AS there hath been for many ages a great relation between France and Scotland for mat­ters of State, the like hath been in matters of Religion betweene the Protestant Churches of both the Kingdomes ever since the reformation: But I wish that our exam­ple be not mistaken, and abused to our di­sparagement, and your mine, and the perpe­tuall disgrace of Christian Religion.

For whereas in one of your Petitions to his Majestie you are confident, Alledged in the large Declara­tion of his Ma­jestie, pag. 417. that your neigh­bour-Churches will approve all your proceedings; your neighbour-Churches of France have so­lemnly disapproved all your proceedings, and herein given good satisfaction to his Ma­jestie: For it was ever farre from our wishes, that your conformitie with the reformed Churches of France should be mis-applied as a pretence of your expulsing of your Bishops, much lesse a president for you to take armes against your gracious Soveraigne.

Wherefore I will endeavour to remove that false colour set upon the violent counsels of the Covenant, and shew to the world, that for your differences with Episcopall authori­tie, which are now broken into a quarrell, you had neither president nor incouragement from us.

And since it pleaseth his Majestie in the beginning of his Royal Declaration, to make this one of his two ends, to manifest his justice and piety to the reformed Churches abroad; these re­formed Churches are bound in dutie of thankfulnesse to shew how they rest satisfied of his Majesties justice and pietie.

For my part, although I am happily en­grafted into the body of the Church of Eng­land, I may be admitted in this case to speake as a Frenchman borne, that knoweth the te­nets of that Church better then strangers, that would abuse the example of the French to their owne ends: And I am assured in my conscience, that when I was adopted by the Church of England, I was not removed in­to another Gospel.

This also I may affirme of mine owne knowledge, that the French Divines and o­ther godly men that travell into England, re­turne home with great satisfaction, seeing the soundnesse of doctrine and decencie of order so well matched together; and joyne their hearty praises with the Te Deum and Magnifi­cat of our Quires; praising God chiefly, be­cause they see the puritie of the Gospel, and the Royall Authority linked together with a most neere interest in their mutuall conserva­tion.

The conformitie which you claime with the French is triple; with their doctrine, with their discipline, and (in the present quarrell) with their actions: And the French will [Page 4]heartily embrace a Christian conformity with you, so farre as you shall not draw their necessitie into counsell, nor their faults into example.

As for the conformitie in doctrine, blessed be God that among all the reformed Chur­ches of Europe there is neither deformity nor difformity in that point: All the reformed Churches professe the same holy faith with you; and of that faith the Kings Majestie is Defender, of which he hath lately published many solemne protestations, to the great satis­faction of all good Christians, both within and without the Kingdome. Here let all that love Gods glorie and the union of his Church upon earth, Ezra 7.17. say, Blessed be the Lord God of our fathers, who hath put such a thing as this in the Kings heart: Psal. 61.7. The Lord prolong the Kings life, O prepare mercy and truth that may preserve him.

It were superfluous to prove the consent of all reformed Churches with the Church of England in points of doctrine: None of them but will say as much to the English Prelates, as Beza to Bishop Grindall, Beza epist. 8. ad Grindal. Episcopum Londmensem. Gallicas & vestras Ecclesi­as in omnibus fidei capitibus consentire ar­bitramur. Wee hold that the French Churches agree with yours in all points of faith.

He that set forth all the Confessions of the Reformed Churches in one volume, hath not lost his praise for concealing his name. Never was a more precious harmonie; none more like a heaven upon earth: such an evident consent needeth rather praises to God then proofes.

As for points of Discipline, the diffe­rence of some Churches from that of Eng­land (if charity were on both sides) ought to set forth the consent in points of faith with more reverence and admiration: As Irenaeus writing to Victor, about the different Fasting of the Eastern and Western Churches, [...]. The dif­ference of Fasting (saith he) confirmeth the union in faith: For that in such a difference of climats, nations, manners, and policies, there should be such an union in faith, It is the Lords doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes.

A main point of difference pretended by the Covenanters, is the superioritie of Bishops, (for I will not search into your other aimes) which you affirme to be Antichristian, and contrarie to the Word of God; wherein I see not how you can claime conformitie with the French Churches. The French indeed have [Page 6]no Bishops, but they never put downe Bi­shops, nor induced others to put downe Bi­shops: And you know, that our Saviour puts a difference between breaking of commandements, Matth. 5.19. and teaching men so: Now to have Bishops is a commandement, and none of the least; for it is an Apostolicall order: Suppose then that the French breake it, yet they doe not teach men so; And I will endeavour to shew you that they teach men otherwise; and that it is necessitie, not choice, that keepeth them from Episcopall or­der. But the Scots break that commandement, and teach men so; and represent the Antichrist in no other habit then a Rochet and a Miter.

That the French Divines doe not teach men so, and allow not the abolishing of Bishops, it may easily bee justified: For in the matter of Geneva, there was more Politicall then Theo­logicall reasons for refusing their Bishop: The Bishop of Geneva was also their Prince, who had such power there, as the Duke in Ve­nice, and was rather Governour then Sove­raigne: For the people had that right to elect foure Syndics, These you have in a book, called Le Citadin Genevois. and give them full power; It is the 22. Article of their authenticall Charter: And with­out the counsell, consent, and expresse will of those [Page 7]Syndics, and of the Citizens, none was to be absolved or condemned in the Citie. It is the 14. Article of their Charter: Before any Bishop was admit­ted, hee swore to observe and maintaine these liberties, and so did the last Bishop, Ann. 1523. Who afterwards being found to treat with the Duke of Savoy, to deliver the Citie into his hands, a great uproare arose in the Citie, which the Bishop fearing, fled by night; and when, after many invitations, hee would not returne, the people shut the doore after him; not for any difference of Religion, but of State: Yet the people being thus alienated from their Bishop, was more susceptible of that change of Religion which hapned presently after, by the comming of Farell and Viret. In the mean while the Duke of Savoy, being now strengthned with the Bishops right, began to annoy them. While they were thus tottering, both in Religion and State, Calvin came, who having got great authority in the Citie, took in hand the settling of that fluctuation; A matter of great difficulty: For to receive their Bishop, they durst not, fearing to indanger their Reli­gion & their Liberties, and fall into the hands of their perpetuall enemie the Duke of Savoy: [Page 8]To make another Bishop they would not, and could not, their old Bishop being alive: Wherefore they chose to be without a Bishop, and rule the Citie by the Syndics, being per­swaded that their Charter gave them no lesse power: But whether they had any Charter to rule the Church with a mingled Consistorie of Clergie and Laitie, without any Bishop, ipsi viderint, let them defend their own right: My end is onely to shew, that in that change of Discipline, Necessity bare more sway then Counsell, and Policie then Divinitie.

