PHILIP (the father of great Alexander) ha­uing increased his small kingdome of Mace­donia to the Empire of Greece: and conside­ring how needfull the fauour of all men was for the life of his reputation in that romth; commanded that daily ere he came from his chamber, a boy standing at the dore should say with loud voyce, Phi­lip remember thou art a mortall man: a course beyond anie expectation of that time; he being deriued from Her­cules, whom for his excellencie, they feigne was transla­ted amongst the gods.

Some who haue since that time preferred iustice be­fore the other vertues, do name humilitie; (as that which belongeth onely to man) to be the meanest notwithstan­ding that she linketh the rest, and is mother to clemencie, who chiefly bringeth forth the fauor of the people.

The regard which this prudent king had to make his succession immoueable, and to raise them to the highest top of glorie (as he did by making their foord, by his affa­bilitie, tempetance and clemencie) is of excellent presi­dent for all Princes: who to effect the like, are to appeare before God as men clothed with humilitie; and before men as God adotned with clemencie: they being both men & gods respecting their condition of humane frail­tie; and high place of their royall dignitie.

[Page 2]The error which groweth by the abuse of these things is dangerous, as that which leadeth either into a manifest tyrannie, or a remissenesse of gouernement. For howe may he that perceiueth not the passions of men, or feeleth not in him selfe an inclination to mercie; either relieue the people of their miseries as man, or prouide for their infir­mities as God?

To seeme therfore such who seeke a reformation and benefit of the people (a report very plausible) and couertly to deuour manie prouinces, is a practise neither of man or God, but of Deuils incarnate. I would there were not any vnto whom this might be obiected: & that her Maiestie whose most noble Progenitors haue deserued well of Spaine, might, if for no other cause then the auncient league betweene the Crowne of Castill and the house ofFrossart. Lancaster, haue enioyed their good neighbourhood and friendship of times past. But seeing that their cheerefull countenance (being oppressed with the ill humours of their ambition) is turned into a melancholie darke, I haue thought good for the benefit of her Maiesties subiectes, (some of them hauing vaine imaginations of the Spani­ards excellent giftes and greatnesse) to drawe the linea­ments of their Empire and good nature, by which it may appeare howe monstruous the proportion of both is, which they would should seeme most exquisit and come­ly to all men.

It is certaine that Spaine is of great antiquitie, bearing that name vnder the first Monarchie; but when we shall consider the significations of her and of her first inhabi­tant, we shall find her age no ornament (as it hath bene in the names of the foure Monarchies, and of some other nations) but a great deformitie considering her incom­modities, [Page 3] and peruerse qualities of that people all naturall defects being made more imperfect by continuance or al­teration of times. Touching therefore the significationsGieronimo Ruscelli [...]el Ptolomeo. of that countrie: [...] (being a Greeke word) is inter­preted needinesse, penurie and raritie; and was not long after the diuision of tongues, first inhabited by the third sonne of Iaphet named Iobel or Tubal, signifying worldly,Iosephus lib. 1. antiq. cap. 11. or of the world, confusion and ignomie: which signifi­cations meet so iumpe regarding the state of that counrie, and customes of that nation, as nothing could be deuised apter.

Of this contemptible beginning (which in respect of their meannesse was long without suspition of tyrannie haue they (lothing the streights of Hercules pillers, and his Plus vltra) extended their limits to the vtmost In­dians; where they haue erected this Trophaea of Alexan­ders conceipt, Non sufficit orbis; but how farre from the temperance of good Princes, let anie barbarian iudge, who would haue bene glutted with halfe the miseries of them, with whose euils the Spaniard is not yet satisfied.

For better expressing the particularities of their policie let vs (before we come to the significations of [...] and Tubal, only for an introductiō to the nature of both) ob­serue these foure points: First how that that nation rising1 like the bettle frō the cowshern, hurtleth against al things Secōdly that they being of the nature of shadows, which2 are short the Sunne ascending the Meridian; and long, be­ing neere the Horizon, make a deceiptfull proportion of their greatnesse. Thirdly, that whilest the great kings of3 Europe liued, they were obscure, and haue onely since their time bene seene, like glowe wormes shining in the darke. Fourthly, that this region of Spaine (though verie4 [Page 4] ancient) was after the report of Polybius vnknown to theLib. 3. Hist. old Romanes, (the South part excepted) aswell in respect of the vnfruitfulnesse of the soyle, as sauage and rude life of the inhabitants: all which concerne the significations of that countrie and inhabitant: but first of [...].

It is conuenient, that we perceiue the effectes of this name by nearer circumstances of ages then the former generall poincts: in respect whereof, we must first looke1 backeward as farre as three thousand yeares: at which time the Phaenicians (who were then of the greatest naui­gation)Diodorus Sicu. rerum anti. lib. 6. cap. 9. did buy of them their mettall for things of no ac­compt and small price: an argument that either the Spa­niards then were of great simplicitie (a qualitie neuer growing to a habit in them) or that they had great want of those things which are ordinarie for the life of man, which is an inseparable accident of the greatest part of their countrey. Secondly who considereth their naturall2 disposition to robberie in the maiden yeares of Spaine, Diodorus Sic. rerum anti. lib. 5. cap. 2. & li. 6. cap. 9. would thinke they had onely studied that lawe Licurgus made in the benefit of secret theft; neither Hercules though he maistered their countrimen Gerion and the sonnes of Chrysaurus; or the Romanes who often restrained them, being able to suppresse their theeuerie. But they depend vpon this ground, that those things in which manie of­fend, are alwayes forgiuen, and that there is no law pre­scribed to necessitie.

Thirdly behold their small multitude of people regar­ding3 the bignesse of their countrey, being one of the grea­test kingdomes of Europe: which proceedeth of the sig­nifications of Spaine; caritie, penurie and want. For as it is natural that those females that giue sucke, may bring so manie of their kind as they haue tets: so is it monstruous [Page 5] to produce moe than they haue meanes to releeue: this being alwaies a rule, that there is no region which is fruit­full (vnlesse mortalitie be a depriuing cause) but that ac­cording to the good prouidence of nature it is also popu­lous.

Fourthly, suruay the scituation of Spaine, which gene­rally4 yeeldeth moe rockes and barren hils, than champain and plaine fieldes, from which (after the midst of Iune) they reape no profite till the next spring: their trees and vines excepted, neither haue they any great vse of their riuer waters, which are so troubled and extreme colde inFrossard. the first part of summer by snowes, that descend from the hils by the heate of the sunne, that they do not onely mor­found and kill horses, but also men if they haue not the dayly vse of Garlike, which is esteemed very profitable for them that drinke corrupted water.

Fiftly, obserue some causes of their rebellion in the5 time of the emperor Charles the 5. which were (amongst other mislikes) for that their coine was transported into Italy, Flanders and Almaine: and their graine into Por­tingall Antonio di Gueuara. their next neighbour: and note also how they are yeerely releeued from the Esterlings and Normandie with corne, and from Brittani with Poultrie.

Sixtly, marke their couetousnesse: which vice though6 it be not alwaies in the poore, yet haue they more cause to offende therein, respecting their needie state, than o­thers.

This fault of auarice is no lesse peculiar to the Spani­ards than theft: both issuing from one fountaine, and ha­uing their difference but in circumstance of time, and per­sons: the first belonging to their Princes, is somewhile named ambition: the other appertaining to the meaner [Page 6] sort, they would should be called a militarie libertie: but we know it by no other name then pilfring and robbery.

Touching their couetousnesse, it partly appeareth in fraudulent shifting their creditors: partly by their raue­nous desire to oppresse all parts, and partly by offending against the affections and dignitie of parents.

As concerning the cousinage of their creditors, our Princes haue deeplier tasted their deceit then any others.

