WEaried with the lingring calami­ties of Ciuill Armes, and afrigh­ted at the sudden fall of a licenci­ous Soueraigne, all men stood at gaze ex­pecting the euent of their long desires (Peace) and issue of their new hopes (Bene­fit.) For in euery shift of Princes there are few either so meane or modest that please not themselues with some probable object of preferment. To satisfie all,Hist. minor Math. Paris. a child a­scendeth the throne, mild and gracious, but easie of nature, whose Innocency and naturall goodnesse led him safe along the various daungers of his fathers Raigne: Happy was hee in his Vnkle the Earle of Pembrook, the guide of his infancy, and no lesse then for thirty yeares after whilst De Burgo, that fast seruant of his Fathers a­gainst [Page 4] the French, both in Normandy and England with Bygod Earle of Norffolke and others of like grauity and expe­rience did manage the Affaires. Few and no other were the distempers then in State, but such as are incident to all, the Commons greedy of liberty, and the Nobility of Rule,Math. Paris Hist. maior. and but one violent storme raised by some olde and constant followers of his Father, Fulco de Brent de Fortibus and others, men that could onely thriue by the warres, misliking those dayes of sloath▪ (for so they termed that calme of King Henries gouernement;) and the ra­ther because the Iustice of quiet times vr­ged from them to the lawfull owners, such Lands and Castles as the fury of war had vniustly giuen them, for finding in the vprightnesse of the King, that power of protection should not be made a wrong doer, they fell out into that rebellion, that with it,Hist. Sancti. Albani. ended their liues and competitors, professing that those their swords that had set the Crown vpon their Soueraignes [Page 5] head, when neither Maiestie nor Lawe could, should now secure those small pit­tances to their Maisters, when Maiesty or Lawe would not. Dangerous are too great benefits of Subjects to their Princes, when it maketh the mind only capable of merrit, nothing of duty▪ No other disquiet did the State after this feele, but such as is incident in all, the malice to Authority: Good and great men may secure them­selues from guilt, but not from enuy: for the greatest in trust of publicke affaires are still shot at by the aspiring of those that deeme themselues lesse in imployment then they are in merit. These vapours did euer and easily vanish so long as the helme was guided by temperate spirits, and the King tied his Actions to the rule of good Counsell, and not to young passionate or single aduise.

Thirty yeares now passed,Chro. de Dunst▪ Ioan. de VVal­lingford. and all the old guides of his youth now dead, but de Bur­go, (a man in whom nothing of worth was wanting but moderation,) whose length [Page 6] of dayes giuing him the aduantage of sole power, his owne Ambition and Age gaue him desire, and Art, to keepe out others, which wrought him into the fatal enuy of most, and that encreased in the Title of Earle, & great Offices the King then gaue him. Time by this, had wrought, as in it selfe, so in the hearts of the people, a Reuo­lution, the afflictions of their fathers for­gotten, and the surfeit of long peace; per­chance hauing let in some abuses, from hence, the Commons to whom dayes pre­sent seeme euer worst, commend the fore­gone ages they neuer remembred, and condemne the present, though they knew neither the disease thereof, nor the reme­dy.

Chro. de Litch­field.To these idle and vsuall humors, fell in some of the young and noble spi­rites, warme and over-weaning (who being as truly ignorant as the rest) first by sullying the wisedome of the present and greatest rulers, (making each casuall mis­hap their Errors:) seeme to decypher euery [Page 7] blemish in Gouernment, and then by hol­ding certaine imaginary and fantasticke formes of Common wealths, flatter their owne beleefe and ability, that they can mold any State, to these generall rules, which in particular application will proue idle and grosse absurdities.

Next confirmed in their owne worth by Sommery and Spencer, Gual. de Coue [...]. they take it a fit time to worke themselues into action, and imployment, a thing they had long desired, and now (though vnwilling to seeme so) doe sue for, and doubtlesse the furthest of their ayme was yet, to become quiet instruments in serving the State, if they had beene then helde fit and worthy.

But the King taught by the new Earle, That Consilia senum hastas juvenum esse; and that such wits, (for so they would be stiled) were Nouandis quam gerendis rebus aptiores, fitter in being factious to disorder, then to settle affayres, eyther denyed or delayed their desires; for wise Princes will ever choose their Instruments Parnegotijs, and [Page 8] not supra, Creatures out of meere electi­on, that are onely theirs, otherwise, with­out friends or power.

Amongst this vnequal medly, there were of the Nobility,Math. Paris. Hist. minor. Richard Earle of Pembrook, Glocester, and Hartford, darlings of the mul­titude; some for the merrit of their Fa­thers, whose memories they held Sacred, as Pillars of publike liberty and opposers of encroaching Monarchy: at Ru­nemeed the Armies met. And of the Gentry,Gron. Petri Pe­ [...]auien. Fitz-Geffe [...]ry, Bardolph, Grisley, Maunsell and Fitz-Iohn, spirits of as much Acrimony and Arrogant spleene, as the places from whence they were elected Campe, Court, or Countrey, could affoord any: These by force would effect what the other did affect by cunning; but all impatient, to see their ends thus fru­strate, and that so long as the King fol­lowed the direction of the Earle of Kent, they had small hope of their desires, they made often meetings;Ma [...] Paris. and as one sayth of them, Clam & nocturnis colloqujs aut [Page 9] flexum in vesperum die.