Howsoever, their actions must not be im­puted to the French Churches, Geneva being a body apart, and having interests of their own peculiar to themselves. But the French Chur­ches never unbishopped any Prelate: and of them also it may be said, that it was Necessi­tie, not any Theologicall decision, that made them frame a Church without Bishops.

For Calvin, who had the greatest hand in their Discipline, was more enclined to the Episcopacie. In his Confession made in the name of the Churches of France, and presented to the Emperour, Anno 1562. hee professeth it: Wee would not abolish (saith hee) [Page 9] the authoritie of the Church, Calvin. opuscul. in confess. Ec­cles Gallic. Ecclesiae au­thoritatem vel Pastorum, aut Super inten­dentium, qui­bus Ecclesiae regendae pro­vincia manda­ta est, subla­tam nolumus: Fatemur ergo Episcopos, sive Pastores reve­renter audien­dos, quatenus pro suae fun­ctionis ratione verbum Dei docent. that is of Pastours and Superintendents, that have the government of the Church committed unto them: Wee confesse then, that Bishops or Pastours must be reverent­ly heard, as farre as they teach the Word of God according to their function. Here is for you a publike Declaration of the French Chur­ches, that they disallow not the authoritie of Bishops; and if they had power, would not take them away.

In that Confession of faith presented to Francis the first of France, I see nothing con­trarie to the English Discipline, if it bee can­didly interpreted: For the 30^th. Article, that all true Pastors have equall power under their Universall Bishop Jesus Christ, is confessed al­so by the Church of England: for the power which Bishops and Priests have under their Universall Bishop Jesus Christ, is equall, as they are Priests. A preheminence and autho­ritie indeed they have, as Bishops, and that by Apostolicall, and therefore Divine insti­tution. But the power which Christ in the Evangelists immediately giveth to Pastours, concerneth only the preaching of the Word, and administring of the Sacraments, and [Page 10]the power of binding and loosing in foro interiori; Herein they are all equall, and all Vicars of Christ: No Bishop in England, but, in this sense, will subscribe willingly to this Canon of the Councell of Carthage, Conc. Car­thag. Can. 8. Ut sublimior quidem sedeat, sed tamen se collegam Presbyterorum agnoscat. That the Bishop sits in a higher degree, but yet ac­knowledges himselfe colleague to the Priests.

But although the Bishop in his consecra­tion receive no new binding and loosing power in foro interiori, besides that which he received when hee was made a Priest; yet it is of Apostolicall right, that great part of that power diffused in the collective bodie of the Clergie, should bee confined to the Bi­shop; lest the keyes of the Church, being in too many hands, should clash one against another, and there should be playing at fast and loose. And Calvin agreeth to it, I never thought it usefull (saith hee) to commit the power of excommuni­cation to every Pastor; Calvin. Epist. ad Gasparum Lizetum. Nunquam utile putavi jus excommuni­candi permitti singulis Pastoribus: Nam & res odiosa est, nee exemplum proba­bile, & facilis in tyrannidem lapsus, & alium usum Apostoli tradiderunt. For it is an odious thing, and an example not to bee approved, and which would soone slip into tyrannie; and the Apostles have delivered another custome. It is true, that Calvin in that Epistle will not have Lizetus to meddle alone with [Page 11]Ecclesiasticall censures; and he is in the right, since Lizetus was no Bishop: But hee decla­reth plainly, that the office of censures must be limited to certaine men, not promiscu­ously used by every Clergy-man of his owne head: Else there would bee soone as many petty spirituall Tyrants, as there are peevish Ministers in the severall Parishes. Had it been in the power of every Priest to receive accusations, and pronounce excommunicati­ons, Saint Paul would not have limited to Timothies knowledge the receiving of accusa­tions, nor made him alone Judge of the Priests.

Calvin indeed aimed at no such matter, as the generall pulling downe of Bishops: Hee acknowledgeth, that in the Primitive Church the Calvin. lib. 2. Instit. cap. 4. Art. 2. Presbyteri ex suo numero in singulis civita­tibus unum eligebant, cuispecialiter da­bant titulum Episcopi; ne ex aequalitate, ut fieri solet, dis­sidia nasceren­tur. Priests out of their number would chuse one in every Citie, to whom they gave the title of Bishop; lest that equality, as it is ordinary, should breed con­tentions.

And in his Epistle to the King of Calvin. Epist. ad regem Pol. pag. 140. & 141. Editionis Genevensis, an. 1576. Poland, about the reformation of that Kingdome; he sets downe to the King the order of the Pri­mitive Church for a patterne, where there were Patriarchs, and Primats, and subordi­nate [Page 10] [...] [Page 11] [...] [Page 12]Bishops, to tye the whole bodie toge­ther with the bond of concord: And advi­seth the King to establish Bishops in every Province, and over them an Archbishop and Primate of that great Kingdome. And if the Calvin. instit. lib 4 cap. 12. Art. 6. Sanè si veri es­sent Episcopi, aliquid eis hac in parte autho­ritatis tribue­rem; non quantum sibi postulant, sed quantum ad Politiam Ec­clesiae ritè or­dinandam re­quiritur. Popish Bishops were true Bishops, hee would allow them some authoritie; not as much as they chal­lenge, but as much as [hee thinkes] would serve for the right ordering of Church government. That hee would not allow them as much power as they claime, no man can wonder at it, that knoweth the exemptions which they claime from Royall authority, and their incroach­ments upon the civill power, and their pre­tended independencie from any but the Pope, whereby they make regnum in regno, another kingdome in every kingdome.

But although I would not clip their wings so short as Calvin would have; yet I wish for your owne good, that the Churches of Scot­land would yeeld to Bishops as much power as Calvin doth, even the power of censures, and of presenting and ordaining Priests: Calvin. tra­ctat. de necessi­tate reforman­dae Ecclesiae. Potestatem nominandi & ordinandi retincant, justum illud & serium doctrinae & vitae examen restituant, quod sanè multis saeculis obsolevit. Let Bishops retaine the power of naming and ordaining [Page 13][Priests;] Let them restore that just and serious examination of doctrine and life which is growne out of use many ages agone. It is not then the use, but the abuse of Bishops, that Calvin and the Reformed Churches of France reject. And were it in their power, they would not put downe Bishops: They onely crave the reformation of Religion, and are ready to submit themselves to Episcopall power.