Don Piero, being restored to his kingdome of Castill by the onely cheualrie and sole charges of the Duke of Aqui­taine Frossard. then Prince of Wales; entertayned his most noble patron and good benefactor only with promises, and af­ter dispatched him into France with that payment: which being not currant amongst the Gascon and English soul­diers, he was compelled to practise diuerse things contra­rie to the custome of those partes, which bred manie no­uelties to the losse of those prouinces.

The Duke of Lancaster pursuing in Galitia the title ofFrossard. his wife Constance, daughter to Don Piero and heire of Ca­stile: sent the Archbishop of Burdeaux to Piero king of Aragon, for the arrerages of those summes hee was to pay Edvvard the third and his heires Dukes of Aquitan, for the yearely discharge of 500. horse: but hee had no other paiment (the alterations of this Realme not per­mitting to bring this king to reason) but the imprison­ment of his Ambassador in Barcelona.

The Emperor Charles the 5. as king of Spaine, to draw Henrie the eight into a warre against France, who had paide him yearely from thence 133. thousand crownes forIohn Slei. lib. 3. his sisters dower and pencion; made himselfe debtor to the king for that annual summe; couenanting moreouer that if hee married not in conuenient time, Marie then [Page 7] Princes, of the age but of seuen yeares, to pay the king foure hundred thousand crownes, besides three hundred thousand crownes that were lent him: which billes for any thing I know lie in the deck, vnlesse Queene Marie, to please her husband, cancelled them.

How the French king Charles the 8. released the kingL'esiat des maisons il­lustres de France. of Aragon 50000. crownes, his father Levvis the 11. lent vpon the Counties of Roussilion and Parpignan, by meane of that cousining frier, Oliuer Maillard, I let passe with these notes, that as it behooueth the kings of France to suspect the hypocrisie of friers in regard of the ambitionDiodorus Sicu. re anti. lib. 1. cap. 3. of Spaine and Lorran: so it standeth the king of Spaine in hand not to dye in Egypt, no man being buried there, by an ancient law of that region, (if his gouernement hath bin tyranous) or his debts vnpaide.

To returne to the second part of their couetousnesse, ouerthrowing the foundation of Iustice: if this ground be true that nothing is profitable that is not honest, these men are too deuout seruitors of the Pope, he crying this Prince sweats, or fetch, to leape like water spaniels at the sacred dignities of kings, and to enter violently their Do­maines established by his diuine order, who said by meProuerb. 8. kings do raigne.

I will iustifie it, that if the right of Millaine appertaine not to the kings of France, who claimed that Dutchie by Valentina grandmother to Levvis the twelfth, & daugh­ter and heire to Iohn Galeazzo, who had it of the gift of the Emperor Sigismund, that then it belongeth to the Empire. It is also certaine that the Spanish claime to the kingdome of Naples and Sicilia (if the treatie at Madrick helpe not) is voidable: the same growing vpon the adop­tionBernard de Girard. of Alphonso king of Aragon, by Iohn the daughter of [Page 8] Lancelot the son of Charles de la Paix, an vsurper of those realmes: which for good cause shee retracted in her life, & conuaied her title to Levvis the third, sonne to Levvis the second, sonne to Levvis the first, being Duke of An­iou; and before adopted by Ioan the daughter of Levvis the sonne of Robert: all which were lawfully possessed of those Realmes. After which Levvis the third Duke of Aniou, hauing in him the right of the two Queenes, and dying without issue, left thē to his brother Rene, who ha­uing no issue male, gaue his interest to his brother Charles who dying likewise without issue, left his title by testa­ment to the french king Levvis the 11. in respect wherof Charles the 8. his sonne entred Italie & recouered Naples, where he was crowned. Moreouer the Spaniard neither as king of Spaine or Duke of Burgundie hath any right to Holland, Zeland, and Henault, the same hauing bene the pa­trimonie of Iaquet daughter & heire to Guilliam Duke of Bauiers & wife to Iohn Duke of Brabant, who died with­out issue; since which time Philip the Duke of Burgundy his cosen, & his heire (hauing their will for law) haue vio­lently detained those prouinces. Furthermore, their title to Maiorica, Minorica, & to the higher Nauar, resteth vp­on these doubts: first that if king Philip were takē in battel, or intrapped by other meanes, and imprisoned during his life, whether Spaine shuld be forfait to him whose captiue he were. Secondly, if Spaine were prescribed by the holy father (who many times is implacable) whether that king­dome were his, who first laid hand thereon. I am perswa­ded they would reck on these questions absurd: but if the case bee altered with names, it is cocke on the hoope for them, & clearer then the midday. For the king of Aragons conquest of Maiorica, and Minorica was by no other [Page 9] meane then by keeping the king of both in prison till his death: of which wrong the king his sonne complained to Edvvard Duke of Aquitan, who assured him, (his warsFrossard. ended for Don Piero of Castile) he would yeeld him all fa­uor possible.

Their chiualrie in their thieuish surprising the higher Nauarre (which they hold by force of the Popes proscrip­tion) is of like condition: whereby it may appeare that notwithstanding these Caualeros haue their Rapiers han­ging point blancke, that it is their penurie at home, that giues them stomake, according to their name that they are Sagaces Hispani, to winde, or smell their neighbors cupbords abrode.

The late Prince of Orenge hath declared their iniurie to Don Anthonio for Portingall, and God himselfe, (wherein we haue to boast and be thankfull) hath with hautie stile penned our Apologie for England: where­fore I omit both, to shewe the last branch of their coue­tousnesse, then which there is nothing that more tou­cheth their indignitie: for if it be proper to the Lion and Tiger to pursue with incredible furie, those that bereue them of their whelpes: what greater beastlines can there be in man who hath reason, & is not borne for himselfe, then contrarie to the naturall instinct of brute beastes, to make his issue captiue, whom nature made free? as the Spaniards by selling the Indian women conceiued with child by them, haue done to their great obloquie.

This kinde of auarice caused the Indians to practise new matter: but rather it may be the diuine punishment, considering the simplicitie of that people; who as they could opportunely take the Spaniards, powred melted gold into their mouthes, vsing Thomyris words to Cyrus [Page 10] head in bloud, now drinke your fill

To returne from whence I digressed, touching their qualities expressing the significations of Spaine. Next to their couetousnesse their enuy is to be regarded, a vice proper to men of base account, and peculiar aboue allProssard. others to this nation: as well by testimonie of Gaston the Erle of Foix (a Prince of singular magnificence and va­lure) who (dehorting the Lords of Biern from seruing the king of Castill against the Portingall) tould them the Spaniards were filthie, lowsie, and enuious of the prospe­ritie of straungers: which at Iuberoth the French desiring to haue the vanward found true: the king of Castill not being able (in regard of their place) to bring his Spaniards though 20000. to make supply: by meane whereof, the Lords of Biern with their retinue, being 12000. were slaine. As also by the Duke of Albas reproouing Coun­tie Egmond, (who with the aide of our artilery from sea) ouerthrew the Frenchmen betweene Grauelin and Dun­kercke: which victorie the Spaniard imputed onely to the Counties temerity, and for recompence of his valure, could not after aford him his life.

Hitherto haue I prooued the significations of Spaine as causes by their effects, or maximes by their consequen­ces: now remaineth to speake of Tubal, signifying, of the world, worldly, confusion, and ignomy.

Some may thinke that what hath bene said for Spaine belongeth also to Tubal; but I am of another minde: for as it followeth not necessarily, that whosoeuer is rich, is therefore proud, high minded and insolent, no more is it consequent, that the poore are worldly, confuse, and ig­nominious: many of both sorts being such whom God doth loue: in respect whereof, it behoueth me to handle [Page 11] this, as the other a part; to make apparant that they are no lesse confuse, and ignominious, than naturally poore and miserable.

As for these words, worldly, or of the world; although their grosse ignorance of diuine things may be prooued thereby, yet for that they belong to my Masters the Di­uines, I let them passe.

First therefore as touching confusion, it is a peruerting or confounding the comlinesse and order of things Di­uine, naturall, and ciuill; by meane whereof a detriment or deformitie of our persons, dignities, or states presently ensueth.