In the end, Sommery and Spencer, two that were farre in opinion with the rest, Gentle-men, by Forraine education and imployment, more quallified then vsually men of these Times; and that set vppon their owne deserts, the best places when the Streame should turne, (which one of them, Spencer, did vnworthily obtayne, for he dyed in actuall Rebellion, Iusticia­rius Angliae, against his master) advised that the best meanes to remooue that great and good obstackle, the Earle of Kent, out of the way of their advancement, was by sifting into his actions, and siding with his opposite, Peter Bishop of Win­chester, (an ill man, but gracious with the King) making still their ends, that the worthiest beeing driuen out by the worst, they shall eyther be able to mate him with his owne vice, which will bee euer more visible, as hee is more potent, and so re­mooue him at pleasure; or else giue over the King to such Ministers, to their bad [Page 10] desires, as loosing him the hearts of his people, might smooth them away to their bad desires, Honores quos quieta Republica desperant, Acero in Cattal­line Orat. prima. perturbata consequi se posse arbi­trantur. This Counsell heard, approoued and put in practise, the corrupt and am­bitious Bishop is easily insnared to their part, by mony and opinion, of encrease of power.

Articles are in all hast forged, and vrged against the Earle,Lib. Bermondsey Vita abbati san­cti alban [...] as sale of Crowne land; wast of the Kings Treasure; and lastly, (that which these doubtfull times held capitall) his giuing allowance to any thing that might breed a rupture between the Soueraigne and the Subiects, as hee had done in making way with the King, to annihilate all Patents granted in his nonage,Lib. Bermondsey vita abbatis san­cti albani. and enforced the subject to pay as the Record sayth, Non juxta singulorum facultatem, sed quicquid Iusticiarius estima­bat.

Well? hee cleared himselfe of all, but the last, and did worthily perish by it, [Page 11] for arts that fill Princes Coffers, are euer the ruines of their first Inventors; bad times corrupt good Councells, and make the best Ministers, yeelde to the lust of Princes, therefore this King cannot passe blamelesse, that would so easily blemish all former merrits, of so good a seruant, for that wherein himselfe was chiefe in fault.

But Princes natures are more variable, and sooner cloyd then others, more tran­sitory their fauours, and as their mindes are large, so they easily ouer looke their first election, tying their affections, no further then their owne satisfactions.

The Bishop now alone manageth the State, chooseth his chiefe Instrument, Peter De Riuallis, a man like himselfe, displaceth the natiues, and draweth Po­ictoins and Brittons into Offices of best trust, and benefit; and the King into an euill opinion of his people. For nothing is more against the nature of the English, then to haue strangers rule ouer them, of [Page 12] this mans time, Wendouer, an Author then liuing, sayth, Iuditia committunter injustis, Leges ex▪legibus, Pax discordantibus, justi­tia iniuriosis. Thus the plot of the tumultuous Barons went cleare, and had not the discreeter Bishops calmed all by dutifull perswasions,Regis Roffen. Annalis de Ely. and informing the King that the support of this bold mans power (whose carriage before had lost his Father▪ Normandy, the loue of his people, and in that his Crowne) would by teaching the sonne to reject in passion the just petitions of his loyall Subjects, (as of late the Earle of Pembrooke his Earle Marshall of England the due of his Office) driue all the State into discontent by his bad advise, and corrupt manners; doubt­lesse the rebellious Lords had ended this distemper, as their designe was, in a ciuil Warre.

Denials from Princes must bee supply­ed with gracious vsage, that though they cure not the sore, yet they may abate the sence of it; but best it is, that all fauours [Page 13] come directly from themselues; denialls and things of bitternesse from their Mi­nisters.

Thus are the strangers all displaced and banished, Riuallis extortions ransackt,Claus. anno 37 H. 3. M. 26. Chron. Hall. by many strict Commissions of enquiry; the Bishop sent away disgraced, finds now that Nulla quae sita scelere potentia diuturna; and that in Princes fauours there is no subsi­stance betweene the highest of all, and precipitation. The Lords still frustrate of their malicious ends, beganne to sow of these late grounds of the peoples dis­content, Querelas & ambiguos de principe sermones & quae (que) alia turbamenta vulgi, and tooke it vp a fashion to endeare and glori­fie themselues with the sencelesse multi­tude, by depraving the Kings discretion, and Governement, whose nature too gentle for such insolent spirits, was for­ced (as Treuet sayth) to seeke as he present­ly did, advise and loue amongst strangers, seeing no desert could purchase it at home, all bore themselues like Tutors and Con­trollers, [Page 14] few like subjects and Councel­lours. God wee see holdeth the hearts of Princes, and sendeth them such Councel­lors as the quality of the subiect merriteth.