Zanchius above all the Outlandish Wri­ters is expresse upon that point; who indeed is no Frenchman, but of the like Discipline: This is his Protestation, That before God, and in his conscience, Hier. Zanch. Thesib. de vera reforman­darum Ecclesiarum ratione. Testor me coram Deo in mea conscientia non alio habere loco quàm Schismaticorum il­los omnes qui in parte reformationis Ecclesiarum ponunt nullos habere E­piscopos, qui authoritatis gradu supra fuos compresbyteros emineant, ubi li­quidò possunt haberi. Praeterea cum D. Calvino, nullo non anathemate dignos censeo, quotquot illi Hierarchiae quae se Domino Jesu submittit, subjici nolunt. he holds them all for no better then Schismatickes, that set this downe as a part of reformation of the Churches, to have no Bishops, that have any eminence of degree and authoritie above their true fellow-Priests, where they may well be had. And besides, that he holds with That place cited out of Calvin, is in his Treatise de necessitate reformandae Ecclesiae. Cal­vin, that they are all worthy of any execration, that will not submit themselves unto that Hierarchie that submitteth it selfe unto the Lord Jesus [Page 14]Christ. Here is a coard with two strings, the authority of two worthy men toge­ther.

The same Zanchius saith a little before, Hee that will receive and follow the use and the opinion of the uni­versall Church, Ibid. Qui universalis ominium loco­rum & temporum, usque ad hanc aeta­tem, usum & sensum Ecclesiae certum habet, sequiturque interpretem; facilè intelligit diversos gradus Presbytero­rum & Episcoporum in gubernatione Ecclesiastica esse secundum Dei ver­bum, & semper fuisse. Proinde, ubi vi­gent, non esse abolendos; & ubicunque iniquitas temporum eos abolevit, aut non tulit, esse restituendos. in all times and places unto this age for a certaine interpreter of Gods word; will easily understand, that the seve­rall degrees of Priests and Bi­shops in the Ecclesiasticall government, are, and e­ver were according to Gods word; and therefore where they stand still, they must not bee abolished: And where the contrarietie of times hath aboli­shed, or not suffered them, they must bee set up a­gaine.

This was also the tenet of Martin Bucer, who assisted the reverend Bishops of Eng­land in the reformation. And although he lived in a Church where Ministers were equall, hee delivereth himselfe plainly: Bucer. tract. de reformanda Ecclesia, qui in­venitur tom. 11. constitut. Im­perial. Annitendum itaque ut ea omnino procurationis Ecclesiasticae ratio & ordinatio, quam Canones Episcopis & Metropolitanis praescribunt, restituatur & servetur. We must endeavour, that all the manner and distribu­tion [Page 15]of Ecclesiasticall government, which the Ca­nons prescribe unto Bishops and Metropolitans, bee restored and maintained.

Beza himselfe, who preferred equalitie before superioritie in the Church, yet hath declared his dislike of those that resisted Episcopall power where it was establi­shed: For in an Epistle of his to some brethren of England, that would bee ru­led by him rather then their Bishops at home, hee Beza Epist. 12. ad quos­dam Anglica­rum Ecclesia­rum fratres. Hortamur, ut omni animo­rum exacerba­tione deposi­tâ, salvâ ma­nente doctri­nae ipsius ve­ritate, & sanâ conscientiâ, alii alios pati­enter ferant, Regiae Maje­stati clemen­tissimae, & omnibus Prae­sulibus suis ex animo obse­quantur. exhorteth them, that leaving all bitternesse, as long as the truth of the doctrine, and puritie of conscience was safe, they would beare one another with patience, and obey the Queenes most gracious Majestie, and all their Pre­lates with a free heart.

And writing to Bishop Grindall, hee com­mends his Idem Epist. 23. ad Episcop. Grindal. Quòd tu igitur quorundam [...] pertulisti, Reverendissime vir, in eo sanè insigne patientiae & lenitatis Chri­stianae specimen edidisti, quo majore posthac poenâ digni erunt, qui porro authorita­tem tuam aspernabuntur. Christian lenitie and patience, for bearing with the selfe-conceited pride of some, and saith, that they shall deserve a greater punishment that will reject againe his autho­ritie.

I confesse this was much from Beza, who was none of the best friends to the Episcopall degree; but yet his desire of concord in the Church, and obedience to publike order, was greater then his aver­sion from Bishops: And I wish that many among you were no worse dispo­sed.

The latter Divines among the French are very expresse upon this point: My Reverend Father Doctor Du Moulin in his Peter Du Moulin in his Buckler of the faith, upon the 30. Article of the French Con­fession, Sect. 124. Buckler of the Faith, is altogether for E­piscopacie, and proveth the Antiquitie of it, and that it begun a yeere after our Sa­viours death: And sheweth how the A­postles were the founders of that order, sending the Reader to the 32 Chapt. of the booke of Prescriptions by Tertullian, where hee reckoneth the Apostolicall Churches, whose Bishops were established by the A­postles.

And whereas it is alledged against the Episcopall degree, that there was in the Primitive Church two Bishops in one Towne; hee tells you, that in all the An­tiquitie [Page 17]it is hard to find three or foure exam­ples of two Bishops in one Towne: Ibid. for the ge­nerall custome was against it, as Theodoret, Chrysostome, and Hierome upon the first to the Philippians witnesse, and Saint Austin in his 110^th. Epistle.

There also hee complaineth, as farre as hee may, of the disorders that follow e­qualitie, relating and allowing the just ob­jections of the English Clergie in these words: They say, AND THAT WITH GOOD REASON, that no societie, no family, no common­wealth, can prosper without some degrees of superio­ritie; and that it is so among the Angels, and in the government of the universall World; That God established degrees of superioritie in his Church under the Old Testament: They say, that to place a man of little capacitie, and newly recei­ved into the Ministerie in like degree with an ancient Minister of the Church, whom God hath endowed with more gifts, and which hath ser­ved a long time in the Ministerie with commen­dation, is the way to nourish pride in the younger, and to dishonour those whom God hath honou­red, and to induce confusion: As also, that there­by [Page 16] [...] [Page 17] [...] [Page 18]the holy Ministery is become contemptible; and that the superioritie of the Bishops of England hath been approved by the most worthy Pastours of our Churches.

How can one say more, living under a different Discipline? Any man may per­ceive, that hee speaketh feelingly, as one that had an especiall knowledge and ex­perience of the inconveniences of his Di­scipline: And that hee thinkes more yet then he saith.

In the conclusion, hee craveth a fa­vourable construction of all that the Re­formed Divines of those Churches write against Bishops: If sometimes (saith he) we speake against the authoritie of Bishops, we con­demne not Episcopall order in it selfe, but speak onely of the corruption which the Church of Rome hath brought into the Episcopacie, making it a temporall principalitie depending upon the Pa­pall throne.

As hee teacheth that true doctrine in his bookes, hee traineth his Scholars in the same: This Thesis was lately de­fended by him in the Academy of Se­dan, [Page 19]where hee is Doctor of the Chaire: Petrus Molinaeus, Thesib. de no­tis Ecclesiae, part. 2. Thes. 33. Episco­pos Angliae post conversionem ad fidem, & ejuratum Papismum, as­serimus fuisse fideles Dei servos, nec debuisse dese [...]ere munus vel titulum Episcopi. Wee affirme that the Bishops of England, after their conversion and abjuration of Popery, were Gods faithfull servants, and that they ought not to forsake the of­fice or title of Bishop.

