[Page] A TREATISE OF THE COURT or Instructions for Courtiers. Digested into two Books.

Written in French by the Noble, and Lear­ned IurisiConsull Monsr Denys de Refuges, Councellor of Estate, and many tymes Am­bassador in foraigne Parts for ye two last French Kings his Masters.

Done into English by IOHN REYNOLDS.

Imprinted by I M: for Will Lee and are to bee sold at his shoppe in Fleets street, at the siane of the Goulden Bucke neere Seriants Inne. 1622

TO THE PRINCE

SIR,

SIth Heauen, and Earth, your Blood and your Uertue haue made you a most Illustrious and Exqui­site Prince; and sith your Highnasse Court is a true [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] and conspicuous Academie of Generositie and Honour; I therefore conceiued, that this French Courtier was oblieged to tender you his homage in English, and to proffer vp his best seruice to the Dignitie of your resplendant and Princely Vertues. And as Presidents are still the best and powerfulst Precepts, aswell to instruct the accutest wits, as to pollish and refine the finest Natures and Iudgements: so those of my Sa­cred Soueraigne, your liuing Father, and of that most ex­cellent Prince, your dead (yet [Page] euerliuing) Brothers haue made your Highnesse an inimmita­ble Patterne and Paragon of all Court perfections.

Yet notwithstanding, when your more serious studies and generous exercises will permit you to descend so low, as to per­use this Courtier (which say­ling from France, is now arri­ued in England)▪ J hope hee will deserue, and consequentlie obtaine this testimonie from your Highnesse, that his Ambi­tion hath no other end, nor hee any other Ambition then to shew what Courtiers are, what [Page] they should bee, and not how Great, but how Good they are b [...]und to make themselues in their conduction, both to their Prince and Countrie, to the end that they may prooue as happie, and as Illustrious Or­naments to their Dignities, as their Dignities are to them. And although I cannot rightly define, whether Ambition were more predominant, or Zeale preualent with me, in daring permit this poore and vnworthy Translation of mine to soare so high, as to your Highnesse pro­tection and Patronage; yet [Page] sith my Author was both Noble, Learned and Honest, whose fidelitie and fame hath crownd both himselfe and his Workes, I (out of the rich trea­sure of your Goodnesse, which sweetly shines to the world, as­well in your lookes as actions) flatter my selfe with this hope, that your Highnes will vouch­safe to shelter him from the scandall of the Enuious, and to protect him from the Enuie of the scandalous.

Goe on Illustrious and Ge­nerous SIR, in your Heroi­call progression of Uertue and [Page] Honour (wherewith both Arts and Armes ambitiously con­tend to Embellish and adorne you) that as we are now truely happie in Royall IAMES your Father; so we futurely may bee as truly blessed in Princely CHARLES his Sonne, that your Sword and Launce se­conding his Pen, and your Laurels growing vp with his Palmes and Oliues, may still make the Church and Estate of these famous Kingdomes of great Brittaine and Ireland, alwaies Triumphant, alwaies Uictorious, against the malice [Page] of Rome, or the power of Hell, which shall dare seeke, either to ecclipse the triumphes of their glory, or to assault (much lesse remoue) the Trophes of their glorious and flourishing pro­speritie.

Your Highnes in all zeale and humility eternally deuoted Iohn Reynolds.

TO THE HO­NOVRABLE, IV­DITIOVS, AND GE­NEROVS; Sr. EDVVARD SACKVILE, Knight of the Bath; My Honourable, and singular good MASTER.

Honourable,

IF your curious Iudge­ment had not sought this excellent Treatise of the Court, my Ignorance had not [Page] found him; for I ingeniously con­fesse, that before you first wrate me for him to Paris, I neuer heard of him, when led by the excellency of your choyce, and the soliditie of your approbation, vpon the peru­sall thereof, I was soone induced, both to affect him for his Fidelitie, and to admire him for his Wis­dome; when considering (because knowing) that you (resembling your selfe) not onely cherish Wit, Courtship, Iudgement and Loyal­tie in your selfe, but also honour it generally in all men, and particu­larly in the Noble and Learned Author hereof, Monsieur de Refu­ges (so famous to France for his wholesome councell at home, and happy Lega ions abroad), I vpon these foundations eraised the struc­ture [Page] of this resolution to deuest this his Worke out of his French habi­liments, and to sure him in our in English atire, that England aswell as France might participate in the acquaintance, and enioy the com­pany of this his accomplished Courtier, which hauing done, al­though in a phrase and stile, al­together vnworthy the lustre and sublimaty of his Originall (which is still subiect to lose a part of her prestine Grace and Beauty in her Metamorphosis) albeit your Ho­nourable Trauels haue showne you so great variety of Courts, that you are farre more capable to teach, then be taught in matters of this nature; yet I had all the rea­sons of the World (as well of E­quitie as Merit) to proffer vp the [Page] first Booke hereof, to the Honour of your Patronage, and to the pro­tection of your Honour, sith it is not a Donation, but a Retribution in lastly restoring you backe that in English, which (as before) you formerly gaue me in French, in the perfection of which exquisite Tongue (without either flattering you, or infringing the truth) I may boldly affirme, few English can paralell, none excell you. Againe, I did it in your seruice, it is there­fore yours by propriety, I did it out of mine owne priuate obligation to your immerited fauours, it is therefore yours in the right of debt and requitall: which considered, before I shall bee so happy to de­face my arreareges in some more reall and serious manner, I hope [Page] you will pardon my Zeale, though condemne my Ambition herein, especially sith it is addressed and deuoted you by him, who will eternally remaine both zealous and Ambitious, as well to enioy the honour to liue, as the felicitie to dye

Your Honours hum­blest Seruant, IOHN REYNOLDS.

To my Reader.

IT was my desire, and withall my resolution not to haue affoorded thee the bare Complement of an Epistle, although the affecta­tion & iniquity of our times (in this Wane and Crisis of the world) rather make it Customarie, then Commendable, if thou wilt know the reason why my thoughts were thus wedded to my will. I answere: because I as much disdaine to insinuate for the Sugar of thy applause, as to feare the Gall of thy de­traction: for how well or ill thy curious English Pallat relish this my French Tran­slation, I neither passe to know, nor care to vnderstand. That I haue done it well, I am not so vaine to conceiue, much lesse to arro­gate. That I have done it ill, my Ignorance retaines this hope, that albeit I am condem­ned by my petty censuring Iurors, yet I shall be at least reprieued by my vnderstanding and competent Iudges, to whom, and to no [Page] others I appeale; those for their smattering in the French Tongue, hauing onely their eyes in their heads to see and censure; these for their perfection thereof, their heads in their eyes to obserue and distinguish, so, though those report, that I leuell not at the letter, but at the sense; yet these will truly find out, that I haue chiefly aimde to strike the sence, without extrauagantly straying or impertinently roauing from the letter. Neither had I either Defended or Apologisd this my Translation, if the Presse (which runnes swifter then our thoughts) had not made me guilty of many faults, whereof my Pen was innocent, which I hope the Courte­ous and Iuditious will winck at, though the Captious and Ignorant carpe at, and those passe it ouer with a iuditious modesty, though these perchance) stumble at it with a mali­tious dep [...]auation.

Howsoeuer, my comfort is, that if I haue not righted myselfe, yet that I haue no way wronged mine Author, the preseruation of whose intent, candeur, and integritie, hath been my greatest▪ Ambition, and not my least care; not that I delight either to prayse him in his Booke, or his Booke in him, sith that [Page] were a take as needles to attempt, as vaine to performe, especially sith the greatest Cour­tiers aswell of England as France, know, that as he gaue life to this his Treatise of the Court, so it is so farre from Ingrati­tude, as with a happy exchange and interest it hath returnd him Immortalitie; for such a weauing and contexture of matter, so great variety of Heads so curiously anotomisd and so concisely and accutely both commented and cymented, few Treatises haue (and I assure my self) none of this nature can iustly Vaunt of. The Inke wherewith he wrate it, was rather Milke then Vinegar, as teaching Courtiers how to preuent their fall, in forti­fying their subsistance, seeming equally bal­lanced, as well in commiserating the deaths of misfortunate Courtiers, as prouiding for the prosperitie of the liuing.

Grace, Wit, and Fidelitie, are the Orna­ments wherewith hee striues to adorne his Courtier, reputing nothing so inciuil in him as Ignorance, nor so execrable as Treason; and then (resembling himselfe) hee with a prayse-worthy Deuotion & Zeale (though not in expresse tearmes, yet in a dependant and necessary consequence) wisheth that the [Page] Court were (by Antithesis) opposite to the Athenian Ostracisme, that Vertue might not be robbed of her Deserts and Honour by Vice, but that Merit & Reward might still march hand in hand as Iumeals, or else as two destinct Sisters, whereof that the Aisne, and this the Puisnè, which propa­gates not onely the ioy, but the glorie of a Kingdome. In a word, he hath delineated him in so liuely a shape, and depainted him in such rich Colours, that when wee find a Common-wealth so gouernd and reformd, as that of Plato an Orator; so fluent and capa­ble, as that of Cicero; or a Captaine so Val­liant and Ingenious as that of Zenephon; then it is possible for vs to meete with the Courtier of Monsieur de Refuges, diffi­cultly before.

And now (for mine owne discharge) I am to aduertise thee that in the first Book, & 31. Chapter, I found the fifth Section wholly left out of the Originall: but whether mine Author did it vnwittingly, or the French Printer ignorantly, sith I know not, I will not define; and therefore I haue purposely left a blanke for it, as holding it very vnfit for mee to fill it vp with any thing of mine [Page] owne. And here to shake hands at parting, and to part as friendly Enemies, if not as lo­u [...]ng Friends: if thou wilt not consider this my ensuing conclusion for my sake, yet (at least) remember it for thine owne. Some Readers are curteous, some ingratefull, o­thers iniurious; and as it is in thy choyce to be either, so it is, and shall bee like­wise in mine either to care, or not to care which thou be.

Iohn Reynolds.

THE FRENCH STATIONER TO the Reader.

Friendly Reader,

I Hold it a part of my duty to ren­der thee an account of this pre­sent Treatise of the Court aug­mented as thou seest with Sum­maries, Chapters and Sections, the better to recreate and fortifie thy Memorie, and indeede farre otherwise, and withall far richer then it was at the first Printing there­of in Holland, or the second in this Citie of Pa­ris; hauing had it liberally presented and gi­uen me purposely by the Friends and familiar acquaintance of the Author after his decease, who all, now thought it both expedient and conuenient, not to pester it either with Marginall quotations, or diuersities of Au­thorities and Authors wherewith it was curi­ously embelished and adorned more for the sakes of Sch [...]llers then Courtiers.

[Page] Pulchra satis vell fine veste placent.

And now armd with their approbation, it againe assumes the light, inriched and graced by the last hand of his Author, found with many other like pieces of Estate▪ in whose Theorie and Practi [...]e this braue and Nobl Per­sonage was versed and expert, thereby to serue, as indeed he did as long as he liued, his King his Friends, and his Country, with wise and wholesome Politick counsell of Estate, wherein he still most perfectly exceld.

[...].

Aswell in respect of his deep Learning and Studi [...] as through the great and long experi­ence hee had in the Courts and affaires of Kings, Princes, Free-Estates, and Commonweales, wherein our last Kings very profitably im­ployed him, who demeand himselfe so wisely and happily, that they could no way find any iust cause to taxe his graue and prudent car­riage: and to speake the truth, his manners were so composde, that he hath left to Posterity a perfect Parragon of his incomparable Uer­tues; to his Kinsfolks, Friends, and the whole Kingdome a perpetuall sorrow for his Death, and the losse of his sweet and pleasing con­uersation. Accept therefore in good part (Frindly Reader this my labour and care, in making thee see the fruits of so rare and ac­complished a Wit, assuring thee, that the rest of his workes will not be detaind thee by his [Page] Illustrious Parents and Kinsfolks, who haue the care and keeping thereof, and of whom I hope to obtaine them through the fauor and promise of their friends, thereby futurely to impart them to the Publike, when they shall vnderstand, that my Care and Diligence in this Impression (which indeed is most exact and exquisite) hath proficienc'd and profi­ted our French wits and vnderstandings, and that thou receiue this rich Trea­tise, according as it deserues with all entire content and applause.

Farewell.

To my Noble and Learned Au­thor, Monsieur de Refuges, vpon my Translation of his Treatise of the Court.

A Sixain.

ALthough my Care hath trac'd thy curious Stile,
In ecchoing forth the Spirit of thy Booke;
Yet not my Readers hopes here to begui [...]e,
VVhen from thy French he on my English [...]ooke,
May Judge this comes as short of that, as [...] of thee:
Thus Arts great'st opposite is Ignorance vve [...]ee.
Iohn Reynolds.

Againe to him: An Acrostick Sonnet vpon his Name.

Deepe Mysteries of [...]state and Courtship too,
Enrich'd and grac'd vvith so rich Grac [...] and Art,
No Head nor Hand but onely thine could doe,
In Modelling, in all and euery part,
So svveet and so compleate a Courtier (clad so fine)
Depainted in so saire and rare a Frame,
Eternally makes thou in him to shine
Right like thy selse, and him in thy faire Name
E [...]ch b [...]st in other, and both so glorious made
Farre, sure beyond the Sphaere of common Prayse,
Vertues saue Monument vvhich can not dye nor fade,
Grace, Art Wit, Iudgement, decking [...] vvith Bayes,
England as France the [...] sing Re [...]uges Glorie,
Svvetly enshrin'd in this his Court ers storie.
Iohn Reynolds.

A TREATISE OF THE COVRT: OR Instructions for Courtiers.

The first Booke.

Wherein is very amply set foorth, the principall parts requisite and neces­sary in a Courtier.

CHAP. 1.

  • 1 Of the incertainty, variablenesse, and alterati­on of the Court.
  • 2 That in Court there is more Fortune, then conduction.
  • 3 That in Court Preferments, Fortune is inter­mixed with good conduction.
  • 4 The Author his excuse, vpon the method, or­der, and diuision of his Treatise.

1 OOf all sorts of conuersations, the most entermixed, dificult and ticklish is that of the Court▪ Where (vsually) no o­thers betake themselues, but [Page 2] those who are either driuen thereunto by Ambition, or fraughted with a desire to eraise their owne fortunes. Now as these passi­ons are violent, and for the most part, more abounding in those who resolue to vndertake so painefull a profession and facultie: so their motions are likewise vio­lent, their occurrences harsh and distastefull, and commonly the more vsuall and frequent, in that diuers ayme at one and the same end: for haue Countiers occasion to conceale any thing, their dissimulation is more apparant and their subtilty more malitious, as being necessarily constrained to sympathize, and beare vp with the Pride and Vanitie of those, who are in fauour & credit with the Prince; and many times being not able to content them in their (seldome reasonable) desires: they runne a hazard, rather to ruine then ad­uance their owne fortunes.

In which Compo [...]tment, such is the vari­ablenesse and incertainety, that it is abso­lutely impossible to prescribe infallible and certaine rules: Wherefore the best aduise and counsell in this cause is, that which wee sodainly conceiue, when our vigilancy and circumspection (as it were) denounceth warre to our eyes: which makes that in this variety and incertainty, many haue beleeud that in Court preferments there is more ha­zard and fortune, then cariage & conductiō.

[Page 3] 2 And the Emperour Sigismund to teach a Courtier of his (who after many yeares ser­uice, complained to haue receiued no profit nor preferment of him) that such faults pro­ceed not from Princes, rather from the ill for­tune of Courttiers: proffered him two close boxes, the one full of gold, the other of lead; giuing him the choise of either of them, for his reward and recompence: who thinking to take that of gold, tooke that of lead; whereby perceiuing and acknowledging his owne bad Fortune, hee condemned himselfo and acquitted the Emperour, in that hee had not formerly tasted the fruits, and enioyed the effects of his liberalitie.

3 Neuerthelesse wee must not beleeue that Court affaires, are alwaies gouerned by Fortune: for it falls out there, as at Primere, or other plaies, wherein Fortune is directed and conducted by Art, and the best and sub­tilst Gamester may lose if it crosse him; but if it smile on him, and fauour him, he then best knowes how to manage and gouerne it: and we may well say that not onely the Court, but the whole course of our life is the same, and hereunto may bee fitly and pertinently Compared.

Neuerthelesse, sith the Court is an emmi nent and conspicuous Theatre, exposd to the sight and eyes of the world: we may there­fore therein the better obserue and remarke [Page 4] the hazard of Fortune, in respect we must not omit the vniuersall and common rules that may best auaile and profit vs in this our comportment and carriage, although they correspond, or concurre not alwaies with our desires: many skilfull Pilots haue suffe­red shipwrack, although they haue beene well acquainted with the Art and expe­rience of Nauigation; and others lesse seene therein, without Astrolobe or Carde, haue happily vanquished and ouer-past many long and dangerous voyages, and yet wee know it folly to inferre or con­clude, that therefore without Art, expe­rience, Carde, or Astrolobe, we should ex­pose our selues to the mercy of the windes and seas.

4. But certainly I could desire and wish, yee had chosen a more expert Pilot then my selfe, to wa [...]t yee through the Ocean of these Court affaires, it being impossible, that (in the solitarinesse wherein I liue) I should pre­sent ye any other then a strange and vncer­taine mappe, and so depaint ye the directi­ons and examples, that fore-past time (the ordinary recreations of my solitarinesse) hath taught and instructed mee: for to produce examples of these moderne times, although it could bee performed with more profit: yet sith wee cannot speake of the liuing without enuie, I hold [Page 5] it more safe, lesse dangerous therein to be silent.

Also, I beleeue your intent is not that I ingage my selfe in such Treatises of the truth, wherein yee are more expert then my selfe; to the end therefore that I may obserue and follow some order, and Decorum in so con­fused a subiect, I will first speake of the requisites most necessarie in a Cour­ [...]er, then of the practise and vse thereof in his behauiour and carriage: whither it bee to aduance himselfe into repu­tation and fauour; or to maintaine him­selfe therein, being already aduanced; or to preuent his fall and disgrace, to the end he make himselfe more pleasing and lesse rediculous.

CHAP. II.

  • 1 Of the qualities most requisite and ne­cessary in a Courtier, being the first head and subiect of this first Booke.
  • 2 Of his Ciuilitie.
  • 3 Of his gracefull speech.
  • [Page 6] 4 Of the countenance and gesture.
  • 5 Of his apparell, and the nearing thereof.

1 THe necessariest qualities re­quisit in a Courtier for his first entrance, are ciuilitie and rea­dinesse to doe Good vnto all men: for his conduction and behauiour, Gracefulnesse, and Dexterity, and for his subsistence and continuance, Pati­ence, Humilitie, Boldnesse, and Capacitie.

2 Ciu [...]litie chiefly consists in two points, whereby it makes vs compleat and accom­plished: the one a decency or gracefulnesse, whereunto with our best endeauours wee must pertinently striue to conforme our selues: The other a pleasing Affabilitie, which makes vs not onely haue accesse and welcome to all those whom wee would fre­quent, but also inwardly incite; and ani­mates them both to craue our company, and desire our familiarity and conuersation.

3 This Dcc [...]cy, or gracefulnesse, lookes three waies: to wit, to our Speach, Counte­nance and Apparell. In our speach, our voice must be cleare, not harsh, and yet neither too shrill, nor too low; not slammering, but smooth and distinct; out tearmes and phra­ses must be modest, significant, intelligible, and plaine, and yet neither base nor affe­cted: but still pertinent and proper to [Page 7] the matters we conferre of.

4 In our Countenance the ayre of our Vi­sage must be pleasing, gracious and modest, not affected, or constrained, but without the least shaddow of ridiculous postures or smiles: the carriage and comportment of our bodie must be free from all Mimicke, or peeuish gestures, and in all our vsuall acti­ons, as in eating, drinking, exercise, pa­stime, or the like: We must be Modest and still followe that which is generally applau­ded of those, with whom we conuerse.

5 In our Apparell wee must bee de­cent, not prodigall or superfluous, and the fashion thereof must correspond with the time, without too much affecting the new, or being wedded to the old; but here­in to bee the better ordered and instructed, we must consider the apparell and fashion, worne by those who in Court are reputed both wise and gracefull: to the ende wee may thereby sympathize with them in the fashion of our Apparell, and so (as neere as we may) both reforme and conforme our selues to their immitation.

CHAP. III.

  • 1 Of Affabilitie in generall, and wherein it consists.
  • 2 Of the allurements thereof.
  • 3 To hearken and to be attentiue.
  • 4 To reproue pleasantly, yet modestly.
  • 5 What is chiefly necessary in great Personages.
  • 6 Wherewith Affabilitie must be seconded and attended.

1 AFsabilitie consists of many points, but chiefly in knowing how to salute and receiue men respect­iuely, and to entertaine them courteously, how to meete, honour, and entitle them: in a word, by exteriour demonstration of affection, and by assuring them of our Courtesie and good will, and with many alluring gestures and compliments, giuing them all approbation and considence to speake freely vnto vs.

2 Neither is it sufficient to satisfie mens conceits, and only to make them beleeue we loue them, that we beare them much affecti­on, and eagerly and earnestly desire to serue and assist them: but we must endeauour with a pleasing countenance; yea, with an agreea­ble reception, not only to entice but to al­lure them to hant and frequent our company.

[Page 9] 3 And hauing thus preuailed with them, and drawn them to our desires, we must giue eare and hearken to them, with all demon­stration both of Content and Patience; for he that will not be attentiue, is neuer Affable: neither likewise is he, who interrupts, or contradicts another man in his discourse; or which is worse, who fore-stals, or fore­tels that he would say: it falling out often, that they make themselues both rediculous and confounded, together with their losse of breath & time, finding thēselues many times in their owne erronious opinions, farthest off from that which another inten [...]s to say: besides, to interrupt or distract the concep­tions of him that speakes, or not to listen to him, is both an offence and iniurie, as also a true testimony of contempt and disdaine.

4 But we shall principally testifie our attention, in answering pertinently, and with iudgement, and pleasantnesse, in auoi­ding as much as possible wee may all harsh iests and sharpe replies, which in those who speake to vs, will speedily ingender a hope that they may easily haue accesse to vs, and conuerse with vs as often as they please.

5 Yet although this facilitie and dispositi­on to vnderstand and answer, be necessary to all sorts of people, as also to all replies, yet it is more befitting and beseeming great Personages, who communicate of weightie [Page 10] affaires: for their inferiours, beleeuing that those who vse these pleasing respects and complements, do as it were make them­selues their equals; are thereby induced and assured, that they neede not feare, fully to open and discouer them their thoughts and designes, as if it were to their friends and fellowes. Yea we may well affirme that in a manner, such doe hereby as it were keepe and retaine the keyes of mens hearts.

But as the respect and honour a great man sheweth vs, is not onely agreeable and plea­sing to vs in respect of his person: but also because his coutenance and fauour pur­chaseth vs more credit in those who are pre­sent: right so his dis-respect and disdaine, doth not onely anger vs because of himselfe, but it is insupportable in respect of the base esteeme that others make of vs, to see vs so sleighted and neglected of him.

6 Neuerthelesse, although this Affabilitie must be accompanied with a pleasing beha­uiour and carriage: yet it is not therefore to infer, that it must not be waited & attended on by that Decency & Grauitie, which is answe­rable to our ranke and condition.

But as true harmony is ingendred of the sweet and iudicious Diapason of these two discordant [...]ones, pleasant, and graue: so affabilitie must be intermixed with sweetnes, and seueritie, (or statlinesse:) or to say truer, [Page 11] to be a Medium twixt these two extreames: so as the one affright not those with whom we conuerse, nor the other make vs seeme displeasing, or vitious in their eyes: but that it be conducted and gouernd with an a­greable sweetnesse and grauitie, according to the estate and qualitie, of the affaires, persons, & other dependant circumstances answera­ble in all respects to the aduise and counsell that the Emperour Emanuell gaue his Sonne Paliogus.

CHAP. IV.

1That pleasant Iests and replies beare a part in Affabilitie.
2How we must vse them.
3Whereof they must be framd.
4What Iests and replies we must eschewe and auoyd.
5
6
7
8Of their difference and diuersitie.
9

1 PLeasant Iests and Replyes make also a part of Affabilitie, and serue to temper our speach: Nature hauing infusd laughter into man, purposely to case [Page 12] and recreate his sad and melancholly hu­mours incident and subiect to follow his af­faires: neuerthelesse, herein we must beare a cleere iudgement and a solid discretion; for those who vpon all occasions, licentiously vse the contrarie: in stead of being Affable and Courteous, are commonly held for scoffers and fooles.

2 Wee must therefore vse them sober­ly and modestly, and intermixe and dis­perce them as lightning in the darke­nesse of a Graue discourse: so that they neither debase the dignitie person, or mat ter that is to be treated of.

For as a little water powred on a great sire, the more enlightens and inflames it, and if wee throw too much thereon, doth wholly dead and extinguish it: so the frequency and excesse of these Iests, lose their dignitie and grace, in him who makes it a continuall profession to vse them: whereas, if they bee scattered and disperced iudiciously, they reinflame, and giue them the more lustre, vigour, and life; for to say truly, we should vse them as sauce or prouocation to appetite, and not as meate, for feare lest in thinking to giue some relish to affaires, and nego­tiations, they chance procure distast, if not a surfet.

3 But the quantitie and qualitie of these [Page 13] Iests and replies, must be such, as they com­prehend in them, no odious conception or matter: to wit, that they sauour not of scur­rilitie, turne not into a scandall or laugh­ter, or into a reproch of any shamefull truth to him with whom wee speake or conferre: for such broad taunts, quips, and lests, insted of counselling or recon­ciling mens humours, sometimes prouoke them to contempt, disdaine, or hatred, and especially great men are subiect a long time to remember those of this na­ture.

And howsoeuer, although it be lawfull to reply when wee are toucht or assaulted with the like [...]ests: Neuerthelesse, the most modest and wisest councell we can take here­in, is to rebate the edge of such Iests, either with a graue silence, or with no distastfull smiles, or laughter; rather then through a bitter Iest or sharpe reply to lose our friend.

4 Wee must also eschew and slye those Iests that are vsually frequent in the mouthes of common people, which com­monly sauour something of basenesse and scurrilitie, as also those that are deriued from equiuocations, or those that import a double sence or meaning: because for the most part, they are foolish, constrain'd, and subiect to be taken in ill part: but aboue all [Page 14] let vs be carefull not to accompany our Iests with wry mouthes, deformed gestures, or vnseemely countenances, as Knaues and Fooles vse to doe.

5 Neither must such Iests be affected or premeditated, but conceiud, and vttered without pondering or ruminating there­on.

6 Wee must also slye those that are too vnkindly fetch'd, or that fauour of Pride or Presumption: and we must nor bite so sharpe­ly, that we ingage our selues, either in other mens malice, or hatred, or in our owne shamefull acknowledgement or satisfacti­on.

7 Neither must we reproach others of that whereof wee our selues may bee iust­ly reproached: nor Iest at those who are misfortunate or miserable, sith tis two great a cruelty: nor at the wicked, sith they are more worthy of hatred then of laughter: neither at our friends, or patents, as being a matter full of enuy; and a true signe of a peruerse and vnnaturall Nature. Briefely, whosoeuer will delight in Iesting, hee must be very considerate and respectiue of per­sons, time, and place; as also of other ne­cessarie and dependant circumstances.

8 As for the diuersitie of Iests and re­plies, they are many: some consisting of a short word; some in the conceit and vnder­standing [Page 15] of him who speakes, others in the manner thereof: Or that wee answere to that they lest expect from vs; or that we an­swere faintly and coldly, to a question de­manded of vs with much vehemency and im­patiency.

9 Of which Iests and answers although I could here produce many examples of the Ancients: neuerthelesse, sith they are sooner and better learnt by practice and conuersa­tion, I will omit them, in respect they for the most part are cold and impertinent to recite: if the words bee not inflamd, and inrich'd with that Grace wherewith they were formerly pronounced and vttered.

CHAP. V.

  • 1 That Complements beare a great part in Affabilitie, with their definition.
  • 2 Of their Medium and Extreames.
  • 3 That we should practise them according to oc­casions, as also how to practice them.
  • 4 Of the answers we ought returne vnto them.

1 COmplements likewise clame a great part and share in Affabilitie; wee define them to be a brief expres­sion of loue, a declaration [Page 16] or demonstration of Honnor, and an obliga­tion to those whom we desire should beleeue they are exceedingly respected and beloued of vs with a reciprocall affection.

2 The manner of this Office and Compli­ment (as of all other matters) hath both its Medium and Extreames, in so much as to ob­serue the Mediocritie, it is necessary wee en­ter into the consideration of the circumstan­ces, person, place, time, matter, and cause: why and wherein this phrase of speech is more sit for great, small, or equall persona­ges; or when there is no farther neede, then to testifie a simple and small good will; or contrariwise when wee ought expresse and dilate a deeper respect and obligation.

But aboue all we must be carefull, not so much to affect lofty words, as that wee in­gage our selues in any impertinent or im­propper termes, or in any vnfit or farre fetcht replies, but to our familiars; we must vse common phrases, and not those that are affected or strained: in a word, heere our tongue and our Iudgement must march hand in hand, as equals; and we must still accom­pany our discourse with gestures, counte­nances, and other exteriour behauiour which may expresse the like affection and desire; briefly making known the causes and reasons that induce vs to loue or honour any one, or that we feele our selues oblig'd to thē.

[Page 17] Among which, we must make choice of those Complements, that are more fit and proper for the purpose, and that are more appa­rant and knowne of him to whom we will performe them.

And if we haue formerly receiued any testimonie of his affection: either in that he hath perform'd vs some friendly office, or that hee hath testified, or expressed so much in his speeches: we must often remember it to him, and attribute it to his kinde Nature, full of affection and courtesie, the which he will the sooner beleeue; because euery one being deceiued with the loue of himselfe, very easily perswades himselfe thereof, and reioiceth that another beleeues, hee pos­sesseth those perfections and qualities, that may make him pleasing, esteem'd, and be­loued of all men.

And this meanes being practised with Art and Discretion, hath a certaine secret, and hid­den power, to moue and dispose our Vnder­standings to beleeue those who make vse thereof.

I say discretion, because we meet with some Natures (although they are rare in Court) who are so farre from this common U [...]itie, as they only esteeme and repute it, but the tricke of a Mount-banke or Iugler; yoa, and for the most part, they suspect and are iea­lous of this forme of proceeding.

[Page 18] 3 Wherefore with these we must auoid all degrees of affectation, and not enter in­to such like complements: but in those Iest & replies whose custome makes them necessary; or when we are enforc'd thereunto by the consequence or dependance, of a discourse, or businesse, that may testifie in vs, rather a habit, and firme resolution of our Will, then the impetuositie of any violent or vehe­ment affection, that may bee suspected to bee performed, either out of inconstancie, immitation, or of set purpose and designe.

4 In the answers wee returne to these complements: wee must behaue our selues in the same manner and temper; but more par­ticularly to meete and answer the good offi­ces, reported and acknowledged to be recei­ued of vs: and albeit we ought to extenuate them, yet not to diminish them more then is requisite and fit, as some vsually doe.

Sith in diminishing them too much, or by affirming it a matter we would performe for any other, we thereby accuse him who re­ceiue and applaude those our good offices done him: and who thinkes to inioy therein an extraordinary testimonie of our affection and good will; the which we our selues de­minish in deminishing it, so as we thereby dis-esteeme and vnderualew his worth, who thought he had been obliged to vs as a friend in comparison of those who are not.

[Page 19] In which regard although our dutie hath sometimes led vs to performe a good office; yet we must make shew that it is a particu­lar affection that induced vs thereunto; and this neuerthelesse must be perform'd without any signe or demonstration of vanitie.

So much in generall may be said of these degrees of friendly offices, which practised discreetly, may much auaile to purchase vs reputation and credit; where contrariwise, if they are not accompanied with Wisedome, they will in the ende proue rediculous, and so it being omitted and neglected, may iust­ly offend those who expect to receiue them from vs.

CHAP. VI.

1Of our readinesse to performe a pleasure or good office.
2Considerations thereon.
3
4
5We must doe it voluntarily, speedily, liberally.
6
7
8Hauing performed it, we must not instantly ex­pect or [...]raxe the like.
9We must not displease one to please another.
10Examples hereon.

1 REadinesse to performe a pleasure (or good office) is one of the chiefest re­quisites that should be in a Courtier, at least, in him who desires to bee scene, and bid welcome in good Compa­nies, it containes the principall effects of good will and friendship: that is to say, to pleasure others, and to acknowledge it, ha­uing receiued the like of others.

Good offices wee performe, are the cy­ment of humane societie, and the fetters and manacles (saies an Antient) where­with we may inchaine and captiuate others, especially at Court, where the interest and performance thereof is the twist, or coard, that conioines and combines so many people one to another: yea, although for the most part, they are drawne thereunto with diffe­rent and contrarie affections.

2 But the chiefest consideration we must haue and retaine in performing a good office, or pleasure, is to performe it in that manner that it may be agreeable and plea­sing to him that receiues it of vs: there being many occasions wherein thinking to please, we displease; and this fals out through our owne default, in not knowing the desire [Page 21] and inclination of him to whom we would doe good.

3 Another consideration, is the manner how to performe a good office: for there are diuers sorts and degrees of them; some are Honourable to those who receiue them, and indeed, these should be done, before the pub­like eye of the world, to the end their honour be the greater and more apparant.

4 Others are profitable; such are those when wee assist and releeue the pouertie, weaknesse, shame, or necessitie of him who receiues them; and these indeed must be per­formed secretly, and apart.

5 But both the one and the other should be done willingly, and cheerefully, not repi­ningly, by constraint, or importunat solici­tation, or request: for, that which we depart from, or distribute in this manner, we giue not, but rather sell it at a deere rate; sith re­quests and praiers are alwaies accompanied with submission and bashfulnesse.

6 They must also be done speedily, and willingly, for the lingering & delaying here­of, is a signe either of doubt or of no great good will or affection for soone to refuse, or late to giue, is almost one and the same thing.

7 According to Philosophie, good offices per­formd, shold neither be mercinary, or performd in hope to receiue the like: but in Court there are none perform'd or giuen otherwise; [Page 22] and yet we must doe them so, as none may dis­couer this hope in vs: but with all our indu­strie striue to make them beleeue, that what we doe is freely; otherwise they are no more beholding to vs, then to a Vsurer, who lends sorth his money to receiue it againe with interest.

8 Wherefore he that hath performed a good office or pleasure to his friend▪ must bee aduisd, and take heed that he not suddenly demand him a recompence, for feare that be­ing discouered, to desire and craue the like, he make it apparant he did it purposely for the same end.

9 We must also be carefull, that in plea­suring one we displease and offend not ano­ther in Court, for feare lest: we lose by the bye, that which we thought to haue gotten by the maine: if a good office that we propose our selues take no desired effect, it shall be neuerthelesse wisedome in vs to continue our best endeauors and solicitations therein, there by to inforce the Ingratefull person to take notice and knowledge thereof; at least if we be any way bound or oblig'd to him for so by our new affections and good offices, we still refresh and confirme our old.

But one thing whereof we must princi­pally take heed, (although it be common in Court) is, not to trouble or disturbe him in enioying that good he hath receiued by our [Page 23] meanes, as doe those, who hauing procured an office for a man, will make him execute it according to their owne fantasie, and plea­sure, and refusing it will conuert their af­fection into hatred, and so seeke and plod to ruine him, whom they haue formerly prefer­red and aduanced.

10 Thus did Ruffinus (vnder the Emperour Arcadius) to Lucian, whom hee had made Earle and Iudge of the East; who afterwards, not satisfying him in his iniust request of Eucherius (Vnkle vnto Arcadius) he caused him miserably to be slaine.

This Example might be accompanied with diuers others of the like nature had I not (as before) propos'd breuitie in this my Trea­tise.

CHAP. VII.

  • 1 Of acknowledging and requitting good offices receiued, and wherein is consists.
  • 2 Of the consideration thereof.
  • 3 How they are, to be measured.
  • 4 How to be considered according to the Per­sons.
  • 5 The meanes we must obserue in acknowledging a good office done vs.
  • [Page 24]6 When to acknowledge it.

1 LEt vs proceed to the vnder­stan [...]ing of a Courtesie or fauour done vs, which con­sists in the orderly recei­uing & remembring there­of, as also in knowing worthily both how, and when to requite it.

This fauour, or good office done vs, must be graciously receiued, with amiable speeches, and a smiling countenance.

As for the remembrance thereof, we must expresse and testifie it, in reuealing the con­tent we haue receiued, not only in praising and cherishing it, but also in applauding and extolling our benefactor.

And for the regard of the recompence and requitall, it must beare proportion, and relation, to the benefit we haue receiued, and to the persons and meanes we haue to ac­knowledge it.

2 A good office or courtesie done vs, must be measured and considered in its true nature, as whether it be great or small, easie or diffi­cult, singular or common, true or false, by accident or occasion, or whether it were done vs in our great need and necessitie: for such fa­uours and gratuities, are of great force, and make vs forget all former iniuries and offen­ces, if there haue beene any betwixt vs: as [Page 25] contrariwise the refusall thereof in such a time is very iniurious, and makes vs forget all former fauours.

3 Good offices and Courtesies are likewise to be measured by the intent of him who hath done them: as if he haue performed them to pleasure vs, or for his own priuate benefit, and ends; or through vanitie, constraint, ne­cessity or hazard, either in not thinking ther­of, or in imagining to haue done the contrary.

4 The consideration of the persons may also more or lesse oblige vs to acknowledge receiued fauours; for those are alwaies best welcome, that are imparted vs from a friend­ly hand; and from those who for other re­spects we are disposd and addicted to loue. Contrariwise, it displeaseth and distasts vs, to be oblig [...]d to those who displease vs, and to whom we would be no way ingaged or in­debted; and that also which proceeds from him, that is in some respect bound to vs: for his courtesie being then iustly due to vs, we in that regard are the lesse obliged to him.

5 As for the means we must vse in requi­ting a receiued Courtesie, we must if possible we can exceed, at least equall them, withall demonstration, that we are bound to more: and that this is not to satisfie the debt, but ra­ther only to acknowledge the obligation.

Likewise, when we cannot doe otherwise, we must at least pay with a pleasing demon­stration [Page 26] of good will, wherein those excee­dingly fa [...]le, who hauing receiued some es­peciall fauour, which in effect, they cannot sufficiently acknowlege, instead of requiting their benefactors with affection and friend­ship, they reward them with contempt and hatred, flying and eschewing all meanes to meet them: for feare their presence reproach them either with ingratitude or pouertie.

6 Now hauing obtain'd the meanes to requite a former receiued court [...]sie, we must then seeke all occasions to come out of their debt, yet with these precautions, that we doe it not either too soone or too curiously; to the end that wee seeme not impatient to be oblig'd to our friend; or that thereby wee imagine, he did vs a fouour purposely to re­ceiue another from vs.

But we must requite a fauour or benefit a little after we haue receiued it; and yet not protract or delay it too long neither: to the end it grow not old, but we must doe it when some fit occasion presenteth it selfe to vs, or shall be sought for by vs; yet still, with this Prouiso that we doe it without flat­terie, or ostentation.

CHAP. VIII.

1Of an actiue and nimble wit, the second head of this first Booke.
2A digression vpon the difference of the Per­son [...], and wits of men, and of their naturall Capacities.
3Of naturall Capacitie.
4Of mens temper in generall.
5From whe [...]ce Capacitie and Vnderstan­ding proceed, and of Intellectuall wise­dome and her faculues.
6A rule how to treate and conuerse with those who are wise and iudicious, and of their behauiour.
7
8Of Wisedome that proceeds from Imagina­tion, and of the manners of those who are fortunate therein.
9
10Why Fortune is most commonly propitions, and fauourable to the wicked.

1 A Sharpe and sound Iudge­ment, (or an actiue & nim­ble Wit) consists in know­ing how to distinguish of Persons, affaires, and other circumstances, and accordingly how to or­der the manner of his proceedings, both in his speech and silence.

2 Now the difference of mens affaires [Page 28] and other circumstances are infinite: where­fore we will heere select and produce no o­thers but those we obserue to be most fre­quent and common in mens conuersations: and that may awaken and stir vp our wise­dome, to the consideration of others, whom we not so vsually frequent and meete.

The difference of persons, is drawne ei­ther from their interiour faculties, from whence proceed their actions; or from their exteriour conditions, whereby (as through a cloude) we may discerne something of their inclinations.

There are two Interiour Influences, and po­wers in vs, which serue to propagate & pro­duce all our actions: to wit, our Vnderstan­ding, and our Will. But mens spirits, or Vnder­standings, are very different, so as we may make as many degrees of them, as there are of men in the whole world; but for the better order and method in our Treatise, wee will destinguish them by Capacitie and Inca­pacitie.

Capacitie is either naturall, or purchased.

3 Naturall Capacitie proceeds of the per­fection of the Organes or instruments which Nature giues vs: for the operation of the functions of Understanding; and these wee may reduce to three heads, Vnderstanding, Immagination, and Memorie: and the Ca­pacitie of Wit, is either in one, two, or all [Page 29] three of these: this diuersitie, as some report, comming from the temper of the heart; but according to others (whom indeed I follow) from that of the braine.

4 This temper is nothing else but a commixture of the foure first qualities which not being in one, and the same subiect, all in the like quantitie, weight, and measure. Wee tearme the temper from the name of that, which in vertue and strength predominates and o're-swaieth all the others.

Some attribute the Capacitie of Vnderstan­ding to a drie temper that consists in distin­guishing, choosing, and inferring.

Hence it comes to passe, that old men, whose braines are dry, haue commonly most Vnderstanding, and are wiser then yong men; and so likewise are poore men, who because necessitie afflicts them, consequently dries vp their braine: and these very often are both fortunate in Wisedome, and rich in Vnder­standing.

5 I say of Wisedome that springs from Vn­derstanding, there being another sort that proceeds from the vigour of Immagination, whereof wee will anon speake: but this whereof wee now intreat, is heauie, and slow, because of a long discourse and ratiocination we must make before, wee resolue: yea, to proceede diliberatly, [Page 30] and vpon sound foundations, intermixt with dissidence and coldnesse, an excellent temper to negotiat with all sorts of people.

6 For those Wits and Vnderstandings not staying, or stopping, to the authoritie of o­thers, in their conceptions and perquisiti­ons: but resolute in themselues to examine the first and fundamentall Maximes by their own particular discourse and ratiocination; we must content them with reason, and not neglect or lose time, to perswade them through other mens reputation and cre­dit.

7 But for the rest of their comportment and proceedings, they must commonly re­lish of Simplicitie, Innocency, Humilitie, Mercy, and Affabilitie, and the greatest part of their actions, are very temperat and moderat.

8 From the hot temper comes Immagi­nation, and as heat is the actiuest qualitie of all foure; so Immagination is more nimble and actiue then the other faculties: but as there are many degrees of heat, so the ver­tue and efficacie of Immagination is likewise different.

9 He that is truly Immaginatiue, is gene­rally talkatiue and a great speaker, as also Incontinent, Arrogant, Presumptuous and Vaine: heat representing him diuers humours in his Immaginations; whereof to content himselfe, he now chooseth one, and anon another: and [Page 31] this very heat doth as it were boile his moistnes, and thereby stirs vp many vapours in his braine, that ingender Presumption and Vanitie: which debarre and hinder that Vn­derstanding can neither see, nor choose, the truth, which to define rightly is indeed her chiefe and princ [...]pall effect: so that in such Wits we very rarely meet with that Wisedome we now spa [...]e off, but only a sparke of heat that throwes them into some pretty inuenti­on, with a fore-sight of that which ensues, which only Imagination presents them, and this Wisedome consists chiefly in ending and breaking off of matters, which neuer fals out fortunatly, vnlesse wee negotiate with men of the same humour, except it be in af­faires that depend of a speedy execution: for surely in these, Imagination preuaileth.

And it many times fals out, that such Wits giue themselues sooner to euill then good: because heat thrusts them on violently to vice, and forgeth them many subtill inuenti­ons to compasse their desires and designes.

10 Hence it is that Fortune generally proues propitious to the wicked, sith they be more Imaginatiue then the Veruous: shar­per in their inuentions, and more inconside­rate, and lesse staied in their executions: al­things through the swiftnesse and viuacitie of their indeuours: (for the most part) hap­pily succeed and answer their desires.

[Page 32] Now as we haue said, that (commonly) poore men are wiser in the operations of Vnderstanding then of Imagination: so we may well affirme, that the rich are more apter and proper in those of Imagination then of Un­derstanding: because (as Naturalists affirme) these through their dainty fare become San­guine, and consequently of a hot, and moist temper, which is opposite to that of a dry.

CHAP. IX.

1From whence comes the Capacitie of Memo­rie, with their conditions who excell therein.
2That Imagination and Memory neuer meete together.
3The humours of the Imaginatiue in the first degree.
4
5In the second degree.
6In the first and last degree.
7The conclusion of the naturall Capacitie of Vnderstanding.

1 MEmory hath for her share and portion, the moisture of the brain; from whence it comes, that Children and yong folkes haue bet­ter and readier memories [Page 33] then old people: and after their mornings sleepe, haue it farre fresher then at night, the reason consists in this; sleepe moistneth the braine, and watching dries it vp.

Among these sorts of Wits, we shall not finde much lesse Vanitie and Ostentation then in the Imaginatiue: neuerthelesse, wanting more pondering and deliberation, they are easier carried away, by authoritie, reputation, and president, then the others.

But as temper consists not in one particu­lar quality, but in the combination and com­mixture of all foure: so although in the ope­rations of Wit, we know one of the three fa­culties domineer in some persons; yet to make it capable and compleat, we must haue the other two: and if not in the like degree and measure, yet with some power and suffi­ciency to direct it.

2 Vnderstanding & Memory, can in no sort conioine and sympathize in the same degree; because dry and moist can in nothing con­ceiue, or imagine with the like power and efficacie: from whence wee may conclude, that he who hath a good Vnderstanding, hath but a bad Memorie: and contrariwise, he that hath a good Memorie, hath but a bad Vnder­standing.

Likewise, where moisture abounds, there can be no great heat; because, in the end heat consumes moisture: and consequently, [Page 34] they cannot excell in Memorie, who in the third degree haue hot braines, as they doe that are truely Imaginatiue.

For if they remember matters well and perfectly, it is not in them as much an effect of Memorie, which is only a passiue facul­tie to receiue, and not an actiue, as an effect of Imagination that depends, and hath a share in remembrance.

These sort of people likewise, haue no great Vnderstanding: for although this heat produce and engender drinesse in the braine; neuerthelesse, because it is an enforced and constrain'd drinesse, which dries vp the most delicate parts of the braine, and leaues no­thing but the grosse and earthly; it cannot produce the effects of the Understanding, as Naturall drinesse doth.

3 And from th [...]nc [...] it comes that Poets and great bablers, who enioy this degree of Imagination (for the most part) are seldome wise.

4 For this promptitude and viuacitie, that heat engenders in these sorts of Wits, and which for a time makes them admired; is not only contrarie to the operations of Vnderstanding, that requires time and leasure, but also is a great propension and dispositi­on to folly.

Of whom wee may vnderstand that which Aristotle saith, that there is no great [Page 35] Wit without some mixture or spice of folly: and to speake truth it is a miracle to finde one of them wisely moderate, and moderately wise.

We therefore conclude, that Imagination and Understanding in this degree of heat, cannot meete together in the same sub­iect; from whence it comes, that those who excell in Vnderstanding, neuer proue good Poets, or great Orators; and those of this temper, who are their Art-masters in this profession, haue had neede to refresh and warme their Imagination, some by Wine, some by Loue, and others haue ob­tain'd to be Poets through Choller and In­dignation.

5 In other degrees of heat, Imagina­tion may meete with Understanding and Memorie: but those who are in the se­cond degree, shall haue lesse Memorie, more Vnderstanding, and a perfecter Ima­gination; and shall finde out and know that which is most profitable, as by inuenting of subtilties, wiles, and expedients, to treat and manage affaires: yea, to fore­see and preuent the future, and to leade, and as it were to counsell and gouerne others.

Such people are commonly cholerike, and swart, and therefore variable and inconstant in their humours and resolutions; now heate, [Page 36] then dryth, and anon cold, working their seuerall effects in them.

6 In the first, and last degree of heat, Imagination concurres & sympathizeth with Memorie, the heat being not so excessiuely feruent to consume the moistnesse; and those who easily learne to paint and write well, hold of this temper: and so likewise do those, who we see are very curious to be proper, neat, and decent in their apparell, as also in other small curiosities that recreat and de­light the eye.

7 Notwithstanding, although for the most part these sort of men are arrogant, and proude; neuerthelesse, being endued with no great Understanding, they conduct, and beare themselues more by the authoritie and reputation of others, then by their owne rea­son or iudgemen [...]s: Let this suffice to know the Naturall Capacitie of the Vnderstan­ding.

CHAP. X.

  • 1 Of Capacitie obtained by Wit.
  • 2 As also by Arts.
  • 3 Which Arts haue neede of Vnderstanding.
  • 4 Which of Memory.
  • [Page 37] 5 Which of Imagination.
  • 6 How gotten by Experience, and wherein ex­perience consists.

1 LEt vs come to the purchase: this Capacitie is obtained, ei­ther by Art, or by Experience; and that it may bee such as may answer our desires, it must of necessitie be conioyned with the na­turall: (to wit) that the facultie of Vnder­standing most predominant in vs, be proper for the Art, whereunto we will adresse and betake our selues.

2 Of Arts and Sciences, some haue more neede of Vnderstanding then others; some of a nimble Imagination, and others principally want Memorie.

3 Schoole Diuinitie, the Theorie of Phisicke; Dialect of Naturall, and Morall Philosophie, and the practice of Law, which is to Consuit and Iudge, all these haue neede of an excel­lent Understanding.

4 To learne Languages, the Theorie of Law, positiue Diuinitie, Cosmograph [...]e and Arithmatique, wee must striue to excell in a ripe and happy Memorie.

5 As for Imagination, all that consists in forme, neatnesse, proprietie, correspondence proportion, harmonie, and order, depend thereon; and consequently Poesie, Eloquence, [Page 38] Musique, the Mathematicks, Astrologie, Phi­sique, Policie, the Art Millitarie, Painting, Meca [...]ke Trades, with Architecture and Commerce: and all these in seuerall man­ners and degrees, which are best knowne, according as euery profession hath more or lesse neede, either of Vnderstanding or Me­morie.

6 Experience chiefly consists in remem­bring of Examples, or of that which we haue formerly seene, done, or vnderstood: it hath neede of Imagination, but chiefly of Memory; Neuerthelesse, the Examples that we might here present, agreeing not in all points and circumstances; if we will hence draw any consequence, and so please our selues with choice, & iudgement, we haue alwaies more neede of Vnderstanding, then of any other fa­cultie.

CHAP. XI.

1Of the Incapacitie of Wits, and the causes of this Incapacitie.
2From whence proceeds the naturall weakenesse of Wit, and the effects thereof.
3Of Inconstancie in opinions.
4Of Presumption.
5Of Vanitie.
6Of the manner how to negotiate with the Vain glorious.
7That Presumption and Iudgement cannot agree.
8The properties of those who haue moist braines.
9Of those who haue moist and hot braines.
10Of those who haue moist and cold braines: and of the Incapacitie of some sorts of Wits.
11Of the weakenesse of Wit, which proceeds from Ignorance: two sorts of Igno­rance;
The one Presumptuous, and of her effects.
12The other simple and Innocent, and of her effects.

1 BY the difference of the Capacitie of Wits we may easily know those that turne into Incapacitie: Neuerthelesse, because our defects are farre more then our perfections, which wee can obtaine, either through Nature, or Industry: we will discourse of them seuerally, that by the differences of Incapacitie, wee may the better discerne and know those of Capacitie.

2 The Incapacitie of Wit proceeds of ma­ny causes, whereof the chiefest is the weak­nesse of Wit, & preoccupation The weaknesse [Page 40] of Wit, proceeds either from Nature or Igno­rance: From Nature, if the temper of the braine be contrary, or vnfit to the operation of the faculties of Wit, or that it ingender some disorder in their functions.

3 The brain that is either too hot or too cold, begets Inconstancie in opinions: but in the last, the motion thereof is slow, and the Wit dull in her Vnderstanding, and conceits; and alwaies accompanied by feare, and In­constancie, in these sorts of Wits; without ex­ecution, very often disolues into Irresolution, still relishing and finding that councell best, when the time of its execution is past, and consequently too late to be remedied.

Inconstancie that comes from the excesse of heat, is occasioned by diuers expedients that Imagination representeth to our Vnder­standing, and through defect in not being able to choose that which is best, in respect of the promptitude incident to this actiue qualitie.

4 I haue heeretofore said, that Presumpti­on and Uanitie, vsually concurre in those tem­pers that are fit for Imagination and Memorie: but Presumption is more frequent in that of Imagination; and Vanitie in that of Memorie; and yet both are opposite to the opperations of Vnderstanding and Iudgement.

5 For the nature of Vanitie, is to esteeme and value matters, by the shew, the lustre, [Page 41] the beautie, and not by the truth thereof; reputing actions, as they are performed, with much greatnesse and ostentation: dispraising those that are done softly, coldly, quietly, and peaceably; as preferring Art before Na­ture, an enforced Wit before a naturall one, and extraordinary before ordinary.

6 These Wits, are also most commonly paid home with smoake, winde, exteriour decking, and false coine, which they preferre before that which is perfect and good, pri­sing more the currantnesse, then the interi­our value thereof: wherefore, they must be fed according to their pallate: and Curi­ositie being commonly engendered of Vanitie, we must entertaine, and feast them with cu­rious things, although neuer so vnprofita­ble.

7 As for Presumption, shee likewise can­not sympathize with Iudgement: for shee makes Vnderstanding preferre her owne suf­ficiency and inuentions, before other mens; beleeuing nothing but that which shee vn­derstands, and holds that impossible shee vnderstands not; framing all things accor­ding to her beleefe and opinion, without farther examination thereof: and these are the defects found in these sorts of Wits.

8 Those whose braines are too excessiue­ly subiect to a waterie and slymie moistnesse (there being another sort, that is oylie and [Page 42] subtile) doe both quickly learne and forget as hauing their senses stupified, and their motions dull and slow.

9 If the braine be excessibly moist and hot, their conceits are grosse and shallow; if cold and dry in youth, they mount higher then the course or strength of age permits: but the more we aduance and ascend herein, the more our Vnderstanding becomes old and rustie.

For that which makes our Wits actiue and sprightfull in our youth, is naturall heat; be­ing then in its prime and force, which as we increase in yeares by degrees, waxeth olde and diminisheth.

10 And if the braine be cold and moist, then their Vnderstanding will be dull and slow.

11 The nature of these Wits, is to examine a matter more by the colour then the cause: whereat their Capacitie cannot reach vnto, to iudge of Counsels by the euent, rather then by reason, and not to lay hold of any part of a businesse, but the skinne or barke, with­out examining the depen [...]ance or impor­tance thereof, although it be farre distant.

The Imbecilitie that Ignorance engenders in our Wits, are of two sorts.

The one is commonly attended on by Pre­sumption which makes vs contemne and dis­daine all that is prepos d vs: and this indeed is true Ignorance, (the mother of Obstinas [...], [Page 43] Contention, and Contradiction) and inca­pable to be either left or chang'd: Where­fore, by one and the same meanes, we may re­uenge our selues, and be entertain'd of this sort of people, in still leauing them to their errors: and commonly such presumptuous persons giue faire play, and leaue a breach open to those who wil enterprise vpon them: whereof Seianus tooke his aduantage to be freed of Drusus.

12 As for the other sort of Ignorance which is more simple and innocent, it is still ac­companied with astonishment and admirati­on: yet being flexible and tractable, it may be instructed and chang'd, vsing reason with authoritie, which oftentimes is very preua­lent with such Vnderctandings.

CHAP. XII.

1Preoccupations, are the cause of Incapacitie in our Vnderstanding: from whence they proceede.
2Two sorts of opinions, proceeding from the per­swasion of one particular man.
3What they occasion, and the remedie thereof.
4From whence come those opinions grounded on custome.
5Euery profession haue their particular opinions.
6Whereof a Courtier must be chiefly informed, and his precautions.
7The effects, and considerations of opinions, built vpon common estimation.
8according to theRaritie.
9Aboundance.
10Absence, or Presence.
11Facilitie, or difficultie.
12Nouelty, or strangenesse.
13Custome.

1 LEt vs proceed to preocupati­ons, that may ingender and breed in vs some Incapacitie. False opinions wherewith the Vnderstanding may be pre­ocupated, come either from some particu­lar mans perswasion, or from custome, or passions wherewith our Will may bee sur­prisd.

2 A particular man may imprint in vs an opinion contrary to truth, either through the credit, or authoritie he hath ouer vs; or as being the first which giues vs this impres­sion.

3 The first, is a witnesse of facilitie, and the second, of too much promptitude, which being not accompanied with Iudgement, for want of Capacitie to iudge and distinguish the truth, remaines and is linked to the first impressions: wherefore the safest course [Page 45] and counsell herein, is to preuent those Wits, and to take order that others preuent not them.

4 The opinions that Custome imprint in vs, proceede either of breeding and particu­lar conuersation, or else of a generall cu­stome: it is true, that he who hath beene bred at home, is of other opinions then those that are professed Trauellers, and for not vn­derstanding to make this difference: Muso­nius the Philosopher was laught at, for prea­ching peace to the Souldiers of Ualens.

5 Euery Profession and Vocation haue their particular opinions; not only, because they concerne the said Profession, but some­times for those very things that are common one to another.

6 Wherefore a Courtier must be informd not only of the Court, but also of those of particular men, with whom he is to conferre, to the end, that accordingly he gouerne and conduct himselfe: the which he shall learne not only by their actions and discourse, but also by the breeding and conuersation wher­in they haue beene brought vp, and liue; it being certaine, that it commonly fals out, that we resemble those with whom we haue liu'd and conuers'd.

7 As for those opinions built vpon the estimation, which the vulgar sort of people make of things: they to ouerthrow the truth, [Page 46] fight with more authoritie and power in our Vnderstandings: not only in this vniuersall ap­probation, whereunto none dare oppose, but also by the scarcitie or aboundacce, absence or presence, difficultie or facilitie, noueltie or Custome of certaine things whereof the price riseth or fals, according as we please to vse or esteeme them.

8 So through scarcitie and raritie, many things not greatly profitable, are much prisd and esteem'd, as Dimonds and Pearles, by rea­son whereof those who haue in them some rare qualities and perfections, although vn­profitable, are alwaies reputed and esteem'd aboue others.

9 Contrariwise, aboundance makes vs disesteeme and vnderualue our plenty, al­thogh it be not only profitable, but necessary.

10 Likewise, the want and absence of any thing makes vs in our Imagination more esteeme it then the enioying thereof; whe­ther it be before we haue it, or after we haue left it, and the retaining thereof makes vs dis-esteeme it, because of the sacietie which the enioying thereof commonly engende­reth in vs.

11 The difficultie also in getting it, makes vs value things beyond their worth: prouided that the purchasing and obtaining thereof, be not altogether impossible, and the facilitie makes vs prise them as Com­mon; [Page 47] without respecting their worth or na­turall value.

12 Noueltie and strangenesse make vs likewise condemne certaine things, as be­ing vnprofitable; and in others (as we haue formerly said) the admiration of the raritie and strangenesse thereof, induceth vs to ouerprise and value them.

13 Contrariwise, Custom [...] makes vs vn­derualue some things, as being too common; and sometimes againe, it causeth vs esteeme and prise them farre beyond their value and worth.

CHAP. XIII.

1Of Preocupation according to our Passions, and his effect according to loue and ha­tred.
2Ioy.
3Sorrow.
4Feare and Choler.

1 AS for the preocupation of Passions, it is but too of­ten that they inueagle, and sometimes absolutly blinde our Vnderstandings; as loue that addes beautie to the obiect wee affect; which is neither [Page 48] seene nor knowne to those that are not blin­ded with this passion; so hatred and Enuy suggest deformitie, and extraordinary hor­ror in the obiect, it hateth.

2 Ioy so much affects the obiect of that which inflames it, as shee cannot be silent, and sometimes becomes so vaine and talka­tiue, that it apparantly discouers our Under­standing is out of her proper throne or seate, and so make it selfe ridiculous.

3 Contrariwise, sorrow is dumbe and si­lent, and as it were forsaken and deiected; yea, it so enfeebleth our Wit and Iudgement, as from thence comes the Prouerbe, That from slaues, and miserable people, God hath taken away the one halfe of their Understanding.

4 As for the alterations, that Feare, Chol­ler and other passions ingender in our Vnder­standing, euery man not only discernes, but feeles them in himselfe. Whereof purpo­sing hereafter to entreat, I will at present content my selfe with that which I haue al­ready written to shew the obstacles and hin­derances they giue to the functions of Vnder­standing, although very capaple in other mat­ters, as also the differences and alterations they produce not only in our Wils, (as wee will hereafter shew) but also in our Wits and Vnderstandings.

CHAP. XIV.

1Of our Will, being the third head of this first Booke.
2From whence comes the diuersitie of Wils.
3The difference of the Will of our Vnder­standing.
4Considerations of goodnesse, and her obiect.
5
6
7
8Considerations of the motions of our Will.
9Of the diuersitie of their obiect, and of that it produceth.
10Considerations of euill simply: of her obiects, and of that it produceth.
11
12
13
14
15

1 COme we now to speake of our Will, which giues an assault to our Understan­ding, which of it selfe is indifferent to all sorts of obiects.

2 The differences of our Will proceeds ei­ther [Page 50] of the Diuersitie of obiects, which pre­sent themselues to her, or of the Diuersitie of her owne motions.

3 The obiects are infinite: but all are conceiued and taken by the Will, either as Good or Euill: as Good, the Will followes them; as Bad, it flies from them: from whence are deriued the two principall moti­ons, the one first, the other last.

4 Good and Euill, in this cause must not be esteem'd according to the opinions of Philosophers, or common people, but accor­ding to the particular opinion of the person whose Will we would vnderstand and know, to the end, that according thereunto we may rule and order our selues in that we haue to doe, it being the chiefest effect of an actiue and solid Iudgement.

5 For in some men, the consideration of H [...]nour will effect more then that of Wealth; and in others the hope of enioying a plea­sure, is more powerfull then either hope, profit, or pleasure.

6 A mans discourse and actions, suffici­ently teach vs the chiefe inclinations that he affects one obiect more then another: at least, if wee will carefully descerne and espie it.

7 But if wee haue to treat of any par­ticular affaire: wee must especially ob­serue what the partie with whom we treat [Page 51] chiesly desires or feares in that businesse, although it may fall out, that according to his desire, there is no thing to be feared of: For heerein wee must gouerne our selues according to other mens opinions, and not to our owne: Let this suffice for the effects.

8 In the motions of our Will, wee must consider not only their Diuersities and Dif­ferences, but also, the vse of this Knowledge; thereby neatly to preuaile in all occasions that befall vs.

