Memorable conceits of diuers noble and famous personages of Christendome, of this our moderne time — Divers propos memorables des nobles & illustres hommes de la chrestienté. English

Memorable conceits of diuers noble and famous personages of Christendome, of this our moderne time — Divers propos memorables des nobles & illustres hommes de la chrestienté. English

Table of contents

Title page

TO THE TOWARDLY YOVNG Gentleman, Maister Walter Rawleigh, sonne and heire apparant to the honourable Sir Walter Ravvleigh Knight, Lord VVarden of the Stanneries, Captaine of her Maiesties Guard, Lieutenant of the Countie of Cornevvell, and Gouernour of the Isle of Iarsey.

The names of the Popes, Emperours, Kings, Lords, and others mentioned in this Booke.

A Table of the chapters of this Booke.

MEMORABLE Conceipts, of diuerse Noble and famous personages of Christendome, of this our moderne time.

Of Pope Alexander the third of that name, and the Emperour Fredericke the first, surnamed Barbarossa.

A Sentence of Pope Alexander.

Of Pope innocent the fourth, and the Emperour Fredericke the second.

Fredericke Emperour, to the Pope.

The Pope to the Emperour.

Fredericke.

The Pope.

Of Pope Clement the fourth, and the Panormitanes.

Of the same Pope Clement & his nephew.

Of Pope Boniface the eighth, and his sprinkling of ashes on his Cardinals.

Of the same Boniface, and the French king Philip le Bel.

Another conceipt of Pope Boniface, touching one that resembled him in countenance.

Of Pope Gregorie; and one that praised him to his face.

Of Cardinal Cossa who made himselfe Pope by force.

A saying of Pope Alexander the fifth.

Of Pope Calixtus which would haue but one Benefice.

Notable sentences of Pope Pius the second.

A sentence of Pope Innocent.

The titles which Pope Iulius gaue vnto his seruants.

The speech of Pope Iulius the second, touching his deuise in warres.

Of a Cardinall that had his vvhole delight in siud•e.

Of the Archbishop of Colaine, and a countrey pesant.

Of the Bishop of Chartres and the French King, Levvis the eleuenth.

Of the same Bishop, and certaine Priests vvhich he met.

A conceipted speech of the Abbot of Baigne.

A saying of Pope Adrian the fifth.

The Absolution of the king of Portugal.

Of Charles the Great, and his Edicts.

Of the sentence vvhich the Emperour Fredericke gaue against the Citizens of Milan.

The threats of Charles the bald.

Of Theodosius the Emperour and his Decree.

The act of Theodosius for the repressing of his Choler.

Of the Emperour Sigismond and a Page of his chamber.

Diuerse notable sentences of the same Sigismond.

The ansvver vvhich Barba the vvidovv of Sigismond, made to those that persvvaded her to continue a vvidovv.

A sentence of the Emperour Rodulph the first.

A Sentence of the Emperour Albert.

The Fable of the Emperour Fred•ricke the third, propounded to the Embassadour of k•ng Levvis the eleuenth.

Graue sentences and answers of the Emperour Fredericke.

A sentence of Martian.

The title of Otho the third.

The praise of Septimius Seuerus.

A sentence of Alexander Seuerus.

A sentence of Gordian.

The answer of Maximilian to one that would be made a Gentleman.

An answer of Maximilian to one that demaunded an almes of him.

The wish of the same Maximilian.

Of the act of the Emperour Charles the fifth, when he was to make a voyage into Barbarie.

A notable sentence of Constantine the Emperour.

A speech of the Emperour Henry touching his contentment.

The Charitie of the Emperour Tiberius.

The saying of the same Tiberius at the time of his deaeh to his son in law.

Of a duke of Freeze, vvhich vvould not be baptized.

The revvard vvhich Clouis king of Fraunce, gaue to those vvhich had betrayed their maister.

Of the shame which Aulilia did vnto her sonne Thierrie, whereby she was a cause of his victorie.

Of the good counsell which a Gentleman gaue vnto the same Thierry, Lieutenant to Zenon the Emperour, vnder the couerture of a Fable: by meanes whereof, Thi•••y made himselfe king of Italy.

A sentence of king Attila and his titles

The words of Clotarius king of Fraunce, at the time of his death.

The sentence of Pope Zacharie, concerning the electing of the King of Fraunce.

The pleasant message of Philip king of France, to VVilliam duke of Normandy, and king of England with his answer.

Of the letters of promise which the same William Duke of Normandie, sent vnto the Earle of Flanders.

Another conceipt of VVilliam the Conquerour, at his landing in England.

Of king L•vvis the grosse, and Baldvvin Earle of Mons.

A braue speech of king Levvis the grosse.

Of an inuention found by king Levvis, to punish the Earle of Vermandois.

Of the wine which Philip Augustus king of Fraunce presented to the Barons and Captaines of his army.

The titles vvhich the king Saint Levvis of Fraunce gaue himselfe.

Of the same Levvis.

The desire that Saint Levvis had to cut off all blasphemies out of his kingdome.

Of the instructions vvhich the king Saint Levvis of Fraunce gaue vnto his sonne Philip.

A notable saying of Philip the faire, king of Fraunce.

Of king Philip de Valois, vvho confirmed the lavv Salique by the Scriptures.

Of the Latin verses, vvhich king Edvvard and king Philip de Valois sent each to other.

The ansvver of king Edvvard the third, to those that required him to send aide to his sonne the black Prince at the battell of Cressie.

Of tvvo Latine verses made by king Philip de valois, against king Edvvard.

The bold speech of Blaunch the daughter of king Charles the faire.

The speech of king Iohn of Fraunce to the Prince of VVales, vvhen he vvas taken at the batell of Poytiers.

The cautelous answer of king Edward to king Iohn.

The commendations which Edvvard king of England, gaue to Charles the fifth king of Fraunce.

The Cartels which Henry king of England, and the duke of Orleance sent to each other.

The Oath vsed to be taken by the English men to their King, at their going to the warres.

The choise of king Charles the sixth.

The Sayings and Sentences of king Lewis the eleuenth.

The life of men is different: but the end of all is common and alike.

An Apotheg of Monsieur Bresay, to king Lewis the eleuenth.

The counsell of the said Monsieur de Bresaie to the said King.

The death of the said Seigneur de Bresay.

Of king Charles the eighth, who gaue an answer to the Florentines in tvvo Italian verses.

A speech of king Charles the eighth, touching the keeping of his counsell.

The speech of Queene Anne, vvife to Charles the eighth.

A notable sentence of king Levvis the tvvelfth.

Other vvorthie speeches of the same King.

His speech to certaine souldiers, vvith the ansvver that they made him.

A braue speech which he gaue to a boaster.

His opinion of the Venetians.

A pleasant speech vvhich he spake to the Lords of the Parliament.

Another merie conceipt of the same King.

Of a certaine Fable recited by him.

By this fable, he gaue the Ladies to vnderstand, that it vvas their dutie to be obedient to their husbands.

His speech of beneficed persons.

An Apotheg of the said king.

A Princely speech of king Frauncis.

A speech of the same king touching Religion.

The opinion vvhich he had of Noblemen.

An excellent Apothegme of the same king.

Of Pope Benedict the twelfth, and his Epitaph.

A mocke of the Flemmings to king Philip.

Princely sayings and sentences of Alphonsus king of Naples.

Of a merrie conceipt vttered by one to the king Alphonsus.

An answer vvhich Alphonsus made vnto a Dreamer.

The answer of Anthony Panormitane, to king Alphonsus.

A speech vvhich he vsed to one that had imbezilled his rings.

Of the magnanimitie of Charles Martell: as it is •ritten of him in his Epitaph.

The iudgement of Sultan Soliman the great Scigneur or Emperour of Turkes.

Of a writing which the king of Naples caused to be engrauen vpon his svvord.

The sacrilegious vaunt of a King of England.

The Testament of Saladin.

The reuenge which a king of Arragon tooke of some of his Nobles that derided him.

The humilitie of Godfrey of Buillon.

The ansvver of the great Turke to the Ambassadours of Hungarie.

The ansvver of the Count de Lazaran to the Ambassadours of the Turke.

A vvorthy Sentence of the Ambassadors of Sicilia.

Of the death of Vladislaus king of Hungarie.

Of the tvvo verses vvhich Conrad king of Naples caused to be vvritten vpon a horse of brasse.

The saying of Rene king of Sicilia.

A conceited speech spoken to king Ferdinand.

Of a pretie quippe giuen by Anthony of Panor•e to a certaine Knight.

The letters of the Earle of Aniovv to the king of Fraunce.

The counsell of the Earle of Aniovv to his brother at the time of his death.

A Christian Act of the Earle of Aniou.

A Sentence of the duke of Brittaine.

The haughtie courage of the duke of Burgundie.

An act of Galeace duke of Millain.

The resolution of a Gentleman of Millaine at his death.

The cunning of Count Rodericke.

A sentence of the Count Pitilan.

The opinion of the duke of Burgoine.

A Sentence of the duke of Venice.

A Sentence of the duke of Ferrara.

The charity of the duke of Sauoy.

A memorable speech of the great maister of Rhodes.

The speech of the great Turke to the said great Maister.

The deuice of the duke of Vrbin.

The brauado of the Count de Mathalon.

A sage speech of a Marshall of Fraunce.

A French Prouerbe.

An Act of the Earle of Sauoy.

How the duke of Millain serued an Astrologer.

The message sent from Narses to Sophia, the Empresse of Constantinople.

The magnanimity of Bertrād du Guesclin.

A hardy speech vttered by Hire, a French Captaine to king Charles the seuenth.

A prompt and readie ansvver of an English Captaine the Lord Talbot.

The ansvver of Bartholom•w Aluiano, to king Levvis the tvvelfth.

A tyrannicall Sentence of Prospero Colonna.

The ansvver of an Italian to Ascanio Colonna.

An excellent comparison made by a G•ntleman of Genua.

The admonition of certaine French Captaines giuen to their souldiers.

Of a French Knight vvhich taxed the Normans.

The Sayings of Captaine Baiard.

Of the two Marshals of Fraunce, Monsieur de Antrehan, and Monsieur de Cleremount.

The speech of Dame Tiphaine to her husband Bertrand du Guesclin.

An honorable opinion of Levvi• the son of King Philip of Fraunce.

A courteous and gentle answer of king Philip Augustus.

A saying of Pope Vrban the fifth.

The opinion of the Earle of Arminacke.

The saying of the Earle of Foix.

The last words of the king of Nauarre at his death.

The answer of Iouian Pontanus.

A pleasant conceipt of the brother of Sanctius, brother to the king of Spaine.

The opinion of the king of Sicilie.

The mind of the Emperour Fredericke, vvhich he shevved towards his vvife.

A Sentence of Pope Clement the seuenth.

The allusion of the Lantgraue of Hesse.

A pleasant conceipt of a French Gentleman.

An Apothegme of the Seneshall of Campaigne.

The fidelitie of the French king Saint Levvis.

The speech of the Lady of Heluin.

A pleasant conceipt of the Duke of Millain his Cooke.

The persvvasion of the Lord Talbot to his sonne.

An Apothegme of a certaine Englishman.

A good opinion of the Venetians.

The ansvver of a Duchesse of Normandie to her husband.

The constancie of Elizabeth the daughter of the King of Boheme.

A reason vvisely alleadged by the foole of the duke of Austrich.

The good conditions of the Emperour Theodosian.

A Sentence of the Empresse Sophia.

Certaine braue speeches of the Lord of Assier.

A foolish speech of certaine Ambassadours of Venice.

A pleasa•• speech of Dant the Italian Poet.

Of a cause decided by a French Gentleman.

A sentence of the Chauncelor of Fraunce.

The patience of Seigneur Sforce.

An Apotheg of the same Sforce.

The properties of three Nations taxed.

A notable sentence of the Queene of England.

Of the President Moruillier.

A merrie conceipt of king Alphonsus.

The magnificence of a king of England.

A pleasant conceipt of an Italian Gentleman, vpon the interpretation of the names of two Popes.

An honourable act of an Italian Lord.

Of a mocke which he gaue to another Gentleman.

A speech of the same Captaine to a Gentleman touching himselfe.

Of the brother of the great Turke.

A pleasant quip giuen to a Gentleman by the Marquesse of Mantua.

A comparison made by Iohn Gonzaga.

A quippe giuen by one Raphaell an Italian Painter to tvvo Cardinals.

A prudent counsell of Laurence de Medicis.

A counsell of Cosmus de Medicis.

A speech of a Pope.

The death of the Chauncelor of Millain.

A saying of Pope Alexander the sixth.

The ansvver of the Countie of Nansot.

Of the Lord of Trimouille.

An act of the Duchesse of Burbon.

Another act of a Dutchesse.

A christian saying of the Emperour Charles the fifth.

A braue ansvver of the Countie of Anguien.

A sharpe and pleasant speech of a foole belonging to the Marquesse of Guast.

Of a Parmisan that by his subtilty saued himselfe from trouble.

An honorable opinion of the Dolphinesse of Fraunce.

The subtill request of Iohn de Menu, to saue himselfe from the furie of certaine Ladies.

The answer of the Lord Chabanes to king Lewis the eleuenth.

A historie of a Radish giuen to king Lewis the eleuenth.

The speech of a President of Paris to king Levvis the twelfth.

A iudgement of a king of England.

A similitude of the foole of the Duke of Millain.

NOTABLE AND excellent Sentences of ancient Authors, both Hebrewes, Greekes, and Latines: inducing euery man to liue well and vertuously.

§

Of the power of God. CHAP. I.

Of Loue. CHAP. 2.

Of Faith. CHAP. 3:

Of Hope. CHAP. 4.

Of adulation and flattery. CHAP. 5.

Of Ambition. CHAP. 6.

Of Enuie. CHAP. 7.

Of couetousnesse, and couetous persons. CHAP. 8.

Of Prodigalitie. CHAP. 9.

Of a lying toung, and boldnes of speech. CHAP. 10.

Of Silence, and of speech spoken in time conuenient. CHAP. 11.

Of Folly and imprudence. CHAP. 12.

Of the knowledge of a mans selfe. CHAP. 13.

Of friendship and friends. CHAP. 14.

Of Liberalitie and Magnificence. CHAP. 15.

Of Noblenesse and magnanimity. CHAP. 16.

Of Bountie and humanitie. CHAP. 17.

Of Good deedes and honour. CHAP. 18.

Of Exercise and industrie. CHAP. 19.

Of Wrath and anger. CHAP. 20.

Of Patience. CHAP. 21.

Of the praise of riches. CHAP. 22.

Riches dispraised & cōdēned. CHAP. 23.

Of Lawes and customes. CHAP. 24.

Of Renowne and glorie. CHAP. 25.

Of a short life and sickely. CHAP. 26.

Of Pouertie despised. CHAP. 27.

Of Pouertie commended. CHAP. 28.

Of Beautie. CHAP. 29.

Of Audaciousnnesse, or audacitie. CHAP. 30.

Of Piety and Clemency. CHAP. 31.

Of Liberty and seruitude. CHAP. 32.

Of Ignorance. CHAP. 33.

Of Doctrine and a good spirit. CHAP. 34.

Of Abstinencie and Continence. CHAP. 35.

Of Prudence. CHAP. 36.

Of Force. CHAP. 37.

Of Iustice and iudgement. CHAP. 38.

Of a wife and of mariage. CHAP. 39.

Of Fortune. CHAP. 40.

Of Realmes, Princes, and Magistrates. CHAP. 41.

Of Captaines of warre, and of their commauudements in time of battell. CHAP. 42.

Of diuerse and prompt Answers. CHAP. 43.

Of Vertue. CHAP. 44.

Of Death. CHAP. 45.

Of Felicitie. CHAP. 46.

§

§

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MEMORABLE CONCEITS OF DIVERS NOble and famous personages of Christendome, of this our moderne time.

LONDON, Printed for Iames Shaw. 1602.

TO THE TOWARDLY YOVNG Gentleman, Maister Walter Rawleigh, sonne and heire apparant to the honourable Sir Walter Ravvleigh Knight, Lord VVarden of the Stanneries, Captaine of her Maiesties Guard, Lieutenant of the Countie of Cornevvell, and Gouernour of the Isle of Iarsey.

[Page]

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SIr,

hauing a great desire, by some meanes to signifie my affection vnto you: I thought I could not better do it, nor find a more readie meane thereunto, then by preferring and dedicating this little Pamphlet vnto you: the which containing most rare and excellent examples [Page] of wise and wittie sayings, and notable instructions to vertue and vertuous actions, I suppose cannot more fitly be presented, then vnto you, in whose young yeares doth alreadie appeare a most towardly inclination and hopefull expectation both of wit and vertue, such as your riper yeares (I doubt not) will bring to an excellency of perfection. To the furtherance wherof, albeit this smal Treatise shall perhaps be able to adde little accesse, in regard of the plentiful helpes, wherewith you are alreadie furnished to that effect: yet it may be that both the pleasure and the profite thereof, may in some sort proue worthie, both of your labour in reading and [Page] perusing of it, and of my affection in offering it vnto you. Not doubting therefore but it shall be accepted, as pleasingly as I haue presented it willingly, most humbly I take my leaue.

Your Worships euer to be commaunded. I. S.

The names of the Popes, Emperours, Kings, Lords, and others mentioned in this Booke.

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A

ABbot of Baigne. 20

Adrian Pope. 21

Albert Emperour. 32

Alexander Seuerus Emperour. 38

Alexander the third, Pope. 1. 2

Alexander the fift, Pope. 11

Alexander the sixt, Pope. 215

Alfonsus ksng of Naples. 104. vnto 119

Anna Queene of Fraunce. 92

Anthony Panormitane. 112. 132

Anthony du Prat, Chancelor of France. 196.

Anthony Agnello and his interpretation. 204.

Apothegme of an Englishman. 186

Archbishop of Collaine. 18

Attila king of the Gothes. 51

Aulilie. 46

Ayme duke of Sauoy. 144

B

[Page]BAiazet the great Turke. 125

Barba widow to Sigismond the Emperour. 31

Bartholomew of Aluian. 156

Battels at Guingate and Fornoue. 161

Bayard Captaine. 163

Bertrand Guesclin Constable of Fraunce. 152.

Benedict the twelfth, Pope. 103

Bishop elect of Senlis. 162

Bishop of Seruia. 213

By-word of three Nations. 199

Blanch Dutchesse of Orleance. 70

Borso duke of Ferrara. 143

Boniface the eight, Pope. 6. 7. 8

C

CAesar Borgias duke of Vrbin. 146

Calixt Pope. 11

Cardinall Cossa. 10

Charles Martell. 119

Charles the Great, Emperour. 23

Charles the bald, Emperour. 25

Charles the fift Emperour. 41. 220

Charles the sixt king of France. 75

Charles the eight king of France. 90. 91

[Page] Charles duke of Burgundy. 199

Chabanes great maister of Fraunce. 227

Chiniton, or Kniton king of England 203.

Clement the fourth, Pope. 5

Clement the seuenth, Pope. 179

Clouis king of Fraunce. 45

Clotair the first king of Fraunce. 51

Columna Ascanius. 158

Columna Prosper. 158

Conrade king of Naples. 130

Constantine Ducas Emperour. 42

D

DAnt the Italian Poet. 165

Duke of Millaines cooke. 184

Dutchesse. 218

Dutchesse of Burbon. 217

E

EArle of Arminacke. 272

Earle of Lazaran. 126

Earle of Nassaw. 215

Earle of Petillan. 142

Edward king of England. 67. 68. 71. 72

Elenor Countesse of Foix. 173

Elizabeth of B [...]heme. 188

Emanuell king of Portugal. 21

[Page] Embassadours of Sicily. 128

Embassadours of Venice. 192

Englishmens oath. 75

F

FErdinand king of Naples. 132

Flemings mocke. 103

Foole to king Alphonsus. 202

Foole to the duke of Austrich. 189

Foole to the Marquesse of Guast. 221

Foole to the duke of Millain. 233

Fo [...]ques the fifth Earle of Aniow. 134. 135.

Frauncis the first king of Fraunce. 101. 102.

Frauncis Phaebus king of Nauarre. 174

Francis of Burbon Earle of Anguien 220

Fredericke the Emperour. 178

Fredericke the first, Emperour. 23

Fredericke the second, Emperour. 3

Fredericke the third, Emperour. 32. 35

Fredericke Marquesse of Mantua. 208

French Gentleman. 180

French Gentlemen. 165

French Knights. 162

G

GEin Ottoman a Turke. 207

Gentleman of Genoa. 160

[Page] Gordian the younger, Emperour. 38

Godfrey of Bollogne. 125

Gonnor Dutchesse of Normandie. 187

Great Captaine. 206. 207

Gregorie Pope. 9

H

HEnry the first Emperour. 42

Henry of Lancaster king of England 73.

Hire a French Captaine. 155

I

IAmes of Genouillay, Lord of Assier. 192.

Iohn king of Fraunce. 71

Iohn duke of Brittaine. 137

Iohn Galeas duke of Millain. 138. 150

Iohn of Ionuille. 181

Iohn de Maingre Marshall of Fraunce 147.

Iohn of Saintré. 148

Iohn Gonzaga. 209

Iohn of Menu a Poet. 225

Ierome an Italian. 140

Innocent the fourth, Pope. 3

Innocent the eighth, Pope. 14

Iouian Pontanus. 174

[Page] Iulius the second, Pope. 14. 15

Iulius Cardinall of S. Angell. 17

K

KAtherine Queene of England. [...]00

King of England. 231

L

LAdie of Heluin. 183

Lamorabaquin king of Tartaria. 126

Lewis king of Fraunce. 58

Lewis the grosse king of Fraunce. 56. 57.