As concerning things Diuine, there is no nation that so confoundeth their vse, and seemeth religious not being so, as the Spaniard for an instant.

Ferdinando and Isabella after they had recouered Gra­nado from the Mores, were presently intituled the most Christian Princes: which being stomached by France, they had after the name of Catholike, which did no lesse hurt then the title of vniuersall or supreme bishop: for hauing so glorious an addition annexed to their newe kingdome, they studied to do somwhat, sauoring also of noueltie, that might seeme worthie of the holy fathers fauour, and their Epitheton: in respect whereof they esta­blished a company of the order of Dominicks, to looke into the corrupt life & maners of the Mores and Ievves of Spaine, whom they named fathers of the holy Inquisi­tion.

These Fathers as dropt from heauen, gaue great hope of their proceeding to all men; for in short space, all Ma­humatisme and Iudaisme, seemed by their diligent search to be extirped in Spaine: neither was there any thing ex­pected [Page 12] from them, but the effects of pietie, and propaga­tion of Christianitie: their aduantage to this sentence, The vvorkman is vvorthy his hier, excepted; which great­ly inriched their holy house with confiscate goods, but after their trade, in which they had found some sweetnes, began to decay at home; they thought good (as gray­hounds missing wolues do fall to sheepe) to make it cur­rant at Naples, which the Princes & people of that king­dome a while withstood: but being after terrified, partly with the Popes censures, partly with the power of the Emperor Charles the 5. they accepted it, Sed iniquis condi­tionibus.

Hauing gotten free passage for this newe creature in Italy, they attempted to make it knowne to our worlde, where it bred such Antiphisicall effects, by tearing the vnion of Belgia, and renting our peace, that if euer this saying were found true that Religion brought forth riches, and the daughter deuovvred the mother, it was then when their auarice, cloked with Christian reformation, filled all places with proscriptions, slaughter, and flame.

Moreouer, where the Greeke Tau (hauing some forme of a crosse) was amongst the Egyptian Hierographicall let­ters in great admiration, as containing diuine mysteries: and furthermore, where the Emperor Constantine hadEuseb. lib. 9. cap. 9. Eccle. Hist. reuealed vnto him that he should vanquish the tyrāt Max­entius in the same signe: these minions notwithstanding they magnifie these presidents, naming all Lutheranos, and Burrachios that adore not the same: yet without any religious feare, (which no Iewe would doe, esteeming swine vncleane) drue the Iudge of Tordissillas out of a Church, and strangled him vpon a gallowes betweene two hogges, as Christ was crucified betweene two [Page 13] theeues, wherein they blasphemed not the signe, but the thing signified.

This report Antonio di Gueuarra (a man of more quali­fied condition than their countrie yeeldeth, made in his Oration at Braxinia to the Knights of the assembly.

He affirmed also in his Epistle to the bishop of Zamo­na, chieftaine of the rebels in Spaine, that one of his priests standing behind a window at Tordissillas, ouerthrew ele­uē of the Emperors souldiers with his Hargabusse: with which ech time before he slew one with the bullet, hee crost himselfe.

Let Charles the fift censure their Pageants with their holy father, and his venerable companie vnder Bourbon, at that time his son Philip was borne: he doubting whe­ther he had more cause to glorie in the birth of his sonne, or to lament their contempt of the Pope, and holie places.

I denie not but some Almaines had their handes also in that matter, but the fault belonged to no other then the Spaniards: (who the Duke of Bourbon being slaine) com­maunded the armie, and were masters of the field.

In reproouing of their abuse, either of the Crosse or Pope, let no man take me that I esteeme them as things Diuine or holy: I speaking onely according to their opi­nion of both, which they reckon diuine and holy.

Nowe commeth in place the second part of confusion, which consisteth in violating that order which hath bin prescribed by nature, for preseruation of honestie, and the excellency of man.

This schoolemistris, was of her selfe daintie and most excellent, till the serpent deflowred her, and the Spaniard abused her fauour: notwithstanding which, she aloweth [Page 14] not the desire of man to increase his like, in vnlawfull or vncomely sort: both which are against the dignitie and intention of Nature, whose obiect is honestie. Her lawes are, that we be followers of modesty, that a Parent should cherish his childe, a husband his wife, and all liuing crea­tures should liue pacified with them of their owne kinde. But to vse women forcibly in publike places, or in the presence of many, as some phrenticke persons accustomeSansoninus de Regnis. in Fez: or for Parents to kill their children, husbands their wiues, and one people many Nations, she detesteth, as customes vnfit for men, and not vsed (the first excep­ted) by fierce and vnreasonable creatures.

I meane to cite but few examples, yet such as may no lesse expresse this confusion, then the print of Hercules foote his whole stature.

At their first arriuall in the West Indes (there accoun­ting nothing vnlawfull) exercised all tyranny on that people, who hauing till then enioyed a long libertie, este­med the Spaniards more daungerous than wilde beasts: in respect whereof many flying their seruitude, cast them­selues from rockes: other pined themselues with famine, and some cut their throates with sharpe stones: neither spared the Indian women that were with childe to take venimous potions, and to rippe their wombes to set free their infants from the cruell bondage of Spaine.

But this booted not, the Spaniards minding rather to reserue them to foule vses, and to aid them in their slaugh­ters, then they should pine, or ende their liues by any other meane then their chiualrie.

Hauing therefore recouered such as Fortune spared, they shamed not, driuing them as droues of beastes, to ra­uish the women hauing children fastened to their necks, [Page 15] both their owne bands and the Indians beholding them.

But what durst not these rutters do amongst a naked, & simple people, that omitted no outrage in a country ha­uing lawes, walled townes, and armed men? for many thousand of like stuffe receiue this one for proofe of the rest.

At Insul a towne in Flaunders, three of these gallants entered a citizens house wholy of their faction; where two of them held the husband, whilest the third rauished his wife in his presence: who crying for helpe, & hauing two neighbours come to his rescue, the Spaniardes also cried Spaine (a watch word to assist their villanies) where­vpon diuerse of their company repaired to them, accusing the husband and his neighbors of riot, for which the one was adiudged to be whipt, and the other to be hanged.

Let this much suffise for that vice, wherein they con­tend only with vnreasonable creatures: somewhat being to bespoken also of their murther and cruelty, which be­longeth to this part of confusion, wherin they alone haue top and top gallant.

Solon hauing giuen lawes to the Athenians, was de­manded why he made not one for parricide: for that saith he, I thinke no man so beastly to commit it. The Philo­sopher thought nature to haue great authority in this matter; but seing that loue only descendeth, she comman­deth little.

That the child hath murthered the parent, moued by a couetous desire, either of patrimony or gouernement, is more apparant in the line of Othomano then piety would: but for the father to kill his innocent sonne, or the hus­band his chast wife, besides that family and the act of He­rod, I knowe no authentike proofe, vnlesse Spaine can [Page 16] yeeld some president for both.

In the yeare 1568. the Duke of Alba descending with the Terrezans of Milan and Naples into the lower coun­tries, vpon pretence of pacifying that state: and leauing no kind of tyranny vnexercised, gaue great mislike of his doings to all men: especially to the young Prince of Spaine, who often complained of his crueltie in those pro­uinces: the gouernment of which belonged (as he saide no lesse to him in the life of his father, then it did to Philip (who had the same) in the time of Charles the fift.

This complaint though it seemed iust to some, yet others, chiefely the fathers of the Inquisition, reproued it as matter to be suspected, and sauoring more of noueltie then appertained to one of his yeares: by which slaunder they brought him into common hatred, specially of his father, who being wholly addicted to his secreat plea­sures, easily beleeued any thing: in respect whereof, and that hee had made committies for hearing all matters of State: it was thought meete by them to restraine the Prince of libertie, as a man without other practise, know­ing the greatnes of his mind, to shorten his time, although he died not without suspition of poyson.