9 The Diuersitie of the motions of our Will comes from the diuers formes which the obiect conceiued of vs, repre­senteth vs: for Good considered of vs, sim­ply as it is, engenders a pleasing affecti­on of the obiect, which wee tearme Loue, or Friendship: and if it bee present, then in obtaining thereof, is borne Ioy; in the vse, Reioycing, Pleasure, and Con­tent; if to come, that motion is called Desire: and if wee seeke the meanes to obtaine it; iudging it possible, we there­by enter into Hope: if impossible, into Dispaire.

10 Euill, considered simply as it is, breeds in vs only Hatred, which in anoiding and flying thereof, is tearmed Horrour; if it proceed from the absence of any good thing we want, Sorrow takes place in vs; if of [Page 52] the presence of any euill, then griefe and anger; if it touch our Honour and Reputation, before the act, it breeds bashfulnesse, then shame.

11 If the euill be to come, it breeds Ti­miditie; if it extend to the execution either of our Nature or being, feare; if for euill past, repentance; or if for that of others, then pitie and compassion.

12 If we thinke to ouercome this euill, as inferiour to our strength, confidence will assure vs, and courage and boldnesse, ani­mate and prouoke vs on to vndertake it.

13 if the euill we haue receiued, beare in it any contempt or disdaine, either of our selues or our friends, then the feeling and re­membrance thereof will excite vs to Chol­ler; which if it last not long, we may terme Anger.

14 Sometimes other mens good and pro­speritie, is an euill to vs, and their euill and miserie a good to vs, according to the af­fection or hatred wee beare the partie to whom it hapneth: as that which befals our Riuals, Competitors, or Enemies; from whence comes Enuie: And the good or pros­peritie which we desire only for our selues, without any intent to conferre, or impart it to others: if another participate thereof, wee esteeme it a wrong, and euill to our selues; from whence ariseth Iealousie.

[Page 53] 15 If we be angry at the good or prospe­ritie of other men, esteeming them vnwor­thy thereof; from thence growes Indignation; or if we desire it for our selues, then Emula­tion.

CHAP. XV.

1The vse of the knowledge of the motions of our Will.
2Three things to be considered therein.
3The dependancy of these motions in ingendering one the other.
4The motions of the Concupiscible part.
5Of the Cholerique part.
6The Order and dependances of the Will, destinguished according to the intention and execution.
7
8
9
10The Order of the motions of the Con­cupiscible part among themselues.
11
12

THese are the chiefest motions of our Will: from whence wee may recollect and know in how ma­ny sorts and degrees, good and euill presents themselues vnto vs.

[Page 54] 1 Neuerthelesse, for the vse, and to draw some profit hence, we must passe on to the Knowledge of these motions: the vse whereof chiefly consists in seeking out the meanes, either to incite and stirre them vp in others, or to moderate them not only in others, but also in our selues: or else by pleasing and humouring them, to dispose and accommodate our selues to others, if it bee requisite and necessary to follow them.

2 To stirre vp these motions in others, the knowledge of three things is very ne­cessary, to wit, the dependance of these motions in engendring one the other: of the most vniuersall causes which stirres vp euery motion, or at least the chiefest, whereon the rest depend, or mens dispo­sitions in more bending or enclining to one of these affections, then to the o­ther.

3 To come to the dependance, we must know, that euery obiect is considered, sim­ply; either as good or euill: or else with an intent and desire to obtaine the one as good, and to secure himselfe from the other as euill.

4 The motions produced of the first con­sideration (as Naturalists hold) are engende­red of the Liuer (being the seate of the fa­cultie which they tearme Concupiscible); and [Page 55] this is occasioned by the spirits that are in our blood: from whence proceed the moti­ons of all the faculties.

5 And those that are produced by the second consideration, are bo [...]ne in our heart, the seat of the facultie, which they tearme Cholericke: and according to this destincti­on we seperate and diuide in two, all the motions of our will.

Those of our Concupiscible Will, spread far­ther then those of our Cholericke: for those moue without any respect or obseruance to the obiect: so doth desire, and the other staies thereat; so doth Ioy, but none of the moti­ons of our Cholericke Will staics at the ob­iect.

6 But the stay or rest, being the end of the motion, is the first in intention, and the last in execution: wherefore if we conferre or ioine our Cholerike motions, with those of our Concupiscible which stop and stay at good; it is certaine that those of the Cholericke in the order of execution will deuance and take the hand of our Concupiscible motions, which only stop and stay at good: so hope takes place and is the Herauld and Forerunner of Ioy.

7 But our Concupiscibile motion which staies at euill, will be in the middest of our two Cholericke motions: so Anger followes Feare; and yet goes before Choler.

[Page 56] 8 As for our Concupiscible motions, which stay not, either at good or euill, being con­ioyn'd with those of our cholericke: our Cho­lericke adding the consideration of the diffi­culty, either in obtaining good, or auoiding euill, marcheth first, & goes beyond our Con­cupiscible: so hope addes some power beyond desire, and feare ads debilitie or basenesse to our courage, in the apprehension either of horrour, or euill.

9 From whence wee may conclude, that Cholerike motions are betweene those of the Concupiscible, that stop or stay not; to the ob­iect, and for those that doe stay, they are deuanc'd by the first, and followed by the last.

10 As for the order of Concupiscible mo­tions among themselues, it must also be di­uersly considered, either according to the in­tent or execution in the obiect of good: and that which is first conceiu'd and ingendred in vs, is a certaine delectation and agreea­blenesse of the obiect, after our desire is once fram'd & form'd, which is a motion to Good, and the last point is the purchase and obtai­ning thereof, and this ingendereth I [...]y and Pleasure.

11 According to the intent, Pleasure mar­cheth first: for the which wee desire good; and from this desire comes loue, then de­light.

[Page 57] 12 But the appetite and desire of Good, being an occasion that we flye Euill: the ob­iect of Good, in this goes before the obiect of Euill; and so the motions and passions which looke to the obiect of Good doe in in­tention take the hand, and goe before those which looke to the obiect of Euill: and this hath power aswell in Cholerike as Concupisci­ble motions.

CHAP. XVI.

1Of the order of Passions as they engender one another.
2The causes of Passions.
3Of those Passions which haue Goodnesse for their obiect.
4Of the loue of conformitie, and all that is con­siderable therein.
5Of friendship for our owne particular inte­rest.
6Of the effect of friendship.
7The causes of Desire, and from whence it is engendred.
8The causes of Hope.
9How Experience forti [...]ies Hope.
10The force and Power of Hope.
11

1 THe order of Passions as they produce, and engen­der one the other, is thus: Loue, Desire, Hope, Bold­nesse, Ioy; and contrari­wise, Hatred, flight to Horrour, Feare, Choler, Disp [...]ire, and Sorrow.

So Ioy and Sorrow, are the Passions where­in the others end and terminate. Hope, Feare, Choler, and Dispaire, are those wherein reside the most violent motions of the Will, assaul­ted and shaken, either by loue and desire of Good; or by hatred and horrour of Euill.

I will purposely omit to speak of other Pas­sions, because they obserue no order among themselues; but as the one or other of these entermixe and conioine among themselues, so accordingly they either march before, or follow after.

2 Let vs come to the most vsuall causes whereby these Passions may be stirred vp, and we will begin with those who haue Good­nesse for their obiect.

3 Loue, Desire, and Ioy, haue this Good for their common obiect; but hec that loues considereth it particularly, as an obiect that may bee vnited to him­selfe.

[Page 59] But a Vnion being not able to proceed, except in the like things, or though, not in all points, at least in some one which is very considerable: as, the similitude or resemblance is of two sorts, so this affecti­on proposeth it selfe now to the one, anon to the other: according to the accedents and euents of matters.

For that wherein two persons conioyne and meete, is either actually or effectually in these two p [...]rsons; as, the like humours & conformitie of Wils, from whence comes true friendship: or else it is in effect, either in the one or other, through Desire, or Incli­ [...]ation; and from thence, likewise is ingende­red Loue, or Amitie, for our owne interest, whose principall foundation, is the loue of himselfe: whereon almost all the friendships of the World (yea, those likewise of the Court) are grounded and built.

4 This sort of A [...]tie or Friendship hath relation to Kinsfolkes, Alliances, Familiarities, Conuersation, Conformi­ties of Manners, Wils, and Professions: if it fall not out that this last bee thwar­ted by Enuie, or Emulation, which is v­sually found in men of the same pro­fession and facultie. The like wee may allcadge of the Friendship of those to whom both Good and Euill is common; or of those who are of the same age or [Page 60] Countrie, to those who are not: (in a word) of all those who resemble in any considera­ble point, which seperates and distingui­sheth them from many others, by reason of this conformitie, resemblance, agreeable­nesse, obedience, and all that may tend and serue to erect and build vp this frame of friendship.

5 The other sort of Frindship, hauing for foundation, the loue of our selues; wee cannot stir vp this Affection in the Vnderstan­ding of any one, vnlesse it be in considera­tion of his owne priuate and particular in­terest.

6 With this affection the poore man loues the rich, thereby to inrich himselfe: and the rich the poore, thereby to draw either ser­uice or honour from him: so in the same sort, we likewise loue those, who either haue or may doe vs a good office: or those also who we cherish or esteeme.

Sith then our owne interest is the chiefest cause of this friendship; we must seeke that which hath most power and interest towards the person in whom we would stirre vp this affection: as, to a Couetous man, Profit; to one that is Ambitious, Honour; to a yong man, Uoluptuousnesse and Pleasure; euery one measuring his interest according to his necessity, and his necessitie according to his desire.

[Page 61] 7 Which being found out, it will be easie for vs to stirre vp Desire and Ioy: for Desire is deriued from two principall causes; the first, from the knowledge of Good, in the obiect that is proposd vs, which (by way of Retri­bution) Loue giues vs according as it hath re­ceiued it: and the other from the absence or want of this Good.

Neuerthelesse, this will not suffice to stir vp a great motion in some, if they iudge not the obtaining of their desires possible; so that wee must anexe and adde the meanes whereby hope may bee enkindled; which meanes, are of diuers sorts.

8 For all that can make a man power­full, as Riches Strength, Authoritie, Reputation, Friends, Kinsfolkes, and the like: or that can steed vs in our designs, may put vs in hope to obtaine our desire, at least, if we know these aduantages to be in vs.

9 Likewise, Experience in that we vnder­take, may fortifie our Hope: first, because hauing done, or seene a thing done, we are still more apt and fitter to doe it, then if we had neuer seene it done: secondly, because it makes vs beleeue and assure our selues, it is possible to be performed.

From whence it followes, that the Example of the like thing which another hath performed and finished, will serue to reuiue and encourage our owne hope, [Page 62] that we may obtaine what we desire.

10 This Motion is that which helps vs in al our affaires; and saith Lucian, Hope and Feare, are the two T [...]a [...]ts, that is to say, the strongest and most violent motions that rouze and stir vs vp: for conceiuing a matter to be diffi­cult, stirs vp our intention, and the opinion we haue, that it is easie; makes vs not great­ly care to see an end thereof.

11 Moreouer, Hope makes the future time seeme as it were present in our Imagination: it ingendereth Ioy in our Vnderstanding, which in this cause is more free and clcere sighted, to deuise and inuent many means how to ob­taine our desires, then if we were afflicted either with Sorrow or Anger.

For Hope hauing already iudg'd the means possible for vs to obtain our desire; it breeds in vs a confidence to passe on and a resoluti­on to march towards boldnesse.

CHAP. XVII.

1The causes of Considence, and how consi­dered.
2
3Her Motion.
4
5From whence it proceeds.
6
7The causes of Boldnesse brought forth by two meanes.
8The causes of Ioy and how it is conceiu'd and form'd in vs.
9
10Of presupposed enioyance, or imaginary presence.
11Which is the greatest Ioy.
12How Euill, is still present with vs.

1. 2. FOr if Confidence should stop, and make a stand at the bare tearmes of assurance, it were ra­ther rest then motion: but we must consider it as a passag [...] from Hope to Boldnesse: and this is it that makes vs iudge the meanes easie to surmount all hinderances and oppositions, to the end we may obtaine our desires.

3 This Motion is chiefly engendered in vs, when we imagine that those things that may warrant and secure vs, are neere, or in our power, and that those which may endom­mage or offend vs, are far remote from vs, ei­ther in respect of place, time, occasiō, or will.

4 And according to the nature of the matter: for this last wee must ground our selues on the consideration either of our po­wer, or of the innocencie and equitie of our behauiour, or of the sufficiency and inclina­tion of those, whose power we haue reason to feare: if they are honest, respectfull, modest, or friends: if they hope for some benefit from vs; or else, if they feare vs.

[Page 46] 5 Confidence comes also, when those things we would doe, are profitable, either to many, or to personages of greater ranke and qualitie, then are those whom they may offend.

6 To haue no proofe of misfortune, and not to know it, may likewise make vs secure and confident. The small repute and esteeme that our Inferiours make of this euill: the hope they haue of assistance from Heauen, and other mens perswasions and requests, may likewise assist and serue to this ef­fect.

7 Confidence being thus form'd and fashi­oned; we must proceed to giue the last sha­king and assault to our Will, that is very boldly to attempt & enterprise what we de­sire, & this is produced by two means; that is, by those things which may stir vp Hope in vs, as our strength, experience, power, assistance of friends, and other aduantages, (whereof we haue heretofore spoken) and by those things which may banish and exclude feare; which consist, either in the remotenesse of that which may offend vs, or in the hinde­rance or remedie that may be giuen or appli­ed hereunto.

8 And being by these motions led & con­ducted to the obtaining of desired Good: Ioy is instantly ingendered in vs, which is not so much a motion, as the end of a motion, ha­uing [Page 65] regard to the execution, or beginning of a motion, if wee respect the intention thereof.

9 Which to frame and fashion, two things are necessary; the knowledge how to obtaine and purchase a Good, and the enioy­ing thereof: the first, because many possesse those things that are good, whereof being ignorant, they reioice not in enioying the same.

10 As for the enioying thereof, it pre­supposeth either real, or imaginary presence, such as Desire, Hope and Remembrance, presen­teth vnto vs: for albeit Desire, or Hope, haue reference to the future, and Memory to the past: Neuerthelesse, Imagination makes those things seeme present that are absent; from whence it followes, that Ioy, and Sorrow, al­waies accompany Desire, and Hope.

11 And although of all degrees of Ioy, that which a Good really present, produceth in vs, seemes to be the greatest, as being best grounded; Neuerthelesse, through the dis­esteeme or carelessenesse, which the often taste of a Good giues vs: and contrariwise, re­presenting those things we enioy not, grea­ter in Imagination, then in effect: it comes to passe, that that Ioy which produceth Desire, and Hope, is alwaies the greatest, especially in Hope, which not only compriseth and an­ticipateth a Good▪ through apprehension, [Page 66] but also through the possibilitie to ob­taine it.

12 As much, wee may likewise say of Euill, that is present with vs, not only when it befals vs, but also when we anticipate it through feare, or being past, that we recall to our remembrance, from whence proceeds Sorrow and Anger.

So then, insteed of Good or Euill really present we may stirre vp and engender these Passions by their Imaginary presence, not only with as much power, but sometimes with more effect.

CHAP. XVIII.

1Of those who are subiect to the Passions occa­sioned through the ob [...]ct of Good.
2The Motions and Passions of the Will, that haue euill for their obiect.
3Why wee are more sensible of Euill then of Good.
4
5
6
7
8The causes of Hatred, and what it engende­reth.
9As Feare.
10The things that affright and feare vs.
11Of those we haue offended, and which of them we must most feare.
12Of that which we must most feare.

1 NOw to know those who are most dispos'd, and ap­test to receiue these im­pressions, although the knowledge of those ob­iects, that are most plea­sing and agreeable to them, may sufficiently teach and informe vs: we must neuerthelesse know that those Natures who are modest, af­fable, curteous, humble, no ill speakers, or quarellers, are most commonly capable of these Passions; as also, those who loue plea­sures, plaies, or pastimes; or to be honoured, respected, or curteously intreated; those also, who are pitifull, charitable, or officious; or who loue not solitarie companies, or that of head-strong, or peruerse people; of desem­blers, cousoners, irreconcilable, vndictiue, or presumptuous persons: and yet those who are vaine, in any of these Natures, so they are not tainted with Presumption, by honoring & re­specting thē, they will be soon drawn to loue.

But particularly, for Hope, Confidence, and Boldnesse, those will be more easily won, who are most couragious, sierce, and actiue: as al­so those who conceiue and flatter themselues with a good opinion of their own sufficiency, [Page 68] credit, authoritie, strength, meanes, and ex­perience; and likewise, who haue beene still fortunate in their enterprises, will be easily perswaded to it, either because of their fa­cultie, or in respect of their ignorance, and want of experience.

And so likewise will yong people, fooles, and those who we tearme haire-braind, in re­spect of the inconsideration and precipitati­on that attend and accompany these humors; as also, those who ouer-heat themselues with Wine; the violence of which heat, and the fumes of their spirits and brains, make them as the rest, inconsiderate, and rash: let this suffice for the passions of those whose obiect is Good

2 If by the knowledge of one contrary, it be easie to discry and discerne another: it will then be casie for vs, who know the cau­ses of Loue, Desire, Hope, Confidence, Boldnesse, and Ioy, to finde out likewise those of Hatred, Horror, Feare, Distrust, Dispaire, and Sorrow; it being certaine, that as conformitie, and simpathie of humours, or the consideration of profit, combine and lincke men together in friendship; so contrarietie of humours; and the consideration of domage, breedes likewise hatred and enmitie betwixt them.

3 Neuerthelesse, there is herein this dif­ference, that those passions whose obiect is Euill, are more powerfull then those whose [Page 69] obiect is Good, not that the motion is stron­ger, but because Euill being contrary to our Nature, it makes it selfe to be more sensibly felt then the obiect of Goodnesse, which is neere like, and conformable thereunto: the reason of Antip [...]uhie being desirous that two contraries striue and contend, whereby they may the more sensibly feele each others op­positions.

4 That which resembleth, is more diffi­cult to discerne in our Understanding then that which is contrary: white vpon white is more difficult to discerne, then blacke vpon white; right so, Good is more difficult to distinguish from Good, then from Euill.

5 In the confusion of many things, those which most resemble, are least knowne the one from the other, but in the commixture of diuers things, either contrary in qualitie or substance, they are instantly distinguished and found out.

6 Wherefore Goodnesse vniting it selfe to our Nature, we esteeme not of it, thinking we haue no more then we ought haue, but if Euill be fall vs, because our Nature is contra­rie to it, there remaines still a reluctation, and repining, which is nothing else, then a sensible feeling of Euill.

7 From whence it comes to passe, that we easily forget any good office done vs, but difficultly an ill one.

[Page 70] 8 But as from the knowledge of Euill is engendered the hatred wee beare it; so from Hatred comes horrour, which cannot be imagined to bee without the company of Feare no more then can Desire without Hope, although they apprehend the obiect diuersly; wherefore the causes of feare, teacheth vs the causes of flight, or horrour of euill, wher­of these are the most vsuall and ordinarie.

9 All things that can hurt or anoy vs, make vs feare them; yea, the very signes and resemblances thereof afflict and distast vs, as that of Death, of a tempest, and other things likewise affright and terrifie vs, be­cause the signe thereof demonstrates that the thing it selfe is not farre from vs.

10 But of all things that terrifie vs, the chiefest and greatest, is the hatred and malice of those who haue any power ouer vs, as those who are powerfull in Ua­lour, audacitie, wealth, friends, atten­dants, and to say truth, in authoritie, and reputation; because Will ioyn'd with Po­wer to doe Euill, makes vs beleeue, the Euill it selfe is very neere vs: so Iniuslice seconded and fortisied by authoritie is like­wise to be feared for the same reason; as also valour being outraged and offended, conioyn'd with power, makes it fearefull and formidable: for an iniutie receiued drawes on the Will to reuenge, and force and [Page 71] power giues him meanes to effect it: likewise, the feare and distruct of great men, is to be redoubted and feared: for they by all meanes, and waies, desire to warrant and secure themselues.

11 But of those we haue offended, or who distrust vs, or are either iealous or enuious of our Good, those are most to be doubted and feared, who spin the web of their ma­lice secretly and silently; saying nothing, but only desembling their iniuries and de­signes: because we shall not discouer when they are on the point to reuenge or pre­iudice vs.

12 We must also feare, to haue our Liues, Goods, Honours, yea, or our Persons in the power, and discretion of another; from whence it comes, that those who know any Euill by vs, are much to be feared; because of the apprehension we still must haue in be­ing discouered of them, either through En­uie, hatred, [...]alousie, imbecilitie, future hope, or present profit.

CHAP. XIX.

1The disposition in the motions and Passions whose obiect is Euill.
2What they are who feare no hurt can befall them.
3
4A remedy not to feare it.
5Of those who are much giuen to Feare.
6The vse of Feare Considered in two sorts.
7
8Of Feare accompanied with distrust.
9Of the Passions of Sorrow, and Anger, and what other Passions they engender.

1 AS for the disposition requi­site to receiue those Passi­ons, wee may easily iudge those who are dispos'd and addicted to hatred, because we haue already spoken of those who are dis­pos [...]d to loue.

2 But in respect of Feare, it is certaine that those who beleeue no hurt or domage can befall them, are not easily shaken or daunted at this Passion: for Fear [...] cannot be without the Imagination and Expectation of Euill: wherefore, those who haue alwaies beene happie in their actions, and who are powerfull in wealth, friends, reputation, strength, and authoritie; thinking that all should answer their expectations; yea, and stoope to their greatnesse, doe sildome or ne­uer feare what may befall them.

3 Those likewise who haue lost all hope of Good, and who haue beene still oppressed [Page 73] with afflictions, and crosses, and as it were inured and accustomed to Euill, they no lon­ger feare it.

4 Sen [...]ca saith, that Not to hope, is a re­medy not to feare: for it must needs be, that in those who feare, there is still remaining some sparke or hope of Good: for which they suffer this affliction and anxitie.

From whence it comes, that those who feare, are alwaies ready and willing to heare and receiue counsell: but we vse not to con­sult, if we haue once lost all hope of what we desire.

5 Of all which formerly spoken, wee may conclude, that those who are subiect to Feare, and thinke they may receiue some Euill; and knowing likewise their owne weaknesse to resist it: as the grea­test part of olde men, and the poorer sort of people, who are destitute of all helpe, friends, and meanes; or of those of inse­ [...]iour condition, and of sm [...]ll reputation, and authoritie; who are despis d, hated, enuyed, or suspected, of Uice; or for be­ing heeretofore too valiant, or to haue had too much Credit with the vulgar peo­ple: and this onely suspition and dis­trust ha [...]h procured the vtter ruine and downefall of many great personages.

6 The vse of this motion is frequent and common, and may serue vs to draw [Page 74] two profitable vses thereof: the one to make vs lose all Hope of that we desire; and herein we must aggrauate and augment the Euill, and the hinderances that may arise in the successe of that we desire, without discoue­ring the remedy and expedients, that may facilitate and make easie the purchase and enioying thereof.

7 The other is to incite and stir vp our prouidence and fore-sight; and herein it is necessary we obserue a Medium in our feare, and that against the difficulties that may a­riue or arise, wee come arm'd with some meanes and deuices, to surmount and ouer­come them; wherein Feare in this kinde performes more then Hope: because Hope pre upposeth that this Good may be obtain'd, and Feare beleeues that this Euill will be ve­ry hardly auoided: wherefore her in as re­garding that which is most difficult, our Wit and Vnderstanding is more bent then in the other.

8 Dis [...]d [...]nce followes Feare, and know­ing her selfe Incapable to anoide the E­uill or enioy the good wee desire (the de­priuation of Good being taken by our W [...]ll for an Euill) it conuerts it selfe in­to Dispaire, and this Dispaire into Sorrow, and Anger; which is more or lesse in vs: according to the iudgement our Vnderstan­ding makes of the importance of the obiect, [Page 75] and this Passion breedes diuers effects in vs.

9 For sometimes shee is the ende of motion, staying at the consideration of Euill, as ioy is the rest and repose of Good: and sometimes it reuiues and stirres vp in vs many other motions, whereof the chiefe and most vsuall, are Choter, Shame, Compas­sion. En [...], [...]e [...]ousie Indignation, and Emulati­on, which are deriued, partly from Anger, and partly from the affluence of diuers con­siderations that are obserued in one and the same obiect.

CHAP. XX.

1Of Choler, and the Passions that concurre therein.
2Of contrarie obiects in Choler.
3The causes of Choler.
4That Disdaine and Iniurie are the chie­fest.
5
6Of those who are soonest subiect to Cho­ler.
7The Passions that dispose vs to Choler.
8Shame followes Choler, and how it is stir­red vp in vs.
9The causes of shame.
10
11Disposition to Shame.

1 CHoler is fram'd, & form'd, in vs by the concurrence and affluence of many Passions: for beginning with Anger, and Sorrow, of a receiued iniury, it is ac­companied with Hatred, against him that hath offended vs, as also a desire to be re­uenged of him: the which is conioin'd with a certaine hope to effect it, because Desire, and Hope are things possible and feasable, although they beare in them a shew of difficultie: for if wee esteeme reuenge impossible, this motion would then re­side and dwell, in the tearmes of hatred and sorrow.

But Hope presenting Reuenge to our Im­magination, wee are instantly possessed with Pleasure, and Content, which Choler findes out to free our selues of Sorrow, as being the only remedie to make vs ioyfull. Euery one still delighting to thinke on that he de­sireth.

Or had we perpetrated our Reuenge, our pleasure and content were then both per­fected, & accomplished, because it banisheth all Sorrow, & appeaseth the motion of Choler.

[Page 77] 2 So this Passion hath two cōtrary obiects (to wit) [...]euenge, and him of whom we would be reuenged. Reuenge is considered, as being Good and desired, and held for such: from whence it followes, that it being perfor­med, wee reioyce, and him of whom wee would bee reuenged, is considered as an Euill, very odious and distastfull to vs.

3 As for the causes of Choler, they are vsually two: the one, the small esteeme made of vs, whether it be through Iniury, Disgrace, or any other degree of Disdaine: the other the hindrance and opposition gi­uen vs, to doe or obtaine that which wee desire: which others comprehend vnder the name of Contempt, as also, to reioyce at our misfortune, to forget vs, or the like.

4 In [...]ury is measured according to the op­pinion we conceiue and retaine of the Iniu­stice of contempt and disdaine, so if wee e­steeme the Iniustice great; Iniury then will the more prouoke and exasperate vs: So Dis­daine, or domage, offered a great man, to whom is due more respect; being more iniust the more stirres him vp to Choler, and Indignation; and also to an honest man, the wrong and Euill that is done him.

5 By this reason we are more chollerike to be disprais'd for that wherein we thinke to excell, then in that it excell not, as [Page 78] still esteeming this degree of disdaine more iniust.

6 From whence it comes, that those who are vaine-glorious, proud, and presumptu­ous; and briefly, all those who conceiue good opinions of themselues for any imagi­nary aduantage or perfection in them, doe more easily and quickly grow Cholericke; the iniury being so much the greater in their Imagination, in that they conceiue and hold a better opinion of themselues then they de­serue.

7 True it is, we omit not sometimes to be angry to see our selues dispis'd for defects in vs: but it is because the defects them­selues ingender in vs weakenesse of Capaci­tie and So row, whereof the last conducts, and preuokes vs to Choler: from whence it followes, we easily wax cholerick, against those who bring vs bad newes, and that makes vs more apt and vehement to com­mit iniuries; and hence it comes to passe that a very small matter makes children, women, old, and sicke folkes, Cholericke, as also those that are possest with Loue, Suspition, or Feare, as not hauing the cou­rage to resist this motion; and this Pas­sion continues longer in those Understan­dings, that are rude and barbarous, then in those that are more polished and ciui­lis'd.

[Page 79] 8 Shame is a degree of Feare that de­pends of Honour: but sometimes Anger, and then Choler steps within it; it hath its birth in vs by actuall presence, or by supposition of shamefull, dishonest, or vn­decent actions, as well past, present, as to come, whether they proceede from our selues, or from those who touch vs in affi­nitie, or those that for some other respect and reason we affect and loue.

9 But flatterie and praises of vs, spoken in our owne presence, before whom, then, and where they ought not haue beene re­ported, may also make vs blush, and stirre vp in us this affection: likewise, the re­proach of a good turne, or office done vs: to be reproued of a fault, to confesse it and craue pardon, not to participate of those things that are common to our inferi­ours and equals: to serue in any base or seruile manner, and to be fallen from a greater fortune, makes vs likewise asha­med in presence of those who haue seene vs enioy the same. Shame for the most proceeding from the presence of those be­fore whom wee present our selues, as also, before those whom wee respect and ad­mire, or those with whom wee are con­ioyn'd in Office, or Dignitie; who obserue our actions, and are accustomed to slaun­der, and backbite vs: but to those who [Page 80] Cannot reproue our actions, as children; or toward those who will not as friends, or dare not, as our Seruan [...]s, we are not vsually mo­ned or stirred vp in this manner.

10. We are also shame fac'd before those to whom wee are oblig'd and beholding, without hauing had the meanes to requite it: for then their presence doth as it were reproue, and check, our Ingrati [...]ude.

11 Of all which aboue spoken: we con­clude that those who are iealous of their Honours, and desire to liue in a good repu­tation, as also those who haue receiued any iniurie or disgrace, o [...] that are in any con­temptible estate, are very subiect to enter­taine, and incident to retaine this motion: the which neuerthelesse, as all others chan­geth and assumes other formes, according to time, place, persons, and other conditions and circumstances, that concuire and meet in humane actions.

CHAP. XXI.

1.Of Compassion, and from whence it pr [...] ­ceeds.
2.Of those who are vsually vncharitable and not compassionate.
3Disposition to Compassion, and those who are aptest thereunto.
4Of that which may ingender Compassion in vs, and more stirre vs vp to Pitty.
5
6

1 COmpassion ariseth in vs through Displeasure, and Anger, wee conceiue for the euill or domage of o­thers, but to stirre vp this A [...]ger, it must needes be that our affection towards him afflicted, or the conceit, that he suffereth it iniustly, doth chiefly occasion it: for if we loue him not, or if we esteeme his wickednesse equall to the Euill he suffereth: we would neuer pitie nor commiserate it.

Neuerthelesse, there be euents wherein the condition of our nature, as also the po­wer and inconstancy of Fortune, may with­out any other consideration, stirre vp and prouoke in vs this motion; making vs af­fraid to see in our selues the miseries and af­flictions which we see befals others.

Which comes to passe when wee esteeme this Euill not to bee farre from vs, neither also to be so neere as to touch vs: for in this last point, insteed of thinking on o­ther mens crosses, we thinke on our owne, and insteed of consideration, Feare surpri­seth [Page 82] vs: and formeth it selfe in our hearts and thoughts.

Which is the reason why we will not en­ter into this motion for vnknowne persons; because they are too farre distant from our consideration, nor for persons who are so neere as their afflictions and ours seeme to sympathise and make but one, but only for those whom wee know to be betwixt these two extreames and of our ordinary and fa­miliar acquaintance.

2 Of that wee haue spo [...]en of the consideration of our Nature and the in­constancy of Fortune: wee may conclude that two sorts of men are very mercilesse and vncharitable; those who are dri­uen to so extreame an indigence and ne­cessitie that they are so farre from pit­tying others, as they only comfort and releeue their owne miseries by those of others: it being (as I haue formerly said) the common consolation of poore and miserable people, to haue compartners and fellowes in their affictions: and those who beleeue they are lifted vp so high as they esteeme themselues secured against all sorts of aduerse accidents, and who insteed of being compassionate to the afflicted, deride and laugh at them, and ma­ny times vse them with much pride and in­solency.

[Page 83] 3 Contrariwise then; those will bee soonest dispos'd and inclin'd to Mercy, who feare afflictions and calamities, be­cause they haue heeretofore felt them, and who with much difficultie and danger haue escaped them; and consequently, old men who haue had more experience of the weak­nesse and mutabilitie of humane matters, and those who acknowledge themselues weake in strength, wealth, reputation, friends, & kins­folkes: and in a word, those who haue a grea­ter feare and knowledge of aduersitie, will the sooner permit themselues to embrace this motion of P [...]e, and Commiseration.

4 But of miseries and afflictions, those that can soonest moue vs to C [...]mpassion and Pitie, are these which either accompany the affliction of the body, or the distemperature of the mind, and which befall vs not through our owne default, but as we beleeue either through the Malice of Fortune, or of our e­nemies.

5 And as these afflictions encrease by their circumstances, so doth our Compassion as if in affliction we are forsaken of our owne, depriued of our meanes and wealth, oppres­sed without cause, by strong or cruell ene­mies, or if we depend of our enemies and other like particularities, which commonly follow those that are afflicted & vnfortunate.

6 But not only present but future Afflictions, [Page 84] if they be any thing neere hand may moue vs to pitie, as also, those that are past: if it be not too farre beyond the present, or that the remembrance thereof be yet recent and fresh in our memories: from whence it pro­ceeds that the representation of the gesture, voice, apparell, and countenance of the af­flicted, doth the more powerfully moue vs; because by these exteriour signes, the crosses that afflict them, are as it were present in our owne imaginations, and contemplati­ons: In the foure ensuing Passions, Hatred, and Anger, are entermixed, and in some one of these, as in Jealousie; Loue hath also her part and share.

CHAP. XXII.

1Of Enuie.
2From whence it proceeds.
3
4Of the causes that dispose vs to Enuie.
5
6Of Indignation, and with what it is enter­mixt.
7That Wealth breedes in vs this Passion of Enuie.
8From whence ariseth Indignation.
9That great men are more subiect to it then others.
10The causes that prouoke vs to this Passion.
11The nature of Indignation.
12That Emulation is a degree of Enuy, and the causes thereof.
13
14Of those who are subiect to Emulati­on.
15
16How Emulation is engendered, and of those that are not subiect to this motion.
17
18Of Iealousie, and the causes thereof.

1 ENui [...] engendereth when wee repine and are an­gry at anothers prospe­ritie, without any other consideration then that wee wished he enioyed not his prosperitie.

2 And although there be no other cause of former variance and distast: neuerthe­lesse, it cannot be conceiued without Ha­tred, or Ill-will; nay, hardly without a kinde of silent Choler, which not properly extends but to those we beleeue are no greater then our selues, or in some respect, if not in all, our inferiours, or against those wee know, and that dwell not farre from vs.

For wee Enuie not a mans wealth whom we know not, or who dwels in the Indies; or if he haue not beene our equall or inferiour, [Page 86] or with whom we haue had no cause of strife and contention.

3 So likewise he that hath beene still our Superiour, can neuer be enuyed of vs: but contrariwise he that hath beene formerly our equall, and is of late become great, he who enioyes that which were fit and prop­per for vs, and on whom Fortune hath con­fer'd it with more ease and lesse difficultie then to our selues: him commonly we enuy; yea, although hee be our Parent and Kins­man.

4 By the same reason, those will be pro­uoked to En [...], whose equals or inferiours enter into a riuall-ship to enioy any thing with them; and it is vsually seene, they are most Enuious, who only want some meanes, and yet are in some prosperitie, thinking be­cause already they enioy many aduantages, they ought also enioy this which they want.

5 Those also who desire honour, and re­putation, are for the most part more enuious then these who are lesse Ambitious: estee­ming that other mens reputation and great­nesse ecclipseth and deminisheth their owne: so much for Enuie.

6 In Indignation, we are angry at another mans prosperitie, through the considera­tion of the person that enioyeth it: whom againe we deeme vnworthie thereof: and [Page 87] this motion is intermix'd with Anger, Hatred Enuy and Choller.

7 But the prosperities, and aduantages, that stirre vp in vs this affection, are these of [...]o [...]tune. and of Body; as, Wealth, Nobi­litie, Friends, Honour, Power, Greatnesse, Health, Strength, Beautie, and the like; and not those of Iudgement, and Vnderstanding: because we cannot say that a man is vnwor­thy to be Iust, Vertuous, or Learned; and the anger which in this respect we receiue, or conc [...]iue, may properly be tearmed Enuie.

8 Indignation proceeds likewise, when without Industrie, or by base and dishonest meanes, another obtaines Wealth, or Dignitie, from whence it comes to passe, that the ha­stie and sudden aduancements of some, make vs assume this motion, as being a thing he hath not deserued, either through care or la­bour: and generally, all aduancements and preferments from low to higher fortunes, be­get in vs these three Passions, Enuie, Indigna­tion, and Emulation.

Contrariwise, the frequent seeing a man in the same Estate, makes vs iudge & esteeme that he deserues it: time making the enioy­ing of al things lawfull, & as it were by pre­scription, it seemes that those enioy their owne, who haue a long time enioyed it.

9 Likewise, Great men with whom those of a meaner ran [...]ke are conioyn'd in any place [Page 88] or office, are soone mou'd, and prouok'd to Indignation, esteeming that their owne con­dition and qualitie is hereby debased and de­minished.

10 Inexperience, in the charge or office wherein some are aduanced, likewise driues vs into this Passion; because dignities, and offices bestowen on a man, should still be preportioned according to his [...] and Condition; all sorts of pr [...]ferments being not fit for all sorts of men: as, the conduction and command of an Army to one of another pro­fession, who is no souldier, though other­waies endued and fraughted with other ex­cellent qualities and deserts.

11 The best, and more vertuous sort of people, are likewise subiect to this passion, because hating iniust things, they cannot endure to see vnworthy persons enioy pla­ces of honour and preferment, and general­ly those who thinke they deserue well, seeing any thing conferd on another, that is infe­riour to him, either in birth, sufficiency, or other conditions, and qualities, doe soone murmure and repine thereat: whereas con­trariwise, the baser and seruiler sort of peo­ple, as also those of the meanest Cap. cities, and Iudgements: knowing themselues to be such, are not in this manner moued; because they cannot reproach or tax those faults in others, which they know are in themselues.

[Page 89] 12 Emulation seemes to be a degree of Enuie; and yet neuerthelesse they are farre different: for Enuie is angry at other mens prosperitie, not so much for the Loue of it selfe, as for some hatred or malice which waits and attends on this Passion.

13 But Emulation is not so much angry for other mens Prosperities, as it being pos­sessed of others: but for that she possesseth it not her selfe; which is the reason and cause that sometimes it stirres vp in vs, an infinite number of vertuous operations, to obtaine and purchase the like.

14 In respect whereof we many times see those addicted and subiect to this Passion, who are of a hautie courage, and endued with many great and faire qualities, as with Capacitie, Wealth, Credit, Friends, Digni­ties, or the like requisites, fit to effect any great matter of moment or i [...]portance: be­cause such men thinke they should enioy that which is fit and worthie for those of good parts; in such sort as seeing them in others, they are thereby incited and st [...]iue with their best industrie and endeuours to pro­cure the same or the like.

15 Young folkes are also much subiect to this Passion as also those who are descen­ded of Noble Parentage, and are much repu­ted and honoured, esteeming that this ho­nour ought be conferd and continued them; [Page 90] and that as it is fit, so it must not be neglected.

16 But to frame and modell this Emulati­on in our Understandings; besides, the loue of our selues, we must haue the knowledge of that Good we desire, which in this motion chiefly aimes at Honour, and Profit.

17 Which to desire we must first want them, and yet in such sort, that we are still of opinion to obtaine them, for those who know not the want thereof but haue them in abun­dance; or which dispaire to obtaine them, will neuer participate of this motion.

18 Iealousie hath her chiefest foundation, in the loue of our selues; which is the reason why we so closely affect and embrace the ob­iect that wee chiefly loue and desire, as wee will not impart any part thereof to others; and if any chance to participate there­of, we not only torment our selues with En­uie against our Coriuall, but also aduance so farre, as to hate that obiect which before we so de [...]rely and tenderly loued.

But this Passion being alwaies deuanc'd, and anticipated by Suspition, Mistrust, and Feare, those who are subiect to this motion, will finde themselues fit to enter into lealou­sie of that Good they inioy, in remembring an­other, where many Riuals and Competitors seeke and desire the same Good.

These are the causes and meanes that are [Page 91] most commonly vsed to incite and stir vp the motions of the Will, according to the circum­stances of place, time, persons, and affaires.

CHAP. XXIII.

  • 1 The vse of the knowledge of Passions, and the meanes to moderate them both in our selues and others.
  • 2 The benefit by moderating Passions in our selues, liuing in Court.
  • 3 That they are moderated by faire meanes, and by the power of Courage.
  • 4 By naturall Pleasantnesse.
  • 5 Or by that which we Procure or Purchase.
  • 6 By our Breeding.
  • 7 By Experience.
  • 8 By discoursing of Reason, and how farre it ex­tends.
  • 9 Diuers Considerations hereon.

1 COme we to the meanes to moderate them; wherein I am of opinion, that we must begin by our selues: for to imagin that we shal haue more predominance ouer other mens wils then our owne, is very vnlikely and contrary to sence and reason.

[Page 92] 2 But if we can once command our selues, then there is no doubt, but we are capable to gouern the World, & to become masters of o­ther mens affections, because this moderatiō giues vs leisure to espie out the place, time, occasions, and other necessarie aduantages, to compasse our designes: yea, wee must fawne, bow, and easily deferre, according to occasion, alwaies walking as it were with the bridle in our hand, and if we faile of our purpose, we must not notwithstanding lose courage, and so despaire; but if we finde the doore shut one way, wee must without torment, or affliction, seeke out and open another passage.

Briefly, wee shall secure our selues from those sharpe and passionate Motions, which disturbe and hinder the conduction and pro­gression of affaires: yea, that fetter and stop vs, and often times make vs lame: and produce in ou [...]selues precipitation, obsti­nacy, indiscretion, bitternesse, suspition, and impatiency.

3 But these motions whether in our selues or others, are moderated, either through the agreeablenesse of our conuersation and man­ners, by force of courage, prouidence or by dehortation.

The agreeableuesse of our manners, and force of courage, although they are diffe­rent in themselues, yet in this respect, they [Page 93] oftentimes produce the same effects; and both the one, and the other, is either natu­rally, or artificially obtained.

4 As for the naturall, it is most certaine, that we shall sinde some Wils and Inclinations, that are naturally more stayed and moderate one then another; and others againe more lifted vp and eleuated aboue the obiects of that may prouoke and stirre vp those Moti­ons, which is the reason they are not so often remoued and shaken, nor with so much vio­lence or impetuositie.

I mean not here stupiditie, insensiblenesse, or Ignorance, which take from vs the feeling of Good, as they doe of Euill: for to be of this humour & inclination, were to partici­pate more of a Beast then a Man: neuerthe­lesse, because we may preuaile according to the occasions of these sorts of Natures, wee must likewise be acquainted with those who are subiect to these defects of Wisedome and Iudgement; for, in the Court, as well as in a priuate Family, euery one is necessary, and hath his proper vse.

But this agreeablenesse of manners, and force of Courage, arising from certaine Com­plexions; and among others, from the San­guine, which is farthest distant from excesse, as being betwixt the Fleame that engende­reth Stupiditie, and the Gall that produceth Choler: to beare our selues vpright in this [Page 94] cause, we must auoid to fall into the two dis­tempratures of the blood; which are the yel­low Gall, and Melancholly: which engen­der in vs many extraordinary motions: and wee must temper Fleame, for feare least through its coldnesse, it benumme and stupi­sie our Vnderstanding.

Neuerthelesse, I referre it to Phisitions to prescribe that rule of Dyet, that may be sit; not only because I will not vsurpe on their Profession; but likewise, because of the dif­ficultie that we sinde to practise that which others haue prescribed and written; as also, for the small benefit and good we can reape, and receiue thereby.

5 As for the meanes to obtaine this a­greeablenesse in our manners, and force of courage there are three chiefe and principal, Education, Experience, and Discourse of Reason.

6 To be bred and brought vp among those that are either moderate or resolute, wee vsually follow their steps, and inherit, and participate of their inclinations for fre­quenting them often, their conuersation destils in vs the same opinions, and manners.

7 Likewise the experience or knowledge of diuers accidents that haue befalne vs, or those of our acquaintance, make vs behaue and beare our selues, either moderatly as they haue formerly done in the like occur­rences.

[Page 95] 8 But the discourse of Reason, goes further, and embraceth all sorts of considerations, whereof we will here produce the chiefest that may pertinently serue for this matter and purpose.

9 The first is that of the true estimation of things; yea, of those things themselues that may be apprehended of vs, either as Good or Euill.

And hereunto all Philosophie aimes, and en­deuours to fortifie vs against many thinges, that may either dasell our sences, or astonish vs: but hitherto it hath preuail'd and gain'd but little among Common people, and lesse of Courtiers who spurn at these rules; where­of as I will aduise none to make vse thereof against any one whom he knowes incapable: for feare least he become either importunate or rediculous; so I willingly counsell euery one in his owne particular, that he seeke and procure this moderation (which is the most requisite perfection in a Courtier) and ha­uing found it to make vse thereof, and neuer to neglect it.

CHAP. XIV.

1The fourth head of this first Booke: three Principall faults we commit in seeing things Good or Euill.
2The indifferency thereof being a remedy for the first fault.
3What Death is.
4Time and delay is a remedy for the second fault.
5
6Considerations vpon these rem [...]dies.
7
8
9
10
11Disaduantages, or Domages, a remedy for the third fault.
12Examinations of the disaduantages of an Ob­iect, and examples thereon.
13Weaknesse, Credulitie, and Curiositie, three d [...]fects, from whom proceede the ill opinions wee conceiue either of our selues or others.
13Remedies for thisWeaknesse.
14 Credulitie.
15 Curiositie.
17The conclusion of thisChapter.

1 TO say something as wee proceede in this Treatise: We must know that wee faile many times in the iudgement and true esti­mation of obiects that presents themselues to our Will.

First, in interpreting and reputing that [Page 97] Good or Euill, which is not, or else in repre­senting Good or Euill farre greater in shew, then it is in effect, or else in tearming that Good which is Euill, and that Euill which is Good.

2 As for the first fault: it is most certaine that the greatest part of things in this world haue two handles, o [...] holdfasts, whereby wee may take th [...]m: by the one they seeme to be grieuous, and also heauy; by the other easie and light, and it is in our choice to take them which way we please, there being no reason whatsoeuer, but wee may find out, and pro­duce its contrarie.

3 Death is the distastefullst Accedent wee feare: but if we consider the miserie of this world, it is an enfranchising and speedy re­medie from and against all miseries; yea (to vse but a word) it is a harbour and shelter a­gainst al the stormes and tempests of our life.

It is almost the same in all other obiects; for there are not many so absolutely to bee held for afflictions, from whence we may not deriue and draw some profit; nor none so ab­solutely good, from [...] there may not proceed some preiudice [...] inconueniencies.

If then those motions [...]hat are stirred vp by the consideration of Good, transport vs with too much violence, we must enter into consideration of the losses and profits that may arise, and those which are occasioned by [Page 98] the consideration of Euill may be moderated, in representing to themselues the profits they may receiue thereby: and so excercising themselues in this indifferency, we shall find our selues in the tearmes of this moderation that is necessary for vs, in the managing and conduction of affaires, and we must not feare that it either coole or weaken our designes: for our Iudgement will alwaies bend more one wa [...] then the other; but it must not be with precipitation and inconsideration.

4 And not to be guiltie of the other fault, which is committed in representing Good or [...]uill greater then they are; wee must giue leisure to our Iudgement maturely to consider it, and so vnst [...]ip and deuest the obiect, which may moue and incite vs to all those qualities and occurrences, that may make them seeme greater then they are.

5 Time weakeneth the impetuositie of this Motion, and giues place to a more per­fecter knowledge of that, which incites vs hereunto; yea, although it be but in giuing our selues so much time, as to repeate the let­ters of the Alphabet, as a wise man councel­led Augustus to doe, when he was cholerick.

Euery one knows how to condemne Iudg­ments giuen in Passion and Choller, and yet not­withstanding all those sentences and iudge­ments we pronounce, are for the most part of this sort.

[Page 99] 6 Let vs then permit this motion, to grow and waxe old that our Vnderstanding re­turne to her proper seate, especially sith all that is done in passion, ought to be doubted and suspected of vs: and let vs consider this obiect naked and deuested of all her circum­stances, and wee shall find it farre other­wise then it seem'd to vs at the first ap­pearance.

7 As for Example, the presence of Euill at first sight thereof, makes it seeme farre grea­ter then it is; from whence proceeds Sorrow, which in the end is worne away by Time; whereas if Euill were as it seemes to bee, it will be the same at twenty yeeres end, as at present. Let vs therefore deuest it of this circumstance of presence, and conforme our Imagination to the truth, and we shall find that we shall not bee so vexed and pestered with this motion.

8 But it is not onely the circumstance of time present that encreaseth Euill or Good in our Imagination, for the future performes like­wise as much, for she it is that often deceiues vs, both in our feares and hopes: for we misse that wee hope for; that which wee feare vanisheth, and passeth away; and that which we neither waite nor expect, oftentimes be­falls vs.

9 Many Accidents likewise befall vs, which preuent what wee foresee, Thunder and [Page 100] Lightning is driuen away with the wind of a Hat, as also the fortune of great men in a small moment of time, one turne of a wheele makes that which was aboue, beneath; and very often from whence we expect our ruin, proceedes our securitie and preseruation.

10 And so it is in other circumstances ofsearcitie, aboundance, facilitie, difficultie, noueltie, strangenesse, and custome; which as we haue formerly said, hinders the functi­ons of our Iudgement, and whereof we must of necessitie deuest the obiects, if we wil iudge according to truth, as also our Iudgements and Understandings from all preocupation of opi­nions, and popular errours.

11 The third fault is greater then the two former, when we perswade our selues, that an obiect is profitable and Good, which is Euill and noysome, and that euill and pernitious which is not.

This errour comes to passe, sith all things as we haue already said, haue two handels or hold-fasts, and except we be cautious and carefull, wee onely take hold of the first that comes to our hand.

12 Wherefore before wee iudge of the qualitie of an obiect, we must first know the profits and preiudices, weigh and consider the consequences of both, and compare them one with another, and if the profits exceede the preiudices; not onely in number, but in [Page 101] weight, qualitie, dependance, or importance, we may then tearme them Good and profita­ble; or if the contrary, we must reiect them as Euill.

As for Example: euery one holds reuenge to be Good, and as a pleasing and agreeable thing is desired of all men, because of the content it brings with it, which notwith­standing is far lesse then distaste, and angers, who torment and trouble vs in seeking the meanes to accomplish and perpetrate our designes.

This thought of reuenge, is a worme that frets and eates out our hearts, prouokes vs by day, torments vs by night, and most com­monly in vaine; and whilest we thus afflict our selues, our enemy laughes and liues ioc­cund and merry: and when wee are on the point to execute our reuenge, thinking to put out one of his eyes, wee commonly lose both our owne; for the feare of Iustice and punishment surpriseth vs, and driues vs to this extremitie, either to hide our selues, or to flie.

If then wee ballance all this with a little Content, which for the most part lasteth not long, and sometime is but meerely imagina­rie, we shall then find, that it doth not match or counterpoyse these our angers and afflic­tions, and so likewise it is in many other matters.

[Page 102] As for those who imagine they are wron­ged and iniured when they are not, they a­gaine are in a greater errour, although they s [...]me to be more wise and iudicious, as ha­uing an eye to all things, and enquiring af­ter all Matters.

It is to bee too ingenious to torment and afflict himselfe, to seeke that he desires not to find; and it is to haue a bad stomack, ill to digest good Viands.

Contrariwise, we must in all things seeke the pleasingst interpretation, and that which contents vs best, if wee will resolue to taste that which is worst.

Hath not one saluted thee as he ought; yet attribute it not to disdaine; for if hee bee thy friend, it is your great familiaritie that is cause thereof, if he bee thine inferiour, it is not credible that he thought it so, or neg­lected it, either out of folly, or indiscretion, although it be anothers fault, whereby hee makes himselfe more worthy of disdaine then your selfe, whose reputation and honour should not depend on people of that ranke and qualitie.

13 These ill opinions proceede of three defects that are in vs, Weakenes, Credulity, & C [...]osi [...]e, the weaker we are, the more easier are our to bee shaken, and the more violent we are motions resembling the actions of children and old people, who runne when [Page 103] they thinke they walke.

14 Wee must then bee couragious and chearefull, and through conference and dis­course stirre vp in vs the knowledge of that which befalls vs: yea, we must auoide and slie the loue and delight of these things, which most animate and prouoke vs.

15 Also to be credulous and light of beliefe, and to permit our selues to be carried away with the first opinion, we conceiue either of a man, or a businesse, or by the perswasion of another, doth in the same manner afflict vs. Wherefore wee must shut our eares against the ordinarie reports of the Court, yea wee must haue recourse vnto time, and giue our selues leisure not onely to see, but to con­sider, if the end and dependances of acti­ons answere their beginning, or correspond with that which hath been reported vnto vs.

16 Likewise, Curiositie in seeking that which may offend and anger vs, being pre­uented by an ill opinion, and attended on by doubt, makes vs interpret other mens acti­ons in a bad and contrary sense.

Wee must then slie these two l [...]tter de­fects, and fortifie our selues against the for­mer, and also in that which concernes any particular person, we must represent to our eyes the common and most frequent imper­fections of men in generall.

[Page 104] 17 Euery one halts of one legge, it is much when they doe not of both; and if wee will bee moderate in censuring other mens faults, let vs by little and little examine our owne, and then perhaps wee shall find some of them no lesse defectiue, and enormous, and it may bee the like, and as bad, if not worse then theirs: but withall let vs lend such excuses to other mens faults, as we giue to our ow [...]e. Thus haue yee the manner how to beare our selues in the estimation of mat­ters.

CHAP. XXV.

1Consideration of our power to moderate our Pas­sions.
2W [...]rein this power consisteth.
3Why we throw our selues on the Court.
4To consider our abilities by the difficulties wee meete withall.
5
6Fore-sight is a second meanes to moderate our Passions.
7The first effect of this fore-sight, is to flie the causes and occasions, and not to enter into these Motions.
8
9
10The second effect of this foresight, is to prepare our selues against that which we foresee must b [...] fall vs, and to attend and expect it with a firne and constant resolution.
11The third effect of this fore-sight, is to change and diuert this Euill [...]eing befallen vs ano­ther way, or else to familiarize it to our selfe in our Imaginations.
12Of the diucrsion thereof, the third meanes to moderate these Passions.
13Other meares to diuert our Passionat Wit and Conceits.
14
15
16

1 THe other consideration that may scrue vs to moderate our Passions, is the knowledge of that which we can do, limmit­ting thereby our hopes and de­sires vnto things certaine, neare at hand, and casie, and accustoming our selues to facility and simplicitie (the Mother of peace and tranquillitie) we are not deceiued in our de­sire and hopes, but by a false opinion which we conceiue thereby to accomplish it: for if by little and little wee examine our selues how farre our power can extend, wee shall not then heape vp desire on desire, nor hope vpon hope as we doe.

2 But this power not onely consists in Authoritie, Reputation, Friends, Capacitie, or the llike meanes, whereby we may obtaine that which we desire but also in disposing of our Wills to indure and suffer that, which is com­monly [Page 106] incident in the research of things of this nature.

3 We throw our selues on the Court, to obtaine Wealth, Honour, Authorit [...] and Power, wee haue many faire entrances thereunto, many Friends, many good Qualities and Perfections which may bring vs into repu­tation and credit. But these are not enough, we must examine and enquire of our selues, if we are disposde to flatter great men, and sometimes their Groomes, to waite and at­tend a Porter, after he hath a long time ma [...]e vs stay to number the Nayles of the Gate or Doore; if wee will suffer our selues to bee scan [...]alizd, and calumniated, and can pack vp iniuries without da [...]ing to com­plaine thereof, and if we can accommodate our selues to other mens pleasures or passi­ons: for it is with this price and coyne that this Merchandise of the Court is purchased and bought.

4 Turne ouer these circumstances sound the depth of your power, weigh this money, and consider if these wares bee worth this price, and it may be you will indge, that you must goe into this Faire of the Court with more aduisement and moderation, then o­thers doe.

5 It is the like in all other actions; for we must measure and compare our abilities with the difficulties that doe, or may arise, [Page 107] yea, and without the least flattering of our selues: for it is a common error & ouer-sight that insensibly destills into vs, and that not being able to doe what we would, wee must frame our Will to performe that which wee can. Let this suffice for the most generall meanes, that wee may extract from discour­sing of Reason, thereby to moderate our Pas­sions.

6 Come wee now to the meanes which the weakest and simplest practice and vse, which are fore-sight and dehortation.

7 The first effect of fore-sight, is to free our selues of all canses and occasions, that may stir [...]e vp in vs any irregular mo­tion, and so to cut off all their approaches, and to stop their entrances.

8 In their birth all things are weake and tender, and it is more easier to re­pell and stoppe the fi [...]st st [...]ppe, or a­sault to this motion, then to delay, or protract it, either through difficultie, or or­der.

9 So hee who is accustomed to be cho­lerick in his play, let him auoyde play; hee that is hasty and angrie, let him eschew all causes of debates and contentions; and hee that loues or hates any obiect, let him not present himselfe before it, but rather let him estrange and sequester himselfe from it.

[Page 108] 10 The second effect of this fore sight or prouidence, is to foresee the Good or E [...] that may concurre, and meete in a businesse: and not onely by little and little to examine the same according to all the circumstances thereof, but also to stand vpon our gard, and constantly toawayt and expect it in tran­quilitie and silence, yea, and without any ex­teriour disturbance, which commonly redou­ble, and reinflame the Motions of our Under­standings, and makes them more impetuous and violent.

11 The third effect is, to wheele about, or to diuert another way the Euill we see, ready to befall vs: or if we cannot performe it, we must in such sort represent it often to our Imaginations that when it ariues, we may bee armed to receiue it with more patience, and lesse anger, Sith it is certaine, that propensed and premeditated dangers alwaies least pre­iudice and hurt vs.

12 As for the deuerting thereof, it is a meanes vsed in all passions: for as one naile driues out another, so one passion expelles another, and herein we may beare our selues two manner of waies.

For wee diuert our Vnderstanding; that is, prouokt or moued, in preposing another ob­iect to the same passion that moues vs: so to him that is in loue with a woman, we present him another farre more fairer and amiable, [Page 109] or to him that follows a sute or businesse by tedious and troublesome meanes, we propose him a shorter and farre easier course to ef­fect it.

13 Or else wee diuert the Understanding from one passion to another, as in an ambi­tious man, wee moderate his hopes from pearching or soaring higher, by fearing him, lest he fall into his former estate, or perad­uenture; to a worse; a subtiltie which hath been often practised by many Princes to­wards their Fauourites.

14 Likewise also, when to a sorrowfull man we present. and proffer some thing that may reioyce him, to a fearefull man that may resolue and secure him, and to one that hates vs, some testimony of our affection, thereby to allure and draw him to loue vs.

15 But herein we must bee cautious and careful, that the obiect whereunto we would draw our Understanding, be more powerfull in our Imagination, then that wherewith it was first surprised and possessed.

16 And if one alone obiect be not suffici­ent, we must then present many; for there is nothing that subdues and weakeneth the Understanding so much, as pluralitie and di­uersitie of obiects: for bending himselfe a­gainst all, his motions are made lesse violent towards euery one of them seuerally deui­ded.

CHAP. XXVI.

1The third vse of the knowledge of the motions of our will, and wherein it consists, as in Af­fabilitie, or agreeablenesse; and how to vse it in Court, which is the fifth Head of this first Booke.
2Of the profit and necessities of this Affabilitie, with Examples thereon to that effect.
3Of Affabilitie in our Choller.
5How to beare our selues in this Passion.
6
7
8In mildnesse and pleasantnesse, and of their Na­tures who are mild.
9
10In feare and of their natures who are feare­full.
11To accommodate our selues to this Passi­on.
12Of confidence and beliefe, and how we ought to demeane our selues to those, who are adi­cted and subiect thereunto.
13Of shame, and of their natures, who are shame-faced.
14How to beare our selues towards those, who are subiect to this Motion.
15
16
17
18Of hatred and malice, with their reme­dies.
19Of Courtesie.
20How to beare our selues to those who are cour­teous.
21Of Affability in ingratitude and how to beare our selues to those who are ingratefull.
22Of Compassion and Pitie, and of their Na­tures, as also how to beare our selues to­wards those, who are subiect to this Passion.
23Of Indignation, and of their Nature who are prouoked to this Passion.
24That the malicious, and enuious, resemble those who are passionate.
25How to beare our selues towards them.
26Of sorrow, and how to beare our selues towards those who are sorrowfull.
27
28
29
30Of Ioy, and how to beare our selues towards those who are ioyfull.
31Aduice for Courtiers how to behaue them­selues in their gestures and Countenan­ces, according to the Examples of the Courtiers of Alexander, and his Father Phillip.
32
33If it bee lawfull for Courtiers to imitate the Vices as well as the Vertues of those with whom they conuerse: Examples hereon.
34That those who haue flexible and changeable Wits, are fit to be Courtiers.
35The Conclusion of the difference of persons, proceeding from the difference of their in­teriour conditions and qualities.

1 THere remaines the third vse of the knowledge of the Motions of our Will, which consists in squa­ring and framing our affections, and actions, to those of others, which in a word we tearme Asabilitie, and is most commonly abused in Court, or many times degenerates into flattery.

2 Notwithstanding it may not onely be profitable (as was that of Arcacius. Patriarke of Constantinople, who thereby mollified and appeased the crueltie of the Emperour, Leon Macella) but also necessary in many acce­dents as well towards our Prince as particu­lar persons: I will hereunto adde some thing that may sort more for example, then to pre­sent that which might be alleaged vpon this subiect, and I will begin with Choler.

3 He that is tormented with this passi­on of Choller, it may be complains of iniuries receiued amplifies and augments them, hath his Wits bent on reuenge, and applaudes it, is ready to attempt it, not fearing the danger, but rather seekes the execution, then once to enter into the consideration of that he doth; [Page 113] hee approues and followes his head-strong and precipitated resolution, speakes ill of him, who hath offended him, procures him as many enemies as possible he can, and by his countenance diuers wayes, bewraies this his vindictiue and reuengetull passion, his com­plexion changeth, he speakes with impetuo­sitie and confusion, lookes aduerse and ghast­ly, now here now there.

4 Whosoeuer therefore will dispose him­selfe to be conformable to his humour, that is possesst of this passion, hee must somewhat immitate his actions, and ma [...]e him vnder­stand he does it for the same effect and pur­pose, seeming to be angry for the iniurie h [...]e hath receiued, blaming him that hath done it, praysing reuenge, and approuing his for­wardnesse, boldnesse, resolution, and the like to be reuenged of his enemy.

5 But because these actions and counte­nances are not fit for all people, nor towards all sorts of persons, wee must therefore vse much discretion, and propose many degrees of reuenge; yea, wee must endeauour to choose that, which requires most time for its execution, as being the surest, to the end that time may deminish and coole our choller, and so make roome for reason.