Lewis the 4. king of France. 61. 62. 63.

Lewis the 11. king of Fraunce. 76. vnto 87. and 182. 227.

Lewis the 12. king of Fraunce. 92. vnto 100.

Lewis sonne to king Philip. 169

Lewis duke of Orleance. 73

Lewis Sforza. 213

Lord Sforza. 197. 198

Lord of Trimouille. 216

M

MAreschals Antrehan and Cleremont. 166

Margaret Dolphinesse of France. 229

Marcus Barbaricus duke of Venice. 143.

[Page] Martian the Emperour. 37

Maurice Earle of Aniow. 135

Maximilian the Emperour. 38. 39

Medices Cosme. 212

Medices Lawrence. 211

Miles bishop of Chartres. 19. 20

N

NArses. 151

O

OTho de Varis. 17

Otho the third Emperour. 37

P

PAnormitans. 5

Parmesan. 223

Peter of Bresay, Seneschall of Normandy. 88. 89

Peter Earle of Sauoy. 148

Philip the first, king of Fraunce. 53

Philip Augustus king of France. 60. 170

Philip the faire king of Fraunce. 65

Philip of Valois king of Fraunce. 66. 70

Philip duke of Burgundy. 142

Philip the hardie duke of Burgundy. 137

Philip of Villars, great Master of R [...]odes 144

[Page] Philip of Moruiller, President. 200

Philip Lantgraue of Hessen. 179

Pius the second Pope, & his sentences. 12

Prochetta Archbishop of Genes. 6.

R

RAimier king of Arragon. 124

Raphael a painter of Vrbin. 210

Rene king of Sicily. 131

Robert king of Sicily. 177

Roboald duke of Frize. 44

Rodericke Gonthier. 141

Rodolph the Emperour. 31

Roger king of Naples. 122

S

SAladine king of Asia. 123

Sanctius brother to the king of Spain 175.

Septimius Seuerus Emperour. 37

Sico Chauncellor of Millaine. 213

Sigismond Emperour. 27. 29.

Souldier of Nauarre. 166.

Soliman the great Turke. 121. 145

Sophia the Empresse. 191.

T

TAlbot an English captaine. 156. 185

Theodosian Emperour. 191

[Page] Theodosius Emperour. 25. 26

Thierry captaine. 47. 48

Thomas Caraffa Earle of Mathalon. 146

Tiberius Constantine Emperour. 43

Tiphamy wife to Bertrand Guesclin. 167

V

VAquery President of Paris. 230

Venetians and their opinion. 186

Vladislaus king of Hungary. 129

Vrban the fifth Pope. 170

VV

VVAlaque Dracocles. 129

VVilliam duke of Normandy. 54. 55.

VVilliam Rufus king of England. 123

Z

ZAchary Pope.

A Table of the chapters of this Booke.

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OF the power of God. chap. 1.

Of Loue. chap. 2.

Of Faith. chap. 3.

Of Hope. chap. 4.

Of Adulation and flatterie. chap. 5.

Of Ambition. chap. 6.

Of Enuie. chap. 7.

Of Couetousnesse and couetous persons. chap. 8.

Of Prodigalitie. chap. 9.

Of Lying toungs, and presumptuous speeches. chap. 10.

Of Silence, and words deliuered in conuenient season. chap. 11.

Of Indiscretion and want of wisedome. chap. 12.

Of Knovvledge of a mans self. chap. 13.

Of Amitie and friends. chap. 14.

Of Liberalitie & magnificence. chap. 15.

Of Nobilitie and magnanimitie chap. 16.

Of Goodnesse and humanity. chap. 17.

Of Honour and vvell doing. chap. 18.

[Page] Of Exercise and industrie. chap. 19.

Of VVrath. chap. 20.

Of Patience. chap. 21.

Of the praise of Riches. chap. 22.

Riches reproued. chap. 23.

Of Lavves and customes. chap. 24.

Of Fame and glorie. chap 25.

Of Short and sickly life. chap. 26.

Pouerty contemned. chap. 27.

Pouertie commended. chap. 28.

Of Beautie. chap. 29.

Of Presumption and boldnesse. chap. 30.

Of Pietie and mercie. chap. 31.

Of Libertie and bondage. chap. 32.

Of Ignorance. chap. 33.

Of Doctrine and a good vvit. chap. 34.

Of Abstinence and continence. chap. 35.

Of Prudence. chap. 36.

Of Strength▪ chap. 37.

Of Iustice and iudgement. chap. 38.

Of VViues and mariage. chap. 39.

Of Fortune. chap. 40.

Of Kingdoms, & Magistrates. chap. 41.

Of Captaines in vvarre. chap. 42.

Of diuers and ready ansvvers. chap. 43.

Of Vertue. chap. 44.

Of Death. chap▪ 45.

Of Felicitie. chap. 46.

MEMORABLE Conceipts, of diuerse Noble and famous personages of Christendome, of this our moderne time.

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Of Pope Alexander the third of that name, and the Emperour Fredericke the first, surnamed Barbarossa.

THE Emperour Frederick the first, hauing had lōg warres with Pope Alexander the third: and hauing driuen him for feare of him to forsake Rome, and to flie disguised in the habite of a cooke [...]nto Venice: the said Pope of a long [...]ime serued there in the place of a Gardiner within the Monasterie of [...]ur Lady of Charity: till such time as [...]omming to be known to the Duke [Page] and Senate of Venice, they tooke him thence: and hauing with great solemnitie and magnificence conducted him in all his Pontificall ornaments to the Church of Saint Marke: and he there hauing bestowed his blessing vpon them, they guarded him from the power of the Emperour: who in the end being brought to reason and reconciled vnto him, came to doe him reuerence at the entrie of the said Church of Saint Marke in Venice: and there offering to kisse his feete: the said Pope set his foote vpon the Emperours necke, saying: It is written: Thou shalt walke vpon the Aspe and the Basilisque: and thou shalt tread vpon the lion and the dragon: whereunto the Emperour (as he lay prostrate at the Popes feete) answered: Not to thee but to Saint Peter do I this honour: and to his successour do I yeeld my obeysance. The Pope replied: Both to me and to Saint Peter.

A Sentence of Pope Alexander.

THe same Pope being accustomed highly to commend the institution [Page] of the single life of Priestes, and to blame their vsing of concubines, was wont to vse this speech: God hath forbidden vs to get children: and the Diuell hath giuen vs Nephewes in their stead.

Of Pope innocent the fourth, and the Emperour Fredericke the second.

IN the yeare of our Lord one thousand, two hundred, forty and fiue, there fell great contentions and deuision betweene Pope Innocent the fourth, and the Emperour Fredericke the second: in so much as the Pope in the Councell of Lions, denounced sentence against the said Fredericke, to depose him from the Empire: and the Emperour in despite sent certaine verses to the Pope, who returned him answer in the verses following.

Fredericke Emperour, to the Pope.

Roma diu titubans varijs erroribus acta Corruet: & mundi desmet esse caput.

Rome that hath long stood staggering in great daunger

[Page] With sundrie errours tossed and distracted.

Shall now to ruine: and worlds great Commaunder

Shal cease to be, reputed or respected.

The Pope to the Emperour.

Nitcris inassum naue [...] submergere Petri:

Fluctuat, at nunquā mergitur illa ratis.

In vaine thou seekest S Peters shippe to drowne,

T'will neuer sinke, though tost, be vp and downe.

Fredericke.

Fatavolunt, stellae (que) docent, auium (que) volatus,

Quòd Fridericus ego malleus orbis ero.

The destinies will, the starres foretel, the flying fowles foreshew,

That Fredericke shall crush the world and keepe Rome vnder awe.

The Pope.

Fata volunt, Scriptura docet, peccata loquuntur,

Quòd tibi vita breuis, poena perēnis crit

The destinies will, the Scripture tels, thy sins they do foreshow,

Thy life but short, thy punishment endlesse tormenting wo.

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Of Pope Clement the fourth, and the Panormitanes.

THe Panormi [...]anes sent their Embassadours to the Pope, to purge themselues from the guilt of the conspiracie, whereof they had bene accused as parties in that famous murder of all the Frenchmen in Sicilia: called the Sicilian Euensong. These Embassadors hauing prostrated thē selues at the Popes feete, beganne to say vnto him: Lambe of God which takest away the sinnes of the world, haue mercie vpon vs: and graunt vs thy peace. The Pope knowing them to be naturally mutinous and seditious, told them: that they did as the Iewes did to Christ, who hauing saluted him with Hosanna in the highest, yet after many torments did crucifie him.

To rebellious flatterers a seuere & rigorous answer is best befitting.

Of the same Pope Clement & his nephew.

THe said Clement caused a nephew of his, who had three Prebends, [Page] to resigne two of them, and to keep one onely. And albeit he was very earnestly sollicited by many persons, that he would suffer his nephew to enioy the said Benefices, and to preferre him to more rather then to take those from him He made them this answer: He is not worthy to be the successour of S. Peter, who giueth more to his kindred, then to the poore members of Christ.

A princ ipall part of the goods of the Church is in right due to the poore.

Of Pope Boniface the eighth, and his sprinkling of ashes on his Cardinals.

THere was in time past a certaine famous faction in Italy between the Guelphes and Gibellines: in the which Pope Boniface the 8. fauoured the party of the Guelphs. Now it happened that on an Ash-wednesday, the Pope being to put Ashes vpon the heads of the Cardinals and Bishops (according to the vsage and institution of the Church of Rome:) [Page] one Prochet Archbishoppe of Genes (who was of the faction of the Gibellines, and therefore hated of Boniface) came to present him selfe on his knees before the Pope, to receiue of his ashes: then Boniface both changing the ordinarie words vsed in that ceremonie, and casting the ashes in to the Archbishop his face: whereas the Pope should haue said, Memento homo quòd cinis es, & in cinerem re [...]erteris: that is, Remember man thou art but dust and ashes, and into dust and ashes shalt returne: he said, Remember man thou art a Gibelline, and die thou shalt with the Gibellines.

This sheweth with how great power the passion of hatred doth transport men: when it causeth euen those which should be most holy and deuout, to forget their dutie and their reuerence to God and his religion.

Of the same Boniface, and the French king Philip le Bel.

THe same Boniface being at some difference with the French king, [Page] Philip the fair, touching the supreme power and authoritie in matters both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall: in certain letters which he sent vnto the King had these words: We will that thou shouldest know, that the whole Soueraigntie both of spirituall and temporall matters in thy Realme of Fraunce is of right and dutie belonging to vs: and whosoeuer shall say the contrary, we repute them as fooles. The King returned him in writing this answer: Philip by the grace of God King of Fraunce to Boniface calling himselfe Pope: we will thee to take notice, that we acknowledge in our temporall affaires no superiour but God alone: and whosoeuer shall affirme the contrarie, we hold him for a foole and a sot.

Another conceipt of Pope Boniface, touching one that resembled him in countenance.

POpe Boniface being told by one of his Court, that there was a pilgrime of the country of Bauyer come [Page] to Rome of purpose to visite the Religious places of the citie, who did altogether resemble him both in person and in countenance: Boniface hauing caused him to be sent for to his presence, demaunded of him, if his mother had euer bene at Rome. The pilgrime perceiuing himselfe touched with suppose of bastardie, answered: Holy Father,Some report this of Augustus Caesar. my mother was neuer in this countrie, but my father hath bin here many times.

In this answer the pilgrim soberly returned that quippe vpon the Pope, which he thought to haue put vpon him.

Of Pope Gregorie; and one that praised him to his face.

POpe Gregorie hearing one to cō mend him beyond all measure, and more then himselfe desired, said vnto him: God graunt (my friend) that I proue such a one as thou reportest me, and that thou be so honest a man as the opinion which thou hast of me, may be free from blame and exception.

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Of Cardinal Cossa who made himselfe Pope by force.

AFter the decease of Pope Alexander, the Cardinals being assembled in the towne of Bolonia the great: and shut vp within the Conclaue to chuse a new Pope: the Cardinall Baltazar Cossa Bishop of that Citie, being there with great forces, told the Cardinals freely and plainely: that if they did not chuse such a one to be Pope as should be to his liking, they should repent it. The Cardinals [...]tonished at his menaces: and seeing his armed forces attending round about the Conclaue, named diuerse vnto him, but none of them would content him: whereupon they being the more terrified, willed him to nominate some one, and promised that if so be he were a person capable of the place, they would receiue and admit him. With that Cossa called for the Popes Pall, that he might set it on him whom he should chuse: which being brought and giuen vnto him, he set it on his owne [Page] shoulders, saying: I am Pope. The Cardinals, howbeit this act was against all law and custome, yet durst not gainesay him, but consenting to his election, they named him Iohn the three and twentieth.

A saying of Pope Alexander the fifth.

POpe Alexander the fifth of that name, was very liberall & bountiful to the poore, and to such as were learned. And he was wont to say in his common talke: that when he was but a Bishop he was rich: and being made a Cardinall he became poore: but after that he came to be Pope, he was a starke begger.

Of Pope Calixtus which would haue but one Benefice.

CAlixtus the third Pope of that name, the yeare before he was exalted to the Popedome being only Bishop of Valentia and Cardinall: would neuer accept of any other Benefice nor Ecclesiasticall preferment: [Page] saying, that he was well content to haue one onely virgine to his spouse and maried wife.

Notable sentences of Pope Pius the second.

POpe Pius the second was wont to say, That in a towne of libertie, euery man may speake liberally and freely.

Being told on a time, that a certaine person had spoken very badly of him: he answered the partie reporting it: If thou hadst bene in Campo de Fier, thou shouldest haue heard many others, who would haue spoken farre worse of me.

In esteeming more of good books then of riches, he was wont to say: That the most sumptuous & richest iewels and precious stones which he had, were inclosed within his books.

His saying was: That by counsell a man might prouide remedie for any misfortunes or mishaps: like as in diseases there needed nothing but med [...]cine, yet so as it be taken in [Page] time and place conuenient.

He said: That the lawes had the force and vertue to bridle the common & inferior sort of people: but they had little or no command ouer the richer and greater persons: and that the great affairs of Princes were not vsually determined or decided by the lawes, but by force of armes.

Ignorant and vnlearned persons (said he) are easily led and moued with eloquent and artificial speeches: but wise men are nothing moued therewithall.

He was wont to say: that Phisitions ought not to demaund money of their patients, but their health.

Of sutes in law he had a saying: That the suters or clients are the birds: the courts or places of pleas, are the fields: the ludges are the nets: and the Aduocates are the birders.

He said: that men ought to be bestowed vpon dignities, and not dignities vpon men.

An ignorant Bishop he compared to an asse.

Ignorant Ph [...]sitions (quoth he) kill [Page] the bodie: and ignorant Priests destroy the soules of their patients.

He that is too hastie and easie in pardoning the follies of his child, nourisheth to himselfe an enemie.

A couetous man is not pleasing to men liuing, nor doth any good till himselfe be dead.

A luxurious and riotous life doth at all times spoile a man, but in old age it vtterly killeth him.

Lying is a most base and seruile kind of vice.

A sentence of Pope Innocent.

POpe Innocent the eighth was wōt to say: that it was not fit to make warre to get glorie, or for conquest: but onely to purchase peace and quietnesse.

The titles which Pope Iulius gaue vnto his seruants.

POpe Iulius the second of that name, had his houshold seruants of sundry nations. And when he took [Page] his repast in priuate, he would for his sport and recreation call those Spaniards that attended him, the birds of the aire: because he reputed them vaineglorious and great boasters, and desirous of the vpper hand. The Venetians and Genowaies, he named the fishes of the sea, because they frequē ted the seas: and many times the fishes fed vpon their dead bodies. The Almaines he named the beasts of the field: iudging them to be void of vnderstanding. The French men he termed winepissers. Wherupon it happened that once a certaine Norman (one of his tasters) merily said vnto him: Holy Father, then are you a right Frenchman. Wherfore said the Pope? Because (quoth he) you are the greatest winepisser of all others: if all the Frēch of the world were together

The speech of Pope Iulius the second, touching his deuise in warres.

THis Pope was a man that delighted greatly in warres, the which he did ordinarily nourish & mainetaine [Page] betweene many Princes: and in especiall against the king of Fraunce. On a time some of his court said vnto him: Holy Father, many great personages do thinke it straunge, that you shold be so desirous to entertain warres, considering the dignities of that calling wherein God hath placed you, which ought to be an estate of peace and quietnesse: and seeing God hath committed vnto you the keyes by which you should shut vp the way to discord, and open it to peace and amitie: but you do quite contrarie. Whereunto the Pope gaue them this answer: They which vsed those speeches vnto you, say they know not what. Haue you not heard how S. Peter and S. Paul were companions, and had but one Church betweene them. My predecessours vsed [...]aint Peters key: and now will I helpe my selfe with S. Pauls sword. One of the parties replyed vnto him: You know holy Father, that our Lord said vnto Saint Peter: Put vp thy sword into thy sheath. The Pope answered: true but that was after Saint Peter had first [Page] striken with the sword.

This sh [...]vv [...]th that the said Pope vvas altogether a martialist.

Of a Cardinall that had his vvhole delight in siud [...]e.

O [...]to de Varis seeing Iulian the Cardinall of S. Angel (who was President in the Councel of Basil) to spend most of his time in the reading of ancient bookes: he said vnto him: Sir, why do you liue so solitarie, and spend your time amongst the dead of former ages? Come I pray and passe your daies with vs that are aliue. The Cardinal answered: you mistake the matter cleane contrarie. For these Auncients do now liue by their learning and rare knowledge: wheras you liue not, but be as dead men, both in your name and in your works: and passe away your life time according to the nature of bruite beastes.

The life of the spirit consisteth in contē plation of learned vvritings, vvhich are the true Monuments, Reliques, [Page] and testimonies of such as haue for [...] gone vs in vertue and knovvledge.

Of the Archbishop of Colaine, and a countrey pesant.

A Certaine old man a poore laborer of the countrey seeing the Archbishop of Coiaine to ride throgh the fields, armed and accompanied with armed forces, fell out of a loud laughing whereupon being demanded wherefore he laughed: he answered: Because he wondered that S. Peter, Christs Vicar in the Church being exceeding poore, had left his successors so rich and wealthie: and that their traines should be more furnished with men at armes, then with Church men. The Archbishop desirous that the fellow should haue better knowledge of him in his place & dignitie, told him: that he was not onely an Archbishop but a Duke also: and that as a Duke he rode so accompanied with a traine of men at armes: Howbeit when he was in his Church, then he was attended on as [Page] an Archbishop. Sir (said the labourer) I pray tell me: when my Lord the Duke shall be with the Diuell: what shall then become of the Archbishop?

Tvvo heads vpon one bodie, is a thing monstrous in nature.

Of the Bishop of Chartres and the French King, Levvis the eleuenth.

KIng Levvis the eleuenth, seeing on a time Miles Bishop of Chartres mounted vpō a Mule with trappings of veluet, and his bridle richly gilded, told him: that the Bishops of elder ages were content to ride on an Asse, and with a simple collar. O, (quoth the Bishop) that was when Kings were shepheards and did keep sheepe. The King replyed: I speake not of the Bishops of the old Testament, but of those vnder the new. The Bishop answered. I but that was when Kings were great giuers of almes, and did vse to set poore Lazers with them at their tables, and to wash the feet of the poore.

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Of the same Bishop, and certaine Priests vvhich he met.

THe same Bishop encountring with two or three Priests passing through the fields, said vnto them: God saue you my maisters and Clerkes: the Priests answered: we are not Clerkes (sir) we are Priestes. The Bishop replyed: then God saue you my maisters and Priestes, no Clerkes.

A conceipted speech of the Abbot of Baigne.

KIng L [...]vvis the eleuenth demanded of the Abbot of Baigne to haue his Abbey for some small recompence: but the Abbot being wily, said vnto the King: Sir, I haue spent almost forty yeares in learning the two first letters of the Alphabet. A. B. and I shall neede as long time to learne the two next letters, C. D.

By the equiuocation of these foure letters in alluding A. B. to the vvord Abbey, and C. D. to the Latin vvord cede [Page] vvhich signifieth to yeeld vp: his meaning vvas, that as he had bene fortie yeares ere he attained to the dignitie of an Abbot: so he vvould vvillingly keepe it other fortie yeares cre he vvould yeeld it vp.

A saying of Pope Adrian the fifth.

POpe Adrian being demaunded, what was the greatest plague which he would wish to his enemie, and not wish him dead: He answered. The greatest mischiefe I would wish him, is that he were Pope, because I hold that to be a maruellous affliction and vexation of spirit.

All kind of authoritie vvherein a man hath a care and conscience to do his dutie, should be rather refused for the charge, then desired for hope of gaine.

The Absolution of the king of Portugal.

EManuel king of Portugal withheld from a Bishop of his kingdome the reuenues of his bishoprick: whereof the Bishop complained to [Page] the Pope: who in fauour of the Bishop sent a Legate to the King, to cause him to make restitution or to excommunicate him. The Legate vpon the matter hauing denounced sentence of excommunication, and being on his way to returne, the King enraged at the censure, mounted on horsebacke to follow the Legate, and hauing ouertaken him, he drew out his sword and threatned to kill him, vnlesse he would absolue him: which the Legate hauing done; the King retired to his Court, and the Legate went on to Rome: where being come, and hauing made report vnto the Pope of the successe of his iourney: the Pope reproued him very sharpely for yeelding to absolue the king. The Legate answered: most holy Father, if you had bene in daunger of your life as I was, you would haue giuen the king absolution double and treble.