In his Bible full of marginall notes written with his owne hand, hee ex­poundeth this Text, Titus 1.5. Therefore I left thee in Greece, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and or­daine Elders in every Citie as I have appoin­ted thee: This is his comment upon it, Oportuit Tito datam aliquam [...] in caeteros symmystas, & jus [...]. Ut & quod Ti­motheo dicitur, Ne recipe accusa­tionem contra Presbyterum, dare videtur Timotheo tribunal supra Ministros. Adde & illud de An­gelo Ephesi: Nec si superioritas es­set res mala, Apostolis data esset potestas in caeteros. This imports that some prebe­minence was given to Titus a­bove his other colleagues, and the right of conferring orders: As also that which is said to Timothy, Receive no accu­sation against a Presbyter, seemeth to give unto Timothy a tribu­nall over other Ministers. The like is im­plyed in that Text of the Angell of the [Page 20]Church of Ephesus [Revel. 2.1. where there is but one Angell mentioned, though there were many Priests in the Citie:] And if superioritie were an evill thing, God would not have given power to the Apostles over the rest of the Clergie. These are his private and serious thoughts upon that point, wherein hee sought no mans satis­faction but his owne.

This is also the drift of learned Cha­mier in his Booke of the Papall Monar­chie: For hee runneth not to extremes, as you doe; As though, because there must bee no Universall Bishop, there must bee no Diocesan: All his discourse comes to this, Chamier de Papali Monarchia, lib. 3. cap. 14. Art. 11. In Ecclesiis etiamsi singulos assignari Episco­pos consultiùs existimetur, tamen omnibus unum imponendum nul­la ratio evincit. That although it is thought more convenient to assigne Bishops unto the severall Churches, yet it can bee proved with no reason, that there must bee one set over all; leaving that ground for granted, that it is more conveni­ent to assigne Bishops unto the severall Churches.

It is true, he saith, Lib. 10. cap. 5. that the government of the Church is not Monarchicall, but A­ristocraticall; Lib. 10. cap. 7. Art. 8. Aristo­cratia Episco­porum regi­men, quae ne tum quidem sublata est cum inducti sunt Metropolitani qui sibi subje­ctos Episcopos pro collegis habebant. for he cals Aristocracie the go­vernment of Bishops, which Aristocracie was not taken away, when Metropolitanes were brought in that used the Bishops subject unto them as Colleagues.

He cannot more evidently condemne the Democracie of his Church, than by saying that the government of the Church is Aristocraticall; and the Bishops of Eng­land take not so much upon themselves, as he ascribeth unto the first Bishops. Ibid. C. 5. Art. 6 Constat i­gitur ne tum quidem cum hie Episcopo­rum à Presby­teris distincto­rum ordo sive gradus est con­stitutus, Epi­scopos fuisse tanquam Mo­narchas qui po­testatem habe­rent in Clerū, sed Principes Electos qui re­bus deliberan­dis praeessent ficut necesse est in omni Ari­stocratia. It is certaine (saith he) that even when the order or degree of Bishops distinct from that of Priests was established, the Bishops were not like Mo­narchs, having power over the Clergie, but ELE­CTED PRINCES, set over the deliberation and administration of businesses, as it is ne­cessary in all Aristocracies.

If you object, since your countreymen are so good friends unto Episcopacie, What is the reason that their practice is quite con­trary? Why have they no Bishops? Why is parity of Ministers commanded in their Discipline?

Si licet, et placidirationem admittitis, edam. I hope to shew to them that have some charity and equity, that the French have such reasons for it, which the Church of Scotland cannot borrow from them.

I. The Protestants of France were for­ced, after a sort, to dislike Bishops, by the cruell usage which they received from them; they will say with the Authour of the Apologie of the Confessi­on of Auspurg, Apolog. Confes. August. Art. 14. Nos summâ voluntate cupimus conservare politiam Ecclesiasti­cam, & gradus in Ecclesia factos: Sed Episcopi Sacerdotes nostros aut cogunt hoc doctrinae genus quod confessi sumus abjicere ac damnare, aut novâ & inaud itâ crudelitate miser os & innocentes occidunt: Hae causae impediunt quò minùs agnoscant hos Episco­pos nostri Sacerdotes. Wee desire with all our heart to preserve the Ecclesiasticall Policie, and the degrees established in the Church: But the Bishops either constraine our Priests to renounce and con­demne the Doctrine of our Con­fession, or kill the poore innocent men with new and unheard of cruelty: These are the causes why our Priests will not acknowledge those Bishops. And the reformed Churches may say of some of the Popish Bishops, what S. Bernard was saying of those of his time, Bern. in Regist. Epist. ad Maur. lib. 4. Epist. 32. Heu, heu Do­mine Deus, Ipsi sunt in perse­cutione tua pri­mi, qui viden­tur in Ecclesm primatum dili­gere. Alas, alas Lord God, they are the for­most in persecuting of thee, that seeme to love primacie in thy Church. It is the lesse wonder [Page 23]then, if after the fearefull executions at Ca­brieres and Merindol by the instigation of some Popish Bishops, they were afraid of their very name.

II. It is most considerable, that the re­formation began in France among the peo­ple, but in England it began in the Court. The French reformers were Priests, but the English reformers, under the King, were Bishops; and the French Priests could not prevaile with their Bishops, as the King and Bishops of England over their Clergie; For the higher spheres are not carried by the inferiour, but the inferiour by the supe­riour: It was much that the French Priests could get some retrogradation by their owne course, against the rapidity of the higher sphere. The reformation began a­mong the people and inferiour Clergie, and there it stayed; Therefore the Discipline is popular, and it was not easie for them that were opposed by Bishops to make Bishops. In England the sacred oyntment of the Gospell was powred upon the head, and thence it fell about upon all the limbs, and to the hemmes of the garment; In [Page 24]France, it was powred upon some limbs onely; whence because it could not mount to the Head, the Discipline also wants a Head: Neither could that holy dew spread so well, because it descended not from the hils. Certainly the Discipline of France de­serveth rather compassion, than invectives. And, to speake properly, they refuse not Bi­shops, but they want Bishops. If you say, that the reformation in Scotland began al­so among the people; You know that the worke was never perfected, till your late great King put the last hand to it, by refor­ming and restoring Bishops: Which if you will not acknowledge for a perfecting, I am sure the French (with whom you claim conformity) would in the like case.

III. Besides, the reformed Churches of France, want means to maintain Bishops, and with much adoe maintaine poore Le­ctures. For although the Episcopall power be spirituall; yet without temporall means, it cannot keep either power or respect, and not so much as subsistance: Whence they gather, that it is better to want Bishops, than to expose Episcopacie to the scorne of adversaries.

IV. Also it would provoke envie and jealousie, if there were two Bishops in one Dioecesse, and would but draw oppression upon the weaker side.