6 Briefly, in all hastie and rash resoluti­ons, which choller suggesteth vnto vs, wee must procrastinat and deferre the execution [Page 114] thereof by the most apparant and colourable pretexts we may, grounding this delay (if possible we can) vpon some considerations which we see he embraceth or retaineth, that is thus passionatly offended.

7 For in this cause, it is Charitie to de­ceiue our friend, thereby to diuert him from this Motion of Reuenge; yea, it is an excel­lent wile and viuacitie of Wit to performe it, so as it appeare not that we are opposite or contrary to him: for feare he be not offen­ded with vs.

8 But with those who are milde and op­posite to Choller, we must obserue and fol­low a contrary rule: for these are commonly estrang'd from reuenge: for they speake courteously of those who haue offended them; seeking to deminish and excuse the in­iuries they haue receiued, and considering the dangers and difficulties these are to be reueng'd, they approue this resolution, not to permit themselues to be transported and vanquished with this Passion, and so procee­ding with reason and aduisement, they in the [...]nd content themselues with that satisfacti­on which is offered them.

9 To accommodate and sit our selues then to these sort of men, we must extoll the resistance they oppose, as well to the vio­lence of Choller, as to the desire of Reuenge, it being Wisedome in them, to estimate the [Page 115] iniury by the qualitie and condition, as well of him that offred it, as of him that hath re­ceiued it.

10 He that is fearefull, esteemes and con­sidereth all these dangers, although they are small in apparance; yea, it seemes vnto him, that the Euill or danger is neerer vnto him then it is; for fearing all things his hope is weake: yea, he is doubtfull of those things that are certaine, changeth often his pur­pose and counsell: hee is irresolute, and betakes himselfe to that party and side where he thinkes there is lesse danger, al­though it proue lesse honourable; he still augmenteth and aggrauates the danger wherein he is; forgets himselfe and those who are neerest and deerest to him; not esteeming them in respect of his owne se­curitie, but makes his feare apparant by his gestures and countenance, now chan­ging complexions; and then againe speaking confusedly, inconstantly, and with much impertinencie, and distracti­on.

11 To accomodate and fit our selues to this Passion, we must support F [...]are with Reason, which we entitle Wisedome and fore­sight (the mother of securitie) and blaming that Leuitie that is built vpon vaine and infirme hopes, wee will tearme it timeri­tie and rashnesse to performe the con­trarie, [Page 116] and shew our selues, as if we were pos­sest with feare; yea, wee will excuse that, which (without shame) wee cannot com­mend.

12 Contrariwise, if we haue to doe with a man, who is full of resolution, and confi­dence, who enters not into the consideration of those things, that may procure vs feare and preiudice, or who deemes himselfe se­cure enough from any Euill that may betide or ariue him, amplifying the conceit thereof, and deminishing the Euill and Danger, being ready to hazard, and execute his designes, bearing himselfe in his gesture, actions, and countenance chearefull and resolute, and in his speeches constant and secure, wee must put such a one in mind of his condition, qua­litie, power and reputation, which assure vs he will finish and accomplish his desires; de­minishing the danger and hazard, and extol­ling the care and meanes he hath in his pow­er to effect it; highly applauding his for­wardnesse to resolue his constancy to fol­low, and his audacitie and courage to exe­cute; and if occasion present, we must like­wise informe him, that in matters of the like nature that concern'd our selues, wee per­form'd the same, and followed the very same stepps and resolutions.

13 But if wee will fit and and accommo­date our selues to the humours of those who [Page 117] are shamefac'd, considering that these sort of people are commonly angrie, and complaine when there befalles them any thing that makes them ashamed, wee must endeauour and striue to couer and excuse it; and their faults being reueal'd and dlsclosde, to ac­knowledge and confesse them, and seeming to be sorrowfull and repentant for their ho­nour and reputation lost, not to take any de­light or pleasure to refresh their remem­brance of what hath formerly befallen them.

14 We must seeme to grieue for the discon­tent they suffer, and that we very vnwilling­ly enter into this discourse; that this shame proceeds not, but from a praise worthy na­ture, that is iealous of Honour; and that there are none but are subiect to the like acci­dents, which in the end either time or some contrary action will deface, and rase out of mens memories.

15 But if we meete with some impudent or brasen-fac'd fellow, considering that such fellowes conceiue neither displeasure, shame or repentance at any thing they commit, al­though neuer so dishonest, but contrariwise applaud and apologize it, yea, and somtimes take a delight and felicitie to report it, ha­uing neither consideratian nor care of the blemish and preiudice which this may bring to their reputations, but rather hating and [Page 118] disdaining those who are opposite and contrary to them, or that dislike their acti­ons and behauiour.

16 If we cannot vntwist and sequester our selues from these sort of people, we must runne with the Hare, and condemne the great respect we must beare some men, to whom those who serue them are slaues, and depriu'd of many infinite pleasures and con­tents; yea, we must blame those who be­take themselues hereunto, either with too much seueritie or simplicitie.

17 To accomodate our selues to him that is affectionately bent to a man, knowing that these sort of people, willingly extoll, Ho­nour; respect, defend, and excuse those whom they affect and loue: and when occasion pre­sents, doe admonish, and exhort them, wee must seem to approue the choyce and electi­on he hath made, praising his constancy in his friendship, and his courtesie and kinde offices perform'd to those he loues.

18 But if he hate a man, and that we see our selues enforc'd to please him, we must then blame him who is hated, and aggra­uate the wrong he hath perpetrated and com­mitted; yea, seeme to reioice at his errour and to be angrie at any good he hath per­form'd; and not only blame him, but likewise enerease & augment the preiudice or wrong he hath done others.

[Page 119] 19 But because wee see that Affection is neither seene nor knowne but by her effects, which are comprehended vnder the name of Curtesie; we must therefore know that those who are subiect to this Motton, are apt and ready to performe a good Office, reioycing that they meete with any occasion, and wat­ching and espying out the time, place, and conditions of those that may perswade and enuite them to doe it, or to giue them the meanes to performe a good Office; yea, to be well contented and to delight that they are the sirst, in making the only demonstra­tion of this courtesie, thereby blaming those who doe the contrary: and withall reputing themselues happy, to be found and esteem'd such; thereby to be beloued, cherished, ho­noured, praised, and respected.

20 Wherefore with such people we must approue and commend their forwardnesse and promptitude to doe a courtesie, either that which they haue done, or intend to doe; shewing our selues to be much contented, when we meet with any occasion to perform a good Office to any; still seeming to be re­spectiue and carefull, either by acknowled­ging or in being thankefull, or else by re­quitting, or performing some good Office, to him who hath formerly oblig'd vs.

21 Or if we haue to doe with Ingratfull persons (whose company I alwaies counsell [Page 120] yee as much as possible yee may to anoyde) then we must deminish the good office recei­ued, blaming the intention of him that per­form'd it, and shewing, that it is a difficult thing to charge our selues with an obligati­on without cause; and that those who are wise, know how to make a difference, and destinction betwixt reall good offices, and those that are counterseit and dissembled, that as ingratefull men are not to bee con­demned for their ill will, no more are those who acknowledge themselues debtors for that thev owe not.

22 Those whose hu [...]ors who are free and friendly, are likewise commonly accompani­ed with Pitt [...]e and Compassion towards others, grieuing at their afflictions, seeming not onely to know how vndeseruedly their mis­fortune is befallen them, whom we bewaile, but also to take occasion to feare, that the like befall not themselues, or those whom they loue; to commend and applaude the courage, conditions, and qualities, of those, who are afflicted; cherishing and comfor­ting them, and proffering them our helpe and assistance; yea, to some, giuing testimony of our compassion with sighes and teares: and thus we must likewise beare our selues, yet still according as the quality of the Af­fliction or Euill, and also as Discretion and De­cency requires.

[Page 121] 23 Those who are Angrie, at the Good, or prosperitie that befalls a man, who de­serues it not, doe commonly augment or de­minish his conditions and merits, storming and repining at the conduction and nature of humane affaires, as also at the partialitie and blindnesse of Fortune.

24 The Enuious, and Malitious man beares himselfe almost in the same manner, but the better to gratifie him, wee must enter into the consideration and comparison of him who beares enuie, with him who is enuied, still augmenting the merits of him who is enuious, and deminishing those of him that is enuied, alwaies remembring the bad actions which this last hath com­mitted, or that are worthy either of contempt or hatred.

25 But such motions being of the ranck and Nature of those, which an honest man ought to eschew and flie; hee must not in­gage himselfe to those obseruances, except hee bee constraind through some great re­spect or consideration; and yet with this Prouiso, and Discretion, that hee neither pre­iudice, nor wrong his owne Capacitie and Merits.

26 As for Ioy and Sorrow, wee must beare our selues therein differentlie: for Ioy neither accepts nor admits willinglie of Sorrow into her companie.

[Page 122] 27 But our Sorrow may be of this Nature, that he that is sorrowfull, may willingly ad­mit a pleasant and merry man into his com­pany, prouided alwaies that he know how to infinuate himselfe fairely and discreetely: for if in the middest of sorrow, one come and play the merry fellow, or foole, hee then makes himselfe not onely distastefull, but importunate and rediculous: but hauing ouer-past the violence and impetuositie of our sorrowes, and accommodating and dis­posing of our selues to the time, some one running from matter to matter, chance to enter into a discourse, which is agreeable and pleasing to him that is sorrowfull, no doubt but he may thereby somewhat mollifie and appease it.

28 For man being naturally more encli­ned and addicted to Pleasure then to Griese, Pleasure beeing first duely presented him, hee more willinglie embraceth it then the other.

29 But this hath relation and reference more to displeasing then pleasing, which in this sorrow will be accompanied and wai­ted on by silence; yea, and then when with our best endeauours and skill we cannot im­mitate the gesture and countenance of him that is afflicted.

30 As for Ioy, euerie man knowes how to represent and counterfeit it; and if we [Page 123] entermixe prayses to him, whom we would delight and please, wee shall still bee the better welcome. I should bee to tedious, if I vndertooke to represent the different actions that proceede from our interiour motions; yea, and it would not onely bee troublesome but vnprofitable. That which I haue already written shall suffice, and is sufficient to comprehend how wee should beare our selues in pleasing and obseruing our friends.

31 Onely as it were in passing by, I wil cursorily aduise yee, not to immitate those foolish and rediculous Countenances of A­lexanders Courtiers, who bore their heads a­wrie, and of one side, because. Alexander him­selfe did so; or like the Courtiers of King Phillip his Father, who seeing this Prince to bind about his face with a linnen cloth by reason of a blow he had receiued on his eye, did likewise the same, although they had no hurt whatsoeuer.

32 This indeed smells too much of the parrasytes of elder times, who indifferently practised this obseruance, or rather of igno­ble and base flatterie, which cannot bee well receiued or taken, except among blockheads and dunces.

33 Tis true, sometimes Courtiers in a ma­ner are constrained to immitate the Uices and Imperfections as well as the Uertues [Page 124] of those with whom they conuerse: For Al­cibiades being at Athens, played the Orator and Philosopher, among the L [...]c [...]d [...]monians, he was austere and seuere, with the Thracians hee ex­ercisde not onely to ride great Horses, but also to drinke and carouse stiffely; with the Ioniens he was voluptuous, iocund and lasie; and with the Persians, arrogant, and very sumptuous in his apparrell and house­hold stuffe.

34 Such spirits are fit for the Court, where we must be conformable and flexible to all sorts of humours and fashions; yet neuerthe­lesse so, as no constraint thereof be either re marked, or perceiued in vs.

35 These then shall suffice, and here I will end the discourse of the difference of men, proceeding from the diuersitie of their interiour conditions, and so will passe on to the exteriour; which being likewise infi­nite, we will onely produce those that may pertinently serue vs there, to know the inte­riour, or that are most commonly obserued and remarked in our publike conuersation.

CHAP. XXVII.

1The difference of men by exteriour conditions ac­cording to their Age, being the seventh Head of this first Booke,
2Mans Age diuided into many Parts.
3The manners and Complexions of young Men.
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11The Manners, Humors and Complexi­ons of old Men.
12
13
14
15Of Virility, and of their, Humors who haue obtain'd this age.
16

1 THe exteriour conditions of men which may serue to make vs iudge of their interiour, proceed either from Age or Fortune.

2 Wee may deuide mans Age into many parts, neuertheles the difference of manners is chiefly remark'd and obserued in Youth, old Age, and Ver [...]litie.

3 In youth we are alwaies full of our de­lights, and pastimes, hastie and rash to exe­cute our desires, burning in the incontinen­cy and pleasures of the flesh, inconstant wa­uering, and easie to bee seduced, any way; yea, willing to surfet, and to pester our [Page 126] selues with delights and pleasures, which we more then other violent things cannot sub­sist and continue.

4 Wee are easilie prouok'd to Choller and Anger and many times without cause; yea, wee permit our selues to bee tran­sported with the impetuositie of choller, the reason consisting in this, because be­ing in this age more desirous of Ho­nour, wee can lesse endure to bee con­temned and despised; but withall wee are lesse couetous, hauing not yet made prooffe or triall what it is to want Wealth, and Meanes, which is the cause and reason that in this age we so inconsiderately throw our selues into excessiue and superfluous ex­pences.

5 There is also in youth lesse Malice, and more Simpli [...]itie, then in any other degree of Age, because they consider not, but are ignorant what villanies and wickednesse there is acted and perpetrated in the world.

6 From whence it comes to passe, that not hauing beene often deceined, young men are credulous and light of beliefe, in respect whereof they are commonlie so full of hopes, that they thinke and flatter themselues, they shall obtaine all which they desire: and wee likewise af­frme, that Hope is alwaies more predo­minate [Page 127] in them, then Remembrance: for Hope lookes to that to come, which is farre more forcible and preualent in young men then that which is past, being the proper ob­iect of Remembrance.

7 So being Cholerike, and likewise reple­nished with Hope; Choller, is the cause that they attempt any thing hastily and rash­ly, and the hope they conceiue to obtaine, their desires, makes that they feare nothing whereby they become confident in them­selues.

8 They are also shamefaced and bash­full, as well because they are vnexperi­enced in matters, as also sith they haue been still trained vp in Feare: they sooner fol­low Vanitie then Profit; and in this age, friendship is stronger in them, then in a­ny other, aswell for that they are now more desirous of companie, as also in respect the consideration of Profit, which sometimes dissolues affections is very seldome, or ra­ther neuer in the memories of young peo­ple.

9 And although in many things they are commonly Ignorant; yet neuerthelesse they are not still the lesse Presumptu­ous: for presuming to know all, they are confident of all: from whence it comes to passe, that they often exceede the limmits of their designes and resoluti­ons [Page 128] bending in all their affections towards extremities bee it either to loue or hate a man

10 Neuertheles, they offend rather through Insolenc [...], and Choller, then Malice; they are ea­sie to bee drawne to Compassion retaining a good opinion of all men, as belieuing them better then they are, because frequency of Vice in respect of their youth, is vnknowne to them, which likewise is the reason, that being innocent themselues, they in their iudgements condemne Vice more seuerely, and the Sanguine complexion commonly, most predominating in this age they are se­duced and allured to mirth, and to passe their time in sport and recreation.

11 But old men as they are commonly of a contrary temper, so they differ likewise from the humours of young men, for hauing liued long in the world, and been often de­ceiued, they neither assure others, nor pro­mise themselues any thing, seeming to sus­pect and doubt all things, and to know the certaintie of nothing, they are of a poore and weake courage, in hauing obserued and seene in the course of their liues, many accidents that haue hindred them from attempting any thing, still speaking am­biguouslie and doubtfullie, taking all things at the worst hand and construing & represen­ting them in the worst sense, reputing things [Page 129] sometimes for Euill that are Good, yea, and performed with a good intent: they a [...]e [...]us­pitious and doubtfull, being the true effects of feare which freezeth and congealeth their hearts: and of the experience they haue for­merly had of mens infidelities: they neither loue nor hate excessiuely, but desire to out liue young men; because De [...]rs is chiefly de­riu'd from those things which are distant from vs, and which we want: so as their life absenting it selfe daily from them, and a small point of time remaining them to liue, they therefore in this respect desire that which they want, which consideration part­ly makes them more couetous, because wealth serues to support and maintaine our life, as also, the remembrance of the care and toile they, haue had to purchase and pre­cure it, together with the small hope they haue to retaine it, during the short tearme of their life, as also their facilitie to lose it.

12 The remembranee of things past, makes them sometimes be too talkatiue, and full of kakling, and sometimes in their speeches to be too vaine and importunate; and although they are soone angry and cho­lericke, and very often with much vehe­mencie and bitternesse; yet, neuerthe­lesse they commonly performe it weakely and faintly.

[Page 130] 13 The vsuall and customarie appetites and desires which other men conceiue, haue partly abandoned and forsaken them, and those that remain with them are but of small power & efficacie; from whence it proceeds, that they are often caried away with their owne Wils, which they measure and interpret according to the profit they receiue and reape thereby.

15 From these two extremities, it is ea­sie to point out and imagine the humours and dispositions of those who are in their Virill age, which will be still separated and estrang'd from the Considence and Presumption of young, and the Feare and Diffidence of old men.

16 So as vsing Moderation in their man­ners, and Iudgement and Discretion in their af­faires, they will beare themselues circum­spectely, ioyning profit with honesty, and recollecting and accumy plating what they haue wanted aswell in their youth as old age; the excesse and defects that are found in both these ages, will be conuerted to a mediocritie in this.

CHAP. XXVIII.

1The difference of men according to the condition of their Fortunes.
2The Profits and Preuidices we receiue by For­tune.
3That Nobilitie is the first benefit thereof, and of Noble mens conditions.
4That Wealth is the second benefit thereof, and of the natures of Rich men.
5
6The difference 'twixt him that is of late grown Rich, and hee that hath beene a long time Rich.
7The Conditions of Great men and of those that are in authoritie being the third bene­fit of Fortune.
8
9
10The conditions of him that is fortunate, being the fourth benefit.
11Other differences of men besides Age and Fortune, and how to be considered in our behauiour, and conuersation with euery one in particular.
12How to behaue our selues towards our seruants and confidents, and how towards strangers.
13How to honest and vpright men.
14How to those of a pleasant conuersation.
15How to those who are Proude, Ambitious, Modest, Malitious, or of a Kinde Na­ture.
16How to the Officious, or Inofficious, or towards those that are [...]ngaged, or not [...]nga­ged to vs.

1 COme wee to the diffe­rence that proceedes from the diuers conditi­of Fortune.

2 The chiefest bene­fits wee receiue of For­tune, are these foure, Nobilit [...]e (or Gentilitie) Wealth, Authoritie, and Happinesse: whereunto are oppos'd foure disaduantages, that may alter our demeanours, and change our man­ners and behauiour: because by the know­ledge of contraries, the thing it selfe is best knowne, we will therefore here content our selfe, only to represent the Inclinations and Manners of those who enioy these foure be­nefits and aduantages.

3 Noblemen, and Gentlemen, are more desi­rous and ambitious of Honour then others, it being the common nature of men that are enrich'd and grac'd with any priuiledge of Fortune, to seeke and striue to encrease it; and Pride alwaies accompanying and atten­ding those of this rancke and condition, they not only contemne those of lower and infe­riour degree: but those likewise who are not so anciently Noble, or well descended as themselues, and this contempt proceeds, be­because [Page 133] those things which resemble, in that they are distant and farre from vs, they are by so much the more esteem'd and respected of vs then these we see before our eyes.

4 Rich men are Proud and [...]nsolent, draw­ing the conceit thereof from their wealth, which they preferre and value aboue all things, and consequently imagine that all things lye within the lists of their power: In their speech and actions they are imperi­ous and stately, aswell because abundance of wealth occasioneth it, as also, that they de­light to make ostentation of their great­nesse.

5 They are Ingratefull, Vinaictiue, Arro­ga [...], and Vaine; because men delight to thinke and speake of that which they admire and loue: and Rich men admire and loue nothing so much as their wealth, whereof they com­monly speake, and boast, beleeuing that o­thers take as much pleasure therein as them­selues: to conclude they hereby in effect make themselues happy in their folly.

6 But there is a great difference, be­twixt those who haue beene long and those that are lately become rich, for the last are commonly more Indescreete, Couetous, and In­solent, then the former.

And for the iniuries which Rich men offer and commit, they performe them more out of Pride, and Brauerie, then out of any [Page 134] intent to molest or wrong vs.

7 Those who are oppulent, and in any high degree of authoritie, are almost of the same humour, but they are more haughtie and ambitious of Honour, and not so vaine or retchlesse as rich men.

8 For authoritie being subiect to repre­hension, and still in action, it behoues them to be vigilant and distrustfull; Their coun­tenances holds more of Pride then Anger and are faire more modest then those of rich men, beeing alwaies accompanyed with a gracefull kinde of temperate seue­ritie.

9 As for their iniuries and wrongs they are great according to their power, they ve­ry difficultly reconcile themselues to those whom they mistrust, or to those who they thinke are offended with them.

10 Those who haue beene fortunate in all their enterprises and actions, sympathize and participate of the humours of the No [...]le, Sich, and Powerfull men; but they are more arrogant, cholericke, inconsiderate and rash, thinking that all things should an­swer their desires, and nothing oppose them.

11 Besides the differences that proceede from the differences of Age, or the variable Condition of Fortune, we must consider it in a mans conuersation and behauiour: as if the [Page 135] person with whom we conuerse be a Dome­sticke, or a Straunger, whither he be a confi­dent, or not; equall, or vnequall; inferi­our, or superiour to vs; whither of a good, or euill nature; giuen to speake truth, or to lye: pleasant, or seuere; proud, or modest, ing [...]ged and beholding to vs, or not: Whereof each particular qualitie requires a particular forme to conuerse and treat with them.

12 Because with our Domesticke and Con­fidents, we must be free; with strangers dis­trustfull, and more retired and retentiue: yea, we must honour our superiours, respect our equals, and be pleasant and courteous to our inferiours.

13 We must also proceed with all assu­rance and con [...]dence towards those who are true and really honest, but we must not be­leeue those who are common lyars, or that haue no good reputation, although as wee say they haue already their reward in their owne hands.

14 To those that are Affable and Plea­sant in company, wee must be familiar; to those who are seuere or sullen, more retired and cautious, and both receiue and enter­taine them with few words and much si­lence.

15 To Ambitious and Great men we must yeeld all the Honour they can desire of vs; [Page 136] making shew as if we much respected and e­steem'd them, but to those who are tempe­rate and modest, wee must beare our selues without any affectation, we must not listen to the Enui [...]u [...] or Malitious, and yet wee must demeane our selues so, as that we make them confident, we repute them not for such: to those that beare vs much good will and af­fection, we must he alwaies readie and wil­ling (to our vtmost power) to yeeld and af­ford them reciprocall testimonies of our in­uiolable friendship.

16 Wee must seeke aad frequent those that are Of [...]ciou [...], if they can steed or plea­sure vs, and withall we must auoid the com­pany of the [...]officiou [...]; to those that are in­ [...]ag'd to vs, we [...] must beare our selues dis­cr [...]etly, in that which concernes their inte­rest, and not rashly or suddenly beleeue all that proceeds from them: and contrariwise to those, who are not obliged, or ingaged to vs, wee must adde more credit and beliefe. Thus haue yee the forme how wee must de­meane and beare our selues according to the difference of persons.

CHAP. XXIX.

1The eighth head of this Booke, discoursing of matters, whose subiects are infinite.
2Seuerall differences of affaires drawne from causes which examine and consider them.
3By meanes Possible or Impossible; necessary or not; easie or difficult; Profitable or Pre­iudiciall.
4The difference of mens actions. seruing to iudge of Possibilitie, or Impossibilitie.
5Of Power and Will, requisite in the Producti­on of Actions.
6Considerations vpon this Power.
7
8Considerations vpon this Will.
9
10Considerations vpon the means and differen­ces.
11The Circumstances of Place in things moue­able.
12The Circumstance of Time.
13Considera­tions vponThe diuersitie of hinde­rances.
14 The fac [...]ltie of a busi­nesse.
15 The necessitie there­of.
16Absolute.
17Conditionall.

1 WE E will proceede to the difference of af­faires, whereof the subiects being infi­nite, and the conflu­ence of particularities which may transforme and alter them numberlesse; I will content my selfe thereby to stirre vp Iu [...]gement and Courtship, to prefixe some common an [...] ordi­narie circumstances, whereof we may draw vse and profit in their examination.

2 Affaires are chiefely examined by the causes that gaue them their first [...]oti­on and Essence. and which ought conduct them to their end, as by the meanes which we may obserue and practise to that effect, by the end why and wherfore we vndertook it, and by the effect or issue that may re­dound to vs thereby.

13 The examinaton of the cause and meanes will informe vs; whether it bee possible or impossible, necessarie or not; and will shew vs the facilitie or difficul­tie in the execution thereof. In the ende and effect, wee must consider Good or Euill neere or farre from vs; and both in the cause, meanes, end, and effect, we must consi­der [Page 139] the Iustice thereof.

4 But of mens Actions, some are pro­duced by one onely cause, and others need meete with many; and this coniunction and commixture is performed either suc­cessiuely by a dependance, and certaine order deuoluing one after another; or by a concurrence of all together, and at one and the same time: and in this con­currence of many causes, wee must bee carefull to destinguish those that are prin­cipall from those that are but seconds and assistants: and likewise those that are absolutely necessarie from those that are not, except for greater facilitie or pro fit.

5 The chiefe causes of affaires or acti­ons residing in persons, in whom for the perfection of an action it is requisite (ac­cording to the order of discourse and rea­son) that Power and Will meete and con curre together in the same point and time; and power, hauing manie degrees, and being composde of manie sorts, wee must research and seeke, if this sort which is requisite and fit for our businesse in que­stion, is or may bee found in him that must mannage and effect it.

6 For a poo [...]e fellow, although he be In­capable in other matters, may sometimes performe more in a busines of another nature [Page 140] then those who are more eminent and rich: they being often times hindred and with­held either through shame, respect, dissidence, or suspition, or by some other such like con­sideration.

7 So our Power must be proportioned ac­cording to the qualitie of the businesse, and not measur'd according to the priuiledges and aduantages of fauour, reputation, or greatnesse; if they serue not for that businesse which is in question.

8 As for our Will, it may be knowne by the qualitie of the ende, and by the opinion a man conceiues thereof: for wee presume, he desires that which is profitable either for himselfe or his, or for that he esteemes it iust and reasonable, and his opinion may bee knowne by his words, councels, speeches, actions, gestures, and ex [...]e [...]iour compli­ments and demonstrations, as well present as past: I say past, for the execution of the like businesse, as well as the experience and example, to haue formerly vnprofitably at­tempted and enterpris'd it, may make vs iudge not only of the opinion, who can help and assist vs; but also of the possibilitie or impossibilitie that is now proffered: ente­ring into the comparison of the meanes, time, place, occasion, and other circum­stances, aswell of the execution, as hin­drance thereof.

[Page 141] 9 And these considerations of Power and W [...]ll, must not only be had or conceiued of him who hath the chiefe managing and con­duction of the businesse, but of all others that directly or indirectly may preuent or crosse it.

10 We must next examine the necessary meanes and instruments, with their quanti­tie and qualitie, proportionable to the acti­on: As that which must goe before, follow after, or accompany it: the beginning, mid­dle, and end thereof, and in all these we must still haue a watchfull and yigilant eye to Place and Time.

11 For considering that in passing from one place to another, we thinke not only of the place, where we are, but from whence we came, where wee must trauell, whither we would goe, and where wee must recide and stay: so whether it be for the managing and conduction of a businesse, that we our selues vndertake: or for the vertues and per­fection of any one that may steed or serue vs herein, still pondering and considering that euery particularitie in this exchanging of place may either bring aduantage or disad­uantage, to the businesse we haue in hand.

12 In the Time wee must consider when our businesse may be treated of, or finished, how long wee must imploy therein: since when we began it, if it haue been neglected [Page 142] or deferred, if too soone, or too late, or if after, before or at the instant of some o­ther.

13 Which performd, wee must by the same meanes and wayes examine the cau­ses of the hindrances, that may concurre and meete in the execution, whether they arise from the persons qualitie, quantitie, depen­dance, or order; or from the meanes, or o­ther circumstances: to preuent which hin­drances wee must seeke the fittest, and most pertinent remedies, to facilitate and finish the action.

14 But a businesse is held easie, when it may bee performed and finished with small labour, charge and time, and that to bring it to its absolute perfection; we need not im­ploy m [...]ny persons or meanes, which we can­not easily procure, or who depend not of vs.

15 Another consideration which must bee had in the cause of actions, is that of Necessi [...]ie, whereunto most commonly all o­thers yeeld, and giue way: for of actions some proceede from our selues, others from others, in those that come from our selues, and that are in our owne power to per­forme, wee must performe them with as much iudgement as possibly wee can, thereby to obtaine, and arriue to the ende and felicitie of our desires, and to storme, [Page 143] and bee cholerick at those which proceede not from vs; yet with a future reseruation and intention, to direct and shape our course that way againe, when the winds of Choller of either side, shall be ouer-past, and blowne away.

16 But if this Choller and Uiolence pro­ceede from Fortune, that is to say, of a cer­taine affluence, or concurrence of circum­stances which we could not foresee, or from a certaine forme or necessarie dependance of things we cannot auoide, we must accor­dingly thereunto order and accommodate our behauiours.

17 But the chiefest discourse and effect of our Iudgement depends not so much on abso­lute, as on conditionall necessitie, which tends to the end whereat we aime, and to the necessarie meanes to obtaine it.

CHAP. XXX.

1The meanes to purchase a Kings fa­uour.
2Considerations in procuring it.
3
4
5The Order and Meanes wee must obserue therein.
6Consideration of the Benefit, or Domage, that may thereby accrue vnto us.
7Considera­tion of theHonour.
8Profit, and how it is to be considered.
9Pleasure, and Profits, it brings with it.

1 WE say then, that to obtaine the fauour of our Prince: we must make our selues knowne to some one neere him: and in this sort of conditionall ne­cessitie wee must consider two things: the one the consequence and importance of the end why we betake and reduce our selues to this necessitie.

2 For if this Necessitie whereunto wee tie and ingage our seluos, bring vs more pre­iudice and domage, then the end whereunto our desires and hopes ayme, doth aduantage and profit, it will be, then descreetly done of vs, to desist from our former purpose, and to diuert our designes another way.

3 In which respect wee must poize and ballance (by the comparison of more or lesse) the profit of the end, by the disaduantage of the meanes to obtaine it.

4 The other is to consider if there are many meanes tending to this end, all which wee must likewise weigh and compare one [Page 145] with another, and so choose the surest and least doubtfull, yea the speediest and most honou­rable.

5 For although in all actions, Honour should march first, and take the chiefest place, neuer­thelesse in those which are necessary, and when there are choise of meanes to obtaine it, the first and chiefest consideration, is Assurance and Security, then Facility, and then Honour: after which we may adde the consideration of Profit, because in such actions wee chiefly seeke to withdraw our selves from necessitie, which (according to the old prouerbe hath [...]o law) and the end of the action being Honourable, the very name thereof amends and bettereth the forme that wee haue obserued in attaining thereunto: being otherwise of it selfe excused by necessitie.

6 Hauing made vse of these considerations, both vpon the Cause and Meanes, we must con­sider in the End and Effect; the Good or Euill that remains therin; which we must not examine according to the particular opinions of Philo­sophers; but according to the vulgar, or accor­ding to the opinions of those, who must either contribute or participate in this action.

All that is Good, aymes at Honour, Profit, or Pleasure.

7 Honor consists, either in the opinions we conceiue of a mans perfections & merits, or in the ceremonies of respect and reuerence, wher­with [Page 146] we honour him who is our superiour, in power, authoritie, reputation, wealth, or in some other remarkeable aduantage; the which in respect of the Honour that is vnited and fix­ed to it; is desired of all men: by which con­trary reason, all things that haue [...] themselues, or in their dependancy any Dishonor or Infamy, is iustly reputed and held as Euill.

8 P [...]ofit taken in the l [...]gest sence is consi­dered in two things, that is to say: In the par­ticular or publike assurance, or in the gaine, which not onely consists in the purchase of wealth which we want: but also in the conser­uation of that we haue; yea, to sile repell, and diminish the present Euill, and to diuert and put off the future.

9 As for Pleasure: it is (in some sence) found in all sorts of things which are good; for Honour, and Profit [...]ngender Pleasure, neuer­thelesse wee chiesly attribute to Pleasure, those good things that cannot be attributed to Pro­fit and Ho [...]our, which are d [...]lightfull and plea­sing vnto vs: not only for the feeling we haue of their presence, and through a voluntary en­ioying thereof▪ not constr [...]ined (for constraint i in all things distastfull) but also by the re­membrance thereof which is past, and by the desire and hope which is yet to come.

It is in this respect the like in Euill: which is not onely such b [...] its presence, as wee haue formerly mentioned; but also afflicts vs [Page 147] through feare and apprehension, which as fu­turely to befalls vs, as fore past faults doe through repentance.

CHAP. XXXI.

1Of the Equitie and Iustice of a matter.
2Rules of this Iustice in two sorts vniuersall.
3Truth is a dependant of vniuersall Iustice.
4And also of Particular.
5Custome is more receiued and followed at Court: then particular or vniuersal Iustice.
6
7Examples hereon.
8Conclusion of the differences of Persons, and Affayres.
9

1 GOod or Euill may bee in the end or approch of an Action, and it being once perfectly discerned and knowne, wee must examine it by Iustice, there being no man, how wicked soeuer, that desires not to giue this Iustre to his actions: yea not onely in the End, but also in the Cause and Meanes thereof.

2 But the rules of Iustice are of two sorts, the one vniuersall, receiued by most men; yea confessed by those which in other matters are of a contrary opinion, and held for iust almost of all: As to acknowledge a Di [...]i [...]itie, to loue [Page 148] and obey our Parents, to traine vp our chil­dren, to receiue and acknowledge a good of­fice done vs, and by the same reason to chastice and reuenge an iniury offered vs.

Neuerthelesse Policy hath found it more ex­pedient to take away the reuenge of greatest iniuries from particular persons, for feare they should beare themselues indiscreetly therein, and hath therefore placed and imposed it in the hands of publike authoritie.

3 Truth (which likewise giues testimony what euery thing is, may be termed dependan­cies of this Iustice; as also Fidelitie and Faith (being the cyment and foundation of all sorts of Treaties, Promises and Conuentions) without which all th [...]ngs would be in confusion, and the commerce and societie of men could not possi­bly subsist.

4 The other rules of Iustice are particulars proceeding either from the vse that authori­seth them, or from the command of the Ma­gistrate, as Lawes and Ordinances, or the in­terpretation of these Lawes and Ordinances, being in other matters alike, whereof they haue not plainely and expresly dispos'd.

5

6 If it bee not in very serious matters, we seldome inform our selues at Court of these [Page 149] two later degrees: but contrariwise wee there receiue and follow Custome, although it be ma­ny times directly opposite to Lawes and Or­dinances.

7 For Example; hee that iudgeth in some Courts vpon the point of Honour, or of the Iu­stice of an Appeale for a Duell, or single com­bate; according to the expresse letter and sence of the Law, or the rule of Conscience, he makes himselfe ridiculous in the corruption of these sinfull times.

8 This shall suffice to administer to our af­fayres, the most common and generall consi­derations; not onely thereby to iudge what must bee done, but also to coniecture that which is done, in those things that may bee prepos'd vnto vs.

9 For from mens Power and Will, and from the qualitie of affayres, Circumstance, Place and Time, it will bee very easie for vs to conclude of that which may bee done.

CHAP. XXXII.

1Of Proceedings.
2The consideration of Circumstance [...].
3The most frequent and vsuall manner to ne­gotiate and manage a businesse in Court,
4To diuert the hindrances, and to p [...]rchase Re­putation.
5What those hinderances are in our selues.
6The qualities that may diminish our Reputa­tion.
7
8The meanes to diuert and auoid them.

1 LEt vs come to the manner of proceeding; wherein the cir­cumstances are of no lesse con­sideration, then the order, which must varie and change as they do, accommodating and fitting our selues to the Place and Time, and choosing the most conuenientest answerable to the persons and affaires: husbanding the occasions without pre­cipitation, and making it knowen, that we pro­ceed in euery thing according to Nature, still following rather Reason and the aduice of the wise and experienced then Fortune or Passion; doing nothing without mature de­liberation, and being on the very point of its execution, to performe it with promptitude and celeritie.

2 Sometimes according to need and ex­tremitie wee must dissemble, deferre and obey necessitie, and reduce our selues to doe that which we can, being not able to performe what we would.

3 But the most frequent and generall or­der to treat of an asfayre, and to insinuate and [Page 151] draw any one to our opinion, is to foresee and preuent the hinderances that may diuert him from that whereunto wee would induce him, and so to worke and skrew our selues into his fauour and approbation.

4 The hindrances proceed either from our selues, or from hi [...] to whom wee addresse our selues; from those that contradict vs, and to whom our aduise is not pleasing, or may of­fend him, or else from the businesse it selfe which we vndertake, or from that whereunto we would perswade others.

5 For our owne regard and respect; wee must consider why we ingage our selues in this businesse, either voluntarily of our selues, or as being requested or commanded by others.

Wee must know what opinion men gene­rally & particularly conceiue of him to whom we addresse our selues, which they haue of our owne Sufficiency, Wisedome and Friendship: yea and for the regard and reason it selfe, of that whereunto we would draw them: and thereun­to to adde and ioyne the consideration of our owne profession, condition, authoritie and re­putation, which we may haue toward him, in what degree of equalitie, superioritie, or infe­rioritie we are, and thereunto dispose and ac­commodate our discourse: and yet neuerthe­lesse remembring that Modestie doth more de­light and please, then to beare our selues im­periously and arrogantly.

[Page 152] But aboue all wee must not demonstrate any shew of Malice, Folly, or Ill-will, as also not re­port any thing that may contradict our acti­ons and behauiours, which are publikely ex­pos'd to all mens sight; nor either through for­getfulnesse, or otherwise to giue the Lye to our owne Discourse and speeches.

6 But, of the qualities that may disparage or diminish our reputation, some b [...]are their disfauour and distaste with them, as weakenes throughage, small experience ignorance, indis­cretion, lenity, inconstancy, and presumption.

7 Others make vs suspected of those to whom wee addresse our selues; as Power, Au­thoritie, the particular interest which wee may haue in the businesse wee treat of, be it through corruption, or otherwise: or through Enute, Feare, Choller, or the like passions; or else heretofore to haue vainely and vnprofitably attempted it, to haue often spoken of it, with­out bringing it to any perfection, to haue been often deceiued in our opinions, to haue first motioned it, or either too soone, or too late.

8 These and such like hinderances must be sore-thought, and fore-seene of vs; and some of them according to their qualities must bee ingeniously confessed and blamed of vs, others wee must disauow, shewing that they are not so, or excusing and yeelding reason for them, or entermixing that Euill with some other Good, or diminishing it, as hauing done it to a [Page 153] good intent, or accusing Fortune, Hazard, or the nature of things, or else reiecting and re­torting the Euill which may redound heereby vpon others.

CHAP. XXXIII.

1The meanes to know the hinderances that be­fall vs, of him with whom we are to treat, or who is opposite to vs therein.
2Knowing them, then of the Precaution wee must obserue therein.
3The meanes to diuert and auoid them.
4
5Considerations vpon those hinderances, and vpon the meanes to avoyd them.
6
7
8How to diuert hinderances that proceed from o­thers, and not from those with whom we are to treat.
9Hinderances proceeding from the busin [...]sse it selfe whereon to treate.
10The meanes to diuert and auoyd them.
11
12
13
14
15The hinderances being remooued, the meanes then to purchase Reputation.
[...]
[...]

[Page 154] 1 IN him who wee will perswade or draw to effect our desire. we must consider his Age, Ranke, and Profession, (be it that hee hath many, few, or one­ly one) what commonly are his manners, pas­sions, and affections, what his Capacitie, Iudge­ment, Affabilitie, and Wisedome: We must con­sider his disposition to that whereunto wee would perswade him, as also the respects he may haue to diuers matters or persons; which may occasion his affection to bend and incline more one way then another: the Ignorant and Common sort of people, being subiect to per­mit themselues to be carried away with Profit; whereas Gentlemen, and those of eminent ranke, ayme onely at Honour.

Men are likewise more readie to flie and eschew Euill, then to follow Good; and the feare of the first mooues them with more power and efficacie then the hope of the last.

Wee must also know, that it is farre easier to perswade those who are Fearefull, diffident, or Irresolute, not to doe, then to doe a thing.

2 Hauing found out the hinderances that may proceed from a man; we must be carefull that there ariue no other from any other way, as if hee bee perswaded alreadie to the [Page 155] contrary: if hee bee weary to speake or to heare spoken thereof: if hee be out of hope, discouraged, or not respectiue heereof, or not desirous to performe that which wee de­sire, or if he be possessed by flatterers, or people who are contrary and opposite to that we would perswade.

3 In all these hinderances we must gouerne our selues according to the qualitie both of the person, and matter, for sometimes wee must mildly reprooue and admonish him of his Dutie: that hee perscuere to follow the aduise and counsell of his friendes: some­times incourage him, acquainting him with the occasion of a more happy Issue then here­tofore, so farre foorth as he will follow good counsell, and to make him vnderstand that he neither listen nor giue care to those who would perswade him to the contrary.

4 Sometimes it is fit to excuse him, by throwing the fault on Fortune, or the like, that he promise and hope for speedie and easie re­medies, and that hee fight against passion by these meanes which we haue heretofore allea­ged, and so to inkindle and stirre vp in him those conceits and resolutions which chiefly make for vs.

5 Wee must also consider the hinderances that may proceed from him who is opposite and contrary to vs heerein: and whither his Authoritie, Fauour, Power, Affabilitie, or [Page 156] any other qualitie or perfection in him, can offend or wrong vs: and these wee must dimi­nish as much as wee may, or else augment and extoll them; shewing that we feare least they should heereafter offend him whom wee thus counsell; discouering the confidence and assu­rance which such a one conceiues of his quali­ties, and shewing how much such confi­dence hath, and may offend him who en­ioyes it.

6 And this must be practised more or lesse, freely and openly according to mens conditi­ons, and other circumstances, hauing alwayes a regardfull and circumspectious heed, both to flye that which may preiudice, and to fol­low that which may aduantage and pro fit vs.

7 And if hee whom wee contradict bee subiect to bad conditions, as if hee bee a flat­terer, impudent, partiall, corrupt, quarrel­lous, inconstant, malicious, or passionate, wee may perchance preuayle, by lessening and di­minishing his reputation; as also if hee giue any simple or weake reason to support his contradiction, wee may then shew him his want of sence and experience in this matter.

8 Sometimes the hinderances may pro­ceed from other men, as those to whom the counsell may offend, which wee giue to ano­ther, if hee bee any way linked by friendship, [Page 157] consanguinitie, or any other obligation to him with whom wee treat; and then wee must diminish the damage, or propose some reme­die to the contrary; or else exagerate aboue this damage the profit and aduantage, which hee whom wee counsell may receiue; or else to shew that that person hath changed his will and affection towards him, whom we endeuour to perswade.

9 The hinderances that may arise from those who enterpose in a businesse, being re­mooued and taken away: wee must then con­sider if the businesse it selfe haue no defect or distast in it, that may disfauour or disappoint our enterprise, as, if it be too difficult, or almost impossible; if it bee incredible or not very likely, if it bee hazardous; vn­iust, vnworthy, or of small moment or con­sideration; or heeretofore counselled or at­tempted in vaine; with an ill issue contrary to a former conceiued resolution.

10 The which wee must deny, dimi­nish and repayre, and so weigh the Dif­ficultie, Danger, Dishonour, and other such defects, with the greatnes and importancie of the matter: shewing that it hath chang'd con­dition, and that wee need not thus to ill presage or preiudge it: Examples being not alike nor concurring in all their cir­cumstances.

11 That if our Misfortune or Necessitie en­force [Page 158] vs to perswa [...]e a thing which in exterior shew and appearance is not honest, we must excuse it either as being necessary, or else as being practised by others, or as being fit and properly agreeing with the time, or ten­ding to a good end, and conformable to the opinion of many others: From whence wee may proceed to the Profit and Vtilitie.

12 But if wee haue to meete and fight with Necessitie, then we must enter into com­parison of the like matters: Wee must deny this Necessitie with as many reasons as we can: Wee must suggest and propose new expedi­ents and remedies as well to anoide the dan­gers we feare, as to obtaine the Good wee desire.

13 And because wee doe not willingly vn­dertake things which wee esteeme difficult or vnpossible: if wee will diuert any one from attempting a thing, we must particularly am­plisie the difficulties, and if this faile vs, wee must esteeme the profit, either as little, no­thing or vncertaine, or else contrariwise wee must consider and weigh the Euill that may proceed from such an enterprise if it take not effect.

14 And if wee cannot daunt it by Profit, we must then fight against it with Honestie and Iustice, shewing that the enterprise is full of In­iustice and no way Honourable for him that vn­dertakes it.

[Page 159] 15 Those hindrances this remou'd and ta­ken away: to purchase Glory and Reputation with him whom wee would perswade, wee must accomodate and fit our selues to his in­clination, as much as the subiect will permit vs; yea, we must vse all our reasons, and make our selues agreeable and pleasing to him: and so stirre vp in him those Passions that may steed and serue vs; yea, we must frame and engender in his conceit, a certain opinion, that we loue, esteeme, and honour him; yea, and with such respect, that he may acknowledge we would not attempt any thing that might be distastfull or preiudi­ciall to him: and in all our speeches and acti­ons demonstrating our censeritie, and suffi­ciency.

CHAP. XXXIV.

1How to order our speeches, being the ninth head of this first Booke: how to obserue Silence with Modestie, Breuitie, and Iudge­ment.
2How to auoid Importunitie.
3How to auoid Lyes, with diuers considerati­tions vpon lying, and also vpon his reputa­tion that speakes.
4According to the subiect whereof we speake.
5How if we speake of our selues or of others.
6How if he be our Equall or Inferiour.
7How if hee bee knowne to bee more Iudicious then our selues.
8Of some sorts of Flatterers, which are more excusable.
9Of others altogether inexcusable, and how.
10
11Of Lyes co [...]sidered according to the intent of the Lyar.
12How to auoyd the Vanitie that is in Boa­sting and Ostentation.
13How farre wee may vaunt, and the Modera­tion which we must obserue therein.
14Of Presumption, Obstinacy, and Con­tradiction, and how wee must beare our selues in contradicting others.
15Considerations vpon Contradiction, to the end it be well taken.
16
17Precautions thereon.

1 THE Order and Decorum to proceed heerein being knowne, it remaines that we modestly gouerne our speech and silence, and stu­die to be acute and briefe without obscuritie, adding thereunto such faire carriage and decencie, as is beseeming and answerable, not onely to our owne condition, but with those with whom we [Page 161] conuerse and negotiate, and in other circum­stances that may arise, we must chiesly slye and eschew Importunitie, Lying, and Ua­nitie.

2 Importunitie in speaking nothing Cho­lerickly, or impertinently, not to repeat of­ten one and the same thing, and not to speake whiles another is speaking.

3 As for Lyes, they are differently considered, either according to his reputation that deliuers them; and if he beleeue what he speakes, that he may not be termed a L [...]r Neuerthelesse he commits a fault, to assure a thing which he knowes not, and the [...]ng [...] ­nious honest man, although neuer so well repu­ted shall doe wisely in this respect to be si­lent, but if he that speake beleeue it to be otherwise then he speakes, he is then a true Lyar; and according to his desert, is com­monly little esteem'd or regarded: For in effect, it is to ruine and betray commerce betwixt man and man, which cannot conti­nue or subsist, except by the beleef we should haue one of the other: and there is no grea­ter weakenesse nor folly then to contra­dict and bely his owne knowledge.

4 Wherein wee must consider lying ac­cording to the subiect of those things whereof wee speake; as if wee speake of our selues, or others: to speake of our selues for our owne profit, wee shall be held not [Page 162] only Vaine, but Lyars; and as Lying makes vs odious, so doth Vanitie, redicu­lous.

5 Speaking of others wee must be care­full not to speake to their preiudice or dis­aduantage: for if herein truth be odious, Lying must needes be farre more, as being commonly accompanied with Malice: and neuerthelesse in the Companies wee fre­cuent, are commonly backbiters and those who to seeme wiser then their fellowes, wil­lingly reproue and blame them, where con­tra [...]iw [...]se we should ayme rather to praise then dispraise them.

6 For if he of whom we speake be our [...]f [...]riour, or Equall, in that whereof wee praise him, wee make him not only to be praised and applauded of others, but also teach them who know vs to be their [...], or Equals, likewise to praise and applande vs.

7 Or if he be knowne to be more ca­pable and sufficient then our selues; in bla­ming him, we make our selues simple and rediculous; yea, wee thereby disparage our selues, because being lesse then those whom wee dispraise, wee thereby make our selues the lesse worthy to bee pray­sed.

8 It is then better to speake to the pro­fit then the preiudice of another; for al­though [Page 163] it be imputed to flattery, to speake much in commendation of a man; neuerthe­lesse, I hold it is to extend flattery very far, to tearme those prayses flatteries: for I be­leeue there are some flatteries excusable, and others inexcuseable.

9 I tearme those inexcuseable, if wee praise a man for any wicked fact hee hath done, or if we praise him with an intent to deceiue him, or when by our praises we incourage him to do Euill, or to commend him for that which we know he hath not perfor­med.

10 But when we praise a man, only to sooth and content him without any other wicked designe, or to eschaw any Euill, or for some Good, we may hope for without preiudi­cing any man, this flattery is more excusa­ble in mens conuersations.

11 In which respect we must likewise con­sider of Lyes, according to the intent of the Lyar: for when he lyes only for pastime and sport, that is fitter rather for a Foole then a Gentleman of reputation and honour: or if he lye to Offend a man, in this cause, we must not consider if he can profit himselfe in pro­fiting another; for be it that he reape or reap not benefit thereby; Lying, being offensiue to a man, hee must flye and auoide it that intends to frequent good companies, where­of the chiefest linkes and bonds, are Good not [Page 164] Euill Offices. But if lying wrong no man, and yet may profit some, wee may then dis­pense therewith, prouided that the cause deserue it.

12 Uanitie is the other Uice that we must auoid and flye in our conuersation and dis­course. It hath two principall branches; Boasting and Presumption: wee haue for­merly spoken some thing of boasting, which is rediculous, when wee vaunt of that which we haue not perform'd; he which relates and praiseth what he hath affected and performed, is a little more excusable, but in that he shewes himselfe not to be ve­ry D [...]cr [...]et and Wi [...]: for in steed of reaping praise, he purchaseth himselfe dispraise: for those prayses that proceede from our owne tongues, can seldome or neuer be taken in good part.

13 Wherefore if it fall out that we speak of our selues; it must be with much Retention, and Modesty it being no lesse fault in a man to boast h [...]n to blame himselfe.

14 As for Presumption, it extends further then Speech: Wherefore setting a part that which regards Actions. I say it appeares and is seene in two sorts, either not to yeeld to the aduise of any; from whence pro­ceeds o [...] [...], o [...] that wee will haue o­thers to subscribe to ours, from whence ari­seth a very odious and iniurious contradicti­on, [Page 165] seeming to know and vnderstand more then others, and euery where to haue the vp­perhand. We must auoid both the one and the other forme of this proceeding; and aboue all things, if there be cause of contra­diction, we must not then be prouoked to be either bold, bitter, or obstinate, but we must temper our selues with humble tearmes and speeches; seeming rather desirous to be taught then to teach; and to propose things by the way of difficultie and doubt, and not, either by an affirmatiue or negatiue resolution.

15 And to the end it may be well taken, it must be conceiued in vs at the very in­stant of our discourse, and not otherwise, nor from any other former cause, and that it touch not the person, but only the cause in question. Contrariwise, we must praise him whom we contradict; yea, and some­times wee must confesse our doubt, to bee our owne Fault, and Ignorance, and when it is needfull and requisite wee must giue place and subscribe.

16 But aboue all things we must be care­full not to contradict two sorts of men, to wit, those to whom we owe respect for feare of offending them, and those who are our superiours, for feare to disparage them too much in making vs by this contestati­on their equals, it being still more shamefull [Page 166] for vs, to be vanquished by them, then ho­nourable to vanquish them.

17 He that is discreet and wary in his contestations, will not offend or astonish himselfe at other mens opinions, although they seeme extrauagant, nor at follies indis­cretions, or leuyties, committed in his pre­sence: but will rather consider wherein they may be profitable to him; be it to entertaine our selues in such mens companies and con­uersations, or to take heed of them; or to aduance his owne designe and purpose, whereby hee may draw aduantage and profit.

CHAP. XXXV.

1Of Retention and Reseruednesse, the last part of an actiue and ingenious Wit, which is necessarie in affaires, both for our selues and our friends.
2Towards whom chiefly wee should reserue our selues.
3That Reseruednesse is necessary for a Cour­tier.
4How we must vse it.
5In how many sorts and degrees it is practised and vsed.
6By silence.
7Concurrence of Iests in silence, & their remedies.
8To be Reseruedly Cautious in our speech and how it must be perform'd
9Of the Answers and Replies, [...] [...] and obseruations thereon.
10To diss [...]mble by exteriour shewes, and [...] [...] must performe it.
11That it is a point of true Wisedome, when a man desembles a necessary matter in Court; and of the meanes to discouer the same.
12
13
14The Conclusion of actiue and solid Wise­dome, and the meanes to discouer by his countenance whither a man be so, ye or no.

1 HEerein and in many other Iests, and Replies, Reser­uednesse is necessary, it being the last, but the chiefest part of an act­iue and solid Wit, with­out which, it is impossible to conduct our selues securely through mens actions and malice: for not knowing how to conceale his play, giues a great aduantage to those who would enterprise, not only against those who are carelesse, but also against their friends; because their friends affaires are lincked and vnited to their owne; as Gamesters, who discouering their Cards, not only lose themselues, but also cause their friends to lose: & right so the friends of th [...]s [...] [Page 168] participate and beare a share in their friends losse.

Besides we cannot safely trust him, who so easily discouers and bewraies himselfe; from whence it proceeds, that those men (most commonly) in the midst of their affaires, re­maine without counsell or friends.

2 But these with whom we must chiefly desemble, are those, who to draw some se­cret from vs, are accustomed to search and esp [...]e out occasions, whereby they may o ocure so [...] reputation and beleefe from [...] [...]ither by communicating vs a businesse [...] [...] is [...]ll importance and co [...]quence, thereby striuing to make vs r [...]p [...]se confidence in them, purposely to draw from vs a matter of greater weight & worth: Now feigning to hate one, anon to loue ano­ther, although their affections in themselues are quite opposite, and otherwise fixed and disposed.

3 And although Reseruednesse (in some sort) be necessary in all men; so it is farre more requisite in a Co [...]rtier, thereby to ma­nage and conduct his Ambition

4 Yet hee must bee carefull how to vse [...]sernation: For hee must vse it as A­po [...] [...] doe their Antidotes in the compo­sition and tempering of their Ph [...]sicke: who in [...]it time intermixing it with Iudgement, doe cure; otherwise, hurt the Patient.

[Page 169] Reseruednesse (as well as Subtiltie) being detected and discouered, not onely serues his Master for nothing, but makes those whom he frequents to suspect and grow iealous of him.

5 But it is practised three waies, either by Silence, Speech, or Actions, and exteriour semblances.

6 By Silence, in concealing that which may preiudice either our selues, friends, de­signes, or thoughts, or our owne or their se­crets; but chiefely our owne wronges re­ceiued, not onely thereby to giue vs the bet­ter meanes to reuenge them (if they deserue that we wade so farre), but also that wee doe not occasion and enuite him, who hath offen­ded vs, speedily to offer vs greater iniuries, thereby to preuent our reuenge. This Re­seruednesse that is cloaked and masked in si­lence, is approoued in all occasions; and so the Romane Senators behau'd themselues to­wards their Emperour Tiberius, alwaies see­ming in their countenances not to know, or vnderstand his designes.

7 Neuerthelesse, there are occurrences where silence will be suspected, and such are fit to be reuealde, as al [...]o that we make our discontent knowne; but yet so, that after a light complaint we make the world belieue, we wil no farther remember it, nor be senci­ble thereof.

[Page 170] Valens not being able to punish his muti­nous souldiers, accused onely some of them, for feare lest in dissembling their generall delict and fault, they might conceiue hee would punish them the more seuerely.

8 But it falls out often, that it is needfull and requisite for vs, to be cautulous in our speeches, which requires more Art and Skill. There are some, who abruptly breake off their talke, and so leape into a new matter, but the end thereof is neuer successefull.

9 Wherefore our answere in such causes must resemble a retrait, which wee per­forme without either flying or fighting: for first, we must not enter into an absolute ne­gation and deniall: secondly, we must not speake that which wee should not, or which may offend: thirdly, to him with whom wee conuerse, wee must leaue his iudgement doubtfull, by speaking to him in doubtfull and ambiguous tearmes, whereby wee may bee vnderstoad in a double sense, and the more our answers are retired and reserued, the more commendable and praise-worthie they are.

10 Againe, it is lawfull to reserue our selues in exteriour Shewes and apparances, by hiding & concealing our Ioy, Sorrow, Hope, Desire, Feare, Choller, or the like passions, see­ming neither to see, heare, do, or speake, if we reape not some profit and aduantage therby.

[Page 171] 11 But as Reseruednes is part of an actiue and powerful wit, so to know how to discouer it in others, and from thence to find out the depth of their thoughts, with whom we haue to conuerse and treate, is a most necessarie point in a Courtier; the meanes also that serue to maintaine friendship, serue likewise to make him lie open, and disclose himself, who relyes and trust in vs. Some Nations giuen much to Drink, haue to this effect imployde and made vse of Wine, which commonly dis­couers his masters secrets, & somtimes with­out Wine▪ the heat of discourse makes vs vent & vtter some things, wherof we after repent.

12 The manner how wee beare our selues in our Choller, Prosperity, and Aduersity, makes men also iudge of the rest of our humors and inclinations.

13 There are those who haue vsd play and gaming hereunto, wherein occasion some­times hapneth, that we imploy and exercise all the motions of our Will; and we discouer it more freely in secrecy and familiarity, vsd and practisde among Gamsters: but this will craue time to effect it.

14 Briefly, to recolect the carriage and countenance of a discreet and wise Courtier, his wits must be bent by little & little to ex­amine, as wel his own as other mens actions; he must still be vigilant, and stand vpon his guard, that he see, vnderstand, and iudge all [Page 172] things, but speak but little: neuertheles, co­uering and oueruailing his thoughts, desires and designes, with an affable and pleasing countenance.

CHAP. XXXVI.

1Of Dexteritie, bring a part of an ingenious and actiue Wit.
2The definition of Dexteritie.
3Some are vnapt for this Dexteritie.
4The ready proceedings of those, who are skilfull and iuditious herein.
5
6Some precepts for this Dexteritie.
7
8
9
10Other precepts and points for the same Dex­teritie.
11
12
13
14
15
16

1 DExteritie is so vnited and conioyned to a nimble and ingenious Wit, that the one cannot bee with­out [...] [...]her; wee com­monly terme those dexte­rious, who are of a sharpe and nimble Appre­hension [Page 173] and Vnderstanding, who are quicke, pro­per, and gracefull in all sorts of Motions and Actions, and who with a ready and braue dis­position, know how to meete and surmount all oppositions and difficulties

2 And it is according to this similitude, that we terme this power and vertue Dexte­ritie, to performe a businesse; by meanes whereof we conuerse and treate fortunately, making that which is difficult, easie and plea­sant, and representing and receiuing it without gall or bitternesse.

3 Contrariwise, there are some so vnfit and vnapt for this purpose, that they make small things great and those which are easie, difficult; yea, they make that sower, that was scarce sharpe, being not capable to manage a businesse; but in an vndecent and disgrace­full manner, making it to be defectiue and imperfect yea, and sometimes impossible: like vnskilfull Chirurgeous, who in lieu of healing a wound, make it incurable; and in stead of sowing it vp, doe rend and teare it.

4 Opposite to whom are those who are wise and Iuditious, who sweeten the wound with lenitiue and coole oyntments; so as if they must cut off any thing from him, they first so allure and prouoke the Patient to sleepe, as hee feeles no paine; in whose im­mitation and example those who are Wise [Page 174] and Iuditious, represent angry and distastefull matters, by softly insinuating into the con­ceits and iudgements of those to whom they speake, without violence or trouble; and so by little and little dispose them to enter in­to the consideration of their reasons, where­by chiefely seruing themselues towards them, who being of a sharpe and harsh na­ture, or for some passion or interest, shew them to bee insupportable, speaking arro­gantly and proudly; yea, in such sort, as they seeme rather to challenge vs to a com­bate, then in amiable and amicable manner to treate with vs; because from this their violent and impetious assault, they almost like inraged Bulls, without Wit or Feare, not onely rush, but runne furiously to ouerthrow vs.

5 And it is not as some esteeme, a seruile or base act for a Wise man to answere thus pleasantly, or not to be cholerick with those, who are either in choller, or speake with pas­sion; but it is a point worthy of a temperate spirit and full of Wisdome and Discretion; and againe farre fitter for greater men, then for those of any other condition, who must not the lesse inforce themselues, to become ma­sters of their owne proper affections.

6 In this Dexteritie then, wee must re­semble Tennis Players, who to commit no fault in their play, not onely looke to take [Page 175] the Ball fully, but also with their best en­deauour and skill, watch to bee sure to re­ceiue him handsomly, and to returne him to that place, that shall make most for their ad­uantage.

7 Also in conuersing or treating, we must obserue the same consideration, being verie carefull and circumspect, that we commit no fault in the matter wherof we treat, bringing those words with vs, which are pertinent and proper, and receiuing those from him that speakes to vs in the best manner the sense thereof will safely permit.

8 With this skill wee may sometimes dissemble, or conseale some truth very ho­nestly; yea, and make shew not to know or vnderstand some thing that is of conse­quence and importance in the businesse wee haue in hand, to the end that wee may gaine time to answere, and not bee surprised, or taken vnprouided.

9 And the resolutions from whose con­clusions, we may take assurance and securi­tie must bee so conceiude, that which way soeuer they turne, wee may still subsist and stand, and find (as the saying is) a Posterne doore open to saue our selues; according to the example of Mucianus, his answere to An­toniuns Prumus, who asked him his aduice, if whilest he staid for Vespasian, he should assault Rome.

[Page 176] 10 It will bee also a point of Dexteritie to yeeld in those things, wherin we haue the vp­per hand so farre forth, that another way we be sure to obtaine a greater aduantage.

11 It is likewise Wisedome to be flexible and tractable in a businesse, and a Vice to bee too partiall and iealous of his owne opini­ons; wee must sometimes be lofty and fast girt, and then againe wee must abate our pride, and vnloose that which wee haue so straightly bound.

