen, for their flight, and for the hurt or discredit which therby might happen to their sayd frendes in Seuil, protesting that it was only for the loue they did beare to their wyues and children, and the desyre they had to see and succour them in England, and not falshood or ingratitude, or other dishonest meaning.

This letter F. Walpole shewed first in Seuil for his better excuse, and then sent the same to F. Persons in Rome, where it was read one day in publique recreation at the college, among some fourtie or fiftie English together, who all iudged it a trayterous pranke, but yet had compassion of them, and laughed at certayne phrases of Squyers Puritanical vayne in Wryting, among which, was this: that they lusted not after their wyues in the flesh, but rather thirsted after them in the Lord. And of these fourtie or fiftie English, that then were present at the reading of this letter; some nyne perhaps or ten are now in England. By all which, Catholique men may be certified of the truth, and Protestantes also, both by Rolles himself that is prisoner, as also by some of the other that be in lyke manner vnder their custody. So as of this poynt of these mennes running away from Seuil, without F. Walpole his knowlege or consent, and without seeing him at their departure, there can no dout be made at all; for that it may and wilbe proued by euident demonstrations, and irrefragable witnesses, both from Spayne, Hence, and in England.

Which being so, let euery man consider the malitious falshood of this tragical forgerie. For if Edward Squyer ranne away from Seuil out of the monasterie where he was prisoner, & that he departed in company of Rolles his fellow, who hauing more libertie, then the other, is thought to haue plotted and procured principally that flight; and if they saw not F. Walpole, nor spoke with him at their departure, but rather deceaued [Page] him, and put him in disgrace by this their running away, as much as lay in them, and that they haue confessed and testified the same, and asked him pardon for it vnder their owne handes, how then can it be true, that F. Walpole preached vnto Squyer at his departure, exhorting him to this fact of poysoning the Queen and the Earle of Essex, as was auowed at his arraygnement? How did he lay his lefte hand vpon his shoulder, saying Dominus only, and then making the signe of the crosse vpon his for head with his right hand, sayd: God blesse the my sonne, and geue the courage and strength, and I shal pray for thee both alyue and dead, and other lyke wordes, and circumstances, published in Squyers forged and forced confession.

Moreouer, how can it stand with any probabilitie, that Squyer should vow to F. Walpole to do this act of poysoning, and receyue the blessed sacrament there vpon? How did he receyue the poyson redy made and mingled by F. Walpole in a dooble bladder (as the tale is told) and make experience therof vpon a dogge, that died presently? and finally how dyd he carie it with him so long a iourney, and yet his compagnion Rolles to see nor know nothing therof, as he did not, nor is it so much as feigned or obiected in the indightment?

Certayne crymes and accusations there be sayth Cicero, that are so improbable of themselues, and so euil fitting to the persons vpō whome they are feigned, that albeit no man should refute them, yet do they fall of their owne nature, and necessarie circumstances therunto incident. As for example, if a man should accuse M. Toplife the halter-maister of England, and boweller of Catholique Preestes in our dayes, of to much scrupulositie in matters of conscience, which might smel of papistrie. Or els our new maried English Ministers, of to much fasting, wearing hayreclothes, [Page] or ouer much punishing their bodies, that are offences tending to the same error, no man I suppose would easelie beleeue them, though they should neuer so stoutly or cuningly be auerred, knowing the persons well, and how far their disposition and whole course of lyfe is, from such excesses in that kynde. And euen so, he that knoweth F. Richard Walpole as I do; and first how learned a man he is, being Prefect of the studies in the English Seuilian college, and then how spiritual and myld a religious man, both by nature and condition, & how far of from all wordlie practises and politique deuyses as these are, he will clearlie perceyue at the first sight, the absurdities of these imputations layd against him; to wit, that either he should be so fond, as to vse those scriptures to Squyer for killing the Queen & the Earle of Essex, which were alleaged at Squyers arraygnment: or so base, as to go and buy or mingle poyson for such an effect, and to bring it to him in a dooble bladder, call a dogge and make the proofe, with other lyke foolish, incredible, and absurd circumstances. But aboue all other, that F. Walpole should imploy diuers men at once about this foule acte, and lyke a right Macheuillian or impious atheist, send in Stanley and Munday after Squyer, to discouer him to the Councel, for that himself had perswaded him to this attempt, which were scarse credible to some, of Toplife himself, or any other as bloody and conscienceles as he, and if Stanley and Munday were of Squyer and Rolles their first company, taken with them by sea, they neuer spoke then with F. Walpole, but were gone from Seuil before Squyer & Rolles came in trouble, or knew also the sayd father.