V. And if a generall conversion hap­pened, (which God in his mercy bring to passe) two Bishops should meet in one See, and neither would yeeld to his fellow: A consideration which would ever keepe the erroneous Bishop from his conversion.

VI. The reformed Church of France living under the crosse, and expecting the generall conversion, is better without Bi­shops; for it is a body prepared for obedi­ence, whensoever the Popish Bishops shall reforme the Church, and themselves. And once they were brought to that tryall, as you may read in an Epistle of Peter Martyr to Beza. The Bishop of Troyes (who was borne Prince of Melfe) having abjured Popery, began to preach the pure Word of God in his Cathedrall Church; and sent for the Elders of the reformed Church, to know whether they would confirme and acknowledge him for their Bishop: Which they all with one consent did, and submit­ted [Page 26]themselves unto his authority. There is none, I dare say, of all the Churches of France, but would doe as much in the like case. None but would obey Bishops, if Bishops would reforme and obey God. Till God extend so much mercy upon that Kingdome, the poore Churches will stay for the leisure of the Bishops, and keepe themselves in an estate fit for obedience.

VII. Neither would their King suffer them to chuse Bishops of their own, if they would attempt it. For since their Synods provoke jealousie, a Bishops Court would provoke more jealousie; and authority con­tinued in one man would be more obnoxi­ous to envie and obloquie, then consulta­tions of amultitude, intermitted from Sy­nod to Synod, and under severall Presi­dents, et ad tempus. Had our gracious King Charles and his Counsell the same necessitie to tolerate the Papists, as Henry the IV. of France had to reward the Protestants, that were a strong body, and by whom he had beene promoted to the Crown; yet I think not that his Majestie would suffer them to have Bishops, or admit of any jurisdiction, [Page 27]but immediately depending upon him. The reformed Churches of France have no ju­risdiction, and looke for none; and if your Presbyteries of Scotland would containe themselves in the same modestie, the Cove­nant would go down, and the King should be obeyed.

Of all these reasons there is none that can serve your turne; wherefore our want of Bishops cannot be a president for your put­ting down of Bishops.

Since you live under no crosse, and have such a gracious Defender of the faith for your Soveraigne, and both the Kingdoms of this Island professe the same holy Do­ctrine; to frame another Ecclesiasticall Di­scipline besides that which his Majestie al­loweth, and the Church hath kept for ma­ny ages, it is framing two livers in a body that hath but one head and one heart; For of this Island, the King is the head, and Re­ligion is the heart; both the which would have but one Discipline, as it were one li­ver to disperse blood and spirit into the se­verall parts of the whole body, with one and the same Oeconomie eyere where. [Page 28]Certainly if France had but one heart for Religion, I am perswaded they would ne­ver sticke for a different Oeconomie of Di­scipline.

And the truth is, neither you nor they have a setled Discipline, and therefore both need lesse to stand upon it. This is the last Article of the French Discipline; These things which are here contained concerning the Discipline, are not so decreed, but that if the be­nefit of the Church do require it, they may be al­tered. Neither doe the French busie their heads about points of Discipline; else it would be seene in their writings. But wheresoever they like the Doctrine, they embrace the Discipline.

In the yeare 1615. my reverend Father was sent for by King Iames of glorious and blessed memory; some discontented bre­thren in London seeing him highly favou­red by his Majesty, came to him with a bill of grievances to be represented to the King; which my Father having perused, returned it unto them againe, saying, That their exce­ptions were frivolous.

For Ceremonies, and other points of [Page 29]Discipline, I doe not finde you confor­mable with the French: Whether you ce­lebrate the holy Communion with such reverence as they do in France, let your owne consciences answer. You know there are two gestures of praying practi­sed from the beginning in the Church, kneeling, and standing: The English pray kneeling at the Communion, the French standing. For they sit not at the Table, like the Dutch (wherein the French Church of London, consisting most of Wallons, followeth the Dutch) but walke to the holy Table, and there with a reverent congey receive the Sacrament, which the people taketh not in the dish, as it is with the Dutch, but the Mini­ster delivereth it to every Communicant. When I received in my countrey, the Mi­nister used these words: It is the body of the Lord Iesus Christ which suffered for your sinnes. It is the blood of the Lord Iesus Christ which was shed for your sinnes; And it is an expresse Article of their Discipline, That the due reverence belonging to the holy Communion, Cap. 12. Art. 12 be carefully maintained.

The distribution of the Cup by a Lay-Deacon is worne out of use among them: and whereas it was brought in, in the be­ginning, and in time of persecution, it was afterwards removed, Cap. 12. Art. 9. by a Canon of their Discipline, and by way of fact, in all the Churches.

And whereas at the first (as in all begin­nings of reformation) every one taught his neighbour; Jbid. and, for want of Ministers, Lay Deacons would catechize; It was de­clared by an Article of their Discipline, That the office of those Deacons is not to preach the Word of God, nor to administer the Sacraments.

As for the power of their Lay-Elders, it is little more than the office of Churchwar­dens in England: Their office is to look to the disorders of the flocke, and give ac­count of it to the Consistory, as Church­wardens put in their Presentments in the Spirituall Court; A voice they have in the Censures, but the determination and pro­nouncing of the Censure belongs to the Minister. They, and the people together, may admit or refuse a Minister chosen by the Synod, (if the King give way to it;) [Page 31]And so it must needs be, where there is neither Bishop, nor Living, nor right of Pa­tronage. Chamier Tom. 2. Lib. 5. c. 2. Nos certe praeter electorum Ministro­rum approbationem vel reproba­tionem, nullas esse partes ple­bis censomus in Ecclesiastico re­gimine. We hold indeed (saith Chamier) that besides approving or refusing the Ministers chosen, the Laity hath nothing to doe in the government of the Church. This is all the power of the Laity. No mention there of ruling Elders, that have alwayes the cast­ing voice, Page 424. of his Majesties large Declaration. of which his Majesty saith very truly, That it is a course unheard of in any Church, and in any age.

The notable difference betweene the French Elders and the Scottish, In the Yeare 1631. was justifi­ed, not long since, by one M. Adam Stewart, a Scottishman, heretofore Reader of Philo­sophie in Sedan, who, finding there the Consistory ruled (as it ought to be) by the Clergie of the place, kept a great coyle to raise the power of the Lay-Eldership, which had no such ambition, and grew so violent in his course, that after a long for­bearance, and moderation of the Ministers, they were forced to excommunicate him, and crave the Princes helpe, who banished him out of his dominions. Being put out [Page 32]of Sedan, he went to Paris, where he offered to stirre the same matter, but he had no better successe there.

Neither shall ye finde among the Pro­testants of France, that aversion from the Spirituall Courts which is among you. For although they have more rea­son to hate the Spirituall Courts of Po­pery, by whom they have suffered much; yet the Canons of their Discipline allow them to resort to the Spirituall Courts, to sue for their right, Cap. 14. Art. 8.9. & 10. and Protestant Advo­cates are allowed to plead there.