12 But aboue all, we must auoide the oc­casion to breake friendship with any man, and rather excuse and shift our selues from those, who are tedious and importunate vp­on the haste and necessity of their businesse, referring them to another time, or shewing them the qualitie of other businesse, is not fit to be treated of in this time or place; or if this will not suffice, then to shew them the impossibilitie thereof.

For it is one of the most difficult and tick­lish points in our conuersation, absolutely to refuse a man; the reason thereof is, because euery one flatters and perswades himselfe, that his demand is iust.

13 In which respect some do consent and promise all; yea, they cannot, and which is worse, they will not any longer stand off, hoping that before the time of the execution, many accidents will fal out, which may hin­der [Page 177] and frustrate the effect of their promise, and so free them from that whereunto they are obligd and tyed, or else that they will find out some excuses and euasions, hauing in the Interim, neuertheles, giuen content to the demander; and as said Aulus Sempre­mu [...], Many hold themselues better satisfied with this Coyne, then with bare and simple hopes.

14 But these manner of proceedings are good to be practisud but once, because be­ing found out and knowne, they soone dis­couer and deserie him that vseth them often; as also they descrie themselues, which to content their vanitie, and to bee cour­ted and followed, make vse of these hopes.

But the best and surest way, is neither to yeeld nor promise any thing but that which we can, we ought, and wee will per­forme.

15 And if that which is demanded of vs, participate of neither of these three, we must then vnder colour of diuers other pretexts, deferre the answer thereof as long as we can; or else make those who presse vs thereunto, alter their designes and purposes; in prepo­sing them in stead of their demands, some o ther thing, wherin we may aide & assist thē or to make them know, and be sensible of our good will and affection towards them, al­though [Page 178] the issue thereof answere not their desires, or else to contriue our promise in such generall tearmes, that it do not precise­ly bind and oblige vs.

16 This last forme of proceeding, is some­what remoted far off from freenesse, but the iniustice of the demaunds makes it excusa­ble, es [...]ecially if our refusall proceede rather from our insufficiency, then from any defect or fault of our good will the effects whereof we will assuredly demonstrate, and testifie in any other subiect and occasion, that may de­pend of vs towards those wee refuse; and in this sort reuiuing their courage and affecti­on by the hope they receiue, that the doore of our affection is not altogether shut, for them to obtaine some other request and fa­uour, wee not onely sweeten the bitternes of this refusall, but also by the most mode­rate and temperate sort of people, this re­fusall will bee interpreted and taken for Grace and Fauour.

CHAP. XXXVII.

1Of other requisites necessarie in a Courtier, as Patience to support iniuries.
2Wherein Court Patience consistes.
3A Courtier must not speake ill of any man.
4Another Court Patience, is for him to be [...] still assiduall and resident at Court.
5
6
7It is one thing to bee obstinate in a reasonable businesse.
8And another not to precipitate or run headlong in any thing.

1 IT remaines to speake of foure other points, that are requisite and neces­sarie in a Courtier, which are Patience, Humilitie, Boldnesse and Capacitie: as for the regard of the first, an old Courtier be ing demanded, how he was grown so old, and had remained so long at Court, answered, that it was in supporting iniuries patiently, and in giuing of thankes: and Augustus, as it is written and reported of him, loued Agrippa for her patiency, and Mecaenas for his secre­fie.

[Page 180] 2 But Court-Patience not onely consists in supporting and desembling other mens iniuries, but also as we haue formerly said, their errours and imperfections, there being nothing so odious as to reproue and censure, although many mens vanitie may deserue it, or to thinke themselues not reputed or e­steemd, if they controle not other mens acti­ons.

Neuerthelesse, such are commonly admi­red of none, but of the vulgar, and ignorant sort, and their conuersation and carriage can neither be suffered nor [...]upported, except by those who are farre their inferiours; and if they are not th [...] more capable and sufficient, they make themselues rediculous, and a com­mon may game to those, who seeme to ad­mire them.

3 A Courtier therefore must take heede, not to speake Il [...], or mocke at those things that are true, which commonly off [...]nd vs most, and whereof Great M [...]n do longest and chiefely remember.

4 Another sort of Court-Pati [...]nc [...] is [...]o sub­iect our selues constantly to continue and remaine there, and not sl [...]igh [...]ly to abandon and forsake it, although some disgrace ariue and befall vs, but still to haue one foote firme there, sith there is nothing so subiect to reuolution and c [...]ange, as the affections of Princes, which are as it were continually [Page 181] ebbing and flowing.

5 But aboue all things wee must keepe our selues still in sight, and as neere our Prince as wee may, not onely to auoyde the aspersions and calumnies, which are vsually cast vpon those that are absent, but also because it may so happen, that vpon some occasion (although but small) you may bee the man among all the rest, which hee may obserne to continue in Court, and so by your assiduall residence and attendance, knowing heereby your zeale and affection to his seruice, hee may belieue, that hee may intrust you with any of his commaunds; whereof if you worthily acquite your selfe, the Prince may take you into his Grace and Fauour, and so continue to conferre and heape others on you, and in the end admit you into his ser­uice.

6 There is in the Court (as well as wee say, there is in loue) the happinesse and felicitie of a Carre-man: for a Prince hath neede of so many diuersitie of Ser­uants and Attendants, that hee which is sometimes esteemed the most vnfit and vnprofitable, the Dice may so runne, and alter, as Fortune may make him not onelie profitable, but pleasing to his P [...]ince.

7 Another effect of necessary patience in court [Page 182] is, that if we vndertake a businesse with like­lihood and reason, we must be constant and obstinate to finish it, and not to forsake it; but withall, wee must not precipitate our selues, or run headlong therein, but with a Wise Patience we must awai [...]e and attend the occasion.

8 There are many, who with the helpe and assistāce of time, mought haue hoped to haue risen their Fortunes at Court; but cutting off, and preuenting their hopes, they not onely retire and forsake it, but also through their headlong impatiency, haue shipwrackt and ruined their Fortunes.

CHAP. XXXVIII.

1Humilitie is a second perfection, necessarie and requisite in a Courtier.
2Wherein it consists.
3
4
5
6Uoluntarie Humilitie consists in two parts.
7The Sxteriour is remarked.
8in ourCountenance.
9 Speeches.
10 Actions, wherein there are three degrees of Humility.
11Which of the three suffi [...]eth for a Courtier.
12The vnseemely and unproper behauiour of Courtiers risen from a low Fortune.
13

1 HVmilitie is no lesse neces­sary in Cour [...] which (for the most part) is [...]om­posed of vaine and Am­bitious persons, who commonly hauing no­thing commendable in themselues, seeke those outward c [...]ouches, and exteriour submissions giuen them by o­thers, thereby to make themselues esteemed and honoured; and so much the more are they carefull and Ambitious hereof in that they know, they themselues are of farre lesse sufficiency and merit.

2 Neuertheles, Humility consists not only in this point; for it is seene and remarkd in vs, either by the opinion which we seeme to make others know, we conceiue and esteeme wel of our selues, or through the Desire and Will we haue to attempt any thing, either ac­cording to our quality and condition, or a­boue it, or else by our exteriour behauiour and carriage.

3 The opinion which an humble Wit holds of himselfe, consists in esteeming little of himselfe to belieue himselfe vnprofitable, to acknowledge his imbecilitie and weaknesse, [Page 184] to the end hee attempt nothing aboue the reach of his Capacitie.

4 But although wee must inwardly con­ceiue this opinion of our selfe, neuerthelesse let it suffice, that a Courtier must not vaunt of himself, or of any thing he cannot performe, and not knowing how farre his Capaci [...]i [...] can extend it is more safe and commendable for him to performe a thing, without speaking or vaunting thereof.

5 For hee shall then beare himselfe, with­out prom sing or praysing too much of him­selfe, and al [...]o without disparaging or ma­king himselfe base or vn [...]rofitable, whereby others bee not induced so to repute and e­steeme him

6 Humilitie which consists in our Will, hath two branches Obe [...]ience to their commands on whom we depend, and the Moderating of our desires (whereof we haue formerlie spo­ken.)

7 As for Humilitie which appeares in ex­teriour shew, it is obserued in our Counte­nance Gesture, Words and Actions.

8 In our Countenance by a modest regard, neither too loftie, nor too bold; by a graue, yet pleasing smile, and not by a laughter or mockerie, and by respectiue comple­ments, as salutations, reuerences, and the like ceremonies.

9 In words, by proffering our seruice, & the [Page 185] like cōp [...]ements, as also by speaking soberly, pertinently, & respectfully, being silent till we are questioned or demanded, and atten­tiue to that which is spoken vnto vs.

10 In Actions there are: degrees of Humility, First, to submit our selues to Great men, and not to esteeme our selues aboue our Equalls: Secondly, to submit our selues to our Equals, and not to esteeme vs more then the least: and thirdly, and lastly, to submit our selues to the least.

11 Many are of opinion, that it is fit for a Courtier to hold and beare himselfe in this first degree: to the end that too much fami­liaritie and humilitie procure him not con­tempt; but the Court being so composed, that very often great men haue need to vse those of lower ranke: and there being there­in Offices, which none but they can per­forme: we are also sometimes constrained, with humble countenances, & faire speeches to seeke and re-search them: Caesar (as repor­teth Dion) liuing in a Common-wealth, wherein this Hu [...]ility was no lesse necessary to an Ambitious man, then in a Prince his Court: was enforced to flatter and make faire weather, not only with the greatest, but with the meanest thereof.

But heerein notwithstanding wee must vse a Medio [...]ritie, and bearing our selues according to the qualitie of the person and [Page 186] occasion: we must not permit our selues to bee too much depressed and disparaged, but still hold and detaine our Humilitie within the lists and bounds of Courtesi [...].

12 So [...]e men issuing from a base descent, & seeing themselues in a short time aduanc'd and preferd: imagine they cannot surmount the contempt of their first condition; and qualitie; if they beare not themselues high: and make themselues to be feared; defer­ring by courteous and faire meanes to mo­derate and reproue, when through the conti­nuance of their good Fortune and happinesse: this contempt with the remembrance of their first condition, will be rased out and defaced.

13 But it is to be feared that this Ex­change befals vs not, but with much difficul­tie or too late; because a man which is in­ured and accustomed to Pride, cannot easily forsake it.

CHAP. XXXIX.

  • 1 Of boldnesse, a necessary Point in a Courier, he must be bold to aduance himselfe, and not step backe for any refusall.
  • 2 How it must be tempered.
  • 3 Of the Iudgement and Sufficiency of a Courtier.
  • [Page 187] 4 Whereof a Courtier must be chiefly capable, and of the dusersitie & differences of Courts.
  • 5 The affaires of Estate, are more frequent in Court then any other.
  • 6 The Court is subiect to alterations.
  • 7 The Conclusion of the first Booke of this Treatise.

1 BOldnesse is a necessary requisit in a Courtier (whereas those who are bashfull lose it) be it to giue vs entrance and ad­mittance in many places, the which he him­selfe must procure: or be it, not to retire or step backe for one or two refusals, but to re­maine and present himself alwaies there with one and the same constant resolution.

For although Importunitie be distastfull to many; yet we must consider there are many Natures who delight to bee pressed and im­portuned.

2 Notwithstanding, this boldnesse must be accompanied and conducted with much discretion and modesty, for feare it be not imputed to impudency and deceit, which is subiect to many vnfortunate accidents and disgraces.

3 As for the regard of a Courtiers Suffici­ency, or Capacitie; as the Court is composed of all sorts of men, and that all sorts of affaires are there treated of, so he which frequents [Page 188] it, must be vers'd and seene in all things as well to the ende he may be imploved in all sort [...] of occasions, as also, to make him­selfe necessary to many, and thereby to purchase himselfe more friends and reputa­tion.

4 Which neuerthelesse, if he cannot per­forme, he must chiefly make himselfe capa­ble of that which is most esteem'd and prisd in Court, wherein he intends to remaine: for wee see some of one profession haue more au thoritie then others, as Martial [...]ts and oulai­ours in the Court of a Warlike Prince; Ecclesi­asti [...]kes or Churchmen, in that of a Religious Prince; Phisitions, in that of an old and [...]ickly Prince; Lawyers, in that of a Peaceable and Iust Prince; Excheckerers, who know how to manage & inuent new means to finde money in that of a couetous, prodigall, or poore Prince; & Scholers, in that of a Learned Prince: for in all these Courts, these sorts of men, are for the most part still welcome.

From whence, by the Prince his inclinati­on, and by the Nature of the affaires which are treated of, we may conceiue and iudge what sort of sufficiency is most requisite and necessary for a Courtier.

5 But as the affaires of the Estate are the most frequent and common, so we must dili­gently informe our selues of the particular humours, interests, & dependancies of those [Page 189] who manage them, or who must suruay or controule them, with their Issues, which the greatest part of Courtiers, either ignore or forget.

6 And because the Court is subiect to al­teration and change, and that those who are there this day are not to remaine long in au­thoritie, be it that they are drawne away for other occasions, or for want of fauour: those who enter into their places, are subiect to commit great faults, in being ignora [...]t how affaires haue formerly past, or in not know­ing the motiues and reasons of those who managed them before them: from whence it followes, that by changing of forme, their end [...]nours are disliked and disauowed of their Prince, and so the Sunne shine of his fa­uour and their prosperitie lasteth not long.

7 Let this suffice concerning the parts and perfections, necessary in a Courtier, and let vs now see how hee must vse and imploy them in his Cariage and Conduction, expressed in the second Booke.

The end of the first Booke.

A Table of the Contents of the Chapters of the first Booke.

CHAP. I. 1 OF the Incertaintie, Variablenesse, and Altera [...]ion of the Court. 2. That in Court there is more Fortune then con­duction. 3. That in Court preser­ments. Fortune is entermix'd with [...] conduction. 4. The Authour, his excute vpon the methode, order, and diuision of this Booke. Fol [...]o. 1

CHAP. II. 1 Of the qualities most requisite and necessary in a Courtier, being the first head and subiect of this first Booke. 2. Of his ciuilitie. 3. Of his gracefull speech. 4. Of his countenance and gesture. 5. O [...] his Apparell, and the wearing thereof. [...]ol. 5

CHAP. III. 1 Of Affabilitie ingenerall, and wherein it consists. 2. Of the Allurements thereof. 3. To hearken, and to be attentiue. 4. To reproue plea [...]antly, yet modestly. [Page] 5. What is chi [...]sly necessary in great Personages. 6. Wherewith Affabilit [...]e must be seconded and atten­ded. Fol. 8

CHAP. IV. 1. That Pleasant Iests and replies beare a part in Af­fabilitie 2. How wee must vse them 3. Whereof they must be fram'd. 4, [...] ▪ 6, [...]. What l [...]sts and replyas wee must eschew and auoid. 8, 9. Of then diffe ence, and diuersiue. Fol 11

CHAP. V. 1. That Complements heare a great part in Affability, with their defin [...]tion. 2. Of then Medium and Ex­treames. 3. That we should practise them according to occ [...]si [...]ns; as also, how to practise them. 4. Of the answers we ought returne to them. Fol. 15

CHAP. VI. 1. Of our readi [...]esse to performe a Pleasure or good Office. 2, 3, 4. Considerations thereon. 5, 6, 7. We must doe it voluntarily, speedily, liberally. 8. Hauing per­form'd it, we must not instantly expect [...]r craue the like. 9. We must not please one to please another. 10. Ex­amples hereon. Fol. 19

CHAP VII. 1. Of acknow [...]d [...]ng and requiting good Offices re­ceiued, and wherein it consists. 2. Of the consideration thereof 3. How they are to be measured. 4. How to be considered according to the persons. 5. The meanes we must obletue in acknowle [...]g [...] a good Office done vs. 6. When to acknowledge it. Fol 23

CHAP. VIII. 1. Of [...]n act [...]ue and [...]mb [...]e Wit. The second head of this first Booke. 2. A org [...]sti [...]n vpon the difference of the Persons and Wits of men, and of their naturall Ca­pacitie. 3. Of naturall Capacitie. 4. Of mens [Page] temper in generall. 5. From whence Capacitie and Vn­derstanding proceed, and of [...]ntelectuall Wisedome, and her faculties. 6, 7. A rule how to treat and [...]onuerse with those who are wise and i [...]d [...]cious, and of their behauiour. 8, 9. Of Wisedome that proceeds from Imagination, and of their manners who are fortunate therein. Fol. 27

CHAP. IX. 1. From whence comes the Capacitie of the Memo­rie, with their conditions who excell therein. 2. That Imagination & Memorie neuer meet to [...]ether. 3, 4. The humours of the Imaginatiue in the first degree. 6 In the first and last degree. 7. The Conclusion of the naturall Capacitie, of the Vnderstanding. Fol. 32

CHAP. X. 1. Of Capacitie obtain'd by Wit. 2. As also by Arts. 3. Which Arts haue neede of Vnderstanding. 4. Which of Memory. 5 Which of Imagination. 6. How gotten by Experience, and wherein Experience consisteth. Fol. 36

CHAP. XI. 1. Of the Incapacitie of Wits, and the Causes of this Incapacitie. 2. From whence proceedes the naturall weaknesse of Wit, and the effects thereof. 3. Of Incon­stancy in opinions. 4. Of Presumption. 5. Of Vani­tie 6. Of the maner how to negotiate with the Vaine­glorious. 7. That Presumption and Iudgement cannot agree. 8. Their Properties who haue moist braines. 9. Of those who haue moist and hot braines, 10. Of those who haue moist and cold braines, and of the Incapa­citie of some sorts of Wits. 11. Of the weaknesse of Wit, which proceeds from Ignorance; two sorts of Igno­rance, the one Presumptuous, and of her effects. 12. The other Simple and Innocent, and of her effects. Fol. 38

CHAP. XII. 1. Preocupations are the cause of Incapacitie in our Vnderstanding, from whence they proceed. 2. Two [Page] sorts of Opinions proceeding from the perswasion of one particular man. 3. What they occasion, and the re­medy thereof. 4. From whenc [...] come th [...]s [...] opinions grounded on Custome. 5. Euery Pr [...]fession haue their particular opinions. 6. Whereof a Cou [...]tier m [...]st bee chiefely inform'd, and his Precautions. 7. The eff [...]cts and considerations of opinions built vpon common e [...]i­mation. 8. According to the ra [...]i [...]ie. 9. Abundance 10. Absence or Presence. 11. Facilitie or difficultie. 12. Noueltic or strangenesse. 13. Custome. Fol. 43

CHAP. XIII. 1. Of Preoccupation according to our Passions, and his effect according to loue and ha [...]r [...]d. 2. According to Ioy. 3. Sorrow. 4. Feare and Choller. Fol. 47

CHAP. XIV. 1. Of our Will, being the third head of this first Booke. 2. From whence comes the diuersitie of Wils. 3. The difference of the Will of our Vnderstanding. 4, 5, 6, 7. Considerations of goodnesse, and her obiect. 8. Considerations of the motions of our Will. 9. Of the diuersitie of their obiect, and of that it produceth 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15. Considerations of cuill simply and of her obiects, and that it produceth. Fol. 49

CHAP. XV. 1. The vse of the knowledge of the motions of our Will. 2. Three things to be considered therein. 3. The dependancy of these motions in ingendering one the other. 4. The motions of the concupiscible part. 5 Of the Cho [...]lericke part. 6, 7, 8, 9. The order and depen­dance, of the Will, destinguished according to the i [...]ten­tion and execution 10, 11, 12. The order of the motions of the concupiscible part among themselues. Fol. 53

CHAP. XVI. 1. Of the order of Passions, as they engender one [Page] another 2. The causes of Passions. 3. Of those Pas­sions which haue goodnesse for th [...]ir obiect. 4. Of the loue of conformitie, and all that is considerable therein 5▪ Of friendship for our owne parti [...]ular interest. 6. [...] the effect of friendship. 7. The ca [...]ses of desire, and from whence it is engendered. 8. The causes of Hope. 9. How Experience [...]ortifie [...] Hope. 10, 11. The force and power of Hope Fol 57

CHAP. XVII. 1, 2. The causes of confid [...]nce and h [...]w c [...]nsidered. 3, 4. Her motion. 5, 6. From when e [...]t proce [...]es. 7. The causes of boldnesse prod [...]ced by two meanes. 8, 9. The causes of Ioy, and how it is co [...]c [...]iued, and for­med in vs. 10. Of presupposed [...]nioyance▪ or imagi­nary presence. 11 Which is the greatest Ioy. 12. How euill is still present with vs. Fol. 62

CHAP. XVIII. 1. Of those who are subiect to the Passions, occasio­ned through the obiect of good. 2. The motions and Passions of the Will that haue e [...]il [...] for their obiect. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. Why wee are more sensible of euill then of good. 8. The causes of hatted, and what it e [...]g [...]acreth 9. As Feare. 10. The things that aff [...]ght and [...]a [...]e vs. 11. Of those we haue offended and which of them we ought [...]eare most. 12. Of that which we ought [...]eare most. Fol. 6 [...]

CHAP. XIX 1. The dispositions in the motions and Passion: whose obiect is euill. 2, 3. What they are who feare no hurt can befall them 4. A remedy not to feare it. 5. Of those who are much gi [...]n to feare 6, 7. The vse of feare considered in two sorts. 8. Of feare accom­panied with distrust. 9. Of the Passion of sorrow and anger, and what other Passions they engender. Fol. 71

[Page] CHAP. XX. 1. Of Choller and the Passions that concurre therein 2. Of contrary Obiects in Choller. 3 Causes of Chol­ler. 4, 5. That disdaine and iniury are the chiefest. 6. Of those who are soonest subiect to Choller. 7. The Pas­sions that dispose vs to Choller. 8. Shame followes Chol­ler, and how it is stirred vp in vs. 9, 10. The causes of shame. 11. Disposition to shame. Fol. 57

CHAP. XXI. 1. Of Compassion, and from whence it proceeds. 2. Of those who are vsually Vncharitable, and not com­passionate. 3. Disposition to Compassion, and those who are aptest thereunto. 4, 5, 6. Of that which may encrease Compassion in vs, and more stirre vs vp to Pitie. Fol. 80

CHAP. XXII. 1. Of Enuie. 2, 3 From whence it proceeds. 4, 5. Of the causes that dispose vs to Enuie. 6. Of Indignation, and with what it is entermix'd. 7. That wealth breeds in vs this Passion of E [...]uy. 8. From whence ariseth Indig­nation. 9. That great men are more subiect to it, then others. 10. The causes that prouoke vs to this Passion. 11. The nature of Indignation. 12, 13. That Emulation is a degree of Enuie, and the causes thereof. 14, 15. Of those who are subiect to Emulation. 16, 17. How Emu­lation is ingendered, and of those that are not subiect to this motion. 18. Of Iealousie, and the causes there­of. Fol. 84

CHAP. XXIII. 1. The vse of the knowledge of Passions, and the meanes to moderate them both in our selues, and others. 2. The benefit of moderating Passions in our selues li­uing in Court. 3. That they are moderated by faire meanes, and by the power of Courage. 4. By naturall Pleasantnesse 5. Or by that which wee procure or pur­chase. 6. By our breeding. 7. By experience. 8. By [Page] discoursing of reason, and how farre it extends. 9. Di­ [...]e [...] considerations heerein. Fol. 91

CHAP. XXIV. 1. The fourth head of the first Booke, three principall faults we commit, in seeing good or euill. 2. Their dif­ferency thereof being a remedie for the first fault. 3. What Death i [...]. 4, 5. Time and delay, is a remedy for the second fault. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. Considerations vpon these remedies. 11. Disaduantages or Domages, a remedie for the third fault. 12. Examinations of the disaduanta­ges of an obiect, and examples thereon. 13. Weaknesse, Credulitie, and Curiositie three defects, from whom pro­ceede the ill opinions we conceiue, either of our selues, or of others. 14. Remedies for this weaknesse. 15. For this Credulitie. 16. For this Curiositio. 17. The con­clusion of this Chapter. Fol. 95

CHAP. XXV. 1 Consideration of our power to moderate our Pas­sions. 2. Wherein it consists. 3. Why wee throw our selues on the Court. 4, 5. To consider our abilities, by the difficulties we meete withall. 6. Fore-sight is a second meanes to moderate our Passions. 7, 8 9. The first effect of this Fore-sight, is to prepare our selues, against that woe fore-see must befall vs, and to attend and expect it with a firme and constant resolution. 11. The third ef­fect of this Fore-sight, is to change and diuert this euill being fallen vs, another way, or else to familiarize it to our selues, in our Imaginations. 12. Of the deuersion thereof, the third meanes to moderate these Passions 13, 14, 15, 16. Other meanes to diuert our Passionate Wit and conceits. Fol. 104

CHAP. XXVI. 1. The third vse of the knowledge of the motions of our Will, and wherein it consists, as in Affabilitie or a­greeablenesse, and how to vse it in Court, which is the [...]ist head of this first Booke. 2. Of the [...] and neces­sitie [Page] of this affabiliti [...], with examples thereon to that effect. 2. Of affabilit [...]e in cur Choller. 5, 6, 7. How to beare our selues in this Passion. 8, 9. In milde­nesse and pleasan [...]n [...]sse, and of their natures who are milde. 10. In feare, and of their natures who are fearefull. 11. To accomodate our selues to this Pas­sion. 12. Of confidence and beleefe, and how wee ought de [...]eane our selues to those who are adicted and subiect thereunto. 13. Or shame, and of their na­tures wh [...] [...] sh [...]m [...]f [...]ced. 14, 15, 16, 17. How to beare our selues towards those who are subiect to this motion. 18. Of hatred and malice, with their remedies. 19. Of Courtes [...]e. 20. How to beare our selues to th [...]se who are Courteous. 21. Of Affabilitie in Ingratitude, and how to beare our selues to those who are ingratefull. [...]2. O Compassion and Pitie, and of their natures, as also how to beare our selues towards those who are subiect to this Passion. 23. Of Indigration, and of their nature who are prouoked to this Passion. 24. That the malitious and enuious resemble those who are Passionate. 25. How to beare our selue towards them. 26, 27, 28, 29. Of Sorrow, and how to beare our selues towards those who are sorrowfull. 30. Of Ioy, and how to beare our selues towards those who are ioyfull. 31, 32. Aduise for Cou [...]tiers how to beare themselues in their gestures, and countenances, according to the Examples of the Countries of Alexan­der, and his Father Phillip. 33. If it bee lawfull for Courtiers to imitate the Vices as well as the Vertues, of those with whom they conu [...]rse, Examples here­on. 34 That those who haue flexible and change­ab [...]e Wits, are fit to be Courtiers. 35. The Conclu­sion of the difference of persons, proceeding from the difference of their interiour conditions and qua­lities. Fol. 110

[Page] CHAP. XXVII. 1. The difference of men by exteriour conditions, according to their a [...]e, being the [...]euenth head of this first Book [...]. 2. Mans age deuided into many parts. 3, 4 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. The manners and complexions of y [...]u [...]g man. 11, 12, 13▪ 14. The manners, humours, and complexions of olde men. 15, 16. Of Virili­t [...]e, and of their humours who haue obtain'd this [...]g [...]. Fol. 124

CHAP. XXVIII. 1. The difference of men according to the condi­ [...]o [...] of their Fortunes. 2. The Profits and preiudices we [...]ec [...]iue by fortune 3. That Nibilitie is the [...]ist be­nefit thereo [...], and of the conditi [...]ns of Noble men. [...] [...]h [...]t wealth i [...] the second benefit thereof, and of [...]e [...] of Rich men 6 The difference 'twixt him that is of late growne rich, and hee that hath beene a long time rich, 7, 8, 9. The Conditions of Great men, and of those that are in authoritie, being the third benefit of For [...]une 10. The conditions of him that that is fortunate, being the fourth benefit. 11. O­ther differences of men besides age and fortune, and how to be considered in our behauiour and [...]onuer­sation, with e [...]ery one in particular. 12. How to be­haue our selues towards our Seruan [...]s, & Confidents, and how towards Str [...]ngers. 13. How towards Honest and Vpright men▪ 14. How to those of a pleasant conuer­sation 15 How to those who are Pr [...]ud, Ambitious, Modest. Malitious, or of a Kinde nature. 16. How to the O [...]sie [...]s, or Inofficious, or towards those that are in­gaged, or not ingaged to vs. Fol. 131

CHAP XXIX. 1. The eighth head of the first Booke, discour­sing of m [...]tters whose subiects are infinite. 2. Ge­nerall differences of affaires drawne from causes which [Page] examine and consider them. 3. By meanes possible or impossible, necessary or not, easie or difficult, profitable or preiudiciall, iust or vniust. 4. The difference of mens actions, seruing to iudge of possibilitie or impossibilitie. 5. Or Power and Wi [...]l requisite in the production of acti­ons. 6, 7. Considerations vpon this Power. 8, 9. Consi­derations vpon this Will. 10. Considerations vpon the meanes and their differences. 11. The circumstance of Place in things moueable. 12. The circumstance of Time. 13. Considerations vpon the diuers [...]tie of hinde­rances. 14. Considerations vpon the fac [...]li [...]ie or difficulty of a businesse. 15. Considerations vpon the necessitie thereof. 16. Absolute. 17. Conditionall. Fol. 137

CHAP. XXX. 1. The mean [...]te purcha [...]e a Kings fauour 2, 3, 4. Con­siderations in Procuting it. 5. The order and meanes we must obserue therein. 6. Consideration of benefit or domage that may thereby accrue vnto vs. 7. Considera­tion of the honour. 8. Consideration of the Profit, and how it is to be considered. 9. Considerations of the Plea­sure and Profit it brings with it. Fol. 143

CHAP XXXI. 1. Of the equitie and Iustice of a matter. 2. Rules of this Iustice in two scrts Vniue [...]sall. 3. Truth is a de­pendant of Vniue [...]sall Iustice. 4. And also of Particular. 5, 6. Custome is more receiued and followed at Court, then either particular or vniucrsall Iustice. 7. Examples hereon, 8, 9. Conclusion of the differences of Persons and affaires. Fol. 147

CHAP. XXXII. 1. Of proceedings. 2. The Consideration of sircum­stance [...] 3. The most frequent and vsualll maner to ne­gotiat and manage a businesse in Court. 4. To diuert the hindrances and to purchase reputation. 5. What those [...]inderances are in our selues. 6, 7. The qualities that may deminish our reputation. 8. The meanes to diuert and auoid them. Fol. 149

[Page] CHAP. XXXIII. 1. The meanes to know the hindrances that befall vs, and of him with whom we are to treat, or w [...]o is oppo­site to vs therein. 2. Knowing them, then of the Pre­caution, we must obserue therein. 3, 4. The meanes to diuert and auoide them. 5, 6, 7. Considerations vp­on those hinderances and vpon the meanes to auoide them. 8. How to diuert hindrances that proceede from others, and not from those, with whom we are to treat. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. The meanes to diuert and auoid them. 15. The hindrances being remou'd, the meanes then to purchase Reputation. Fol. 153

CHAP. XXXIV. 1. How to order our spe [...]ches, being the ninth head of this first Booke; how to obserue silence with modesty, breuitie, and iudgement. 2. How to auoid importunity. 3. How to auoidlyes, with diuers considerations vpon ly­ing, and also vpon his Reputation that speakes. 4. Ac­cording to the subiect whereof we speake. 5. How it we speake of our selues, or of others. 6. How if he be our equall, or inferiour. 7. How if he be knowne to be more iudicious then our selue [...]. 8. Of some sort of flatteries which are excuseable. 9, 10. Of others which are inex­cusable, and low. 11. Of lyes considered according to the intent of the lyar. 12 How to auoid the vanitic that is in boasting and ostentation. 13. How farre wee may vaunt, and the moderation wee must obserue therein. 14. Of Presumption, obstinacic, and contradiction, and how wee must beare our selues in contradicting others. 15, 16. Considerations vpon contradiction, to the ende it bee well taken. 17. Precautions there­on. Fol. 159

CHAP. XXXV. 1. Of retention, and reseruednesse, the last part of an actiue and ingenious Wit, which is necessary in affair [...]s, both for our selues and our friends. 2. With whom [Page] chiefly we may d [...]ssemble. 3. That di [...]ulati [...]n [...] n [...] ­cesary for a Courtier. 4. How we must vse it. 5. [...] how many sorts and degrees it is practised and vsed. 6. By silence. 7. Concurrence of le [...]s in silence, and their remedies. 8. To dissemble in our speech, and how it must be performed, 9 Of the answers and re [...]lies fit for Iests, and obseruations thereon. 10. [...]o disse [...]ble by exteriour shewes, and how wee [...]ust performe it 11, 12, 13. That it is a point of true wisedome. when a man dissembles a necessary matter in Court, and of t [...]e meane [...] to discouer the same. 14. The conc [...]sion of act [...]ue and solide wisedome, and the m [...]anes to discouer by his countenance, whether a man be so; ye [...], or no. [...]o [...]. 166

CHAP. XXXVI. 1. Of dexteritie being a part of an ingenious and actiue Wit. 2. The definition of dexteritie 3. Some are vnapt for this dexteritie. 4, 5. T [...]e ready proce [...]dings of those who are skilfull and i [...]dici [...] [...]eetci [...] 6, 7. 8, 9. Some precepts for this dexteritie. 10, 11, 12, 13. 14, 15, 16 Other precepts and points for the sar [...]e d [...]x teritie. Fol. 17 [...]

CHAP. XXXVII. 1. Of other requisites necessary in a [...]ourti [...]r, as Pa tience to support iniuries. 2. Wherein Court patience consisteth. 3. A Courtier must not speake ill of any man 4, 5, 6. Another Court patience is▪ for him to be still as­siduall and resident at Court. 7. It is one thing to bee obstinate in a reasonable businesse. 8. And another not to precipate or runne headlong in any thing. Fol. 17 [...]

CHAP. XXXVIII. 1. Humilitie is a second perfection requisite in a Cour­tier. 2, 3, 4, 5. Wherein it consists. 6. Voluntarie hu­militie consists in two parts. 7. The exteriour is remar­ked. 8. In our countenance. 9. In our speeches. [Page] 10. In our action [...], wherein there are three degrees of hu­militie. 11. Which of the three sufficeth for a Cour­tier. 12, 13. The vnseemely and improper behauiour of Courtiers, r [...]n from a low fortune. Fol. 182

CHAP. XXXIX. 1. Of boldnesse, a necessary point in a Courtier, he must be bold to aduance himselfe, and not step backe for any refusall. 2. How it must be tempered. 3. Of the iudgement and sufficiency of a Courtier. 4. Whereof a Courtier must bee chi [...]fly capable, and of the diuers [...]tie and differences of Courts. 5. The affaires of Estate, are more frequent in Court then any other. 6. The Court is still subiect to alterations. 7. The Conclusion of the first Booke of this Treatise. Fol. 186

The end of the Table of the first Booke.

[Page] A TREATISE OF THE COVRT.

Digested into two Bookes.

WRITTEN IN FRENCH BY THE NOBLE AND Learned Iurisconsull, and Councellor of Estate, Monsieur DENIS DE REFVGES.

Done into English by IOHN REYNOLDS.

II. Booke.

LONDON, Printed by Aug. Matthewes for William Lee, and are to bee sold at his shop neere Ser­icants Inne in Fleetstreet, at the Signe of the Golden Buck. 1622.

TO THE RIGHT VVORSHIPFVLL AND MY VERY HO­NOVRABLE FRIEND, Sr. ROBERT OXENBREGGE (Of Husburne in Hamp­shire) Knight.

Right Worshipfull,

YOur Vertues and my Pro­mise are the two wings wherewith this my Translation of the se­cond Booke of the Noble and [Page] Learned, Monsieur de Refuges) Treatise of the Court flies to your Protection and Patronage. You saw when I did most part thereof in loose sheets, both in Paris and London, as also in your Husburne, and in seeing it, likewise desired it might be seene of the World, and consequently taught aswell to speake English, as French. I cannot flatter, I disdaine to desemble, for looking from you to my self, I find many reasons that your requests should still bee to me commands. In which respect I haue done it, and despoylde and Metamorpho­sed it from its French Garbe into our English attire; but how well or ill, whilst the World censureth, I leaue to your knowledge and cu­riosity to iudge, sith you like a wise [Page] and iuditious Traueller haue pro­fitably traueld aswell through the bowels of the Language, as the Countrie of France.

Tis true, the Campe, not the Court, is your more proper Ele­ment, as rather desirous (if the [...]er­uice of your Prince and Country required) to dye a Souldier, then to liue a Courtier, not that you are ignorant in the profession of the first, because expert in that of the second, or any way hate that facul­tie, because you better loue and af­fect this; and therefore sith this French▪ Courtier is Noble, and withall honest, I hope you will entertaine him, although he come to salute you, clad in homely and plaine English: I could wish my selfe more happy in meeting with [Page] some weightier and greater occa­sion wherein I might testifie you, how much I am yours. Till when (Right Worshipful) my best wish­es shall euer zealouslie wish you the best prosperities, and for mine owne part I shall neuer repute my selfe truly fortunate, till my future seruice make satisfaction and re­quitall for your former fauours.

Your Worships at all Commands, IOHN REYNOLDS.

A TREATISE OF THE COVRT OR, Instructions for Courtiers.

The second Booke.

Wherein is demonstrated, how a Courtier must imploy all the Requisites and Parts mentioned in the first Booke: thereby to know the better how to conduct and beare himselfe in Court.

CHAP. I.

1In all our actions, wee must chiefly consider where as they aime.
2The ende, and intents, are very differens, of those who throw themselues on the Court.
3
4The fauour of the Prince, is the general aime of Courtiers, and the first head of this second Booke.
5Fauour anticipates, and presupposeth the knowledge of him that is fauoured, and the approbation of his actions.
6How to make himselfe know [...].
7The continuance hereof.
8Great men are not commonly so strictly linck'd to their Prince, as those of infe­riour nancke and condition.
9To what Princes, those things aboue propos'd and mentioned, properly concerne.

1 IN the conduction of all our Actions, we must consider what the prin­cipall and chiefest ende is, whereunto they should aime.

2 The ends and in­tents of those who throw themselues on the Court, are very different; for some are drawn by P [...]o [...]it others through Ambition, and the vanitie of greatnesse,

3 Others are induced hereunto, through a desire to command, and others (as saith Ve­neca) to dom [...]neer, tyrannize, and oppresse the people; whereas there are but few, that vndertake the profession and facultie of a Courtier, only for the seruice and aduance­ment of the [...]rince his masters affaires.

4 But to speake to the purpose: the com­mon ende and marke whereunto Courtiers aime, is to purchase the fauour of their Prince; for herein consists all their skill and in this very point they must imploy all their industrie and labour.

[Page 3] 5 But the fauour of a Prince respects two things; first, the knowledge of him who seekes to bee a Fauourite, then the pleasingnesse and agreeablenesse of his behauiour, actions, and cariage, as also of other recommendable parts and quali­ties in him.

6 Those who through the greatnesse of their blood, or through their authoritie, and necessary dutie, of some hereditarie or purchased dignitie, or office, (whether great or small) that haue accesse to their Prince, are exempt and freed of the first point, and are already ariued halfe way.

7 Whereas others who are depriued of those priuiledges and aduancements, meete at first with more difficulties and la­bour: but being come to bee knowne of their Prince, who esteemes and iudgeth them fit for his seruice, they often raise their fortunes higher: because beeing e­leuated from a low, or poore condition (though otherwise peraduenture well de­sc [...]nded) they are commonly more subiect, obayed, and tyed to the will and pleasure of their Prince, whom they acknowledge for the father of their good Fortune, and if it be lawfull to vse a Court phrase, for their Creatour.

8 Which Great men doe not, who being borne such, are either through the greatnesse [Page 4] of their blood, or Office, bound to certaine respects, that regard their owne particular honour, preferring many times: their owne interest and ends b [...]fore that of their Prince, the which otherwise is more subiect to hin­der their aduancement, sometimes because of the iealousie, or feare he may conceiue or take, that giuing them to great author [...]tie, they doe not either dispise or ouer-master it in such sort, as it is not then in his power to dispose or take it from them, without ei­ther hazarding his Person, or his Estate, the which he may easily doe, to one of a lower condition, who in this respect must turne his backe, and not only take leaue of his former authoritie and greatnesse, but also forsake and abandon it to greater men then him­selfe.

9 I heere vnderstand to speake of dis­creet and wise Princes, who for a certaine time know how to aduance those whom they desire to fauour, both in wealth, honours, and authoritie, without conferring or commit­ting the whole strength of their Estate vnto one, or to make the greatest of the Kingdome stoope to him, as some haue done, whose mis­fortunate ends haue not proued answerable to their ambitious desires.

CHAP. II.

  • 1 Two waies to aduance a Courtier.
  • 2 The seeking of Offices and Dignities.
  • 3 The following of the Court.
  • 3 The last is the shortest waie.
  • 5 Examples and Considerations heereon.

1 OF al the different waies held by those who haue sought to aduance themselues into credit and authoritie, there are specially two, which haue beene more practised and frequented then others.

2 The one is vigilantly to seeke Offices, Places, Preferments, and dignities, and so to proceede from step to step till wee come neere those who approach neerest to the Prince.

3 The other is, continually to follow the Court, and to seeke to be imployed in extra­ordinary Commissions, and in the particu­lar affaires of our Prince.

4 Whereof the last, without doubt, is the shortest, and hath beene most practised and followed, by those who are ariued to the highest point of their Prince his fauour: [Page 6] as Moecenas neere Augustus; Cr [...]fipus Salustus neere the same Emperor, and for a time like­wise with Tiberius his successour.

5 Tacitus reporteth, that Mella, (Sene­ca's brother) to equalize himselfe to the Con­suls, and more speedily and readily to pur­chase power and riches, disdaind the research of offices and dignities, purposely to imploy himselfe in Commissions, and the particular affaires of the Emperour.

CHAP. III.

  • 1 Diuers meanes how to make our selues knowne of our Prince, as by especiall action or seruice, or by the assistance of friends.
  • 2 What the Prince is aboue, as well the great, as common people.
  • 3 The Example of one who would make himselfe knowne to Alexander.
  • 4 A consideration vpon this example.

1 AS for the meanes how to make our selues both knowne and pleasing to our Prince, they are of di­uers sorts, according to the [...]iuersitie of subiects and occasions that present themselues to vs: bee it that wee [Page 7] make our selues knowne by some singular action or seruice, or by some extraordi­narie vertue and sufficiencie that is in vs; or that wee be brought to be knowne of our Prince by others, which indeed is the most common and ordinary step to aduance­ment.

2 The Prince is so eleuated aboue the Commons, and enuironed with such a crowde and multitude of Nobles and olde Courtiers, that it is very difficult for a new­come, or [...]p-start Courtier, to make him­selfe seene amongst this multitude, vn­lesse some of the greatest of them take him by the hand, and make way for him to ap­proach the Prince, or that (as before) hee himselfe make not himselfe seene, by some extraordinary action or inuention.

3 It is reported of an Architector na­med Dinocrates (tearm'd by others Stasi­crates) who desirous to make himselfe knowne to Alexander the Great, and not being able to approach him, although hee had thereunto solicited many of his No­bles: hee at last resolu'd to present him­selfe to him naked; hauing anointed his body with oyle, with a hat or Crowne of Poplar branches on his head, his left shoul­der couered with a Lyons skinne, and in his right hand a great clubbe, and in this manner hee went and found Alexan­der, [Page 8] sitting in his throne of Iustice: The rarenesse of which spectacle, causing all the company to looke on him, made Alexander command, to haue him brought before him, who hearing him, although hee nei­ther liked nor approued his proportion; yet, he neuerthelesse retain'd him for his follower.

4 I heere produce not this Example to incite any to the like folly, that purposeth to make himselfe knowne in Court: but to make yee consider and see, that those who are put backe, if they are not seconded and assisted by some great man of authoritie and reputation, they can hardly breake through this Crowde and Thronge of Courtiers who enuiron the Prince, except (as I haue formerly said) by some ex­traordinary action, or Iest, we make both them and our Prince behold vs.

CHAP. IV.

1The second head of this Booke, the Cour­tier must consider the inclination of his Domesticke Officers and Seruants, as also other Courtiers.
2What the Inclinations of a Prince are, and the reducing thereof, either to that which concernes his greatnesse or his pleasures.
3Wherein the greatnesse of a Prince consists.
4Of the vitions Pleasures and inclinations of a Prince.
5Princes willingly loue those who serue them in their Pleasures.
6Examples hereon.
7
8
9
10

1 ACourtier therefore as well to make himselfe known as to become agreeable and pleasing, hath neede to consider not only the conditions and quali­ties of the Prince, but also those of his most confident Domestickes and Seruants, as also of the great Noble men, and chiefe Officers, and of those who may assist him, or which through iealousie, feare, enuie, hatred, or their owne, or their friends, Interest may distast and crosse them.

In the Prince, a Courtier must consider his Inclination, & the manner of his cariage and behauiour, which is commonly most confor­mable to his humour, the which although the [Page 10] greatest part of wise and discreete Princes endeuour to hide and disguise: neuerthe­lesse, it is difficult to performe it so cun­ningly, that at sometimes they be not es­pied; because their actions are so obui­ous and apparant to the World, that by the issue and consequence thereof, it is easie to iudge whereat they aime, and the weight and importance of affaires doth sometimes so presse and crosse them, that by the moti­ons of their spirits, they must of necessitie discouer their Natures and inclinations: and Tiberius the most subtill and close of all the Emperours, could neuer play his part so well in concealing and obscuring his intents, but that during his raigne, almost euery one be­wrayed and discouered them.

2 The Inclinations of Princes are diuers, and almost infinite in this diuersitie, as are those of other men, but they may be briefly reduced either to their greatnesse, or their pleasures.

3 Greatnesse consists either in their repu­tation, riches, or obedience of their Subiects, or in the valour or sidelitie of his warriours, according as the Prince bends and enclines more to one side then the other; answerable whereunto, those who are most fittest to serue him (hauing no other parts in them that are supitious or distastfull) are alwaies best welcome to him.

[Page 11] 4 The like it is in his pleasures and viti­ous inclinations: for a Prince that is feare­full and suspitious as was Tiberius, will loue a bold Calumniator, who feares not the enuie of great men, and who is ready to execute his commands, and such a one Tacitus de­paints Seianus to be.

5 In his vices: if hee bee subiect to drun­kennesse, he will draw neere him men of the like humours and qualities, as the same Ti­berius did Pomponius Flaccus, and L [...]cius Piso, with whom sometimes he remaind drinking two daies and a night together without star­ting, terming them his friends, to performe all, and at all times and houres, and in con­sideration and recompense whereof, hee gaue one of them the Gouernment of Sy­ria; and the other the Praefect-ship of Rome.

6 The same Emperor likewise preferred a man of a base descent (and scarce knowne to many honourable Personages) to the Questership; because (as it is reported) hee had done him reason (to vse the tearme of this faire art of Drunkennesse) of a certaine measure of Wine, which held nintie sixe glasses.

7 Nero's Impudicitie (among others, who serued his beastlie pleasures) made him choose Tigilinus; hee likewise drew neere him C. Petronius to bee Arbitrato [Page 12] of the brauery of his luxury and lust: and the Emperours Commodus and Heliogabalus fill'd all the offices and dignities of the Em­pire, with those who were as vitious and de­boshd as themselues.

8 Mucianus was not so much esteem'd and beloued for his fidelitie and cariage, as because he was fit to content the couetous­nesse of Uespasian his master.

9 The couetousnesse of Isaacius Angelus, Emperour of Constantinople (after the death of Theodora Castamonita his Vncle) made him take into his fauour, a young Clarke of his Exchequer, who could scarce write, because he proferd him part of those bribes and gifts which he drew from those that imployed him.

10 The Emperour Comnenus, likewise to satisfie his prodigalitic, wanting a seuere exactor, and subtill inuentor of Taxes and Monopolies made choice (as reporteth Nice­tas) of one Iohn de Putze, a rude and cho­lericke man, of a difficult accesse, and in­supportable in his Actions; and such a one as is vsually put in the execution of the like charge and office, vnto whom he gaue so great authoritie, and conferred so much power, as hee enterpris'd and vsurped on the functions of all other Of­ficers: yea, hee was so impudently bold, sins to breake, and reuoake the Statutes [Page 13] and Lawes of his Prince and Councell vnder the colour of parsimony and frugalitie, cut­ting off the most necessary charges and ex­penses, as the arming and entertaining of the Gallies, being indeed the chiefest strength and force of the Empire.

CHAP. V.

1He that will be welcome to a Prince, must second and follow his inclinations.
2How to banish an honest mrn from the Court.
3The proper definition of the Court.
4Examples on the corruption of the Court.
5
6
7A Courtier must some times winke, to see tie wicked doe what they please.
8It is very difficult for an honest man to liue and maintaine himselfe in Court.
9An honest man may liue and bee patient in Court for a time.
10How we must vnderstand this.
11How to diuert the Princes euill inclinatons, Examples of Seneca, and others lere­on.
12
13

1 BVt wee need no more Ex [...]mples to establish this Maxim [...], which is not onely knowne, but too much practised by th [...]se, who [Page 14] frequent the Courts of Princes, insomuch that whosoeuer will bee welcome to them, must conforme himselfe to second their in­clinations and passions.

2 Here an honest man may belieue, that to tie himselfe to follow all the inclinations of Princes, is to banish himselfe from the Court, sith most commonly they at their pleasure exceed the termes of reason, and of a well grounded Iudgement.

3 Hee indeed who will liue an innocent l [...]fe, and altogether estrange himselfe from the common garbe and custome of those, who a [...]e faultie and subiect to their owne passi­ons, hee shall doe farre better not to throw h [...]mselfe on the Court, which sometime or o­t [...]er co [...]upts the most chaste and vertu­ous.

4 Let vs onely consider one or two ex­amples of the Corruptions of the Court: Fe­sti [...]s (the Fellow of Maximin) vnder the Em­perour Valentinian, gouerned Asia with much repitation and happinesse, blaming and con­de [...]ming the cruelties which Maximin vsde tow [...]rds the people, thereby to aduance him­selfe

5 But when he saw, that by this meanes his felow was made General of the Pretori­an Bards, being the highest dignitie next to that of the Emperor, he resolude to change his actions & life, and so from thenceforth com­mitted [Page 15] many cruelties and iniustices.

6 To which Example we may adde that of Iohn De Pntze (of whom wee haue formerly spoken) who sometime with much candeur and integritie managde the affaires, and treasure vnder the Emperour Emanuel, the performance whereof was the cause, that his pride and insolent proceedings were more silently and peacefully tollerated and sup­ported: but in the end, as Nicet as affirmeth, he resolued to inrich himselfe, and to doe as others had done before him, enuiting his friends to doe the like; and that which these did by corruption, others more honest haue been constrain'd to giue way to do the like, for feare of ruining themselues, in striuing to preuent and hinder them.

7 Aristides (iust both in effect and surname) being appointed to be superintendant of the Exchequer of Athens, did at first beare him­selfe honestly, and preuented and hindred those from stealing, who were vnder him: but by his enemies he was shortly accused to be the greatest Extortioner and Thiefe that had euer executed that charge, and with much difficultie could he free himselfe from being condemned of this accusation and crime: but in the end being aquited and discharged thereof, he resolu'd to beare himself as others had formerly done before him, permitting those to steale, who were accustomed so to [Page 16] doe, and then by all mens reports, hee was a­gaine held and reputed an honest and iust dealing man.

8 The like it is in most Princes Courts, where through their malice, who gouerne them, not able to indure, to see honester men then them themselues; or else through the carelesnesse and stupiditie of the Prince him­selfe, it is difficult for an honest man long to remaine so.

9 Neuerthelesse, he who is driuen to this profession of a Courtier, either through the necessitie of his qualitie, through the great­nesse of his bloud, or by the dignitie of his office, or called thereunto by his Prince, or through a desire hee hath to serue his Coun­try, or his Friends; although he be a true ho­nest man, he (in my iudgement) may patient­ly liue and remaine there for a time, and ac­cording to occasions and accidents, not only benefit himselfe but pleasure others.

10 I say, in the Courts of those Princes, who are cholerick and humorous, it being farre easier to liue in the Court of a wise Prince, who makes great estimation of iudgement, sufficiency and capacitie.

11 And as many haue heretofore councel­led honest men, to follow the managing of publike Offices and dignities; not onely to procure the good of the Countrie, but to pre­uent, that the wicked enioy them not; so I be­lieue, [Page 17] that for the same considerations, they should desire to be neere, either a Tyrant, or a voluptuous Prince, and as much as in them lies, to depresse and beate downe his wicked and pernitious designes; if not directly and publikely, at least indirectly and vnderhand, whether it be in deferring or opposing diffi­culties therunto, or in inuenting some other sweeter and more plausible expediments and remedies.

12 Burrus and Soneca, two wise Courtiers, who (according to that time were reputed and held for very honest men) being ordai­ned to traine vp Nero in his youth, and know­ing that his peruerse nature could not bee brought to perfection, but was wholly incli­ned to lust and lasciuiousnesse, and in danger to occasion in the Noblest Families of Rome many scandals and adulteries, they resolued to quench this his intemperate lust and de­sire, by giuing him a free Woman, who in­deed for a time appeasde his youthfull furie, couering these his affections vnder the cul­ler, of making a Friend of Seneca's, named An­naus Serenus, to research and seeke her; vnder the vayle and pretext of whose name, Nero gaue many presents and familiarisd with this Woman.

13 So an honest Seruant and Courtier, being not able to hinder the vices, disorders, and wicked designes of the Prince his Ma­ster, [Page 18] hee must neately and pleasingly diuert them another way, where they may commit lesse danger and preiudice, as well to others, as to his reputation.

CHAP. VI.

  • 1 Not to oppose our selues vnprositably against tho will and pl [...]as [...]ye of our Prince, and not to sub­iect our selues to any base se [...]de.
  • 2 Examples on the [...] [...]ere [...]f.
  • 3 That an honest man is sitter to serue a Prince, then any other.
  • 4 Aduice for Princes rather to take honest, then wicked seruants, and that the Court partici­pateth more of euill, then of good.
  • 5 Why vicious mea are fauoured of some Princes.
  • 6 Examples hercon.
  • 7 That we seeme honester, in being compared with a wicked man: the example of Augustus and Tiberius.
  • 8 Aduice that we speake not too freely and liberal­ly of Princes.
  • 9 Examples hercon.

1 BVt some will say, it verie sel­dome falles out, that a vitious Prince or Tyrant draws neare him an honest man, it is in­deed rare if he make this choyce; yet there [Page 19] are few Princes Courts so abandoned and forsaken, but we meet with som honest men: for if he be not called by the Prince, hee may be prouoked and enuited through a desire to serue, or steed honest men, and to counter­poyse and weigh downe the power of the wicked, assisting himselfe by those, who are least wicked; or else being vnited and linckt in affection, familiaritie, or conuersation with some great man, he may be entertaind, in not opposing against the violent inclina­tion of the Prince, and yet not so stopping or subiecting himselfe to any base slauerie, or seruitude, that hee either adhere or partici­pate of his wickednesse or tyrannies; imita­ting herein Lepidus vnder Tiborius, whom [...]a­citus represents both for an honest Man, and a wise Courtier.

2 The same Tacitus likewise makes great osteeme and account of two others, Labeo and Capito; of whom the first discreetely maintainde his libertie in Court, and was commended and applauded of all men; and the last made himselfe agreeable and plea­sing to his Prince by his obedience and hu­militie.

3 I affirme, that an honest man shall haue more labour and trouble herein, then a wick­ed man; but hee shall likewise reape farre more honour and content: and if hee gouerne himselfe discreetlie, in not opposing his [Page 20] Prince in that, from whence he sees he cannot remoue him, I may say, that in the end, how wicked soeuer the Prince be, he will more af­fect and fauor him, then wicked men, among whom there is rarely found as much fidelity as there should be to serue a Master, and that may be expected and hoped for, from an ho­nest man.

4 It was likewise the aduise of Salust to Iulius Caesar, and of Mecaenas to Augnstus, to serue themselues chiefly of honest men, who are more retaind by honour and conscience, not to vndertake any thing against their du­ties, then the wicked who haue no other cut be or reine, then the feare of punishment, or their owne debilitie.

5 The Court neuerthelesse being mixt and participating more of euill then good, the number of the last is greater, then that of the first, and serue vicious Princes in two waies and respects, the one to flatter them, and to execute their vices, wherein they make themselues more obedient, because thereby they purchase approbation and ap­plause; the other to make them seeme hone­ster among those, who are more dishonest then themselues; and there are other Princes, who for their conformitie of Manners, be­lieue they are more secure and assured among these sort of people.

6 Denys (the Tyrant of Syracusa, being re­quested [Page 21] to abandon and banish a wicked man who was neare him, and hated and enui­ed of all men, replied, that hee would still re­taine him, that hee himselfe might not bee most hated of all his Court.

7 It is the vse and custome of those, who know defects and faults in themselues, to make themselues more prizd and esteemd, y comparing themselues with those, who are more vitious then they: from whence pro­ceeds this other Court-policie, to substitute in his place a meaner then himselfe, thereby to aduance and preferre his owne actions, by the immitation of his successor: and wee af­firme Augustus had this designe, in choosing Tiberius for his successor, and likewise Tiberi­us in leauing the Empire to Callgula.

8 But aboue all, an honest man must beare himselfe discreetly: for wicked Princes are seldome pleasdo, that one of this qualitie should speake freely to them; and Plato found himselfe deceiued, in vsing it to the same De­nys, Prince of Syracusa, who being cōmitted by him to the custody of a Ship master to sell him into Candy, because he gaue the reines to freely and licentiously to his tongue: from whence being redeemde and ransomed by some Philosophers, they gaue him this adui [...]e and lesson, to serue him another time, eith [...]r that hee should not frequent P [...]in [...]s o [...] [...]lse that he should bee more pleasing and agreea­ble [Page 22] to them in his speeches.

9 And the like aduice and Counsell Ari­stotl [...] gaue his Kinsman Callisthenes, who fol­lowed the Court of Alexander that he should speake seldome, and when he spake, it should be to please and content him, who had pow­er and authoritie ouer his life.

CHAP. VII.

  • 1 Of that sort of Flatterie which is most pleasing to Princes, and chiesly of that which sauo­reth of freenesse.
  • 2 Of too much flatterie, and the aduice of Plutark and Eschynes thereon.
  • 3 Examples on the same subiect.
  • 4 Who first vsed free flatteri [...].
  • 5 Another Example on the same Flatte­rie.
  • 6 Aduice thereon, and wherein and how we must vse it.

1 THere is no remedie, for wee must sometimes permit our selues to flatter, thereby to worke and skrew our selues into our Princ [...]s fauour, but we must not inure and accustome our selues to all sorts of flatteries: for that of base and [Page 23] humble flattery was displeasing to Tiberius, who departing from the Senate, often com­plained to see the Senators so simple, and so disposde to seruitude.

2 And sometimes too much flattery more wrongs vs, then if we had vsde none at all: for hee whom wee so flatter, commonly be­lieues wee will deceiue him. There must bee (saith Eschynes and Plutarke) in outward ap­parance some point of freenesse mixt with flattery: not onely to perswade our Prince, that wee belieue as wee speake, but also to make others belieue it, thereby the sir­mer to support and maintaine our reputati­on.

3 Cr [...]ssus hauing beene a King, shewed, that hee heerein knew the delights and appetites of Kings: for Cam [...]y [...]es King of P [...]rsia, demaunding of those, neere him, what they esteemde of him in compari­son of his Father Cyrus, they answered, that hee was a farre greater King, hauing ioynde Aegypt, and the command of the Sea, to that which his Father had l [...]ft him: but when it came to Cress [...]s to de­deliuer his opinion, hee s [...]ake freely that hee held him farre inferiour to his Fa­ther, because hee had not as yet made a So [...]ne, who resembled him. Which an­swere saith Herodotus) more satisfied and pleased the vanitie of this Prince, then the [Page 24] former, because it seemed to him to bee farre more freer.

4 Valerius Messala began first to practise this forme of flattery towards Tiberius, when he was of opinion euery yeare to renew the oath of fidelitie; and Tiberius suddenly ask­ing him, if it were by his command hee pro­posde it, hee very boldly answered him, no, alleaging, that, in matters which concerned the Estate he vsed not any mans aduice, but would alwaies freely speake that, which hee himself [...] thought good; yea, although he of­fended any one therein; and (saith Iacitus of all flatteries) there rested no more but this to practise.

5 Since when, Aetius Capito vsed a flattery neere of the like nature, whē Tiberius prohibi­ted to proceed in the Processe against Annius a Roman Knight accused for vsing indifferently the Image of the Prince in his siluer dishes, for then Aetius violently opposde himselfe a­gainst this defence and prohibition, as being repugnant to the libertie and authoritie of the S [...]nate, where of he said, Tiberius ought not deminish, nor cut off the power, or vigour; but to leaue him to deliberate herein, for the punishing of such a crime, adding withall, that it was lawfull for him to pardon the offences and iniuries done to his person, but not those that were committed and perpe­trated against the Estate.

[Page 25] 6 We might here produce other Examples, but hese shall suffice to aduertise those, who shall be constrained to practise these sorts of flatteries, not to imploy them to the domage or preiudice, either of the Commonweale, or of any particular person, but to practise them onely to satisfie and content their Prince.

CHAP. VIII.

1The third Head of this second Booke, wee must not attempt to aduise a proud Prince, how Princes demand councell to haue their owne opinions approued, and sometimes to sound the affections of their Councellors: Exam­ples hereon.
2Princes make many propositions, rather to haue them approued, then consulted; together, with Examples tending to that effect.
3
4Before we aduise a Prince, to must endeauour to know his intent.
5How to beare our selues to a cholerick Prince that de [...]a [...]nds our aduic [...].
6Aduantages for a Councellor, whereof hee must make vse, when his aduice giuen to his Prince, proues contrary to his expectation.
7
8In vnlawfull matters, the b [...]st way is to deferre, and to take time to giue Councell.
9An Example hereon.
10How wee must practice the said Exam­ple.

1 NEither must wee entermeddle to councell a proud Prince, although he demaund vs, if we can any way well excuse or shift our selues thereof: for such Princes commonly aske councell in the same manner, as did X [...]xes, who resol­uing to passe into Greece, to make warre, as­sembled the Princes of Asia, vnder colour to deliberate and consult thereof; and be­cause (quoth he) I will not bee seene to vn­dertake this enterprise of mine owne head, I haue heere conuoked yee: yet re­member notwithstanding, that ye ought ra­ther obey then consult

Canbyses, who raignd before him ouer the Persians, being resolued to marry his owne Sister, demaunded of his Priuie Councel­lors, if there were any Law in Persia, that defended a King to marrie his owne Sister: the Councell knowing that this Pr [...]nce demanded not this question, to bee resolued what hee shou [...]d doe, but to sound and discouer, if they would approue this his marriage, made answere, that there was no Law which permitted it, but that they had another Law, which tollerated [Page 27] their King to doe what he pleased.