But for the scriptures mentioned, vnum est necessarium, one thing is necessarie; and, quid prodest homini, si vniuersum mundum lucretur, animae verò suae detrimentum patiatur? What profiteth it a man if he gayne the whole world, and leese his owne soule? It is very lykly that F. Walpole [Page] vsed sometymes those woordes of Christ, among others, to Squyer. For I well remember that they were often in his mouth to such as Squyer was, of our nation, who dealing about matters of religion, concerning his soule and eternal saluation, would often alleage humane and worldly respectes for impedimentes, as his wyfe and children in England, how he should lyue if he became a catholique, that all his frendes at home would forsake him, that he durst not shew his face any more among them, that his enemies would laugh at him, triumph ouer him, lay him in prison, and the lyke: for moderating of which wordly respects, in so great a cause as is religion, it is probable, that F. Walpole vsed diuers tymes the former speeches of scripture to him. Which Squyer remembring in England, when he was to make his tale, applyed them as spoken to the other effect of poysoning, wherwith as euery man seeth, they haue no coherence at all.

If F. Walpole had byn disposed to haue treated vpon any such theme, he was not so simple or vnlearned, but that he could haue alleaged other places and examples of scripture, far more fit and effectual to such a purpose, seing that the question in general is handled largely, by many learned men, to and fro, how it may be lawfull or vnlawful in certayne cases, for particular men to offer violence to princes by priuate authoritie. Where yet no man maketh it either so necessarie to saluation, or so safe or meritorious, as Squyers fiction conteyneth. And if vpon those groundes, or other, F. Walpole would haue byn so idle or euil disposed, as to enter into the cogitation or treatie of any such enterpryse (from which in my conscience I hold him most free) yet would he neuer haue made choise of Squyer, whome he thought still inwardly to be a Protestant (and so he dyed) notwithstanding some tymes he would make shew in Spayne [Page] of his conuersion. F. Walpole knew him also to be a poor hungrie soldiar, desirous to liue, and to get something in the world, which was far from him that should enterpryse such a matter, who must be content to aduenture both lyfe & all that therof dependeth, which no man will do, but either of pure zeale in religion, or of hope of gayne and preferment. As for zeale, it is knowne Squyer had none to the catholique religion, as hath byn noted, but rather the contrarie. And as for gayne and preferment, F. Walpole had none to geue him: nor did Squyer say that he was promissed any, from any other partie. What then should moue him to take so dangerous and difficult an enterpryse vpon him, or the other to trust him therein. Of lyke improbabilitie is it, or rather much more, that the same father should remit Squyer for his directions in these affayres, to Doctor Bagshaw, prisoner in Wisbich castle, and to no more, as was read out of Squyers confession at his arraygnment, which euery man that knoweth the persons, will see euidently to be most absurdly faigned, for that F. Walpole neuer had any frendship, familiaritie, or acquayntance with Doctor Bagshaw, the Doctor hauing lefte the Roman College before the other came to studie there, nor euer had they letter or message between them in their lyues: nor had the direction of Doctor Bagshaw, that was prisoner so far of from London (where this attempt was to be made) byn any way fit for this effect, seing it was not a matter to be treated by letters, and some other causes also are well knowen to diuers men, why the sayd Doctors concurrence in matters of such moment with F. Walpole, can no wayes be thought probable. Wherefore this fiction hath no shew or shadow of probabilitie at all.