Chron. Litchf.For Mountford a French-man became the next Obiect of the Kings Delight, a Gentle-man of choyce blood, education, and feature, on this mans content, the heady affection of the Soveraigne did so much Doate, that at his first entrance of Grace, in enuy of the Nobility, hee made him Earle of Leicester; and in no lesse of­fence of the Cleargy,Math. Paris. Roger VVen­douer by violating the rites of the holy Church, gaue him his vowed, vailed, sister to wife. More of Arte then vsuall some haue deemed this act of the Kings, making the tye of his dependancy, the strength of his assurance, so both at his will.

Chron. Ioan. Sulgraue. Mountford made wanton thus with dal­liance of his Maister, forgetteth modera­tion, for seldome discretion in youth at­tendeth great and suddaine fortunes, hee draweth all publike affayres into his owne [Page 15] hands, all fauours must passe from him, all preferments by him, all suites addres­sed to him, the King but as a cypher set to adde to this figure, the more of number. Great is the Soueraignes errour, when the hope of subiects must recognize it selfe bee-holden to the seruant, which ought immediately to bee acknowledged, from the goodnesse and good election of him­selfe: Though Princes may take aboue others some reposefull friend, with whom they may participate their neerest passions; yet ought they so to temper the affayres of their fauour, that they corrupt not the effects of their principallities.

At this the great and grauest men began to grieue, knowing the vnworthy with­out honour, or merrit, thus to deale a­lone in that which should passe through their hands, and to leape ouer all their heads, to the greatest Honour and Offices, and therefore runne along with the then rising grace of the Kings halfe brethren, (though strangers) hoping thereby to [Page 16] deuide that power, which otherwise they saw impossible to breake.

Leicester confident of his Maisters loue, and impatient to beare eyther riuall in fa­uour,Chron. Reading. or partner in rule, opposeth them all, but findeth in his ebbe of fauour, the For­tune of others, and that this King could euer as easily transferre his fancy as he had setled his affection. Great we see must be the arte and cunning of that man, that keepes himselfe a floate in the streame of Soueraignes fauour, since the change of Princes wils, which for the most part are ful of fancy and soone satiate are hardly ar­rested: Who so would effect this, must on­ly attend the honour and service of his Maister, and dispoyled of all other re­spects, transforme himselfe into his in­ward inclination and worke into necessi­ty of imployment, by vndergoing the Of­fices of most secrecy, eyther of publicke seruice, or princes pleasures, he must al­so beate downe Competitors of worth by the hands of others, conceale his owne [Page 17] greatnes in publicke, with a fained humi­lity, and what impotency or gouernment he affecteth, let it rather seeme the worke of others, out of conveniency, then any appetite of his owne.

Now were the raynes of rule, by this advantage, taken by the rebellious Lords,Hen. Knighto [...] Mon. Leicest. and put alone into the hands of the Kings halfe brethren: Adam, Guido, Godfray, and William, himselfe as before; Et magna For­tuna licentiam tantum vsurpans: For to act his owne part, hee was ever wyer-drawne when hee had such worthy servants as would often for his Honour vrge it. For these Masters, (as Wallingford termeth them) Tanta elati jactantia quod nec superiorem sibi intelligunt, nec parem mellitis & mollitis adu­lationibus animum Regis pro libito voluntatis à ratione tramite declinantes, do alone what they list. They fill vp the place of Iustice and Trust, with their Country-men, stran­gers, exact of whom, how and what they they please; waste the Treasure and Crown Lands on themselues, and their followers, [Page 18] set prices on all offices, and rayne the Lawe within the rule of their owne Brests.Wil. de Rishan­ger. The vsuall reply of their seruants, to the playnts of the Kings subjects, beeing Quis tibi rectum faciet? Dominus rex vult; quod Dominus meus vult; these strangers see­med in their Lawlesse carriage not to haue bin inuited,Lib. Monastery Ramsey. but to haue entred the state by Conquest: The great men they enforced not to obey, but to serue, and the meane to liue so as they might justly say, they had nothing, yet least the King should heare the groanes of his peo­ple, and the wickednesse of his Mini­sters, which good and able men would tell him, they barre all such accesse: Suspition beeing the best preseruer of her owne deserts, aymeth at these, who hath more of vertue then themselues, as fearing them most. Thus is the incapa­city of governement in a King, when it falls to bee prey to such Lawlesse Mini­ous, the ground of infinite corruption in all the members of the State, all [Page 19] take warrant generally from Prin­ces weakenesses, of licencious liberty, and greatnesse makes profit parti­cularly by it, and therefore giue way to encrease ill, to encrease their gaynes.

A Famine accompanieth these cor­ruptions, and that so violent,Claus. anno 42 Hen. 3. that the King is enforced to direct Writes to all the Shires, Ad pauperes mortuos sepeliendos famis media deficientes:Chron. London. Famine proceedes, Fames praecessit & secutus est gladius tam terribilis vt nemo inermis secure possit, provincia [...] peruagare: For all the Villages of the Kingdome were left a prey to the Lawlesse Multitude: Who Per diuersas partes itinerantes velut per Consensum aliorum, (as the Record sayth) did imply that the factious Lords sus­pected by the King, had giuen some heat to that commotion. Seditious Peeres bringing euer fewell to such popular fires.