The Queene of Spaine during his restraint (presuming much on her place, and pitying his innocencie and tender yeares) solicited the king to receiue him againe into fa­uour: but the mallice of the Princes aduersaries preuai­led both towards him and the Queene, whom they found no lesse zealous for the peace of Belgia, then for the kings honour: for which cause they ordered that both their hearses were within one moneth, which I sawe at Ant­vvarpe lamented with teares, and at Naples solemnized with ioy: so great a matter it was for the prouinces to [Page 17] loose good Princes, and for the Spaniards to be ridde of them, by whose pietie and wise prouidence their auarice and crueltie had beene bridled, and so small a thing it is in Spaine, for a father to murther his son, and a husband his wife: the one being after the French phrase Le petit fils of two Emperors and the sonne of a king: the other the daughter of a king, the sister of kings, and wife of a king.

Some may obiect that these reports are scandalous, and belong rather to the Councell of Spaine, and fathers of the Inquisition, then to the king.

I confesse that besides publicke fame, which suffizeth to driue the accusant to his purgation; I can oppose but these grounds. First, that he who propelleth not an iniu­rie if he may, is no lesse faultie then he that offereth the wrong: secondly that those subiectes, whose Prince re­gardeth not by what meane his sonne and wife were op­pressed, are not to hope the defence of his ciuill or martiall sword.

Now remaineth their confusion of things ciuill, which I ascribe not only to the subuersion of positiue lawes, pri­uiledges and customes; but to the ouerthrow also of that society, which ought to be betwene men of one nation, or seueral countreyes, for maintaining their particular quiet.

That they haue subuerted the ciuill state by altering of ancient ordinances, I hope they will not denie: which if they do, their policie in Belgia (framed by Escou [...]do secre­tarie to Don Iohn of Austria) (vz. that the king must cha­stice one Prouince by an other to be made absolute in all) being compared with the priuiledges and customes of those Prouinces, graunted in the Bull of gold, and since confirmed by their Princes, will conuince them of great [Page 18] impudencie. For if amongst other things contained in that Bull, the Princes of Belgia are prohibited to amplifie the Ecclesiasticall state further then hath bene prescribed, or to leauie any mony, or to make any innouatiō in mat­ter of state without consent of the Nobilitie and people: or to place forenners in the ciuill gouernment, vnlesse in some small offices, with this caution, that if they fall into any of these errours, their subiects (making due protesta­tion) are absolued from their obedience: what is it to en­ioyne diuerse townes of Brabant to receiue Bishops, the vnited Prouinces the Spanish Inquisition, & Spanish and Italian gouernours? and to impose this burthen, that be­sides the yearely tenth of mens goods, nothing is bought and sold to the vse of the bodie, out of which the kings of­ficers trie not a part of siluer? What other thing I say is this alcumie, then the rooting vp of a State planted by the hands of good Princes, then which there is no iniustice more capitall?

To antiquate these things seemeth no other, then the cancelling of societie, but they are distinct, and but in part like: some obeying no ordinance, and yet hauing mutuall societie; which groweth by a secret agreement of nature making them conuersant.

By which I collect the confusion of societie amongst men liuing vnder one law, is their morositie onely.

This vice is rife amongst them, and wherein the Spa­niard hath his difference from all men, aswell for offen­ding therein their owne persons, as priuate persons the Soueraigne, and the Soueraigne the subiect: as also pri­uate persons one another: in all which they haue predo­minatiou, and if it were possible exceede them selues.

For sinning against their owne persons behold a rare [Page 19] example. Don Piero of Castill the sonne of Alphonso the xi. leading the vantgard of a battail against the Mores of Gra­nado, and being aduertised that his vnkle Don Iohn, who was in the arergard, was like to be distressed by a sudden eruption of Mores: and finding him selfe vnable to relieuePiero Messie. his vnkle, his souldiers departing the field, was so surpri­zed with beastlines, that he fel from his horse dead: which when Don Iohn was certified, he died also. A matter saith the author, not before heard, that a man should die of dis­pleasure: yet presidents no lesse rare in their sort do folow: but first of offences against the Soueraigne.

A Spaniard beholding Ferdinando (grandfather to Charles the fift) in procession at Barcelona, that day they name Corpus Christi feast, strake him so furiously with a dagger on the necke, that he had slaine him if the great­nesse of his chaine had not put by the thrust: and that for no other cause, as he confessed being taken, but that the king stood not in his good grace, and that he liked not his countenance: an opinion no lesse daintie then that of the Romane Senate: for as they esteemed not on a God, whoEuseb. Eccl. hist. was not allowed by their authoritie, no more would this yonker that any should haue the name of king, that had not dignitie of person agreeable to his romth: which vil­lanus temeritie hath giuen iust cause for Princes to with­draw their ordinarie presence from the common subiect; and to bring in this custome, that no man weareth a dag­ger in Spaine.

But nowe to their confounding of societie with the subiect: for the sequell, of singular president for all princes.

Ferdinando the fourth of Castill, for displeasure onely against two knights of good name, made their processe of execution; and though supplications were offered with [Page 20] teares for pacifying that rigor, yet contrarie to the lyons nature (who spareth the humble) he proceeded with all seueritie: in respect whereof the two knights appealed to the great iudge, before whō they summoned the king to be in person within twentie dayes; the last of which, Ferdinando appeared.

Time may rather want then iust matter to blase their vices, which are not common, but rare and in the highest degree of beastlinesse: leauing therefore their murthering the Nobilitie of the sacred order of Burgundi, their cutting out, and searing with hot irons the tongues of honest Ci­tizens, their drawing the mouthes of some a sunder with other instrumentes, their wilfull murthering a father at Traiect beyond the Mose, for lodging his sonne one night; their banishing chast matrons, for receauing their hus­bands, an act condemned by no good law, for the insepe­rable bonds of their loue: their furious beastlinesse at Tur­nace vpon the citizens and a widow named Potier whom they slue with her daughter and neece; and their massa­cring with bullets the vnarmed people at Ipre beholding a godly minister put to death: I will touch onely their barbarous inhumanitie towards the naked Indians, a peo­ple very tractable, if they had found good maisters, and such as had skill of honestie.

Setting the acts of Moses and Iosua a part, I think there is no president that the godly haue rooted out the natural inhabitants of any countrey: but that the wicked haue chastized sinners, many passages, both of diuine and pro­phane writings haue testified. It is then apparant that the Spaniards as idolaters were suffered to chastice idolaters, and not to enlarge the faith: for had their intention bene to haue learned those simple soules the true knowledge of [Page 21] God, (as they made shewe at the first by erecting in some regions diuerse Bishoprickes and schooles) they would either haue continued that order, or haue bin conuersant with them in all mildnesse and humanitie: pietie being no way better taught then by demonstration: but as they could seeme no others then they were: no more could the Indians gather grapes of thornes: in respect whereof though at the first this naked people might haue bene moulded into anie forme, yet after they had tasted the Spanish Creados, they abandoned their companie, with all rites and ceremonies of the Romish religion, which ma­nie of them had reuerently before receiued: neither was there anie death so fearefull, whether by poyson, famine, or other meane before mentioned, that in respect of the cruelty of those Don Diegos, they would not haue willing­ly embraced as their sure port of rest & end of their euils.

In describing the miserable state of these wretched people, Metellus saith, that to a very ill president, manie of the Spanish souldiers punished their seruants most gre­uously; if either they brought not home their day hier, or finished not their taske in the gould and siluer mines, or had committed smaler faults yealding them (their hands and feet being bound to a crosse pale) in steed of their sup­per, many stripes with corde, or the sinnewes of a Buphal; dropping on them either boyling pitch or oile: and after washing them with salt water they would lay them so long vpon a table, as they imagined those wretches might beare the paine: after this kind of cookerie, if a more cru­ell maister hapened to some of them, they were buried all night in earth to the necke, as a present remedie for their stripes. If any of them died in this newe diet (as it chaunced very often) the maister accompting to the King [Page 22] the heds of his slaine seruants was quited of the paine of manslaughter. This crueltie some excuse saith Metellus by the law of Baion: But it appereth vpon iust cause wic­ked to all men, as being void of all piety.