And truly it seemeth to wyse men in these partes here, that if it had byn thought expedient for the present [Page] tyme in England, that some such tragedie as this should be moued about killing her Maiestie, for holding catholiques in hatred and suspition, and for better continuing of our breache with Spayne (for it is obserued, that still within certayne distances of tyme, this affayre of killing the Queen hath byn renewed, and more men executed or called in question therabout, then for all other Princes in Christendome besydes) and if for the same, or other lyke considerations, it were iudged also expedient, that some Iesuite must enter in lyke manner into some part of the pageant (for that lightly none goeth without them in these dayes) yet might the matter more fitly haue byn layed vpon some other of that order, as F. Creswel F. Holt, or F. Persons, who for their yeares and experience should haue had more authoritie to perswade such an action, then vpon F. Walpole, who being their punee, and attending only to matters of study, is very vnprobably brought into this treatie. But as for F. Persons, it is well knowen, that he hath had many occasions to imploy much more fitter and resolute men in such affaires then Squyer, if he had lysted, or byn of that iudgement or humor. For he hath caused many English to be deliuered out of diuers portes and prisons in Spayne, and to returne home free. And at one tyme almost a hundreth, out of the porte and gallies of S. Marie in Andaluzia, and this last yeare aboue thirtie out of the porte and gallies of Naples, which were taken in the ship of Paulo Gundelo the Ragusean, and I saw them my self in chaynes at the oare, and were only deliuered by the earnest sute and credit of the sayd father. And all these being obliged to him, both by the benefyt of their libertie, and the loue of religion (for that all or many are commonly wont to returne well affected to the catholique fayth, by that they haue seen and heard in forayne nations, and in so [Page] good a schoole as tribulation is wont to be) of these men I say, he might haue made choise of far fitter instruments then Edward Squyer, in so many yeares, to haue effectuated such an enterpryse, if he had lyked therof, which yet hitherto hath neuer byn found. And perhaps no persons so fit as preestes themselues, who go directlie into England to dy, if they were so persuaded of the matter as Squyers tale doth presuppose: to wit, that it is a worke of so high perfection, merit, and godlinesse, yea of necessitie to their saluation, as in his arraygnement is set downe.

Other meanes also more effectuall would haue byn thought vpon, for the accomplishing of the work, if euer any such had byn intended, then is the poysonning of the Queens sadle pomel, or the chayre of my Lord of Essex, wherin it seemeth that both his lordship hath sitten, and her Maiestie ridden, since that tyme, and yet neither of them, God be thanked, hath miscaried. And truly, hauing conferred with the learnedest phisitions and Simplicistes of this cittie, about the probabilitie of this poyson, they do all laugh at the deuyse, and say that it is a meer fiction, that any such poyson can be found in this world, or made by art; that being layd in such places & in such māner as this is descrybed, can hurt the sitter or ryder, in the supposed chaire or sadle. which they proue by these reasons that do ensew, of their arte. First, for that all poyson must needes worke his effect by one of these foure meanes and wayes, to wit, by being receyued into our bodies, or by one of the senses of seeing, smelling, or touching.

As for the first meane (which is the principal and most ordinary) it is here excluded in our case, for that this poyson was not ment to be receaued within the body of her Maiestie or of the Earle.

As for the second, all phisitians do agree, that no poyson hath euer byn recorded to hurt by sight, but [Page] only that of the basiliske according to the opinion of some olde wryters, wherof yet it is doubted by later authors, whether that infection came by the sight or no, but all do agree (howsoeuer this was) that no humane art can reach to imitate this secret of nature. And those that handle of this matter, as Cardan in his subtilities, Matheolus vpon Dioscorides, and some others, do adde diuers conditions, and necessarie circumstances besydes the poyson it self, to worke this effect by sight, as for example, the spirit and heate of the lyue serpent, the feare of the partie that be holdeth her, and other lyke, and that no dead or cold poyson made by any art can infect this way, all do agree. As neither by the sense of smelling except it should be very strong and much vsed, so as it might infect the very ayer that entereth into vs, and then say they, would it be discouered also, by the vngratefulnes of the very sent it self.