And which is more, Protestants are al­lowed to exercise jurisdictions and procurations under the Clergie of Rome, Ibid. Art. 10. if so be they do not con­cerne that which they call spirituality. Also to be farmers of Tithes, Art. 2. Priories and Church-demeanes; Which sheweth that when they forbid Pastors to possesse any land, under the title of Pastors, Cap. 1 art. 40 it is not because they dis­allow that the Church should possesse de­meanes; But because in the present povertie and paritie, if some few had Livings, and the rest none, they conceive it would breed envie and factions in the Church.

As for Holy-dayes, they observe reve­rently the dayes of Christmas, Easter, As­cension, and Pentecost. And where they have Sermons upon Week dayes (as at Cha­renton by Paris upon Thursdayes) they will change the day, when there is a Holy-day of some note in the weeke. This is Calvins counsell upon that point; I would have you constant in re­fusing Holy-dayes; yet so, Calvini Epistola ad Montbelgar­denses. In festis non recipiendis cuperem vos esse constantiores, sic tamen ut non litigetis de qui­buslibet, sed de iis tantum, quae nec in aedificanonem quicquam factura sunt, & superstitionem prima ipsa facie prae se ferunt. — Nam in papatu magna celebritate Conceptionem & As­censionem Virginis coluerunt. that you picke not a quarrell with every Holy-day, but with those onely that are not at all for edifica­tion, and beare a stamp of supersti­tion in the front; And he giveth them for example, the feasts of the Conception and Ascension of the blessed Virgin, which are also refused by the English Church. But generally of all Holy-dayes; the French Discipline com­mandeth, Cap. 14. Art. 21. that No scandall shall bee com­mitted, by working on dayes appointed to rest, according to the Kings Edict; And it were to bee wished, that the Scots were no more refractarie to their good King, the pious Defender of their Faith, than [Page 34]the French Protestants are to their Sove­raigne, though of contrary religion, even in those points of Ecclesiasticall Disci­pline.

How they stand affected in all points of Ceremonies and outward Order, you may see by their Confession presented to the Emperour, and the Princes of Germanie. Wee acknowledge, that both all Churches, Confess. Eccles. Gallicar. inter Opu­scula Calvini. Fatemur tum omnes tum singulas Ecclesias hoc jus ha­bere, ut leges et statuts sibi condāt ad politiam communem inter suos const ituendam, cum omnia in domo Dei ritè & ordine fieri o­porteat. Ejusmodi porto statutis obedientiam deferendam esse, modò ne conscientias astringant, neque superstitio illis adhibeatur: Qui hoc detrectent cerebrosi & pervicaces apud nos habentur. and every Church, have that right to make Lawes and Sta­tutes for themselves; to establish a publike Order among their own peo­ple, since all things must be done in the House of God decently and with order; and that obedience must bee yeelded to such statutes, so they doe not binde the consciences, and no superstition be mingled with them: Those that will doe against this, we hold them peevish and stubborne people.

You have heard Beza before perswa­ding the English brethren to obedience unto their Prelates. In the same Epistle hee tells them, That the Surplice is of no such importance, that the Ministers should leave [Page 35]their function, Blza ad quesdam Anglicar. Ecclesia­rum fratres. Non videntur ista tanti momenti, ut propterea vel Pastoribus deserendum potius sit Ministerium, quam ut vestes illas assumant; vel gregibus omitten­dum publicurn pabulum, potius quam ita vestitos Pastores au­diant. Jbid. De geniculatione in Coena, De cantu Ecclesiae, Crucis consig­natione, Puerorum baptizando­tum interrogatione, non est mag­nopere laborandum. rather than weare that garment; and the people should leave the publike food [of Gods Word] rather than heare the Pastors that weare it; Like­wise for kneeling at the Commu­nion, Church-musicke, the Crosse in Baptisme, and asking questions to children in Baptisme, He thus delivereth his opinion, De his non est magnope­re laborandum; One should not trouble him­selfe much about such things. And Calvin praiseth Hooper for opposing himselfe man­fully against the Extreme Vnction; but bla­meth him for being too obstinate against the Cope and Surplice.

The French Protestants keepe their zeale of religion for higher matters, Calvinus Bullin­gero pag. 98. E­dit onis Gene­vensis, an 1576 than a Sur­plice or a Crosse in Baptisme; and won­der much, that for such small things, you would parallell them with Antichrist, that maintaine the same holy Faith with you.

But if those ceremonies be a yoke upon your consciences, the yoke is removed; and his Majesty is graciously pleased not to urge them upon you; which would never have [Page 36]bin granted, if the King and his Councell had thought them to be in their nature ne­cessary, and binding the conscience. And though Episcopall order (which the King will have you to receive) were a yoke up­on your consciences; Thinke on the other side, that rebelling against your Soveraign, is a staine upon your consciences; And you are no good Divines, if you choose rather a foule staine then a light yoke. Neither doe you consider, that you may suffer a wrong in your Christian liberty, without wrong­ing your conscience; as Beza saith very worthily, Beza Epistola e­adem. Possunt ae etiam de­bent multa to­lerari, quae ta­men non recte praecipiuntur. Many things may, yea, and must be borne with, which are not rightly injoyned; For spirituall libertie lieth not in the out­ward act, but in the intention and beliefe. If a thing wicked in it selfe be injoyned un­to us, it must neither be obeyed in the act, nor assented unto in the understanding and the will; But if the thing be indifferent in it selfe, and yet seeme in the judgement inconvenient, we may and must do it, and neither wrong our libertie, nor our consci­ence; for in such cases our actions are limi­ted, though our consciences be free, and the [Page 37]superiour power may binde us in foro exte­riori, and leave us free in foro interiori, where­in Christian libertie lieth. Spirituall libertie, Calvin Instit. l. 4 c. 20. Art. 1. Spiritualis li­bertas cum po­litica servitute optime stare potest. and politicall bondage, will stand very well toge­ther, saith Calvin.

And let not the consequence trouble you; As long as the thing commanded is lawfull in it selfe, we are not answerable of the consequence that may follow, but they that command it; and we that move in the inferiour orbe of obedience, must quietly follow the motions of the higher spheare of authoritie: To pull against it inconside­rately, under pretence of Gods service, is dashing the second Table against the first, and breaking both; That man abuseth Chri­stian libertie, Beza Epist. 24. ad peregrinarum Ec­clesiarum in Anglia fratres. Conse­quitur eum abuti Christianae li­bert tis beneficro, qui vel suis Ma­gistratibus, vel praepositis suis sponte non paret in Domino, nec conscientiam fratrum aedificare studet. or rather is yet sold under sinne, that will not with a free will obey in the Lord his Ma­gistates or Superiours, and seek­eth not to edifie the consciences of his brethren, saith Beza.