Feare of death may make a man sometimes do do that vvhich he ought not vvithout regard both of honour and dutie.

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Of Charles the Great, and his Edicts.

THe Emperour Charlemaine did vse to weare his seale of armes engrauen in the pomell of his sword: and he was wont to say, whensoeuer he set his seale to any letters of Edict, Ordinances or Commissions: See this is the sword that shall maintaine my Ordinances: & which shall make warre against those who shall contradict mine Edicts.

It is not a matter of so great importance to establish and make good lavves & decrees: as it is to cause them to be kept and obserued.

Of the sentence vvhich the Emperour Fredericke gaue against the Citizens of Milan.

THe Emperour Fredericke Barbarossa making war in Italy, compelled them of Milan to yeeld themselues in subiection to the Empire. The Empresse his wife desirous to be seene of the Citizens, entred into the [Page] Citie in great pompe and magnificence: supposing that she had bene there in good securitie. But the Milanois being ill affectioned to the Emperour, and bearing a grudge against him in their hearts, in regard he had subdued them, they tooke the Empresse and set her vpon a Mule, with her face towards the taile, the which they made her hold betweene her hands in steed of a b [...]idle: and being so mounted, they caused her to ride out at another gate of the Citie then that where she made her entrie. The Emperour highly incensed, and that iustly with this outrage, did besiege their Citie, and pressed them so hard, that he constrained them to yeeld vnto him bodie and goods, with this condition: that they which would saue their liues, should take or catch with their teeth certaine figges hanging betweene the genitals of a mad kicking Mule. Many of them preferred death before a shamefull life: the residue that were more desirous of life, then carefull of their honour, accepted & performed the conditiō. [Page] And hereof is sprong that Prouerbe vsed in mocquerie amongst the Italians: when putting one finger betweene two others, they say: see here is a figge for thee.

The common saying is: A dull Asse must haue a sharpe spurre: a rebellious people must haue a reuengefull Prince.

The threats of Charles the bald.

THe Empire being in controuersie betweene king Charles the bald and his Nephewes the children of Loys, kings of Germany: he sent a message vnto them, to let them vnderstand, that he would bring such huge numbers of men at armes ouer the Rhine, as their horses shold drink that riuer so drie, that they should be able to passe it and not wet their feete.

Of Theodosius the Emperour and his Decree.

THe Emperour Theodosius being highly incensed with the Thessalonians, [Page] for that they had slaine one of his knights within the Theater. He was determined to haue put all the inhabitants of Thessalonica to the sword: but being disswaded from the act: after he had wel bethought himselfe he repented him of his determination. And thereupon he made a law: that from thencefoorth, when any sentence of death, or other punishment should be giuen or pronounced vpon any offender, either by the Prince, or by any inferiour Iudge his Lieutenant, the execution of the iudgement for three daies after should be deferred: to the intent there might be place left, on the one part for repentance, and on the other for mercie.

The act of Theodosius for the repressing of his Choler.

WHensoeuer his choler grew to be enflamed, he would suddenly withdraw himselfe out of company: and being alone would pronounce ouer all the letters of the [Page] Alphabet ech after other with great leasure: to the intent that in meane time his wrath and anger might wax cold, and be asswaged.

He that cannot subdue his choler by nature, must do it by art and cunning

Of the Emperour Sigismond and a Page of his chamber.

THe Emperour Sigismond, and one of the Pages of his chambet, passing ouer a certaine riuer at a foord on horseback: when they were in the middest of the the riuer, the Emperours horse stood still and began to stale: which the Page seeing, he said vnto the Emperour: Most sacred Prince, your horse is ill taught, and resembleth you very well. The Emperour answered neuer a word, but rode [...] on towards his lodging: where being come, and in pulling off his bootes, he demaunded of his Page, why he had likened his horse vnto him. Because (quoth the Page) the riuer had no need of any water, yet your horse in pissing there, did [Page] adde water vnto water: & so do you: For you giue wealth and riches to thē which haue plenty, but to such as haue none you giue not any. It is now a long time that I haue bene in your seruice, and yet did I neuer tast of your liberality. The next morning the Emperour tooke two little iron Coffers both of a greatnesse & like weight: the one of them being full of duckets, and the other of lead: & putting them vpon a table, he said vnto his Page: here be two Coffers, make thy choise of the two which thou shalt like best, and take it for thy wages and recompence of thy seruice. The Page chusing that which was full of lead: the Emperour said, Now open it, and see what is within it: which he did, and found it to be but lead. Then said the Emperour: now thou knowest thy fortune: the fault was none of mine, that thy choise was no better, and that thou wert not made rich: for thou [...]ast refused thy good fortune when it was offered thee.

Some are poore through their ovvne default, [Page] because vvhen occasion is offered to enrich themselues, they k [...]ovv not hovv to take their time and to lay hold of it.

Diuerse notable sentences of the same Sigismond.

THe said Emperor being demanded, what kind of man he esteemed most fitte and worthie to be a king: such a one (quoth he) as neither glorieth in his good fortunes, nor is daunted with aduersitie.

When one complained vnto him, that the citie of Constance in Almaine, had not free vse of their liberties and franchises: he answered: If they had not great libertie in the towne of Cō stance, thou which art one of that citie, wouldest not speake vnto me so liberally: for franknesse of speech is a signe of libertie.

He said also: That as God would be both loued and feared: so should Kings and Princes be: for there can hardly be any true loue where there is no feare.

[Page] There be three degrees of persons who ought to be both loued & honoured. Frst, God aboue all, and in all places. Secondly, Kings and Princes in their kingdomes and estates. And lastly, parents and maisters in their priuate families.

The same Prince hearing one to praise him to his face, beyond all measure more then he well liked of, and to resemble him to God: he stroke him on the cheeke: and the partie saying vnto him: Wherefore doth your Maiestie strike me? He answered: Wherefore doest thou bite me?

He had an ordinarie saying: That kings should be exceeding happie in this world: if all proud persons were chased out of their Courts: and that they were followed and attended with none but such as were courteous and mercifull.

He said also: that those were to be held for sage and wise persons, who could modestly endure any reasonable iest or mocquerie: And that those who were prompt in pretie iests and [Page] meriments, were to be reputed men of a good spirit.

The ansvver vvhich Barba the vvidovv of Sigismond, made to those that persvvaded her to continue a vvidovv.

AFter that the Emperour Sigismond was deceased, the Ladie Barba his widow was perswaded by one to liue still a widowe, in imitation of the example of the Turtle, which after the death of the male, doth keepe continuall chastitie. Whereunto she made this answer: If so be thou wilt counsel me to follow the conditions of the birdes of the aire which are destitute of reason: why doest not thou as well tell me of the Doue and the Sparrow.

A sentence of the Emperour Rodulph the first.

ROdulph Emperor, who first translated the Empire of Almaine into the house of Austria: as he was deuising [Page] with his familiar friends vpon that matter, how the same had bene effected: It is no maruell (said he) if they be accompted fooles that know not how to raigne: for there is not any man liuing that iudgeth himselfe to be a foole.

A Sentence of the Emperour Albert.

THe Emperour Albert, was wont to say: That the delight of hunting was an exercise fit for a man: but dauncing and leaping did appertaine to women. And howbeit he could temper himselfe to abstaine from all other pleasures; yet he could not restraine himselfe from the exercise of hunting.

The Fable of the Emperour Fred [...]ricke the third, propounded to the Embassadour of k [...]ng Levvis the eleuenth.

CHarles duke of Burgundy hauing planted his siege before the city of Nuce, which was succoured by the [Page] Emperour Fredericke the third and the Almaines: King Levvis the eleuenth of France (who sought nothing more then the ruine of the said Duke of Burgundie) sent his Embassadour to the Emperour Fredericke to practise and perswade with him to seize and confiscate into his owne hands all those lands and Seignories which the Duke of Burgundie held of the Empire: and that he for his part wold do the like for the countries of Flanders, Artois, Burgundie, and others dependants of the Crowne of Fraunce. The Emperour vpon this motion, made the Ambassadour this answer. Neare vnto a certaine citie in Almain did once haunt a most cruell and dā gerous Beare, which did many mischiefes and displeasures to the inhabitants adioyning. Now it happened that three merrie companions (as they were drinking in a Tauerne, & hauing litle mony to pay their shot) they agreed with their host to make sale of the Beares skinne, and to pay him out of the money: and for the performance thereof, they prepared [Page] themselues presently to go and take him. The bargaine being made and the dinner ended, they put thēselues in quest of the beast: and approching to the Caue where he was lodged: the Beare issued out vpon them so fiercely: that being surprised with a sudden feare, one of them fled away backe towards the towne: another saued himselfe by climing of a tree: and the third being ouertaken by the Beare, fell downe vnder him as dead. And the Beare (without doing him any other hurt) did often put his mouth to the eares of the poore fellow, who all the while held his wind, and abstained from breathing: for the nature of the Beare is not to touch or to offend any dead bodie. Now the Beare being gone, the man got vp and went his way also: after which he that was aloft in the tree came downe, and hauing ouertaken his companion, demanded of hm: what it was that the Beare told him in his eare: marrie (quoth the fellow) he bad me, that I should neuer after vse to sell a Beares skin, till the beast were dead.

[Page] By this fable the Emperor payed the Embassadour with an answer: as if he should haue said: Let vs first be sure to take the Duke, and then afterwards let vs make partition of his dominiōs.

Graue sentences and answers of the Emperour Fredericke.

THe Emperour Fredericke being demaunded: whom he accompted his greatest friends: He answered: Those men which feare me lesse then God.

Being likewise asked what he thought was the best thing which could happen to a man: he answered: A happie and good departure out of this mortall life.

If the end of a mans life be not good and in the feare of God, all the rest is little worth.

He said: That those Princes which are giuen to be cruell and too rigorous, haue great cause to feare death: For with the same iudgement they haue adiudged others in their life, themselues are like to be adiudged [Page] after their death.

The same Fredericke hauing subdued the Guntians a people in Hungarie: he said, We haue now done a great deed: it remaines yet that we do another deede more great: that is: That we vanquish our selues, by refraining from auarice, and from the desire of reuenge.

This Emperour Fredericke did bring vp in his Court, euen from an infant, Ladislaus the sonne of the king of Hung [...]rie and of Boheme: and there were m [...]ny which perswaded and counselled him to [...]ke away the child, and to put him to dea [...]h: because in processe of time, his life might cause him great hurt and hinderance: and by his death, he might succeede him in his Realmes and riches. To whom the Emperour made this answer: I perceiue then, that you had rather haue me a rich King, then a iust Prince and a pitifull. But for my part I had rather haue an honourable report and good renowme, then all the riches and treasures of the world.

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A sentence of Martian.

MArtian Emperour of Constantinople, would neuer enterprize any warres, except it were vpon great necessitie: saying: That whatsoeuer Prince would liue in peace and quietnesse, he ought not in any case to entertaine warres.

The title of Otho the third.

OTho the third of that name Emperour of Almaine, was of so great a spirite: as he was commonly called: The wonder of the world.

The praise of Septimius Seuerus.

SEptimius Seuerus, Emperour of Rome, was a Prince so well beloued, and ruled so well and commendably, that the Senate said of him: That it had bene good, either that he had neuer bene borne, or that he might neuer dye.

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A sentence of Alexander Seuerus.

ALexander Seuerus the Romaine Emperour, whensoeuer he appointed any one to be punished opē ly, he caused the common Cryer with a loud voice to pronounce this sentence: Do not that to another, which thou wouldest not haue done to thee. And the same sentence did he cause to be engrauen in his Pallace, & in the publique Edifices.

A sentence of Gordian.

GOrdian the younger, Emperour of Rome: had a saying somtimes: That the Emperour of all other men is most miserable: because commonly the truth is concealed from him.

The answer of Maximilian to one that would be made a Gentleman.

THe Emperor Maximilian being at Bologna: a citizen of that Citie, exceeding rich and wealthie, but [Page] of base parentage, presented himself before the Emperour, saying: May it please your sacred Maiestie to make and create me a Gentleman: For I haue wealth sufficient to maintaine the state and degree of a Gentleman. The Emperor answered him: I can make thee much more rich thē thou art, but it is not in my power to make thee noble: For that is an honour which thou must purchase by thy owne proper vertue.

An answer of Maximilian to one that demaunded an almes of him.

A Certaine poore man very ill appointed, entred into the Pallace of the Emperour, and required that he might haue accesse to his Maiestie to speake with him: which being denyed him, he continued notwithstanding so to importune the Vshers: that the Emperour willed the poore man to be brought vnto him, to whom he said: Most sacred Emperour: you and I are brothers borne of one Father, Adam: and of one Mother [Page] Eue: and you see my pouertie: may it therefore please your Excellencie to enlarge my estate, and to bestow some wealth vpon me, as ech brother is bound to do one for another. The Emperour noting the rashnesse and follie of this fellow, caused a small peece of money to be giuen him: where at the poore man making shew but of small contentment, because he found his hope frustrate, in regard of that great liberalitie which he expected. The Emperour said vnto him: me thinkes thou sholdest hold thy self contented with that which I haue giuen thee: For true it is (as thou saidest,) we are all brothers: and if all the rest of our brethren would giue thee as much as I haue done, thou wouldest be much more rich, and a greater Lord then I am.

The wish of the same Maximilian.

AS he was one day deuising with his familiar friends, and discoursing of Empires, Realmes, and Seignories: If it were possible for a man [Page] to be God: and my selfe were so, hauing two sonnes, I would desire, that the eldest might be God after me: & that the second might be king of Fraunce.

Of the act of the Emperour Charles the fifth, when he was to make a voyage into Barbarie.

CHarles the fifth Emperor of that name, being in a readinesse to depart vpon his first voyage into Barbarie, to the kingdome of Thunis against Barbarossa: and desirous to prouide a Generall for the armie: and finding none whom he held sufficient: he tooke the image of the Crucifixe: and in a generall assembly of his whole armie, li [...]ting the same as high as he could, said: Our Lord [...]esus Christ shall be Chiefta [...]e & Captaine Generall of this enterprize, being so glorious, so holy, and so honourable.

A notable sentence of Constantine the Emperour.

[Page] COnstantine Ducas the son of Andronicus, Emperour of Constantinople, was not in any sort himselfe learned: and yet he did so exceedingly loue both learning and men of knowledge, that he was wont to say: I hold it farre better to be made noble and excellent by learning, then by the possession of the Empire.

A speech of the Emperour Henry touching his contentment.

THe Emperour Henry the first of that name, of the house of Saxonie: before that he came to be crowned in Italy, or to receiue the ceremonious Titles of the Empire. Howbeit that the Pope had offered him the Imperiall Crowne and Diademe, and to annoint him Emperour: yet he neither accepted nor refused it: saying vnto his people: It sufficeth me that by the g [...]ace of God and you, I haue the name of Emperour. None of my predecessors and auncestours hauing euer had the honour to attaine thereunto.

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The Charitie of the Emperour Tiberius.

THe Emperour Tiberius Constantine, a Thracian borne, being reprehended by his wife Sophia Augusta because he distributed in great abundance to the poore, all the treasures which she and her first husband Iustin had gathered together in many yeares: he answered her: My trust is in God, that our treasure shall be neuer a whit the lesse, for being distributed to the releefe of the poore, and the redeeming of captiues and prisoners. For in so doing, we gather that great treasure, whereof our Lord Iesus Christ spake in the sixt chapter of Saint Mathevv his Gospell, saying. Lay vp for your selues treasures in heauen, where neither mothes nor wormes can corrupt thē, nor theeues can do you any dammage by stealing them.

The saying of the same Tiberius at the time of his deaeh to his son in law.

THe same Tiberius perceiuing the time of his death to approch, by [Page] the connsell and aduice of the Empresse Sophia, pronounced for his successour to the Empire Mauritius, one borne in Cappadocia: and giuing vnto him in mariage his daughter, with the Imperiall vestures and ornaments, he said: Here I deliuer vnto thee both my Empire, and this maiden for thy wife: wishing thee to serue thee of her so, as may be for thy good and benefite: and that aboue all things thou remember to maintaine equitie and iustice.

The fairest flower of a Princes Crowne, is iustice: by which Kings do raigne.

Of a duke of Freeze, vvhich vvould not be baptized.

ROboald duke of Freezeland, at the preaching of VVal [...]n Archbishop of Sens, had determined to haue bene baptized: to which end being stripped out of his garments, as he stood naked and had put one foot into the water, he bethought himselfe and asked the standers by, what was become of his parents and friends deceased, [Page] whe [...]her they were in Paradise or in hel. Answer was made him: that doubtlesse they were all damned in hell, and that not any of them was in Paradise, because they were not Christians. At this speech he suddenly drew backe his foote, and contrarie to the expectation of all the assembly, said aloft: That he would not be baptized: but that he would goe after his death, where he knew he should find most of his friends. And the same day he dyed suddenly.

The revvard vvhich Clouis king of Fraunce, gaue to those vvhich had betrayed their maister.

CLouis the first Christian king of Fraunce, hauing warres with Richer duke of Cambray, a man of very bad conditions and lewd life: the Barrons of the said Duke promised the King, that if he would come and deliuer battell to their Lord, they would betake themselues to flight, & leaue their Lord to be taken prisoner. The king Clouis, for the effecting of [Page] this enterprize, sent vnto the traitors a number of Corcelets of Copper very richly guilt: And the plot being executed according to the agreement, Richer was taken and put to death After which the traitors being aggrieued that the presents which the King had sent them were of so small valure: They complained vnto him, saying: that they were but badly recompenced: to whome the king answered, not without discretiō: Do you not konw how sufficiently I haue rewarded you, in giuing you your liues? In your own iudgements thinke with what torments they deserue to be punished which haue betrayed their Lord and maister. Wherefore hold it for no small benefite and fauour, that I suffer you to liue: and get you hence speedily, if you be not wearie of your liues. Where at the traitors being abashed, they soone withdrew themselues frō his presence.

Of the shame which Aulilia did vnto her sonne Thierrie, whereby she was a cause of his victorie.

[Page] THierry being Generall for the Emperour Zenon in Italy: and hauing bene defeated by Odo [...]cer king of the Herules, fled towards Rauenna. On the way being met by his mother Aulilia, and she perswading him to returne againe to the field, and to renue the battell: and seeing him to make a difficultie so to do: She said vnto him: my sonne beleeue me, and assure thyself, thou hast neither castle nor fortres where thou canst be safe, except I take vp my clothes, and suffer thee to returne againe into my belly from whence thou hadst thy first being. Thierry being both ashamed, and enflamed at this speech of his mother, reassembled his armie, returned to the place of battell: and finding his enemies in disorder, by reason of their first victorie: he charged in vpon them and defeated them

Fevv vvords vvell spoken and vvell taken, cause great matters be put in execution.

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Of the good counsell which a Gentleman gaue vnto the same Thierry, Lieutenant to Zenon the Emperour, vnder the couerture of a Fable: by meanes whereof, Thi [...]y made himselfe king of Italy.

THierry was accused vnto the Emperour Zenon by some enuious persons, that he affected the Empire: whereupon the Emperour sent for him home to Constantinople, & there held him prisoner: till such time as being put to his triall he purged him selfe. Within a while after, he was againe accused for the same matter: & being commaunded by the Emperour to make his repaire vnto him, who was purposed to put him to death: he sent a messenger to the Emperours Court, vnto one Tolomee his great friend and familiar, to vnderstand his opinion, if he held it good for him to come to the Court or not. Tolomee in regard of his oath made vnto the Emperour, durst not [Page] reueale the secret of the Emperours purpose vnto the messenger of Thierry: but appointing him to attend the Emperor at dinner time: he streightly charged him to marke well what he should heare him there say▪ to the intent he might rehearse the same vnto his maister that sent him. The next day, the Emperour sitting at his table, and keeping open state, Tolomee (who was one of his nearest fauorities) deuising with him of many things as they were at meate, let fall this fable of set purpose. The Lion (quoth he) being chosen king by the other beasts: they all came to do him reuerence: the Hart (which is a goodly beast) approching to salute him with the rest, and bending himselfe before him, the Lion tooke him by the hornes purposing to deuoure him: but the Hart drew away his head with that strength and force as he escaped and saued himselfe. The Reinard seeing the Lion to frown, & to grow in a great rage, because the Hart had escaped him, did promise the Lion to cause the Hart to come [Page] backe againe. And vpon the matter, he did so flatter the Hart with so many sweet and sugred words, that he drew him backe againe to the Lion, to whom he doing reuerence as before, the Lion seized vpon his horns, and the other beasts falling also vpon him, so as he was soone deuoured. The Reinard pulling out his heart▪ did secretly eate it. Each of the beasts sought very earnestly for his heart to make a present of it to the king: but the same not being to be found, the blame was laid vpon the Renard with great threats and stripes: Alas (quoth the Reinard) I am wrongfully punished: for the Hart had no hart at all: for if he had had any, he would neuer haue returned to be slain and deuoured. This tale being marked and vnderstood by the messenger, he returned to Thie [...]y, to whom he recited what he had heard: whereby he was aduertized not to returne any more to the Emperour: and within a while after he made himselfe king of Italy.

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A sentence of king Attila and his titles

ATtila king of the Gothes, was wont to say: That the griefe which he had conceiued in loosing of riches, was greater then al the pleasure that he euer took in possessing of them. Amongst many other titles which he esteemed excellent, he chiefly bore this to be called: The feare of the world: and the scourge of God.

The words of Clotarius king of Fraunce, at the time of his death.