There remayneth then the fourth way only, which is by touching, wherin the most learned also do agree, that they haue only the saying of Gallen, who affirmeth that the spitle of a mad dogge, being touched, entereth of it self into the flesh and infecteth, yet is there no certayne experience either of this, or of any other poyson, that killeth in such sort, by only touching, but if it be true, yet confesse they all, that this touching must be vpon the bare flesh, and that with tyme, and continuance, and calefaction it must enter, and not otherwise, but if there be any thing interiected between the poyson and the flesh it self (as it is probable in our case, where her Maiesties gloue or sleeue vpon the pomel of her sadle, and my Lord of Essex his apparayle vpon his chayre, must needes haue place) then do all agree, that by al probabilitie, it could do no hurt at all, though poyson had byn put there. For say these men, if by poysoning only stooles, [Page] chayres, sadles, or apparayle, that toucheth not the flesh, or by sight only, princes may be poysoned, who should be safe? And why would men aduenture to attempt any other wayes, that are more dangerous to the attempter? yet do they still except the infectiō of the plague, which may be imparted by a cloth or vestment infected, which phisitians hold to be a secret only of nature, not imitable by any arte of man, as is not also the wonderful secret force of the fish named Torpedo in latin, for that being in the fishers nette, before they touch him they feel torporem, to wit, a numnes in their handes, by his being there, which effect no arte possible can euer arryue to worke or imitate.

Agayne they say, that if any such poyson could be made to worke such strange effectes, so far of as here is faigned, it had bin impossible for Squyer himself to haue caried it so many myles, and to haue put it forth from his dooble bladder, into his red botle stopped with corke (as he sayd he did, when he went to sea with my lord of Essex) without poysoning him self also, and the lyke difficultie would haue byn for him that made and sold the poyson. Wherefore these learned men say, that all this, of the effect of this poyson, vpon the pomel of her Maiesties sadle, and the Earles chaire, is a very ridiculous thing. And greatly did they laugh when they heard tell, how the Queens Atturney with weeping teares did congratulate her Maiesties so dangerous escape, applying those wordes of the psalme to her Maiestie, that were of Christ and his power: Super aspidem & Basiliscum ambulabis, Thou shalt walk vpon the snake and basilisk without hurt. And M. Soliciter and others geuing vnto her Maiestie the priuilege of Saynt Paule, that shooke of the venemous vyper from his hand without danger, and that this vvas a miracle if euer their vvere a miracle. All [Page] which was attributed here, either to grosse ignorance, or deep flatterie, in these orators, seing that no danger at all was neer vnto her Maiestie in any reason, though any such touching of the sadle pomel with Squyers bladder, had bin true. And they do think, that the inchantment which he vsed in crying: God saue the Queen, when he touched the pomel with the sayd bladder, was a sufficient preseruatiue agaynst the force of this kinde of poyson: especially considering the great probabilitie, that this act also of his touching the sadle pomel with his bladders and lethers, was fained in like manner. For so it seemeth, that the poore caitife began to make his tale with this at the beginning, vpon the reasons before put downe, thinking that either it would not haue bin so daungerous vnto him, but that either he might haue gon back again whē he would, or at leastwise haue distinguished the matter, confessing onely so much agaynst Spayn and Iesuites, as might serue for the tyme and present turne, and deny the rest, that touched himself, and so we see he did, when he came to his arraygnement, pleading not guiltie, with many solemne othes and protestations, argumentes, and reasons, to shew that he attempted nothing after his coming into England, though he were content to let the rest stand, which he had sayd of F. Walpole and of Spayne. And in this he stood stifly all the tyme of his arraygnemēt, vntill he vnderstood first by the cheef Iudge, that he laboured in vayne, for that the very conceyling of the matter treated in Spayne, for so many monethes, was treason of itself, though it had neuer byn attempted to be put in execution within England. And secondly that he perceyued by diuers speeches and large discourses made vnto him by sondrie Counselours, but especially by Secretarie Cecil, exhorting him to confesse the whole, that except he yealded to all, as it lay in his first tale, there was no hope [Page] of fauour and mercy. And then he falling downe vpon his knees, confessed all agayne. But yet afterward, when he found also by experience, that this would not saue his lyfe, nor keep him from execution (wherof it is lykely that he had hope, if not ful promesse) he denied the matter agayne at his death, as they can witnesse that were present at the same and heard him, whereof some also haue written the same hither.