Touching this barbarous crueltie he bringeth in also one Alquinotec baptized Cacicnis of the prouince of Iucatana, complaining to Monteius generall of that pro­uince in these or the like wordes.

Our natiō, Monteius, whilst I was a boy, was grieuously afflicted with a disease causing them to vomit wormes, whereof the greatest part died: after which (falling by de­grees from on euill to another) we had wars with them of Mexico; wherin we lost mo then an hundred and fif­ty thousand; all which, in respect of the slaughter & cru­eltie that we receaue of thee, Monteius, & of thy souldiers, we esteeme nothing. Metellus further affirmeth, that the Spaniards hauing wasted many prouinces with their cru­eltie; and transporting by sea (from other places better peopled) sundry of those miserable & wretched Indians) murthered many by pestering them in the bottomes of their ships: some by famine, & some by their daily stripes, so that few or not one of thē landed, that were imbarked.

Hee moreouer specially noteth for the rest, one Piero Calis, who (in driuing whole droues of that naked peo­ple) slue all that were not able to trauell, without regard of age, sexe, or their vse of labour, which in respect of a continuall ease, was most hard and intollerable to them.

He lastly concludeth with Macchiauel (who maintai­neth that where the Pope and Cardinals set footing, they leaue most fearefull printes of confusion) that in what place the Spaniards display their ensignes, nothing is to be looked for but crueltie and slaughter, and all miserie: [Page 23] The prouince of Cumanus, of 700000. hauing scarce any remaining: Hispaniola of 2000000. hauing left but 200. or 150. and Hondurensis of 400000. but 8000. besides the slaughters of Cuba, Iamica, and Portus diuitis.

Thus farre Metellus, by which I collect, in respect of a Sympathia betweene the creatures of seuerall kinds, that the Spaniards are no lesse daungerous, in regarde of their crueltie, then the Basilisc, both hauing a desolate and wast Empire: as also that those Indians hauing behelde moe miseries then all the Nations of the earth, haue beene re­serued for the handes of this cruell and proude Nation, whose condemnation may appeare iust, and most great.

I also note the sagacitie of this politike and wise peo­ple, that if they establish any law tending to reformation, they conuert it for the most part to their priuate commo­ditie: for as they dealt by the Inquisition, specially proui­ded for the Moores and Ievves of Spaine, so haue they done by the Law of Baion made by Ferdinando and Isa­bella for the Canibals onely: not one in these dayes fee­ling the smart of either, hath not more pietie, or is not more simple then others.

Omitting for that I would draw to an end, their cruel­tiesPetrus Martyr de angleria. which haue no ende: as their hunting the Indians with dogs, and other like villanies, (hauing spoken be­fore of men offending against their owne persons, the subiect the Magistrate, and the Superior the inferior.) The next is of confounding societie amongst priuate persons, of one Nation, for which I wil cite one example, as it was reported to me at Venice 1569. by a Gentleman of the house of Mantua, of great credite: His other addi­tions I passe with silence, least he yet liue, and may there­by be in daunger of the bugges of Millan his neighbors.

[Page 24]The manner thereof was, as he said, in this sort. One of these monsters meeting his enimie vnarmed, threat­ned to kill him if he denied not God, his power, and es­sentiall properties, vz. his mercy, sufferance, &c. the which when the other desiring life, pronounced with great horror, kneeling vpon his knees: the Brano cried out, nowe will I kill thy bodie and soule, and at that instant thrust him through with his Rapier.

The last part of confusion is left to their confounding the societie of Nations, belonging also to ciuill societie, maintained by Ambassadors, entercourse of trafficke, iu­stice ministred strangers, open denouncing of warre, and mercie to the vanquished.

As for the first, though it hath beene in vse to beare with whatsoeuer an Ambassador (not exceeding his commission,) or an Herault (wearing the Cote-armor of his Prince) deliuered, (as the French king, Charles the sixt, suffered a proud defiance from the Duke of Geldres) yet haue the Spaniards (as men tied to no rule) not onely murthered Ambassadors passing their countrie (as Al­phonso Iohan. Slai. lib. 14. d'Aual their Lieuetnant in Lumbardy, slue Caesar Fregoso, and Antony Rinson, sent from France towards Constantinople) but also haue killed some sent to them­selues:Philip du Comines. as Ferdinando of Aragon, who vsurped Naples, murthered one Segnior Iacobo the Ambassador of Fran­cis Duke of Millan, and imprisoned others, as the king of Aragon did the Archbishop of Buxdeaux, sent from the Duke of Lancaster before named.

Neither haue they beene lesse iniurious to our mar­chants: they hauing arrested some, burnt others, and stayed the goods of many without restitution: vpon this pretence, they had in their ships or chambers, the Psalmes [Page 25] of Dauid, or some treatise of Scripture in the vulgar: the same being either the Erle of Surries sonets, or some other like matter: but neither were our countrie men so hap­pie to bee afflicted for righteousnesse, or the Spaniards so iust in censuring their lightnesse, which should haue bin reformed at home: for if the reading a Sonet, or the bookes of Amadis du Gaul, which they haue incresed to a great volume b [...]e death, which of them are free from iudgement? their chiefest Lectures consisting (vnlesse in the superstitious iudicials of Astronomie) in such light and vaine matter: sed hinc ille lacrymae, that they are of all men most contemptible, if they loose the counterfait of holinesse.

To seeme good and be so, is hard: but to be euill and seeme good is easie, and the onely thing that hath made them great.

To seize therefore on the foxes case, it was requisite to name him a horned beast entring the lyons denne: which rule maketh much for their oppression of all nations by stealth.

Neither is this name Lutheran vnprofitable for them, they meaning to ouerthrow thereby this position: Contra hostes non est nisi legitimè dimicandum, (which partly is by deuouring warre to them whom they inuade) and to draw vs either as heretickes, or traitors to their persons, into a degree higher then those that are tearmed hostes. But how that may be I see not, the one being in question, and the other vntrue: vnlesse the regard of neighborhoodGen. cap. 14 be an offence, which Abraham with the testimonie of a good conscience vsed.

But grant we were worthily excluded the priuiledges of armes, for not being of that church (we thanke God) [Page 26] they are of. What moued them to pretend an indefesible peace (by meane of no lesse State than Philip the Archduke of Austria) with Levvis the twelfth, named for his pietyL'estat des maisons il­stres de France. the father of his countrie, and being as they tearme their friends buenos Catholicos, they surprising at that time the kingdome of Naples? surely no other thing then which caused the Duke of Parma to entertaine her Maiesties Ambassadors with a long parle, till their great Armado was vpon our coast.

These things are inexcusable, and therefore I am of this minde, that if they had that bell named Martinella, Nic. Macch lib. 2. hist. which the ancient Florentines rong one moneth conti­nually before they entered into any warre, they would say they could not make her sound for want of a rope.

Their want of compassion towards the vanquished, is of one scantling with their iniustice to straungers, to whom the lawe of Nations hath alwayes had speciall re­gard.

The lawes permit to take armes against enimies, but to spoile them who haue submitted their liues to vs, is ignoble, and farre from the generositie of our elders.

Some obiect for their cruelty, the slaughter of the French prisoners at Iuberoth, wherein (I shew my opini­on) they had double wrong: first for that they were Por­tingals that did that deede, a Nation for this eight hun­dred yeares distinct frō Spaine: Secondly, if they had bin Spaniards, they had bin without blame, hauing to do with a new enimie that was fresh and thrise their number. I therefore omit this, and Francis the French king com­plaining in Guicciardin of his entertainement in Spaine: and wil for their acts done, put the reader in mind of their gratious behauiour (before recited) towards the simple [Page 27] Indians: and for their purpose to doe, shewe him the in­tention of the Marquise of Guasto.