But though it were a thing granted, that the orders imposed upon you by his Maje­stie, are not indifferent, but ungodly and Antichristian: Are you therefore allowed [Page 38]to defend Religion with rebellion? Will ye call the Divell to the helpe of God? Sure it is a prodigious kinde of Christian libertie, for a subject to draw his sword against his Soveraigne. You that stand so much up­on the point of conscience, Ought ye not to be subject for consciences sake? Rom. 13.5. Were your So­veraigne unjust and froward, and his com­mands injurious unto God, Had ye instead of our pious Defender of the faith, a fierce Dioclesian. Illud solis precibus et patientia sa­nari potest, Nothing will mend it but pray­ers and patience. Beza ibib. It is Beza's counsell to the discontented brethren of England, confor­mable to that of S. Peter, For it is better if the will of God be so that ye suffer for well doing, 1 Pet. 3.17. then for evill doing. If the Soveraigne come to kill the subject for his religion, The sub­ject must yeeld him his throate, not charge his Pike against him.

Calvin lived in the time of the hottest persecutions, and had credit enough to have made the people to take armes to de­fend the libertie of their consciences; But this is his doctrine; If we be persecuted for godlinesse by an impious and sacrilegious Prince, [Page 39]Let us first of all remember our sins which no doubt are corrected by God with such scourges; Calvin. Instit. l. 4. c. 20. art. 29. Si ab impio & sacrilego Principe vexamur ob pietatem, subeat pri­mum delictorum nostrorum re­cordatio, quae talibus haud dub [...]e Domini flagellis castigantur; In­de humilitas impatientiam no­stram fraenabit; Succurrat deinde haec cogitatio, non nostrum esse hu jusmodi malis mederi; hoc tantum esse reliquum, ut Domini opem imploremus, cujus in manu sunt regum corda & regnorum inclinationes. This will bridle our impatience with humilitie; Then let this thought come into our minds, That it is not our part to mend such evils; And this only remaineth unto us, even to call upon Gods helpe, in whose hand are the hearts of Kings, and the in­clinations of Kingdomes.

And whereas in the same Chapter, he teacheth, that in case the King command a­ny thing contrary to Gods command, we must obey God rather then men; he will not have Christians to fight for righteous­nesse, but to suffer for righteousnesse: Ibid. art. vlt. Hac nos cogi­tatione conso­lemur, illam tum nos prae­stare quam De­us exigit obe­dientiam, dum quidvis perpe­timur potius quam a pietate deflectamus. Let this thought comfort us, saith he, that we yeeld (unto the King) that obedience which God re­quireth, when we suffer any thing, rather than turne aside from Godlinesse.

And how the good man was averse from taking armes against a Soveraigne, under pretence of religion; he sheweth it in his Epistle to Francis the first of France, If any (saith he) under colour of the Gospell trouble [Page 40]your state, Calvin. Epist. ad Franciscum 1. Regem, quae este ante Institutiones. Quod si qui sub praetextu Evange­lii tumultuantur (quales hactenus in regno tuo fuisse non comper­tum est) sunt leges & legum poe­nae, quibus pro meritis graviter exerceantur; Modò ne interim Evangelium Dei ob scelestorum hominum nequitiam male audiat. (and hitherto there hath beene none such in your Kingdome) there are lawes and penall statutes, to represse them severally, according to their de­serts; so that in the meane while the Gospell of God be not defa­med for the malice of wicked men.

And after many just complaints to the King for the fearefull executions used a­gainst his partie, Ibid. Sin vero ita aures tuas oc­cupant malevolorum susurri, ut nullus sit reis pro se dicendi locus, importunae vero illae Furiae, te connivente, semper vinclis, fla­gris, equuleis, sectionibus, incen­diis saeviunt: Nos quidem ut oves mactationi destinatas ad extrema quaeque redigemur; sic tamen ut in patientia nostra possideamus a­nimas nostras, & manum Domini fortem expectemus, quae indubie in tempore aderit. he endeth thus, We indeed like sheepe kept for theslaughter, may be brought to any extremity; yet still we will possesse our soules in patience, and looke for the mightie hand of God, which cer­tainly will assist us in due time.

These are the armes, the forces, and the munitions, which the Church of that time opposed to their Soveraigne, in time of persecution. And not to loade this Epistle with testimonies of the late French Wri­ters; The Churches of France have lately declared to his Majesties Ambassador [Page 41]there, their utter dislike of the insurrection of Scotland, under pretence of a Covenant with Christ.

But I see an objection comming, which (as farre as I can ghesse) hath prevailed with many, to draw them to the present insurre­ction: That let the French Churches give never so good counsell of obedience, yet their actions give to the Scots a president to take armes for the defence of their religion. And this is likely that which made the Co­venanters say in one of their Petitions to his Majesty, Pag. 417. of his Majesties large Declaration. that the neighbour Churches would approve all their proceedings.

I might answer, that the case is not alike; the two Courts of Great Britaine and France being so different in Religion, and the Scots not being prest to alter their Reli­gion, as the French were for a long time: But because there can be no just cause to take armes against a lawfull Soveraigne, two things may be said to that objection.

First, that to take counsell of a friend, you must take him when he is in cold blood, not when he is drawing his sword. Looke to the opinions and behaviour of [Page 42]their Divines, not to the actions of some rash heads.

Next, if you look how they have done, you must look also how they have sped, and you shall have little encouragement to fol­low their example.

But not to wrong my Countreymen; If you read their History from the yeare 1560. when the civill warres begun, you shall finde, that most part of the time their warres had such and so important occasi­sions, as your party cannot bring for the present disorders.

Henry the II. of France died about the yeare 1560. leaving foure sonnes under age, the eldest whereof, Francis the II. raigned little above one yeare, and his brother Charles the IX. was some ten yeares old when he began to raigne. During the mi­nority of these Kings, the Queene mother, by the assistance of the house of Guise, exclu­ded the Princes of the blood from the pro­tection of the Kings person and kingdome, which was their right. The Princes being Protestants, and finding a discontented par­ty, who, for the space of wellnigh forty [Page 43]yeares, had suffered a most fierce persecuti­on, easily drew to their side all the Prote­stants of France; and so twisted their inter­ests with the interest of Religion, that they never made a peace for themselves alone, but for the whole party: By which severall peaces they got Edicts in their favour, and places of defence, and grew a considerable party.

King Charles the IX. being come to age, and finding a troubled State, sought to quench with blood the fire kindled in his kingdome; and by a treacherous match of his sister with the young King of Navarre, got the Heads of the Protestants to Paris, and there slew them. This was the famous feast of S. Bartholomew 1572. upon which, and some moneths after, there was above fourescore thousand of the Protestant party killed in cold blood throughout all the kingdome.