CLotarius the first of that name, king of Fraunce, at the time of his death fell into these speeches, saying often: Vuach, Auach: How great is this King of heauen, that thus killeth and causeth to dye the most great and mightie Kings and Princes of the world?

To men that are too much in loue with the world, the tast of death is very bitter.

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The sentence of Pope Zacharie, concerning the electing of the King of Fraunce.

PEpin Maister of the Pallace of the king of Fraunce, sent his Ambassadours to Pope Zacharie, to haue his aduice whom he held to be most worthie to be King: either him, who for the profite and common good of the Realme, did expose himselfe to all turmoile and trauell: or him that liuing in idlenesse and slouth, had no care or regard of the Commonwealth, neither to augment it nor to defend it. The Pope returned him in writing this answer: That he was the fittest person to raigne, and to be entitled King, which tooke vpon him the charge and managing of the publique affaires, both for the defence of the Realme, and for the maintaining of iustice. The French being informed of this answer, deposed their king Childericke, and thrusting him into a Monasterie, elected Pepin king of Fraunce in his stead.

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The pleasant message of Philip king of France, to VVilliam duke of Normandy, and king of England with his answer.

PHilip the first of that name, k [...]ng of Fraunce, being resolued to make warre against VVilliam the ba [...] stard Duke of Normandie that conquered England, who had lien long sicke of a great swelling in his belly, sent him word: That he neuer before heard of any woman in Normandie, that lay so long in childbed as he had done: and that if he might vnderstād the time of his vpris [...]ng, he would prouide him of lights against his Churching. The Duke returned him this answer: That he would not faile to let him vnderstand of his vprising: and that he meant to come in person into Fraunce, where himselfe would cause a solemne Masse to be song at his Churching: and that for lights, he would prouide a thousand Torches without waxe, whose s [...]aues shold be of wood, and a thousand launces tipt with steel, to giue fire to those torche [...]

[Page] By the Torches without waxe and of wood, he meant houses, tovvnes, & villages, vvhich he vvould set on fire: and by the launces, he meant men at armes.

Of the letters of promise which the same William Duke of Normandie, sent vnto the Earle of Flanders.

THe same VVilliam Duke of Normandie hauing a determinatiō, to make a conquest of England, as being his right, in that it was giuen vnto him by king Edvvard the Confessour: he required diuerse great Princes of Fraunce and elsewhere to aide him in that enterprize both with mē and mony. Amongst others he prayed the Earle of Flaunders (whose sister he had marryed) to aide him in that exploit. The Earle demaunded of him, what part he should haue in the kingdome of England, if the duke should conquer it [...]. The duke answered him: That he would send him wor [...] thereof in writing. After which the Duke being now readie to depart [Page] out of Normandie vpon his intended voyage, he caused a faire peece of white parchment without any writing within it, to be folded and closed vp in forme of a letter: vpon the which for an inscription, he caused to be written these two verses: sending them in way of a scoffe to the Earle of Flaunders:

Beaufrere, d'Angleterre aurez

Ce que cy dedans trouuerez.

Faire brother, of England your portiō shall bee

That which here within written you shall see.

Another conceipt of VVilliam the Conquerour, at his landing in England.

VVHen the same Duke had passed the seas to the conquest of England, the first fortune that befell him in his landing, was: that in leaping out of his shippe, he fell flat vpon the sands, and the first part of his bodie that touched the ground were his hands. The which [Page] accident some of his people interpreting to be a signe of ill fortune: [...]ush (quoth he out aloud) assure your selues my maisters, that this is the seizin an [...]d possession of this kingdome, which God hath giuen me: and it is his wil that I shal take it with both my hands: because by the aide both of him and you, I make no doubt but to conquer it. And his successe was answerable to his hope: for he came to be king, and left the Crowne of England to his posterity.

Of king L [...]vvis the grosse, and Baldvvin Earle of Mons.

KIng Lewis the grosse h [...]auing appointed the duke VVilliam of Normandie to be Earle of Flaunders: Baldvvin Earle of Mons in Heynault, pretending right thereunto, said vnto the King: That he had wrong done him: for that the Earledome did appertaine vnto him. He demaunded with great instance to haue the combat graunted him against those that should dare to auerre the contrarie. The king said vnto him: It is against [Page] me thē that you must haue the combat: for the Seignorie which you claime and striue for, is mine owne proper right and inheritance.

He that contendeth against his Lord and maister, must needes haue the worst of the quarrell.

A braue speech of king Levvis the grosse.

THe same king of Fraunce taking part with Hely Earle of Maine, against Henry king of England in a certaine battell fought between thē, found himselfe farre seuered frō his people. A certain English knight seeing him, and being in hope to make himselfe rich by taking the king prisoner, he laid hold vpon the reines of the kings horse with intēt to stay him and began to cry with a loud voice: The King is taken. The king being valiant and of a noble courage, at one blow with his sword ouerthrew the knight dead to the ground: & seeing him fall, he said: It is not one man alone, that in Chesse play, can giue the king the mate.

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Of an inuention found by king Levvis, to punish the Earle of Vermandois.

LEvvis king of Fraunce, the sonne of king Charles the simple, desiring to be reuenged for the death of his said father, who dyed in the castle of Peronne, being there imprisoned by H [...]bert the Earle of Vermandois his subiect: And being at Laudun with a great assembly of the Lords and Nobles of Fraunce, whom he had reconciled vnto him, he vsed a fine deuice to bring about his purpose: for he had caused one to be attired like an Englishman, who being well instructed in that which he had to do, came i [...]post to the Court, and required to be instantly admitted to the presence of the kings Councell, for the deliuerie of certaine letters to the king frō the king of England. The partie being entred into the Councell chamber, presented the letters to the king, which himselfe had before caused to be written And as the Secretarie read them to the King with a soft and low [Page] voyce, the King began to smile: wherof the Princes and Lords there present demaunded the occasion. Now I see well (quoth the King) that the English are not a people of any great wisedome: for our cousin Harmant king of England hath written me here: that there is in his countrey a labouring man, who hauing inuited his maister to his house to dine with him, caused him to be slaine: & he hath sent to demaund your counsell (my maisters) what punishment this fellow hath deserued. Thibaut Earle of Bloys was the first that gaue his sentence, saying: That albeit the man was worthie of many grieuous torments, yet the most ignominious and shameful death that he could adiudge him, was, that he ought to be hanged and strangled on a Gibbet. To this sentence all the rest of the Lords there present did consent: and the County Hebert of Vermandois also who had no sooner ended his speech, but he was apprehended by the kings Officers, there prouided in a readinesse. And the King said vnto him: [Page] Hebert, thou art this wicked labourer, which hast caused thy Lord and maister the king Charles my father to be put to death: now therefore receiue the punishment which thou hast iustly deserued, and which thou hast denounced against thy self. This said, Hebert was hanged on a Gibbet vpon the toppe of a mountaine nere Lodun: which at this day is commonly called mount Hebert.

Of the wine which Philip Augustus king of Fraunce presented to the Barons and Captaines of his army.

PHilip Augustus king of France, cō ducting his armie against the Emperour Otho in the yeare 1214. & being by necessitie constrained to ioyne battell with him: he tooke a great cup or bowle of gold, which he caused to be filled with wine & sops of bread. After turning himself to the Princes and great Lords of Fraunce which were with him, he said vnto them: My friends and companions in Armes: you which are resolued to liue and dye with me this day: take ech of you one of these lops of bread [Page] dipt in wine, and eate the same as I haue done before you. He had no sooner spoken the word, but the cup was emptie in an instant. And immediatly the battell being ioyned, he gained the victorie at Bouines, where the Emperour was put to flight: and the Earle of Flanders with diuerse other great Lords remained prisoners.

The titles vvhich the king Saint Levvis of Fraunce gaue himselfe.

THe king S. Levvis being demanded by certain of his Lords, with what title he would chuse to be honoured in imitation of the old Romane Emperors, and of other forrain kings, & the kings of France his predecessors: who for some notable acts or victories had purchased vnto thē selues diuerse titles of honours, he answered: the greatest victorie which I euer obtained was against the diuel, at such time as I was baptized in the church of Poissi. And therefore the greatest honour which I would haue done me, is: that men should cal me, Levvis of Poissi.

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Of the same Levvis.

A Certaine priuate friend of his did blame him, for that in writing his priuate and familiar letters, he did not entitle himselfe king of Fraunce, but Loys of Poissi. To whom he said: I am like the king which mē chuse with the Beane at Twelfetide, who commonly doth obserue the feast of his royaltie in the euening.

His meaning vvas, that the Crovvne vvhich he expected vvas the kingdom of heauen: and by the euening, he meant the end of this mortall life.

The desire that Saint Levvis had to cut off all blasphemies out of his kingdome.

KIng Levvis hauing caused one (who had blasphemed the name of God) to be marked in the lippes with a hote burning iron: and hearing that some of his subiects did murmure at it: he said openly in the hearing of a great multitude: I wold [Page] to God that I my selfe were so marked with a hote iron on my lippes, on the condition that there were no oathes nor blasphemies vsed within my realme

Whensoeuer he began to speake or to do any thing, and especially when he was set in Councell, the first thing he vsed to do, was to blesse himsel [...]e with the signe of the Crosse, in calling vpon the name of God. For his saying was: that his mother had so taught him euen from his infancie.

Of the instructions vvhich the king Saint Levvis of Fraunce gaue vnto his sonne Philip.

MY sonne, the first lesson which I giue thee is: To loue God with all thy hart, with all thy strēgth, and with all thy soule.

Offend not God in any case.

Suffer any torments rather then sin.

Take patiently whatsoeuer aduersitie God shall send thee: and thanke God for it, acknowledging that thou hast deserued it. [Page] Confesse thy selfe often to some good man, a Minister of the church.

Be diligēt to heare the deuine Seruice song in the Church of God.

Obserue carefully the good customes of thy kingdome: but take away such as are euill.

Raise not any Taxes or Tallages vpon thy subiects, but vpon great necessitie.

Entertaine those into thy seruice who feare God: loue iustice and hate couetousnesse.

Desire not that thy Iudges should giue iudgement for thee in any cause against thy subiects, farther then reason and truth will iustifie.

Preserue the cities and townes of thy kingdome in their franchises and liberties, wherein thy predecessours before thee, haue maintained them.

Giue the Benefices and Offices of thy kingdom to good men, and such as are capable of them.

Moue not warre against any Christian: and if any offence be committed, thou oughtest to pardon it being [Page] required.

In places of iustice and iudgment see thou prouide such as are good men and godly.

Make diligent enquirie of thy houshold seruants, whether they be addicted to couetousnesse or to prodigalitie.

Be thou such a one in thy life and conuersation, as men may take good example by thee. For as the head is, such commonly are the members.

Take good heede that the expences of thy house be moderate and in measure.

And the blessing of God be alwaies with thee.

A notable saying of Philip the faire, king of Fraunce.

PHilip le bel, king of Fraunce, hauing a certaine quarrell against Pope Boniface the eight: (wherof hath bene before spoken) and being vrged by some to take reuenge of the Bishop of Palmers, who was the principall procurer and perswader of the contentiō between thē: he made thē [Page] this answere: That it was a greater glorie for any Prince of courage and magnanimitie to pardon those of whom he might easily take reuenge, then to execute reuenge vpon them.

Of king Philip de Valois, vvho confirmed the lavv Salique by the Scriptures.

CHarles le bel, king of Faunce, being deceased without heire male, Edvvard the third king of England, intitled himselfe King and inheritour of Fraunce, in the right of his mother Isabel, sister to the said king Charles. Philip de Valois being the next heire male, opposed himself against the title of king Edvvard, and obtained the kingdome by colour of the law Salique which excludeth women from the Crowne of France: and (as the common saying of the French is) suffereth it not to fall to the distaffe. And amongst many authorities cited for the iustification of that law, he alleadged for one these words of the holy Scripture: Consider the Lilies[Page]of the field, hovv they do grovv, and do neither labour nor spinne.

Of the Latin verses, vvhich king Edvvard and king Philip de Valois sent each to other.

AFter that king Edvvard of England had quartered the Armes of Fraunce with those of England, & had ioyned the three flowers Deluce in a field Azure, with the three Lions Or, in a field of Gules, the report goeth that he sent to king Philip d [...] Valois these foure verses: which howsoeuer they might be thought of in that age, at this day are held but barbarous: vz.

Rex sum regnorum bina ratione duorū.

Anglorū r [...]gno sum rex ego iure paterno.

Matri [...] iure quidem Francorū nuncupor idem.

Hinc est armorum variatio facta meorū.

TO these verses of king Edward, king Philip replyed in other sixe as good stuffe as the former.

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Praedo regnorum qui diceris ess [...]duorum,

Francorū regno priuaberis at (que) paterno.

Matris vbi (que) nullumius proles non habet vllum.

Iure mariti carens alia, mulier est prior illa,

Succendunt mares huic regno, non mulieres,

Hinc est armorum variatio stultatuorū

The ansvver of king Edvvard the third, to those that required him to send aide to his sonne the black Prince at the battell of Cressie.

THe same Edvvard king of England, in the field foughten betweene the armie of England, and the French power vnder Philip de Valois at the battell of Cressie in Ponthieu: (where the French had a notable ouerthrow) being told by an English knight: that his sonne the Prince of VVales (who had the conduct of the maine battell of the English,) and the Noblemen (which were there with him) were very fiercely assailed by [Page] the French, and did desire his Maiestie to come to their succour with the Reareward, whereof the king himselfe had the leading. The king demaunded of the knight, saying: Is my sonne dead, or hurt, or striken down. No Sir, (said the knight) but he is hardly bestead. Returne then (quoth the king) to them that sent you hither, and tell them: That my pleasure is, they send no more to me for any aide, as long as my sonne is liuing: but let him alone this day win his spurres. For (if God so will) my meaning is, that the honour of this day shall be his. This message did so encourage the English, that they caryed away the victorie.

By vvinning of his spurres he meant, he should get him the honour of a hardie Knight: because one of the Ceremonies at the dubbing of a new Knight, is to tye on a paire of gilt spurres.

Of tvvo Latine verses made by king Philip de valois, against king Edvvard.

[Page] BEcause king Edvvard was supposed contrarie to his faith and allegiance, to haue inuaded the realme of Fraunce: king Philip to taxe him with it, made these two verses.

Anglicus Angelus est, cui nunquam credere fas est▪

Dum tibi dicit aue tanquā ab hoste caue.

Howbeit some say, that this was Pope Alexander the third, at such time as the English went to Rome, to excuse and purge themselues to the Pope, of the death of Saint Thomas of Canterburie, whome they had caused to be slaine.

The bold speech of Blaunch the daughter of king Charles the faire.

THe same king Philip on a time speaking very bitterly to the Ladie Blaunch, Duchesse of Orleance, daughter of king Charles the faire, touching the succession of the realm of Fraunce: she said vnto him very liberally and boldly: Sir, if I had had a paire of stones, you durst not haue vsed those wordes which you haue [Page] now vttered, but you had smarted for it.

Meaning, that if she had bene a man, as she vvas a vvoman, she should haue bene king of Fraunce.

The speech of king Iohn of Fraunce to the Prince of VVales, vvhen he vvas taken at the batell of Poytiers.

IOhn king of Fraunce being prisoner in the battell of Poytiers to the Prince of VVales, was conducted to the English campe, where his supper was prepared for him, at the which the Prince serued him with his head vncouered. The king prayed him diuerse times to sit downe with him: but the Prince excused himselfe, saying: that it did not beseeme the vassal to sit nere his Lord. The king said vnto him: my purpose was to haue bestowed a supper on you this night: but the fortune of warre would that you should giue it me.

The cautelous answer of king Edward to king Iohn.

[Page] IN the time of truce accorded betweene Iohn king of Fraunce, and Edward king of England: the English men for a summe of money got by composition the castle and towne of Guines to be rendred vnto thē: whereof king Iohn being aggrieued, complained to the king of England: and told him that he had brokē the truce contrary to the compact betweene them: whereunto king Edward made this answer: I haue not (quoth he) broken the truce: for there was not any article contained in the Treatie betweene vs, that did prohibite or defend vs, from traffiquing together, or to debarre vs or our subiects from the trade of merchandize each with other.

The commendations which Edvvard king of England, gaue to Charles the fifth king of Fraunce.

THe same king Edvvard hauing taken the seas with a fleete of ships, wherein were foure thousand launces, and eleuen thousand Archers, [Page] with intent to go and raise the siege of the French before Tours in Aquitaine: he had the wind so contrarie, that he could not proceede nor prosecute his intended voyage into Fraunce: wherefore returning much discontented into England, he vsed these or such like words of king Charles the fifth. There was neuer yet (said he) any king in Fraunce, who vsed lesse to beare Armes then this Prince: and that without once stirring out of his chamber, but onely by sending and writing of letters, did so much trouble his enemies, or my selfe either, as he hath done.

The Cartels which Henry king of England, and the duke of Orleance sent to each other.

LEwis duke of Orleance sonne to king Charles the fifth, after that the truce was accorded betweene the French king Charles the sixth, and Henry of Lancaster king of England, the said Duke being young of yeres and desirous of glory (contrarie to [Page] the alliance which was made with the said king of England, sent vnto him a Cartell of Armes with a chalenge of combate betweene them two, and a hundreth Knights on ech partie: who for the loue of their Ladies should trye their valour and prowesse each against other: and that they which did best should haue the honour of the victorie. Vnto which Cartell the king of England made this answer: We are not determined to breake the truce, much lesse will we violate or disanull the league of amitie and alliance made betweene vs: neither do we meane to admit any equalitie betweene our royall Maiestie and your Lordship. Howbeit seeing you are disposed to combat, I can be content to accept and make it good man to man, to the intent we may auoid effusion of bloud, and not either for our Ladies or for vaine glorie: but onely for the honour, increase, and preseruation of our Realmes, Countries, Territories and Dominions.

The true valour and magnanimitie of [Page] men is not to hazard their persons and liues: but onely for the good of their countrey, or for their honour, or for the safetie of their liues.

The Oath vsed to be taken by the English men to their King, at their going to the warres.

FRoissard reporteth: that when the English in former times came into Fraunce to make warres, they had this custome: that the Captaines putting their hands into the handes of the king of England, did solemnly sweare to obserue inuiolably these two things: The one was, that to no man liuing, but to & amongst themselues they would neuer reueale the secrets of their voyage and enterprize. And the second: that they wold neuer make nor consent to any treatie or accord with their ene [...]es, without the priuitie and good liking of the King and his Councell.

The choise of king Charles the sixth.

CHarles the fifth on a time hauing shewed vnto his son (afterwards [Page] called Charles the sixth) a Crowne of gold richly set with precious stones, and a helmet of steele faire gilt: demaunded of him which of these two he would most willingly haue, if he were put to make his choise. His answer was: that he would rather chuse the Helmet then the Crowne. The like affection did he bewray at his new comming to the Crowne of Fraunce. For when the Officers of his house shewed him the rich treasures and precious moueables of his father lately deceased: and did afterwards bring him to the sight of the goodly Armories, wherein were all sorts of Armes, swords, Corcelets, Headpeeces, and other furnitures fit for the warres, he said all aloft: Of the two (quoth he) I had rather haue these Armes, then the riches which my father hath left me.

The Sayings and Sentences of king Lewis the eleuenth.

KIng Lewis the eleuenth, after the battell of Mountleherry, against [Page] the Count of Charolois, bethinking himselfe of the Duchie of Burgundie, and how the same was aliened in fee from the Crowne of Fraunce, to the auncestours of the said Count of Charolois Dukes of Burgundie, descended of a younger sonne of the bloud royall of Fraunce: he brake into these speeches: Men say (quoth he) that Charles the fifth, was called Charles the sage: but they had little reason to tearme him so: for it was but a foolish part to giue vnto his youngest brother the Duchie of Burgundy for an inheritance: hauing giuen him therewithall Margret the sole daughter and heire of Flaunders to his wife.

After the said battell of Mountleherie, one told him that his enemie the County of Charolois did passe the night following in the place where the battell was foughten. No maruel (quoth the king) if he remaine and lodge in the fields, seeing he hath neither Towne nor Castle to retire vnto.

He was wont to say: That where pride rideth afore, shame and dishonour [Page] do follow after.

He being on a day at Masse in a church of Chanons, he was told that one of the Chanons was that day departed: whereupon casting his eye aside, and perceiuing a simple Priest which lay sleeping in a Chappel therby adioyning: he said: I do giue this Prebend to that fellow that lyeth there: because he shall say hereafter, that his wealth and good fortune came vnto him sleeping.

THe Capitaine Maran making his repaire to the Court of this king Levvis, with purpose to aduertise him of the exploits which he had done at Cambray, he wore about his necke a rich collar or chaine of gold, which (as the reportwe [...]t) had bene made of the reliques of the church of Cambray. And as a certaine Gentleman standing by, was readie to handle the said collar: the King said vnto the Gentleman: Beware and take good heede sir how you touch that chaine: for I can tell you it is a holy thing.

By this saying he taxed the Captaine [Page] with sacriledge, wherevvith souldiers should not be tainted: because in sacking of any place, all holy things are to be spared.

THe Archbishop of Tours talking familiarly with him, of the great troubles which he had at the beginning of his raigne, against the Princes of Fraunce: he said vnto him: If I had not caused my selfe to be feared, and shewed my self both of courage and experience, I might well haue bene put in the last chapter of Boccace his booke, where he intreateth of vnhappie and vnfortunate Princes.