It is in controuersie whether a Christian taking a Christian in battell may giue his armes: so is it determi­ned, hee may not simply detaine his prisoner paying his ransome; much lesse oppresse him being yeelded: the Marquise notwistanding these rules, encountering Fran­cis of Bourbon, Earle of Anguien at Sirrizolles, entendedL'estat des maisens il­stres de France. (had he gotten the victorie) to send all the frenchmen in chaines to the gallies: a most cruell thought, considering the noblenes of the French Nation, and his owne profes­sion of knighthood.

Thus much of their confounding things diuine, natu­rall, ciuill, and forren; the same appertaining to one of the significations of Tubal: now remaineth to say some­what of the other and last signification, which is Ignomy; This may be named a reproch or blot belonging to the foulenesse of any act before done: a description not disa­greing with the French prouerbe, Orguiell cheuauche de­uant, & honte vene apres.

That Ignomy followeth our vices as shadowes our bodies, though it needeth no proofe, experience teaching no lesse, yet not to leaue men to coniectures, behold a po­sition made by Philip de Comines Lord of Argentai, whose singular honestie and valure sufficed to giue his sentences the authoritie of maximes.

Whosoeuer is a tyrant (saith he) is also a coward: for an instance of which, after he had cited sundrie cruelties of Alphonso the father, and Ferdinando the sonne (kingsPhilip de Comines. of Aragon, and vsurpers of Naples,) he sheweth that vp­on the approach of the French king Charles the eight to Naples: they both departed the realme in such haste that [Page 28] manie of their souldiers lept out of the windowes hauing not seene the enimy: Alphonso beleeuing that all thinges tooke part against him in fauour of the French king: and that the moouing of the leaues of trees, sounded in the behalfe of Charles (as a watchword of partie) France, France.

Ferdinando his sonne (after Charles had taken his plea­sure in the kingdome, and was departed towards France, leauing for his viceroy the Duke Monpensier) returned, and hauing alied himselfe with the Venetians and the Marquise of Mantua (who could not digest the greatnes and neighborhood of the French nation) he fell to ill arts, for recouerie of that kingdome he lost by cowardice. This disgrace he recompenced with a greater, tending to his perpetuall infamie.

For after the French had cleared all parts from appa­rant hostilitie, they were notwithstanding conquered by diseases, gotten by eating the flesh of dead mē, which Fer­dinando had procured to be sold them for Tunny: the vse of which, corrupting the liuer by extreame moisture, and matter of too neere qualitie; brought forth most foule vlcers, with other paines, of which many miserably died: leauing for Trophees of their victories, their countrie name to the disease.

This is fearefully described by Guicciardin, (in respectLib. 2. Hist. the disease was infectiue, and then incurable) and as sin­cerely laide downe by Giouanni Fioreuanti a Philosopher of that time; who beholding the deformitie of that sick­nesse, and hearing of their new diet, indeuoured to finde the reason by the effects.

He kept (for that he would not be deceiued in the di­uersitie of kinds) a tame Pie and a Dog so long without [Page 29] meate, that the one refused not to eate the flesh of another Pie; and the Dogge to feed of an other Dog: by meane whereof the Pie within few dayes lost her fethers, and the Dog his haire, both hauing most filthy soares breaking forth in sundrie parts of their bodies.

The want of victuall being accessarie to this calamitie, draue the French to accept no lesse dishonorable conditi­ons for their departure, than their disease was horrible; the most part of them dying in their returne.

Some reply, that if that contagion were as Fioreuanti coniectured, the Canibals would haue the like: which obiection proueth no lesse then is affirmed, no people be­ing more subiect thereto then they that are within that tract: in which (as in the scorpion there is his sting to kill, and his oyle to cure) is found the wood Guaicum, a most present remedie for that disease.

This practise hath deepely touched the renowne ofExodus 22. Lex Corne­liaff. lib. 46. titu. 8. this Nation, which being in the highest degree of socery, hath for the ineuitable daunger, hapening by the abuse of things naturall, bene alwayes seuerely punished, both by diuine and humaine lawes; I am therefore perswaded that of all villanies it is the greatest, and most worthy of chastisement.

As for that which is named Magia infamis, or what else may be concluded by impr [...]cation, or incantation; or any other thing meeting with the shrewdnesse of our nature, it is not to be esteemed: but this onely is to be feared, which being receiued for food entereth the vaines and entrals, either inflaming vnlawful lust, or abating the power of generation, to cut off discents, or presently kil­ling, or breeding diseases worse then death; and more to be regarded at this instant, in which they striue who shal [Page 30] be, and not who shall raigne, then in that age, in which neither their malice or power had taken so deepe roote as at this time.

To returne from whence I digressed: the Archbishop of Treues, withstāding the election of the emperor Charls the fift (whose greatnesse was extolled by Maience, in re­spect of his new kingdome of Spaine) affirmed that the Spaniards seldome aford them selues in field without the aide of straungers: a report very sclaunderous to chiualry, for which (though they be often well backt as they were at Naueret by the Lords of France) they deserue no soul­diers crowne or garland.

This cowardise at Nauaret, where they had 60000. of their owne people, was after obiected against them by Monsieur du Lignac in a consultatiō of warre amongst the French men that serued king Iohn of Castill (sonne to Henry the bastard) against the Duke of Lancaster. It hath bin also remembred by Frossard, against whom & Mon­sieur du Lignac, they can take no exception.

He first citeth the wordes of one Hartesel an English man at Iuberothe to the king of Portingall, whom he told that the Spaniards were flying calues without wings, bearing banners wauing with the winde: & lastly shew­eth his owne opinion of them as followeth.

At the first incounter, saith Frossard, they are fierce, (& if they haue aduantage) high minded: they fight well on horseback; but as soone as they haue cast two or three dartes, and giuen a stroke with the sworde, and see that their enemies be not discomfited, they turne their horses and fly. This far Frossard, woh in other places doth alto­gether discommend their footmen, as such that are vtterly vnprofitable for battell. The like report in a maner Florus [Page 31] maketh, sauing that he speaketh somewhat more reue­rētly of the Numātines, Portingals & Celtiberians, frō whō Florus lib. 2 cap. 17. 18. Marcus Porcius Cato, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, conquered seuen hundred of their walled townes in fewe yeares, as Plutarche, Strabo and Polybius witnesse.

The great antiquarie and historian Antonio di Gue­uarra, in his epistle to Don Alphonso of Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, affirmeth that the Mores in eight moneths con­quered Spaine to the rocke Horadada, and that the Spani­ards were eight hundred years before they recouered that losse: during which time, we must not thinke that the Negros sent for women out of Aphrick, or that the Spani­ards were in those dayes very martiall.

By comparing these numbers, I find them no lesse vn­able to defend, then to recouer a thing lost; so there be an election of seasons, and a prouision of other necessaries: which is to be regarded by our nation, as well for that we being brought vp in a more temperat and colder clime then Spaine, haue our naturall moisture easilie exhausted by the heat of that country opening our poets in the som­mer: by which that quicke and subtill ayre named Serena entreth the vitall parts, and sleyeth the bodie: as also for that we being not accustomed to their strong wines, and hauing no other waters to mingle with them, then snow broth descending in the spring from the hilles into the ri­uers, fall into pestilent feauers, fluxes, and inflammations of all the inward parts: as moreouer, for that after May (about which time they haue their haruest) nothing re­maineth out of their townes (vnlesse some fruites) to su­staine either man, or horse, their fields being extremely parcht with the Sunne till the returne of the Equinoctial.