This usage, though it cannot justifie the Protestants for taking armes afterwards for their defence, yet it taketh away great part of the reproach; it being no wonder, if those that have suffered more than nature [Page 44]can beare, will doe more than duty can ju­stifie.

Charles the IX. being dead two yeares af­ter the Massacre, Henry the III. succeeded, who being of a milder temper than his brother, the Protestants enjoyed some quiet for a while; which his Popish subjects disliking, (or rather, his mother, whose or­dinary course was, to keep her authority by publike divisions) the League began pre­sently for the extirpation of the Protestant party, without the Kings consent; yet the King, being a timorous man, was drawne to it perforce, in the end; In the meane while, the King of Navarre and the rest of the Protestants stood upon their defence; I will not determine whether they ought to have yeelded their throats to the slaughter, the persecution being not raised against them by their Soveraigne, but by a Cove­nant of his subjects with the Pope and the King of Spaine, before the King had given way to it; But the King himselfe soone ju­stified their armes; for perceiving that the League was a yoke upon his owne necke, which devested him of his right, and [Page 45]brought into the kingdome another autho­rity than his own; he renounced the League, and called the King of Navarre, and the Protestants to his aid, who did him faithfull service with great alacrity and valour; till the King being dead in the yeare 1589. the right of the Crowne fell to the Head of their party, the King of Navarre, whom by Gods blessing, and their valour, they raised to the Throne, and helped him not onely with their sword, but maintained him with their purses, and did him such services as could not be repaid.

King Henry the IV. having removed from the League all pretences of bearing armes against him as an Hugonot, by for­saking the reformed Religion, to our infi­nite griefe and losse; And seeing his Prote­stant party justly discontented, granted them liberty of Religion, and a lease for yeares of certaine places of safety, which (as the French Protestants expound it) would have been to no purpose, had it not been to defend themselves by way of armes when they should be vexed. So they did afterwards, when King Lewis now [Page 46]reigning redemanded those places, and would continue the lease no longer.

Till the reigne of King Lewis the armes of the Protestants were either justifiable, or excusable, But their wars in his time were neither; and they prospered accordingly.

Their first and greatest fault was in the yeares 1615. and 1616. when they joyned with the Prince of Conde to crosse the Kings match with Spaine; yet by the per­swasions of my reverend Father, living then in Paris, all the Churches on this side Loire, that is, one halfe of France, kept themselves in the Kings obedience; for which the Queene Regent gave him thanks.

But the injuriestuck so deep in the Kings stomack, that five yeares after he would have all his places from the Protestants: who when they stood stifly for the keep­ing of those places in the The assembly of Rochell was a politicall assem­bly, such as the Protestants were allowed then to keepe. Assembly of Rochell, my Father being at the same time President of the Nationall Synod at Alaix, stood for obedience with much eagernesse, and after the dissolution of the Synod, The Copy of that Letter is by me. writ to the Assembly a large letter, to perswade [Page 47]them by reasons both of conscience and prudence, rather to suffer for the Gospell, than stand in Armes against their Sove­raigne. But the Assembly being ruled by violent men, chose the counsels of warre, and drew the Kings armes upon many that were most desirous of obedience. What miseries we have suffered by the rashnesse of few men, and the weak estate we were brought to by these violent courses, we think on it with bitter grief: Our wounds are fresh, and are like to bleed till the poore Church bleed out her life, if God be no more mercifull to us, than we have been to our selves.

In one point I am afraid that you shall be like us, if you go on in your course. For whereas most of the Kings subjects in Scotland are misled, and would gladly o­bey his Majesty, if their Landlords and leaders would give them leave: It is to be feared, that the Kings artillery shall make little distinction between good hearts and false hearts.

I beseech you, since you claime confor­mity with the French, compare your case [Page 48]with theirs. The French Protestants had to do with a King of contrary religion; They were incensed by many wrongs and op­pressions; They were in danger (in al likely­hood) to lose with their townes and forts, their liberty, their religion, and their life; The priveledges which they enjoyed, were rewards of their long services. By the Charter of Rochell, when they yeelded to Lewis the XI. it was granted to them, that they should bee no longer the Kings sub­jects, then the King should maintaine their immunittes; And yet these true reasons and just feares, could not justifie their de­fensive armes against their Soveraigne, but they were condemned by the best of their owne, and of their neighbours; and God shewed his dislike, by the ill successe he gave them.

What approbation then of all good men, what blessing of God may the Cove­nanters hope for, by standing in armes a­gainst their good King, a Prince in piety and clemency without parallell, who never provoked them by any ill usage, but rather favoured them above their fellow subjects?

It may doe you good to observe, that the violent Counsellors of war in the assembly of Rochell, soone after betrayed their party, and sold their places: Others turned Papists and were rewarded for it; which sheweth, that they were wonne before to thrust their party into a precipice, whence there was no way to get out. But the great Counsellour of peace, my Reverend Father, at that very time was forced to flie for his life out of the Kingdome, and leave his meanes behinde him, being maligned because by the respect of his presence, and his powerfull perswa­sions, he kept the people in the Kings obe­dience, which was the greatest crossing of the designes of our adversaries, who being fully bent upon our undoing, wanted but a pretence. I feare also that when God re­vealeth the secrets of the hearts, Some fierce Covenanters shall be found Iefuites, whose purpose was to make the King lose one way or other, that supremacie which the Pope challengeth, and howsoever, to get profit by our harmes.

I would desire you also to learne by our faults and misfortunes, that in a Covenant [Page 50]against a lawful and undoubted Soveraign, there must needs be in the end a great deale of disunion. Our Deputies in the Assembly of Rochell, sent their orders over all the kingdome, but they were not followed: And when the King appeared with an ar­mie, many turned to his side, and weakned their owne party. Likewise when his Ma­jestie shall come to you to make himselfe o­beyed, either with the terrour or the smart of his Royall sword, be sure that you shall see the same disunion among you; Neither shall your Covenant beable to keepe all to­gether; But the presence of their naturall Prince, and his anger armed with strength, will strike a greater awe in the hearts of his subjects, than any order of your tables.

It is with Politicke bodies as with quick­silver, which is easily stirred and divided; But divide it never so much, all the severall parts will of themselves meet in their center againe; for it must be a very great violence that will quench nature, and when you have done all, the King will be King.

God give you all grace to learne wise­dome by the faults of your neighbours; [Page 51]And to the Churches of France so much blessednesse, that for a full agreement in all points with their King and his Clergie, there be nothing wanting on their parts but to receive Bishops.

If you dissent from me in these points of Discipline and Obedience, you must beare with me, for this tincture, I have kept from the education which I received at home. But I hope you will receive this advice of mine, with the same minde as it is given, that is with charity and a sincere desire to see God glorified, and the Church at peace, and the King obeyed.

Which is the subject of the daily pray­ers of