So wee must iudge of the Princes hu­mour and inclination, and of the nature of the cause, and whether wee ought consult and deliberate on that, whereof he but in shew, or fo fashion sake demaunds our aduice.

2 In our Fathers time, a man farre in­feriour to the qualitie and dignitie of a King, and yet Vice-roy in Spaine, made the Grandos of that Countrie know, that all which was preposde in Councell must not bee executed. The Historie is thus: After the Death of King Ferdinand, Charles of Austria beeing in Flanders, was coun­celled by the Pope and the Emperour Maxi­m [...]lsa [...], to take vpon him the Title of King of Spaine, although that lane his Mother, Daughter of F [...]rdinand, were li­uing, because by reason of her indisposi­tion, shee was not capable to commaund and gouerne: to approue which propo­sition, the Grandos of the Kingdome as­sembled, to whom the Cardinall Xi [...]enes (being Uice-roy) opened and dilated his Reasons, whereby this new propositi­on might bee approoued and maintai­ned: but the Nobles more icalous of the preseruation of their fundamentall Lawes, and of her Honour, who was their law­full Queene, as true and faithfull Councellors [Page 28] to him, to whom aft [...]r their Qu [...]enes decease, the Kingdome rightfully and properly apper­tained, openly contradicted and opposde it; which made the Cardinall Ximenes arise from his [...]eate, and tell them in choller, that the matter in hand consisted of a businesse, which must not be made questionable or doubtfull, and which needed not their aduice; the con­sent of subiects being not necessarie to au­thorise, or seate a King in his Estate but that he had onely conuoked them for their ewne profits and good, where of he was still care­ful, to the end, that by approuing this electi­on, they might thereby gaine their Prince his fauour; but sith they attributed that to pri­uiledge and right, which was curteouslie both expected, and requested of them, he was speedily resolued to cause him to be proclai­med King in Mad [...]id, to the end that other Cities might follow her Example.

3 And it is not onely in the like occasi­ons, that Princes practise and vse the same, but almost in all others; for they very sel­dome aske aduice, except it be to haue their owne desires and resolutions approued, or to sound their affections and wills, of whom they make shew to bee aduised and councel­led, and this Tiberius commonly practised in the Senat of Rome.

4 A Courtier must therfore striue to know the intent and meaning of his Prince, and a­uoid [Page 29] as much as in him lyes to ingage him­selfe in any aduise and councell which may be ill construed and mistaken.

5 Wherefore doubting of the intent and desire of the Prince his master, he must make shew to examine the businesse that is pre­pos'd him and must present him reasons Pro & Con. whereof if possible he can, he must leaue him the choice, without concluding any thing: for if the Prince be not as yet ful­ly resolued: seeing these reasons contrary to his designes to be most probable and power­ful, it may so chance that he wil easily be in­duced to change his opinion and resolution.

6 And this Euill (that we tearme Shame, which often retaines Great men from chan­ging their resolutions; fearing thereby to shew themselues Inferiours to those who counsell them) will not withhold them, be­cause therein there was nothing fully con­cluded and resolued on, and whereby a Cour­tier may warrant and secure himselfe from a checke that may be giuen him, if his aduise hauing beene followed, there had befallen any thing contrary to the will and pleasure of the Prince his Master.

7 But if the Prince following his owne first resolution, meet not with the fruition of his desires, the Courtier hath then this aduantage to haue fore-seene and shewne his Prince, the Euill that he might haue auoided, by weigh­ing [Page 30] remembring and considering the reasons he formerly gaue him.

8 But where we are importuned by our Prince to giue him our aduise in vnlawfull matters, there we must finde meanes to de­ferre it; or else humbly request him to call a third man on the place to consult and de­liberate thereon; to the end that it being maturely considered and debated, he may take that resolution which shall be most answerable to his dignitie and securitie.

9 Of which, first Bur [...]hus made vse the first time when Nero resolued to murther his mother: Offering himselfe to be executed for this Paracyde, if it were found shee had at tempted that whereof shee was accused; shewing him that before it were proued and made apparant, hee ought not con­demne his mother, nor to be readyer to punish her then any other particular per­son, to whom hee still permitted and al­lowed they should haue time, and leaue, both to defend and answer their accusa­tions; whereby, it fell out, that the time imployed to discouer and finde out this fact: not only cooled and appeased Nero's choller, but likewise cleered his distrusts and iealousie; and so by this delay, Bur­rhus for this first time, diuerted the effect­ing of this his Masters bloody and impious resolution.

[Page 31] 10 But we must not vse and practise this in all sorts of affaires, but rather seldome and sparingly, and in these only which are most ambiguous and doubtfull, and withall we must consider to what Princes wee make these delaies.

For some are quicke, and ready, and so great enemies to delaies, protractions, and difficulties, that those who frequently vse these delaies are commonly cast out of fa­uour, and disgraced.

CHAP. IX.

  • 1 Remedies against the rashnesse and forwardnes of a Prince, vpon deferring to counsell him, to knowe how to abound in expedi­e [...]ts.
  • 2 Princes doe vsually rather aske Councell to bring their Purposes to passe, then to knowe wbat is necessarie and expedient to doe.
  • 3 Consideration vpon the meanes taken from the Pr [...]tracting of Time.
  • 4 Vpon the breuity of Time.
  • 5 What expedients the Prince most commonly chooseth: Consideration vpon the tedi­ousnesse, breuity, and difficultie of a busi­nesse, together with the Authors aduise, vpon those that are most whole some and necessary for a Prince.
  • [Page 32] 6 We must rather impose and retort the exe [...]u­tion of a wicked fact vp [...]n a wicked and vitious Person, then ingage our selues therein.
  • 7 Examples of Burrhus and Ancetus to that effect.
  • 8 The Authours opinion on his Examples.
  • 9 Aduise how to diuert the Prince his vitious resolutions.
  • 10 To vse the pleasant and most respectfull de­monstrations and considerations hereon.
  • 11 As, to breake a Iest herei [...] that may steed vs.
  • 12 Considerations vpon this aduise, with the Ex­amples of Tiberius, and Domitian in the like cause.
  • 13 Other meanes and aduise, not to rush and oppose our selues against our Prince, in his euill inclinations, and from whence they are deriued.
  • 14 Aremedy to assault and fight against his wic­ked inclinations, and what we must oppose against them.

1 IN respect whereof, with such Princes we must a­bound and not be barren or sterrill in expedients yea, and if possible wee can, our inuention must be still in action; and not at a stand here­in.

[Page 33] 2 But as for the most part, they craue not aduise, what is to be done, but how to obtaine their desires; therefore in things which we iudge contrary to reason and du­tie, we must propose and seeke out the lon­gest meanes, either as most easie, iust, or se­cure, the shortest being commonly accom­panied with many difficulties, and inconue­niences, wherewith we may contest and fight against them.

3 True it is, that a Prince who hath no other ende but to obtaine his desire and designe, will alwaies seek out the easiest, cleerest, and securest remedy, although it be the longest: if he of himselfe be not violently transpor­ted with too much impatiency, and although hee bee; yet, hee can haue no iust cause to blame him who proposeth the longest way to obtaine his desire: sith it is excuseable, ei­ther vpon his circumspection, who propo­seth it, or vpon the desire he hath, to satisfie his masters will with more fecility and safe­tie.

4 But if he chance meete with more dif­ficultie in the shorter meanes, which the Prince himselfe hath chosen; his wisedome then that hath proposed others will seeme the greater, and if he choose the longest way to compasse his designes, many things may fall out, that may either coole the Prince from not following his resolution, or which [Page 34] may make him iudge of the impossibility or inconueniency thereof.

5 Neuerthelesse, where (in this cause) we see the P [...]ince resolued to follow those meanes, which in the beginning beare their difficultie, or impossibilitie, as wee must not councell him thereunto: so with a silence fu [...]l of respect wee must let him alone to doe what hee pleaseth, for feare least aduenturing to disswade him, hee seeke out other meanes, more easie to ef­fect his wicked inclinations, the which hee may lose, in knowing and foreseeing the hinderances thereof at the begin­ning.

6 But it sometimes falles out, that im­patiencie in a Prince, ma [...]es him com­maund an honest man to execute his wicked designes, wherein there is no man how wise soeuer, but will finde himselfe much grauelled an [...] perplexed; especiallie, if by the estate and condition of the mat­ter, wee can finde no meanes to ex­cuse, or shift our selfe; or to reiect this charge, thereby to gratifie another; as Burrhus did, when Nero first consulted of the manner how to put his Mother to death: after hee vnderstood shee had es­ [...]aped her counterfeit shipwracke, vn­der which pretext and colour hee thought to make her away, knowing well that [Page 35] this reuengefull and cruell Woman would neuer forget or pardon this his first at­tempt.

7 Burrhus and Seneca (saith Tacitus) were a long time beholding each o­ther, and at last Seneca seeing the im­patient vexation of this Prince, demaun­ded of Burrhus with a loude voyce, if hee thought the Souldiers of the Guard would not performe this Office, when Burrhus resoluing neither to imbrue his owne hands, nor those of his souldiers in this murther, answered, that hee thought they would not doe it, as too well louing the House and Blood of the Cae­sars, from whence Ag [...]ipuia was descen­ded, and that hee thought that Anicetus hauing vndertaken it, was bound to per­forme and finish this execution, and so excused himselfe from committing this Parracide.

8 I confesse it is not a worke of Charitie, to conferre such Commissions on others, but in such occasions it were better for an honest man to leaue them to those of Anicetus his qualitie and con­dition, then to imbrue, or defile his owne hand therewith.

9 But the surest way, if possible wee can, is to foresee and preuent those e­uill inclinations in our Prince, before they [Page 36] are conceiued, or at least before they haue taken roote in his conceits and imaginati­on.

10 Hereunto many haue administred pleasing discourses and speeches, and (as [...]a­rysatis said) silken words, but those who vse them, must be in great reputation and e­steeme, and that they finde a Prince more ca­pable of reason, then to folow his owne pro­per inclinations, which indeed is a very rare thing: and if some haue beene found of this humour, it hath only beene in one or two actions, but not alwaies.

11 I much both like and approue a meanes which some haue held and practis'd, who beeing of a nimble and sharpe Wit, with a pleasing grace to deliuer a tale or iest: and hauing this aceesse and familiaritie with their Prince, without deminishing in any one point the respect they owe him, haue known so pertinently to deliuer and vnfold a tale, approaching neere the humour or matter that possesseth the Prince; that vnder other specious pretexts and counterfet names, they haue made him know the danger, euill, and consequence thereof.

12 But herein, besides the viuacitie of Wit, and necessary Grace of him that vseth it, he must be very wary and cautions, that the Prince, conceiue not this his Iest or tale, to be purposely contriued or directed him: As [Page 37] Tiberius, who imagined that Scaurus Tragedy, (entituled A [...]raeus) was purposely composed to reproach his fratrycides. And Domi [...]i [...]n, that of Paris and Oeno [...]e, composed by Heluidius to blame his diuorce. But wee must slide and intermix our iests among many other things; farre from the Prince his inclination, yea and administer them pertinently, and to the pur­pose; vsing them not seriously, but rather in a forme of carelesse repetition: for besides, that the Grace hereof may stir vp the Prince, to enter into consideration of what is spo­ken: yet being exteriorly deliuered, with­out any interior designe; he will then take it more gratiously, and will then draw more profit from thence.

13 We may thinke, and aduise our selues of other meanes; thereby not vnprofitably, to aboord the Prince his euill inclinations, and not maliciously to cherish or second them. And these may be drawne from the af­fayres themselues, or from the occasions of other matters, or from the time, or persons who are neare the Prince.

14 But if we are constrained to fight a­gainst some of these passions; wee must as much oppose that whereunto hee is subiect and addicted, as that which we intend to as­sayle and fight against; ther [...]by to make it appeare, that all which we say, proceeds, and is a part of the respect & obeydience we owe [Page 38] him, as did Mucianus towardes Domitian, to containe him in his dutie, and to preuent that hee ioyned not with C [...]rialis.

CHAP. X.

  • 1 Consideration vpon the Prince his humour; which hath reference to.
  • 2 The manners and conditions of a cholericke Prince.
  • 3 How to behaue and gouerne our selues with this humour, and that Princes are tame Lyons.
  • 4 The manners and condition of a Prince of a Sanguine complexie [...].
  • 5 How to beare our selues towardes one of this humour.
  • 6 Of those who properly please Princes of this complexion.
  • 7 The m [...]nners and condition of a Melancholy Prince.
  • 8 How to beare our selues with this hu­mour.
  • 9 Of an angrie and froward humour, and of his other imperfections.
  • 10 The manners and conditions of a Flegma­ticke Prince.
  • [Page 39] 11 How to behaue our selues towards this humour.

1 TO which purpose it greatly behooues vs to consider the Prince his humour, differing not much from other mens; if not that, as Princes are more powerfull in all other things: so they are more weake to moderate their owne passi­ons and humors, as being for the most part more violent, and lesse restrained by reason.

2 So then he will quickly enter into chol­ler, and in all his actions be proud and haugh­tie: desiring that all things may stoope to his commands: an enemy of the least disobedi­ence, impatient in the execution of his en­terprises, headstrong in his counsells, and little regarding to be counselled of others, if it be not, to find out one that will conioyne with his; and so vndertake the execution of his will and desire. Iniurious, quicke to of­fend, but ready to returne to himselfe: pro­uided, that we make no semblance of remem­bring the offence he hath done vs; otherwise he will then become inexorable and irre­concilable, and so from thence perpetually hate him whom he hath offended.

3 Neere such a humour, a Courtier must alwayes haue his eye and eare open; and (as we say) one of his feet aboue ground, to [Page 40] see, vnderstand, speake, and doe all which his Prince desireth; without reply, delay, or dif­ficultie, for feare least we make our Master beleeue we are wiser then himselfe; yea wee must be humble and obedient to all degrees of his commands, although they be inferiour to our qualitie and dignitie: we must be pa­tient to digest all iniuries, readie to forget them, still redoubling his seruice and our o­bedience after he hath been displeased or of­fended, neuer remembring our seruices for feare of being seene to vaunt and insult thereof, but rather to continue them: there­by to incite and stirre vp gratefulnesse and acknowledgement in our Prince his remem­brance; he must flye all extreamitie and ex­cesse of choller, for then all things displease, and then those who are most beloued, can neither speake nor doe any thing, agreeable to him that is in choller: The Princes of this humour repute and attribute all familiaritie to disdaine, in such sort that although they tempt & allure vs to be familiar with them: wee notwithstanding must not ingage our selues therein; but still beare our selues to­wards them with much respect and humili­tie. For though first they seeme to bee tame Lyons, yet in the end they deuoure those, who vainely and ambitiously presum'd, they had the Art to know how to go­uerne them.

[Page 41] 4 The Prince of a sanguine complexion, is still of a ioyfull nature and disposition, louing mirth, pleasure, and pastimes, an enemy to sorrow and melancholinesse; ha­ting all matters that are intricate or am­biguous, and all quarrells, debates, and con­tentions; much desirous of ease and peace, remitting willingly the disposing of his affayres to those who are vnder him, and wholly relying on their care, louing those who ease him of that burthen, without gi­uing him any cause of complaints; the which hee vnderstands with much vnwillingnesse: hee is courteous, gratious, and very diffi­cultly drawne to offend any; or if hee doe it is rather in wordes then otherwise; and doth as willingly forget those offered him, as those he commits himselfe, hee delights to pleasure any man, and is generally very li­berall.

5 With those sorts of Princes, wee must bee as seldome graue as wee may, obser­uing neuerthelesse the respect and dutie wee owe them; and as for those, who ma­nage his greatest and most important af­fayres, they must not come into his presence, except they are called, or if they bee not as­sured that they find them not playing, or recreating themselues: for besides that, hee interrupts the Prince in the pastime hee af­fecteth; the Prince is also ashamed, that such [Page 42] as they are should surprise him in his plea­sures, knowing that in their hearts they ap­proue them not.

Philip, King of Macedon, on a time play­ing at Dice, word was brought him that An­tipater was at his chamber doore to speake with him; whereat being instantly angry and displeased, hee threw the Tables and Dice on the bed, as ashamed that Antipater should find him playing.

As those then haue a great aduantage in the managing and conduction of his affaires, their Prince wholly relying on them; so they haue also a great disaduantage and hinde­ranc [...] to approach and familiarize with him, who hates those serious and graue humors, as altogether contrary to his Nature.

6 But those who are of a Ioueall humor, and withall capable to manage and dispatch businesse, oftentimes attaine to preferment and aduancement neere these Princes: Proui­ded, that being out of their sight, they re­taine that grauitie which is beseeming and answerable to their place and dignitie; whereas fayling thereof, they make them­selues despised and contemn'd; and from this contempt is ingendred and produced the boldnesse (vnder borrowed and feigned pre­texts) to complaine; and those complaints being heard and knowne of the Prince, are of such power and efficacie, that many times [Page 43] to appease them, hee resolues to discard and put away the author thereof.

7 A melancholy Prince is heauy and slow in his resolutions, still pensiue, mistrustfull, sus­pitious, ingenious, and most commonly ma­litious, but of few words, the which for the most part he casts forth, to sound those who approach him, framing his speeches doubtful and of a double sense; yea, in more graue and dangerous affaires (as we haue said Tiberius did); he is both secret, and a dissembler, an enemy of mirth and familiaritie, alwaies re­tired and louing solitarines, not desiring to bee frequented or conuersed with, affecting very few, and those coldly▪ subiect to hate for a small, or no cause, in respect of the dif­fidence and suspition which still followes him; he is extreamely couetous, and feares the whole Earth cannot suffice him; as great an enemie to those he hath offended, as to these who haue offended him; he is reuenge­full and irreconciliable, and we must not re­pose much confidence in his fauour and re­conciliation.

8 With Princes of this humour, wee must beare our selues carefully and softly, walk­ing as it were with the bridle in our hand; we must retire our thoughts, poyse all that wee speake, speake nothing but that which may serue, and which we iudge fittest to bee receiued, and the surest way is not to vaunt [Page 44] or boast too much, nor to speake except wee are demanded: in all our behauior and spee­ches, we must be very circumspect and care­full to eschew contradictions, and not presse this humour too much in our Prince his re­solutions; for feare least malancholinesse being inflam'd, it turne into choller, and choller into hatred; we must be carefull and tautious how we importune him in our re­quests especially in those wherein we doubt we shal be refus'd. For besides that, it is dan­gerous to accustome a Prince to refuse vs; he that is Melancholy being speculatiue, holdes his refuse for an offence offered you & con­ceiues that you hold your selfe iustly offen­ded, and are therefore become his enemv: so we must afterwards perform Miracles to de­face and withdraw him from this opinion: for as lie forgets not iniuries, so hee also be­leeues that you haue nor forgotten the refu­sall he gaue you.

9 Briefly, this humour is the dullest and heauiest of all others, for the varietie and strangenes of the obiects it ingendreth, and produceth in vs; and also because it is the more difficult for vs to conduct and beare our selues with Princes subiect hereunto.

10 He that is Flegmaticke, participates of the heauines and slownesse of the Melancholy: but hee hath neither the opinion, malice, or distlust of euill, for the coldnes that freezeth [Page 45] his heart, rather makes him distrustfull of himselfe, then of others; if hee vndertake any thing, he is fearefull that he shall not ac­complish it; which commonly proceeds from being ignorant of the meanes to worke the same; he hath irresolution in his counsells, timiditie and feare in their execution and stupiditie, or dulnesse in his conceits; still hatingwithout much bitternes and violence, & louing without much zeale and feruency.

11 Neere such Princes, those of actiue, couragious, and inuentiue wits, are sit to heate this cold humour of theirs. For a Prince knowing his owne defect by the difficulties and crosses that arise in his vnderstanding; the which he himselfe may resolue and cleer: if he find any who wil giue him the means to accomplish and effect that, which he thought impossible, and such a one he loues, admires, and beleeues hee is necessary for his ser­uice; so is this his fauor grounded on neces­sity, is more perdurable and permanent then any other; the which a Courtier well know­ing, he must with his best endeanours striue to accomplish those things the Prince his ma­ster iudgeth most possible, and preuent if he can, that one more ingenious and subtle then himselfe be not admitted to vndertake it; in which respect he must not be far from Court; for when another is knowne to be more ca­pable in the discharge of a Charge, then our [Page 46] selues; we are then reputed lesse necessary; and when they are for a time inured and ac­customed to passe without vs, it often falls out, that they will then wholly abandon and forsake vs.

This needes no great inducement and perswasion, for it is one of the most common and frequent subtilties of the Court, practi­sed by those who are imployed in Estate af­faires, to call and select none but those who as well in ranke as Capacitie, are by far their inferiours, to the end thereby to giue them­selues the more lustte, and to auoyde the danger of being casheeid, if the Prince find another more pleasing and agreeable to his fancy. Adde withall, that these men are more capable to performe a bad office, or to couer some corruption, according to the intent and desire of those who aduance them; which one of a more Noble and Eminent condition would not doe.

Of these foure humours (as wee haue for­merly said), aswell Princes as other men are composde, and some way or other are addict­ed and inclined to one, or more of those hu­mours, according to the degree of the hu­mour it selfe, that most predominats in them.

CHAP. XI.

1We must neuer tie our selues to the humours of that Prince, who changeth according to his age, conuersation, and other incidents.
2A Prince is of one nature in Warre, and of an other in Peace.
3Hee is subiect to change his inclination, and to settle his affection on others.
4Examples hereon.
5The cause of these alterations.
6Tryphons humour alleaged hereon.
7Another Example of Agamemnon in Euri­pides.
8From whence proceeds the ordinarie faultes of Princes.
9Greatnes and Power often be witcheth our Vn­derstandings.
10Examples of the wise Men of Greece here­on.
11Notable Examples of the Pythagoriciens to the same effect.
12

1 NEuerthelesse, we must not still make a perpetuall conclusi­on heerein; for as our hu­mours change according to our age, affaires, and conuer­sation; so our gesture and carriage changeth▪ and so likewise do the inclinations of Princes.

[Page 48] 2 In time of Warre, a Prince both affects and honours Captaines and Souldier [...], whom in time of Peace (his neede being past) he makes little or no esteeme of them, and changing his inclinations to delights and pleasures, or the like passions; he will affect and fauour those Agents, who serue and second him in his affections.

3 Tiberius was of one inclination vnder Augustus of another during the life of Ger­manicus and Drusus, of another during the life of his Mother Liuia, of another when he lo­ued and feared Seianus, and of another when he had made him away; and as Passienus re­porteth, there was neuer a better seruant scene then Caligula in the time of Tiberius, nor a worse Master then himselfe, when hee came to gouerne the Empire.

4 Plutarke speaking of alterations in the Manners of M [...]rrius and Cylla, makes a doubt if it were Fortune that changed their Natures, or that now discouered that which was formerly concealed and hidden in them.

5 To speake truth in the most part of such people, it is not that their Natures and incli­nations change, but he which was with held by feare, discouers himselfe such, as hee was when he feared not [...], as Le [...]ins said of Zeno, he is the Paysan Serpent, who shaking with cold, cannot offend, but being warme & hot, begins to vomit forth his poyson.

[Page 49] 6 Iosephus sayes, that Tryphon a long time bore the maske of an honest man, whilest hee liued a priuate man, to the end to draw the wills and affections of the people; but be­ing made King, he intirely took off the mask of his deceit and hypocrisic, and then open­ly shewed to his subiects what before hee eue [...] had been.

7 Euripides giues Agamemnor a reproach not much vnlike this, for being of an humble and lowly mind, before he was chosen chiefe Generall of the Grecians he became afterwards enemies to his friends, and of very difficult accesse, and so at last shut himselfe vp in his house; which this Poet alleageth, that an ho­nest man managing a great Office or digni­tie, must not alter his fashions and manners; a lesson very seldome, or to say truer) neuer practised, if it were not by Pollion, as Seneca writes.

8 But the most frequent and common de­fects of Princes, proceede from presumption, which commonly follows, and is incident to power, which makes them more difficult to receiue councell and aduice; flattring them­selues with this beliefe, that as they are su­periours in power to their subiects; so they are also in Capacitie and Sufficiency, and some belieue, that in this respect they cannot fashion, or subi [...]ct themselues to lawes and and reasons, without disparaging or demi­nishing [Page 50] their authoritie; and that if they cannot doe all that they please, they are no longer Soueraignes: is to abate their great­nesse, and to bee no more then common people, to rule and suffer themselues to doe onely that, which is permitted to the Com­mons, for whom they onely thinke, that the rule of Pi [...]tie, Honour and Iustice haue been in­stituted and ordained, and not for them­selues.

9 If these tyrannicall opinions entred not but into common wits, it would not proue so great a wonder; but it seemes that power sometimes inchanteth the best Spirits and Iudgements.

10 In all precedent Ages, none left bet­ter rules of Moderation, then those we tearme the seauen Wise Men of Greece, and whilest they liued, there were no greater nor seuerer Tyrants, then those who raigned ouer them.

11 Appian speaking of the Philosopher Aris­tion and of other Philosophers, who had tyran­niz'd in Athens, ioyn'd with them the Pytha­goriciens, who had commanded in Italy, whom he with the rest said, had been the greatest and seuerest Tyrants of their age: which in­deed makes vs doubt, if the Philosophers, who disdained the honours and managing of af­faires did it in earnest, or if thereby they on­ly sought some shelter, to couer their pouer­tie and idlenesse.

[Page 51] 12 And if wee will belieue Aristophanes, the Pythagoriciens vsed this frugalitie and par­simony, rather to make their pouertie and necessitie belieued, then for any desire or af­fectation of Vertue; reioycing (as he reports) to make good cheare vpon other mens pur­ses.

CHAP. XII.

1That the suggestions and applause of vitious per­sons neere Princes, serue greatly to change their humours, and consequently to debosbe them.
2Examples of Princes who haue permitted themselues to be led by these sorts of men; to­gether with the blindnesse and stupiditie of some Princes vpon the ends and intents of those vitious fellowes.
3
4How the Prince is betrayed by these sorts of flatterers.
5Examples to this effect ofOld Clodion.
6 Seianus.
7 Perrinis.
8 Bardas.
9Aduice for Princes not to heare or regard these flatterers.

1 THe suggestions, flatteries and applause of vitious fellowes, who approach neare Princes, doe much serue to change and alter their natures.

2 The pride and cruelty of Uitellius, is by Tacitus imputed to these sorts of men.

3 And Vesp [...]sian held to be of a good na­ture, learned to inuent and impose new sub­sidies, and to oppresse his subiects in the Schooles of the like Masters; yea (to vse but a word) the greatest number of Princes are commonly changde in their natures, by the conuersation of such vitious seruants and ministers, who to gaine fauor & credit with them, still lull them asleepe with their greatnes, power and riches, the which they the more willingly digest and embrace, in being sometimes ignorant of the duty of their charge and dignitie; but blinded as they are, they neither see nor consider, that those who flatter and applaude them, & who make shew to approue all their actions and gestures, doe it commonly of purpose to be­tray them, and to make them hated of their subiects.

4 The surest way and course to betray his [Page 53] Master, is to second his couetousnesse, cruel­tie or lust and this attempt is free from all danger or hazard, because the Prince cannot iustly condemne his seruant, without hee likewise first accuse and condemne him­selfe.

5 Hee who would restore Clodius (tear­mod the Hayr [...]e) to his Estate, being banished by the French, assisted by Aegidius, who then commanded Gaule for the Romans, insinuated himselfe in the fauour of Aegidius, a cruell and couetous man, and (saith the Historie) he so inflamed and imprinted couetousnesse and crueltie in this Roman, whereunto hee was excessiuely disposed and adicted, that the French hauing sencibly felt it, instantly resolued to call home their King; this French­man his faithfull subiect finding no surer way to betray the enemy of his Prince, then to obserue and second him in his passions.

6 Seianus to chalke himselfe out the way to the Empire, after hee had caused Aggripina and her children to be imprisoned, knowing that his Master Tiberius being wearie of the Citie of Rome, was desirous to retire him­selfe to Caprea; he perswaded and fortified him to vndertake this resolution, to the end, that whilest his Master soiourned there, hee might take authoritie on him to command and gouerne all, as if all depended of him▪ Ti­berius this Interim (as one writes) being Prince [Page 54] of a little Iland, whilest Seianus dominered and playde the Emperour at Rome.

7 Perrinis hauing freed himselfe of those, who might oppose his designes, vnder co­lour to find out them which were accessary to Lucilla, who had conspired against the Emperour Commodus, plunged this Emperour as deepe as he might in delights and pleasures, thereby to intrude vpon the gouernment of affaires, and after to vsurpe the Estate.

8 Bardas, the Vnkle of Mi [...]hael, Emperour of Constantinople, performed no lesse, after hee had caused Theo [...]ostus his fellow Tutor to bee slaine, and banished Theodora, the Emperours Mother, perswading this young Prince, that hee himselfe should gouerne and rule all; whereunto beeing verie vncapable and improper, Bardas plunged him in vaine delights and pleasures, making him belieue, there was no exercise more honourable, then to conduct a Coach; nor no vertue greater, then to bee a skilfull Coach man. In which meane time, Bardas courted, and the peoples aff [...]ctions; and calling neare him the learnedst Philosophers, and erecting and building Schooles for all sorts of Scien­ces in Constantinople, hee thereby squared himselfe out the way to haue made himselfe Soueraigne of that Estate, if he had not beene preuented by another.

9 I vnderstand not here, to giue any man [Page 55] precepts to betray his Prince, but rather I d [...]sire to giue this aduice and councell to Princes, that they take heede, and looke to themselues, and not to belieue those, who flatter and soothe them vp in their vices and irrigular actions, affect them better, then those, who freely contradict and reproue them.

CHAP. XIII.

1Considerations vpon a Prince his domestick Seruants, and how wee may reape profit by them: Princes beare themselues different­lie in Priuate or Publike, and they more willingly discouer themselues to their seruants, then others.
2Examples hereon.
3
4
5In this point its verie difficult for a Prince so to hide and conceale his intentes and motions, that his Seruantes discouer them not.
6In Court wee seeke all sorts of men to effect our affaires.
7In Court there are no great friends, nor small enemies.
8In Court wee must seeke to make the Prince his Seruants our friends.

1 AS for the Prince his do­mestick seruants, who (when hee with-drawes himselfe in priuate) are still neere his person, they may doe vs much good in imploying them, be it to haue accesse to the Prince at some extraordinary hower; be it to affoord their word of fauour when the Prince speaks of vs, or bee it to be aduertised of the ill offi­ces which are intended vs: for most Princes are of one humour and countenance in pub­like, and of another in priuate, and when they once repose confidence in these their seruants, they then the more willingly disco­uer themselues to them; being assured, that for the basenes of their quality, and the obli­gation whereunto they are bound to them, they dare not reape profit hereby.

2 Euery one knowes the power which Claudius his free women had ouer him, of which number he so inriched one of them, by name Pallas, as vpon complaint the Emperour made of the necessitie of his affaires, he was councelled, that to inrich himselfe, he should adopt himself the heyre of Pallas: also it was to her, whom Agrippina adressed her selfe to [Page 57] haue the Emperour marry her: and a little be­fore, Narcissus being another of this Prince his free women, perswaded and induced him to put Messalina to death.

3 We also know the power the Eun [...]ches haue had ouer the Grecian Emperours, vnder whom for a time they as it were, gouerned the Emperour. and without the aide and assis­tance of those of the same condition, as also of Constantius his Groomes of his Chamber: Ar­betio, tho ouer-seer of the affaires of the Em­pire, being accused by the Earle Verissimus, was in danger to lose his life.

4 Vnder Batoniates, Emperour of Constanti­nople, two poore Groomes of his Chamber, the one tearmed Borilus, the other Germanus, who wholly gouerned him, disgraced Isaac and Alexius Comnenus.

5 But when the Prince discouers and con­sults his affaires to men of this ranck, it is very difficult for him to keepe his maske on his face, and that in his priuate motions (the which because they then escape more vio­lently, then in the publike view of the world, they are the more difficultly retaind) wee discouer not something of his intents and desires.

6 It is a humour and compliment of the Court, not onely to seeke all sorts of men, thereby to aduance our affaires, but also to perswade our selues, that as a man growes in [Page 58] reputation and greatnesse, so he growes in Wisdome and Understanding.

The which Arian representeth in his Epic­tetus, by the Example of one Epaphroditus, and of his two slaues who were aduanced, t [...]e one to be Groonor of the Vrinall and Close-stoole to the Emperour; and the other his Shoomaker; both whom Epaphroditus fauoured, esteemde, and praised their councell and wisdome, al­though a little before hee had sold them as slaues, as not knowing what to doe with them.

7 Howsoeuer, we must perswade our selues, that although wee finde no great friends in Court, yet that there are there no small ene­mies, & that euery one may preiudice or pro­fit vs, according to his qualitie & condition.

It was reputed a fauour in the Court of Ti­berius, to bee knowne of those, who were doore-keepers to Seianus, whilest hee was in credit and authoritie.

8 It is therefore wisdome to make the Prince his domestick Seruants and Officers our friends, and to yeeld them all respect and obseruance, as much as discretion and iudg­ment permits.

CHAP. XIV.

1Of the great ones in Court, the sixth Head of this second Booke, and that they are of diuers sorts and degrees.
2Of those who are of a Noble Blood and House, and yet not in credit and reputation at Court, and how we [...] must beare our selues towards them.
3Considerations of them, and what their Power is.
4The Examples of Archelaus vpon these consi­derations.
5Other considerations vpon the same.
6How the Prince his Fauorite must beare him­selfe in opposing great men.
7The profit which redounds to him there­by.
8
9Wholesome Aduice and Councell for a Fa­uorite.
10How it must be vnderstood when we say, we con­test and contend with a great man.
11What it is for a Fauorite to oppose the enterpri­ses of great men.
12The Example of Cardinall Ximenes, Fauorite to Isabell, Queene of Spaine vpon this subiect, with a briefe abridgement of his life.
13
14Another Example vpon the lamentable end of Simonera, Fauorite to Francis Sforza, Duke of Millan.
15

1 AS for the Nobles and Great Ones of the Court, they are differently to bee conside­red; for some haue nothing else to maintaine them but their house, and a certaine hereditarie marke of Greatnesse and Nobilitie, without any reputation, familiaritie or ac­quaintance with the Prince but exempt of au­thoritie and managing of any affaires of the Estate; others haue lesse reputation, but more authoritie and employment, and others a­gaine haue more authority in the managing of affaires, and more accesse and familiaritie with the Prince.

2 The first are of small consideration for our aduancement, neuerthelesse, wee must beare ourselues towards them very respec­tiuely, as well for the discharge of our owne dutie, as for feare they molest or offend vs, especially sith there may fall out a businesse, wherin although they cannot assist vs them­selues, yet they may pleasure vs herein, either by their seruants or friends.

3 For those great personages are neuer without many dependants, who are glad to please and pleasure them, either for some for­mer [Page 61] courtesie or obligation which they haue receiued; or for feare of their greatnesse, or the eminency of their fauours, as well from their Prince as their Fortunes.

4 Archelaus, King of Capadocia, not re­specting Tiberius when he retired himselfe to Rhodes, afterwards repented it: for Tiberius comming to the Soueraigne dignitie, reproch­ed and reproued him for this his disrespect and contempt, and so to reuenge himselfe, caused him vnder-hand to be accused of ano­ther matter, whereof this old man for meere griefe died, hauing not omitted this respect or dutie through disdaine, but onely pur­posely to auoide the iealousie that Augustus might haue conceiued, because he was not resolued to shew himselfe a friend to Tibe­rius, whilest Caius Caesar liued.

5 We must also consider, that these great men are neuer so de [...]ected, but they may commit some euill, if the meanes for them to doe good, be taken from them; neuerthelesse if they be any way suspected of the Prince, we must seeke out some pretext to approach them, that may serue to excuse vs; if not, let vs yet endeauour, that wee make them not our enemies.

6 But where we know, that the Prince his intent in aduancing our fortunes, is to haue vs assault and confront these sort of Nobles (as it hath often fallen out, that Princes haue done [Page 62] the like) then we must doe it so circumspect­ly and wisely; yea, and with such choice of occasions, that the Commons may iudge we haue perform'd it with reason, and that our Prince may therein likewise receiue satis­faction and content.

And although this profession be dange­rous; Neue [...]thelesse, he who is aduanced by his Prince, purposely for this effect and end, may reape profit and benefit hereby.

7 The one is, that hereby he authori­seth himselfe, and that those who are in­feriour to these great Nobles, whom he is to assault, will resolue [...]o stoope, and be drawne to strike sayle and bow, as fea­ring to offend the Prince if they should doe the contrary.

8 The other is, that thereby he linckes and tyes himselfe more closer to the Prince, and if he know how to select important and serious occasions, that tend to his masters seruice, the protection of the poore, or the good of the Common-wealth: he will there­by purchase himselfe fa [...]e and prayse; and so, exceedingly encrease and augment his re­putation.

9 But hee must be carefull to attempt nothing, except he accomplish it; for besides that, the Commons iudge of most things by the issue thereof, as blaming him who hath lost his sute in law, although it were neuer­so [Page 63] iust or right: yet he will thereby greatly hazard his reputation with his Prince; and consequently the fauour he hath borne him: who then will be constrain'd to disa [...]uow him, to the ende he participate not of the shame, in that this enterprise vndertaken hath not succeeded; or if he doe aduow him, yet without doubt he will fall into the ha­tred and contempt of his subiects; which will then infuse courage into the hearts, and hopes, of those against whom he derected and bent his malice.

10 When I speake of assaulting and fal­ling foule vpon these Great men; I vnder­stand not, that wee must chalenge or fight with them at single combate: because, that cannot be perform'd without troubling the Estate, much lesse to proffer them any disgra­ces or cuill speeches: sith that sauours of a man of smale, or rather, of no capacitie, or iudgement; and who doth, as it were sur­fet, or is drunke of his good fortune, which hath wholly depriued him of his sense and vnderstanding, which sort of men common­ly make no good or fortunate ends.

11 But, I vnderstand to oppose and assaile the designes of Great men, who may bee iustly suspected and reputed to haue badde and pernitious intents, either against the Estate, or the Gouernment, or a­gainst the order that concernes either Religi­on, [Page 64] Iustice, Armes, or the Exchequer; and yet so to assayle and oppose them, that there be not descried, or seene in vs, any particular vio­lence or passion, but onely a good and zea­lous desire (as much as may be) to iustifie our actions to the most vertuous sort of people, and towards all those who haue any interest to enquire or vnderstand thereof.

12 If I would prepose any one to be im­mited in this exployt and charge, of all our Modernes it should be the Cardinall Ximenes, who (as I haue formerly said) was taken in­to fauour and reputation by Isabella, Queene of Spaine, to giue the check or mate to the Grandos of that Kingdom, who then were not so obedient as they now are, hauing of a Fran­ciscan Frier, made him her Confessor, & since by the aduice & councel of the Cardinal of Men­doza, Archbishop of Toledo after him, wherein he so well demeaned and bore himselfe, that not onely vnder Isabella, but since vnder Fer­dinand of Arragon, and since his death, vntill the comming of Charles, who was since Em­perour, he hath been the onely Arbitrator and Moderator of all the businesse and affaires of Spaine, being still so subtill and wise, as to oppose the Commons, in contentions and quarrels against the Nobles and Grandos of the Kingdome.

13 And although it hath beene reported that he was poysoned, and that he himselfe [Page 65] beleeued it; yet this was not true, nor could euer since be found out, or verified; he him­selfe being exceeding old when he dyed.

14 But the end is more deplorable and lamentable of Cicho Simonera, who had mana­ged the affaires of the Estate, vnder Francis Sforza, Duk [...] of Millan; and since, vnder Ga­leas his sonne: and because of his fidelitie, was chosen to oppose against the brothers of Galeas, and so to gouerne the Estate vnder the Widdow during her sonnes minoritie.

15 Who being constrain'd to banish from Millan the brothers of Galeas, and of Robert de Saint Seuerine, to the end to conserue the Estate to his pupill: the Mother a little after, agreed with them, to the vtter ouerthrow of this poore honest man, whom most ingrate­fully she gaue and deliuered into his enemies hands.

Who after some time of imprisonment, caused him cruelly to be murthered in the Castle of Pauia; wherein we may consider, and know, how dangerous it is to imploy our selues for such Princes as are wauering and inconstant: and who for very small mat­ters disauow, and abandon their Seruants and Ministers, to the mercilesse mercy of their enemies.

CHAP. XV.

1Of Great men who are familiar with the Prince, without hauing any authoritie or command in the affaires of Estate.
2Of their power, and how we must seeke them, and reape profit by them.
3Of Great men who haue authoritie in af­faires, and yet small accesse neere the Prince: of the inclinations of Princes, vn­der whom these Great men are.
4
5Of Princes who giue all the Command of their off [...]ires to one or two, and of the curbe or reine wherewith they commonly restraine them, thereby to fashion them wholly to his w [...]ll and pleasure, without leauing them po­wer to doe otherwise, and to dispossesse them of his fauour and their greatnesse when he pleaseth.
6How to beare our selues towards these Great men.
7
8Of Great men who are in fauour with the Prince, and haue authoritie in the affaires of the Estate, and how we must seeke and obserue them.
9
10Wee must examine the degreees of Great mens fauours, from whom wee may ex­pect assistance.
11
12And when we cannot make our selues knowne of Great men, wee must seeke those who haue some interest or power in them, or are familiar with them, and so make our selues knowne to them.

1 THose Great men who are in reputation and fauour with the Prince, without hauing any authoritie in the affaires of the Estate, may steed vs, if not for our aduancement to the Prince, at least to make vs haue accesse to him.

2 They may also cause vs to be well re­puted and esteem'd of him, in commending and remembring the seruices we haue done, as also to excuse our faults whereinto wee haue ignorantly fallen, and to defend vs a­gainst the calumnies of the Court: and as in hauing them to our friends, we may receiue many profitable offices, & pleasures of them, in preparing the way to our aduancement, although it depend not immediatly of them­selues: yet if they are against vs, they may much hinder & preiudice vs, & peraduenture retire or estrange vs from the fauour of our Prince; wherfore we must respect and obserue them, and by all pleasing meanes answerable to our rancke and degree, endeuour to gaine their fauours and affections, and withall to [Page 68] consider, that it is very difficult for such mens fauours and affections to remaine long either familiar or constant: for although the Prince be resolued not to conferre the mana­ging of his affaires to these Great men; ne­uerthelesse, vpon their recommendation, he will seldome refuse to aduance a man, whom he likewise sees agreeable and pleasing to him; and whom he knowes deserues it: and albeit they cannot (peraduenture) absolute­ly and wholly performe vs this good Office; yet they make vs to be esteem'd and pre­fer'd before others of the same desert and merit.

3 As for those who haue the chiefe au­thoritie and command of affaires, and yet but small accesse to the Prince; they are still neere Princes, who liue in peace and tranqui­litie, or who are wholly addicted to their pleasures, being in that respect vnapt, or in­capable to gouerne his affaires, or who neg­lects to vnderstand them, relying wholly on one or two Considents, whose company hee commonly auoides, for feare of being im­portuned with the discourse and relation of his affaires, which he esteemes a kind of sub­iection only to thinke of.

4 Vnder such Princes, it were better seeke and court the Seruants then the Master; for as they relate and report the nature and dis­position of a businesse: so for the most part [Page 69] it depends in them to make choice of those who must be imployed therein, because the Prince not vnderstanding or knowing it, they know not what Sufficiencie or Capaciti [...] is requisite to vndertake and performe it.

5 There are other Princes who more vmbragious and iealous of their Estate, and Greatnesse, conferre the whole authoritie of their affaires to one or two, authorizing them in all the functions of their Offices, and yet without giuing them any great ac­cesse or familiaritie; yea, for the most part, they will neither see nor heare them, except it be to discouer or resolue the matters of their charge and Office, not permitting them to imploy others, for feare that the subordinate power and authoritie which they giue them, take foote, and make so many seruants vnder them; that if it chance they commit any fault, hauing such support, they cannot easily chastice and be rid of them, it being one of the chiefest points and reasons, that such Princes desire to de­taine those in feare who serue them, thereby to make them beleeue, that with a wincke, and in a moment, they can ru­ine those whom they haue been many yeares aduancing.

6 Towards these Nobles and Great men, there is much care and difficultie how to [Page 70] beare and behaue our selues; for seeking their good will, it cannot much steed or serue vs: Contrariwise, the Prince most common­ly refuseth vs, if he know wee seeke them: and againe, not seeking them, it is very hard and difficult for vs to be inducted or admitted to any imployments, whereby we are exposed, and subiect to many crosses and accidents which they may occasion and pro­cure vs.

7 Wherefore we must herein beare our selues very discreetly, vsing much respect to­wards them, and if occasion present to signi­fie and testific them our affection by seruices and secret offices, vnknowne to the world, and not withstanding seeke fauour and assi­stance other where, that may be more plea­sing and agreeable to the Prince, thereby to procure our enterance and admittance neere him.

8 As for those who are in great Repu­t [...]tion and Credit with their Prince, and haue all the command and managing of his affaires, it is as good for vs to ob­serue, and court them, as the Prince him­selfe.

9 Wherefore wee must striue to know their humours and inclinations▪ and accor­dingly conforme our selues to them; yea, and in that respect, as much as to the Prince himselfe.

[Page 71] 10 So then as neere as it is possible, we must examine the degrees of fauour, where­in those Great men are with the Prince, who may assist vs, and howsoeuer they stand well affected to vs, yet wee must demand or re­quest them nothing, which wee thinke is not in their power to performe for vs: for there is nothing which so much angers a man, as to be solicited and requested by one whom he loues, in that which he is constrai­ned to refuse vs.

11 For it is a wrong, and offence to the good will which is borne vs, to make it meet and fight either with the inciuilitie, or im­possibilitie of a request: and as once, a Great man was importuned in a matter, which hee either could not, or ought not doe, he after­wards hated and feared his presence, who had formerly importuned him, either for feare of the like request, or for shame, that hee should thereby remarke or know the weakenesse of his power and reputati­on.

12 But hee who hath not the meanes to make himselfe knowne to Gr [...]at men, hee must then proceed by steppes and de­grees, and so endeuour to make himselfe knowne of those who are great and fami­liar with them, whither they be strangers or of his owne familie: yea, wee must seeke those who depend of them, and ac­cording [Page 72] to this degree of dependancie, obligation, and affection, which they beare them, wee must iudge of the po­wer they haue to assist and pleasure vs.

CHAP. XVI.

1The seuenth head of this Booke, of those who are vnder Great men; of whom, there are two sorts, one which may assist vs, and how.
2Considerations vpon both, and how to purchase friends in Court.
3Of th [...]se who may crosse and oppose vs, who are of three sorts.
4Of those who hate vs, and are our ene­mies.
5It is a difficult thing to be a neu [...]er in Court, and of great factions, and Partialities in the Courts of Princes.
6How some haue withstood and preuented such partialities, and how they very profitably made vse of Neutralitie.
7Examples vpon the wisedome of this Neu­tra [...]itie.
8
9Solon his Law against Neutralitie.
10How and wherefore friendships must be con­serued among different parties.

1 AS for others who retaine to Nobles and Great men, be they our superiours, eq [...]als, or inferiours, we must doubly consider them; for some of them may assist vs, others molest and crosse vs, and both the one and the other, as well as Great men, wee must weigh and consider, not only the power and reputation which they haue of themselues in that wee seeke; but also, that of those, who depend of them, either by consangui­nitie, a [...]liance, affection, or obligation, there being many things which it were fit­ter to propose to our friends by others, who depend of them, rather then by our selues, whither it bee to haue our request well esteemed, or else to diuert the designes and endeuours of others, who would preuent or hinder them.

2 But aboue all we must not stay, or de­ferre to purchase friends till the very time and point wee haue occasion to vse them, but wee must procure and make them before, and by diuers good and friend­ly Offices, haue lincked and obliged them to vs, as also by many other demon­strations [Page 74] of our affection and good will to­wards them.

3 Those who may crosse or thwart vs, are commonly of three sorts: to wit, ou [...] E­nemies; our Enuy [...]rs, or our Competitors who prouoked by Emulation, pretend and aime at the same we doe.

4 Those who maligne and hate vs, be­cause of our selues, or friends, to whom they are enemies, this last hatred is com­monly the least, and may be appeased and practised in yeelding and gining these Enemies some friendly Office, or good turne, to testifie that wee are not so much bound to their Enemies, but that there is in vs some affection denoted to their ser­uice.

5 Neuerthelesse, Partialiti [...]s and Facti­ons are so common and frequent in Princes Courts, and the humours and friendships of Great men so inconstant and tyrrannicall, that it is very difficult for vs to liue long in this Neutralitie, at least to performe it openly.

6 For we know, that some haue secret­ly conserued the friendships of the chiefe heads of a contrary faction, not to betray him whom they openly follow and adhere to, but still to subsist, if they should chance fall, esteeming that as the first is vnwor­thy of a Gentleman, so the last, which [Page 75] hath no other end and intent but his owne proper conseruation, should not bee re­iected.

7 It is a point of wisedome which hath beene practised not only in Court-quarrels, but also in those of the Estate: Sye [...]neses, Co­ [...]er [...]our of T [...]rsi [...]s for the King of Persia, see­ming that Cyrus tooke armes against his brother Art [...]xerxes, and not being of po­wer, (without his palpable ruine) to de­clare himselfe against Cyrus, resolued to [...]ollow his partie, and yet sent his sonne to serue Artaxerxes, to the ende, by this meanes to assure himselfe of him, if in cause that Cyrus should bee vanqui­shed.

8 [...]ardas Durus escaping from the hands of the Saracyns, and vnderstanding that his Enemie Bardas Pbo [...]u was na­med Emperour against Besilius, thereby to assure himselfe of both Parties, hee sought the friendship of Phocas, and yet sent his sonne to Basilius; feigning, that hee was stollen away, without his con­sent or knowledge, to the ende, that if Pnocas were vanquished, he might recon­cile him to the Emperour, as indeed it af­ter fell out.

9 Solon, in the diuision and combusti­on of the Estate, made a Law, whereby he [Page 76] forbade Neutralitie; but neuerthelesse, hee vnderstood not thereby, that those friends who take diuers parties, should renounce their particular friendships and affections: Contrariwise, the chiefe aime and foundati­on of this his Law was, that those who were friends, and yet of a contrarie faction, should seeke by faire and milde meanes to extirpe, and take away these differences a­mong them.

10 In the same manner, wee may al­leage, wee should conserue the loue of his friends who are of diuers factions, not only in respect of the hope of ayde, and assistance, which wee may draw and re­ceiue from them in time of our necessi­tie, and disgrace, but also for their helpe; in seruing towards the reconciling of the parties, when their humours and affecti­ons shall be well disposed and made capable of attonement, and when a fit occasion pre­senteth: it being the surest and most hono­rablest way in liuing among the quarrels and contentions of Great men▪ to Court and gaine their affections, and as neere as wee may to conserue the fauour and friendship as well of the one as the other.

CHAP. XVII.

1Of Enemies who hate vs, because they haue formerly offended vs.
2A Remedie against such Enemies, and how to beware of them.
3That threatnings doe more offend, then profit those who practise them; and that they pro­cure vs shame and weakenesse, if they take not effect.
4
5A Discourse against Reuenge.
6How to beare our selues when we receiue in­iuries, and how to seake the meanes of recon­ciliation and friendship, whether the iniuries be fierce and outragious, or no.
7
8
9Of iniurie done vs in an out-brauing and daring manner, and of the reuenge thereof.

1 THose who hate vs for our owne regard, it is either that they haue formerly offended vs, which is a common hatred of Great Men, towards their infe­riors, (wherunto the Italian Prouerb hath rela­tion that Whosoeuer offends, neuer pardons) or els it is because we haue formerly offended thē.

2 To the first sort we must make no shew that we are offended; or if the offence be so great, as it cannot bee dissembled and con­cealed, [Page 78] wee must yet make it appeare, that time hath swectned and appeased it, yea and made vs forget it: for contrariwise seeming to beare and brooke it impatiently, will occasion him to beleeue wee still retaine a desire of reuenge; which perceiued and knowne of him, who hath offended vs; will againe cause him vpon all new occasions, to molest and indomage vs as much as possible hee can.

3 But we must especially beware not to menace or threaten, if it be not at the ve [...]ie inst [...]t that wee are resolued to reuenge our seluos▪

4 For besides that by our threatnings, our Enemy is aduertised to stand vpon his guard, wee doe thereby as it were inuite him (as I haue formerly said) to seeke and imbrace all occasions to doe worse, yea wee are ashamed there of, which discouers our weaknesse and imbecillitie if we cannot make good, or bring our threatnings to passe.

5 I know that this mildnesse is not plea­sing nor liked of, of all men, and farre lesse of those who are vindictlue and reuenge­full, and who hold that wee must neuer pack vp a wrong or iniury, without being sensi­ble thereof: not only for the content there is in Re [...]nge; but also that an iniurie silent­ly digested and past away drawes on an­other, and therefore conoludes, that wee [Page 79] must bee irreconcilable towards those who offend vs. But otherwise, they who are so irreconcilable endeauouring to make others feare them, doe commonly remaine alone without friends, and none will come neere or approach them: for euery one being sub­iect to stumble and faile, through passion or want of heed, wee feare to f [...]equent their companies, least if we should faile or trip in any point or respect, they will bee angry with vs; and those who haunt and frequent their company, perceiuing that they haue done some thing that is i [...] taken of them, wil for euer withdraw themselues from them, and leaue those irreconcilable fellowes, as vnta­ined beasts in their solitarines, & wel know­ing that these, if they meet any occasion will not faile to molest vs, they will thereby en­deuor to preuent it. Wherefore that we may not ingage our selues in so many enmities, I hold it fit to take a contrary course, and so to shew that we are tractable and reconcila­ble; yea in the greatest inluries and offen­ces, the which wee must distinguish accor­ding to the Motiue of those who commit them and sometimes according to their own ranke and qualitie.

6 For if transported rather with some sud­den passion then with malice, they offer vs any wrong which they should not offer vs, the iniurie being not too impetuous or out­ragious, [Page 80] we must make shew that wee are so farre from being sencible thereof, as wee thinke not thereof; and if it be too too vio­lent and outragious, as we must not seeme altogether insencible to that which touch­eth and concernes vs, or our honour, so like­wise we must not seeme to bee irreconcilia­ble, but amidst the discontent which we dis­couer to haue receiued, wee must alwaies giue some apparition and testimony of re­conciliation, still leauing a doore open to entertaine a pleasing and mild satisfaction, complaining to their friends who haue of­fended vs, yea, making them Iudges of the wrongs we haue receiued.

7 But if it be done in an out-brauing or contemptuous manner, then this dominee­ring impetuosity (if may be) must be sudden­ly reuenged not so much for the consideration of reuenge as to chastice and correct him who hath proffered vs the iniury, that there­by he may hereafter become more wise and respectiue as well towards vs, as towards o­thers, to whom he may addresse himselfe.

8 Notwithstanding, we must not shew our selues irreconcilable, but contrariwise we must testifie, that it is with much griefe, that in the misfortune of this receiued iniu­rie we haue gone so farre, or that we are con­straind to complaine, and to seeke and fol­low satisfaction, which being giuen vs ac­cording [Page 81] to the qualitie and nature of the wrong we haue receiued, wee make it appa­rant, that we are againe ready to enter into friendship, and so to become new friends.

9 But if we cannot haue this satisfaction in some conuenient time, or that hee who hath offended vs, doe repent himselfe of it, or through submission doe request our fa­uour, wee must then againe forget our chol­ler, and be newly familiar with him, taking his seeking of vs for satisfaction, and there­by manifesting the need and necessitie hee hath of vs who hath formerly so disdained and offended vs.

CHAP. XVIII.

1Our first remedie against iniuries offered vs by Great men is to conferre very respectiuely with them.
2The second to dissemble patiently.
3Considerations hereon.
4
5Of those who are our Enemies, because we haue formerlie offended them.
6Aduice her [...]n, with consideration and meanes how to beare our selues herein.
7
8That commonly Feare, rather then Reuenge more violently exasperates our enemy against vs.
9How to appease and preuent his Passion and Violence.
10Another way is to assist our Enemies in their affaires▪ that thereby they may become our friends Example of Agesilaus herein.
11A common subtiltie of Courtiers in this cause.
12Another fetch and subtiltie of Eutrapel­lus and what it was.
13Another fetch against our Enemie is, to se­cond him in his euill intents, thereby to ru­ine him.
14That wee must assist our Enemie if we can­not hinder or anoy him.
15An excell [...]nt Example hereon.
16An other Example and expedient, to preuent that he wrong vs not.
17Another meanes for vs in pl [...]guing our Ene­nemie is, to oppose one that is a greater Enemie to him then our selfe; with a very p [...]r [...]inent ex [...]ote hereon to the same effect of Gerlac, Arch-bishop and Elector of Mentz, vpon the election of Adolphus, Earle of Nassaw to the Empire.

1 ANd because iniuries are commonly offered vs by greater men then our selues, the first remedy that we may not enter in­to those enmities, is to [Page 83] conferre and conuerse with them, with all manner of respect, without being too fa­miliar or troublesome, through our importu­nitie to them, and if wee finde they be too au [...]rse and chollericke, then not to frequent them at all, if conueniently wee may a­uoid it.

2 The second, is patiently to dissemble the remembrance of the offence we haue re­ceiued, neither is it securitie or wisedome to present our selues with defiance or threat­nings, in any dispreportioned or preposte­rous quarrels: for the power of those whom wee haue iniustly offended, may therein ex­cuse our dissimulation.

3 I know that the threats and feares, which wee giue those that haue wronged and offended vs, may occasion them to re­solue to seeke to be reconciled to vs, which indeede may moue some base spirits to a feigned not a firme reconciliation, and yet if they can, will not vnder hand omit to wrong vs, so as it being more difficult to secure our selues from a secret then a known Enemie, it seemes more for our aduan­tage and profit that hee reconcile not him­selfe to vs, but rather that hee bee indu­ced thereunto through feare, I meane those who are not our Superiours, and whose companies wee may well auoid.

4 For where the conceit of hatred, that some [Page 84] great one beares vs, may much preiudice our affaires, and diminish our reputation, there a feigned reconciliation is farre better then a publike enmitie.

5 If wee are hated for wrongs wee haue done, if the wrong proceede from vs, it is then fit for vs to seeke the meanes to repaire it, either by our selues, or by the mediation of our friends.

6 But to iudge and destinguish which of our enemies may most annoy and endomage vs, after we haue considered their power, we must also be very carefull, with what vehe­mency and passion, besides their hatred, they are prouoked and incited to preuent vs.

7 For some in regard of the hatred they beare vs, are prouoked through desire of Re­uenge, others through Feare, that if wee once obtaine what wee seeke, we will annoy and endomage them.

8 And although the desire of Reuenge bee very violent, neuerthelesse, Feare more pas­sionately prouokes our enemy to crosse vs, and it is farre more difficult to diuert him which is prouoked with this last motion, then it is hee which is stirred vp with the first.

9 For the one by good offices, seruices, and satisfaction, we may perswade and com­passe; but of him who is fearefull and doubt­full, we can very difficultly be assured; there­fore [Page 85] the best, nay the onely way, is to recon­cile our selues; and so through frequenting him, and by friendship, to cause such spirits to engender and conceiue a confident and good opinion of vs, wherein we must discreetly hus­band and manage all occasions, sith wee can prescribe our selues no certaine rules.

10 Ageselaus, desirous to bee a friend to those who were his enemies, sought and re­search'd the meanes, to aduance them to some honourable Offices and great Commands. wherein in outward appearance, hee oblieg'd them to him; but because it is difficult for them in the execution of these great offices and dignities; so to content all the world, that they gaue none occasion to complain of them: they were very shortly accused and constrai­ned to haue recourse to his fauour, to secure them as well from danger, as disgrace: from which Ageselaus by his assistance and authori­tie, acquitting and freeing them, hee thereby linck'd them vnto him, and so made them be­come his good friends.

11 And indeed it is a fetch and subtiltie, but too frequent and common in Court, to put out our legge to make a man▪fall, thereby to binde and obliege him to vs, in succouring and lifting him vp.

12 But there is another finall subtiltie and wyle, whereof wee must bee carefull to take heed; and that is that of Horace his Eutrap [...]ll, [Page 86] who would lend money to vse, giue trust and credit for braue apparell, and infuse Vanitie and Courage to those whom hee purposed to ruine.

13 Those that applaud and second our appetites, pleasures, choller, and expences; who prize and repute vs more then we are, making vs (beyond all sence and reason) to vndertake things aboue our strength and power; they for the most part doe it rather purposely to ouerthrow vs, then to delight and please vs.

14 But to come to the meanes which we should obserue, to reconcile our selues to our enemie, if we see we cannot preuent him, from obtaining that which he intendeth and pursueth: wee must then make shew to ayd and assist him therein, thereby to binde and obliege him to vs.

15 Which subtiltie, was indeed practi­sed by Cardin [...]ll Ascanio Sforza, who foresee­ing he could not preuent the secret designes and purposes of Cardinall Iulian, who desired to make Iohn P [...]it (Sonne to Pope Alexander VI.) a Cardinall, did then withall his power imploy himselfe in fauour of the said Iohn, as he held himselfe more oblieged to him for his Hatt, then to Iulian, and so became his friend; and to say truth, it is wisedome to desire that which wee see wee cannot pre­uent, alwayes prescribing and prefixing [Page 87] bounds to our will, according to our power.

16 And if wee cannot by any meanes gaine our enemies, or assure our selues of them, by making them more flexible to­wards vs: let vs then consider in what de­gree of enmitie wee are with them, and if wee know any one whom they more hate or feare then our selues, wee will propound it them, or cause some other to propose it in those things, where there is found a concur­rence to make him go on with the same sute and businesse, to the end that in comparison and hatred of that other, either hee will fa­uour vs, or not so much distast, and enuy vs.

17 And very little different to this, was the manner of Gerlac Archbishop and El [...]ctor of Mentz, his proceeding to cause his Cou­zen Adolphus Earle of Nassaw to bee elected Emperour, whereof the Electors themselues ne­uer dreamt; for vnderstanding and seeing the discord that was among the Princes, who aspired to the Imperiall Diademe and dignity, he broke with many of the Electors seueral­ly; giuing Wenceslaus then King of Bohe­mia to vnderstand that the Maior voyce of the Electors, tended to make his enemy Albertus, Duke of Austria Emperour: but if he would giue his consent and letter of At­turney to nominate some other, he would do his b [...]st to exclude and preuent him; which W [...]nceslaus did, naming the Duke of Saxonie; [Page 88] to whom hee bore in hand that they would elect the Duke of Brunswicke his Enemy: and to the Count Palatine, that they would likewise elect his Enemy Wenceslaus King of Bohemia: and so hauing extorted their suf­frages, commission, and power: from all these Electors, by generall promising them to oppose the election of their Ene­mies; hee, as before, nominated his owne Couzen Adolphus, who in the beginning had beene absolutely excluded, if hee had not beene nominated.