[Page 20]Neyther was the Church without a bu­sie part in this Tragicke worke for Walter Bishop of Worcester, Wil. de Rishanger. and Robert of Lin­colne, to whom Mountford and his faction, Prae-cordialiter adhaerebant were farre inga­ged. In such designes, Church-men are neuer wanting, and the distaste of the pre­sent gouernement, (as well in the Church as in the Common-wealth,) will euer bee a knot of strength for such vnquiet spirits, who aswell frame to themselues some o­ther forme of gouernment; then the pre­sent in the Church, as in the temporall state, as that which with the giddy multi­tude winneth best opinion, and did at this time fitly suite the peoples humours, so much distasting the new Courts of the Clergy, their pompe, their greedines and the Popes extortions.

A fayre pretext was it to those factious Bishops, to vse their bitter pens and spee­ches, so farre agaynst Religious Orders, Ceremonies, and State of the Church, that one of them incurred the sentence [Page 21] of Excommunication at Rome, and Trea­son at home;Math. Paris. for hee enjoyned the Earle of L [...]cester in Remissione peccatorum vt causam illam (meaning his Rebellions) vsquae ad mortem assumeret, Wil. de Rishanger▪ asserens pacem Ecclesiae Anglicanae numquam sine gladio ma­teriali posse firmari. It was not the best Doctrine that this man could plant, by liberty or warre when the first Church rose by fasting and prayer.

True Piety binds the Subiect to desire a good Soveraigne, but to beare with a bad one, and to take vp the burthen of Princes with a bended knee, rather in time so to deserue abatement, then resist authority.

Church-men therefore ought not al­wayes to leade vs in the rule of Loyalty, but a knowledge of our owne duties, in difficult poynts of Religion, where an humble ignorance, is a safe and secure knowledge, wee may relye vpon them.

To suppresse these troubles, and supply [Page 22] the kings extremity, a Parliament was cal­led, [...]arth. Co [...]on. much to the liking of those Lords, who as little meant to releeue the King as they did to acquiet the State,Chro. Norwie. Chro. Worc. their ende at that time beeing onely to open at home the pouerty of their Maister, to lessen his reputation abroad, and to braue out their owne passions free­ly, whilst those times of liberty per­mit.

Here they began to tell him hee had wronged the publicke State in taking to his priuate election the Iustice, Chancel­lour and Treasurer,M. Paris. that should bee onely by the Common Councell of the Realme,Wendouer. commending much the Bishop of Chice­ster for denying deliuery of the great Seale but in Parliament where hee receiued it.

They blame him to haue bestowed the best places of trust and benefit in his gift on strangers,Wallingford. Paris. and to leaue the English vn­rewarded, to haue vndone the trade of [Page 23] Merchants by bringing in Maletosts and heauy customes,Wil. de Rishan­ger. and to haue hurt the common liberty by non obstantes in his Pa­tents, to make good Monopolies for pri­uate fauorites.

That he hath taken from his Subiects quicquid habuerunt in esculentis & poculen­tis. Rusticorum enim equos, bigas, vina, Chron. Sancti. Albani. victua­lia ad libitum caepit.

That his Iudges were sent in Circuits vnder pretext of Iustice to fleece the peo­ple, Causis fictitijs quoscunque poterant diri­puerunt.

And that Sir Robert de Purslowe had wrung from the Borderers of his Forrest vnder pretence of encrochments or assarts, great summes of money.

And therefore they wonder that he should now demaund reliefe from his so pilled and polled Commons,Gual. de Co­uentry. who by their former extremities & per auxilia prius data ita depauperantur vt nihil aut parum habeant in bonū. And therefore adui­sed [Page 24] him, that since his needlesse expence, Postquam regni caepit asse dilapidator, was summed vp by them to aboue 800000 l.Wil. de Rishanger It were fitting to pull from his fauourites, who had gleaned the Treasure of his Kingdome, and shared the olde Lands of the Crowne, seeing one of them there whom the Lords described to bee Miles lit­teratus, or Clericus militaris, who had in short space from the inheritance of an acre, growne to the Possession of an Earledom;Chron. Litchf. and Mansel another inferiour Clearke that (besides 50.Hist. minor Wil. de Rishanger promotions with the cure of soules) rose to dispend in annuall reuenue 4000. marks, Epist. Robert Lincolne. whereas more moderate Fees would haue become a pen-man, no better quallified then with the ordinary fruits of a Writing Schoole; yet if a moderate sup­ply would suite with the Kings occasions, they were content to performe so farre re­liefe in Obedience, as the desert of his carriage should merrit toward them: And so as the Record sayth,Math. Paris. Dies datus fuit in tres septimanas vt interim Rex excessu [...]s [Page 25] suos corrigeret, & Magnates voluntati ejus ob­temperarent.