HAuing heard it reported, how Nicholas Raulin the Chauncelor of the duke of Burgundie, a man of excessiue wealth & riches, had founded at Beaune in Burgundy a goodly Hospital, that did excell, both for the statelinesse of the building, and for the sumptuousnesse of the mouables wherewith it was furnished: he said: There is great reason, that the Chancelour of Burgundie, which in his life [Page] time hath made many a man poore' should at his latter end make an Hospitall, where to nourish and lodge them.

THe said king Levvis being vnwilling that his sonne Charles the eighth should apply his mind to learning: he said: That the time which was spent in studie, ought to be employed rather in the care of gouerning the kingdome and commonwealth: and that he which should betake himselfe to studie and learning, by the vse thereof would become [...]imerous and lesse hardie to vndertake great affaires: because in taking example of others out of histories, he would not dare to enterprize any action of importance, the execution whereof might be doubtfull and vncertaine.

He was wont to say: That he which knew not how to dissemble, was altogether vnskilfull how to rule and gouerne.

One of the Pages of his chamber hauing taken a louse from off his [Page] garment: he said: This sheweth that I am a man as others are.

One comming to tell him, that the Genowaies had a disposition to yeeld themselues vnder his protection: he answered: They shall not long remaine vnder me: for I bequeath thē to the Diuell.

The said king Lewis being determined to send an Ambassador to the Venetians: he conferred with his Councell, whom he might choose as most fit and proper to dispatch that seruice. A certaine Nobleman naming one vnto him that was his near kinsman, and whom he was willing to aduaunce: the King demaunded of him: what kind of man he was. The Nobleman answered: Sir, he is Bishop of such a place: Abbot of such a Monasterie: Lord of such a Seignorie: and so curiously discouered al his qualities and Seignories. The King alluding to the briefe maner of writing then vsed, said: There where are so many titles, is litle learning or none at all.

[Page] A Certaine great personage hauing told him how he was alwaies troubled with the Gowte, whilest he hued at ease, with good and daintie fare, and rich clothing; and that afterwards when he began to accustome himselfe to trauell and take paines, to fare grosly, & to go coursly clad: that then the gowte began to leaue him, the King said: and I for my part will neuer from hencefoorth weare other clothes then of cloth: for that the gowt doth sooner take hold of silke then of wooll.

He had a saying: That there was not any thing whatsoeuer but he cold find it both in his kingdome, yea and in his house, saue onely one thing▪ And being demaunded by a great Lord: what thing that was: he answered: It was truth. For I remember (said he) that my late Lord and father was wont to say: That in his time truth was sicke: but I think that now it is sta [...]ke dead, and that she neuer had any ghostly father to cōfesse her at her death.

[Page] A certaine Nobleman demaunded of him, how much the kingdom of Fraunce was worth in a yeare? he answered: My Realme is a medow, which I cut both euery yeare, and as often as I list.

A certaine meane person of base condition following the Court of king Lewis, and yet not knowing the king when he saw him: it happened that one day the king aduising him, asked him what he gained by following the Court. The fellow answered: I gaine as much as the king: for both he and I liue of God his bountie: and at our departure out of this world he shal haue no more with him then I shall. The King esteeming well of the speech of the man, made him one of the Pages of his chamber.

The life of men is different: but the end of all is common and alike.

BEing told that a certaine great personage had a goodly Library, and a great number of faire bookes: he said: Then may he well be resembled [Page] to a man that is crooke backed, who caryeth his great bosse behind him at his backe and neuer seeth it. By this saying he taxed the partie both of curiositie and ignorance.

VVHensoeuer he had neede or occasion to employ any mā in his affaires, he would gaine them to do it with rewards and store of gold▪ For he was wont to say: that when a man fighteth with siluer lances, he commonly caryeth away the victoria.

HE vsed to say: That many times too great seruices done to Princes, did cause the losse of them that did the seruice, for that most commonly they are recompenced with great ingratitude. Howbeit, that it might happen by the default of the parties themselues, who in regard of their great seruice, do vse their good fortune with ouermuch arrogancie, both towards their Lords, and towards their friends and equals.

He said moreouer: that to get to wealth and preferment in Court: it is [Page] a more happie thing for a man to receiue of his Prince benefits exceeding farre beyond his desert, then that his desert and seruice should be greater then the recompence, wherby his Prince should remaine indebted, & (as it were) bound vnto him. For I (quoth he) do more naturally loue those that are beholding vnto me, thē those to whō I am beholding

AFter the enterview between him and Edward the fourth king of England at Piqu [...]nie, where a peace was accorded between them for nine yeares: as he returned he said to som of his familiars: I like not very well of the company of the king of Englād on this side the seas: but being beyōd the sea at home in his owne country, I can well loue him as my brother and my good friend.

Hauing caused a goodly Tombe or Sepulture to be made in the castle of Loc [...]es for the faire ladie Agnes, the loue of his late father [...] within a while after, the Chanons of the church did desire him that the Tombe might be [Page] remoued out of the heart of the Church, and set in a side Isle or chappell: he answered: Your request is neither iust nor reasonable: neither will I suffer her Sepulture (whom my father loued so affectionately) to be violated: for it should be against all law and equitie.

He being to make his entrie into Hesdin, whilst execution was in doing vpon certaine of the principall Gouernours and Burgesses of Arras his enemies, which were some two and twentie in number: and eighteen of them being executed, he caused the execution to cease: and demaunding if M. Oudard de Bussi were beheaded or not: and answer being made, that he was: and that al the bodies of the parties beheaded were buried: he commaunded the head of the said de Bussi to be againe digged vp: & caused a high pole of wood to be set vp in the middest of the market place, vpon the which he caused the head of the dead partie to be placed, couered with a Cap of scarlet furred with Miniuere, as of one that had bene a [Page] Councellour of the Parliament. He held him in very great reputation, because he had bene a most prudent & wise man, and of sound iudgement in graue and waightie affaires. And he would once haue giuen the said Nobleman the office of Councellor in the Parliament of Paris: but the said Bussi being not willing to accept of it in his life time, he did him this honour after his death.

A certaine person was a suter to him for an Office which was void in the towne where he dwelt: which the king refused to graunt vnto him: insomuch as the partie was out of all hope to obtaine it: howbeit he humbly thanked the king & so departed. King Lewis iudging the man to be of no meane spirit, and surmizing that he had not well vnderstood what he had said vnto him, caused him to be called backe againe, and asked him if he had conceiued aright of his answer: the partie said: Yea sir. Why, what said I vnto thee? (quoth the king) You denyed me my sute (said he) Why didst thou thanke me then [Page] replyed the king? Because Sir (quoth he) you did me a greater pleasure thē you thought of, in giuing me my dispatch so speedily, without causing me to loose my time in comming after you vpon vaine and idle hopes. The King holding himselfe highly satisfied, and taking great contentment by this answer, granted him the Office, and caused his Patent to be made immediatly.

An Apotheg of Monsieur Bresay, to king Lewis the eleuenth.

THe same King being to ride on hunting, mounted on a very little horse: Monsieur Peter de Bresay Seneshall of Normandie who accompanied him, asked him where he had gotten that so goodly and so stout a horse. How meane you that (quoth the King) seeing he is so weakean [...]d so litle? Me thinkes (said de Bresay) he must needes be very strong, because he caryeth you with all your counsell.

[Page] He taxed the king, in that he would manie times beleeue no other counsel thē his ovvne, being vvise in his ovvne conceipt: vvhich sometimes he repented.

The counsell of the said Monsieur de Bresaie to the said King.

THe Embassadours of the king of England, hauing on a time deliuered their charge to king Levvis: he demaunded of Monsieur de Bresay his opinion, what thing he might bestow vpon the Ambassadours which might not cost him much: who answered him: Sir, you were best to present them with your Musitians: for they cost you much, and are chargeable vnto you: they do you litle or no seruice, neither do you take any great pleasure in them.

The death of the said Seigneur de Bresay.

IN the battell foughten betweene Levvis the eleuenth, and the Countie de Charolois neare mount Leherie: [Page] the said King (as his custome was to speake hastily) said vnto Seignor de Bresay, that he had no great trust nor affiance in him for that iourney. Sir, answered de Bresay, because you shall well see that I am your loyall and faithfull seruant, giue me your coat Armour that I may weare it: for you know your enemies aime at nothing more then the destruction of your person, and it may happen to saue your life. Whereupon the king and he exchaunged both Armes and En signes. And the Burgonians supposing that de Bresay (whom they saw in the middest of the presse) had bene the king: they charged furiously in vpon him, and so slue him.

Of king Charles the eighth, who gaue an answer to the Florentines in tvvo Italian verses.

KIng Charles the eighth being in Italie on the conquest of Naples, the Florentines sent an Embassade vnto his Maiestie: the king reposing no trust in them, for their answere [Page] caused two Italian verses to be read vnto them which he had written vpō a wall in great letters: and were these.

Concortesiae fede poca.

Va a Fiorence vender loca.

Which is to say:

To Florence he went of his goose to make sale,

Without any faith or courtesie at all.

The argument of which two verses was this: A pesant of the country neare Florence, sold a goose to a braue dame of Florence, onely to haue his pleasure of her: which hauing had, yet notwithstanding in his agreemēt he vsed so little fidelitie or courtesie to the gentlewoman, as he exacted the price of his goose in the presence of her husba [...]d, so as she durst not deny but to pay him. And thence had this Italian Prouerbe his original [...]: which king Charles pronounced to the Embassadours for their answer.

A speech of king Charles the eighth, touching the keeping of his counsell.

[Page] VVHen the said king Charles the eighth meant to discouer any secret to any man: he was wont to say vnto him: If I thought that my shirt next my backe knew it, I would plucke it off and burne it.

The speech of Queene Anne, vvife to Charles the eighth.

CHarles the eighth being deceased, and the tidings of his death being brought to Queene Anne his wife, she said: Gods will be done. For my part I doubt not but I shall be as great as I was before.

She promised herselfe in her hopes to be twise Queene of Fraunce, and so she vvas: for she vvas aftervvards maried to king Levvis the tvvelfth.

A notable sentence of king Levvis the tvvelfth.

AFter that Levvis duke of Orleance had attained to the Crowne of [Page] Fraunce, some of his familiars did perswade him to take vengeance vpon them of Orleance, who had shut the gates of their citie against him, at such time as king Charles the eighth made warre vpon him, and compelled him to flie into Britaine. But the said Levvis the twelfth of that name, made them this worthy answer: It appertaineth not any thing to the king of Fraunce, to reuenge the iniuries done to the duke of Orleance.

Other vvorthie speeches of the same King.

THe said Prince making warre in Italie for the recouerie of the Duchie of Millaine: it was told him that his enemies had taken Agnadel: & that he wold come thither too late to lodge in it. Whereunto he answered with an hautie courage: Then wil I lodge vpon their bellies, or els they shall lodge vpon mine.

Another came vnto him, saying: Sir, take heed to yourselfe that the great [Page] Ordinance do not annoy you. He answered: There was neuer rightfull king of Fraunce slaine with a shot of a canon: therefore whosoeuer is afraid let him come behind me.

Another time the said king lying in Campe, and a certaine souldier, a man at armes which stoode neare him, being slaine with a Canon shot, some of the standers by shewing him vnto the king: he said laughing: He is but a little cold in his hands.

His speech to certaine souldiers, vvith the ansvver that they made him.

THe said king Levvis being determined to leauie a certaine companie of footemen, gaue commandement that choise should be made of the strongest and most able and actiue men that could be found The day appointed for the muster of thē being come, there was presented vnto him a goodly company of lustie fellowes, who hauing bene trayned vp in the warres, and carying diuerse [Page] skarres and wounds vpon them, did appeare to be old souldiers, whose markes did testifie that they had not lien idle nor vnemployed. The king seeing them so hacked and hewed in their bodies, said vnto their leaders: Indeed these be good souldiers: but it seemeth they haue bene more willing to take then to giue: and those men which gaue them these markes in their faces and elsewhere, seemed to be farre more expert in deedes of Armes then these were. The souldiers hearing the king to giue this cē sure of them, presently made him this answer: Sir, (sauing our due reuerence to your Maiestie) they were not better men nor more valiant then we: for if they hurt and wounded vs, we slue them for their labours.

A braue speech which he gaue to a boaster.

A Certaine Gentleman was very importunate vpon king Lewis the twelfth, to haue some reward and recompence for the losses and dammages [Page] which he had sustained in the warres: & he shewed him the wounds which he had receiued in his visage. The king seeing him so rash and audacious: and being disposed to paye him home for his braue vaunting & ostentation, said vnto him: Take heed thou turne not back thy face another time, when thou art flying from thy enemie.

His opinion of the Venetians.

BEing resolued to make warre vpon the Venetians, one of his nobles would haue disswaded him from it, telling him: That he could not do it without great perill to the French: and that the Venetians were a most prudent and sage people. Be it so (quoth the king:) yet we will set so many fooles vpon them, who shall so beard them to their teeth, as they shall not know which way to turne themselues.

CErtaine Embassadours of Greece being come to the French Court [Page] to demaund succours of king Levvis against the great Turke: and promising on their part to do their best indeuours to chase the Turkes out of such places as they had possessed: the king reposing little trust in this strange Nation, excused himself touching their request: and taxing the nature of the Greekes, he alleadged this verse of the old Grammarian Alexander de ville Dieu.

Barbara Graeca, genus retinent quod habere solebant.

A pleasant speech vvhich he spake to the Lords of the Parliament.

HAuing giuen a certaine office of a Counsellour of the Parliament to one that was none of the wisest, the Court would not admit him into their societie: but sent two Counsellours of the Parliament chamber to the king, to let him know the insufficiencie of the man. The king hauing heard them condemne the partie of ignorance, demaunded of thē this question: How many be there of [Page] you in your Court? Sir, (said they) there be an hundred. And how is it (quoth the King) that you being so many wise men together, cannot make one to become wise?

Another merie conceipt of the same King.

CErtaine Gentlemen of his Court wondering at the vnmeasurable stature of a Courtier, whome euery man reputed in manner of a Giant: the king taxing the honestie of his parents, said: No maruell if he be so exceeding great: for his mother took great paines to make him, and perhaps he had many fathers.

Of a certaine Fable recited by him.

BEing in familiar discourse with the Ladies, he said vnto them: In the beginning nature gaue hornes aswell to the Hinds as to the Harts: but the Hinds growing proud to see thēselues haue so goodly heads, they began to rebell against the Harts: [Page] wherewith nature being displeased, and willing to represse their arrogancie and pride, and reduce them to the subiection of the males, she depriued them of their hornes: so that neuer afterwards they wore any.

By this fable, he gaue the Ladies to vnderstand, that it vvas their dutie to be obedient to their husbands.

BEing one day in talk with Francis Duke of Angolesme, his son in law who expected the Crown of France, as of right after his decease it was to come vnto him: he told him this parable: A certaine father (quoth he) trauelling with his sonne on the way, held on their course to come vnto a good towne: the sonne being very wearie, by reason of the length of the way, yet perceiuing a farre off the turrets and wals of the towne, very chearefully said vnto his father: Father, me thinkes I am now somwhat fresh, for we are euen at the towne alreadie. After these words, they went on so long, that it was full night notwithstanding, ere they got to the [Page] towne: where being readie to enter, the father said vnto his sonne: From hencefoorth sonne, neuer say: I am at the towne, till thou hast gotten past the gates.

His speech of beneficed persons.

HE was wont to say: That the Asses had a better world then the horses: for the horses (said he) do runne post towards Rome, to get those Benefices, whereof many asses are possessed.

An Apotheg of the said king.

A Motion being made vnto him on a time to marie the Ladi [...] Claude his daughter to some straunge Prince: he answered: No (quoth he) I will neuer make any other alliance, then with the Cats and Mice of my owne kingdome.

A Princely speech of king Frauncis.

[Page] KIng Frauncis the first of that name, to one that demaunded pardon for another man that had vsed ill speeches of his Maiestie, said: Let him for whome thou art a suter, learne to speake little, and I will learne to pardon much.

A speech of the same king touching Religion.

IN an Oration which he made on a time at Paris in the presence of his Princes and Nobles against the Heretickes, with intent to purge his realme of them, amongst other words, he vsed this speech: If I knew that my arme were infected with that contagion, I would cut it off & separate it from my bodie, and cast it into the fire.

The opinion vvhich he had of Noblemen.

HE was wont to say: that it much grieued him, that the Gentlemē [Page] of his Realm did not giue themselues to the studie and exercise of letters, to the intent he might prouide them of the dignities and Offices appertaining to the long robe. For he was perswaded, that that kind of men did do him the best seruice: and that they ought to be lesse enclined to dishonest actions, then men of meane parentage and base condition.

An excellent Apothegme of the same king.

THere being a purpose of a treatie of peace betweene the Emperour Charles the fifth, and the said king Frauncis, and being euen vpon the point to conclude it, he said: It is not possible that we can long continue in peace and amitie: because the Emperour cannot abide any equall or companion: and I can lesse endure to haue any man to my maister.

Of Pope Benedict the twelfth, and his Epitaph.

[Page] POpe Benedict the twelfth was one that loued peace, and vsed to say: that he would neuer vse the sword against any person, because it was not belonging to his place and calling. He made many good decrees and constitutions: and amongst others prohibited religious persons to go to Rome to sue for Benefices: notwithstanding after his death, whether it were right or wrong, or vpon hatred: some made this Epitaph of him.

Hic, silus est Nero, laicis mors, Vipera clero,

Deuius á vero: cupa repleta mero.

Which is to say:

Here lyeth a Nero: to the laity a cruel tyrant: to the Cleargy a viper:

To truth a mortall enemy: and a notable wine bibber.

A mocke of the Flemmings to king Philip.

IN the yeare, a thousand, three hundred, twenty and eight, the king [Page] Philip de Valois in the quarrell and behalfe of the Earle of Fla [...]ders, gaue battell to the Flemings at Mount Cassell, where were slaine of the said Flemings 19800. who before the conflict, seeing the mightie Armie and puissance of the king, very arrogantly caused the picture of a great cocke to be painted vpon a great peece of cloth, about the which was written this Distichon:

VVhen this cocke shall happen to crovv,

The king shall here enter, and not before I trovv.

But this mocke cost them deare: for they sustained a bitter ouerthrow that same day.

Princely sayings and sentences of Alphonsus king of Naples.

ALphonsus surnamed the couragious, the 17. king of Aragon, and king of both Sicilies, hearing it reported how one of the kings of Spain was wont to say: that it was not decent nor conuenient for a Prince, [Page] or great personage to be learned: he said: This speech was not the speech of a man, but of an Asse crowned.

One day as he sate at supper, a certaine old man being a suter vnto him for some thing, which importuned him exceedingly & beyond all measure to haue his petition graunted him: in somuch as the king could not eate his meat quietly, so troublesome was this fellow vnto him. Whereupo he brake into these speeches: Assuredly I see that the state and conditiō of Asses is better then this of Princes: for their maisters do allow thē time and leasure to eate: but kings cannot obtaine so much of their subiects.

A certaine knight being imprisoned for debt, who for a long time had bene a prodigall and great spender, and had liued voluptuously vpon the goods of diuerse Merchants and others, to whom he was become indebted: some of the friends of the said knight became instant suppliants to the king, that he wold not permit the knight to be charged for the paiment of his debts. To whō the king [Page] answered: Seeing this knight hath not consumed himselfe, nor runne into debt for my seruice, nor for the good and benefite of his country, nor for his owne friends and kinseflkes: but hath spent and wasted all his wealth for the pleasure of his owne bodie: it is good reason that he suffer the punishment of his prodigality in his body.

Being one day reproued for his too too much clemency, and because he many times pardoned those which had bene most hainous offenders: his answer was: That he did desire to stand readie prepared (whensoeuer it should please God to call him) to yeeld an accompt of those sheepe which were cōmitted to his charge: and that when they should be demaunded of him, he might render them vp safe and sound.

He had also an vsual saying, That by executing of Iustice he got the loue of good men: and by his clemencie, he purchased the liking euen of the wicked.

To some which at another time [Page] playned of his ouer great clemency and humanitie: he said: That they should consider and looke vpon the gouernment of Lions and of Beares: and that then they should soone see that Clemencie was a qualitie proper to man, but crueltie was proper to brute beasts.

He was wont likewise to say: That he who knew not how to rule himself, & tomaister his own affections, was neither fit nor worthie to command ouer others.

He said, that flatterers were like to wolues: for as the wolues by tickling & scratching the Asses, do come to eate and deuoure them: so flatterers by their assentations & leasings, do aime at nothing more, then to worke mischiefe vnto Princes.

The Ambassadours of a certaine Prouince repairing vnto him, to craue his aduice, to which of these two famous Chieftaines, Frauncis Sforce, & Nicholas Picinni they shold gratifie with their friendship and amitie: he answered: That it behoued them both to receiue and entertaine [Page] each of them in shew of friends: and yet to take good heed to either of them as to ehemies.

Whereas there was growne a secret hatred or dislike betweene the said king Alphonsus & Cosmus de Medicis, a man of principall regard and authoritie in Florence: the said Cosmus notwithstanding fent vnto the king for a notable and singular present the historie of Titus Liuius with a Commentarie, because he well knew that the King would take great pleasure in it. The kings Phisitions being acquainted herewithall, told him: that he should do well not to reade in that booke, but to take good heed of the subtiltie of the Florentines: for (said they) it is not good nor safe to trust an enemie: and it may be that some venimous and infectious poise [...]n is secretly hidden either in the letters or leaues of this booke, which may empoison you as you are reading of it. For all these disswasions the king opened the booke, and hauing both read therein, and turned it ouer in many leaues each after other: he the [Page] said vnto his Phisitions: Learne now to leaue these fooleries, and know this: that the spirit of a king doth not gouerne it selfe by the iudgement of priuate persons.