CHAP. XIX.

1Of Enuious people, the eight part of this Booke, and how to beare our selues toward them.
1Rem [...]dies against Enuy, to make common that which is enuied or desired.
3
4Another remedy to auoid Vanity and Super­stition, and that which accompanieth it.
5Considerations thereon.
6To make our selues intreated to receiue that we wish and desire.
7Example hereof in Cardinall Ximenes.
8Considerations vpon this Example, by another of Constantine the Mesopolitane.

1 COme wee now to see how we must bear our selues towards the Enuious; for wee must haue much fortunacy & cou­rage [Page 89] to surmount and vanquish Enute, which (as I haue formerly said) is appeased in ap­plying and enioying that which we desire, but for as much as wee would haue that pe­culiarly for our selues which we desire, it seemes that that may be practised.

2 Which neverthelesse I conceiue may be effected, not onely in making that com­mon which we pursue; but in making them know, who desire and couet this good with vs, that it being in our custody & possession, they may receiue aduantage, profit, assi­stance, and the encrease of their hopes.

3 Now the meanes to effect and com­passe this, is to seeke their friendship and fa­miliaritie, and what Enuie or Malice we per­ceiue or know they beare vs; to shew our selues much affected to them in the place, rancke, and qualitie we are, to the end they bee induced to beleeue that our Fortunes en­creasing, it will be an encreasing of meanes to serue and assist them; wishing them still that which we desire, if it bee a thing plea­sing and agreeable to them, and shewing that wo desire it not, but to gratifie and pleasure our friends, especially themselues.

4 It is also a remedy against Enuy, to slie and auoid vaine supersluitie, as excessiue expences, Uanitie in apparell, extraordinary and vnseasonable mirth, and not to braue and flaunt it out too prodigally.

[Page 90] 5 But these should chiefly take exact and carefull heed to all those things who are descended of a low and meane extraction, and that if either the pleasure of their Prince, or the dignitie of their owne office, occa­sion them to doe otherwise; it shall bee then wisedome in them that they are not vo­luntarily addicted: but as it were enfor­ced thereunto by their Masters authoritie.

6 Wherein the Cardinall Ximenes at the first rising of his Fortunes, bore himselfe very discreetly, who being of a base decent, al­though since many haue reported and writ­ten, hee was a Gentleman; howsoeuer being poore, he made himselfe a Fransiscan Frier and being obserued by the Cardinall Mendoza, Arch-bishop of Iol [...]do that he was learned, and of a sharpe and sound Wit; he vpon his re­commendation was made Confessor to Queene Isabell of Castile; and since (by the Councell of the said Mendoza) Cardinall; to oppose him a­gainst the Grandos of the Kingdom: and after the death of Mendoza, the said Queene sued and procured a Bull from Rom [...], to make him Archbishop of Taledo; and being willing to conferre it on Ximenes, he purposely re [...]used it, foreseeing and iudging, that if he accep­ted this dignitie, it would incurre and draw on him the enuy of all the Grandos of the Kingdome, and consequently he must needs faint vnder the burthen thereof.

[Page 91] 7 So as in that regard to secure himselfe, the Queene was constrained to cause him by many Great personages to be requested to ac­cept thereof, which in the end after many re­fusals he did; but yet he deferred along time to augment either his traine or expenses, notwithstanding that many instances were made him, that this Dignitie required an alte­ration and addition of his pompe, so as it was requisite the Popes authoritie and ex­presse command should interpose, whereun­to in the end he obayed, and so auoided the enuie of a Great and Illustrious dignitie, desi­red of all the Grandos of Spaine and the vanity of superfluous expenses, which not onely e­qualled but exceeded that of many Princes.

8 But if this forme of Hippocriticall pro­ceeding may serue at the first rising of a mans fortune, yet it cannot alwaies shelter him from enuie, who hath formerly discouered in his inclination and behauiour, more Am­bition then Simplicitie, no more then it did in one Constantine a Mesopolitane, who being first expelled the Court of Isaacius A [...]gelus, and since that of Alexius, Emperours of Constantino­ple; and returning with the Empresse Euphro­sina, made shew that he would no more enter­meddle with matters of the Estate; and to the end to insinuate and perswade it more easily and smoothly, he made himselfe a Dea­con, thereby to haue some pretext and colour [Page 92] to excuse himselfe, and to make himselfe to be importuned and prayed; yea, he so [...]un­ningly acted his part, that the Emperour him­selfe sought a Dispensation for him from Xiphlin, Patriarke of Co [...]stantinopl [...] whereby hee was againe permitted and authorised to re­maine at Court and to mannage the affaires of the Estate as before, notwithstanding the Decrees and Canons which forbad him, and then he introduced two of his brothers, who were alwaies nailed to the Emperours eares, whilest hee was dispatching of affaires; but hauing heretofore discouered and be­wrayed his Ambitious Nature, this his hy­pocrisie serued him not long, for hee was againe banished, and after dyed farre from Court.

CHAP. XX.

1Of Competitors or Emulators, who are lesse malitions then the enuious.
2That they are wonne and purchased, either through Honour or Vanitie.
3How to beare our selues with them.
4
5Publike sutes are odious.
6Sure councell and meane [...] one these sutes.
7
8We must not be an Emulator or Contendant with one more fauour [...]d then our selues: Ex­ample of Lepidus and Seianus hereon.
9That Iustice vsually is oflesse power in Court, then fauour.

1 THe same course which we obserue to secure our selues against the effects of En [...]y, we may likewise keep to defend vs against Emulation, which hath lesse then En [...]y, but more sharpnes of Ambition, which produceth no lesse crosses and oppositions.

2 Neuerthelesse, those who are possessed hereof, are somtimes gaind by vaine respect and honour which we yeeld them, and to de­uert them from running the same race that we do, it wil not be amisse or impertinent to giue wings to their hopes, to obserue & serue them, and to imploy our selues with our best skill, to imprint in their thoughts, that that which wee pursue, is a thing vnworthy of their deserts; and yet such, whereby wee are constraind to begin, sith the wealnes of our power can attaine and reach no higher; and withal contrariwise to eleuate & extol their power, sufficiency & merits, as those who may both hope and deserue a farre higher forture.

3 But if wee feare they will our­strip and get the wind of vs in any thing [Page 94] we seeke, we must then entertaine them with doubts and distrusts of that they enterprise, alleaging reasons Pro & Con, so as neuerthe­lesse, that those things which are opposite to their designes, may still be most preualent, and beare the greatest sway.

4 But if we can conceale, or desemble out sute, and so make it sure, before our com­petitors know thereof, and thereby seeke to crosse and preuent vs, it will be the very best and shortest way.

5 Those ambitious sutes that are pub­likely followed, doe sometimes offend vs, who would aide and assist vs, if we procee­ded otherwise, who thereby proue more strange, and the issue thereof, being more in­certaine, and attended and waited on by En­ [...]ie, if it fall out according to our desires; or if the contrary, the refusall is more shame­full.

6 It is therefore the surest way to immi­tate Rowers (or Whirry-men) who turne their backs to the place where they desire to ariue, as feigning quite contrary thoughts.

7 I hose likewise who haue ambitiously pursued places of Command, haue steered the same course, as seeming to be more desirous of rest, then Honour; (as Euripides his Aga­memnon), and hereby haue secured themselues against the crosses and oppositions which might haue befallen thē in their sutes, if they [Page 95] had been discouered; yea, they thereby haue warranted themselues from shame, which is often incident to those who are deceiued, and come short of their hopes, and the issue coresponding their desires and wishes, hath been rather attributed to their merrits, then their industrie.

8 But of one thing we must be very care­full, not to concurre and meete in one and the same sute, with a greater and more emi­nent man, then our selues, vnder colour of hoping to beare it before him, but rather herein to immitate M. Lapidus (whō as I haue said, was held by Tacitus for a most iuditious and discreet Courtier, who being nominated by Tib [...]rius, with Iunius Blessus Vnkle to Se­ianus) that one of them should by the Senat be elected Proconsull of Africa excused him­selfe, by reason of his age, indisposition and children, and especially by reason that one of his daughters was shortly to be espoused, refusing herein to contend and wrestle with the power and greatnesse of Seianus, who vn­doubtedly would haue proued his enemy, if he had borne this dignitie from his Vnkle Blessus, as hee might haue done, had hee not wisely excused himselfe.

9 And we should bee farre lesse importu­nate and obstinate in a sute against one, who is back'd by a Prince, or Great Man, that is in fauour and credit, and therefore of great [Page 96] power and reputation, although wee haue Law and Right of our side, because in the soli­citation of this sute, Law commonly prooues the weaker, as it fell out in the like, which Germanicus and Drusus made to haue Platerius Aggrippa, Prator, who preuailed and bore it in Senate against the Law.

CHAP. XXI.

1The deuison of this second Booke, contai­ning considerations upon the examples of those who have been disgraced at Court.
2The c [...]se [...] of our fair [...]r, and of the deminishing of our reputation in Court.
3Off [...]r proceeding from a Courtiers owne default.
4Enterprises attempted by Fauorits against their Prince, being the true and first cause of their ruine.
5Aduice and precaution for a Fauorite to support himselfe.
6The description of Courtier in the Exam­ple of Seianus.
7
8The issue of Seianush Ambition.
9Considerations of his Ambition, and of Ti­berius his proceedings, being [...]ore subtill them himselfe.
10
11Ambition is commo [...]ly rash and impudent.
12Tiberius sounded the affections of his great [Page 97] ones, before he e [...]terprised any thing against Seianus.
13The subtiltie of Tiberius to intrappe Seia­nus.
14
15Those who stand betwixt Hope and Feare, are more irresolute, and easie to be surprisde.
16The policy of Tiberius to ruine Seianus.
17
18
19The downefall and ruine of Seianus.
20
21Another Example of the downefall and ruine of Perrinis, being fauorits to the Emperor Commodus.
22The designes and machinations of a Subiect a­gainst his Prince, very seldome take effect, how cu [...]ningly soeuer compacted.
23The example of Boylas, being fauorito to the Emperours of Constantinople, and his de­signes, &c.
24
25
26
27A Subiects Pride is alwaies odious to his Prince.

1 THese are the chiefest consider [...]ti­ons which he must obserue, who desires to aduance himselfe in Court, and the remainder should proceed from himself, I meane, from his own Iudgement, Carriage, and D [...]xterity: & although these considerations may steed and serue [Page 98] him; neuerthelesse hee may draw some fruit and profit from the Examples of those Cour­tiers; who are formerly fallen into disgrace, and in knowing that which hath crost and afflicted others, thereby to make himselfe the more dispos'd, capable and readie, to auoid and preuent his owne, or at least to bee the better prepared and arm'd to encounter it, the last being no lesse necessary then the first; because the first commonly tends to an vnprofitable effect, and the last to sweeten and diminish a fall, which many times is (al­most) infallibly subiect to those whom For­tune hath aduanced and pearcht aloft in Court.

2 Disgrace, or the diminishing of our Re­putation towards our Prince, proceeds either from our owne default, the malice of our E­nemies, or Emulators, the malicious or incon­stant Nature of our Prince, or from his death.

3 The behauiour and actions of Courti­er [...], are full of defects and imperfections; but those are more subiect to them, who esteeme themselues far aduanc'd and eleuated aboue others, and who haue purchased and obtained not onely this point, that none dare oppose or contradict them: but also through their Greatnesse and Author [...]ties, to enforce those who frequent them, to approue the faults and errours they commit.

4 All Enterprises against the Estate, or [Page 99] Prince, are Iust causes of his Indignation, a­gainst him whom hee hath admitted and ad­uanc'd into his fauour: because it proceeds of Iusidelitie and Ingratitude, and consequent­ly is the truest motiue which he can haue to ruine him.

5 Wherefore he whom Fortune hath ad­uanc'd, must take great care and heed, that he bring not his Prince into this conceit and beliefe of him, and to this effect to auoid the research and seeking of pluralitie of Offices and Honours, which may giue him some sha­dow, ielousie, and suspition hereof.

6 Seianus is (by Ualeius Paterculus) repre­sented and reported to be one of the wisest, and most iudicious Courtiers of Tiberius his Court, and indeed it was requisite for him to bee so, thereby to mainetaine himselfe and beare vp his greatnesse and fortunes, neare a Prince so subtill, and withall so vmbragious as was Tiberius.

7 He was (faith he) alwaies in action, but so as it seem'd hee was still in tranquili­tie and repose, doing all things without pain or constraint, glorying in nothing, but effecting and compassing all matters, estee­ming himselfe little, and farre inferiour to the opinion conceiu'd of him, seeming could, and stayed in his visage and countenance, but of a vigilant and watchfull spirit, not giuen to sleepe, but in the end his Ambition [Page 100] bore him to seeke Liuia (the widow of Dru­sus) in mariage, to the end that heereby en­tring into the line of the Cas [...]rs, this marri­age might s [...]rue him as a ladder to mount to the designes hee had against the Estate; and although he endeuoured to make the Empe­rour his Master consent thereunto, yet hee might apparantly perceiue, that this his sute was suspected of him, as well by the delay he demanded to aduise and consult thereof, as by the speeches hee gaue him to disswade him from it: But all this notwi [...]hstanding he los'd not his ambition and enuy to authorise himselfe by other meanes to effect and com­passe it.

8 For seeing that Tiberius disliked his re­sidence in the Citie, he endeauoured and re­solued to make him withdraw himselfe to the Iland of Caprea; hoping by this meanes to diminish the Iealousie, which his Master might conceiue of the flocking and resort of the Great ones to him in Rome, as also of the E [...]u [...]e borne him, and thereby to encrease his reputation and power; sith all affayres were to passe through his hands; and all Letters through those of the Guard, ouer whom hee commanded, it being in his power to giue or deny entrance to whom he pleasde; where­by in short time, vnder pretext to ease and comfort the Empero [...]rs age and weakenesse; hee vsurping and taking the charge and su­perintendance [Page 101] of all the affaires of the E­state, purchased as it seemed a firme and pow­erfull authoritie.

9 But hauing to deale with a wise and prudent Prince the euent shewed, that his de­signes were more dangerous then profitable for him, the circumstances whereof I hope will not be impertinent here to insert, to the end that our Courtiers may be better aduised, and experienced in the conduction of their Fortunes, and Princes more discerning and dis­creet in the dispensation and destribution of their fauours.

10 Tib [...]rius supported the Actions of Seia­nus, vntill by his art and policie, he was assu­red of Agrippina, Nero, and Drusus, wherein he imployed himselfe more earnestly and wil­lingly, because thereby hee assured Tiberius against the suspitions he conceiued, and by the seruice which he performed him herein, thought he had ingaged himselfe deeper in his fauour; and contrariwise, that thereby his power was, and would become more for­midable, and his hopes to attaine the Empire more certaine, there remaining none of the Blood of the Caesars, but young children, who were so farre from hindring his ambitious designes, as they rather serued for bridges and plancks to passe on to the Soueratgntie, and so to establish himselfe by seazing of their persons, and vnder the vayle and [Page 102] cloake of their names, to continue the ma­naging of all publike affaires, vntill hee had prouided and settled his owne pri­uate.

11 But as most commonly Ambition is in­descreet, inconsiderate, and rash; so he consi­dered not, that the nearer hee was his marke, hee thereby gaue and administred the more cause of suspition to an vmbragious and dif­fident Prince, and that to maintaine himself in his fauour, he ought rather seeke to deminish then increase his power, which he omitted: for wanting nothing but the Title of Empe­rour, which some of his adherents and Parti­sans already gaue him, and the power and authoritie of Tribune. which the Emperours had vnited to themselues (to the end vnder the Title of this dignitie to make themselues Soueraignes) he more and more of all sides and hands sought to augment and encrease his power, the which in the end made him sea­red of all men and apparantly and vehement­ly suspected of his Master.

12 Tiberius seeing that Seianus had not onelic gained his Guards, but also his Pretorian Regiments and Cohorts, and a great number of the Senatours and chiefest Fami­lies of Rome, some by gifts, others by hopes, and others through feare, and that his owne Followers and domestick Ser­uants reported to S [...]ian [...]s all that hee ei­ther [Page 103] spake, or did, and none dared returne or relate him what Seianus did or spake: he resol­ued before he vndertooke any thing, seue­rally to sound the affections of his Nobles and Courtiers, to the end he might thereby know both whom, and whom not to trust, in that he was speedily resolued to performe and exe­cute.

13 And the better to finish his plot, fea­ring lest Seianus should suspect it, hee made him Consull, stiling and tearming him his Companion and Friend, in all his Letters which hee wrote either to the people or Se­nate; which continuing a while, hee feigned himselfe dangerously sicke, to the end hee mought thereby know who reioyced or sor­rowed thereat, but chiefely to obserue the countenance and hopes of Seianus and his confederates.

14 So, sometimes he wrote from Caprea, that he was reasonable well recouered, and that shortly hee would be at Rome; in some of his letters praysing, and in others dispray­sing him; in others preferring and aduan­cing some of his seruants vpon his letters of recommendation, and then disgracing and sleighting others, that he mought hold him betwixt Feare and Hope.

15 Thus the honor and fauor wherein S [...] ­ianus saw himselfe, restraining him to atempt any thing, which with one blow mought [Page 104] solely ruine and ouerthrow his affaires, ho­ping that in a very short time he should bee able to dissipate and deface these triuial dis­contents, and yet notwithstanding those who more narrowly considered T [...]b [...]rius his diuersitie and inconstancy in his opinions, and who were not so fast linck'd to [...]a [...]us as to his Fortune, began by little and little to with-draw themselues from him, and some to make lesse esteeme of him then be­fore.

16 But Tiberius fearing that this con­tempt would make this ambitious spirit, re­solue to set on foote, and giue fire to his per­nitious designes and enterprises, gaue out in all places, that he would giue Seianus t [...]e au­thoritie of Tribune, to the end he mought sur­prise him with more case and facilitie; and a little after writes to the Senat [...] to consti­tute him prisoner; the bearer of which let­ters was Macro, Captaine of his Guard, who as soone as he came to Rom [...], before day im­parted this businesse of the Emperours com­mand to M [...]mius Regulu [...], then Consull (the o­ther Consull being a Partisan of S [...]ianus) and to Gr [...]cinus Laco Captaine of the Watch, who comming in the morning to the Pallace, to present Tiberius his letters, hee met with Sei [...]nus, who greatly troubled, demaunded him, if hee had any letters for him from the Emperour, who the better to assure him­selfe [Page 105] of him, very secretly whispers him in the eare, that hee had brought him the power of [...]; whereat Seianus reioycing verie chearefully enters the Senate, and Macro gaue the Praetorian souldiers (who had follow­ed Seianu [...]) to vnderstand the commaund which he had from Tiberius, to cause them to retire to their Campe, shewing them the let­ters, wherein there was some summes of mo­ney promised them; and so in their steads placed the Companies of the Watch: which done, hee enters the Senate, presenteth his Letters, and then instantly againe with­drew himselfe before they were opened, when hauing commanded Laco to keepe a strong and vigilant Watch, to preuent that S [...]ianus should not escape, or stir vp se­dition, he tripps away to the Pretorian Camp, to make good, and containe them in their duties.

17 The Letters which Tiberius wrote to the Senate were very long, thereby to giue leasure to Macro, to take order for the exe­cution of all that was ordained; yea, they were artificially pend and composde; the beginning spake not of Seianus, but of many other affaires; then followed a light and briefe complaint against him; then they went on to other businesse, and a­gaine followed another complaint against Seianus; neuerthelesse (as the former) ve­rie [Page 106] short and briefe, then among other mat­ters Tiberi [...]s commanded them to punish two Senators, who were Seianus his friends; and lastly, that they should seize his person, without speaking or mentioning his death, to the end to giue him hope to acquite and purge himselfe of those complaints and ac­cusations framde against him, which not­withstanding in outward apparance were triuiall, and seemde to bee of small conse­quence and importance.

18 The letters being read, many of those present, and who had accompanied Seianus to the Senate, seeing no mention therein made of the Off [...]ce of Tribune, began to rise, and to inuiron him of all sides, that he might not es­cape, the which it is credible he would with­out doubt haue done, if the letters had spo­ken more seuerely, but obseruing nothing th [...]rin, which might giue him cause of feare, he remained firme in his seate, from whence Memi [...]s Regulus hauing twice or thrice asso­moned and calld him, he rose vp, not (as Dion writeth) that through pride hee refused to doe it at the first, but because till now hee was not vsed and accustomed to obay, and so was followed by Laco, Captaine of the Watch.

19 When Regulus likewise rising, being accompanied with the other S [...]nators and Magistrates led him forth the Court, and so [Page 107] conducted him to prison, where he was con­demned by the Sena [...]e to bee throwne downe a high Rock, or Precipice, commonly called the Gemonien Ladders.

20 Here yee see the fall of one of the ex­pertest and powerfullest Courtiers of elder times, wherein we must not attribute or im­pute so much wisdome and conduction to the Emperour Tiberius, (who neuerthelesse shew­ed herein much circumspection) as to his power, who alone without all or any of these formes and fashions might easily haue ruind him.

21 Which the Emperor Commodus (by farre lesse cunning then Tiberius) shewed in the person of Perrennis, who took the same course that Seianus did, & who hauing to deale with an idle Prince, might haue promisd himselfe a better issue of his treachery and conspiracie.

22 I know that in such attempts and en­terprises, euery one thinkes himselfe more subtill then his companion, and that he hath a particular art to accomplish his designes; yea, many haue conducted it to the very last point of execution, as did Boylas vnder Con­stantine Monomaque, Emperour of Constantino­ple, who had very fortunately managed and conducted his enterprise; yet he had not es­capt the punishment, which the like vnder­takers had vnder-gone, had hee not met with a more gratious and milde Prince, [Page 108] who easily remitted and pardoned his offen­ces.

23 This Example shall suffice to informe vs, that in such persidious actions, that which is hid from men, God reueales, by meanes whereof wee neither thinke nor doubt; and what cunning soeuer a subiect seemes to haue against his Soueraigne in the like designes or enterprises, hee neuer­thelesse runnes a sharpe and dangerous ha­zard, not onely to ruine his Fortune▪ but many times himselfe.

24 This Boylas was a man whom truely this Prince could not suspect, not onely be­cause hee had obliged him to him, in re­s [...]ect of the former friendship he bore him, but also because hee had many defects in him, which made him incapable of Am­bitious attempts and enterprises; for be­sides that hee was of a base descent, hee could not speake without stammering; yea, and so grossely, that hee could very difficult­ly bee vnderstood; and because hee saw, that the Prince his Master delighted to heare him speake so, he aided this his imperfection, and so from thence very foolishly affected and practised it.

25 Through which folly of his, hee be­came so familiar with the Emperour, that nei­ther the place where his Concubines were pent vp, nor his owne Closet were shut to [Page 109] him: But in fine, being enriched and made Senator by the Prince his Master▪ hee ad­uanc [...]d and lifted vp his hopes higher, and so most vngratefully and treacherously vnder­tooke to murther him, and to seat himselfe in his throne: the which hee first discouered to those whom hee knew hated the Emperour, giuing them great rewards and promises who approued and adhaered to his designes, and who ingaged themselues to assist and ayde him: and to those who disliked his pro­iect, hee highly praised them; shewing them that what he had propos'd them, was but to try and sound their sidelities towards the Emperour, whom hee would not fayle to ac­quaint therewith, and likewise exhorted them to perseuere in this their loyaltie and dutie.

26 So managing his businesse in this man­ner, he was along time vndiscouered of ei­ther parties, and those of his faction assured themselues that his plot would take effect, which if one of his confederates had not re­uealed it and caused him to bee watch'd and taken with the manner, hauing his sword readie in his hand to strike his Prince, he had indeed perpetrated and finished his treason, when being surprisde and taken, the Emperour caused some of his adherents to be punished, and contented himselfe onely to banish Boy­las.

[Page 110] I should be very prolixious, heere to re­late all the Examples of Great men who haue suffred shipwracke at Court, not only for the like enterprises, but for iealousie and suspi­cion of conceiuing the like: I will therefore at present content my selfe with those few I haue already alleag'd.

27 And will conclude this point, that in what sort soeuer, a Courtier shewes his Pride against his Prince, either in Ambition, Pre­sumption, Reproches, Ill-speeches, Superfluious pompe, or Extraordinary traine; he assuredly runnes an immenent danger and hazard, to ruine and ouerthrow, both his fortunes and himselfe.

CHAP. XVI.

1The tenth diuision of this Booke, containing the causes of disgrace, neere the Prince.
2The first cause is of boasting, and reproaching, our seruices done; with Examples hereon.
3
4The second cause is, to reprou [...] or complaine of the Prince his actions.
5The third cause is, to reueale a [...]d abuse s [...]cre­sie, and to desire to make knowne we gouerne the Prince; Example of Thurinus, a seller of smoake, vnder the Emperour He­liogabalus.
6The fourth cause is, not to contend with No­bles, or Great men, either through Pride, or Vanitie; example hereon of Plantia­nus
7Example of Enguerrand of Marigny.
8The fifth cause is to be an Instrument of De­uision among the Nobles, with an Exam­ple thereon.

1 PHilotas and Clytus ouerthrew themselues vnder Alexander, for boasting and reproching their seruices; And Craterns was not so welcome, nor be­held with so gracious an eye, as formerly he had beene, for not containing himselfe with­in the tearmes and bounds of a Generous Modestie.

2 It is recorded, that Sylius tuined him­selfe in this manner vnder Tiborius, and that syllas, Generall of King Aggrippas troupes (as reporteth Iosephus) for reproaching his Ma­ster, lost the fruit of all his former seruices. Antonius Primus likewise ouerthrew his For­tune and Reputation through the same Uani­tie.

3 For Princes beleeue that thereby wee deminish some part of their happinesse, which they hold is vnited to their persons, and not to the valour, sufficiency, or merit, of their subiects.

[Page 112] 4 It is Indiscretion proceeding from Arro­gancy, either to reproue the actions of our Prince, or to complaine too boldly to him. Eumenes complaining to Alexander, that He­ph [...]stion with his rabble of Fooles and Iesters, tooke vp the houses that should be giuen to Souldiours, and speaking too freely heerein, went neere to haue beene disgraced and dis­carded.

5 Likewise to abuse the priuate will and inclination of a Prince, and to delight to shew that we wholly order and dispose his affaires, still sauoureth of Pride, although some do it through Vanitie, and others through Couetousnesse: as Zoticus vnder that monster Heliogabalus; who yet had better fortune then Thurinus vnder Alexander (the sonne of Mam­mea) as a Sergeant reported who was pre­sent and assisted at his execution; His Hi­storie is thus: He made all the Court beleeue that he gouerned his Master, vainly attribu­ting all affaires which the Emperour vnder­tooke or enterprised to his owne aduise and counsell: and selling liberalities; yea, those in the pursute and purchase whereof he had neither share nor interest.

6 But to come to that sort of Pride, which is aim'd and leuelled to Princes and great Nobles, who are subiects to Soueraignes, one of the most remarkable examples for Au­dacitie, Vanitie, and Insidelitie, is that of Plan­tianus, [Page 113] whose impudent boldnesse was so great, and with all so sottish, as he sleighted and maligned Bassianus the Emp [...]rour his Masters sonne, who had raised him to that greatnesse wherein he liued; yea, such was his Vanitie, that passing the Citie, not only none dared come neere him; but also he sent some of his people before, to make those retire from the places and streetes where he should passe, and withall defending, that none should be so bold to looke him in the face.

But in the ende, this vainc blindnesse brought him to Infidelitie, which made him conspire against the Emperour his Master; for which treason, he lost his life.

7 Wee likewise know what danger and disgrace Enguer [...]and of Marigny fell into, du­ring his Greatnesse vnder his Master King Philip the faire, for contending and opposing himselfe against Charles of Uallois.

8 Neither must we make our selues In­struments and Incendiaries to sowe sedition, or set fire, betwixt Princes, who alwaies agree at the proper cost and charge of those who made them Enemies; and among other ex­amples, we reade one in the Historie of Ba­uaria, of Otho Crondofer, the Fauorite of Ra­oul, Count Palatine of Rhyne, who hauing stir­red vp contention betwix [...] his Master and the Lady his Mother; they afterwards agree­ing, in recompence of his Villany, caused [Page 114] his tongue to be torne off, and his eyes to be put out.

CHAP. XXIII.

  • 1 That wee must not contend with those who are more fauored in Court then our selues.
  • 2 The Councell of Germanicus to Aggripina hereon.
  • 3 A Courtier must know in what degree of fauour be is with his Prince.
  • 4 The Courtier who is lincked to the will of his Prince, is better beloued then he who is wed­ded to his Interest, Dignitie, or Reputa­tion, Example hereof in the quarell of Cra­terus, and Hephestion, and the wisedome of Alexander i [...] reconciling them.
  • 5 Considerations vpon the degrees of fauour, which the Courtier hath in his Prince.
  • 6 Our contempt of Fauorites is more reueng'd them towards the Prince.
  • 7 The Reason of this consideration yeelded by Dion the Historiographer.

1 BVt it is not enough for vs not to contend or contest with Great Noble men, but we must also take heed, not to offer it to [Page 115] those who are more in Fauour at Court then our selues, neither to taxe nor repine at their aduancement.

2 It was the aduise and Councell which Germanicus (on his death-bed) gaue Aggripina not to prouoke those Great men who are in Credit and fauour, the which shee not follow­ing, occasioned the ruine of her selfe and children.

3 Wherefore it is most necessary for a Courtier to know in what degree of fa­uour he is with his Prince in comparison of others, and not to iudge so much of exte­riour shewes as by the causes of their fa­uour.

4 Craterus and Hephestion for a time see­med to be equally in Credit with Alexander, who tearmed Craterus the Kings friend, and Hephestion, Alexanders: wherein notwithstan­ding Craterus might well obserue, that Prin­ces most commonly are more subiect to their wils and inclinations, then they are for that which is requisite for the Dignitie of their Of­fice and Greatnesse, that he likewise who af­fects his Dignitie, if he be beloued of the Prince, is yet lesse beloued of him then he who doth affect, & wholly tie himselfe to his Per­son which more neerly concerneth the Prince then his Dignitie, and if in the quarell of Cra­terus & Hephestion, which diuided al the Court; Alexander bare himself as a Neutre, reprouing [Page 116] sharply both the one and the other, and equal­ly threatning to punish them, if hereafter they continued their contentions: it was ra­ther a point of his Wisedome and Iudgement to quench this quarrell, and the slames which this diuision would haue enkindled if it had continued then any way a witnesse of his equall affection towards them: publikely reprouing Hephestion to diminish the Enuse was conceiued against him; and Craterus pri­uately, to auoid that the greatest part of the Macydonians who were for him, mought not be incensed and offended, which indeede is the true rule and order that Princes should ob­serue in the like accidents.

5 But to come to the consideration of the degree of fauour which we are in vnder our Prince in comparison of others: it is ob­serued, it was one of the first saults which Anto [...]ius Primus committed (whereof wee haue formerly spoken) to emulate and con­test against Mucianus, without considering and obseruing that he was more in fauour and reputation with Uespasian, and whom Tacitus reporteth, it was more dangerous to disdaine and discontent, then V [...]spasian him­selfe.

6 And it is a matter apparantly knowne in all Courts: that contempt conceiued a­gainst the Fauorites of Princes, are common­ly more reuenged then those we offer the [Page 117] Prince himselfe: whereof Dion giues reason and instance speaking of Se [...]anu [...].

7 For as those, saith he, who enioy some Dignitie through their ow [...]e vertues and me­rits, they do not curiously affect & hunt after those vaine respects and cerimonies, which are commonly vsed and yeelded in Court to­wards Great Personages: so those who hunt after honours to ouer▪vaile their low descent and condition, doe very impatiently beare, and esteeme it an in [...]urie offered them, wh [...]n that respect is not giuen them, which the rancke of the Prin [...]es fauour towards them deserueth: From whence it followes that it is more difficult to entertaine and maintaine friendship with these, then with the Prince himselfe; who in pardoning iniu­ries, may increase and augment his repu­tation; whereas these beleeue, that in doing the like, it will bee reputed and attributed to bee feare and weakenesse in them, and that there is no better meanes to demon­strate and settle their power, then to pur­sue and chastice those who forget them­selues and their duties.

CHAP. XXIV.

1Pride in the execution of an Office is odious to a Prince, who often punisheth it; the Ex­ample of Aluaro de Luna bereon.
2The sixth cause of a Courtiers disgrace, is the hatred of the Commons, and the enuie of Great men against him.
3The examples of vnfortunate Fauorites who haue beene put to death.
4
5
6Insidelitie is the seuenth cause of a Courtiers disgrace.
7It is very difficult to know the secrets of a Prince.
8The censure of Phillipides, on those who re­ueale their Princes secrets.
9The opinion of Hieron, Prince of Syracush hereon.

1 PRide is not only insupporta­ble towards Great men: but also, it very often ouer­throwes these who practise it towards those of a mea­ner rancke and condition: Aluaro de Luna, bastard of Arragon was so highly beloued and fauoured of Iohn King of Arragon, that this King, out of his owne free will and pleasure, [Page 119] stole out of the hands of his Grandos, pur­posely to commit his Person and Affaires soly to him, in the managing and conducti­on whereof, he bore himselfe so imperiously and insolently, that he caused a Gentleman to be throwne out at window, who from the King spake some thing to him which hee distasted; in recompence whereof, the King afterwards caused him to bee beheaded, and so chastised the pride of this Ambiti­ous Prince.

2 Another cause of a Courtiers disgrace, is when through his loftie carriage, he in­curres the hatred of the Commons, or of the Nobles, either against himselfe, or the Prince his M [...]ster; for then either his Ma­ster is resolued to bee ridde of him, or other Courtiers to ruine and ouerthrow him.

3 Commodus was constrained to put Cle­ander to death, who gouerned all his affaires vnder him, to appease the fury of the Citi­zens of Name, against whom Cleander had ar­med the Emperours guard.

4 Eutropius the Fauorite of Arcadius, being the cause of the reuolt of Tribigildus, was by his Master abandoned to his en [...]mies, there­by to pacifice them.

5 Commodus being hated for excessiuely lo­uing & a [...]fecting Aternus; the Emperours chie­sest seruants resolued one night, when this [Page 120] young man was retourning to his lodging to surprise and kill him, as they did.

6 Infidelitie in bewraying the secrets of our Prince, and to be of intelligence with his enemies, is also one of the most iust and in­falliable causes of a Courtiers ruine: and yet o [...]e of the most common delicts and faults, that is committed aswell through Leuitie, Indiscretion, and Vanitie, as through Treache­rie.

7 For the first, I say, that the greatest point of Wisdome in a Courtier, is not to in­sorme himselfe of his Princes secrets, and not to intru [...]e himselfe, or to be too busie to vnderstand them, except in presence of others; because if it happen we are alone when the Prince acquainteth vs therewith, and that through discourse drawne from the Condition or Estate of affaires, there runne a report which in many points come neer it, presently the [...] will suspect ye to haue reuealed it, and to be the Authour thereof; or it may also happen, that the Prince hauing disclosed the same matter to an­other; either, whether he remember it, or whether he esteeme the other to be more secret then your selfe, although he, I say, doe reueale it, yet the Prince may suspect you to be guiltie thereof rather then the other.

8 Phillipides (the Comicke Poet) being [Page 121] more fauoured and beloued of King Lyssi­machu [...] then any of his Courtiers, being on a time demanded by the said King, where­of he was desirous to haue any part, made this answere: Of any thing you please, so it be not of your secrets ▪ shewing there­by that he who may auoid it, should not in­trust and charge himselfe with those things that are so difficult and dangerous to re­taine: neither to be no more curious to know and vnderstand them from those to whom the Prince imparts them, then from the Prince himselfe.

9 Hieron, Prince of Syracusa, said; that those who reuealed the secrets of Princes, did not only wrong the Prince, but all others to whom they reuealed them: for the knowledge of their secrets, offending them, as much for the regard of the one, as the other: Princes most commonly hate them both alike.

CHAP. XXV.

  • 1 Intelligence with his Masters Enemies, is the eigth cause os a Courtiers di [...]grace.
  • 2 Example of Cardinall Balue hereon, his de­scent and aduancement.
  • 3 Example of Cardinal du Prat, & his subtiliy.
  • [Page 122] 4 Example of a Cardinall of the Emperour Fredericks
  • 5 Another example of Stilico.

1 THe fortunes haue beene no more firme and se­cure of those who either through Cou [...]tousnesse, or Ambition (or to make friends of all sides) haue had intelligence with their Masters Enemies, whether Domestickes or Strangers.

2 The Cardinall Balue (who of a Tailors sonne, was by Lewes XI. of France made Thr [...]sorer; of [...] [...]res [...]rer, Bishop, and since obtai­ned a Cardinals Hat of Paul II, which was granted him partly at the Kings request, and partly to gaine and preuent him that hee should performe no bad Offices to his Master as formerly he had done) was discouered to haue intelligence with the Kings enemies: for which delict and crime of his, the King caused him to be imprisoned in the Tower of Loches, where he remained twelue yeares, and had not beene freed from thence, but at the instant request and mediation of Pope Sixtus IV.

3 Cardinall du Pra [...]st, for the like enter­prises and conspiracies in the time of Fran­cis the first of France, falling into disgrace, ranne the same fortune, and had not been re­leased, [Page 123] but that the King feared the Pope would be offended if he had dyed of a reten­tion of Vryne; whereof he made all his Phi­sitions beleeue he was dangerously sicke, and yet only occasioned by drinking of his own Vrine, which he performed so closely, that none could perceiue it.

4 Peeter De Uignes, chiefe Councellor to the Emp. Fredericke II. escaped not so cheape: for being suspected to haue Intelligence with Pope Alexander III, his masters enemy: his eyes were pulled out.

5 The death of Stilico is atributed to be not only for the designe he had to seaze the Empire of the East for himselfe, the executi­on whereof was yet farre distant; but also for the strict Intelligence, he had with Ala­ric King of the Gothes, with whom he had made a shamefull peace for the Emperour, contrary to the aduise of all his Councell, especially of Lampidius, who then told him, that this Treatie was not a Peace, but an In­denture of slauerie and seruitude, sith the Emperour was bound to pay Tribute to the Gothes vnder the title of a Pension.

CHAP. XXVI.

  • 1 The ninth cause of a Courtiers d [...]sgrace is, when he is the Authour of pernitious Coun­sell.
  • 2 The Examples of Stilico, and Olympi­us.
  • 3 The Court-Fauorite should rather councell Peace th [...]n Waite.
  • 4 Exampl [...]s hereon, and the subtiltie of Iouius to ingage his M [...]st [...]r [...] Warre, and yet [...]o free himselfe from Enuie.

1 A Courtier must likewise be very cautious and circum­spect in being the Authour of a Councell, the issue whereof is doubtfull and dangerous: for although it succeed accor­ding to his expectation, yet it shall be then attributed to the Prince; or if the contrarie, then he that gaue the counsell shall be taxed and condemned, and not only by the Com­mons, who iudge of all matters according to their Euents; but also, by the Prince, who will bee very glad to cast and retort the the aspersion and Enuie of euill counsell which hee hath followed, on him who gaue it him.

[Page 125] 2 Before and after the death of Stilico, the Peace he by his own aduice) made with Ala­ric was taxed and blamed, which gaue occasi­on to Olympius (who was the Instrument im­ployed by Honorius to make away Stilico) to resolue to oppose it; and hauing then all au­thoritie in affaires, he caused the Peace to be disolued and broken, notwithstanding many reasonable conditions proposed and profe­red by Alaric, ingaging by this meanes his Master in a wa [...]re, whose issue not answering his expectation, it was a mat­ter both easie and pleasing to the Eunuches neere the Emperour to accuse him, as beeing the Author of all the miseries where with the Estate was afflicted, in such sort as he was en­forced and constraind to abandon the Court, and to flie into Dalmatia.

3 It is a Masters, yea, a Prince his Prize, either to resolue on Warre. or to breake a Peace, and that which his subordinate Mini­ster should performe, is to dilate and propose him reasons Pro & Con, without making choyce, or preferring either, and if hee bee constrained thereunto, without great neces­sitie, or an euident pro [...]it to the contrary, that of Peace will bee alwaies the more sure, sith their dangers and inconueniences are still smaller, and of lesse number.

4 In which consideration Iouius succee­ding in power and fauour to Olympius vnder [Page 126] the Emperour Honorius, although he desired the continuation of the warre against Alaric, thereby to make himselfe necessary to his Master (the frequent subtilty of the greatest part which professe this Art) made shew to desire peace; and so speaking face to face with Alaric at Rimini he sent Honorius the Ar­ticles proposed of either side, and by a priuat Letter aduised him to declare Alaric Generall of his Armies, to the end that being flattered and deluded by this offer, he might cut off a great part of his other demaunds.

Whereunto the Emperor answering, that he held it not fit to giue this command either to Alaric or any of his; hee onely authorised Iouius to graunt him his demaund of victuals and pensions for the Gothes, as he should con­ceiue and thinke fittest.

Iouius read this letter to Alaric, who grew so cholerick to see the small esteeme the Em­perour made of him, and his Nation, that he absolutely brake the Peace; and Io [...]ius like­wise seeming to be incensed hereat, returned towards the Emperor his Master, swearing that hee would neither make contract nor any thing with Alaric, and caused al his followers to take the same oath, among whō he was the formost; and so by this manner of procee­ding, dischargd himselfe of the taxation and and aspersion of this breach, both on his Ma­ster and on Alaric, oblieging Aleric by the de­mand [Page 127] he made to haue him Generall of the Emperors forces, & by the same subtiltie and inuention, ingaged his Master to continue the warrs, which made him more necessarie, and thereby exceedingly settled and confir­med him in his authoritie and fauour.

I should make this discourse swell farre greater, if I would here vndertake to pro­duce all those, who by their owne particular faults and errors, haue been deiected and put off their Princes fauour, and when I should here produce them, yet we may find out ma­ny other faults that may occasion the same effects, which because they are infinite, wee must leaue to the iudgement and discretion of Courtiers to beware therof, and how they should wisely beare, and carefully conduct themselues herein to preuent and anoyde it.

CHAP. XXVII.

1The eighth diuision of this Booke, containing a Courtiers disgrace, procured and occasioned three manner of wayes, by our Enemies, En­uyers, or Emulators.
2First, by absenting him whom we would disgrace, which is effected many waie [...].
3To auoide quarrels without pretext of an honou­rable Commission: Example on this Pre­text.
4To auoide Enuie and Iealousie; Example of Tiberius, who with-drew himselfe [...] Rhodes.
5Or of our selues by the commaund of ex Prince.
6Or when we will with-draw one from an Office who is farre off.
7Examples hereon.
8
9To cause him to be sent farre off. thereby more easily to calumniate him in his absence.
10Or to cause him to be made away in some en­terprise: Example hereon.
11Another Example hereon.

1 LEt vs speake of a disgrace, or of the deminishing and eclip­sing of our reputation procu­red vs by our Enemies, Enu [...]ers or Emulators, who commonlie practise one of these three meanes, either to cause vs from Court, vnder colour to imploy vs other where, to make vs suspected and o­dious to our Prince, or else to solicite and perswade our Prince to enforce vs from Court, and so to discharge vs of our atten­dance.

2 We may be absented the Court, either by diuers meanes, or to different ends: for some haue caused this absence to bee appro­ued, [Page 129] and liked of, by proffering vs an honou­ra [...]le Office farre off, or by some occa­sion, wherein wee desire to be imployed, thereby to assist and serue our friends, as that which was managed by Styppiota vnder the Emperor Emanuel Comnenus, to put off and expell Iohn Hagiotheodorita his Companion and Colleague, from the managing of af­faires, who had therein more reputation and authority thē himself: for there arising a dif­ference between Michael P [...]lcologus and Ioseph Balsamon, Styppiota, aduised and perswaded the Emperour to send Hagiotheodorita (Balsamons Brother in Law) with a power to gouerne Peloponessus, and by this meanes to appease their differences: whereunto Hagiotheodorita willingly condescended, and the sooner, be­cause hee desired to ay do and assist his Bro­ther Balsamon, without considering, that in his absence Styppiota would vsurpe all the au­thoritie of affaires, and that hereafter hee would accustome and inure the Emperour to passe without Hagiotheodorita.

3 There are others, who because of great quarrels and contentions which hath been risen against them in Court, haue vnder pre­text of some Commission, taken occasion to absent themselues, as did Agrippa, Sonne in Law to Agustus, who with-drew himself into Asia, vnder colour to giue order to the Empe­rours affaires, but purposely to desemble and [Page 130] conceale the quarrell hee had with Marcel­lus.

4 Tiberius during the reigne of Caius C [...] ­sar, who hated him, retired to Rhodes, making shew that hee tooke delight and pleasure in studying; and the better to couer his volun­tary exile, at the instant sute of his Mother he was thereof made the Emperours L [...]eui [...] ­na [...]t.

5 But when tho [...]e pretexts faile, then to induce him whom wee would absent, to pur­sue and seeko some occasions of his owne ab­sence, we cause him to be commanded in the Princes name, to imploy himselfe in some place or of [...]i [...], wherein wee haue already in­formed the Pri [...]e, that none can more wor­thily serue him then himselfe.

6 In the same manner we may fetch away one from any good place, or O [...]fice, wherein hee is in author it i [...] a farre off, by drawing him to Court, in p [...]rswading and insinuating him, hee will bee [...]ry necessary and vsefull neere the Pri [...]ce.

7 And this subtiltie was vsed and practi­sed by one [...]earmed [...]dpeli [...]s to take away the Go [...]ernm [...]nt of Pel [...]on [...]ss [...] from Ta [...]rion, by assuring and perswading him, hee was very necessary to assist and bee present with the King in his warres.

8 Dariu [...] vnder pretext, and by the aduice of Megabyzus, commanded Histe [...]s neere him▪ [Page 131] yet not there to make vse of him, but rather to place and settle him among the Ionians, with whom he was in great esteeme and re­putation.

9 Arbetio vnder the Emperour Constantius, to the end he mought with the more facilitie callumniate Sylanus (Generall of the Infanterie) who was in great fauour and reputation neere the Emperour; preuailed so farre, that he procured him the dignitie and Office to command the Gaules, thereby to oppose the Barbarians, who pillaged and ransacked these Prouinces; where remaining, Arbetio very cunningly found the meanes to make the Emperor iealous and suspitious of the great­nesse and authority which Sylanus had pur­chased in those parts; yea, and so greatly hee caused him to be incensed and exasperated a­gainst him, that at last he resolued to ruine and ouerthrow him.

10 [...]rsicinus, Generall of the Ca [...]alry vnder the same Emperour, purposely to bee kept farre from the Court, was sent vnto the fron­tiers of Persia, where being detained for the space of tenne yeares, Sabinianus (a man of small valour, and lesse experience) was sent to succeed him in his place, and vpon the newes which came to Con­stantinople, that the Persians were pre­paring for Warres, Eusebius the Eunuch, and Chamberlayne to Constantius, neuerthelesse [Page 132] commanded Ursicinus to stay there, although hee had neither authoritie nor power giuen him: but the designes of Eusebius and other Courtiers, who had conspired his ruine, was, that if the Persians by reason of his stay, desi­sted and retired, then to attribute the honour to Sabinianus; and contrariwise, if they con­tinued their march and progresse, to impute the fault which might happen to Vrsicinus, as in the end it fell out, who at the Eunuches so­licitation was degraded of al Martiall Digni­tie, and so called home, and consined to his house.

11 Before which time vnder the same Constantius, Ruffinus (Vnkle to Gallus) and Ge­nerall of the Praetorian Cahorts, was sent to ap­pease the tumult and mutiny of the Souldiers, in hope that hee should neuer returne, but there bee slaine; and Clyitus being after sent into the Pronince of Sogdeane, complained, that Alexander sent him thither to the same end and purpose.

CHAP. XXVIII.

1The second meanes which our Enemies practise to disgrace and make vs odions & vmbragi­ous to our Prince, consisting of two waies.
2To collumniate vs, and considerations on Cal­lumnie.
3That Callumnies are very powerfull in Prin­ces conceits.
4How Callumnies are made resemble on the other.
5The effects of Callumnie.
6Why Callumniators take occasion to Cal­lumniate.
7Example on this occasion.
8Subtilties to throw one into Despaire that is Callumniated, and an Example there­of.
9Another Example thereon.
10Other subtilties to that effect, and Examples thereon.
11
12Another Example of the subtiltie of Callum­nie practised by Seianus to ruine Aggri­pina.
13The subtiltie of Callumniators, by perswading friends to callumniate their Masters.
14Examples hereon.
15

THe second meanes which our Enemies practise to disgrace vs, is to make vs suspected and odl­ous to our Prince; and to this effect they vse two waies, which in exteri­our apparance seeme opposites, and yet pro­duce one and the same effect, and these are Calumnies and Prayses.

2 In Calumnies, there are two considera­ble pointes; the first is, if the matters bee powerfull enough to cause our Prince to change his affection towards vs, and the se­cond if they likewise are true.

That which may either moue, or change the affections of our Prince to vs, must bee in [...]ged and considered by his inclination and Humour, and also by the Condition and Estate of his affaires.

3 But the Calumnies which haue former­ly ruind great Courtiers or Nobles, are those which haue throwne the Prince into dissidence or suspition of some enterprise either vpon his Person or Estate, or being informed and made belieue of the small esteeme, or rather contempt, which he whom he hath aduanced into fauour makes of him, or through his dis­bedience, or smal regard to his commands, or insolent, or indiscreet speeches, orderiding [Page 135] and mocking his words and behauiour.

4 [...]d these Calumnies may seeme true, ei­ther by the indiscreet words and actions, as wel of those who are calumniated as of those who depend of them, as Seruants, Friends or Kinstolkes: either by supposition of false let­ters, by their reputation who report it, or by the distrust and iealosie the Prince hath alrea­dy conceiued of those who are calumniated.

5 The behauiour and speeches which are interpreted against those who are calumnia­ted, proceede from thēselues, either volunta­rily without enforcement, constraint or per­swasion of others (of whom we haue formerly spokē) or els Calumniated are prouoked there­unto by the subtilty of their enemies, enuiers & copettitors, who herein vse as much art & subtil­ty, as their malice & the occasions cāinuent▪

6 Some haue councelled; or caused him whō they would calumniate, to bee councelled a thing, which vnder pretence that it might be beneficial & profitable for him, hath proued his ruin, by figuring & enterpreting it to his Prince, for a pernitious & dangerous designe.

7 Bafilius, Emperour of Constantinople) loued a certaine Frier, being a Magitian, named San­tabarinus, whom Leon his Sonne hated; the which the Frier perceiuing, endeauoured to insinuate himself into the Prince his fauour, thereby to make him belieue, that hee ho­noured and affected him, and preuailed with [Page 136] him so farre, that at last he perswaded him to weare a Ponyard when hee rid on hunting with the Emperour his Father, thereby to defend himself if any one should assault him; whereunto this innocent and inconsiderate Prince consenting, the Frier failed not to cal­lumniate him to his Father, aduertising him, that his Sonne had a designe to murther him, and that to this effect he secretly wore a Po­niard whereof the Prince being found seizd, hee was committed close Prisoner, and had not the greatest Nobles and Courtters solici­ted and mediated for him, his Father had put him to death.

8 Aetius vnder Valentinian III. desirous to ruine Boniface, Earle (or Gouernour) of Africa, who was in great fauor and reputation with the Emperor, accused him to Placidia (Valenti­nians Mother) that hee had a designe to be­come Soueraigne and sole Lord of Africa, and therfore counselled her to call him home to Court, and at the same time gaue aduice and intelligence to Boniface (as if he had been his intimate friend) that he was accused to the Emperour, and that he should be very spee­dily sent for to Court, and that he should stand vpon his guard, and refuse to come, except he meant to lose his head; which Ca [...]eat made him resolue not only to disobey the Empresse her command, but also to withstand and op­pose those who were sent against him, and [Page 137] likewise to call to his assistance Gontarius and Genserick the Sonne of Gondarick, King of the Uandales, being in spaine, who by this meanes surprisde Mau [...]it [...]nta; since when this treacherous plot being discouered, and for the greater triall and clearing thereof, the Combat being by Placidia granted betwixt Aetius and Boniface, Aetius being vanquish­ed, was in recompence of his treachery for euer after banished the Court.

9 Samonas being in some credit and fauor with Leon, the Sonne of Basilius (because hee had discouered the conspiracie of another Basilius, being kinsman of the Empresse Zo) resolude to disgrace and ruine Andronicus Ducas, who (with Himerius Logothete, went against the Agareens, or Sarrasins) conspired, that a friend of Andronicus should aduertise him, that Himerius had commission from the Emperour to pull out his eyes (a punishment much practised in those times, to make great Noble men and Commanders both vnprosita­ble and vnseruiceable) and therfore that hee should looke to himselfe: which Anaronicus belieuing to bee true, (although it were a meere imposture and feigned inuention of Samonas to ruine him) fled from Himerius, and surprisde a Castle, wheron [...]amonas took occasion to accuse and callumniate him to the Emperour, and preuailed so farre with him, that there was an Army sent against [Page 138] him, which for his safetie constrained him to flie to the Saracins, the Emperours enemies.

10 Arbetio hauing made Constantius sus­pect Sylanus, and fearing that if hee came to Rome vpon the Emperours commaund, hee would sufficiently iustifie himselfe, made the letters to be giuen to one Apodemius, who being in Gaule, in stead of presenting them to Sylanus began to publish and brute his Estate and affaires to bee desperate, and out of all hope; thereby purposely to make him reuolt, as indeed he did: whereby hee verified and confirmed Arbetios callumnie, which could neuer haue been done by those letters that were falsified by Dynamius, and others, whom Marcel [...]s nominateth.

11 S [...]ianus to ruine Agrippina, plotted, that vnder-hand her friends should eleuate and inlarge her Hopes that thereby she might be the more suspected of Tiberius; & to make her soare the higher in the ayre of her ambi­tion, he caused Domitius Afer to accuse Clau­dia Pulchra her Cousin, to the end to prouoke Agrippina to complaine to Tiberius in her be­halfe; which she did, but in words so confor­mable to her loftie and arrogant humor, that they incensed and offended the Emperour.

12 Another time he aduised this Lady not to eate any thing that her Father in Law sent her, because he meant to poyson her; which she soone belieuing, refused to eat that which [Page 139] the Emperour proffered her, and thereby more extreamely incensed and exasperated him.

13 Since when, the Emperor appoin ing guards ouer her and her children, the same Seianus procured some to perswade her to es­cape and to flie into the German Armies o­uer whom her husband Germani [...]us comman­ded, or else to haue recourse, and recouer the Statue of Augustus, and then to call the Sen [...]te & people to her assistance, & all this purposely to procure & hasten the ruine of this Princesse.

16 And before this time to make Tiberius mistrust and suspect, that she had a designe a­gainst his person and Estate, he resolued to make Titius Sabinus (a Roman Knight) enter into some such, or the like discourse: now fower Romans▪ who had already been Pr [...]tors, and who by the fauour of Seianus hoped shortly to bee made Consul [...] (whose affection could not be purchased but by some wicked and vitious Art) vnder-tooke this businesse, and it was concluded among t [...]e that La [...] ­aris, who was most familiar with S [...]binus should be the chiefe instrument and conduct­er hereof, and the other three should serue for witnesses: La [...]aris meeting Sabinus, began to vtter and let flie some speeches tending that way, then hee praysed her constancy, in that contrary to others, she had not forsaken Ger­manicus his house in his affliction, seeming to take great compassion of Agrippina, whereat [Page 140] after that Sabinus had shed many teares, Lati­aris ioyning his complaints, accused the cru­elty, [...]ride and designes of Seian [...]s yea, & not excusing or aquiting [...]eri [...]s himselfe in such sort, that their discourse & conference c [...]po­sed of matters prohibited to be related, began to make these fower more familiar one with another, and so Sabinus sometimes meeting with La [...]iaris, went with him to his house, and there very freely vented such secrets, as he had in his heart.

15 [...]he foundation of this trecherous pro­iect so laid, these foure consult in what man­ner this discourse may bee by them vnder­stood, thereby to fra [...]e an accusation: to hide themselues behind a dore or hangings, it was to be feared they either might be se [...]ne, or at vnwares hea [...]d ma [...]e some noyse, whereby they might be disclosed, or else that Sabinus mought mistrust somthing, if they approched neare a do [...]e, which made them resolue to place themselues in an vpper planked roome, and there to listen through the chinks and holes, to vnderstand what they said, which concluded Lati [...]ris meeting [...]abinus, and ma­king shew to tel him somthing he had of late discouered, led him to his house, and into the very appointed chamber, where making him repeate al that had past between them, which was ouerheard by the witnesses who lay hearkning aboue, Latiaris being the Accuser, [Page 141] so Sab [...]s was condemnd, and Agrippina and her children cōmitted to the Emperors Guards.

CHAP. XXIX.

1To induce others to doe euill, thereby to haue cause to calumniat him, Example herein of Firmius Catus against Lybo, allied to the house of the Caesars.
2To induce others to speake euill of our Prince, purposely to accuse him, example on this In­duction.
3A meanes to make accusations & calumnies seeme true, by falsifying and counterf [...]tting of Letters, and the Remedie of th [...]s Calumnie.
4Domesticke Seruants gain'd [...]o be false witnes­ses, to make a Calumnie seeme true.
5Examples hereon.
6
7

1 FIrmius Catus (a Senator) desirous by the ruine of Lybo (allied to the house of the Caesars) to insinu­ate and aduance himselfe into Tiberius his fauour; perswaded this young man (who was more vaine then wise) to enquire after Soothsaiers and Magicians, if he might not one day at­taine to the Empire; and vpon these hopes he [Page 142] councelled him to be free and bountifull in his expences, and to borrow great summes of money: making himselfe his companion in all his delights and pleasures, and causing him to performe boldly and publikely, all which might serue or tend to the accusation which hee purposed to frame and contriue against him, and when he had gotten wit­nesses enough of his actions, behauiour, and speeches, then by meanes of Flaccus a Romane knight, he accused him to Tiberius.

2 Stippiota, who (as you haue heard) knew very subtilly how to estrange Iohn Hagio­theodorita his companion, thereby solely to manage all affaires vnder Emanuel Comnenus, had not yet wit enough, to beware and pre­uent a surprise (like vnto that which ruined Seianus) whereof Cameterus Logothera disgra­ced him, accusing him to the Emperour as a disloyall fellow, and an Impostor, in be­traying the affaires of Cieslye; and to make his Calumnies beare the greater apparance of truth, hee caused the Emperour to hide himselfe in a certaine place of his house, where hee might vnderstand all that was spoken in another Chamber, wherein Ca­materus lead Styppiota; who speaking of the Cicillian affaires very licentiously and freely, gaue the reynes to his tongue in the relation of many discourses, the hearing wherof, made the Emperour enter into distrust and suspition [Page 143] of him, and Cameterus not content herewith, adding subtiltie to subtiltie, caused some false letters to be scattered among Stypp [...]ota his writings and papers, which being found and read in pr [...]sence of the Emperour, serued to conuict him, and so he was condemned to lose both his eics.

3 This Example will enuite and occasion vs to passe on to a second meanes, which ma­ny haue vsed to make scandals and calumnies seeme true, by falsifying and counterseiting letters: which although it may in the ende be discouered, notwithstanding, it hath had that force and beleefe, that the very suspiti­on thereof hath altered and alienated the good affection of our Prince, and constrai­ned the partie suspected, being aduertised of this change, softly to retire himselfe from affaires, and as either fearing worse, or else thinking to retire himselfe from Daunger. hath at last resolued on some irrigular and extraordinary course, which hath not only giuen and administred new matter for his Calumniator to worke on; but also, hath confirm'd his olde accusation, and so occa­sioned his disgrace, and consequently ha­stened his ouerthrow, as it hapned to Sylua­nus, whereof wee haue made former men­tion.

4 False witnesses may likewise make an accusation seeme true; especially, if [Page 144] it be a matter of crime, in the vindication and sifting, whereof it is the custome to for­tifie and assist it with I [...]se Masestatis, or Trea­son; but more ospecially we adde beleefe to this accusation, when the witnesses be either our Retainers, or Domesticke seruants.

5 Eutropius resoluing to ruine Timasius (an old Captaine belongi [...]g to the Emperour Arcadius) who had purchased much credit and reputation, vsed meanes to gaine one Barous who was a retainer and intimate fa­miliar of Timasius, and by him caused him to be accused, to haue a trecherous designe and enterprise vpon the Estate which was the sooner beleeued; because it could hardly be perswaded, that a man whom Timasius loued so intimatly, and withall had so oblig'd him, would haue accused him if it had not beene true.

6 Whereunto hauing ioyned some counterfeit Notes and remembrances; this honest man, and also his sonne, were consi­ned and banished to the Iland of Oasis, from whence neither of them euer retourned.

7 Tigillinus desirous to disgrace and o­uerthrow C. Petronius, who was esteemed fitter then himselfe to serue Nero in his de­lights and pleasures, corrupted and seduced one of Petronius his seruants, to accuse his Master, for being of intelligence with Sceuin who had conspired against the Em­perour, [Page 145] and thereby disgraced and ruined him.

CHAP. XXX.

1The confidence a Prince reposeth in a Cour­tier, makes his Calumny seeme true, Ex­ample vpon this trust and confidence.
2The bad opinion a Prince conceiues of the ac­cused, makes the Calumny seeme true, and is the sooner beleeued.
3Examples hereof.
4
5The subtiltie of the Arbetio, herein to with­draw Vrsicinus from Court, and then to oblige him.

1 LIkewise, the Trust and Confi­dence a Prince reposeth in him who is the Authour of an ac­cusation; makes that he the sooner beleenes it, which Se­ianus well knew, when endeuoring to pos­sesse Iabia, (the Mother of Tiberius) of the bad affection, which Aggripina (the widow of Germanicus) bore her, hee gained Iulius Posth [...]mius the Confident of Liuia, and the Fauorite of Mutilia Prisca, (a Powerfull and [Page 146] wise woman) to manage the affections and iudgement of this Pri [...]cesse.

2 But accusations and Calumnies are farre easier belieued, when they are directed a­gainst those of whom the Prince is already suspitious, whereof some haue made vse, not only to disgrace those whom they Calumni­ate, but also to insinuate and worke them­selues into the fauour of their Prince.

3 Uitellius his Courtie [...]s, calumniated not Blasus, till at the declining of his fortune, and when the Prince began to enter into sus­pition of him, which againe seemed to beare more probabilitie of Truth, because they had ingaged and imployed Uitelius his bro­ther to be his accuser.

4 Grapius (Caesars Freeman) held and re­puted by Tacitus to be an old and subtil Cour­ [...]e) accused & Calumniated Cornelius Scylla, whom Nero suspected and mistrusted, there­by to conserue himselfe in the Emperours fa­uour, and the like did Tigillinus against Plau­tus and Scylla.