At which day vppon new grant of the great Charter,Math. Paris. Regis Roffen. admittance to his Coun­cell of some persons elected by the Com­mons,Ioan. de VVal­lingford. and promise to relye vppon his Natiues, and not Strangers; for advise hereafter; they spare him such a pittance as must tye him to their Devotion, for a new supply.

Thus Parliaments that before were e­uer a medicine to heale vp any rupture in Princes fortunes, are now growne worse then the mallady, sith from thence more mallignant humors beganne to raigne in them, then well composed tempers.

The King by this,Chron. de L [...]i [...]. experienced of the intents of his rebellious Lords, and find­ing that the want of Treasure was the way whereby they enthralled his Maiesty, begins now to play the good husband, clo­seth his hand of wast, and resolues him­selfe (too late) to stand alone; such expe­rience is pernitious to the priuate, and [Page 26] dangerous to the publique good of a state, when it neuer learnes to doe, but by vn­doing, and neuer sees order, but when disorder shewes it. Yet still alas, such was his flexibillity when hee came to bee pres­sed by his French Minions, that hee could not hold his hand any longer, from their vaste desires, and endlesse waste. So that an Author then liuing, sayth, it be­came a by word, our Inheritance is conuerted to Alliens, and our Houses to Strangers. Fol­lowers to a King excessiue in guifts, are ex­cessiue in demaunds, and cut them not out by reason, but by example: Fauours past are not accompted, wee loue no bounty but what is meerely future, the more that a Prince weakeneth himselfe in giuing, the poorer he is of friends: For such prodigallity in a Soveraigne, euer ends in the rapine and spoyle of his sub­jects.

Yet before the King would agayne submit himselfe, as hee had the last Par­liament, to so many braues and strict in­quiries [Page 27] of his disloyall subiects, he mea­neth to passe through all the shifts, that extreamity of neede, with greatnesse of minde could lay vppon him.Claus. anno 46 & 47. Henry 3. He begin­neth first with sale of Lands, and then of Iewells, pawneth Gascoyne, and after that, his Imperiall Crowne; and when hee had neyther credit to borrow, (ha­uing so often fayled, the trust hee had made,) nor pawnes of his owne,Claus. anno 37 Henry 3. hee then layeth to pawne the Iewells and Or­naments of S^t. Edwards Shrine; and in the end, not hauing meanes to defray the dyet of his Court, was enforced to breake vp House, (and as Paris sayth) with his Queene and Children, Cum Abbatibus & Prioribus satis humiliter Hospitia quae siuit & prandia.

This low ebbe which agayne the Kings improuidence had brought him to, gaue great assurance to the Rebellious Lords, that they should now at the last, haue the Soveraigne power, left a prey to their [Page 28] ambitious designes, and to bring it fa­ster on, they desire nothing more, then to see the Kings extreamity▪ Constrayne a Parliament, for at such times, Princes are euer lesse then they should be, subiects more.

To hasten on the time, and adapt the the meanes,Wil. de Rishan­ger. there are sowne certayne se­ditious rumours, that the Kings necessi­ty must repayre itselfe vppon the fortunes and blessings of his people, that ha­uing nothing of his owne left, hee might and meant to take of others: For Kings may not want, as long as the Subiects haue meanes to sup­plye.

This tooke fire just to their mindes, and wrought a little moouing in the State, which doubtlesse had flamed high­er, if the King had not asswadged it by Proclamations, wherein hee declared, Quod quidam malivoli sinistra praedicantes, Claus. anno 49 [...] 3. illis falso suggesserant illum velle eos inde­bite gravari, ac jura & libertates Regni [Page 29] subuertere, & per suggestiones illas dolosas & omnina falsas eorum corda à sua malidicti­one, & fidelitate auerterent, but desireth, that Hujusmodi animorum suorum perturba­tionibus ne fidem adhiberent, for that hee was euer ready to defend them from the oppression of the great Lords, Et omnia jura & Consuetudines eorum debitas bonas, & Consuetas, in omnibus & per om­nia plenius obseruare, and that they may rest of this secure: De voluntate sua libera, litteras suas fecit patentes. But seeing still that Maiesty and right subsist not without meanes and power, and himselfe had of neyther, so much as would stop the pre­sent breach in his owne wants, or his subiects loyalties, hee flyeth to the bo­some of his people, for reliefe and Coun­cell.

At Oxford they met in Parliament,Parl. Oxon [...]. where his necessity, met so many vndu­tifull demaunds, that he was forced to ren­der vp to their Rebellious will, his Royall power.

[Page 30]Heere the Commons knowing that, Quum eligere inceperunt, they were Loco libertatis, stood with the King to haue the managing of the State,Math. Paris. put to the care of twenty foure, whereof twelue by their election,Chro. Worc. (whereto they looke strict­ly) and the other by him, who in all things else, was left a Cypher, and in this,Chron. Liechf. whether by feare, or remissenes, fil­led vp his number with Mountford, Glo­cester, and Spencer, which besides the weakening of his owne part, wonne to those his late opposites, an opinion of great interest they had got in his fauour, hee now hath left neyther election of publicke office, nor priuate attendants, his halfe brethren and their followers, he must dispoyle of all fortune, and exile by prescription vnder his owne hand, com­maunding his Writs, Pro transportatione fratrum suorum, to bee directed to the Earles of Hartford and Surrey, and not to passe eyther their Money, Armes, or Or­naments, Nisi in forma quam dicti Com­mittes [Page 41] iniunxerent, and after their departure enjoyned the men of Bristoll, Claus. anno 4 [...] Hen. 3. that they should not permit any strangers, Siue propinquos Regis applicare in portu, but so to behaue themselues therein, that as­well the King, Quam Magnates sui eos merito debeant commendare.