Of a merrie conceipt vttered by one to the king Alphonsus.

THis king Alphonsus being well knowne to be a prince that took great pleasure and delight in good speeches and wittie sayings well and aptly placed: a certaine man of very meane and base estate, came as a suter vnto him, and said: Sir, do me iustice: I haue a certaine creditour vnto whom my late deceased father ought a certain debt: and my father left me nothing wherewith to pay him: howbeit afterwards I payed this debt vnto that creditour: who notwithstanding demanded it of me againe with great extremitie, and I payed it him the second time: he not so content, still demandeth of me the same debt againe and againe, in somuch as [Page] I haue many and oftentimes paid it, and yet he pursueth me still for this debt, as if he had not bene paid at all: Now sir, I haue not any more left wherewith to pay him: and if your Highnesse do not helpe me to acquit me of this creditour, I know not what remedie to find for this mischiefe, Beleeue me (quoth the king) this is a most rigorous & cruell creditour: Who is it? Sir, (said the poore man) it is my belly, vnto whom I haue so often paid the debt which is due vnto him, as I haue nothing more left to giue him: I humbly therefore beseech your Highnesse in charitie to help and releeue me to content him. Why (quoth the King) I my self haue euen such another like creditour as thine. You say true, Sir, replyed the poore man: but you (God be thanked) haue wherewithall to satisfie him, and I haue not. The king hearing this request, and esteeming it to proceede of a quicke and good inuention, caused a certaine summe of money to be deliuered vnto him.

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An answer vvhich Alphonsus made vnto a Dreamer.

A Certain person in the kings presence, being in talke of dreames and of their signification, there was a pleasant Courtier who to trie the king, told with a good grace before all the company: how the night before he dreamed a dreame, that the King bestowed vpon him a bagge full of duckats. Whereunto the king presently answered: why foole, art thou so very a beast as to thinke that a Christian man ought to giue credit to dreames?

The same Alphonsus had a daughter called Eugenia, who being maried had no children: and one day it happened, that she brought out of her Coffer certaine Poppets which being made very finely, caryed a resemblance of excellent beautie, honestie and gracious cariage: whereupon Alphonsus said vnto her: O my daughter, how much better had it bene both for thy father, thy husband, and [Page] thy self also, if thou haddest had children of thy bodie so wise and vertuous, as they might haue represented the countenances of these l'oppets.

The answer of Anthony Panormitane, to king Alphonsus.

ANthony of Panorm being demanded by the king Alphonsus, what things were most requisite and necessarie to liue a ioyfull and peaceable life in the estate of mariage, considering that ordinarily it is full of troble [...]s, vexations and discontentments: He answered: that there are two things most needfull. The first, that the husband be deafe, not to vnderstand the follies, the ill speeches, and maner of his wiues behauiour. The second, that the wife be blind, not to see all the intemperate qualities and misdemeanours of her husband.

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A speech vvhich he vsed to one that had imbezilled his rings.

ON a time as he was readie to sit downe at his table, being about to wash his hands, he drew off his fingers certaine rings of gold, which were very rich and precious, and gaue them to one that came first and next to hand, not much heeding who it was that tooke them. The partie to whome the King deliuered them, for that he did not againe demaund thē, thought that he had forgotten them, and therefore was easily drawn to retaine them: which he did. And for a long time after, seeing that the matter was vnremembred, he then kept them for altogether. But ere the yeare was ended, the king being readie another time to sit downe at the table, the same man drew very neare (for another booty) to the king, [Page] and held out his hand to take his rings of him as he had done before. But the king rounding him in the eare, said vnto him with a very soft voice: Let it suffice thee to haue had the former: for these may serue for anothers turne.

He said, that in the flourishing estate of Rome, the Romanes had caused to be built right ouer against their Senatehouse, a temple which was dedicated to Iupiter depositorie, wherein before their entrie into the Senate, the Senatours and Councellors of Estate came to disrobe themselues of all affections of loue, fauour, hatred, vengeance, and other priuate passions and affections.

Seeing on a time a woman to daunce and vault very high, with great shamelesnesse and immodesty: he said vnto the standers by: Stay awhile, and you shall see Sibilla will giue foorth her Oracles; noting thereby, dauncing to be a kind of furie: for the Sibils neuer gaue their answers, but when they were surprized with furie.

[Page] A certaine Knight which had bene taken prisoner in the warres, complained him to the king Alphonsus of his losses and misfortunes, and demaunded of him many gifts, which being exceeding great, yet by his importunitie he obtained them. After he was departed, the king said vnto his familiars: I was in a feare, lest this importunate fellow, would haue begged my wife also from me.

Another Courtier, who had very prodigally spent many a gift, which the king had bestowed on him, did preffe him very vrgently to giue him a certaine peece of money: to whom the king said: If I should continue to be thus liberall in giuing, I should sooner impouerish my selfe then enrich thee: for whosoeuer giueth thee doth nothing else but powre water into a Siue.

Being demaunded, which of his subiects he loued best: Those (quoth he) who are more afraid for me then of me.

A Certaine Knight a Neapolitane, [Page] named Stephen, hauing many Offices and places of great charge vnder the king Alphonsus within his realme of Naples: and being by meanes of an amorous potion, bereft of the vse of his senses, some of the Court begged his Offices of the King: pretending it to be a thing very vnfit and inconuenient that such places should be administred by one that was become senslesse: to whom the King answered: It were a very vncourteous and inhumane act, to take away from him his substance and meanes of liuing, from whome fortune hath alre adie taken his vnderstanding.

He said, that those men seemed vnto him meerely senslesse and void of vnderstanding, who would seeke to haue againe their wiues, which had bene fled and seuered from them.

He said: that it were a very good thing, if men would so ballance their wils and affections, as they might stand indifferent betweene loue and feare: to the intent that when our loue should constraine vs to exceed, [Page] our feare might cause vs to retire, and to draw to the contrarie.

HEaring certaine labourers talking together, and telling how they had made apples, which by their nature were very sowre, by industrie and diligence to become very sweete and pleasant: he said: So ought we to do, that our people, citizens, and subiects being rude peruerse and euill minded, by our labor and paines may be transformed and chaunged into wise, prudent, and good men.

He was wont to say: that the greatest argument which he had obserued to proue the immortalitie of the soule: was: That when we see our bodies to decay and weare away, and to approch neare to death, and that when all our members beginne to faile vs, euen then the powers and vertues of the soule do increase, and as it were grow stronger, and more puissant in vnderstanding, vertue and wisedome.

[Page] Being one day hearing of Masse, and the church in great daunger of falling, by reason of a sudden earthquake: the people there present began to fly out of the church, and the Priest made hast to be gone with the foremost. But the king Alphonsus stopping him, made him stay and make an end of his Masse. Afterwards being demaunded why in a time of so great daunger and common feare, he did not offer to shunne and abandon the place: he answered in great grauitie with this sentence of Salomon out of Ecclesiastes: ‘Corda regum in manu Dei sunt.’

The harts of Kings are in the handes of God.

HE had a saying: that beauty most commonly was a significant signe and a token of a good and gentle conuersation: as the flower is a signe of the fruit.

Hearing one tell: how Titus the Romane Emperour was accustomed to say: That in what day soeuer he had not giuen some one gift or another, [Page] he had lost that day, Alphonsus said: That he thanked God, because he in that respect had neuer lost one day in all his life.

He tooke so great pleasure & delight in studying, and in reading of Diuinitie: that he would many times glorie, how he had read ouer the old and new Testament fourteene times, together with the gloses and Commentaries.

He was wont oftentimes to say: That he had not any better Councellours then the dead. By the dead he meant his bookes: and he caried for his Ensigne and deuice a booke open.

He was a great louer of antiquities, and of the auncient mettals and monies of Princes, saying: That in the viewing and beholding of them, he seemed to grow the more inflamed with the loue of vertue and of glorie.

Of the magnanimitie of Charles Martell: as it is [...]ritten of him in his Epitaph.

[Page] CHarles Martell, Maior of the Pallace of the Crowne and kingdome of Fraunce (which some say is the Office of Constable) did make foure kings in Fraunce each successiuely after other: to wit: Childericke called Daniel, Clotarius the fourth, Theodorike the second, and Childericke the third. This last Childericke offered vnto the said Charles Martell the Realme and Crowne of Fraunce, and prayed him to take vpon him both the name and the Diademe, which he refused saying: That it was more glorious to raigne and commaund ouer kings, then to be a king: And in his Epitaph is written this sentence:

Ille Brabantinus dux primus in orbe triumphat.

Malleus in mundo specialis Christicolarum,

Dux Domini [...]sque Ducum, Regum quo' (que) Rex fore spernit.

Non vult regnare sed regibus mperat [...] ipse.

He was surnamed Martell, for the the exceeding great strength of his arme: & in memorie of the victories [Page] which he obtained in diuerse battels.

The iudgement of Sultan Soliman the great Scigneur or Emperour of Turkes.

IN the citie of Constantinople a certaine Christian desired to borrow of a lew the some of fiue hundred duckets. The lew lent them vnto him with condition, that for the vse of the money lent, he should at the end of tearme giue him two ounces of his flesh, cut off in some one of the mē bers of his bodie. The day of payment being come, the Christian repayed the fiue hundred duckets to the lew, but refused to giue him any part of his flesh. The lew not willing to loose his interest, conuented the Christian before the Grand Seigneur: who hauing heard the demaund of the one, and the answer of the other, and iudging of the matter according to equitie, commaunded a Razor to be brought, and to be giuen to the Iew, to whome he said: Because thou shalt know that iustice is done thee: [Page] take there and cut off of the flesh of this Christian the two ounces which thou demandest: but take heed thou cut neither more nor lesse, for if thou doe thou shalt surely dye. The Iewe holding that to be a thing impossible, durst not aduenture, but acquitted the Christian of his interest.

Of a writing which the king of Naples caused to be engrauen vpon his svvord.

ROger the second of that name, king of Naples, held warres for a long time with the Popes of Rome, by reason of those Lands and Territories which he pretended to be his by conquest. And he had discomfited also the king of Thunis in a battell at sea. Of the which victories he did so glorie and triumph, that he caused to be engrauen on the blade of his sword this verse.

Apulus & Calaber, Siculus mihi seruit & Afer.

The sacrilegious vaunt of a King of England.

[Page] VVIlliam Rufus king of Englād, hauing pilled the Churches and Monasteries of his Realme, and taking away their Chalices & other Reliques of gold and siluer, which he found in them, vsed these words: The bread of God is very delicate & pleasant to eate, and it causeth Princes to make good cheare.

The Testament of Saladin.

SAladin king of Asia, of Syria, and of Egypt shewed at his death, how well he knew the life of man to be most miserable. For he commaunded that after his decease, the shirt which he vsed▪ to weare, shold be caryed vpon the top of a lance throughout all his Campe in the open sight of all his Nobles, Captaines & souldiers: and that the party which shold carie it, should cry with a loud voice: Behold how Saladin the great Conquerour and Commander of Asia, of all those great riches and conquests which he hath purchased, doth carry [Page] nothing with him, saue this onely peece of linnen

The chiefest thing wherein men can iustly triumph at their departure out of this world, are their vertuous deeds.

The reuenge which a king of Arragon tooke of some of his Nobles that derided him.

RAymire the second of that name king of Arragon, a very simple man, being determined to make warres vpon the Moores: his Barons caused him to be armed and mounted on horsebacke, and put a shield in his left hand, and a launce in his right hand: and offering to put the reines of his bridle in his hand likewise. Let be (quoth the king) and giue me thē to hold in my mouth, for my hands are full enough alreadie. At which speech his Barons fel a laughing with open mouth, and making a iest of it, demeaned themselues very vnseemely without any kind of reuerence. But the king Raymire perceiuing their mocquerie, got eleuen of the most [Page] noble and chiefest of his Barons to come into the towne of Osey, where he caused them to loose their heades without saying any other words then these:

La renardaille,

Nesçait de qui elle se raille.

The humilitie of Godfrey of Buillon.

VVHen the duke Godfrey of Buillon was chosen king of Ierusalem by the Christian Princes, and the Diademe being presented vnto him, he refused it saying: It is not fit nor conuenient for any Prince Christian to weare a Crowne of gold, sithence Iesus Christ the King of kings did weare one made but of thornes.

The ansvver of the great Turke to the Ambassadours of Hungarie.

BAiazet the sonne of Amurath, Emperour of the Turkes, being with a great armie in Bulgaria, which is a part of Hungarie: the king Sigismond [Page] sent his Ambassadours vnto him, to pray him that he would not molest his countrie and Dominions, wherein he had no right nor interest. Baiazet for answer to this Ambassade, caused all the armed forces of that Prouince to be assembled together into a great hall, where hauing made the Ambassadours of the king of Hungarie to be called: he said vnto them pointing to those forces with his finger: Behold, said he: the reason and the right by which I haue & do hold the possession of Bulgarie.

Right and equitie haue no place in the Court of a Tyrant.

The ansvver of the Count de Lazaran to the Ambassadours of the Turke.

NO lesse notable was that answer which the County de Lazaran made vnto the Ambassadours of Lamorabaquin, or Baiazet the Amira or king of the Turkes: who purposing to inuade the realme of Hungary with a mightie armie, sent his messengers [Page] to the Count de Lazaran with a mule laden with Rice, and demaunded to haue passage through his countrey into Hungarie. The Ambassadours proceeding on their Commission, found the County in his castell called the Archforme, and according to their charge did demand passage for their Lord and his armie: and that he should become his vassall and subiect: otherwise that their Lord Baiazet would bring into the countrey of the Count more men of warre then there were graines of Rice in the sackes wherewith their mule wa [...] laden: and in so saying, they powred out the graine in the middest of the castell yard. The Count receiued & heard their message very courteously: and the third day after being disposed to giue them their answer, cō maunded to be brought into his Castle court a great number of powltry which for three daies together had bene shut vp without any meat giuē vnto them: the which in lesse then a quarter of an houre, did eate vp all the Rice which had bene there powred [Page] out. Whereupon he said vnto the Ambassadours: Now go tell your Lord, that true it is, he hath a great number of armed souldiers: howbeit he cannot bring so many into the field, but they shall be either slaine or vanquished: as you haue seene these grains of Rice deuoured by my pullen. And according to his hope the Count had the victorie.

A vvorthy Sentence of the Ambassadors of Sicilia.

CErtaine Ambassadours of Sicilia deliuering that which they had in charge to Iames the eleuenth king of Arragon: he shewed them that they ought to yeeld their obedience to the Church: and to Charles king of Naples his father in law: whereupon one of the Ambassadours said vnto him: Sir, we reade in many histories, that peoples haue bene defeated by their Princes, and we haue seene the proof thereof in our time: but that subiects haue bin destroied by their kings, we haue neuer yet seen, or hard it spokē.

Of the death of Vladislaus king of Hungarie.

[Page] VLadislaus king of Hungary and of Poland, whome the French named Launcelot, leauying a puissant armie against Amurath great Seigneur of the Turkes, was disswaded from it by many Barons of his realm and other his allies. Amongst whom one Dracocles a Valachian did disswade him from that enterprise. But in the end seeing that his aduice took no effect, he yeelded that his sonne should go in his company with two thousand horse: and at their departure, he gaue vnto the king Vladislaus and to his sonne two very swift and light horses, saying: Because I foresee that the losse is like to fall on your side in this warre which you enterprise: I haue giuen you these two horses, by whose swiftnesse of foote you may saue your selues, and serue you of them in your necessitie: for I feare me that you shall haue great need of them. And accordingly it fell out: for in a set battell foughten betweene Vladislaus & the Turks, in the yeare 1444. as Dracocles had foretold, the king there lost his life.

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Of the tvvo verses vvhich Conrad king of Naples caused to be vvritten vpon a horse of brasse.

COnrad the sonne of Fredericke, hauing taken the towne of Naples by composition in the yeare 1253. caused the wals, fortresses, and principall houses of the citie to be ruinated: and going into the great church within the middle whereof was a horse of brasse without a bridle, which had bene kept there of a long time for the antiquitie of it: he caused a bridle to be put vpon him, and on the reines thereof were written these two verses:

Hactenus [...]ffrenis, Domini nun [...] paret habenis

Rex domat hunc, aequus parthenopensis equum.

That is to say:

This horse till now vnbridled, now is made

To beare the reines which on his necke are laid:

His lord the rightfull king of Naples towne,

[Page] Did tame this horse, and bring his courage downe.

The saying of Rene king of Sicilia.

REne king of Sicilie, said oftentimes vnto the Princes and Ambassadors of diuerse places that came to visit him: I loue the countrey life aboue all others, because it is the best manner and the surest course of liuing, and the most free from earthly ambition.

This King loued husbandry exceedingly: and vvas the first that caused to be brought into Fraunce out of straunge countries, vvhite Peacockes, red Partriges, vvhite, blacke and red Conies: Betony and roses of Prouence. He was a good Prince, a perfect Musitian: and composed sundry bookes in verse and in proes: amongst the vvhich are that of the conquest of Gentle mercie, and that of the mortification of vaine pleasure, vvhich I haue read.

A conceited speech spoken to king Ferdinand.

[Page] THe king Ferdinand of Naples was very malecontent, and could not endure to see men walke together two or three in a company, or to talke together of their priuate affaires. A certaine Courtier seeing the King in this passion, to currie fauour with him, said vnto him: Sir, you ought to shunne and take away this vsage that is so troublesome vnto you, or else to make your benefite of it: and in my aduice, it were good that you imposed a tribute vpon them that vse to walke in this maner vp and downe: for it would yeeld you a greater reuenue, then the customes which you leauie vpon the merchandizes of all your Realme and Dominions.

Of a pretie quippe giuen by Anthony of Panor [...]e to a certaine Knight.

THe king Alphponsus (of whome we haue before spoken) beeing aboue all things well affected to [Page] the exercise of hunting, did very earnestly enquire of Anthony of Panorme, what Gentlemen of Naples were the greatest louers of that game of venerie: and whether any of them had written of the nature of dogges and hounds. Why sir (quoth the Panormitan) how is it that you demaund of me this question? Haue you not a person in your company euery day, which hath conuersed with this kind of creatures for these forty yeares together: and night by night hath lien by a brach: he I trow is sufficiently able to write of the nature of hounds, and the manner how to keepe and cherish them. Now the partie of whō the Panormitan spake, was a certaine Knight, who was in very good grace and fauour in Court: which made the king immediatly to fall on laughing, knowing that the said Panormitan vnder the name of a brach, did meane the Gentlemans wife, because she was a woman that did vse to be very loud and clamoursom in her speech, and was the most subiect to furiousnesse and outragious passions of any [Page] woman liuing.

A contentious and quarelsome wife is an incurable disease.

The letters of the Earle of Aniovv to the king of Fraunce.

LEvvis king of France, the sonne of king Charles the simple, being in the church of S. Martin of Tours at diuine seruice: diuerse of his Gentlemen, young Courtiers, shewed him how Fovvkes the good Earle of Aniovv was set amongst the singing men, and did sing with them, for the which they mocked and contemned him. Whereof the Countie being informed, he sent letters vnto the king, wherein was nothing written saue these words only: To the king of Fraunce the Earle of Aniovv sendeth greeting. Sir knovv you: that a King vnlearned is but an asse crovvned.

The counsell of the Earle of Aniovv to his brother at the time of his death.

[Page] MAurice Erle of Aniou at the time of his decease, giuing some instructions to his brother Fouques Nerra that succeeded him in his Earledome, said vnto him: My brother, I pray remember how in all my life time I haue laboured to get me friends, knowing that this is great riches: and that the house which hath many friends ought not to be reputed poore nor destitute. And therefore I aduise thee in any case to hold them deare vnto thee, who haue heretofore bene faithfull and trustie vnto vs.

A friend hath no greater treasure then a true friend in time of necessitie.

A Christian Act of the Earle of Aniou.

FOuques the fifth of that name, earle of Aniou hauing gained the victorie in a battell foughten against Henrie king of England, neare the towne of Sees (where the Angeuins and Manceaux tooke a great number of prisoners, [Page] whom they bound & enchained together, and lodged in an Abbey church neare the campe. On a morning early the Count being disposed to go heare a Masse in the same church, and being not able to enter into it for the multitude of prisoners there enchained, he was very much discontented at it, and turning him to his men at armes, he said: My companions and friends, what haue you done? Do you not know that the church is the house of God and of prayer: and haue you turned it into a prison? Do you not feare the wrath of God, in that you execute crueltie in his temple? You ought to know that the church is our mother, and we are her children: this place is a Sanctuarie and a place of priuiledge: but you haue made it a place of seruitude. This said, he caused the prisoners to be vnbound: & hauing made them to eate & drink, he set thē at liberty without paying of any ransom.

The same Earle on a time said: that to support or cherish the wicked was to do iniurie to the good.

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A Sentence of the duke of Brittaine.

IOhn duke of Brittaine the fifth of that name, being willing to make a mariage betweene his sonne the Lord Frauncis and the Ladie Izabel daughter to the Scottish king: the young Prince Francis enquired what kind of Ladie that Izabel was: to whō answer was made: that she was a very goodly Gentlewoman, wise, and discreet: and one that was likely to haue faire issue of her bodie; sauing that she had some impediment in her speech. Then is she, such a one as I desire quoth the Duke: For I hold a woman wise enough, that knoweth how to put a difference between the wastcote and shirt of her husband.

The haughtie courage of the duke of Burgundie.