Wherfore to end this narration, the miserable fellow is now hanged, & whether his corporal or ghostly misery were greater, God knoweth, the men that did most for him, to the releef of the one & the other in Spayne, are most wronged by him. The fictiō of his treatie with F. Walpole in Seuil for killing of the persons before named, as also of the poyson geuen, & other circumstāces, are fond, & flatly false, & most apparantly forged: & to this I will stand, & bynd myself to proue it. Whether after his comming in to England, & discontentment, he might enter into any malignitie of cogitations, wordes, or factes to this effect, as Doctor Pary was sayd to do that toucheth not me now to discusse. The tragical session of so many noble men, Councelours, & Iudges together, made vpon his feigned confession, their orations, congratulations, admirations, exclamations their bitter inuectiues agaynst lesuites, & the king of Spayne, vpon so smale and weak groundes, & especially the repetition therof agayne at Paules crosse the next sonday after, is ridiculous, & maketh men ween abrode, that eares and lippes are more sought for, then iudgements, and populer outcries, before sage inquyrie of the truth, and that whyle these matters are in talking to fill mennes heades, some other plottes are in deliberation, tending to other designementes. Tyme will tell all, and to that, and to Gods holie prouidence, that ouerreacheth mans diuises, I remit me. Rome this first of March, 1599.

§

§

[Page] [Page] THE DISCOVERIE AND CONFVTATION OF A TRAGICAL FICTION, DEVYSED AND PLAYED BY Edward Squyer yeoman soldiar, hanged at Tyburne the 23. of Nouemb. 1598.

Wherein the argument and fable is, that he should be sent from Spaine by William Walpole Iesuit, to poyson the Queen and the Earle of Essex, but the meaning and moralization therof was, to make odious the Iesuites, and by them all Catholiques.

Matth. 5. vers. 11.

Beati estis cum dixerint omne malum aduersum vos, mentientes propter me.

Happie are you when they say all euil against you, belying you for my sake.

VVritten for the only loue and zeale of truth against forgerie, by M. A. Preest, that knew and dealt with Squyer in Spayne.

Imprinted vvith Licence.

ANNO M, D. XCIX.

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AN ADDITION, TO THE READER.

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MEANE whyle the precedent confutation was on the printers presse, there came out of Englād a printed pamphlet of Squyres forged conspiracie, as a letter addressed vnto a gentleman at Padua. And albeit Maister M. A. in this his confutation hath well and sufficiently confuted that fiction, yet is it not vnnecessary to ad a few lynes in consideration of this pamphlet.

First it is therefore considerable, that whereas this fiction of Squyers, beeing with such asseueration plotted & pursued, & himself condemned and executed: and the odiousnesse of the pretended cryme so much sounded out, both from the Bench, and the Pulpit, why yet after all this there should need any pamphlet, to giue new credit to the matter? Hereof the reason forsooth is no other, but that the forgers in this mint were afrayd least els their coyne would be the more suspected to be counterfait and so the lesse go for good payment.

And the rather for that Squyre himself when he came to the conclusion of the matter, to wit, when he was to be hanged, did there die a true protestant, & vtterly denied the acting of any such thing, and such protestations, and at such tymes, do comonly make strong impressions in the myndes of the people, who generally are giuen to belieue, that at the very last instant of lyf, men are lykelyest to declare the truth of their causes.

And more-ouer seeing many of the wyser sorte beeing enured to the noting of such packings (as this might easely seeme vnto them to bee) do vse narrowly to watch & obserue, how thinges passe at arraignements, and might well see that the course & manner of this seemed rather some such matche as Kemp and his compagnions do handle on the stage, then the lyuely managing of a matter of truth in deede, which neuer would haue needed such a playerlyke corespondence in the actors, for euen as Kemp and his fellowes hauing before-hand studied to con their partes by roate, and each knowes to keepe his cu, and to frame his speech and manners according to his fayned function, euen so was this fore-studied tragedy [Page] acted in Westminster hall. Where first one playd the prologue, and told a long and lamentable tale of the horriblenesse of the fayned fact. Another burst out in teares, and very pittifully wept at it. An other fell in to admiration of the greatnes of the miracle, making it in effect, as very a miracle, as euer Christe wrought any: and Squyer himself that was to make good earnest of all the iest, was held in a tale whyle some good parte of his indightment was red, to the end he should heede it the lesse, and so the lesse reply against it. This then beeing easely to bee noted, and that Squyer in the end prooued the foole that mard the play, by denying the acte at his death (as aforesaid) and so consequently the great miracle yf euer there vvene a miracle. No maruel then is it that a smooth penned pamphlet is now come abrode, to reuyue the decaying credit of this late-made-matter, rather then that it should be holpen vp, by the rymings of some od pot-poet or idle balletmaker.