5 Arbetio did the like in accusing Ur­sicinus (Generall of the Caual [...]ye) whom the Emperour Constantius suspected, because hee was allied to Gallus; neuerthelesse, his accu­sation being not proued, Arbetius made shew that he desired to saue him, deferring the iudgement to another deliberation, and so leauing it vndecided, hee with one stone [Page 147] gaue three blowes to his owne aduantage; for thereby hee seem'd to oblige Vrsicinus who might feare the incertaintie and ini­quitie of a sentence (such as were many giuen in those daies) then hee drew away from the Court and the affaires thereof, a more capable and honester man then him­selfe, whereat he chiefly aym'd; and lastly in participating and seconding the Emperors iealousie and suspition conceiued against Vrsicinus, he thereby made him beleeue that he very carefully watch'd for his conserua­tion.

CHAP. XXXI.

1The Reports of matters pretended to be true, seeme true.
2Example of Tiberius upon his reports.
3
4
5The meanes how to reproxe a Tirant for his wickednesse.
6The Conclusion on Calumnies.

1 THe reports of pretended scandals or calumnies spo­ken by some one, seeme to bee as true, as when wee taxe a man for spea­king [Page 148] ill of the Prince, in a matter, which is after found and proued to be true.

2. C [...]pio Crispinus resoluing to accuse and calumniate Granius Marcellus, for speaking ill of Tiberius, made choice of the greatest and worst vices which were reprouable in the life of this Prince, and accused Granius to be the author and reporter thereof, which was so much the sooner beleeu'd, because euery one knew the Emperour was subiect to all these vices.

3 Which fashion was followed by the most part of other C [...]lumniators, who (with­out punishment) vnder couler to calumniate others, reproued this Emperour for his imper­fections and vices, who otherwise would haue refused to haue giuen eare to them.

4 Neuerthelesse hating reproaches, and louing Calumnie, not to heare the first in Se­nate, and yet to content his crueltie by the last, he in the ende resolued to retire from Rome, and to reside in the Iland of Caprea.

5 The only way safely to reproue a Ty­rant for his wickednesse is to taxe and accuse another for reporting it, as did they who would reproue Nero for murthering his mother, by accusing some other to be the au­thour and perpetrater thereof; not so much to punish him whom they accused, as to ter­ri [...]ie and defame the Tyrant himselfe.

6 These are the frequent and ordinarie [Page 149] waies to practise Calumnies, besides which we must haue a carefull and vigilant eye, to other falla [...]ies and subtilties, which the ma­lice of our enemies may inuent, according to the disposition of affaires, and the in­clination of our Prince; and now passe we on, and proceed we to praises, wherewith commonly our enemies no lesse disgrace and endomage vs.

CHAP. XXXII.

1The second subtiltie which our enemies practise to make vs odious to our Prince, is their praising of vs, whereby they dissemble their hatred.
2How some haue vsed Praises, Examples hereon.
3
4Aduise for Courtiers, that Princes vse to Praise and flatter him whom they will ruine.
5Examples hereon.
6That there are some who praise others, to the end the Prince may be iealous and suspiti­ous of them.
7A notable speech of Iulian vpon this Hipo­crisie.
8Another Hipocrisie to praise one, thereby to dispraise another.
9Another to praise the dead, thereby to s [...]ame the liuing, as did Augustus.
10Another subtiltie to reproue, and excuses practised likewise by Augustus.
11 [...] and pr [...]m [...]n [...]tions against these subtil­tie and Hipocrisies.
12The [...]hird meanes which our Enemies and Competit [...]s, vse to disgrace and banish vs from Court, and consequently to ruine vs, is through Power, and Force, and how it is practised.
13Examples of this third meanes.
14

1 SOme haue (to this ende) vsed and practised Praises, thereby to cloake and de­semble their Hatred, Enuie, on [...] from him whom they desi [...] to deceiue with more facilitie and [...]e.

2 F [...]bi [...]s (publikely before all the world) praised M [...]nlius Ual [...]ns, thereby the better to couer the ill Offices which hee secretly did him towards [...] Arhe [...]o (saith Marcel­lin) tearmed [...] to be dourng [...]ous and valiant, at the very same time when he tax'd and [...]c [...]used him to the Emperour.

3 Alp [...]s King of Arago [...] h [...]aring a follower of his commend and extol his Com­panion more then accustome [...], told one of his Courtiers neer [...] him, that all those praises tended to disgrace and ruine him whom hee [Page 151] so praised: as afterwards it had fallen out, if this king had not diuerted and reiected the accusation, which at the end of sixe moneths was exhibited him, by him who [...] before had praised him: and Mucianus resoluing to ruine A [...]tonius Primus performed the like, praising and applauding him in open Senate, a little before hee disgraced and disarm'd him.

4 Likewise our Courtier must be aduer­tised, that not onely those of his rancke and condition, but also Princes them selues doe sometimes praise him whom they purpose and resolue to ruine.

5 When Tiberius would put Libo to death, he made him Praetor, and graced him extraor­dinarily, and many times had him to his own table, without either in word or counte­nance shewing him to be any way disconten­ted with him; and the like he did towards Setanus: Dominan was neuer so much to be feared, as when in exteriour shew he see­med to bee pleasant: and Nice [...]s reported, that the praises of Anaronicus were the be­ginning of his iniuries; his liberalitie a signe of consiscation, and attaindor; and his mirth the Herauld and forerunner of death.

6 There are some who haue vsed flat­teries and praises to make the Prince suspect those so praised, as those who applauded [Page 152] and praised Iulius Agricola, before Domiti­an; whereunto Tacitus attributed a great part of his father in Lawes disgrace.

7 The Emperour Iulian writing to Basi­lius, sai [...], he had no greater nor more dange­rous enemies then his Court-flatterers; and indeed, he (as saith Mam [...]rti [...] in his Panege­g [...]rick) had sencible experience thereof: and Polibius tearmed it a new fashion and de­gree of Calumne vsed in his time, only in Princes Courts, where Enuie playeth with her eyes vayled, and Flatterie with hers open.

8 There is another degree of Praises, whereof we may serue our selues to disgrace a man, as, when we praise one thereby to dis­praise another: Plutarke accused Herodotas of this malice, who in praising the Athenians in that they oppos'd the Persians, intended thereby rather to blame the Grecians, then to honour the Athenians.

9 And Seneca saith, that this wile and practise is common to Kings and Princes, who vse to pra [...]se the actions of the dead, thereby to shame the liuing▪ as Augustus did the fideli­tic of Mecaenas and Agrippa, whereat he grie­ued, when the vices of his owne Daughters where discouered him, thereby to reproach those neere him, of the small care they had of his affaires, and reputation.

10 The same Augustus aswell practised ex­cuses, [Page 153] as praises, to reproach and accuse that which he found amisse, as he did towards Ti­berius. when he caused him to giue him the authoritie of Tribune, for writing of him to the Senate in tearmes enough Honourable, he added many things which were to be accep­ted against, the which excusing, he thereby secretly seem d to reproach him.

11 Whereby we may learne how to en­deuour to know, aswell the interior of those who praise vs, or make shew to excuse vs, as of those who scandalize and calumniate vs.

12 The last meanes which our Enemies imploy to disgrace vs, is Power and Force. which is chiefly practised, when matters are disposd either to a popular reuolt, or to a se­ditious mutinie of souldiers, for the discon­tent they may receiue, either of our aduance­ment, or behauiour.

13 The Eruptions and Emotions are wel knowne, and notorious, which happened in Paris in the Raigne of King Iohn. during his imprisonment in England, and the Regency of his sonne, wherein many of the chiefest who managed the Estate, ran many eminent dan­gers to be ruined and ouerthrowne.

14 And not many yeares since, the sedi­tions of the [...]anisaries, haue with violence drawne out of the Turkish Emperours hands, their greatest Fauorites and Courtiers: Stilico desirous to be rid of Ruffinus, who gouer­ned [Page 154] all matters vnder Arcadius, vnder pretext and colour to reinforce the Army, sent Gaines with some troupes to it, with a secret com­mand, that when R [...]ffinus accompanying. Ar­cadius should present himselfe before his troupes, that then the souldiours at a certain signall, should surprise him and cut him in p [...]eces, which they did; Now a little whiles after, [...] being possest of Ruf [...]inus place, and discontenting many of Arcadius Noble. and chiefest Courtiers: Gai [...]es then caused Tri [...]igildus to reuolt, who with his troupes pill [...]d and sackd Asia, vntill at the price and ransome of Eutropius head, the agree­ment by the mediation of Gaines was made with the Emperour, who purposely stayed at Court the better to act this Tragedie; and since that time the same Gaines open­ly reuolting, and ioyning with Tribigildu to make his capitulation and agreement with A [...]cadius, demaunded that Aurelian S [...]t [...]ni [...], and Io [...]n, who then chiefly mana­ged and gouerned his affaires, should bee deliuered into his hands to vse thē at his dis­cretion, which was perform'd, and so con­tented himselfe to haue them banished after hee had made them feele the point of his sword.

CHAP. XXXIII.

1Of the disgrace of Courtiers, which proceeds from the euill inclination of the Prince, the ninth diuision of the second Booke: Sene­ca a iudicious Courtier.
2An enuious and suspicious Prince, is cause that oftentimes he is ill serued, and how it comes to passe.
3Examples of some Courtiers hereon.
4
5The Authours iudgement on this proceeding.
6The meanes how to free our selues from the Ie­lousie of our Prince.
7Examples hereon.
8Enuie and Ielousie, is a sicknesse common to most Princes: but for lesse cause to one then to another.
9Examples of such Iealousie.
10How Courtiers should beare themselues to­wards Princes of this Nature and Con­dition.

1 SOmetimes the euill incli­nations of a Prince make the fortunes and pros­peritie of his Seruants the shorter and lesse per­menant: especially is hee bee Light; Inconstant, [Page 156] Vaine, Suspitious, Enuious, Couetous, Cruell, or Fearefull; which imperfections most com­monly surpasle the Art and Wisedome, that a man can inuent to support and maintaine himselfe in fauour: seneca, who although in some matters free enough of his speeches to­wards his Master, was neuerthelesse reputed and held, a wise Courtier, & a iuditious Coun­cellour: but the peruerse and vitious nature of his Pupill Nero. exceeded, and surpassed the viuacitie of his Art and Iudgement, and who could not preuent, but that his Eloquence and W [...]al [...], were maligned and enuied at, and whereby through the pernitious spee­ches of his Enemies, he was constrained to lose first his authoritie and reputation, and then his life.

2 Many Courtiers haue so much apprehen­ded and feared the distrust and Enuie of their Prince against them, that they haue sought rather to deminish their owne reputation, to the preiudice of their Masters seruice, then to increase it by doing well, for feare of ru­ining their fortunes, and hazarding their liues.

3 Ventid us fearing the [...]nuie of Antonius, vnder whose authoritie he waged warre, con­tented himselfe to haue enforced the Partht­ans in three batailes hee gaue them, to re­tire as farre as Media and Mesopotamia, without chasing them farther, although [Page 157] it was in his power and pleasure to doe it.

4 Ag [...]thias said that B-lisarius vnder [...]ustin, performed the like, contenting himselfe to chase his enemies, without pursuing them farre, for feare that encreasing the reputati­on of his exployts, the malice of the chie­fest Courtiers would stirre vp and incite that of the Prince, which might haue encrea­sed, and growne the more dangerous, through the publike applause and reioycings of the Commons.

5 Which indeede is to betray both his owne Honor, and his Master: but this fault ought rather be imputed to the Master, then the Seruant: for which respect Mecanas coun­celled Augustus not to impute the ill successe of his affaires to his publike Ministers, nor yet to enuy in them the good, to the end that without feare they mought chearefully im­ploy themselues in his seruice: for many of those (quoth hee) who haue the managing of affaires, fearing to throw the Prince their Master into iealousie or suspition of them, haue oftentimes rather chosen to do ill, then good seruice; thereby preferring the securi­tie they find in the first, before the reputati­on which they mought haue purchased by the last.

6 Neuerthelesse, I more approue their proceeding, who to free themselues from the ialousie of a great, or famous exployt, haue [Page 158] left and conferred all the honour to their Prince, whether present or absent.

7 Agrippa (Nephew to Augustus) caused and councelled others to vndertake dange­rous exployts and enterprises, but to leaue the happy issue thereof to the Prince: so did Ioa [...] (as Iosep [...] reporteth) at the siege of Ra­ [...]a [...]lia who deferred the taking thereof til the Kings arriuall to the Army: so did Crat [...]rus in the behalfe of his Master Alexander, who attended and waited his comming to receiue Arte [...]nas capitulation; and Agricola attri­buted to his Captaines all the good fortune of his [...]xployt [...]s.

8 This Enuie or Iealousie (for in this re­spect both the one and the other produce one and the same effect) is a sicknesse subiect and incident to all Princes; yea, and the most ge­nerous and valerous (as Phillip and his son A­lexander) haue bin pestered and afflicted ther­with [...]ut there are som who rush & run here­unto vpon lesse & smaller occasiō thē others.

9 The Emperour Theodosius II. hauing gi­uen to one Cyru [...] the conduction and super­intendancy in the building of a Wall of the Citie of Constantinople, from one Sea to the other the ended it in threescore dayes; which breuitie and beauty performed in this work [...] [...] the people, that hee passing the Streetes, they cryed with many loud accla­mations, Constatine built this City, & C [...]rus [Page 159] hath renewed him: which the Emperour vn­derstanding, he presently disgraced him, and forced him to turne Frier; and this was the recompence hee had for so speedily execu­ting that which was commanded him.

10 With Princes of this nature there is more difficultie how to behaue o [...]r selues, then if they were more considerate, firme and consta [...]t in their iudgements, and permit themselues to bee lesse carried away with their feares and imaginations. Wherefore our Courtier must striue with his best Art and Ingenuity, to know and penetrate into his Princes motions and passions, therby if possible he can) toward and defend himselfe against them, or if he cannot, he shall at least haue this comfort and consolation to haue forgotten nothing which Courtship could affoord, or Dexteritie inuent.

CHAP. XXXIV.

  • 1 The last cause of a Courtiers dis-fauor or fall who was great in Court, is the death of his Prince.
  • 2 The Prince who succeeds to the Estate many times sooner aduanceth his owne seruants, then those of his Predecessor.
  • 3 A Courtier is continued in fauour after his Prince his death, either by making himselfe fit for affaires, or in oblieging [Page 160] his successour by some especiall action, or agreeable seruice: Example here­on.
  • 5 Good aduice and councell vpon these considerati­ons, thereby to auoids the Prince his ill will: That Humilitie is necessary to maintaine great men in their greatnesse.
  • 6 We must with a vigilant eye obserue the prayses giuen vs.
  • 7 The common foundations of Calumnies, and how to remedie them.
  • 8 How to reforme those defects whereof wee are taxed and accused, whether it be in discreet speeches, or by clearing & interpreting that which may be ill taken.
  • 9 Not to absent our selues from him, who we feare will scandalize vs.
  • 10 To make friends in Court, to defend vs against all Calumnies and false reports, that in Court euery one seekes to depresse or duck his fellow.

1 WE repute him happy in Court­fauor whose authoririe and re­putation suruines the Prince who aduanced him, & is con­tinued him by his Successour, a thing indeed very rare, it often falling out, that those who are aduanced to this degree, may, whilest they enioy the same, in some oc­currences contest or oppose the presumptiue [Page 161] heire of the Prince, who is sometimes sus­pected of him that raigneth so as instead of being beloued, he is often hated of him.

2 And if this happen not he who succeeds to the Estate hauing many seruants, whose capacitie and affection are knowne to him: either hee resolues rather to aduance them, then those whom his Predecessor hath fauou­red, or else his owne seruants study how to disgrace them, that thereby they may inioy their places and Offices.

3 And yet there are some who haue sub­sisted and maintained themselues in their places and fauours, being aided and friended herein, either by the euent and disposition of affaires, wherein their seruice is held profi­table; or in gaining the Successours fauour by some agreeable seruice, in adoring (as we say) the Sunne-rising.

4 Macro neither respected, nor spared his owne wife, thereby to gaine Caligula [...] fauor, to whom as it is said, he performed this ac­ceptable seruice, purposely to hasten the death of Tiberius: and Arbetio became so offi­cious and necessary, that the Emperour Iulian knowing him to be a factious and turbulent fellow, and who indeed loued him not, conti­nued him in reputation and authoritie, and since was againe called by Valentinian to op­pose Procopius.

5 By the consideration of all those exam­ples, [Page 162] it wil be easie for vs to recollect a part of that which wee should auoyde, to the end we all not into disgrace with our Prince: but the wholsomest councell which I can giue to a Courtier that is in reputation and authori­tie, is, that he stoope as low as hee can to his Master, measuring that which he ought doe, more by the condition of his Prince whom he serues, then of his owne fortune that he per­forme nothing through ostentation, but through obedience, and as accustomed, and still delighting to eschew [...]nuie. There bee­ing many great men, who for this considera­tion haue made shew to addict themselues to mirth and good felloshi [...], and others at studying thereby to make it appeare, that they were farre from thinking of any matter of Estate; and so did Domitian and Galb [...] for a time, to idlenesse in the Reigne of Nero: likewise if they performe any action of re­marke or fame, they should still giue the ho­nour thereof to the Prince their Master.

6 But aboue all (without being lulld a sleepe with praises and exteriour shewes) wee must still haue our eyes fixed vpon our Enemies, Enuiers and Competitors, thereby to diuert their callumnies and subtilties, whether towards the Prince, or others, who may offend or disgrace vs.

7 Callumnies are commonly grounded either vpon some defect pretended to bee in [Page 163] vs, vpon some word ill placed and spoken, OF purposely to offend, or for some errour and fault, we haue committed against another.

8 The defect presupposde in vs, must bee either repaired, or excused by vs, or supplied by some other benefit and remedie; & aswell in our words, actions and behauiour, we must be so cautious and circumspect, that we nei­ther doe, nor speake, any thing that may bee differently enterpreted by the hearers, whose intents we should first sift and sound, before wee disclose either our secrets, or selues to them; and whereas some words for want of heede hath escaped vs, we must endeauor by some office or discourse pertinently framed to the contrary, that our intent was good towards him, who could bee offended there­at.

9 We must also not absent or estrange vs (but the least we can or may) from him by whom wee feare to bee taxed and calumnia­ted: for besides that, Absence and Time demi­nisheth the heate of affection which a man may beare vs, we thereby likewise giue him time to frame and imprint a Callumny, the truth whereof we cannot so soone finde out, vindicate, and cleare; and finding nothing to the contrary, men are as it were, enforced to belieue it; or if they belieue it not, their opinions and conceits wil be equally affect­ed and deuided, and yet both will agree to [Page 164] rest doubtfull, especially when the Calumni­ator vehemently affirmes and assures it, what disposition soeuer hee haue to the con­trary; and if it ariue to the vnderstanding of the Prince, to whom by flatterers, reports are secretly and insensibly carried, then is suspition and distrust engendred, which hin­dreth him any farther to enquire out the truth thereof from whence it comes, that it degenerates into strangenesse, and after into enmitie and hatred.

10 He then who is absent, must chiefely and necessarily be prouided of one (or rather of more who may performe him the office of a true friend, to defend him against all fals & scandalous reports, and to make choyce of such as are of reputation, and may haue ad­mittance into those places, where they may assist their friend in this degree of charitie. A thing I confesse very difficult and rare to be found in Court where euery one reioyceth (as wee haue said) to depresse or ducke his Companion, or to see or heare him to bee ducked or depressed. Neuerthelesse, some­times we may meete some Courtier, who ei­ther out of the obligation he owes vs, or out of the desire he hath to oblige vs, or through Enuie or Malice that he beares our Calumni­ator, may performe vs this duty.

CHAP. XXXV.

1To flie Pride and Ostentation, for feare least our Prince grow ie [...]lo [...]s of vs.
2Example of Cardinal Spinosa for his Osten tation.
3The Courtier must not defer to rule and mo­derate himselfe vpon the declining of his Greatnesse, but contrariwise to begin in time to conforme himself to modesty Exam­ples of those who haue done the contrary.
4
5A Courtier must make as many friends as he can, and why.
6Consideration on this point.

1 I Haue formerly said, that a Courtier must doe nothing through ostentation the which I againe repeate; not onely to auoyde the Enuie of our fel­lows, but also that our Prince grow not iea­lous of vs.

2 It is recorded in Spaine, that one of the meanes whereby the Courtiers of King Phil­lip II. made vse to disgrace the Cardinall Spi­nosa, was in generally following, obseruing, and attending him; shewing thereby, that they depended of him: yea, they were so offi­cious and obsequious herein, that the Kings owne domestick seruants did nothing but [Page 166] that which he commanded; which the King perceiuing and vnderstanding, he comman­ded and estrangd him from Court, and by this subtilty within the space of two yeares his fauour and fortunes were ruined.

3 From whence a Courtier may learne how to haue his traine composde of few, and according to the qualitie wherein the Prince is pleased he shall continue, and beare him­selfe; yea, or rather below it, for he must not at the ebbe of his fortunes attempt to demi­nish his traine. It auailed not Senoca after he had lost Neros fauour, to retire himselfe to his house, vnder colour to follow his studies, or to feigne himselfe sickly, and to cause his doores to be shut vp against those, who were wont to flocke thither, as to the Court; nei­ther did it steed Agricola vnder Domitian, not to goe abroad but at night, and then to bee followed bu by few.

4 Wherefore our Courtier must in time compose and fashion himselfe to mode­stie.

5 Neuerthelesse, he who is in reputation and credit at Court, must not omit to pur­chase many friends, and to obliege and bind as many as hee can to him; not through va­nitie to be well followed, but to the end that his fall be the lesse and more silent, and that hee may find those who will receiue and en­tertaine him.

[Page 167] 6 For although it bee very difficult to make friends at Court, who will assist you in your disgrace; neuerthelesse, in so great a number wee may chance find out some one, who, if it be not for the conside­ration of Friendship, at least fo [...] his owne proper interest, in requitall of the accesse hee hath had to you, and the hope which hee mought haue had, to haue reaped some benefit and profit by you, who will la­ment and pitie your misfortune, and so both endeauour and enforce himselfe to as­sist you.

CHAP. XXXVI.

  • 1 The Courtier who is beloued and fauoured of the Prince, must bee discreet in the de­maunds and requests hee makes him for o­thers, and the reason thereof.
  • 2 The qualitie and nature of his demaunds and requests hee makes to the Prince.
  • 3 Not to boast, or vaunt of his Reputation.
  • 4 How to beare himselfe in the execution of his Princes commands.
  • 5 A Courtier must refuse no Command or Commission from the Prince: how Prin­ces measure and esteeme the Greatnesse of their commands.
  • [Page 168] 6 A Courtier must still be neare his Prince, for feare to be surprised.
  • 7 How he must beare himselfe towards those who are discontented.
  • 8 To speake soberly and modestly of the Prince and his Seruants.
  • 9 Aduice not to breake, or contest with the Prince.

1 BVt as it is most profitable for the deminishing and sweet­ning of our disgrace, in ha­uing oblieged many, whilest the Sunne shine of our Prince his fauor lasted, by mediating and soliciting for them: so I will aduise our Courtier to beare himself discreetly herein: for the grea­test part of that which our Prince graunts vs for others, he puts it to our owne account, wherefore let vs reserue those fauors for our s [...]lues, and not interceede and solicite for o­thers, but very rarely, & vpon good ground; yea, and in those sutes and matters which the Prince already vnderstandeth, to the end we be not answerable for other mens faults.

2 We must also be carefull, that the re­quests we make to our Prince be iust, fitting to the [...]ime, and commonly granted, and if it may be correspondent to his Honour, Profit, or Pleasure, so if he grant our requests, wee must make great esteeme thereof; and if hee [Page 169] refuse vs, we must yet endeauour by all sorts of demonstrations to make him belieue wee are not displeased or discontented there­at.

3 Notwithstanding, we must not boast or make shew to others, in what reputation and fauour we are with the Prince, much lesse vaunt as some haue done, that we rule and gouerne him; [...]ith Princes still desire to make it appeare to the world, that what they doe, is of themselues, without the aide or a sistance of others, much lesse of any of their subiects, and commonly such boasters fell wind and smoake at a cheape rate.

4 If our Prince command vs any thing, or giue vs any Commission, if possible wee can, wee must cause it to bee put in writing with all its circumstances; yea, wee must remoue all the difficulties which wee fore-see may fa [...]l out in the executi­on thereof; and if it bee a matter not sub­iect to the penne, or a thing secretlie commanded vs, let vs then relate and repeate it often to the Prince, thereby the better to conceiue his intents, that by this repetition he may hereafter more per­fectly remember what he hath commanded vs

5 Wee must not refuse any Commission or Command from our Prince, though neuer so small; for sometime a small beginning to [Page 170] a great and eminent fortune; and Princes iudge the greatnesse of their Commands, not by the importancy thereof, but by their owne proper greatnesse; and hold themselues as much wronged in the denyall of their small commands, as in the refusall of those of greater weight and consequence, and which nearer concerne them.

6 Being neere and resident with our Prince, wee must bee still wa [...]chfull, and in guard, that none surprise vs: we must nar­rowly foresee such affaires as we may be im­ployed in, and prep [...]re our selues for those which are already a foote and in question: we must speake little and only of that which we well know, wee must be attentiue when the Prince speakes, and make it appeare to him that we thinke on nothing else; and we must not shew our selues either sad, sorrow­full, or pensiue, lest hee interpret it to con­tempt and discontent in vs.

7 If any Mal-content come to vs to be­wray vs his secrets, and to reueale vs his heart, we may for once heare him, and seeme to haue a feeling of his disgrace, and so in­courage him to hope for better; yea, we must deminish and extenuate the wrong which he pretendeth is offered him, and so excuse our Prince, exhorting him to bee silent herein, and to brooke it patiently: but especially and aboue all, let vs take heed what offers we [Page 171] make these sort of people: for many purposely feigne to bee male-content, as desirous to draw from vs some speech or demonstration of our bad inclination and affection to our Prince, thereby to ruine vs; or if they are male-content, commonly passion so trans­sports them, as they cannot conceale that which is deliuered and told them.

8 Great men and Courtiers must also command their seruants and retainers to speake modestly and soberly, both of our Prince, and of those who are neare him: for it many times falles out, that the Master is accused for the seruants speeches.

9 But the chiefest point of wisdome in a Courtier, is by degrees to foresee the disre­spect and coldnesse of the Princes affection towards him, and so very softly to vnrip but not to rend our Fortune, to the end that our Prince reconsidering her [...]of, we may alwaies haue a gappe and backe doore open to reen­ter into his fauo [...], and yet without any way making the least shaddow or shew, either to bee discontented or offended with him, or that wee haue once conceiued or suspected the declination of his grace and fauour from vs.

CHAP. XXXVII.

  • 1 Aduice vpon the continuance of a Courtiers aduancement and reputation being the thir­teenth deuision of this second booke.
  • 2 From whence proceeds the fauour of our Prince toward [...] vs, and of the causes that induce a Prince to lo [...]e a Courtier.
  • 3 That fauour l [...]st [...]th not long which onely proceeds from the Grace and comlinesse of our Per­son.
  • 4 Of the conformitie of Humours in the Prince and his Fauorites, that the priuiledges and advantages which a Fauourite enioyes here­by, should cause him to make good vse of his time, and so to settle his fortune thereby.

1 BVt, to the ende that a Courtier may iudge of the continuance and subsistence of his pro­sp [...]ritie, besides that which hee may conie­cture by the inclinati­on of his Prince, and by the fauour which his friends or enemies may haue neare him, hee must also consider the cause why his Prince affecteth him, for that [Page 173] once fayling, or finding the like or a more powerfull in another, without doubt his af­fection and fauour will then diminish to­wards vs if not absolutly desolue.

2 There are many fauours, whose causes are difficultly found out and knowne, and many will be much perplex'd and graueled to know the reason of their owne happinesse and good Fortune: notwithstanding, to speak as it commonly fals out, the fauour and af­fection of Princes proceeds either of a con­formitie of humours, grace, or comlinesse, which delight and please them, from the ob­ligations of their Fau [...]rites seruices; or be­cause they know those whom they will fa­uour, to be fit Instruments to second their wils and commands; or else that they are in­dued with some rare Capacitie or perfections beyond the vulgar.

3 The fauour which proceeds from per­sonall grace and comlinesse, although it seem to be doubly vnited; yet, it is that which is soonest dissolued and dissipated there being nothing so inconstant as mens humours, which not only change (as we haue former­ly said) through age, but also by some small occasion or accedent which may arise, wher­unto wee may adde that it is impossible for two so to correspond or be conformable in humours, that either of the one or other, there bee not some particularitie which [Page 174] makes them different, and which being pro­uoked or contested, doth futurely more e­strange and seperate them then they were formerly strictly vnited.

4 Notwithstanding, I affirme that where this conformitie is most found, that there, in the Prince it produceth more effects of his fa­uour then any other cause; but he who is ad­uanc'd in the fauour of his Prince, must pro­uidently manage and husband his time, ther­by to make the best vse thereof that he can; and as if he already foresaw the approaching tempest, hee must hasten his pace to re­couer a place of safetie and shelter.

CHAP. XXXVIII.

1Of the fauour of Princes towards Women.
2How they beare themselues to subsist in reputa­tion neere the Prince.
3Example of Poppaea towards Nero.
4The affection of some Princes hath beene re­tain'd, more through subtilties for feare of be­ing wronged and defamed by women, then by enioying them.
5The fauour which proceeds of Pleasures and seruices done vs, is not of long continuance and why.
6
7A Prince is angrie if we beleeue he is indeb­ted to a subiect for any great or singular ser­uice, and therefore refuseth to see him; consi­derations hereon; and that Princes are ma­ny times forgetfull in rewarding their ser­uants.
8Considerations hereon, it is better for vs to bee oblig'd to our Prince then [...]e to vs.
9Of the fauour of those who second the inclina­tions of the Prince; and considerations on his inclinations.

1 SVch fauours towards wo­men, are by so much the more violent, in that the pleasure of a Prince, and the fury of his desires doe inwardly entermixe and combine.

2 But if the ill behauiour and conducti­on, that is commonly in such women, doe not disgrace them; satietie, or a more plea­sing beautie then themselues will assuredly performe it: wherefore those women who are Ambitious, to maintaine themselues in the fauour of a Prince doe still endeuour to withdraw themselues from all other com­panies, and to diuert them from the sight of purer beauties, which may make them change their affection, others haue vsed dis­sembling, and practised faigned refusals, [Page 176] and some more bold and impudent, knowing that they are as it were lincked and tyed to them, haue rebuked and check'd them.

3 It was an artificiall tricke which Pop­paea vsed towards Nero, after she had allured him to loue her, when she feign'd to retire and liue with her husband Otho; to whom she said, she was ingaged and bound, aswell for mariage, as merit, and preferred him before N [...]ro; who (quoth shee) forgat and debased himself [...] so much as to vse and entertaine poore Chamber-Maides. And againe, after thus, N [...]ro defer'd to put away Octauia, for feare least Agrippina should distast it, and in mocking him, should call him Pupill, which was, not only, not to be Emperour, but also, not to be a freeman.

4 Of this humour there are many Prin­ces, who by such like subtilties and fet­ches, are rather wonne and retain'd, then by daliance and facilitie in enioying that which they desire and seeke; all which, notwithstanding their vaine conceit of pleasure, and chiefly their inconstancy and leuitie, many times carries them away to others.

5 The fauour which proceeds from good Offices and seruices already perform'd to our Prince, should seeme to be more lasting and durable then any other, as being pur­chased by the best title: and againe, which [Page 177] may stirre vp many others to be zealous in his seruice.

6 But contrariwise, we see none of lesse continuance, and it fals out very often, that great seruices which cannot be rewarded, or recompensed, doe rather purchase vs con­tempt then fauou [...] from our Prince.

7 It is the custome of Princes to desire to be discharg'd of all debts: for this burthen is still ircksome and troublesome to them: but it more sencibly angers them, when they beleeue they are indebted to one of their subiects, for some speciall or singular seruice done them; yea, they then apprehend to see them, thinking that their meeting will re­proach them of shame and ingratitude; and commonly there are none so hindred, (and I speake with griefe) so vnfortunate, as these sort of seruants: for respecting their ho­nour, they will not as soone as they haue done the Prince seruice, expect to be rewar­ded, for feare they should be held, rather to sell their seruice, then to performe it li­berally and freely: whereas contrariwise, the most part of Princes are forgetfull and carelesse to recompense these their Ser­uants, and although some acknowledge they ought to doe it, yet they deferre it to other times and occasions, that there­by these seruices may waxe old in the me­mories of those who are witnesses thereof, [Page 178] and so by little and little, at last absolutely forget them.

8 Which occasioneth some to strike whiles the Iron is hot, and foreseeing that they must be necessarily imployed in a busi­nesse, willing to take aduantage, and to hus­band this occasion, they before they were sought vnto, haue receiued and drawne some profit and benefit from the Prince. The Hope of a Seruant being more powerfull in Prin­ces then the fruit of a seruice receiued; and many are of opinion (as I lately no­ted) that it were better for vs to be bound to our Prince, then our Prince to vs: the Prince alwaies regarding those with a more gratious eye whom he hath oblig'd as be­leeuing they haue more cause to affect him then those to whom hee hath done small or no good, and that they hauing de­serued a reward and not receiued it: hee knowes they haue small cause to affect him, and this indeede, saith Philip De Commines▪ was the opinion of Lewes XI.

9 The fauour of those likewise who se­cond the Prince in his inclinations and pas­sions, should seeme to last and continue long, as commonly it doth; at least, as long as the Prince possesseth and retaines the same passions; but as he fals from one Passion to another, so hee changeth his Instruments [Page 179] and Fauorites: and sometimes turning him­selfe towards the dutie of his charge, he be­gins to distast the passions which oppose it, and so hates and malignes those who haue serued him.

10 Neuerthelesse, as Passions are more du­rable one then another, so those who serue him, continue longer in fauour one then an­other, according to the Passion which they obserue and subiect themselues to.

CHAP. XXXIX.

1Of the exorbitant pleasures of Princes, and of three sorts of excesse whereinto they runne.
2The first is Loue, and of those who serue them in their loues.
3The second is crueltie. The Enuie of Cruelties return'd and throwne on his head who caused them to bee executed, Example of Caesar Borgia.
4Considerations on this Example, and that those who make themselues the instruments and actors of Princes cruelties, doe it not long, because they are quickly ruined.
5Example of Nero.
6Of the Couetousnesse of a Prince, and the effects thereof, the fauour of those who serue and second Princes in this excesse, is [Page 180] durable, prouided that they moderate their carriage and actions, and not excessibly enrich themselues.
7Consideration vpon the carriage and demeanour of such seruants.
8Examples drawne from our France, as of Peter de la Berche, in the [...]i [...] of Phi­lippe the faire, of Enguerrand de Marigny, Mons. de Gyac, and others.
9
10The Authour his aduise vpon such Seruants and Courtiers, and how our Courtier must beare hi [...]se [...]fe, that he serue not vnprofitably in his charge and place, but rather in great honour and reputation.

1 I Will not here speake of many pleasures, where­unto Pri [...]ces are often subiect and addicted, be­cause they very seldome serue for a firme foun­dation, whereon to erect and build a great Fortune; only I will mention those three ex­cesses, whereunto they often permit them­selues to be transported and caryed away; as, Loue, Crueltie, Couetousnesse.

2 As for Loue, the more violent, the lesse permanent it is, and although this pas­sion may surprise a Prince, yet it continues not long in one and the same obiect: Neuer­thelesse, many Courtiers haue built the [Page 181] foundation of their fauour with their Prince hereon; yea, so farre as to prostitute their owne wiues: So did Otho, and yet hee fedg'd not well with Nero; for that was the proper and efficient cause, that hee was e­straung [...]d by him thereby to free himselfe from his Iealousie.

3 Others haue beleeu'd that they may obliege their Prince, to maintaine them in his Grace and Fauour, in making themselues companions, witnesses and Actors of a thou­sand vices and impudicities, as did Tig [...]l [...]nus without considering that the Prince is al­waies enough powerfull to defend himselfe from the Hatred and Enuie which such acti­ons may stirre vp and procure him in aban­doning and sacrificing them to the Common­weale, which in this cause may bee practised, as well as Caesar Borgia made vse thereof to free himselfe from the Crueltie which he had caused Remiro de Orco to commit, whom hee put to death, and so relected all those faults and crimes on him.

4 But what is one Example to teach vs that the fauours of those who make them selues the Instruments and Executioners of Princes cruelties, are not only of short continuance; but also shortly cause the ruine of those who practise and professe it: For not only those cruelties represent them­selues to the eyes and remembrance of the [Page 182] Prince, but he also e [...]tereth into Iealousie and distrust of him who so voluntarily became the executioner thereof.

5 N [...]r although confirm'd and obdurated in crueltie, made good and approued the same; for when Anicetus by his command had [...]ill'd his mother, he very shortly after would no more see him, because his presence still reproached him of the Parra [...]yd he had cau­sed him commit.

6 Cou [...]tousness lasteth longer, for neither Age, nor diuersitie of Obiects can change it, as it doth loue: Contrariwise, it growes with the Age of our Prince, and although it be as odious to the people as Crueltie; ne­uerthelesse they longer support it, because of the pretext of the Publike good and neces­sitie, which is accustomed to be borrowed, for the procuring and gathering of moneys into the Exchequer: so as it seemes that those who herein assist the Prince, for the most part continue longer in their reputation, and greatnesse: prouided that they beare them­selues temperatly and modestly, and not bee too loftie and imperious in their procee­dings (a vertue rarely found in these sorts of people, who commonly, to their answers and refusals, adde iniuries and reproaches) and withall not to become too excessiuely rich.

7 The first, vsually incurres and drawes [Page 183] hatred against themselues, which in the end, the Prince fearing he shall feele, is constrain [...]d to giue him his Cenge, and Far w [...]ll, if not worse measure; and the other doth not only p [...]rchase the enuy of the Commons, but also sometimes that of the Prince himselfe, who being truly couetous, it is to be feared, hee will not content himselfe as Uespasi [...]n did, to wring and depresse the sponge; but that herein he will vse them as Country people doe their Hogges, who after they haue made them fat, eate them.

8 Our France hath seene many of this Condition, as some for their insolent cari­age, and others for the Enuie of their exces siue wealth too speedily gotten, haue at one blow beene disgraced and precipita­ted from a great fortune to a miserable Estate.

9 In the raigne of King Philip the faire, Peter de la Berche his High Chamberlaine and super-intendant of his Exchequer was strangled and hanged at Paris vnder Lewes sonne of the said Philip Enguerrand of Ma­rigny, met with no better fortune vnder Charles VII: Monsieur de Gyac being like­wise High Chamberlaine, for the same crime was clapt into a sacke and drowned, af­ter whom Camus de Beulieu, entering in­to his place was kill'd at Po [...]cters; and vn­der Philip I: Peter de Essarts was in danger [Page 184] of the same fortune, but in the ende hee was freed for one hundred thousand Flo­rins.

10 I will silence and pardon the memo­rie and names of some others which I might hereunto adioyne, and will now content my selfe to say, that as we must auoid too much facilitie in executing Offices and Commis­sions for the good of our Princes affaires; so we must also detest and eschew Presumption and Insolence, if wee will defend and free our selues, from the Enuie and Malice which followes and attends it: and as it is not prohibited vs to reape some profit of our seru [...]ces: so we must carefully auoid excesse heerein, at least if we meane to secure and shelter our selues from Enuie and Danger, and consequently to continue our Authoritie and Greatnesse in Court.

CHAP. XL.

1Of fauour, proceeding from some Capacitie and Sufficiency beyond the vulgar: and what we must consider therein.
2Our Courtier must not make himselfe a Competior, nor contest with his Prince for suf [...]ciency, in that wherein he desires and pretends to excell.
3Examples hereon.
4
5Not to shew himselfe too wise before the Prince; The aduise of a wise Antient, to shew our selues in all things inferiour to our Prince.
6Conclusion vpon the inconstancy of Court-fa­uour.
7Whereunto our Courtier must addresse and prepare himselfe. The Authour his aduise hereon.
8The Authour his aduise to our Courtier, to retire and withdraw himselfe from Court, before the declining of his For­tune.
9Considerations on the fortunes of Courti­ers.
10The conclusion, and the Authour his Ex­cuse, taking his instruction, and wishes from some Latine verses out of Seneca, which he alleadgeth to passe the remainder of his daies, in Tranquilitie, Peace, and libertie.

1 IN the fauour which proceeds from a more then vulgar sufficiency or Capacity; we must con­sider if it be pleasing to our Prince either because it is necessary for him: or [Page 186] because he himselfe delights and takes plea­sure in the same subiect: for first wee neede not doubt but that as long as this neces­sitie lasteth, his fauour will continue though peraduenture more by constraint (that is to say for neede) then for friend­ship.

2 And if the Prince giue and addict him selfe to the same subiect: wherein our Capa­citie and sufficiency is admired, we must be­leeue that as soone as he knowes, that wee surpasse and excell him therein, he will be­gin to looke on vs with a frowning eye: for it is both naturall and common aswell to Princes as to all other men, not to be seene inferiour to any in that which they pro­fesse: much lesse will not a master, and which is more, a Prince, haue any one know that his seruant is more skilfull then him­selfe.

3 Some one encouraging Asintus Polio, to answer certaine verses which Augu­stus had made of him: replyed, that hee would take good heede, and not out of F [...]u [...]e or Emulation turne Scribe against him, who had all authoritie to pre­scribe.

4 And the Philosopher Fauorinus being fallen into dispute and contention with the Emperour Adrian, about a certaine word, yeelding it lost, made answer to [Page 187] some of the Auditours his friends, who re­proued and blamed him thereof, that hee was not ashamed to bee found lesse lear­ned then one who commanded Thirtie Le­gions.

5 In which respect a wise man admo­nisheth vs not to seeme too learned before our Prince: for there is no remedy, but in this we must betray our owne sufficiency and honour to hand [...]ell and gratifie our master, especially if wee thinke and re­solue to bee welcome to him: and it sufficeth not to stoope and yeelde to him in words: but wee must like­wise in effects and deedes make it ap­peare, that in all things wee are inferi­our to him: yea, and in plaine earnest, doe something grossely and sleightly, so it may please him: prouided alwaies, that it bee not either to the blemish or preiudice of our Honour and Reputa­tion.

6 By which wee may imagine the mu­tabilitie and inconstancy of all sorts of Court aduancements: and sith the fauour and preferments of the Court are so vari­able and incertaine: The chiefest consi­deration which a Courtier must haue, who sees himselfe so highly fauoured and graced of his Prince, is to dispose and prepare him­selfe to descend and strike sayle, It is [Page 188] indeede valour and courage to fight as long as wee can, but if in fighting there is more to bee lost then gained: it will bee wisedome to prouide for our retr [...]it: or to follow and imitate the P [...]rthi [...]ns who retire in fighting.

7 It is farre more honourable to de­scend silently and peacefully by the staires and doore, then to stay till we are enfor­ced out of window: and faire more shamefull to be banished, then orderly of our selues to take our leaue of the Court, vnder some honest pretext and cul­lour.

8 Those are esteem'd, and reputed hap­pie, who die in the middest of their feli­cities; and I hold that Co [...]rtier happy and fortunate, who knowes how to re­tire in the middest of his prosperities: those who are ignorant heereof will af­firme, that these are vnworthy and inca­pable of their Fortunes, who abandon and forsake the Court in the middest of their c [...]urse: but wee must giue them leaue to speake, and withall we our selues must remember, that in all games or Lotteries, it is farre better to returne a gainer then a loser, and not to hazard the certaine for the incertaine.

9 Wee ascend to those Great and Emi­nent fortunes of the Court by degrees and [Page 189] steppes; but when we are mounted, and haue attained the top, then we find neither stepps nor degrees whereby to descend; and the least dasling of our eyes (which cōmonly be­falles those who are eleuated so high) makes vs loose our footing, and in one moment and blow precipitates, and throwes vs downe headlong.

10 Loe, this is it which is fallen within the power and reach of my pen, and which I haue here collected and gathered more to sa­tisfie your desire, then for mine owne par­ticular vse, as being contented to take for my instruction and wishes these Verses of Seneca.

Stet quicunque volet Potens
Aule Culmine lubric [...]
Me dulcis saturet quies
Obscuro positus loco
Leni parfruar otio
Nullis nota Quiritibus
Aetas per tacitum sluat
Sic cum transierint mei
Null [...] cum strepitudies
Plebeius moriar senex
Illi mors grauis incubat
Qui notus nimis omnibus
Ignotus moritur sibi.
Denis, de Refuges.
FINIS.

A Table of the Contents of the Chapters of the second Booke.

CHAP. I. IN all our actions we must chiefely consi­der where [...]t they aime. 2, 3. The ends and intents are very different of those who t [...]row themselues on the Court 4. The fauour of the Prince is the Generall aime of Courtiers, and the first Head of this se­cond Booke. 5. Fauour anticipates and presupposeth the knowledge of him that is fauoured and the app [...]obation of his Actions. 6. How to make himselfe knowne 7. The Continuance hereof. 8. Great men are not commonly so strictly linked to their Prince, as those of inferiour ranke and condition. 9. To what Princes these things a boue proposed and mentioned, properly concerne. Fol. 1.

CHAP. II. 1. Two waies to aduance a Courtier. 2. The seeking of Offices and dignities. 3. The following of the Court. [Page] 4. The last is the shortest way. 5. Examples and conside rations hereon. Fol 5

CHAP. III. 1. Diuers meanes how to make our selues knowne of our Princ [...], as by especiall action or se [...]uice, or by the assi­stance of Friend [...]. 2. What the Prince is aboue all, as w [...]ll the great as common people. 3. The example of one, who would make himselfe knowne to Alexander. 4. A consideration vpon this Example. Fol. [...]

CHAP. IV. 1. The second Head of this Booke, the Courtier must consider the inclination of the Prince, his domestick ser­uants and Officers, as also other Courtiers. 2. What the inclinations of a Prince are, and the reducing thereof, ei­ther to that which concernes his greatnesse, or his plea­sures. 3. Wherein the greatnesse of a Prince consists. 4. Of the vitious pleasures and inclinations of a Prince. 5. Prin­ces willingly loue those, who serue them in their plea­sures. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. Examples hereon. Fol. [...].

CHAP. V. 1. He that will bee welcome to a Prince, must second and follow his inclinations. 2. How to ba [...]ish an honest man from the Court. 3. The proper definition of the Court. 4 5, 6. Examples on the corruption of the Court. 7. A Courtier must sometimes winke to see the wicked doe what they please. 8. It is very difficult for an honest man to liue and maintaine himselfe in Court. 9. An ho­nest man may liue, and be patient in Court for a time. 10. How we must vnderstand this. 11, 12, 13. How to di­uert the Princes euill inclinations: Examples of Seneca and others hereon. Fol. 13

[Page] CHAP. VI. 1. Not to oppose our selues vnprofitably against the will and pleasure of our Prince, and not to subiect our selues to any base seruitude. 2. Examples on the confi­deration hereof. 3. That an honest man is [...]itter to serue a Prince then any other. 4. Aduice for Princes rather to take an h [...]nest then wicked seruants, and that the Court participates more of euill, then good. 5. Why vitious men are fauoured of some Princes. 6. Examples hereon. 7. That wee seeme honester in being compared with a wicked man: The Example of Augustus and Tiberius. 8. Ad­uice that we speake not too freely and liberally of Prin­ces. 9. Examples hereon. Fol. 1 [...]

CHAP. VII. 1. Of that sort of flattery which is most pleasing to Prin­ces, and chiefly of that which fauoreth of sreenes. 2. Of too much flatterie, and the aduice of Plutarck and Eschynes thereon. 3. Examples on the same subiect. 4. Who first vsed free flattery. 5. Another example on the same flat­tery. 6. Aduice thereon, and wherein, and how, wee must vse it. Fol. 22

CHAP. VIII. 1. The third Head of this second Booke, wee must not attempt to aduise a proud Prince: how Princes de­maund councell to haue their owne opinions appro­ued, and sometimes to sound the affections of their Councellours: Examples hereon. 2. 3. Princes make many propositions, rather to haue them approued, then consulted; together with Examples tending to that effect. 4. Before wee aduise a Prince, wee must endeu [...]r to know his intent. 5. How to beare our selues [Page] selues to a cholerick Prince, that demaunds our aduice. 6. 7. Aduantages for a Councellor, whereof hee must make vse, when his aduice giuen to his Prince proues contrary to his expectation. 8. In vnlawfull matters the best way is to de [...]erre, and to take time to giue Councell. 9. An example hereon. 10. How wee must practise the said example. Fol. 5.

CHAP. IX. 1. Remedies against the rashnesse and forwardnesse of a Prince, vpon deferring to councell him, and to know how to abound in expedients. 2. Princes doe vsually ra­ther aske councell to bring their purpo [...]es to passe then to know what is necessary and expedient to doe. 3. Con­sideration vpon the meanes, taken from the protracting of time 4. Vpon the breuitie of time. 5. What expedi ents the Prince most commonly chooseth: Consideration vpon the tediousnesse; breuitie, and difficultie of a busines; together with the Author his aduice vpon those that are most wholsome and necessary for a Prince. 6. Wee must rather impose and retort the execution of a w [...]cked fact vpon a wicked and vitious person, then ingage our selues therein. 7. Examples of Burrhus and Anicetus to that ef­fect. 8. The Authors opinion on his examples. 9. Aduice how to diuert the Prince his vitious resolutions. 10. To vse the pleasant and most respect [...]ullst demonstrations and considerations hereon. 11. As to breake a Iest herein that may steede vs. 12. Considerations Vpon this aduice, with the Examples of Tiberius and Domitian in the like cause. 13. Other meanes and aduice not to rush and oppose our selues against our Prince in his euill inclinations, and from whence they are deriued. 14. A remedi [...] to assault and fight against his wicked inclinations, and what wee oppose against them. Fol. 31

[Page] CHAP. X. 1. Consideration vpon the Prince his humour, which hath reference to. 2. The Manners and Conditions of a chollerick Prince. 3. How to behaue and gouerne our selues with this humour, and that Princes are [...]ame Ly­ons. 4. The manners and condition of a Prince of a san­guine complexion. 5. How to beare our selues towards one of this humour. 6. Of those who properly please Prin­ces of this complexion. 7. The manners and conditions of a melancholly Prince. 8. How to beare our selues with this humour. 9. Of an angry and froward humor, and of his other imperfections. 10. The manners and condi­tions of a flegmatick Prince. 11. How to behaue our selues towards th [...]s humour. Fol. 38

CHAP. XI. 1. We must neuer tye our selues to the humours of that Prince, who changeth according to his age, conuersation, and other incidents. 2. A Prince is of one nature in war, and of another in peace. 3. He is subiect to change his in­clination, and to settle his affection on others. 4. Exam­ples hereon. 5. The cause of these alterations. 6. T [...]ypl [...]ns humou [...] alleaged hereon. 7. Another Example of Aga­memnon in Euripides. 8. From whence proceeds the ordi­narie faults of Princes. 9. Greatnesse and power often bewitcheth our vnderstandings. 10 Examples of the wise men of Greece hereon. 11, 12. Notable examples of the Pythagoriciens to the same effect. Fol 47

CHAP. XII. 1 That the suggestions and applause of vitious Persons neare Princes, serue greatly to change their humors, and consequently to debosh them. 2, 3. Examples of Princes [Page] who haue permitted themselues to be led by these sorts of men; together with the blindnesse and stupiditie of some Princes, vpon the ends and intents of those vitiou [...] fellowes. 4. Wow the Prince is betrayed by these sorts of flatterers. 5. Examples to this effect of old Clodion. 6. Of Seianus. 7. Of Perrini [...]. 8. Of Bardas. 9. Aduice for Prin­ces not to heare, or regard these flatterers. Fol. 51

CHAP. XIII. 1. Considerations vpon a Prince his domestick seruant [...]; and how wee may reape profit by them. Princes beare themselues differently in priuate or publike, and they more willingly discouer themselues to their seruants then others. 2. 3. 4. Examples hereon. 5. In this point it is very difficult for a Prince so to hide and conceale his in­tents and motions that his seruants d [...]scouer them not. 6. In Court we seeke all sorts of men to effect our affaires. 7. In Court there are no great friends, nor small ene­mies. 8. In Court we must seeke to make the Prince his seruants our friends. Fol. 55

CHAP. XIV. 1. Of the great ones in Court, the sixth Head of this second Booke, and that they are of diuers parts and de­grees. 2. Of those who are of a Noble blood and house, and yet not in credit and reputation at Court, and how we must beare our selues towards them. 3. Considerations of them, and what their power i [...]. 4. The examples of Arch [...]laus vpon these considerations. 5. Other conside­rations vpon the same. 6. How the Prince his fauorite m [...]st beare himselfe in opposing great men. 7. 8. The profit which redounds to him thereby. 9. Wholsome ad­uice and councell for a fauorite. 10. How it must be vn­derstood when wee say, wee contest and contend with a great man. 11. What it is for a Fauorite to oppose the [Page] enterprises of great men. 12, 13. The Example of Cardi­nall Ximenes, Fauorite to Isabel Queene of Spaine vpon the subiect, with a briefe abridgement of his life. 14. 15. Another example vpon the lamentable end of Simon [...]ra, Fauorite to Francis Sforza Duke of Millan. Fol. 59

CHAP. XV. 1. Of Greatmen who are famillar with the Prince, without hauing any authori [...]ie or command in the af­faires of Estate. 2. Of their Power, and how we must seeke them, and reape profit by them. 3. 4. Of Great men who haue authoritie in affaires, and yet small accesse nea [...]e the Prince: of the inclination of Princes vnder whom these great men are. 5. Of Princes who giue all the command of their affaires to one or two, and of the c [...]rbe or reyne, wherewith they commonly restraine them, thereby to fashion them wholly to his will and pleasure, without leauing them power to doe otherwise, and to dispossesse them off his fauour and their greatnes when he pleaseth. 6. 7. How to beare our selues towards these great men. 8. 9. Of great men who are in fauour with the Prince, and haue authoritie in the affaires of the Estate, and how wee must seeke and obserue them. 10. 11. Wee must examine the degrees of greatmens fa­uours, from whom wee may expect assistance. 12. And when we cannot make our selues known of greatmen, we must seeke those who haue some interrest or power in them, or are familiar with them, and so make our selues knowne to them. Fol. 66

CHAP. XVI. 1. The seuenth Head of this Booke: of those who are vnder great men of whom there are two sorts, one which may assist vs and how. 2. Considerations vpon both; and how to purchase friends in Court. 3. Of those who may [Page] crosse and oppose vs, who are of three sorts. [...]. Of those who hate vs, and are our enemies. 5. It is a difficult thing to be a Neuter in Court; and of great faction and par­tialities in the Courts of Princes. 6. How some haue withstood and preuented such partialities, and how they very profitably made vse of Neutralitie. 7. 8. Examples vpon the wisdome of this Neutralitie. 9. Solon his law a­gainst Neutralitie. 10. How and wherefore Friendships must be conserued among different parties. Fol. 72

CHAP. XVII. 1. Of enemies who hate vs, because they haue former ly offended vs. 2. A remedy against such enemies, and how to beware of them. 3, [...]. That threatnings do more offend then profit those who practise them, and that they procure vs shame and weakenesse if they take not effect; those who practise them, and that they procure vs shame and weaknes, if they take not effect. 5. A discourse against reuenge. 6, 7, [...]. How to beare our selues when we receiue iniuries, and how to seek the meanes of reconciliation and friendship, whether the iniuries bee fierce and outragious or no. [...]. O [...] iniurie done vs in an outbrauing and daring manner, and of the reuenge thereof. Fol. 77

CHAP. XVIII. 1. Our first remedie against iniuries offered vs by great men, is to conferre very respectiuely with them 2. The second, to desemble patiently. 3, 4. Considerations here­on. 5. Of those who are our enemies, because wee haue formerly offended them. 6, 7. Aduice hereon, with consi­deration and meanes how to beare our selues herein. 8. That commonly feare rather then reuenge more vio­lently exasperates our enemies against vs. 9. How to ap­pease his passion and violence. 10. Another way is to as­sist our enemies in their affaires, that thereby they may [Page] become our friends: Example of Agesilaus herein. 11. A common subtiltie of Courtiers in this cause. 12. Another fetch and subtiltie of Eutrapelus, and what it was. 13. A­nother fetch against our enemie, is to second him in his euill intents, thereby to ruine him. 14. That wee must assist our enemy, if wee cannot hinder or [...]nnoy him. 15. An excellent example hereon. 16. Another exam­ple and expedient to preuent that hee wrong vs not. 17. Another meanes for vs in plaguing our enemy, is to oppose one that is a greater enemy to him, then our selfe, with a very pertinent example hereon to the same effect of Gerlac, Archbishop and Elector of Mentz vpon the election of Adolphus, Earle of Naslaw to the Empire. Fol. 81

CHAP. XIX. 1. Of enuious people, the eighth part of this Booke, and how to beare our selues towa [...]ds them. 2, 3. Reme­dies against enuie, to make common that which is desired or enuied [...]. Another remedie to [...]oyde vanitie and su­perstition, and that which accompanieth it. 5. Conside­rations thereon. 6, 7. To make our selues intreated to receiue that we wish and desire. Example hereof in Car­dinall X menes. 8. Considerations vpon this example by another of Constantine the Mesopolitan [...]. Fol. [...]

[...]
[...]

[Page] CHAP. XX. 1 Of Competitors or Emulators, who are lesse maliti­ous then the enuious. 2. That they are wonne and pur­chased, either through honour or vanitie. 3, 4. How to beare ourselues with them. 5. Publike sutes are odious. 6, 7. Sure Councell and meanes on these sutes. 8. Wee must not be an Emulator or Contendant with one more fauoured then ourselues. Example of Lepidus and Seia­nus hereon. 9. That Iustice vsually is of lesse power in Court then fauour. Fol. 92

CHAP. XXI. 1. The ninth deuision of this second Booke, containing considerations vpon the examples of those who haue bin disgraced at Court. 2. The causes of our fauour, and of the deminishing of our repu [...]ation in Court. 3. Of fauour proceeding from a Courtiers owne default. 4. Enterpri­ses attempted by Fauorites against their Prince, being the true and first cause of their ruine. 5. Aduice and pre­caution for a Fauorite to support himselfe. 6. 7. The de­scription of a Courtier in the Example of Seianus. 8. The issue of Seianus his ambition. 9, 10. Considerations of hi [...] Ambition, and of Tiberius his proceedings, being more subtill then himselfe. 11. Ambition is commonly rash and impudent. 12. Tiberius founded the affections of his great ones, before he enterprised any thing against Seianus. 13, 14. The subtiltie of Tiberius to intrappe Se­ianus. 15. Those who stand betwixt hope and feare are more irresolute and easie to be surprisde, 16, 17, 18. The policie of Tiberius to ruine Seianus. 19, 20. The downe­fall and ruine of Seianus. 21, Another example of the downefall and ruine of Perrinis, being fauorites to the Emperour Commodus. 22. The designes and machyna­tions of a subiect against his Prince very seldome take ef­fect, [Page] how cunningly soeuer compacted. 23, 24, 25, 26. The example of Boylas, being fauorite to the Emperours of Constantinople, and his designes, &c. 27. A subiects pride is alwaies odious to his Prince. Fol. 96

CHAP. XXII. 1. The tenth deuision of this Booke, containing the causes of disgrace neare the Prince. 2, 3. The first cause is of boasting and reproaching our seruices done, with Ex­amples hereon. 4. The second cause is, to reproue or complaine of the Prince his Actions. 5. The third cause is to reueale and abuse secrefie, and to desire wee make knowne we gouer [...]e the Prince. Example of Thurinus, a seller of smoake vnder the Emperour Heliogabalus. 6 The fourth cause, is not to contend with Nobles or great men, either through pride or vanitie, Example hereon of Plan tianus. 7. Example of Enguerrand of Marigny. 8. The fifth cause is, to be an Instrument of deuision among the No­bles, with an example thereon. Fol. 110

CHAP. XXIII. 1. That we must not contend with those, who are more fauoured in Court then ourselues. 2. The councell of Ger­manicus to Aggrippina hereon. 3. A Courtier must know in what degree of fauour hee is with h [...] Prince. [...]. The Courtier who is lincked to the will of his Prince is better beloued, then he who is wedded to his interest, dignitie & reputation, Example hereof in the quarrell of Craterus and Hephestion, and the wisdome of Alexander in reconciling them. 5. Considerations vpon the degrees of fauor which the Courtier hath in his Prince. 6. Our contempt of Fa­uorites is more reuenged, then towards the Prince. 7. The reason of this consideration yeelded by Dion the Historio­grapher. Fol. 114

[Page] CHAP. XXIV. 1. Bride in the execution of an Office is odious to a Prince, who after punish [...]th it, the Example of Aluaro de Luna hereon▪ 2. The sixth cause of a Courtiers disgrace, is the hatred of the Commons, and the enuy of great men against him. 3, 4, 5. The examples of vnfortunate Fauo­rites, who haue been put to death. 6. Infidelitie is the se­uenth cause of a Courtiers disgrace. 7. It is very difficult to know the secrets of a Prince. 8. The censure of Phil lippides on those, who reueale their Princes secrets. 9 The opinion of Hieron Prince of Syracusa hereon. Fol 11 [...]

CHAP. XXV. 1. Inteligence with his Masters enemies, is the eighth cause of a Courtiers disgrace. 2. Example of Cardinall Balue hereon, his descent and aduancement. 3. Example of Cardinall Du Prat, and his subtiltie. 4. Example of a Cardinall of the Emperour Frederick. 5. Another ex­ample of Stilica. Fol. 121

CHAP. XXVI. 1. The ninth cause of a Courtiers disgrace is when hee is the Author of pernitious counsell. 2. The examples of Stilica and Olympius. 3. The Court Fauorite should ra­ther councell Peace then Warre. 4. Examples hereon, and the subtiltie of Jouius to ingage his Master in Warre, and yet to free himselfe from enuy. Fol. 124

[Page] CHAP. XXVII. 1. The eighth deuision of this Booke, containing a Courtiers disgrace, procured and occasioned three man­ner of waies by our Enemies, Enuiers, or Emulators 2. By absenting him whom we would disgrace, which is effected many waies. 3. To auoide quarrels, without pretext of an honourable Commission, Example on this pretext. 4. To auoyde enuie and iealousie. Example of Tiberius, who withdrew himselfe to Rhodes. 5. Or of our selues by the command of our Prince. 6. Or when wee will withdraw one from an Office, who is farre off. 7, 8. Ex­amples hereon 9. To cause him to be sent farre off, there­by more easily to callumniate him in his absence. 10. Or to cause him to be made away in some enterprise. Exam­ple herein. 11. Another example hereon. Fol. 127

CHAP. XXVIII. 1. The second meanes which our enemies practise to disgrace vs, and to make vs vmbragious and odious to our Prince, consisting in two wayes. 2. To callumniate vs, and considerations on Callumny. 3. That Callumnies are ve­rie powerfull in Princes conceits. 4. How Callumnies are made resemble on the other. 5. The effects of Cal­lumnies. 6. Why Callumniators take occasion to Cal­lumniate. 7. Examples on this occasion. 8. Subtilties to throw one into despaire that is callumniated, and an exam­ple hereon. 9. Another example therof. 10, 11. Other sub­tilties to that effect, and examples thereon. 12. Another example of the subtiltie of Callumny practised by Seia­nus to ruine Aggrippina. 13. The subt [...]ltie of Callumnia­tors, by perswading Seruants to callumniate their Masters. 14, 14. Examples hereon.