PHilip the hardie duke of Burgundie was wont to say: That kingdomes, Lordships, and Dominions, [Page] did of right appertaine vnto thē that could by conquest get and purchase them: he got the name of hardie: because at a certaine banquet, he leaped ouer the table, onely to haue the chiefest place next to the person of king Charles the sixth: he had both the courage and the speech of Alexander the Great.

An act of Galeace duke of Millain.

GAleace duke of Millain was giuen to vnderstand, that there was a certaine Aduocate in that citie so subtill and cunning, that he could prolong sutes in law, and so draw thē out in length, as he would make thē almost endlesse, whensoeuer he listed to vndertake to do it either for loue or for money. The Duke willing to make proofe thereof, enquired of the chiefe steward of his house, if there were not some debt due and owing by him to those that were to serue him with prouisions for his house. In the end it appeared that there was owing to a certain Baker an hundred [Page] pounds: in whose name he caused himselfe to be summoned, and a day to be set downe for his appearance before the Senate, to answer for the paiment of this debt vnto the said Baker. In the meane time he sent to this Aduocate, and demaunded his counsell, how he might make delaies, and not be enforced to make paiment of this money. The Aduocate promised him to find the means and to deuise such sleights, as the Baker should not finger a peny for one yeare at least, or not for two yeares if he listed. The action being prosecuted, and iudgement ready to be giuen: the Duke then demaunded of the Aduocate, if it were not possible yet longer to protract it: where unto the Aduocate answered: that he wold so handle the cause, as it should not be ended for two yeares. Oh notable iniustice! (quoth the Duke to the Aduocate:) Thou wicked man, diddest thou not know, nay did not I tell thee that I owed him an hundred pounds: and yet wouldest thou, euen against thy owne conscience & mine [Page] also, frustrate the poore man of his due? Is there any reason to hold plea against a iust debt? Take the wretch (said he to his Officers) and let him be presently hanged, and his bodie quartered: to the intent from hencefoorth the commonweale may not by him be any more corrupted. And according as the duke had pronounced this sentence, so with the consent of the Senate was the Aduocate executed.

The resolution of a Gentleman of Millaine at his death.

THe same duke Galeace was murthered within the church of Saint Stephen in Millain, as he was hearing of deuine Seruice. One of the conspiratours and murtherers was slaine instantly in the place where the murder was committed: the other named Ierome, hauing bene hidden for three daies vnder a Merchants shoppe in the streete, was constrained by famine to come foorth: and being apprehended, was adiudged to be [Page] quartered aliue. The execution being to be done, and he stretched out on a table, at the end wherof his head hanged downe, as his belly was ripped open: with pure strength he lifted vp his head, to see his intrails taken out of his bodie: and therewithall vttered these words: ‘Collige te, Ieronyme: Vita breuis, Mors acerba, Laus perpetua.’

That is: ‘Plucke vp thy heart Ierome: life is but short: death is bitter: but the renowne will be perpetuall.’

And so saying, he gaue vp the ghost.

The cunning of Count Rodericke.

THe Count Radericke Gonthier hauing bene taken prisoner in a battell, by Ferdinand king of Catelonia: in the which Aluara the brother of the said Countie was slaine: the Count himselfe was set at libertie, vpon his faith giuen to returne again, after he had caused his brother to [Page] be interred. Which promise the said Rodericke being willing to performe, and yet withall desirous to keepe his libertie: he caused the dead bodie of his said brother to be embaulmed, & to be put in a Coffin, the which he made to be caryed with him wheresoeuer he went: and he would neuer suffer it to be buried till after the decease of king Ferdinand And by this pollicie he thought his oath sufficiently obserued, which he had formerly sworne to the King.

A sentence of the Count Pitilan.

THe Count Pitilan in discoursing of warres, was wont to vse this saying: VVhen thine enemie is vvilling to flie, make him vvay though it vvere vvith a bridge of gold.

The opinion of the duke of Burgoine.

PHilip duke of Burgoine, hearing say how they of Gaunt did exceedingly loue the Count Charolois his [Page] sonne▪ he said: Oh they practise the common Prouerbe, which is this: The Gauntois do euer loue the yong Prince, the sonne and heire of their Lord: but afterwards when he commeth to inherite the Duchie, and to raigne, then they hate him.

A Sentence of the duke of Venice.

MArke Barbaric [...] duke of Venice, being vnwilling to take reuenge of certaine iniuries that had bene offered him, said: That a good Prince, and such a one as was not inclined to crueltie, had a sufficient reuenge of his enemies, when he made it knowne to others, that he had the power to worke reuenge if he listed: and that he would not do it vpon priuate persons, though he did sharpely punish the publike offences.

A Sentence of the duke of Ferrara.

BOrso the first duke of Ferrara, was wont to say: That the hearts and [Page] affections of men were sooner gained by benefites and good deedes, then by force & constraint of Armes.

The charity of the duke of Sauoy.

AYme the second of that name, duke of Sauoy, being demaunded by certain Ambassadours, where were his hounds with which he vsed to hunt: and desiring to haue a sight of them, he told them that if they would come againe to his Court the next morning they should see them. The day after they came, and the Duke led them into a Hal, where was a great number of poore people and beggars eating and drinking at a table. Behold (said he to the Ambassadours) the dogges which I keepe and nourish: and with which I purpose to purchase and to lay hold on the heauenly glorie.

A memorable speech of the great maister of Rhodes.

PHilip de Villiers, great maister of the knights of the Rhodes, being [Page] be sieged in the said citie by Solyman the grand Seigneur of the Turkes: & hauing lost so many of his people, that he had very few left, said oftentimes: That it was much better to saue one of his owne men, then to kil a thousand of his enemies.

The speech of the great Turke to the said great Maister.

AT what time the said Villiers was constrained to render the same towne of Rhodes to the said Sultan Soliman: and that he came to the presence of the said grand Seigneur, to confirme the rendring of the place whereunto he had bene forced, and to take his leaue of him for his departure towards Christendome: the grand Seigneur vsed a speech vnto him worthy of so great a Prince, which was this: To loose townes, Lordships and Dominions is a thing so vsuall and accustomable amongst men: that it is a sufficient testimony, how we are all of vs subiect to infi [...]t miseries.

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The deuice of the duke of Vrbin.

CAesar Borgias, duke of Valentinois and Vrbin, the son of Pope Alexander the sixth, gaue for his deuice this Mot: O Caesar, ô nullo [...] that is: E ther I will be Emperour or nothing. And so fell it out in the end accordingly: or ere he came to that he aspired, his wicked conditions brought him to an vnhappie end: for he dyed prisoner in Spaine.

The brauado of the Count de Mathalon.

THomas Carafa, Count de Matalō, Generall of the Armie of Ferdinand against the French in the realme of Naples: after the returne of king Charles the eighth into France: being aduised & disswaded by many Captaines of his Armie frō ioyning battell with the French that were marching to Salerno: he reprouing their counsell, said out aloud: Tut, these Frenchmen now adaies be not those [Page] auncient Peeres of Fraunce that haue bin so renowned in the fabulous Histories of the Romaines: neither are we women furnished and armed in the forme of men, as were of old the Amazons. By this speech he encouraged his souldiers: howbeit notwithstanding this braue oration, he lost the honour of the battell.

A sage speech of a Marshall of Fraunce.

IOhn le Maingre, called Bouci [...]ualt, Marshall of Fraunce, and Lieutenant for king Charles the sixt at Genes, as he was riding one day through the streetes of that citie, encountred two curtizans richly apparelled after the fashion of that countrie [...], who did him great reuerence, and he rendred them the like. Huguenin de Tolligney, a French gentleman which did then accompany him, caused him to stay and said vnto him: My lord: who are these two dames to whom you haue done this great reuerence? I know not said the Marshall: Huguenin replye'd: [Page] Why sir, they be common women. The Marshall answered: wel, I know not what they be, neither skils it: for I had leifer do reuerence to tenne common women, then to faile of saluting any one that is honest.

A French Prouerbe.

IN the historie of Bertrand du Guesclin, it is recorded: that in the raigne of Charles the fifth when the said Bouciqualt was Marshall of Fraunce, there liued then also a famous renowned knight called Iohn de Saintré: of which two persons, the French in their commendation made these verses:

Of much more worth in an assault,

Is Saintré then is Bouciqualt:

But much better in a treatie,

Is Bo [...]iqualt then is Saintré

An Act of the Earle of Sauoy.

PEter Earle of Sauoy, being to go before the Emperour Otho the fourth, to do him homage for his [Page] landes which he held of the Empire: went apparelled with a certaine robe, the one halfe whereof was of steele in fashion of an armour gilded: in such sort that on the right side he was most richly apparelled; and on his left side he was armed: in this manner attired did he demaund the inuestiture of his lands of the Emperour: who hauing graunted it vnto him: and the Earle being retired, and repairing to the Chauncellour to haue his dispatch, shewed him the auncient Euidence, and letters Patents graunted to his Predecessours wherby he held his landes. The Chauncellour then demaunded of him, if he had the like for the territories of Chablais, Oste, and Vaux, well knowing that he lately had gotten those lands by conquest. Whereupon the Earle setting his hād on his sword, & drawing it naked out of the scabbard, shewed it vnto the Chancellour, and said: that he had no other Euidence for those lands but his sword: and by that he held them. After which the Emperour demaunded of him: [Page] why he ware such a garment, with the one halfe of cloth of gold, and the other halfe of steele. The Earle answered: that he ware the cloth of gold on his right side to do honour to his Maiestie: and for my attire on the left side, it signifieth (quoth he) that if any man deale sinisterly and ill with me, or offer me any iniurie, I am readie to defend me, and to fight for my right enent to the death.

How the duke of Millain serued an Astrologer.

A Certaine Astrologer (which tooke vpon him to foreshew things to come, and the good and ill fortune of men,) regarding the countenance of Iohn Galeace duke of Millain, said vnto him: Sir, dispose of your affaires betimes, for you cannot liue long. How knowest thou that, sard the duke? Marry sir, quoth he, hauing obserued the starres that are the gouernors of your life, I find that they do threaten you death in your flourishing age. Well, (quoth [Page] the Duke) and for thy selfe, how long shalt thou liue? Sir (said the Astrologer) my Planet promiseth me long life. To the end therefore (said the Duke) that thou shalt neuer more haue affiance in thy Planet, thou shalt dye presently contrarie to thy opiniō, and all the Planets of heauen shall not saue thy life. And he had no sooner spoken it but he perfourmed it: for he commaunded him instantly to be hanged: which was accordingly executed.

The message sent from Narses to Sophia, the Empresse of Constantinople.

NArses the Eunuch, a most excellent Chieftaine, who was Lieutenant Generall for the Emperours Iustinian and Iustin of their warres in Italy, was sent for by the Empresse Sophia the wife of Iustin (a most stout and proud Ladie) and commaunded to returne from Italy & Naples where he was Gouernour, and to come to Constantinople to the Court: letting [Page] him to vnderstand, that she meant to employ him in another manner of seruice then the warres, and fitter for his estate: namely, to spin and weaue wool with her women and maidens. To the which message, Narses returned this answer: that he would weaue such a webbe, as neither she nor her husband, (whom she ruled as she listed) should be able euer to vntwine. And he did no lesse thē he promised: for he secretly sent for Alboin king of the Lombards out of Hungarie being his very great friend, and set him in possession of Italy, so as both he and his successours enioyed it for a long time after.

A vvoman of insolent and proud cariage and haughtie in speech, is the cause of notable mischiefes.

The magnanimity of Bertrād du Guesclin.

THis Bertrand du Guesclin was no lesse famous & renowned for his magnanimitie & courage, then was Narses the Graecian. For before that he was Constable of Fraunce, he held the part of Henry king of Spaine against king Peter the brother of the [Page] said Henry. And in a battell foughten at Nadres between the two brothers, Henry was put to flight and Bertrand was takē prisoner by the black prince of VVales, who followed the party of king Peter, who led him prisoner to Burdeaux: hauing held him there a time, he was willing to deliuer him, and to acquit & pay his debts, on cō dition that the said Bertrand should neuer beare armes against him the said Prince, against the king of Englād his father, nor against king Peter of Castill, nor their allies. But Bertrand refusing to yeeld to those conditions, was notwithstanding put to his raunsome such as himselfe would nominate and set downe. Bertrand (howbeit that he was & alleadged himself to be but a poore knight) yet hoping on his good fortunes, offered the Prince an 100000. double Florins of gold. The Prince supposing that he mocked him, quitted him for the quarter part: but Bertrand standing on his honour, would not yeeld to pay lesse then sixtie thousand, saying: That he would be well able to pay it. [Page] The Prince accepting his offer: Bertrand spake out aloud before all the Lords and Nobles there present: now may Henry of Castill well vaunt himselfe and boldly say: That he shall dy king of Spaine: for I doubt not but to set the Crowne on his head: and he shall yeeld me the one moitie of my raunsome: and king Charles of France shall furnish me with the other moitie. Such was the haughtie courage of this valiant Chieftaine, who afterwards accomplished and acquitted himselfe of that his promise.

The same Pertrand being afterwards Constable of Fraunce vnder Charles the fifth, left a custome in Fraunce which he brought vp in his time: That whatsoeuer Gentleman had committed any forfeit against the reputation and honour of his estate: if he did afterwards happen to be in company at any banquet: the meate which was set before him should be cut in peeces.

A hardy speech vttered by Hire, a French Captaine to king Charles the seuenth.

[Page] THe Hire a French Captaine being sent from the armie to the king of Fraunce Charles the seuenth, to shew him in what estate the affairs of the warres then stoode: and that for default of victuals, money, and other necessaries, the French had lost certaine townes & battels to the English. The king willing to entertain the Captaine in good familiar sort, shewed him all his delicate preparations of his pleasures and delights, the sports, the Ladies, and the banquets wherewith he recreated himselfe: and withall demaunded of him how he liked them. The Hire very freely and liberally answered him, saying: Sir, I neuer in my life saw Prince, that lost his patrimonie more pleasantly then you do.

That man is to be reputed mad & senselesse, that vvill sit playing, vvhilest his house is a burning.

A prompt and readie ansvver of an English Captaine the Lord Talbot.

[Page] TAlbot an English Captaine, hauing besieged the citie of Orleance in the time of king Charles the seuenth: the citizens fell to practise with the duke of Burgundie, to yeeld themselues vnder his obeissance: whereupon the Duke wrote to the said lord Talbot wishing him to leaue the siege, and the rather for that his long abode before that place, might be a great dammage and preiudice vnto him. The lord Talbot suspecting the practise then in hand, would not cōsent to the Dukes motion: but sent him this answer: I do not meane to beat the bush, and that another shall haue the birds.

This speech in some histories is attributed to the duke of Bedford Regēt of France vnder Henry the 6. king of England.

The ansvver of Bartholom [...]w Aluiano, to king Levvis the tvvelfth.

BArthelm [...]w Aluiano a Captaine of the Venetians, and Generall of [Page] their armie, at the battell of Agnadell was there taken prisoner by the French, and presented to king Lewis the twelfth: who demanding of him, vpon what ground or reason he bore armes against him: the said Barthelmevv made this answer: Sir, I haue vndertaken the warre against you for two speciall reasons. The first is, for discharge of my dutie to my countrie. The second is: for that hauing to deale against so great and puissant a Prince as you are: if I had obtained the victorie, my renowne and fame had bene eternall: and being vanquished, I shall haue neuer the lesse honour and reputation with them of my countrey, when they shall enter into due consideration of your greatnesse and excellencie: for the hardinesse & couragious boldnesse which I had to resist against you, shall turne to my glorie and honour.

Men of haughtie courage do not attempt other then great actions: the issue vvhereof cannot but turne to their honour.

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A tyrannicall Sentence of Prospero Colonna.

PRospero Colonna being Colonel of the Italian men at armes which were within Millain: a citizen of Millain came to complaine vnto him of the exactions and pillaging of his soldiers: vnto whom he said: Millain is like vnto a bird, from which if one pull away the feathers, she bringeth foorth others much more faire and beautifull.

The ansvver of an Italian to Ascanio Colonna.

AScanio Colonna hauing many goodly liuings and possessions in Romania, arriued in a certaine towne of his own: where all the chief men came vnto him to salute him & to do him reuerence, onely one citizen excepted: who being very rich, yet no Gentleman, had one only son an honest faire conditioned young man, who being singularly endued [Page] with all the gifts and graces wherewith nature cold enrich him, was not inferiour, but rather excelled all others there inhabiting. Seigneur Ascanieo inuited that same citizen to supper: at the end whereof, he demaunded of him to haue his sonne to serue him: promising to preferre him and aduaunce him highly. The citizen said vnto him: no sir, I will not that he shall serue you: for I remember me of an old Prouerbe which withholdeth me from condescending hereunto. What Prouerbe is that, said Seigneur Ascanio? The citizen answered: Hearken sir, and I will repeate it vnto you:

Male è chi gli serue.

Peggio è chi gli disserue,

Beato è chi non gli conosse.

That is to say:

Ill is he that serueth:

Worse is he that cannot please:

But happy is he that knoweth neither.

An excellent comparison made by a G [...]ntleman of Genua.

[Page] LEwis Sforce being determined to exact a great summe of money by compulsion vpon the citie of Genes: sent an Ambassadour thither to negotiate this businesse: who being inuited by a chiefe personage of the Citie to dine with him, and walking into the garden of that citizen his house: there they two fell into communication of that matter: the Gentleman Geneuois seeing the herbe Basell, said vnto the Ambassadour: My lord Ambassadour, stroke your hand along vpon, and after smell vnto it: which he did, and confessed that the sauour of it was most sweete and odoriferous: My Lord (quoth the Geneuois againe) straine the herbe in your hand and then smell to it: which he did likewise, and said that it yeelded a very bad and lothsome sent. Wherupō the Geneuois said vnto him: My lord, if the duke Lewis wil gently stroke the hand of his puissance ouer this citie without any violent dealing he shall find it to yeeld a good sauor, & very obedient vnto him: but if he come to oppresse it & to force it by [Page] compulsion, surely it will yeeld but a sharpe and ill tast by disobedience and rebellion.

The admonition of certaine French Captaines giuen to their souldiers.

IN the battell of Fornoue giuen by the potestates of Italy to king Charles the eight at his returne from the conquest of Naples: the French Knights passing by the rankes of the battels, as they were doing their deuoit in the thickest presse of their enemies, and fearing lest the couetousnesse of the souldiers might make the French loose the victorie: they cryed vnto their souldiers: Remember the battell of Guinegare. This was a battell foughten in the time of king Levvis the eleuenth against Maximilian king of the Romanes: the which the French lost by giuing themselues to the pillage.

Of a French Knight vvhich taxed the Normans.

[Page] RAault the Dane, who was afterwards the first duke of Normandy comming into Fraunce with a great armie: there was sent against him Robert Earle of Aniou, Marshall of Fraunce: who demaunded of one Hastingue (a Dane likewise, being then Countie de Chartres) whether he thought best to giue battell vnto Raault or not, and what was his aduice therein? Hastingue for some reasons disswaded him. But a certaine noble Knight which caried the Banner of Fraunce, perswaded the Marshall to the contrary, saying: My Lord: did you euer see a wolfe seize vpon a wolfe: or one foxe make war against another foxe? Inferring hereby: that they were both of one nation: and that therefore it was very vnlikely that the one would hurt the other.

THe Elect of Senlis encouraging the French men at armes against the Flemings in the battell of Bouines, vnder the king Philip Augustus, amongst other words, said: It is not [Page] the part of any noble and valiant Knight, to make the bodie of another Knight to serue him for his shield and rampart.

The Sayings of Captaine Baiard.

FRauncis de Stritigen, a Colonell vnder the Emperour Charles the fift, hauing besieged Mezieres, within the which was Captaine Bayard: for Frauncis the first of that name, king of Fraunce summoned him by a Herald to yeeld himselfe and the place whereof he had the gouernment. Wherunto Bayard made this answer. The Baiard of Fraunce feareth not the Roussin of Almaine.

This conceipt vvas vpon the allusion to his name, vvhich vvas so famous and renowned, that the Spaniards had this saying of him: In Fraunce are many Graybeards, but there are but fevv Bayards.

A Gentleman demanded of Monsieur Bayard: What goods and possessions a Gentleman ought to [Page] leaue vnto his children? he answered: Marry that which needeth not feare any stormes nor tēpests, nor force of man, nor humane iustice: and that is wisedome and vertue. And it behooueth the father to haue like care of his children, as a Gardiner hath of his garden: that is: to be carefull in trimming of it, to see it well sowed, & wel planted with good seedes and plants.

Another demaunded of him, what difference there was betweene the learned and the ignorant: As much (quoth he) as is betweene a Phisition and his patient.

He said: that the greatest honour and Seignorie which any Nobleman could possibly haue, was to be familiar and conuersant with men that are vertuous: and the greatest euill which could possibly betide to any great person, was to be accompanied with those for his familiar friends, who were ignorant and vicious: for (said he) there cannot be a greater plague or pestilence, then when audaciousnesse and puissance is accompanied with ignorance.

[Page] A certaine Gentleman on a time said vnto him: Sir, I see euery where great store of riches and worldly goods, but I see not that prudence & wisedome which you haue so highly commended. That is no maruell (answered Bayard) for you haue the earthly eyes of the bodie, with which you see earthly things: but you haue not the eyes of the spirit and vnderstanding, wherewith to discerne and consider wisedome and prudence.

A dangerous iest of a soldier of Nauarre.