The wryter whereof (yf it bee M. Smokey-svvynes. flesh, at the instance of Sir R. C.) presumes so much vpon the faith of the reader, who he hopeth will beleeue him, that he telleth him so direct and redy a tale, as though himself had bene in euery place, at euery tyme; when, and where, the matter was delt in, or spoken of: or els that he hath had his intelligence by espetiall reuelation, for that he seemes to knowe all, so precisely, and so perfectly, yea he knowes now to call the Iesuyte in Spaine, Richard Walpole, that so often in the indightment was William Walpole. And moreouer he knowes that the said Richard Walpole is a man of principall credit in Spaine, and as Vicar generall to Persons in his absence, which is a point in deede that must argue the mānes knowledge to be supernaturall, because he knowes that, that no man els knowes: but yet to knowe it better (as also some pointes and circumstances in relating actes of Catholique religion) he were better to employ some one spie more sufficient then it seemes he hath any: Vnum est necessarium, by which sentence (by himself repeated) he may correct his ignorances and so make his pamphlets hereafter to be the lesse laughted at, If withall he leaue out such bald notes, as that Squyer squeezed out the poyson out of his dooble bladder in the sight and presence of diuers, and [Page] therewithal did say God saue the Queene, for this also makes the matter smell further of then the poison could infect.

Further it is to be noted (as the indyghtement, & this pamphleter both testifie) the poison was deliuered vnto Squyer in a dooble bladder, that is, in one bladder within another, and this he pricked with holes, and squeezed on the pomel of the Queenes sadle, and the sadle as the pamphleter sayth, being on the back of the horse, and the horse standing in the stable yard (for that the Queen was redy to ride abroad) it would be knowen how Squyer did, to auoyd his owne harme by the poison, that now by the squeezing of the bladder, and straining it through, must needs be left sticking on the outside: and this marueil is the greater, for that Squyer must of necessity, haue donne it with a tryce, and therfore could haue no leasure (for fear of being noted by the lookers on) to put it into a new bladder or vessell (for that he was to reserue the remainder of this poyson for the Earle of Essex chaire) and therefore thrusting the bladder all wet on the outside into his pocket on the sudden, and yet to get no parte of the poyson, vpon himself or his clothes, is a great merueil, and to get parte vpon him and to haue no harme, may be deemed a miracle, but to auoyd this question, if the pamphleter had remembred so much, he should either haue sayd that Squyer had had skill in iugling, and could deceaue their sightes that looked on, or els that the sadle was in a corner in the stable where he was alone by him self, and not on the horses back in the open yeard, and the sight of many, for now a miracle may bee presupposed to be wrought vpon the horse also, yf any of the poyson squeezed out on the sadle pomell did light vpon him, as very lykely it must, because the pomell is round and such a substance as may be strayned through holes pricked with a pin in a bladder will easely run downe a sadle pomell. And by this reason must ensew, miracle vpon miracle (fowre at the least) yf all be well remembred. And it is also a maruell (though no miracle) that neither the Queenes sadle, nor the Earles chaire, were presented at the bar, because in all lykelyhood the stayn or signe of so forcible a poison should be found to remaine vpon the one or the other, at least to grace the matter some aqua fortis or alcumisticall distillation might haue bene wyped [Page] on both, or one, in steede of a pretended poison, and so might the sadle and chaire haue bene reserued for remembrance of so many great miracles, and well woorthy: yf this had bene remembred, as in good earnest it would haue bene, yf it had bene a true donne thing in deede, or that the prosecuters of this matter had belieued it themselues, or had better fayned, to haue belieued it.

But to leaue these ouersightes to such as must take better heede to them heerafter, I will heer draw to an end, and tell the pamphleter, that he doth serue his Paduan frend but by peecemeal: for seeming to go roundly to woork with him, & to tel him a full tale without stop, and yet to leaue out the later and chief parte of all, which was played by the principall actor Squyer himself, to wit, in not telling how he ended the matter at Tiburne, and how he there made two denials, the one of Catholique religion, declaring himself a perfect protestant, and the other of his practisment of poyson, all which I say to be left behinde sticking in his pen, must needes be but a sly trik of his, and howsoeuer his frend do accept therof, or of his excuse therof, likely it is that he wil be so wise, as not once to tel-the contentes of his said letter so any of the Italians, least he be well laughed at for his labour, for they are to wise for him to delude with flimflammes, and to wel acquainted with the ridiculous rumors of English Queen-killinges. Some poore fooles in England that know nothing, may do them the pleasure to beleeue it for them.