Who therefore mindeth to inuade Spaine, hauing no [Page 32] acquaintance with that ayre; it behoueth him to take the field in March, or at the least in Aprill: so councelled Iohn the king of Portingale his father in law the Duke of Lancaster, who hauing in few weekes conquered Galitia, after contended only with the aire & scarsitie of the fields; the Spaniards hauing brought their corne, hay, and other prouisions into their walled townes; by meane whereof he lost twelue Barons, foure score knights, and two hun­dred Esquires, besides the common souldiers, and horse of seruice. Yet are not these discommodities of aire or coun­trie, or losse of so many great personnages and resolute men, to deterre vs hereafter, we being not to measure at any time our attempts by the euents, but by what reason they were enterprized; which, being of late to diuert a ca­pitall and stubburne enemie, are (necessitie commanding) oportunely to be renued: nothing being impossible to a prudēt deliberation, accōpanied with true fortitude. Say then, noble countrimen, with resolute Cato speaking to his souldiers in the deserts of Libya,

These are my mates in armes, vvhom dangers onely leade. Luca. lib. 9. But what heare I? Great is the Hesperian god Plutus, Spain not onely abounding with fruitfull fields and rich mines, but with such men as haue bene parentes of all good cu­stomes.

It suffiseth; but let this be tried by Lazarillo di Tormes, he being lesse partiall then Hieronimo Ruscello, Rodirigo di Toledo, or Taraphe, and by the trauellers in Spaine, who find nothing in their hosteries but a mat to lye vpon, and a candle to bring them to bed. It is no good consequent, there be birds, because there is a nest: or he is a gentleman, for that he neuer leaueth riding But graunt the South of Spaine may be compared with the fruitfull parts of Italie, [Page 33] and that some of them were of like seede as Pallas: yet it maketh no more for the fertilitie of the rest, and good breeding of that people, then the teeth of an Aethiopian for the whitenesse of his bodie. Neither doth the varietie of their mines proue the fatnesse of the soyle, but the con­trarie: for all mettals being ingendred by influence of the Planets (of which they haue their properties) and apt tem­perature of the earth inclined to the disposition of those Planets, of which she is impressed, do shew the nature of their cause by their effects, which being in the third and fourth degree of drought, prooueth their ground more barren (vnlesse in some part) then any region about them. Moreouer their mines (which by men skilfull in mine­rals) are likened to trees hauing rootes, trunkes, boughes, branches, blossomes, or floures) they haue bene wasted by sundry nations in all ages: as the mines of seacole and kannel, which haue their bounds, & are subiect to an end.

First the Phoenecians had (for things of small price) great store of their mettall, by the helpe whereof, they erected diuerse colonies in Sicilia, Sardinia, Libya, and Spaine it selfe.

Secondly the Carthagenians did trafficke their brasseEzech. cap. 27. with the Tyrians, & inlarged thereby, & their commodi­ties in other mettall, their Empire against the Libyans, Si­cilians, and Romaines.

Lastly the Romaines mined many furlongs with greatDiodorus Sicu. lib. 6. rerum anti. cap. 9. vaults in sundrie parts of Spaine, an argument of scarsitie in their time, and that the birds were then flowen: which is now a cause also the king of Spaine preuaileth little for the lower countries: treasure, as some hold, being the sinewes of warre.

As for this opinion that other nations should take lightGirolomo Ruscelli. [Page 34] frō their courtly port & martiall behauiour, it is vaine, &Girolomo Ruscelli. argueth a yearely pention: Antonio di Gueuarra affirming that to giue perfection to the Spaniards it behoueth to draw him that is bred in the mountaines, to be trained in Castill: which I gesse is for no other cause then that the Montanese is by nature rough, and the Castillian efeminat: but what state this man will beare, let them report who haue either seene beggers set on horsebacke; or haue be­held a mans head placed on a horses necke, &c.

This my self can say, that I haue knowē fifteene hūdred Biscaies (which people Florus nameth the chiualrie of Spaine) at their first landing in Antvvarpe to be men con­temptible of person, filthy in apparell, and rude in beha­uiour; and within one moneth after they had tasted the pay of that towne, and relished the cates of that contrey, to be terrible of countenance, magnificall in gesture, and seeming of so hautie conceit; as though all things were vile which they esteemed not: and therefore dare auowe that who so was entertained with their customes, pro­spered as a tree embrased with iuie.

This barbarous naturall of the Spaniard, was better knowen to Hanibal, then to men of our time; for he af­terAppianus Alexandri­nus libr. L [...]bico. his discomfiture at Cilla, hauing some Spanish horse­men remaining; and fearing in respect of their vertuous training, their readines to chaffer the state of their friends, fled with on horseman in two dayes & two nights to A­drumetum distant frō the battail three thousand furlongs, which commeth to three hundred seuentie fiue of our miles: an argument he loued and trusted them well from whom he fled in such hast.

It is a ground that a compound is lesse perfit, & more daungerous for nature then a simple, if therefore those [Page 35] Spaniards which descended only of Tubal, haue, in respect of their parent or soile, but the image of perfect men: what shall we thinke of the Spaniards of these dayes, which are confected of the pilferers of the wold? truely that there is no vice in which they haue not a surplussage aboue anie other nation of the earth: I meane the South of Spain (now containing Catalonia, Aragona, Castilia nueua, Valenza, Granado and Andaluzia) to which only the Romans before Polybius time gaue the name of Spaine.

As for Galitia and Portingale, the one taking name of those French men that in the time of Charles the great en­tred Spaine against the Mores, & the other of those French and Normans that in the yeare 700. past against the Sa­rasins; as also the Biscais descended of those Gauls which were called Celtae, and of those Spaniards named Iberi, as Diodorus in his sixt booke of antiquities, and Lucan in his fourth hooke make mention: I number them a part, as being ech way more honorable then the rest.

But to returne to the South of Spaine, (the rest not be­ing knowen to the learned antiquitie) the Goths and Alani (being of those Scythians that dwelt neere the riuer Danu­bius, who in the time of Honorius came vnder the leading of Gensericus into Spaine) inhabited that part, which is now called Catalonia, a word compounded of both theirGirolomo Ruscelli in la Geo. di Ptolo. names; and was at the first named Gottalania.

Of these Scythes who haue their name as vacantes scy­phis are descended those that inhabit Castilia nueua, and Arragon named at the first Terracona. Next to these is the prouince of Valenza, so called by the Mores, who about nine hundred yeares past tooke footing in that kingdome, and since ouerflowed Spaine. About eight hundred years past another company of Mores possessed that part which [Page 36] they named Granado of a citie they built.

The next are the Vandals, a people of the North, cal­ling that part, after their name Vandaluzia, which by loo­sing the first letter and corruption of speach is called An­daluzia, as Arrogona hath T, being before Terracona. But here I must not forget a report of their own touching the etimologie of Andaluzia: which is, that the Mores landing in Spaine, demanded a pesant driuing an asse, the name of that prouince: but he vnderstanding them not, spake to his asse, Anda luzia, which is, go luzia: according to which the Mores named that country: but to returne. Of these is a like quintessence drawne as Alexander drank out of the hoofe of an horse: for what vicesoeuer hath bin peculiar to any of them (besides those they had in cōmon) is now proper to them all.

As I sayd before that a simple is more perfect then a compound: so affirme I, that those beasts which are en­gendred of sundrie kinds, are most cruell. If a lion match with a Parde, there remaineth in the issue some generosi­tie of the parent: but if the Leopard couple him self with a Tiger, nothing is to be looked for in their broode, but a barbarous fiercenesse. The naturall Spaniard, being as a simple, is of a confuse and beastly conceipt, of diet misera­ble and furious, nourished to increase those humours in scarsitie: but mixed with the Gothes and Vandals, giuen to the euery and drunkennes: mingled with the Mores cruell and full of trecherie: and consequently, tasting of euerie one, a spring of all filthinesse.