Thus wee see how easily mens estates doe change in a moment, and how hard it is to make vse of things ill got­ten.

Richard Elect of the Empire, the Kings full Brother, and then beyond Sea;Chron. Sancti Albani. must bee wrought by Letter, as his free desire to confirme by Oath those former restri­ctions of regall power, which though performed, yet would the Lords suffer neyther the one or the other,Reg. Roffen. to enter Douer Castle (the Key of the Kingdome) which they had furnished, as most of the other Fortes of reputation in the Realme with Guardians of their owne, sworne respectiuely to the State; and then taking the like assurance of al the Shrieffes, [Page 32] Bayliffes, Coroners, and other publicke Ministers,Rot. in Scrio. searching the behauiour of many by strict Commission vppon oath, to winne opinion in shewe among the Vulgar,Wil. de Rishan­ger. who groaned vnder their late Extortions, whereas their end was true­ly, as it after prooued, by displacing the faythfull Seruants of the King, to open away, to their owne depen­dants.

Thus changing sole power into the rule of many, and those by popular e­lection, made the State beleeue, that this forme of limitted pollicy, they had vt­terly suppressed the minde of man, for euer dreaming more vppon the imagi­nary humours or lycencious Soveraigni­ty: But it fell out nothing so, for now eue­ry man beganne to estimate his owne worth, and to hammer his head on eue­ry designe, that might enlarge his power and commaund.

Then beganne the great men to rent from the body of the Crownes, and [Page 33] regall signiories, all such royall suitors as neighboured any of their owne seats,Rot. Parlia in Scacar. whereto they enforce their seruice, and so (as the Record sayth) Ad sectas indebitas, & seruitutes intollerabiles subditos Regis compulerunt: Thus raysing meane man­ners to become great Honours, and ren­ting asunder the regall Iustice, they made themselues of so many subiects whilst they liued in duty, Totidem Tiranni (as the Booke of Saint Albans sayth) when they had left their loyalty,Rot. Regis in Scaca. 56 H. 3 Magnas induxerunt Magnates Regni, super subditos Regis serui­tutes & oppressiones, which they bore pa­tiently; for excesse of misery hauing no ease but Custome, made men willing to lay the foundation of servitude by the length of sufferance, which found no ease nor end, vntill the quiet of this Kings Reigne.

Mountford, Glocester, and Dispencer, Wallingford. the Heads of this Rebellious designe, hauing by the late prouisions drawne to the hands of the twenty foure Tribunes [Page 33] of the people, the entire managing of the Royall State, and finding that pow­er too much disperced to worke the end of their desires, forst agayne the King to call a Parliament, where they deliue­red ouer the authority of the twenty foure vnto themselues, and Create a Trium­virate, Wil. de Rishan­ger. non Constituenda Republicae causa, as they first pretended, for their owne endes,Chro. de Dunst. and so in the interest of some pri­uate contented, the publicke was stayed; but to make a speedier way to one of them as it fatally did, to become Dictator per­petuus: Ambition is neuer so high, but she thinkes still to mount, that station which seemed lately the toppe, is but a steppe to her now, and what before was great in desiring, seemes little, being once in power.

These three elect nine Councellours, and appoynt Quod tres ad minus alternatim semper in curia sint, Ordinat. inter Re [...]: Lond. to dispose of the cu­stody of Castles, & de alijs Regni negotijs, the chiefe Iustice, Chancellour and Trea­surer [Page 35] with all Offices, Maiores & minores, they reserue the choyce of to themselues, and bind the King to this hard bargayne vppon such strong security; that hee is contented vnder the great Seale, and Oath, to loose to them the knot of Regall duty, whensoeuer hee assumeth to him­selfe his Regall dignity,Chran. Origin. sub sigillo. Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos▪ in surgere, & ad grauamen nostrum opem & operam dare ac si nobis in nullo tenerentur. This prodigy of fortune on whom she had set a pittifull example of her inconstancy, finding no part of his Soveraignty left, but the bare Title, and that at their leaue, beggeth suc­cour from Vrbane the fourth, agaynst his disloyall subiects.

The Pope by his Bul cancelleth his Oath, and contract, and armeth him with Ex­communications agaynst all those that returne not with speede, to their due and old Obedience, since promises made by men, which cannot say they are at liberty, are weake, and force hath no power to make iust interest.