[Page] CHAP. XXIX. 1. To induce another to doe euill, thereby to haue cause to calumniate him. Example herein of Firmius Ca­tus against Lybo, allied to the house of the Casar [...]. 2. To induce others to speake euill of our Prince purpose'y to accuse him▪ Example on this induction. 3. A meanes to make accusations and call [...]mnies seeme true, by falsify­ing of letters, and the remedy of this calllumn [...]. 4. Do­mestick seruants gaind to bee false witnesses, to make a callumny seeme true. 5. 6, 7. Examples hereon. Fol 141

CHAP. XXX. 1. The trust a Prince conceiues in an accuser, ma [...]es his callumny seeme true: example hereon. 2. The bad­opinion the Prince c [...]nceiues of the accused, makes the callumny seeme true, and is the sooner belieued 3, 4. Ex­amples hereof. 5. The subtilty of Arbet [...]o herein to with­draw Vrsicinus from Court, and then to obliege him. Fol. 145

CHAP. XXXI. 1. The reports of matters pretended to be true, seeme to be true. 2, 3, 4. Example of [...]iberius vpon his reports. 5. How to reproue a Tyrant for his wickednesse. 6 The Co [...]clusion of callumnies. Fol. 147

CHAP. XXXII. 1. The second subtiltie which our enemies practise to make vs odious to our Prince, is their praysing of vs, whereby they desen [...]ble their hatred. 2, 3. How some haue vsed Princes: examples hereon. 4. Aduice to Courtiers, that Princes vse to pravse and flatter him whom they will ruine. 5. Examples hereon. 6. That there are some [Page] who praise others, to the end the Prince may be iealous and suspi [...]ions of them. 7. A notable speech of Julian vp­on this Hypocrisie: 8 Another hypocrisie to pray [...]e one, thereby to disprayse another. 9. Another to praise the dead, thereby to shame the liui [...]g, as did Agustus. 13. A­nother subtiltie to reproue and excuse, practised like wise by Agustus. 11. Aduice and premonitions against these subtilties and hypocrisies. 12. The third meanes which our enemies and competitors vse to disgrace, and bani [...]h vs from Court, and consequently to ruine vs, which is through power and force, and how it is practised. 13, 14. Examples of this third meanes. Fol. 149

CHAP. XXXIII. 1. Of the disgrace of Courtiers, which proceeds from the euill inclination of the Prince, being the ninth deui­sion of this second Booke. Seneca a iuditious Courtier. 2. The enuie and suspition of the Prince is cause, that oftentimes hee is ill serued; and how it comes to passe. 3, 4. Examples of some Courtiers hereon. 5. The Author his iudgement on this proceeding. 6. How to free our selues from the iealousie of our Prince. 7. Examples hereon. 8. Enuie and iealousie is a sicknesse common to most Princes, but for lesse cause to one the another. 9. Example of such iealousie. 10. How Courtiers should beare themselues towards Princes of this nature and conditi­on. Fol. 155

CHAP. XXXIIII. 1. The last cause of a Courtiers disfauour or fall is the death of his Prince, of him who is esteemed happiest in Court. 2. The Prince who succeeds to the estate, doth sooner aduance his owne seruants then those of his Pre­decessor. 3▪ 4. Fauour is continued vs after our Prince his death, either in making our selues fit for affaires, or in [Page] oblieging his successor by some speciall action, or agreea­ble seruice. Example hereon. 5. A notable aduice and councell vpon these confiderations, thereby to auoid the ill will of the Prince. Humilitie is necessarie to maine­taine great men in their greatnesse. 6. Wee must with a vigilant eye obserue the praises and disprayses giuen vs▪ 7. The common foundation of Callumnies, and the re­medie which wee must thereunto apply. 8. To reforme those de [...]ects whereof we are taxed and accusde, whether it be in discreet speeches, or by clearing and interpreting that which may bee ill taken. 9. Not to absent our selfe from him, by whom wee feare to bee standered. 10. To make Friends in Court, to defend vs against all Callum­nio [...] and false reports; and that in Court euery one seeks to depresse and ducke his fellow. Fol. 159

CHAP. XXXV. 1. To slie Pride and Ostentation, for feare Iest our Prince enter into Iealousie of vs. 2. Example of Cardinall Spinosa for his Ostentation. 3. 4. The Courtier must not deferre to rule and moderate himself vpon the declining of his greatnesse, but contrariwise to begin by times to conforme himselfe to modestie. Examples of those who haue done otherwise. 5 The Courtier must make as ma­ny friends as he can, and why. 6. Consideration on this point. Fol. 165

CHAP. XXXVI. 1. The Courtier which is beloued and f [...]oured of the Prince, must bee discreet in his demands and requests which he makes for others to his Master, and the reason [Page] thereof. 2. The qualit [...]e and nature of the demaunds hee makes to his Prince. 3. Not to boast of his reputati­on. 4. How to beare himselfe in the execution of his commands 5. Our Courtier must refuse no Command or Commission from the Prince: how Princes measure and esteeme the greatnesse of their Commands. 6. Our Courtier must alwaies be ready neare the Prince for feare to be surprisde. Precepts hereon. 7. How he must beare himselfe to those who are discontented. 8. To speake soberly and modestly of the Prince and his seruants. 9. Aduice not to breake or contest with our Prince. Fol. 167.

CHAP. XXXVII. 1. Aduice vpon the continuance of our Courtiers ad­uancement and reputation, being the thirteenth diuision of this Booke. 2. From whence proceed [...] the fauour of Princes towards vs, and of the causes that induce a Prince to loue a Courtier. 3. That fauour lasteth not long which onely proceeds from the grace and comlinesse of his person. 4. Of the conformitie of humours in the Prince and his Fauourite, that the priuiledges and aduan­tages which a Fauorite enioyeth, ought cause him make good vse of his time, and to settle his fortune thereby. Fol 172.

CHAP. XXXVIII. 1. Of the fauour of Princes towards women. 2. How they beare themselues to subsist in reputation neere the Prince. 3. Example of Popea towards Nero. 4. The affection of some Princes hath been retainde more through sub­tilties, for feare of being wrongd and defamed by Wo­men, then by enioying them. 5, 6. That fauours which proceede of pleasures and seruices done, is not of long continuance, and why. 7. A Prince is angrie if wee [Page] belieue he is indebted to a subiect for any great or sin­gular seruice, and therefore refuseth to see him. Conside­rations hereon. Princes are commonly forgetfull in re­warding their seruants. 8. Considerations hereon, it is better for vs to be bound to our Prince, then our Prince to vs.

CHAP. XXXIX. 1. Of Princes pleasures, and of three sorts of excesse, whereunto they runne. 2. The first is Loue, and of these who serue them in their loues. 3. The second is crueltie, the enuie of cruelties returned on the Masters head, who caused them to be executed. Example of Caesar Borgia 4. Considerations on this example, and that those who make themselues the executioners of Princes cruelties doe it not long because they are quickly ruined. 5. Ex­ample of Nero. 6. Of the cou [...]tousnesse of a Prince, and the effects thereof, the fauour of those who serue and se­cond Princes in this excesse is durable, prouided that they moderate their carriage and actions, and not excessiuely inrich themselues. 7. Considerations vpon the carriage and demenor of such seruants. 8, 9. Examples drawne from our France, as of Peter de la Berche, in the time of Phillip the Faire; o [...] Enguerrand de Marigny, and of Mon­sieur de Gyac, and others 10. The Authors aduice vpon such seruants, and how our Courtier must care himself, that he serue not vnprofitably in his charge and place, but rather in great honour and reputation. Fol. 179

CHAP. XL. 1. Of the fauour proceeding from some capacitie and sufficiency beyond the vulgar, and what wee must consider therein. 2. Our Courtier must not be Competitor, nor contend with his Prince for sufficiencie in that wherein he pretends, and desires to excell. 3, 4. Examples hereon. [Page] 5. Not to shew himselfe too wise before the Prince. The councell of an Antient wise man, to shew our selues in all things inferiour to our Prince. 6. Conclusion vpon the inconstan [...]y of Court fauour. 7. Whereunto our Courtier must addresse and prepare himselfe. The Authors ad­uice hereon. 8. The Authors aduice to our Courtier, to retire from Court before the declining of his fortune. 9. Donsiderations on the fortunes of Courtiers. 10. The Conclusion and excuse of the Author, taking his in­structions and wishes from some Latine Ver­ses of Seneca, which he alleageth to passe the remainder of his dayes in tranquilitie, peace and freedome. Fol. 184

FINIS.

THE FRENCH STATIONER TO the Reader.

FRiendly Reader, here I giue thee the third Edition of this excellent Treatise of the Court, sith I haue found it very pleasing and agree­able to thee, except onely to some who found fault, that they were frustra­ted (as they say) of the Marginall Quotati­ons in the second Edition, which indeede the Author himselfe had carefully and diligent­ly inserted, rather by graue Authorities to confirme his opinion in the matters he alleaged and treated of, then that it was other­wise needfull. Wherefore to content both the wise and curious, I haue imprinted and anexed them by themselues at the end of the last booke informe of Annotations; assu­ring my selfe, that if thou prie narrowly into them, thou shalt find them more corrected [Page] and reformed, and better rangd and ranck­ed in their proper places, with their true col­lations of passages, then they were in the first Originall which I recouered, and also in many places augmented and illustrated far richer, then in any of the precedent Editi­ons, whereof I thought good to aduertise thee, that thereby thou accept and take in good part the care and diligence which I haue had to please thee, and to giue, thee full satisfaction in all points which concerne my selfe.

Farwell.

The Quotations of the First BOOKE.

PAg. 2. l. 30. There is more hazard and for­tune then [...]ar [...]age and conduction. Dubitare cogor, f [...]to & sorte nascen li, vt [...]ae e [...]a, [...]ta prin­cipi [...] i [...]cli [...]atio in hos, [...]ff [...]nsio i [...] illos: an si [...] aliq [...]id in [...]ostris consilijs [...]iceatque inter ab­ruptam con [...]u naci [...]m, & defor [...]e obs [...]quiu [...], pergere iter ambitione ac periculis vacuum. So Ta [...]tus lib. 4. de Annal.

Pag. 3. l. 13. In that hee h [...] not formerly [...]asted the fruits and enioyed the effects of his libe­ralitie. Iam reclusa pixide ai [...]bat Caesar videri palam non suam voluntare [...], sed ipsius fortu­ [...]am obstitisse q [...]o minus hactenus beneficiu [...] sit consecutus. So C [...]rion lib. 3. in Chron.

l. 25. But the whole course of our life is the same: Vitam regit fortuna, non sapientia. So Ci­cero.

Pag. 10. l 25 By that decency and grauitie: [...] So the Grecians.

Pag. 13. l. 5. Or into a reproach of any shame­full truth. Quam multam, ex vero trahunt, a­cre [...] sui memoriam relinquunt.

l. 11. Great men are subiect a long time to remem­ber those of this nature. Qui gratia Augusta [Page] sloueras, aptus allicendis feminatum animis, dicax idem, & Tyberium accerbis facietjs irri­dere solitus, quarum apu [...] praepotentes in lon­gum memoria est. So Tacitus lib. 5. de Annal. speaking of the Consul. Fusius.

l. 20. Rather then through ab [...]tteriest or sharpe re­ply: M [...]lidictum interpretando facies acrius. So Publianus Mimus counselled.

Pag. 14. l 3. As [...]aues and fooles vse to doe: Histrionem & Philosophum nihil amplius quam vrbe, Italiaque summouit, vel contemp­tu omnis infamiae, vel ne faciendo dolorem ir­ritaret ingenia. So Suetonius in Vit. Nero.

l. 8. Nor iest at those who are miserable: In cala­mitoso risus etiam i [...]iutia est. So Publianus Mimus.

Pag. 18. l. 28. So as we thereby disesteeme and vnder-value his worth: Licet it a largiri vt vnus­quisque etiam si cum mult [...]s accepit, in populo se esse non putet. Nemo non habeat aliquam familiarem notam, per quam speret se promp­tius admissum. To this purpose Seneca in lib. 1. De Benefic.

Pag. 20. l. 26. Is to performe it in that manner▪ Nullum beneficium esse duco, id quod quibus­facias non placet; So Plato: &, videamus quod oblatum maximè voluptati f [...]turum sit habenti, ne numera superuacua mittamus. So Seneca in his lib. 1. De Controuers.

Pag. 21. l. 10. Others are profitable: Quae­dam beneficia pulam danda, quaedam secreto, [Page] quae consequi gloriosum est vt militaria dona, & honores, vt quidquid aliud notitiā pulchrius fit rursus quae non producunt, nec honestiorem faciunt, sed succurrunt infirmitati, egestati, ignominae tacite; danda sunt, vt nota sint solis quibus prosunt. lib. 2. De Benefic.

l. 22. With submission and ba [...]ofulnesse: Molestum verbum est onerosum, & demisso vultu est dicen­dum rog [...]. So Seneca lib. 2.

Pag 22. l. 5. Then to a Usurer who lends forth his money to receiue it againe with interest: Turpis foeneratio est beneficium expensum ferre. So Seneca lib. 2. De Benefic.

l. 13. He did it purposely: Graue est homini pu­denti petere aliquid magnum ab eo de quo se bene meritu [...] putet, ne it quod petit, exigere magis quàm rogare, & in mercedis potius quam beneficij loco numerare videatur. So Ci­cero in Epist. ad Curionem.

Pag. 25. l. 13. For those are alwaies best wel­come:

—Acceptissima semper.Ouid.
Munera sunt author quae pretiosa facit.

lin. 19. And to whom we would be no way ingaged: Graue tormentum est d [...]bere eui nolis, contra iucundum est ab eo accepisse beneficium quem amare etiam post iniuriam possis. So Seneca.

Pag. 26. l. 6. They reward them with con­tempt: Adeo in contrarium itur, vt quosdam habeamus infestissimos, non post beneficium tantum, sed propter beneficia. So Seneca: & [Page] beneficia ensque laeta funt que videntur exolui posse vbin u'tu [...]n antecedere pro gratia odium redditur. So Ta [...]itus in Annal. lib. 4.

Pag. 29. l. And so likewise are pur▪ men: Grande dolorem ingeni [...]m est, miserisque [...] [...]tsol [...]ia rebus. And another said, lugeniu [...], mala sepe n [...]ouent, Et v [...]xatio dat Int [...]ll [...]ctum. So Salo [...]op.

Pag. 31. l. 25. S [...]a they be more im [...]ginatiue: [...]. So [...] in Diol. 16.

Pag. [...]6. l 2. It is a myracle: Nullu [...] [...] in [...]er [...]n side mixtur a demeni [...], Of which [...] ion is Seneca.

l. 13 Some by wine: Nunquam nisi potus ad a'ma profili [...]e di [...]n la. So [...].

Pag. 43. l 10. Whereof Seimus tooke his ad­uantage. So G [...]a [...]u p [...]as [...]orem & insidijs ma­gis oportun [...]u [...]. Tacitus.

Pag. 45. l. 10. Mas [...]nius the Philosopher was l. [...] al: Miseuaer s [...] l [...]ais [...] [...], Equ [...]sitis oldinis, st [...]m Philosphia [...]. pl [...]c [...]a St [...] [...]. C [...]ptabatque [...] us mamp [...]li [...], bo [...] p [...]is a [...] b [...]lli dis [...] [...]na diss [...]ns, [...] [...]. [...] pl [...]risque [...] [...] [...] us [...] n [...]nt qui pro­ [...] [...] c [...] que & alijs [...], omisis­ [...]ct n [...]n [...] [...]tiam, So Tacitus An­nol. lib 2.

Pag. 48 l. 7. So vaine and talkatiue: Laetitia [Page] I [...]quax tesest, atque ostentat [...]ix sui. So Sy­maceus.

Pag. 62. l. [...]. Saith Lucian: [...].

Pag. 64. l 18. Which m [...]y s [...]e vp hop [...] in vs: [...]. In the [...] [...] [...] [...] ­cuippe lib. 5. Et [...]. So Si [...]sius.

Pag 69. l. 3. But difficultie forgets an ill one: Altius iniuriae quā merita [...]. So Sen.

Pag. 71. l. 12. When they are on the point to reu [...]nge or p [...]e [...]udice vs: Ira quae [...]egitur nocet, prof [...]ssa perdunt odia, vindicta locum. Nam ij sunt inumici pessimi, fronte, H [...]ro, cor­de tristi, quos neque vt [...], [...]eque vt mittas, sciat. So Cecillus in Aul. Gel.

Pag. 77. l. 27. The wrong and euill that is done vs: Grauissima est probihominis it a cundia. So Publicanus Mimius.

Pag 78 l. 24. And seeke folkes: Prudentes dicu [...]t iram nasci ex mollitie mentis consu [...]u [...] id afferentes argumento probab [...]l [...] quod iracun­diores sunt in clunibus languidi, & foemina, n ar­bus & inuenibus sen [...]s, & felicibus aerum [...]esi. So Ammian. lib. 17.

l. 30. More polished and civilized: [...] Menand [...]s in Scol [...]s. [...] asperisque regi [...]ui [...]us diutiuae niues haerent, ast vbi ea aratro, domo facta [...]chus nitec, dum [Page] loqueris leuis pruina delabitur similiter inspe­ctoribus ira concidit, feras quidem mentes ob­sidet, eruditas prelabitur. Petronius.

Pag. 86. l. 11. Although he be our Parent: [...]. So Aristot.

Pag. 93. l. 15. As they doe of euill: Iners malorum remedium ignorantia. So Seneca in Oedip.

Pag. 97. l. 12. There being no reason [...]. A Greeke Prouerb.

Pag. 99. l. 23. For the future performeth likewise as much: Non est paruum tormentum aduersum aliquid formidare venturum: dum semper grauius aestimatur emergere quod ti­metur. So Cassiodorus.

Pag. 105. l. 22. Wee shall not then heape vp. desire vpon desire: Ante omnia necesse est seip­sum aestimare quia ferè plus nobis videmur posse quam possimus. Aestimanda sunt deinde ipsa quae agtedimur & vires nostrae cum istis quae tentaturi sumus comparandae. So Seneca in lib de Tranquilitatis. And

Dulcis in expertis cultura potent is amici
Expertus metuit. So Horace in Sat.

Pag. 107. l. 4. We must frame our wils to per­forme that which we can: Quoniam non potest sieri quod vis, id velis quod possis. So Terence.

Pag. 108. l. [...]. To foresee good or euill: Nam­que haec audita à docto meminissem viro; fu­turas mecum commentabar miserias, aut mor­tem acerbam, aut exilij moestam fugam, aut [Page] semper aliquam molem meditabar mali: vt si qua inuecta diritas casu foret; nemo impara­tum cura laceraret repens. Cicero in Tuscul. ex Vrip.

l. 20. Premeditated dangers alwaies least preiudice and hurt vs: [...]ela praeuisa minus feriunt. A la­tine Prouerbe.

Pag. 112. l. 11. What in a word we tearme Af­fabilitie: [...]. Alexius Stobbeus.

l. 13. Degenerates into flattery: [...]. So Anaxander in Athene lib. 6.

l. 19. As towards particular Persons: [...]. & Theoguis [...]. So Appollodorus in Stobbeus.

Pag. 122. l. 9. But hauing ouerpast the vio­lence and impetuositie of our sorrowes:

Quid, quod adulandi gens prudentissima laudat
Sermonem indocti, faciem deformis amici,
Et longum inualidi collum ceruicibus aequst
Hercul [...]s, Anteum procul a tellure tenentis?
Miratur vocem angustam, qua deterius nec
Ille sonat, quo mordetur gallina marito.
Natio comoeda est, rides? maiore cachinno
Concutitur; flet, si lachrymas conspexit amici
Nec dolet: igniculum brumae si tempore poseas
Accipit Andromedem: si dixeris, astuo, sudat.
So Iuvenall in Satyr. 111.

Pag. 132. l. 20. Noble men and Gentlemen: Et quanquam virtus gloria, atque alia. optan­da [Page] bonis suberabant tamen met at contemptor aui [...] us, & sup [...]rbia commune nobilitatis ma­lum. [...]o Salust. de Metell.

l 27. They not only cont [...]mne: Verum it a sunt om­nes nostri diuites: si quid beneficias leuior plu [...]r [...]a est gratia si quid p [...]ecatum est plumb as iras gerunt. So Plato [...] Pe [...]ulus.

Pag 132. l 15. They are Arrogant: Non est quod putes omnibus diuitias co [...] ueni [...]e. Nihil est irso [...]entius nonitio diuite. So R [...]ffinus ad V [...]b.

Pag 134. l 2. Those who are powerfull: Non vides vt ma [...]orem quamque fortunam major ira co [...]itatur? in diuitibus Nobilibusque & Magistratibus precipuè apparet, cum quid leue & mane in animo [...]rat, secunda se aura sustu­lit: felicitas i [...]acundiam nut [...]it, vbi auies su­perbas assentator & tuiba circumtent. So Se­neca lib 3. In Ira.

Pag. 162. l. 13. That wee should rather praise then d [...]praise: Siue plus, siue [...]inus▪ siue idem p [...]aestas, lauda vel infe [...]iotem vel superiorem, vel parem, superiorem quia nisi laudandus ille, non potest ipse lauda [...]i; inferiorem aut parem, quia per [...]inet ad tuam gloriam, quam maximū vide [...]i quem praecedis vel ex aequas. So Plinie [...] [...]st. 17.

Pag 164. l. 23. Then to blame himselfe: Om­nis quippe oftentatio non caret suspicione m [...]ndacij. Quia quicquid assumitur proprium non p [...]tatu [...]: de hinc iactantia auara laudis [Page] multum de coquit de pudore. So Symmachus.

Pag. 165. l. 9. Seeming rather desirous: [...]. So El­b [...]nus in Stol b [...]us [...]er. 80.

Pag. 168. l. 25. To manage and conduct his Ambition: Ambitio mult [...]s mortales falsos sie [...]i sub [...]git, aliud clausu [...] in p [...]c [...]oie, aliud in hu­gua pion ptum habere. And [...] where. An ici­tias in imitiasq [...]e non ex re sed [...]x commodo estimare, magalque vultum quam ingenium bonum habere. So Salust [...]. Catalinar.

Pag 169. l. 10. Which may pr [...]dice either our selues or friends: [...]. So Euripid. in Trag. Ocdip.

l 23. Seeming in their countenances not to know: Ne dissimulans suspectior sieret. So Tacitus.

Pag. 170. l. 1. Val [...]ns not able to punish his mutinous Souldiers: Quibus vnus metus si in­telligere videre [...]tur. Solum remedium insidi­a [...]um si non intelligerentur. So Tacit. And likewise, Si intelligere credetetur, vim metuens. Tacit in A [...]mall. de Archel.

Pag. 171. l. 12. Discouers his Masters secrets: Reges dicuntur multis vigere culullis

Et torquere mero, quem perspexisse laborant.
An sit amicitia dignus. So Horace, in Ar. P [...].

l. 14. Whereof we after repent: [...]. So Stob.

[Page] l. 15. How wee beare our selues in our Choller: [...]. So Euenus Ap. Stob.

l. Ibid. Prosperitie and Aduersitie:

Ingenium res aducrsae nudare solent,
Caelare secundae. So Horace.

l. 18. Who haue vsed play:

Ludimus incauti, studioque aperimur ab ipso,
N [...]daque perlusus pectora nostra patent.
So Ouid.

l. 23. But this will craue time: [...]. A Greeke Prouerbe.

Pag. 175. l. 28. The answer of Mucianus: Namque Mucianus tam celeri victoria anxius, & in praesens vrbe potiretur expertem se belli gloriaeque ratus, ad Primum & varum media scriptitabat instandum coeptis aut rursus con­tandi vtilitates edisserens: atque i [...]a ita com­positus vt ex euentu rerum aduersa abnuerct, vel prospera agnos [...]eret. So Tacit. in Anall. li. 3.

Pag. 176. l 26. Euery one persuades himselfe his demand is iust: Pars beneficij est quod pe­titur, si bene neges: [...]. So Halycarn.

Pag. 177. l. 6. As said Aulus Sempronius: Nihilaeque amarum quam diu pendere, aequiore quidem animo ferunt praecedi spem suam quam trahi: plerique autem hoc vitium est am­bitione praua differendi promissa, maior sit ro­gantium turba, qualis regiae potentiae ministri [Page] sunt, quos delectat superbiae suaelongum spe­ctaculum, minusque se iudicant posse, nisi diu multumque singulis quid possi [...]t ostendant, nihil confestim, semel faciunt, injuriae illorum precipites lenta beneficia sunt. So Senec.

Pag. 178. l. 20. This refusall will be taken: Minus decipitur cui negatur celeriter. So Pub. Mimus.

Pag. 179. l. 22. In supporting iniuries patiently: Notissima vox est eius qui in cultu regum con­senuerat, cum illum quidam interrogaret quo­modo rarissimam rem in Aula consecutus fuis­set senectutem; iniurias, inquit, serendo & gra­tias agendo, saepe adeo vindecare iniuriam non expedit, vt ne fateri quidam expediat. So Sen. lib. 2. in Ira. Conformable whereunto is this: per­traxere ad Domitia [...]um, qui paratus simulati­one in arrogantiā compositus & audijt preces excusantis, & cum anui [...]set, agi sibi gratias pas­sus est: n [...]c erubuit beneficij inuidia. So Suet. And si sapiens iniurias fortunae moderatè fert quanto magis hominū potentium quosscis for­tunae manū esse. So Seneca. And Lysimachus aequo animo Regis veluti parentis contumeliā tulit. So Iustin.

Pag 182. l. 12. Through their headlong impati­encie, haue ship-wrack'd their Fortunes: Nonnun­quā parua res praebuit materiā adipescendi fa­uoris. So Seneca. But the example which he giues to Brutidius to this purpose is Excellent: Brutidiū artibꝰ honestis copiosū & sirectuiter pergerer, [Page] ad clarissima quaeque iterum, festinatio exti­mulabat; dum aequalis, de insuperiores, po­stremo suas-met-ipse spes anteire parat, sp [...]etis­que quae tar [...]a cum secu [...]itate, [...]rae [...] atura vel cum exitio properant. Ibid.

The Quotations of the Second Booke.

PAg. 6. l. I. Salustius neere the same Empe­rour: Salustius quam prompto ad honores cap [...]ssendos a [...]itu, Moe [...] n [...]tem aemulatus sine dignitate Senat [...]ia [...]ul [...]os triu [...]aphalium, con­sula [...]iumque po [...]ntia anteijt, diue [...]s [...]s is a v [...]te­rum instituto, per culium & munditias copia­que & affl [...]entia, luxu propior. Sube [...]ar tamen vigor ani [...] i [...]gentibus negotijs par, co acrior quo som [...]um & incitiam [...]agis ostentabat. So Tacit. in Anal. lib. 3.

l. 4. Tacitus reporteth that Mella: Mella qui­bus Gallio & Seneca parentibus natus, petitio­ne ho [...]orum abstinue [...]at, per ambitionem prae­posteram, vt l'ques Romanus consula [...]ibus po­tentia aequaretur. simul acquirendae pecuuiae brenius i [...]er credebat, per procurationes admi­nistrandis Principis negotijs. Ibid.

Pag. 11. l. 6. Taci [...]us de [...]aints Seianus to be: Co [...]pus illi laborum tolera [...]s, animus audax, sui o [...]tegens in alios criminator iuxta adula­tio & superbia, palàm compositus pudot, in­ [...]us su [...]ia apisceudi libidio, So Tacit, in Anal. lib. 4.

l. 11. As Tiberius did P. Flaccus and L. Piso: Postea Princeps in ipsa publicorum morum correptione cum Pomp [...]nio Flacco, &C. pisone [...]octem. continuumque biduum epulando, po­tandoque consumpsit: quotum alteri praefe­cturam [Page] vrbis confestim detulit codicillis quo­que incundissimos, & omnium honorum ami­cos professus. So Suetonius chap. 42.

l. 20. The same Emperour: Ignotissimam quae­sturae candidatum nobilissi [...]is ante posuit, ob epotam in conuiuio, propinante, vim ampho­ram. Ibid in Ibid.

l. 29. Made him choose Tigillinus: Ualidior Tigillinus in animo Principis ex intimis libidini­bus assumptus. So Tacitus in Annal. lib. 14.

l. 30. Drew neere him C. Petronius: C. Petro­nius Arbiter elegantiae inter paucos familiarium Neroni assumptus est, dum nihil amoenum, & molle affluentia putat, nisi quod [...]i Petronius approbauisset. Ibid. in Annal. lib. 16.

Pag. 12. l. 25. Such a one as is vsually put in the execution of the like charge:

Homo rudis & asper.
Procuratorem vultu qui preferat ipso.
So [...] Antient.

l. 31. The Statutes and Lawes of his Prince and Councell: [...]. So Nicetas.

Pag. 41. l. 3. To second their inclinations:

Nemo suos (haec est Aulae natura potentis)
Sed domini mores habet. Martial.

l. 11. He indeed: Malus est minister regij im­perij pudor. Haud est facile mandatum scelus audere, verum iusta, qui reges timet depo­nat aut pellat ex animo decus. So Seneca. And

[Page] Aude aliquid breuibus Gyaris & carcere dignu,
Si vis esse aliquid,—So Iuvenal.

Pag. 15. l. 1. Committed many cruelties: Sed cum impiè peremptus exequijs suffragantibus ad praefecturam venisse hominem comperisset immeritam, exorsit ad agenda sperandaque si­milia, & Histrionis ritu mutata repente perso­na studio nocendi concepto incedebat oculis infestis & rigidis praefecturam autu nans ad­fore propediem, si ipse quoquese contaminas­set insontium poenis. So Amm. Marcell. lib. 23.

Pag. 17. l. 11. Burrus and Seneca: Afra­nius Burrus, & Anneus Senneca rectores impera­toriae iuu [...]ntae, iuuantes inu [...]cem, quo facilius lubricam principis aetatem, si virtutem asperna­retur, voluptatibus concessis retinerent. Et de­lapso Nerone in amorem libertae, metuebatur in stupra feminarum illustri [...]i prorumperet illa libidine prohiberetur. Atque ex Sen [...]c [...] fami­liaribus A [...]naeus Serenus simulatione amoris ad­uersus eandem libe [...]tam primas adoleratis cu­pidines velauerat, praebuerat (que) nomen, vt quam princeps furtim mulierculae tribuebat, ille pa­lam largiretur. So Tacitus, lib. 13. in Annall.

Pag. 19. l. 16. Whom Tacitus represents: Hunc ego Lepidum temporibus illis grauem & sapi­entem in virum comperio. Nam plera (que) ab seuis adulationibus alio [...]ū, in melius deflexit: ne (que) ta­men temperamenti egebat, cū [...]aequabiliaucto­ritate & gratia apud Tyberiū viguerit. So Tacit. l. 11. Made himselfe agreeable and pleasing to his [Page] Prince. Namque ill [...] aetas duo pacis decora si­mul tulit; sed labeo incorrupta libe [...]tate & ob id fama celebration, Capitoni oblequium do­minantibus magis probabatur, So Ibid. in Anal. lib, 3. And Pessimus quisque aspe [...]ri [...]e recto­rem patitur. So Salust. And [...]acile est impe [...]ium in bonos. So Dion Cassius.

Pag. 20. l. 9. It was li [...]ewise the aduise of Sa­lust. So Arist. in Poll. lib. 12.

l. 29. Beleeue they are more secure: Plerique te­rum potentes peruerse consulunt, & eo se mu­nitiores putant quo illi quibus imperitant ne­quiores fuerint. So Salust.

Pag. 21. l. 9. By comparing themselues with those who are worse: Habuerunt nounulli alij principes deuotam & amantem sui cohortem sed alio quodam modo. Primum quod impe­riti ac rudes indoctissimum quemque in consi­liu [...] deligebant, seilicet vt ipsius prudenti [...] in vulgus aliquatenus emine [...]et. Ita cu [...] vilis [...]i­mus quisque honorum & diuitiarum potius fe­ret sua co [...]rno [...]la, & vitia Principum dilige­ba [...]t, Ab his optimus quisque ab [...]gebatur pro­cul, cu [...] suspecta esset probitas & inuisa, & quento quisque honestior tanto imporru [...]ior turp [...]u [...] arbiter, vitaretur. So Mamertin in Paneger ad Iul.

l. 15. Augustus ha [...] this d [...]si [...]ne: Ne Tyberium quidem carirate, aut Reipu [...]. cu [...] a succ [...]storem acscitum sed quomam arrogantiam saeuitiam­que eius intrespexe [...]it, comparatione deterri­ma [Page] sibi gloriā quaesiuisse. So Amm. Marc [...]l. l. 18.

Pag. 23. l. 1. That bas [...] and humble s [...]ry was despleasing to Tiberius: Caet [...]rum tempora illa adeo infecta & adulatione sordida f [...]ere, vt non modo consuleret, magna pais co [...]um qui p [...]aetuia a functi, multique e [...]ia [...] pedarij senato­res certatim exurgerent, foedaque & ui [...]a censerent. Memorie proditur Tyberium quo­ties cu [...]ia egrederetur, G [...]aecis ve [...]is in han [...] modum eloqui solitum O ho [...]ines ad ser [...]itu­rem paratos! seilicet e [...]iam ill [...]m, qui liberta­tem publicam nolletur tam p [...]oiectae patientiae sedeba [...]. So Tacit. in Annal. lib. 3.

l. 7. For he whom we so flatter: Arduus re [...]um mo [...]o ne có [...]umax silentiū, ne suspecta libertas, ne diffidere dubijs, pa [...]ugaudere prosperis vi­deantur. Adulatio perin [...]e anceps sinimi [...] ac si nulla est. Ibid. And Xiphl n Peaking of Di [...]ius Iu­lia [...]us saith thus: [...]. l 14. To maintaine our reputation the firmer: [...] [...]o Esch. [...]pist. 6.

Pag. 24. l. 3. Vale [...]ius M [...]ssala began first: Addebat Messala Valerius, iter [...]nandu n per an­nos Sacramentum in manus Tyherij, interroga­tusque a Tyberto, an se mand [...]nte [...]am sententi­am promisisset, sponte dixisse e [...]p [...]ndit; neque [Page] in ij [...] que a [...] Re [...]publicam pe [...]tinerent, consi­lio nisi sno vsuru [...], vel cum p [...]riculo offensio­nis ca sola species adul [...]nd [...]i [...]upererat. So Ta­cit. in Annal. lib. 1.

l. 16 Since when Aetius C [...]pito: Palam asper­nante Aetio C [...]pitone quasi li [...]rt [...]tem, non d [...]bare eripipatribus vini statuendi. Ibid.

Pag. 28. l. 28. And this Tiberius commonly practised in the Senat of Rome: Postea cogni­tu [...]nest ad intro piciendads etia [...] P [...]incipū vo­lunt [...]tes, inductam du [...]itationem. Ibid. Annal. lib. 1.

Pag. 29. l. 16. Which retaines Great men from changing their resolutions: [...], &c. So Eu­rip [...]es in And [...]om.

Pag. 30. l 15. If it were found she had attemp­ted that whereos shee was accused: Nero Trepi­dus [...] intersiciendae matris auidus, non prius disse [...]i potuit, qu [...]m [...]arrhus nece [...] eius pro­mitt [...]ret, si facinoris coarguertur. So Tacitus in Annel. [...]. 1. l.

Pag. 35. l 4. Burrus and Seneca; which cru­clise is will recorded in these words: Igitur B [...]r­rh [...] & S [...]n [...]ca longum silentium ne ir [...]iti dissua­derent, &c. Ibid. in Ibid.

Pag. 36. l. 31. That the Prince conceiue not this rest to be purposely contriu'd or directed him: R [...]p [...]ries qui ob similitu linem m [...]u [...] aliena male facta sibi obi [...]ct a [...]rputent. Ibid. in An­nal. lib. 4.

[Page] Pag. 37. l. 1. As Tiberius imagined: So Dion. lib. 58.

l. 3. Occidit Helnidin̄ qd quasi scenae exordio sub Paridis, & oenones diuortium suum eum vxore [...]ractasset. So Sueton. chap 10. De Do­mit.

Pag. 38. l. 2. And to preuent that he ioyned not with Cerialis: Intellig [...]bantur a [...]tes Muciani quid noui tentaret Domitianus, sed pars ob­sequij n [...] in Muciano depr [...]hend [...]retur. So Taci [...]us in Annal. lib. 4.

Pag. 40. l. 20. Agreea [...]le to him that is in choller: Ful [...]en est [...] po [...]esiate habitat iracundia. Pub. Mimus. Etgrauis i [...]a Re­gum est semp [...]r. Sence. Trag. in Medaea.

Pag 43. l. 4. Phillippe King of Macedon on a time: [...]. So Athene [...]. 10.

Pag. 48. l. 9. Tiberiu [...] was of one inclination vnder Augustus: Mo [...] qnoqu [...] temporailli diue [...]sa: egregium vita famaq [...]e qu [...]ad priua­tus, vel in imperijs sub Augusio fuit, occul u [...]n ac sub dolu [...] fingendis v [...]tutibus d [...]n [...]e Ger­ma [...]icus ac Drusus supeisere idem inter bona malaque mixtus, incolumi matre in tellabilis saeuitia, sed ob [...]ectis libidinibus, du [...] Sei [...]num dilexit, timuit me. Postremo i [...] sc [...]lera si [...]ul ac dedecora prorupsit, postquam remoto pu­do [...]e & metu, suo tantum ingenio vtebatur. So Tacit. in Annal. lib. 6.

[Page] l. 14. And as Passienus reporteth: Vndemox Passieni dictum perer [...]bius, neque meliorem vnquam seruum, neque deteriorem dominum fuisse. So Tacitus in Annal lib. 6.

l. 19. Of alterations in the manners of Marius and Cylla. So Plutarke in his liues, lib 22. Sec. 5.

l 28. As Leo [...]tius said of Zeno: [...]. So Suidas.

Pag. 49 l. 17. Must not alter his fashions and manners: [...]. So Eurip.

l. 9. As Seneca writes: Postea promotus am­plissimas promosiones nulla occasione corrup­tus ab insito abstinentiae amore deslexit, nun­quam secondis rebus intumuit, nunquam offici­o [...]um varietate continuam laudem infregit.

l. 24. Which makes them more difficult to receiue Councell: Nee me fugit quam du [...]us ac verè in­solens ad r [...]cta flecti Regius tumor. So Senec. Trag. in Hypol.

l. 31 Without disparaging or diminis [...]ing their au­thoritie: Vbicu [...]que omnia honesta dominanti licent, quod non potest, vult posse qui nimi­rum potest. So Seneca.

Pag. 50. l. 6. Which is permitted to the Com­mons: Ignota tibi sunt iu [...]a regno [...]um haud [...]oua, maligni iudices, id [...]sse regn [...] maximum pignus putant, si quid quod alijs nonlicet nobis so [...]is licet. Ibid.

l. 9. And n [...]t for themselues: Sanctitas, pietas, [Page] fides, priuata bona sunt ad quae iuuat rege' cant. Ibid.

l. 14. Power sometimes inchanteth the best Wits and Iudgements: Erat Dario mite & tractabile ingenium nisi suam naturan plerum que sortu­na co [...]rumperet. So Q Cu [...]t. in Rex Dar.

l. 21. Appian speaxing: [...]. So App. in [...]ut. Mithr [...]d.

Pag. 51. l. 1. And if we will b [...]le [...]ue Aristo­phanes: [...]. So Aristoph. Ath. de Dipnos. lib. 4

Pag. 52. l. 14. Vespasian learnt it in the Schooles of the like Masters: Tributa grauia at­que intoleranda. sed nece [...]sitate armorum ex­cusata, etiam in pace mansere. Ipso Vespasiano, inter initia impe [...]ij, ad obtinendas iniquitates haud perinde obsti [...]ato: donee indulgentia fortunae, & prauis magistris, diduit aususque est, Tacit. in Annal lib 11.

l. 22. Ignorant of the dutie of their charge: Et quaeritur quidem quem res malos principes fa­ciat, iam primum nimia licentia, deinde rerum copia, amici praeterea improbi, satellites dete­standi, Eunuchi auarissimi, Aulici vel stulti, v [...]l [Page] derestatiles, & (quod negari non potest) rerum publica [...]um ignorantia. So Vopis. in vit. Aurel.

Pag. 56. l. [...]2. They dare not reape profit he [...]re­by: Plerique principes cum essent Ciuium do­mini libertorum serui e [...]ant, per hos audiebant per hos loquebantur, per hos & p [...]aeturae & sa­cerdotia, imo consulatus ab his petebantur. So Pliniae.

Pag. 56. Sect. Pallas and Narcissus; The free-woman of Claudius: Of whom speakes Tacitus in Annal. lib 11. 12. 13.

l. 13. Was in danger to lose his life: In comitatu dugusti circumlatrabat Arbitionem inuidui, ve­lut suaima mox adepturum, decord cultus im­peratorij praestruxisse: in [...]abatque ei strepens in manica co [...]es ve [...]issimus nomine, sed cubi­cularij [...] suffragantibus, vt loqu [...]batur pertinax tumor, v [...]nculis sunt exu [...]ae personae quae st [...]in­gabautur vt consciae, & Dol [...]s eu [...]nuit, & veris­si [...]us ilico [...]a [...]uit &c. So Ammian. Marcel. in Hist. lib. 16.

Pag. 58. l. 20. W [...]o were doore-keepers to Se­ianus: Etiam Satrium atque Po [...]ponium ve­neraba [...]tur: libertis quoque ea ianitoribus eius n [...]i [...]scere pro magnisico accipiebatur. So Ta­c [...]tus in Annal. lib 6.

Pag. 61. l. 5. Archelaus King of Capadocia: Rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cap­pa locia potiebatur, inuisus Tyberio, quod cum Rhodi agentem, nullo officio colu [...]sset, nec id A [...]ch [...]laus per superbiam omiserat, sed ab inti­mis [Page] Augusti monitus, quia slo [...]nte C. Cesare missoque [...]ad res Otientis intu [...]a Tyberij amici­tia credebatur. Ibid. lib. 2.

Pag. 63. l. [...]5. Which sort of men commonly make no good e [...]d: So as Antie [...]t [...].

Pag. 77. l. 2. Of enemies who hate vs: Odij c [...]usae acriores quia iniqu [...]; proprium huma­ni ing [...]n jodisse quem laese [...]it. So Ta [...]it. And Hoe habent p [...]simum animi magna fortu [...]a insolentes, quos laeserunt, odeiunt. So Se­neca.

l 26. We must make no shew to be offended: Opti­mum remedium instidiarum si non intelligan­tur. So Tacit. And Potentiorum iniuriae Hi­lari vultunon patienter tantum ferendae: saci­ent iteru [...] iniuriam si se secisse crediderint. So Sence.

Pag. 78. l. 8. Will cause him vpon all new occa­sions to molest and endomage vs: Heere remem­ber that which was sormerly spoken of Arch laus, and heereunto adde: Archelaus ignarus dolived si intelligere crederetur vim metuens, in vr­bem properat: clapsusque in [...]miti à principe & mox accusatus in senatu, non ob crimina quae singebantur, sed angore, simul fessus senio & quia regibus aequa nedum insima insolita sunt, sinem vitae sponte an fato i [...]pleuit. So Taci­tus.

Pag. 83. l. 2. Without being too familiar or troublesome through our importunitie.

[Page] Si vitare velis acerba quaedam,
Et tristes animi cauere morsus,
Nullis te facias nimis sodalem,
Gandebis minus & minus dolebis

So Martiall.

Pag 86. l. 2. And infuse vanitie and courage to those whom he purposed to ruine.

—Eutrapelus cuicumque▪ nocere volebat, Vestimenta dabat praetiosa, beatus enim iam cūpulchi is: unicis sumet noua cōsilia, & spes: Dormiet in lucem: scorto post pon [...]t honestū Officium animos alienos poscet: ad imum Thraxerit, aut olitoris aget mercede Caballō. S▪ Horace, [...]. 1. Epist. 18.

Pag. 88. l. 28. Wee must haue much fortunacy and courage to surmount c [...]use. Inuidium ferre aut foelix aut fortis potest. So Pub. Mim. And [...]nuidiam qui habet non solet esse d u. S [...] Prope [...]cius.

Pag. 94 l. 28. As seeming more desirous of rest then [...]nour Certissima est regnare cupien­ti via, laudare modica, & otium ac somnum sequi, ab inquieto saepe simulatur quies. Se­nce. in O [...]dip.

Pag. 95. l. 13. Herein to imitate Marcas Lepidus, whom as I haue said, was reputed. Tybe­rius per litteras M. Lepidum & Iunium Bl [...]sum nominat: ex quibus proconsul Africae lege­retur Tum audita amborum verba, intenti­us excusant se Lepido, cum valetudinem cor­poris, aetatem liberam nubilem filiam obten­deret: [Page] intelligereturque etiam quod solebat Anunculum esse Seians Blasam atque eo prae­ualidum. So Tacitus in Anall, lib. 3.

Pag. 26. l. 6. Who preuailed and bore it in Se­nate against the Law. De Praetore in locum Vipsanii Galli, quem mors abstulerat, subro­gando, certamen incessit. Germanicus atque Drusus Haterium Agrippam propinquum Ger­manics fouebant: contra plerique nitebantur, vt numerus liberorum incandidatis praepol­leret, quod lex iubebat. Laetabatur Tyberius, cum inter filios eius & leges senatus discep­taret victa est fine dubio lex, sed neque sta­tim, & paucis suffragiis: quomodo, etiam cum valerent, leges vincebantur, Ibid.

Pag. 98. l. 11. To sweeten and deminish a fall in Court. Fortunam citius reperies quam re­tineas. So Publianus Minogr. And to this ef­fect. Summum ad gradum cum claritatis ve­neris consistes aeque, & potius quam ascen­das decides, cecidi ego, cadet qui sequitur, laus est publica. So Laberius.

Pag. 99. l. 14. Seianus is represented by Val­leius Paterculus. Actu otiosis simillimum, ni­hil sibi vindicantem, eoque assequentem om­nia, semper infra aliorum aestimationes se metientem, vultu vitaque tranquillum, ani­mo ex somnem. Which words are eloquently tran­slated and alleaged by our Author, S [...]ct. 7.

Pag. 100. l. 11. As by the speeches he gaue him to disswade him from it. Tyberius laudata pieta­te [Page] [...], suisque in eum bene [...]icus modice percussis, tempus tanquam ad integram con­sultationem petiuit.

And l. 21. And it being in his power to giue or de­ny entrance. Rursum Seianus, non tam de ma­timonio Liuiae, sed altius metuens tacita suspicionum: vulgi rumorem ingruentem inuidiam deprecatur. Ac ne assiduos in do­mum coetus arcendo, infringeret potent [...]am, aut receptando, facultatem c [...]iminantibus pr [...]beret, haec flexit, vt T [...]b [...]rium ad vitam procul Roma, amoenis locis degendam im­pelleret. Multa quoque prouidebat, sua in manu aditus, litterarumque magna ex parte se arbitrum fore, cum per milites commea­rent: mox Caesarem vrgente iam Senecta se­cretaque loci mollitum, muniae imperii faci­lius transimislurum, & minui sibi inuidiam, a dempta salutantum turba, sublatisque inani­bus, vera potentia augere, &c. So Tacitus in Annall. lib. 4.

Pag. 102 l. 5. But as ambition is indiscreet, in­considerate and rash. Omnis ambitio praeceps. S. Seneca.

Pag 107. l. 5. Here yee see the fall of one of the expertest and powerfulst Courtiers. Where our Au­thor hath been pleasde to particularize the fauour of Seianus, and hath briefely and eloquently translated his life, reported by Tacitus Dion, and Valleius Paterculus. In which Authors the Reader may find them.

[Page] Pag. 111. l. 23. Antonius Primus ruined his fortune. Inde paulatim leuior viliorque ha­beri, manente in speciem amicitia. So Taci­tus in Annall, lib. 4.

l. 26. For Princes belieue. Destrui Casar per haec fortunam suam, imparemque tanto merito tebatur. Ibid.

Pag. 115 l 2. Nor to take, nor repine at their aduancement Non est nostrum aestimare, quem supra caeteros, & quibus de causis extollas Tibi summum rerum iudicium dii dedere, nobis obsequii gloria relicta est. So Marc. Teren. [...] Tib in Tacitus, Annall, lib. 6.

Pag. 116. l. 15. Whom it was more dangerous to continue and disdaine, then Vespasian himselfe. Nihil aduentantem Mucianum veritus, quod exitiosius erat quam Uispusianum spreuisse. Ibid. lib 3.

Pag. 117 12. Esteeming it an iniurie offered them.

Asperius nihil est humily tum surgit in altū [...]ūcta ferit dū cūcta timet, d [...]saeuit in omnes, Vt se posse putent.—So Claudian, l [...]b. 1.

Pag. 119. l 29. Commodus being hated. Cum praefecti praeterio vidissent Commodum in tantum odium incidisse obtentur Anteri cu­ius potentiam praefecti pretorit ferre non poterant, v [...]bano Anteru eductum è palatio sacrorum causa & redeuntem in hortos suos per frumentarios occiderunt. So Lampri­dius.

[Page] Pag. 120. l 3. Bewraying the secrets of our Prince, and been of intelligence with his Enemies. Has conditiones quamquam ipse in secreto volutauerat cum amicis, vulgo tamen omnes fame ferebant: vanis vt ad caeteram fidem sic ad secreta tegenda satellitum regiorum in­geniis. So Tit. Liu. in vit Nabd.

Pag 130 l. 1. To conceale the quarrell he had with Marcellus Agrippa sub specie ministe­riorum principalium profectus in Asiam vt fama loquitur ob tacitas cum Marcello offen­siones praesenti se subdux erat tempori. So Vall. Paterc.

l. 3. Tiberius retired to Rhodes. Remansit ergo Rhodi contra voluntatem: vix per matrem consecutus, vt ad velandā ignominiam quasi legatus ab Augusto abesset. So Sueton. in Vit. Tib. chap. 12.

l. 24. And this subtiltie was practised by Appel­les. So Pollyb. lib. 4.

l. 30. Darius by this pretext. So Herodot. lib 5.

Pag. 131. l. 7. With more facillitie callumni­ate Syluanus. Syluanus pedestris militiae re­ctor, Arbetione id procurante in Galliam mittitur, ad corrigenda mala quas Gallis a Barbaris inferebantur vt absente aemulo, quem quietum esse ferebatur periculosae mo­lis onus impingeret. So Am. Marcel lib. 15.

Pag. 132. l. 3. But the designes of Eusebius. Quodideo per molestos formatores imperii [...]truebatur, vt si per se frustra habit [...] redissent [Page] ad sua, ducis noui virtuti facinus assignare­tur egregium: si fortuna sequior ing [...]uisset, Vrficinus reus proditor Reipub. differretur. Ibid. lib. 18.

Pag. 136. l. 15 Aetius vnder Valentini­an. This Historse is wholly reported by Theodo­doret in Vit Paul Deacon.

Pag. 138 l. 3. Arbetio hauing made Con­stantius Iuspect Syluanus. This is fully exprest by Am. Marcell lib. 15.

l 17. Plotted that vnder hand her friends. Agrip­pinae quoque proximi inficieba [...]tur prauis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare. So Tacitus in Annall, lib. 4.

l. 27. Another time. Seianus maerentem & im­prouidam altius perculit, immissum qui per speciem amicitiae monerent, paratum ei ve­nenum, vitandas soceri epulas. So Ibid. in Ibid.

Pag. 139. l. 15. Titius Sabinus. Vtque au­geatur suspicio insidiae s [...]mul & exitium pa­ratur T [...]tio Sabino equiti summo Germanici amico. Whose falln [...] reade in Tacitus, in Ibid.

Pag. 140. l. 7. Began to make these fower more familiar one to the other. In sermones, tanquam vetita miscuissent, speciem arctae amicitiae facere. Ibid.

Pag. 142. l. 7. Making himselfe his Compani­on in all his pleasures. Quo pluribus iudiciis in ligaret. All this is drawne from Tacitus in An­nall, lib. 2.

[Page] Pag. 145. l. 22. He gained Iulius Posthumius: Atque haec callidis criminationibus inter quos deleger [...]t Iulian Post-humium per adulterium Mutiliae Priscae inter intimos auiae, & consilijs suis peridoneum, quia Prisca in animo Augustae valida. Ibid. lib. 4.

Pag. 147. l. 5. Against those of whom the Prince is already suspitious: Aulici acriter principum offensa speculantur. Ibid.

l. 17. Grapius Caesars free-man: Suspectabat maximè Cornelium Syllam, suorum ingenium eius in contrarium trahens callidum & simula­torem interpretando. Quem metum Grapius ex libertis vsu & senecta à Tiberio vsque do­mum Principum edoctus tali mendacio inten­dit. Ibid.

l. 22. And the like did Tigill. Ualidior in dies Tigellinus, metus cius rimatur, compertoque Plautum & Syllam maximè timeri, nuper ama­tos, &c. Ibid. in Annal, lib. 14.

l. 23. Arbetio did the like: Arbetio consilio in leni [...]udinem slexo facinus impium loesae Maie­statis quo Ursicinius accusabatur ad deliberati­onem secundam deferendum persuasit, conten­tus exturbasse collegam, quam hacratione sibi deuinxisse existimabat. So Am. Mucel. li 15.

Pag. 148. l. 9 Which was so much the sooner beleeu'd, because euery one knew: Et quia vera erant etiam dicta credebantur. So Tacit.

l. 21. To recide in the Iland, of Caprea: Tiberi­unperpulit vt vitandos crederet patrum coe­tus [Page] v [...]cesque quae plerumque verae & graues coram ingerebantur. Ibid. in Annal. lib 4▪

l. 30. To territie and defame the Tyrant: [...]. So Xiph­lin.

Pag. 150. l. 19. Thereby to co [...]er the ill Offices he did him towards Vitellius: M [...]nlius Valens quamquam de p [...]itibus me [...]i [...]us nullo apud Vi­t [...]llium honore fui [...], s [...]cretis cum criminationi­bus infa [...]aue [...]a [...] fab [...]u [...] ig [...]ar [...]um, & quo intau­tior decipetet [...] p [...]l [...] lauda [...]ū. [...]o Ta [...]ius l. 1.

l. 21. Arbetio learni [...] V [...]sici [...]us: In pugnaba [...] Ursicinum perfectae benig itatis ill [...] bras Ar­betio, & viru [...]n fortem propalam saepè app [...]l­lans, ad inuectendas letales i [...]si [...]ias vitae si [...]pli­ci p [...]r quam callens, & ea tempestate nimium potens. So Am. M [...]rcell lib. 15.

Pag. 151. l. 5. Mucianus to ruine Antonius; P [...]imus did the like: Igitur Muctanus. quia pro­palam opp [...]imi Antonius n [...]quibat multis in se­ [...]atu laudibus cu [...]ulatum, secret [...]s promissis onerat, [...]iteriorem Hispaniam ostentans, dis [...]s­su sla [...]ij Rusi vacu [...]m. So Tacit [...] Annal. lib. 4.

l. 21. And N [...]c [...]tas reported: [...].

Pag. 152. l. 4. The Emperour [...]ulian: [...].

[Page] l. 7. As saith Mamertin in his Panegericke: Cal­lido nocendi artificio accusatoriam dicacitatem laudem titulis peragebant in omnibus conuen­ticulis quasi per beneuolentiam.

l. 9. And Polibius tearmeth it: [...]. So. Polib. lib. 4.

l. 12. Flatterie with her eyes open: Invidia in oc­culto, adulatio in aperto erat. So Taci [...]us.

l. 16. Thereby to disprasse another: [...] So Chrysoft. Ho [...]. 11. chap. 1. ad Corinth. And to this purpose: Regalis ingenij me [...] est in pre­sentiam contumeliam amissa laudare & eis vir­tutem dare vera dicendi à quibus audiendi pe­riculum non est. So Seneca.

Pag. 153. l. 4. For writing of him to the Se­nate: Quaedam de habitu vultuque & institutis eius iacuerat, qua velut excusandum expreba­ret. So Tacitus.

Pag. 155. l. 27. If hee bee light, inconstant, vaine: Nullum tam infidum mare, quam Blan­ditiae principum illorum quibus tanta laeuiras, tanta fraus, vt satius esset iratos quàm propi­tios habere. So Plinie.

Pag. 156. l 28. To haue enforced the Rarth [...] ­ans. See all this in Appian. in Parthe [...]i [...].

Pag. 158. l 2. Haue left and conserred all the [Page] honour to the Prince: [...]. So Dion lib. 49 Agricola attributed all good fortune to his Cap­taine: Nec vmquam in su [...]m [...]amam gestis ex­ultault, ad authorem ducem minister fortunam referebat. So Tacitus.

Pag. 161. l. 1. Who is sometimes suspected of the Prince: Suspectus dominantibus quiproxi­mus destinatur. Ibid.

l. 22. Purposely to hasten the death of Tiberius: Macro intrepi his, opprimi senem iniectu mu­liae vestis, discedique ad limine. Sic Tibe­rius siniuit. Ibid. in Annal. lib. [...].

l. 27. Continued him in repatation and authoritie: A [...]betionem semper ambiguum & prat [...]i­dum, quempiam omnium, salutis suae [...]ouerat obiectum praefecit questionibus. So Am. Marcel.

l. 29. To oppose Procopius: Arbetionem ex consule agertem iamdudum in otio ad se ve­nire hortatus est; vt Constantini ducis verecun­dia truces animilenirentur. Ibid.

Pag. 162. l. 6. That he stoope as low as he can [...]o his Prince: [...]rimoribus clarit [...] [...]o fua obse­quijs prosequenda est, adeoque ijs minus sor­dida adulatio videtur quia nec [...]ssaria est. So Tacitus

l. 18. So did Galba: Pa [...]lati [...] in desidlam, fig­nitiemque conuersus est, ne materiae pre­beret Neroni, & vt dicere sole [...], quod [...]emo [Page] rationem otijsui reddere cogeretur. So Sue­tonius in Vit. Galb. In which respect Tacitus saith that his indlenesse in those dates, was termed Galbus Wisedome, because Idlers are least suspected of their Prince: Vt quod illi segnitia erat, sapi­entia vocabatur. So Tacitus lib 1 in Anual.

Pag 167. l. 1. For although it bee difficult to make friends at Court: Nulli sides vbi iam me­lior fortuna ruit. So Seneca.

Pag. 168. l. 24. That we be not answerable for other mens faults:

Qualē cōmendes, etiā at (que) etiā adspiee ne mox Incutiant aliena [...]ibi peccata pudorem. So Ho­race lib. Epist. 18.

Pag 173. l. 7. Many will be perplexed and grauelled to know the reason of their owne happi­nesse: Subijciet aliquis ista quidem adeptus est, sed effare quo merito: quid me oneras, sisciter? tationem foelicitatis nemo reddidit, Deus est qui Deo proximus tacito mun [...]ra dispergst ar­bitrio, & beneficiorum suorum indignatus per homines stare iudicium mauult, de subditis de­disse miraculum. So Auson in Paneger. de Grat.

Pag. 176. l. 2. Knowing that they are linck'd to them, haue rebuck'd and checked them: Sed ac­cepto aditu, Popea primum per blandimenta & artes valescere, imparem cupidinise, & forma Nero [...] i [...] captam simulans: mox acri iam principi [...] amore, ad superbiam vertens, si vltra vnā alterain (que) nocte mattineretur, nup­tam [Page] esse se dictitans, nec posse matrimonium amittere, deuinctam Othoni per genus vitae quod nemo adaequarct. Illu [...] animo & cultu magnificum: ibise summa so tuna digna vi­sere. At Nerone [...] pollice ancilla, & assuetu­dine Actes deuinctum, [...]il é contubernio serui­li, nisi abiectum & sordidum traxisse. So Ta­citus in Annal. lib. 13.

l. 15. And in mocking him, should call him Pu­pil: Nero slagrantior in dies amore Poppaea quae sibi mat [...]imonium, & dissidium Octauiae incolu [...]i agrippina hanc sperans, crebris cri­minationibus, aliquando per facetias incusare princ [...]pem, & pupillum vocare, qui inssis alie­nis obnoxius non mo [...]o in p [...]rij, sed libertatis etiam indiger [...]t. Ibid. lib. 14.

Pag. 177. l. 6. Doe rather purc [...]ase vt con­tempt then fauour: Argumentum nihil deben­tium odio querunt. So Seneca.

l. 30. That these seruices may wax olde in the me­mories: Haec est consuetudo vestra, nempe do­norum, tandiu vobis cordi sumus quamdiu vsui. So Seneca in Controuers.

Pag. 178. l. 14. Then o [...] Prince to vs: Sed in principe ratum ac prope insolitum est, vt se pu­tet obligatum aut si putet, amet. So Plinie ad Traian.

Pag. 182. l. 8. Because his Presence still repor­ched him of the Parrasydy: Anicetus leui post ad­missum scelus gtatia, dein grauiore odio: quia grauiorum facinorum ministri quasi expro­brantes [Page] aspiciuntur. Tacitus in Annal. lib. 14.

Pag. 186. l. 6. A wise man admonisheth vs: Co [...]am Rege noli videri sapiens.

Pag. 188 l. 9. Then to stay till we are enferced out of Window. Quid fatigate foelicitati mo­lestus; ei? quid? expectas donec castris eii­ciaris? So said an old Roman.

l 14 Those are esteemd happy. Felicitas, in ip­s [...] foelicitate mori. So Seneca.

Pag 189. l. 11. More to satisfie your desire.

Ego fungar, vice cotis acutum
Reddere quae ferrum valet, ex sorsipsa secan­dium.
FINIS.

Errata.

In the first Booke.

P. 2. l. [...]. for distatfull, reade dista [...]lefull. P. 4. l. 23. for strange, r. straying. P. 30. l. 15. for must, r. most P. 95 sor Chap. 14 r. Chap. 24 P. [...] 20. l. 14. for those vvhose humors, r. those humours P. 137. In the Argument of Cha. 20. and Head 14. for the sac [...]ie of a businesse, r. the facilitie or difficultie of a businesse. p. 136. for other, r their.

In the second Booke.

P. 45. l 21. for so is this, r so as this. p. 64. l. [...]. for immited, r. immitated. p. 131. l 7. 16. for Sylanus, r. Syluanus. p. 110. for Chap. 16. r. Chap. 22.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.