The Italian hath this prouerbe, that a thing begun is halfe ended: and experience teacheth, that after the sunne hath climed the Meridian, he declineth. All things haue their infancie, riper yeares, decrepitage, and are subiect to [Page 37] alteration; yet passe not with like celeritie to their period. The Spaniards began to be of some reputation but in the time of Ferdinando and Isabella, (who vnited Aragon and Castilia) before which they were either subiect to the Car­thaginians, Romans or some other nation: or els so deui­ded into small kingdomes, that they were of no force.

It is therefore no maruell that Antonio di Gueuara in regard of their weaknes, and want of valiant personages, cited, (in his epistle to Don Ian di Padillia a Captaine of the rebels in Spain) one Cid, Fernan Gonsalis & the knight Tiran: and in his epistle to Sir Antoni of Cuniga (prior of S. Iohn) named Viriato a Spaniard; he being a naturall Portingall, whom the Spaniard aboue all men hateth, asPhilip de Comines. Comines maintaineth, vnlesse it be to rob him of his ho­nor and dignitie.

In the time then of Ferdinando, after the rapine of the kingdomes of Naples, Sicilia and Nauarre; were they first esteemed: neither would their fortunes haue had longer life then his age, had they not ben after houed vnder the wings of the eagle (during which time they increased their empire with Milan) and caught some heat of the Lion. In their prosperity they are of the nature of gourds which ouerlooke those things by which they clime. England hath yelded them the greatest countenance (be­sides their comoditie of sheepe, the King hauing for the duties of wool 30 quentos) & the lower contries the grea­test reuenues, and these two are they at which they haue first leuelled.

They esteme the kingdoms of Castill and Aragon to be the cheifest of their Diadem, yet do the commodities of Belgia contrepois more then the weight of both: the due of the prouinces being seuen hundred quentos, the king­dom [Page 38] of Castill but foure hundred and fifty: and of Aragon & Catalonia but one hundred and fifty: wherby it should seeme that before they had rauened Malorques, Nauar, Milan, Sicilia and Naples, that their proper right (not­withstanding their mine of Guadalcanal) was of no great accompt; the kingdom of Naples yelding three hundred and fifty quentos, and the state of Milan three hundred quentos, (or after the opinion of Philip de Comines six hun­dred and fifty thousand Duckets) which cometh neere to one reckning (exceeding the rest of their aunciēt Domains of Spaine.

I speake nothing of the States of Parma and Florence, for that since their match with the house of Austria, they yealded the Spaniards but the lone of some citadells. Yet was the surprising of Piazenza by the Emperors lieutenātSleidan. lib. 19. of Lūbardy; treacherous & cruel, & the Emperors answer framed by a Spanish frier Iacobin his confessor, to the Bi­shop of Phano (the Popes nuncio) who solicited the restitu­tionL'esta [...] des maisons il­lustres de France. thereof, no lesse cautelous and dishonerable, vz. that in a doubtfull or obscure title, the condition of the posses­sor is to be preferred before the other. Lo here diuinity fit for Spaine, and martial pollicie of Ferdinando Gonzaga. But most infamous was their attempt towardes their ge­neral lieutenāt of Belgia, who had deserued better of their nation, which hath bene often fatall to his house: but so vse they to make happy their frends. It should seeme the king of Spaine exceedeth in greatnes and reuenues, the mightiest kings in Europe; but remember with all that vertue vnited is stronger, and being dispearsed, weaker; and that also many things fall betwene the vpper lippe and the cuppe.

That garment therefore (in my conceit) is most come­ly [Page 39] that is of one cloth, and most strong that is least peeced. How then their robe will hang together, I may gesse, & what the euent of all will be, the wiser may foresee.

I alledged that as all things had their risings, so had they also their fall, though not after one motion

I gather therby and the former circumstances, that the empire of Spaine declineth: but my chiefest ground is; that nothing which is vehement is durable.

To deuine of those things which are in the secret pur­pose of God, is impietie: but to vse coniectures against coniectures, answereth the iniustice of their ambition: no man taking hurt but by meane of him selfe.

I could vse an incident for this, which though it mayDiodorus Sic. Biblio­the. lib. 17. seeme of small weight, yet may it haue his misterie with his act, who being of base condition placed himself (with out any perturbation of minde) in the royall seat of Ale­xander, which the Caldeans prognosticated to portend the death of Alexander.

The actors were, that Bergamasco (for his phantastick humors) named Monarcho, and two of the Spanish em­bassadors retinue, who being about foure and twentie yeares past in Paules church in London, contended who was soueraigne of the world: the Monarcho maintained him self to be he, and named their king to be but his vice­roy for Spain: the other two with great fury denying it. At which my self, and some of good account now dead, wondred in respect of the subiect they handled, and that want of iudgment we looked not for in the Spaniards. Yet this moreouer we noted, that notwithstanding the weight of their controuersie; they kept in their walke the Spanish turne: which is, that he which goeth at the right hand shall at euery end of the walke turne in the midst, [Page 40] the which place the Monarcho was loth to yeald (but as they compelled him, though they gaue him sometimes that romthe) in respect of his supposed Maiestie; but I would this were the worst of their ceremonies; the same keeping some decorum concerning equalitie.

As I haue (for some proportion betweene the two princes Alexander and Philip) compared him who sate vnder the cloth of state of Alexander with the Monarcho, so would I for conclusion expresse my conceit in a mat­ter of great apparance, and nearer similitude.

Cesar Borgia the sonne of Roderigo a Spaniard, who named himselfe after he came to the Papacie Alexander V I. (which some reade Alexander ui) to that ende as Sabellicus noteth, they hauing the names of those two that were the greatest emperours, might make the world tremble before them: after he had renounced his fathers bishoprick of Valentia in Spaine (of which he was named Cardinal) and to attaine by degrees the Maiesty of Cesar, was created Duke of that place, gaue for his poesie, Aut Cesar, aut nihil. which being not fauoured from the heauens, had presently the euent the same predicted.

Philip of Macedonia at a banquet he made the embassa­dorsDiodorus Sic. Biblio­ [...]. lib. 16. of Greece (the day before he was slaine by Pausanias) inioyned one Neoptolemus (a tragedian of great name) to recite some poeme before composed that might prognos­ticat the good successe of his iourney against the Persians. Neoptolemus supposing he had apt matter to extoll his enterprise and greatnes of the Persian empier, which was then like to fall, began in this sort.

How this may be applyed to their late enterprise by sea; their penons, banners, stremers and enseignes hauing sundry figures portending a doubtfull euent: I leaue to their iudgments who haue seene both them and their suc­cesse; as also the poesie of Borgia, for a neare resemblance of their deuice (at S. Domingo) to the censure of the great iudge. There is no oracle, beside the diuine, more cer­taine for signifying our estate, or which more bindeth vs to the condition of the thing signified, then that which is pronounced either by our selues, or our meanes: of both which there is no difference. Of this are infinit examples besides those before cited, which for breuity I omit. From these particles I framed this ground, that whatsoeuer is doubtfully laid downe (being not founded vpon the base of iustice) is infirme and of small life. In respect whereof, I iudge we may lawfully affirme by application from the former examples; that the name of the first inhabitāt of Spaine and that countrey, fatally signifying confusion and penury: the auarice of that people, being, by meane thereof, made insatiable; their policie to inlarge their em­pire cruel, their later proceedings & resolutions terrible; & their embleme of a horse (alluding to the name of their king and his ambition) standing on his hinder legges [Page 42] vpon the globe of the whole earth, his former partes ad­uanced as though he would leape from thence, with this written scroll in his mouth, Non sufficit orbis,) proude & not contained in order: expresseth, according to the par­ticular circumstances & blason, that God (hauing resto­red euery bird her fether) hath left for this proud & stub­burne nation, the reward of his wrath, and iust effectes of the signification of Spaine and Tubal: howsoeuer he hath of late delt with vs for our vnthankfulnes, he before powring vpon vs with ful measure, so rare blessings as no nation receaued like, his peculiar people excepted. So that we may iustly bost with Cesar, Ante victum hostem esse quam visum.