[Page 36]The Lords on the other side that had imped their winges with Eagles fea­thers,Chron. Liech. Wil. de Rishan­ger. and liked no game now, but what was raked out of the ashes of Monarchy, made head against their Soveraigne, and to mate him the better, called in ayde, some French forces: Thus the Common-wealth turned agayne her sword into her owne bowells,Chro. Brettaniae. and invited her ancient enemy, to the funerall of her liberty; so that it was a wonder she should not at this time passe vnder a forrayne servitude.Chron. Dunst. And though these men were more truely sensible of their owne disgrace, then of others mise­ry: Yet found they no better pretext for priuate interest then that of the pub­licke.

And therefore at the entry of this war, they cryed liberty, although when they came neere to an end, they neuer spake word of it.

At Lewis the Armies met, where the King endeauours a reconciliation, but in vayne,Wil. de Rishager. for perswasions are euer vnpro­fitable▪ when Iustice is inferiour to force.

[Page 37]The sword decides the difference, and gaue the two Kings, and their eldest Sonnes Prisoners: The person now aswel as the regall power; thus in the hands of Mountford and Glocester, found neyther bond of security, nor expectation of li­berty, but what the emulous competiti­on of greatnesse (which now beganne to break out betweene these mighty Riualls,) gaue hope of, for Leicester meaning by ingrossing from his partner, to himselfe, the person of the King, and to his fol­lowers the best portion of the spoyle, to draw more fruite from this advantage, then it should in fellowship yeeld, disol­ved the knot of all their amity.

Thus equall Authority with the same power, is euer fatall (wee see) to all great actions: For to fit mindes to so euen a temper, that they should not haue some motions of dissenting is impossible.

Mountford hauing thus broken all faith with his Confederates, and duty to his Soveraigne, left the path of moderation [Page 38] so wisedome to come to the King by that of pride and distrust. To him he telleth that his Armes and ends had no other ob­ject euer but order of the State, and ease of the people, that hee did not in this, carry affection against duty, but well knew how to reyne his desires, to his just power, and so no lesse to his Maiesties content, if hee would be ruled; which was to commaund the Fortes and Castles of his now opposite Glocester, and the rest into his hands. It was hard to this King thus to take a Law from his inferi­our, but necessity in Soueraigne affaires doth often force away all formallity; and therefore this poore Prince, who now at the Victors discretion, seemed to haue beene onely raysed to shew the inconstan­cy of fortune and vanity of man; suited himselfe with incomparable wisedome, according to the necessity of the time. Neyther did humillity wrong Maiesty, when there was no other meanes to con­tayne spirits so insolent but dissembling. He therfore summoneth in his owne per­son [Page 39] the forts of his fastest friends, to yeeld to his greatest enemies. This hee enters in shew as his lodging, but in effect his Prison, and saw himselfe forced to arme against his friends, and to receiue now Lawe from him, to whom hee lately thought to giue it. Thus Leicester is be­come a darling of the common rout, who easily change to euery new Maister, but the best durst not sayle along his Fortune, by the light of his glory: Christall that fairely glistereth doth easily breake and as the ascent of vsurping royalty is slippery, so the top is shaking, and the fall fearefull. To hold this man then at the entry of his false felicity fully happy, was but to giue the name of the Image, to the mettle that was not yet molten, for by this the im­prisoned Prince was escaped, and fast assu­red of Glocester, by the knot of his great minde, and discontent, and both with the torne remainder of the loyall Army vnited, and by speedy march ar­riued vnlooked for, neere Euesham, to the [Page 42] vnarmed troupes of the secure Rebells, whom they instantly assayled, for it▪ was no fit season to giue time, when no time did assure so much, as expedition did pro­mise.

Dispencer and other Lords of that faction, made towards the King, with the best speede for mercy, but could not breake out, beeing hurried along the storme of the giddy multitude.

Publicke motions depends on the Conduct of Fortune; private on our owne carriage, we must beware of run­ning downe steepe hills, with weighty bodies, they once in motion, Suo ferun­tur pondere, stoppes are not then volun­tary; but Leicester at that instant with the King, and out of the storme might haue escaped, if his courage and hope had not made him more resolute by misfortune, so that hee could neyther forsake his fol­lowers, nor his ambition; thus making adversity the exercise of his vertue, hee came, and fell.

[Page 43]The King by this blessed fortune freed, and obeyed, began to search the ground of his former misery, and why that ver­tue and fortune that had so long setled and maintayned vnder his ancesters the glory of his Empire, had cast her in his time off, and conspired with her Enemies to her almost ruine, as if they Genius of the state had quite forsooke her; Here he findes his wastfull hand had beene too quicke both ouer the fortunes and the blessings of his people, the griping Aua­rice of his ciuill Ministers and lawlesse li­berty of his Martiall followers,Rot pa [...]. 53. H. 3. M. 51. Rishanger. the neg­lect of grace, and breach of his word, to haue lost his nobility at home, and ne­cessity, his Reputation abroade, by ma­king Merchandize of peace, and warre as his last refuge, so leauing his old Allies became enforced to betake himselfe to persons doubtfull, or iniured, and that by giuing ouer himselfe to a sensuall secu­rity and referring all to base, greedy, and vnworthy Ministers, whose councells [Page 44] were euer more subtle then substantiall, he had throwne downe those pillars of soueraignty, and safety, Reputation a­broade, and Reuerence at home.