They can tel him, and tel him truly, of the cruel and accustomarie killing that is vsed in England, which now a dayes (for the bloodinesse thereof) is become the most sad spectacle of the vniversal world.

They can tel him, how when by the open force of malyce they list not to take away mennes liues, that then they can do it by sleight, deceit, and coosinage, and yet stil with exterior face and shew of Iustice, and for proof of this, we need not seek ouer our histories of former ages.

They can tell of the great numbers of innocent priestes, and Catholique men, that for old faith and religion, vnder pretence of new treason, are made subiect to so many and so great afflictions, and lastly to most cruell death: and this both by Italians [Page] and sundry other nations is published to the world in their seuerall languages.

And who knoweth not, and seeth not, that it is a comon custome, before any new storme is raised vp of persecuting Catholiques, more violently then ordinary, that then some pretence is made of the discouery of some great treason, against the Queenes person.

Valentyn Tomson his matter of Queene-killing had preuented Squyres, yf he had come aswell from Spaine as he did from Scotland, and that he could haue said that he had seene and spoken with a Iesuite, though he knewe him not so familiarly, as to know his name.

This world is now growne ouer well acquainted with these tales of Queen-killings, as also that those brutes are inductions to the killing of such innocent seruants of God as lighte into the hands and power of the blood-thirsty and are by them alloted to the slaughter, whose glorie both in heauen and earth wilbe the greater, in that their paynes are inflicted with dooble wrong. And when the Notorious actes of the iniustice of England, shal come to be published in a large volume, to the view of the world, and to the admiration of after-coming posteritie (the hastening Whereof the cruelty of the persecuter may enforce) then shal sundry fraudulent practises, and many bloody tragedies, be reuealed, and those not altogether free from secret murthers, and with sufficient proofes and arguments for the vtterance of truth, and far different from that which cogging pamphleters and fond baletmakers do divulge in the meane tyme whyle truth keepeth sylence.

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Information about this book

Title statement

The discouerie and confutation of a tragical fiction deuysed and played by Edward Squyer yeoman soldiar, hanged at Tyburne the 23. of Nouemb. 1598. Wherein the argument and fable is, that he should be sent from Spaine by William Walpole Iesuit, to poyson the Queen and Earle of Essex, but the meaning and moralization therof was, to make odious the Iesuites, and by them all Catholiques. ... VVritten for the only loue and zeale of truth against forgerie, by M.A. preest, that knew and dealt with Squyer in Spayne.

Aray, Martin.

Edition statement

1599

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A22559

ID [STC]

STC 9

ID [STC]

ESTC S114414

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99849639

ID [PROQUEST]

99849639

ID [VID]

14799

Availability

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Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22559)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 14799)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 635:06)

Source

— The discouerie and confutation of a tragical fiction deuysed and played by Edward Squyer yeoman soldiar, hanged at Tyburne the 23. of Nouemb. 1598. Wherein the argument and fable is, that he should be sent from Spaine by William Walpole Iesuit, to poyson the Queen and Earle of Essex, but the meaning and moralization therof was, to make odious the Iesuites, and by them all Catholiques. ... VVritten for the only loue and zeale of truth against forgerie, by M.A. preest, that knew and dealt with Squyer in Spayne., Aray, Martin., Walpole, Richard, 1564-1607, attributed name..

Extent

[1], 14 leaves

Imprinted vvith licence [by A. Conincx?],. [Antwerp] :: Anno M.D.XCIX. [1599]. (M.A. = Martin Aray; sometimes also attributed, in error, to Richard Walpole.) (Place of publication from, and printer's name conjectured by, STC.) ("An addition to the reader" begins on B6v, with caption title; it is apparently written by a different author, and is an attack on STC 10017, "A letter written out of England to an English gentleman at Padua".) (Signatures: A-B (-A1, blank?).) (Reproduction of the original in the Folger Shakespeare Library.)

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