Io. Tuxerer, Mon. Bury.Hee now therefore making sweetnesse and clemency the entrances of his re­gayned Rule for the faults of most of the late rebells he forgot a gracious kinde of pardoning not to take knowledge of of­fences, others he forgot, that they might liue but to the glory of his goodnes, for the fewer killed,Rot. Cart. 51.52. H. 3. the more remaines to a­dorne the Trophee.

Tyrants shed blood for pleasure Kings for necessity, yet least his Iustice and pow­er might to much suffer in his grace and mercy, some few hee punished by small fines some by banishment, as the two guiltlesse yet vnpittied sonns of the Arch­traytor.Claus. 52. H. 3. M. 29. Treason so hatefull is to the head, that it draweth (we see in this) the carriage of the innocent children into an euerlasting suspect, and what is suspition in others is guilt in them: Vpon the con­stant [Page 45] followers of his broken fortunes he bestoweth, but with a more wary hand then before the forfeiture of his Enemies: Immoderate liberality he had found but a weake means to win loue, for it lost more in the gathering then it gained in the giuing. This bounty bestowed without respect, was taken without grace, discre­dited the receiuer and detracteth from the iudgement of the giuer, and blunted the Appetites of such, as carried their hopes out of vertue and seruice:Chro, Dunst▪ Thus at last he learned that reward and repre­hension iustly laid doe ballance gouer­ment, and that it much importeth a Prince the hand to bee equall that hol­deth the scale.

In himselfe hee reformed his naturall Errors, Princes manners though a mute law, haue more of life and vigour then those of letters, and though he did some­times touch vpon the verge of vice hee forbore euer after to enter the circle.

His court where in at this time the faults [Page 45] of great men did not onely by approba­tion, but Imitation receiue true comfort, and authority, for their crimes now be­came examples, and customes, hee pur­ged very iudiciously and seuerely, since from thence proceeds either the regular or irregular condition of the common state.

Ordinat author. Reg. aulae. Claus. 53. H. 3. R [...]shanger.Expence of house he measureth by the just Rule of his proper reuenew and was heard often to say, that his excesse of wast before had beene an issue of his Sub­jects blood, the insolency of his Souldi­ers made lawlesse by the late liberties of Ciuill armes he spendeth in forraigne ex­pedition. Hauing seene that the quiet Spi­rits vnderwent all the former Calamities, and the other neuer were satisfied but in the misery of Innocents, and would if they had no enemies abroad seeke out at home as they had done before.

Pat. 53. & 54. H. 3.The rigour and corruption of his ju­diciall Officers he examineth,Comment. de Trail [...]aston. and redres­seth by strict Commission; For the sence [Page 46] of their seueritie, became a murmure of his owne cruelty.

The seates of Iudgement and Councell he filled vp with men nobly borne. For such attract with lesse offence, the gene­rous spirits to respect and reuerence. Their Abilities he measureth not by fa­uour or by priuate Information as be­fore, but by publike voyce for euery man in particular may deceiue and be decei­ued, but no man can deceiue all, nor all one.

And to discouer now his owne Capa­city and what part he meaneth to beare hereafter in all deliberate Expeditions he sitteth himselfe in Councell dayly, and disposeth Affaires of most weight in his owne person. For Councellors be they neuer so wise or worthy are but as acces­saries, not principals, in sustentation of the State; their Office must be subjecti­on, not fellowship in considerations of moment, and to haue ability to aduise, not authority to resolue.

[Page 48]For as to liue the Prince must haue a per­ticular soule so to rule his proper and in­terne Councell, without the one hee can neuer be truely man, without the other he shall neuer be securely a Prince, for it offendeth aswell the minister (of merrit) as the people to force obedience to one vncapable of his owne greatnesse, or vn­worthy of his fortunes. This wonderfull Change to the generall State (so hope­lesse lately to recouer her former libertie, they sought now for nothing but the mildest seruitude) brought them home againe with admiration to his devotion and their owne duty.

He that will lay (we see) the foundati­on of Greatnesse vpon popular loue, must giue them ease and Iustice, for they mea­sure the bond of their obedience, by the good alwayes that they receiue.

[...]arth. Coton Chro. No [...].This peace attended euer after his Age and hearse and hee happily liued to fashi­on his sonne and successor, and to make him partner of his owne experience and [Page 49] authoritie; whose owne hard education trayning him from that intemperance, which makes men inferiour to beasts: framed him to affect glory, and vertue; which made him superiour to men. So that all the Actions of his future Raigne were exact grounds of Discipline, and pollicy; for his best successour to rule by after, who as he was the first of his name since the Conquest, so was he the first that setled the law and state, deseruing the Stile of Englands Iustinian, and freed this King­dome from the wardship of the Peeres, shewing himselfe in all his Actions after, capable to Commaund not the Realme onely, but the whole world.

Thus doe the wrongs of our Enemies more then our owne discretions, make vs sometimes both wise and fortunate.