IN the yeare 1916. at such time as the French and Venetians had laid siege before Bressia, which the Spaniards held for the Emperor: after that the souldiers of both parts had vsed each against other sundry taunts and reprochfull arrogant speeches: a certaine souldier a Nauarrois, (to the intent he might in some sort represse the vaunting speeches of the Spaniards) in giuing them occasion to suspect the mines wrought vnder the groūd against thē: he vsed this speech vnto thē: My friends, you that are so full of your mocks within the town [Page] take good heed and looke well to yourselues, to preuent the harme that may betide you, lest that when the henne hath done scraping & digging the ground with her feete, you repent you that you did not dreame of it.

It is a good threatning, that giueth a man good admonition.

Of the two Marshals of Fraunce, Monsieur de Antrehan, and Monsieur de Cleremount.

THe Prince of VVales surnamed the Blacke Prince, hauing made sundrie offers vnto Iohn the French king before the battell of Poytiers: the king assembled his Councell to haue their aduice. The lord de Antrehan one of the Marshals, did counsell the king to accept the offers of the Prince, and not to hazard the battell and to aduenture the certaine for the vncertaine. The lord of Cleremount the other Marshall, reproching the Marshall de Antrehan, and obiecting that his counsell proceeded of feare [Page] and cowardice, because he durst not be at the battell, De Antrehan being very highly offended, and esteeming himselfe much wronged in his honor and reputation, said vnto him with a stout courage: Cleremount, to the intent thou maist know that it is no cowardly feare that made me speake as I haue done: I would thou shouldest well know, that the arrest of my launce shall be more forward in the battell, then thou shalt be with the point of thine. And the battell being foughten, the French lost the field, and king Iohn was taken prisoner.

The speech of Dame Tiphaine to her husband Bertrand du Guesclin.

AFter that the Lord Bertrand du Guesclin was espoused vnto the Ladie Tiphanie, who was issued of a noble and great familie: he discontinued for a time the vse and exercise of armes, which he had bene accustomed to follow: for the which his new espoused wise greatly blamed [Page] him, saying: my sweete friend and loue, before that we were maried you were wont to follow the warres, and many faire exploits haue bene atchieued by your prowesse: in such sort as many haue thought, that by you the realme of Fraunce would be recouered out of the hands of the English. Surely, it cannot stand with the nature of a true gentleman, that an ouer exceeding affection to a new wife should make you loose the honour which you haue formerly obtained: and sir, for my part, I who ought to be honoured by your meanes, shall esteeme my selfe much disgraced, if you surcease from following this course which you haue so well begunne: and I shall beare you the lesse loue & affection for it, because you ought not to leaue and forgo the honour and reputation of chiualrie, and the art militarie which euery man hath attributed vnto you.

The persvvasions of any honourable Ladie, haue great force and may preuaile much vvith a generous and haughtie courage, to make it enterprize high [Page] and great actions: as these of this Ladie had vvith this Knight sir Bertrand: vvho aftervvards became high Constable of Fraunce.

An honorable opinion of Levvi [...] the son of King Philip of Fraunce.

LEvvis the sonne of king Philip the first of that name, who was afterwards surnamed Levvis le gros: making warre against certaine Noblemen of Fraunce that had rebelled against his father: and hauing besieged a certaine castell, his men at armes would needes leaue him and depart, by reason of the vnseasonablenes & ill disposition of the time: insomuch as he was not able either by prayers or menaces to retain thē: wherefore being thus abandoned & forsaken of his forces, he was constrained to retire and raise his siege, saying & oftentimes repeating it: that it was better by farre for a man to dy a cruell death (prouided it were honest & honorable) rather thē to prolong his life with shame & dishonor.

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A courteous and gentle answer of king Philip Augustus.

CErtaine Councellours and Courtiers shewed vnto the French king Philip surnamed Augustus: that the Cleargie of Fraunce did vsurp the authoritie and royall iurisdictions appertaining to the Crowne: whereby his princely dignitie and prerogatiue was greatly iniured and endammaged: and wished him therefore to cut off their authoritie so vsurped: whereunto he wisely aunswered: I do easily beleeue, that what you say is true: howbeit calling to mind the benefits wherewith God hath blessed me, I had rather suffer and endure losse and dammage in my rights, thē to commence sute or to bring processe against the seruitours of God & his Church, whereof may arise and grow any offence and scandall.

A saying of Pope Vrban the fifth.

KIng Charles the fifth being desirous to ridde his countrey and kingdome of Fraunce of those men [Page] at armes both English and French, which (after the treatie of peace accorded betweene those two nations) did ouerrunne and spoile the countrey of Fraunce: the lord Bertrand du Guesclin obtained leaue of the king, to leade them into the realme of Granada against the Saracens. And by reason of the pilferies and robberies which these men at armes had committed, the Pope Vrban the fifth had excommunicated them: Bertrand du Guesclin hauing assembled them together, and being chosen Generall of these forces to passe with them into Spaine, marched away with them by the way of Auignon, where the Pope Vrban the fifth was then resident: who sent a Cardinall vnto them to know what was their demaund: to the which Cardinall, Bertrand answered: Sir, I pray tell his Holinesse, that these men of warre do demaund pardon & absolution both from the gilt and the punishment of their sinnes which they haue committed, and for the which they haue incurred the sentence of excommunication: and besides [Page] they do require two thousand Florins of gold to maintaine them and to defray their charges in their voyage vndertaken for the aduancement of the Christian faith. The Cardinall making report vnto the Pope of his message: his answer was this: This is very straunge and a maruellous matter, that this people should demaund absolution and money: and our custome is to giue absolution and to take money.

The opinion of the Earle of Arminacke.

THe Nobles and Barons of Guien being assembled in counsell to giue an answer vnto the demaunds of the Prince of VVales, who was purposed to make warre in Spaine, because the most part of them thought it vnlawfull, and an enterprise of small reason: and were desirous to be resolued amongst themselues of the truth of the matter. The Earle of Arminacke spake vnto them on this manner: It is not fit, nor a [Page] thing appertinent to the subiect, (who standeth vpon the reputation of his faith and loyaltie) to dispute of the rights and interests which his Prince may haue, in vndertaking warre against another Prince: but he ought to yeeld him his best seruice and endeuours, whensoeuer he shall be required thereunto: for he ought to be perswaded, that his Prince in so doing, doth nothing but vpon good counsell & aduice: neither ought he any further to be inquisitiue therinto.

Euery vvarre vndertaken vpon an vniust quarrell, is to the dishonour rather of the Prince then of the subiect.

The saying of the Earle of Foix.

GAston the second of that name, Earle of Foix, hauing taken to wife Elinor the daughter of Cōminge, who was much elder then himselfe: certaine Nobles of that countrey being in communication with her of that mariage, told her: That she had taken and chosen an husband, who [Page] was much younger then she: to whō she answered: If I had knowne that the Earle of Foix should haue bene my husband, I would not haue bene borne so soone, but haue stayed for him.

In euery good mariage, it is requisit that the parties be equal and alike in conditions, age and vvealth.

The last words of the king of Nauarre at his death.

FRauncis Phoebus Earle of Foix, and king of Nauarre, lying vpon his death bed, in the very agonie and last panges of death, vsed these wordes for his last speech: Regnum meum non est de hoc mundo. I d [...]ò relinquo mundum & non conturbemini, quia vado ad patrem. My kingdome is not of this world: therefore I leaue the world: & be not you troubled, for I go to the father.

The answer of Iouian Pontanus.

IOuian Pontanus an excellent Philosopher and a notable Poet, being [Page] demaunded why he did eate but of one kind of meate at his meale: and of that also very little and in great sobrietie: he answered: Because I wold not haue any need of the Phisition.

All Phisitions are of accordin this: that diuersitie of meates do hinder the digestion, and ingender sicknesses and diseases.

A pleasant conceipt of the brother of Sanctius, brother to the king of Spaine.

A Solemne Councel being assembled at Rome, to consult vpon the taking of armes against the Saracens who had the possession of the holy land: it was of a long time there debated who should be chosen as the most worthie and sufficient to haue the conduct and commaund of the armie. After many opinions, it was concluded, that Sanctius brother to the king of Spaine in regard of his good parts, his hardinesse, courage, and vertues, should be the chiefe and Generall of this honourable enterprise: [Page] because it was well known that he was a man deuoide of couetousnesse and ambition: and of excellent expedition in deedes of armes: whervpon he being after this election come to Rome, and repairing to the Conclaue where the Pope, Cardinals, and Princes of Christendome were assembled together: he was immediately in the presence of them all, by the decree and ordinance of the Pope, amongst other articles proclaimed and declared King of Egypt: vpon the which Proclamation all the people showted with a publicke crie and acclamation exceedingly reioyced. He not skilled in the Latine tongue: and not knowing wherat the Consistorie did make that triumphing, demaunded the cause of his interpreter: who hauing told him that the Pope had graunted and proclaimed him king of Egypt: he said vnto his interpreter: Stand vp, and make here presently a Proclamation before all this people here assembled: that seeing the Pope hath made me king of Egypt, he therefore [Page] shall be Caliph of Babylon.

This was a sudden and royall liberality, to recompence him with a vaine title of Pontificalitie, from vvhom he had receiued the name and stile of a king vvithout a kingdome.

The opinion of the king of Sicilie.

RObert king of Sicilie, being on a time in communication with that famous Italian Poet Frauncis Petrarch, told him: That he was more in loue with his bookes then his own Crown: and that he held more deare the learning and knowledge which he had gotté in the studying of good letters, then all the honours and riches of his realme.

This opinion vvas cleane contrarie to that of the French king Levvis the eleuenth.

The mind of the Emperour Fredericke, vvhich he shevved towards his vvife.

[Page] THe Emperour Fredericke did neuer vse to drinke wine but at his meals: and euen then he vsed to mingle and temper it with a great quantitie of water. His wife the Empresse Leonor did likewise neuer vse to drinke any wine whilest she liued in her fathers house: and being come to the imperiall dignitie, the Phisitions of Almaine aduised her to vse wine, if she meant to haue any children, because the climate of that countrey was very cold: wherof Fredericke being aduertised, commaunded one of his neare and familiar friends to go vnto the Empresse, and to say this vnto her from him: I had leifer haue a wife that is barren, then one that is subiect to drinking of wine. The Empresse returned to the messenger this answer: During my life I shall euer be obedient to the wil and commaundement of my Lord & husband: neuerthelesse, if the Emperour should commaund me to vse wine, I had rather dye then therein obey him.

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A Sentence of Pope Clement the seuenth.

POpe Clement the seuenth, speaking of the retaining of Princes in peace and amitie for the quiet and tranquilitie of the Christiā commonweale, vsed to say: that it was a daungerous and most perillous thing to be in amitie with some particulars onely: but to entertaine it with diuerse, it was well befitting and beseeming the dutie and dignitie of the Papall See: which ought to declare it selfe the common father and wel willer of all in generall.

The allusion of the Lantgraue of Hesse.

THe Lantgraue Philip of Hesse, making warres against the king Ferdinand brother to the Emperour Charles the fifth, for the restoring of Vtrich duke of VVittenberg to his right: & being entred into the country and and territories of the said Duchy, [Page] there he encountred with his enemies, whom he rudely put to the repulse. And as he made his infanterie to march on, he demaunded of the aduaunteourrers where they had left their enemies. Answer was made him: that they were at Loffen. Well said, (my good souldiers quoth he) I take this your answer for a prognostication of our victorie at hand: seeing it seemeth to bring vs tidings that our enemies are in flying.

Loffen in Dutch signifieth flight, vvhich made the Lantgraue by the allusion of the vvord, to take it for a presage of their flight.

A pleasant conceipt of a French Gentleman.

COmmunication being moued in the presence of the lord Claude Duke of Guiz [...] touching a certaine battell giuen by Frauncis the French king, against the Emperour Charles the fifth: the duke of Guize began to vse some speech vnto a French Gentleman who had bene seene [Page] in the armie gorgiously attired and well armed at all points, and exceedingly well mounted: howbeit that he was not seene in the battell. By my faith Sir (answered the Gentleman) I was there: and I can bring good proofe thereof, yea in such a place as you durst not haue bene seene. The duke tooke this speech very ill, and supposed himselfe highly touched, and therfore grew greatly offended with the answer: but the Gentleman laughing very pleasantly appeased him in saying vnto him: My Lord, I was with the baggage, where I am sure your Lordship would not haue vouchsafed to haue stayed as I did.

Sometimes a man that hath lost his honour by his deedes, may recouer the same againe by gracing it vvith good speeches.

An Apothegme of the Seneshall of Campaigne.

IOhn lord of Ionuille, hauing giuen counsel vnto the aforesaid French [Page] king Saint Levvis not to return back into Fraunce, till he had ended his warres in the holy land: was iniured by som of the great lords & Nobles neare about the Kings person, who desired to depart from thence: in somuch as they called him Colt: which at that time was held a word of great disgrace amongst the pesants of Fr [...]unce: but he very gently replyed vnto them: I had rather be a kicking Colt, then a wincing Iade.

His meaning vvas, that a young Colt might helpe both himselfe and his master out of dannger: but an old horse endangereth both himself & his rider.

The fidelitie of the French king Saint Levvis.

AFter that the Saracens had bene paid the summe of two hundred thousand pounds for the raunsome of the Earle of Poitiers, brother to the king Saint Lewis, who had bene taken prisoner by them in the holy land: Monsieur Philip de Mon [...]fort made report to the king, that the Saracens [Page] were misreckened in their receipt of tenne thousand Franks wherupon the king presently made him sweare, and to giue his faith, that he should see them paid, which he did accordingly: and the king wold not depart out of harbour, nor set saile to sea, where he was readie embarked for his returne, till the said summe of ten thousand Frankes were deliuered them.

The speech of the Lady of Heluin.

A Councell being held within the citie of Gaunt, for the mariage of the Ladie Mary Princesse of Burgundie, (the daughter of duke Charles which dyed before Nancie) with the Prince Dolphin of Fraunce sonne of king Lewis the eleuenth, who was afterwards called Charles the eighth of that name king of Fraunce, who was then very young in yeares: the ladie of Heluin chiefe Lady of Honour to the Princesse, said: We haue need of a man and not of an infant or child: for my mistresse is a woman sufficient [Page] to beare such a child as our countrey hath great need of.

This vvord to beare a child hath tvvo interpretations: either to be married to a man of prudence and vvisedome: or that by the mariage, there may issue a child of a good and vertuous disposition: according to that sentence of Salomon: The land is in weake estate of which a child is Prince: that is, a child in vnderstanding.

A pleasant conceipt of the Duke of Millain his Cooke.

THe duke of Millain being besieged in a Castell by the Florentin [...]s: one day as he sate at dinner, he could not away but fell in mislike with the tast of all his meate set before him: insomuch as he checked his Cooke, and was very angry with him. But the Cooke read [...]e enough to iustifie & free himself from blame (after many excuses made) said vnto the Duke: My lord, your me at is well enough dressed: but the Florentines haue put your mouth out of tast.

[Page] To that man vvhich in vvarres is timerous, all things proue tedious and troublesome.

The persvvasion of the Lord Talbot to his sonne.

THe French vnder king Charles the seuenth hauing laid siege before the town of Chastillon which was possessed by the English in the yeare 1453. the Lord Talbot then Lieutenant General for the king of England in Aquitaine, issued out of Burdeaux to raise the siege of the French. Battell being ioyned between them, and the losse likely to fall to the English: the lord Talbot said vnto his son: Son I would wish thee to prouide for thy safetie, and to reserue thy self to some other time: as for me, it will be for my honour to die here, after so many victories by me obtained in times past: but if thou shouldest miscarie in this fight, litle honour wold it be vnto thee: who by sauing thy selfe now maist augment it in time to come: in reseruing thy selfe for more haughtie enterprises, and for the benefit of Enland thy natiue countrie.

[Page] This was a speech well beseeming a true and noble Gentleman, and one that was a louer of his conntrey: how beit, his sonne would not yeeld vnto that motion: but both father and sonne there lost their liues.

An Apothegme of a certaine Englishman.

THe English being chased out of Fraunce by king Charles the seuenth, as certaine of them were readie to passe the sea, the French in mockage demaunded of an English Captaine, when they would come againe to make warre in Fraunce? who answered: That shall we when your sinnes do exceed ours in number.

It is our sinnes onely that draweth down the vvrath of God: and causeth him to send vs both vvarres, famine and pestilence.

A good opinion of the Venetians.

THe Venetians are very secret in their counsels and deliberations: [Page] and they haue an vsuall saying: That a good Councell be it neuer so secret, is oftentimes disclosed.

The ansvver of a Duchesse of Normandie to her husband.

A Certaine Damosell, named Gonnor, which in former times had bene beloued by Richard duke of Normandie, the sonne of VVilliam Long spath: being afterwards maried to the said duke after the death of the Ladie Auina his first wife, the daughter of Hugues the great Erle of Paris: the first night after she was maried to the said duke being laid in bed with him, she turned her backe towards him. The duke maruelling at that manner of her behauiour, said vnto her: Full often haue you lien with me: yet did I neuer see you thus do before. Whereunto she answered: True it is my sweet loue: for heretofore I lay in your bed, and therefore did as pleased you: but now I lye in the bed that is mine as well as yours, and therefore I may rest me of what [Page] side do I please.

The constancie of Elizabeth the daughter of the King of Boheme.

ELizabeth the daughter of VVenceslaus king of Boheme, being conducted with great honour to the city of Spire in Germanie, of purpose there to be espoused to Iohn the eldest son of the Emperour Henry the seuenth: and perceiuing that the celebrating of the mariage, was deferred, she made so secret inquirie of the cause, that in the end she knew it was prolonged, in regard of a iealousie which the Emperour had conceiued that she had not kept her virginitie: for the truth is, she was of a most singular and incomparable beautie farre excelling all the Ladies of that age: knowing therefore whereupon this delay grew, she stripped her selfe out of her clothes starke naked, and couering her selfe onely with a mantle of pure fine linnen, which was soone and easie to be cast off: in this forme she presented her selfe to the Emperour, [Page] saying vnto him: Sacred Prince, I will now instātly make good proof of my virginity by the view & search of my bodie: & the examinatiō therof made by sage & honest women: & I will neuer stir foot from hence, till you be free from that suspitiō which you haue conceiued of me. The Emperour astonished and afraid at her speech, could not possibly remoue her from her determination by any excuse or perswasion that he could vse: but he was constrained to cause her to be searched: and she being found to be pure and a virgine inuiolate, he caused her to be maried vnto his sonne.

True vertue is alwaies of that strength and fortitude, as it can neuer he vanquished.

A reason vvisely alleadged by the foole of the duke of Austrich.

LVpoldus duke of Austrich making warres against the Swizzers who were in alliance with the Emperour Levvis of Bauier: & hauing assembled vnder the charge of certain captaines of the estate of Germany to the number of 20000. men horse & foot, to [Page] the end he might cause them to set forward: he consulted with his Counsell, by what way he might best enter into the Svvizzers countrey. The Councel being resolued of the course which they meant to take, the dukes foole named Kune de Stocken who was present, and had heard their deliberation, said vnto them in his accustomed habite and countenance of a foole: I do not like of your counsell: for all of you haue consulted, how, and by what meanes we may enter into their countrey: but there is none of you that hath giuen his aduice, how and in what sort we shall get away againe from thence.

A good entrie or beginning is not all, vvithout it haue a happie ending.

The good conditions of the Emperour Theodosian.

THe Emperour Theodosian could not endure to haue any to his seruants who were proud and arrogant, or of too braue and vaunting an humour: much lesse could he suffer [Page] them that were shameles, mutinous, dissolute, seditious, or rash in their speech. And he was wont to say, that that Prince could neuer be well beloued of his people, nor obeyed of his subiects, as long as he did suffer any to be neare him or about him for his ordinarie seruants, that were presumptuous and arrogant: or if his Officers were ambitious and couetous: or if his fauorites and familiars were either dishonest, or imprudent, double hearted, or double tounged.

By the seruant, men iudge vvhat his lord is: and such a man, such a maister.

A Sentence of the Empresse Sophia.

TIberius being appointed to haue the gouernement of the Roman Empire, in place of the Emperor Iustin, who was become sickely: Sophia the wife of the said Iustin entring into speech with Tiberius (who was a most bountifull Prince) amongst other matters vsed this sentence in her speech vnto him: It is much better, [Page] and a thing more easie to be endured: that a Prince should be an ill mā and a good Prince: then to be an ill Prince and a good man.

Certaine braue speeches of the Lord of Assier.

IAques de Genouillay Lord of Assier, called Galeot, (who was grand Maister of the Ordinance to king Levvis the twelfth: being determined to go to Mitilen to beare armes against the Turkes, vnder the commaund of Monsieur de Rauestin: and disposing of his affaires against he went on his voyage, he was admonished by his friends to make his wil, and to ordaine his Sepulture, if he should happen to be slaine in that warre: to whom he gaue this answer: What need I take care to trouble my selfe, with thinking where I shall be buried, or by whom? shall I not haue (trow ye) Pioners enough about me, who will not leaue me vnburied if I fortune to dye there?

His so [...]e taking his leaue of him [Page] to go to the battel of Serizoles against the armie of the Emperor Charles the fifth, he said vnto him: You cannot possibly get to be at the battell in time. His sonne answered him: I will ride thither post. The father replyed: What, will you cause your horses to runne, and your armour to be caried post? No (quoth the sonne) when I my selfe shall haue gotten thither: I shall easily find horse and armour. Oh poore man (said the Lord of Assier) wilt thou go seeke thy death in post?

As if he had said vnto him: you cannot find there such horse and armes as will be fit for thy bodie, which will be the cause of thy death. And indeede there he made his end.

A foolish speech of certaine Ambassadours of Venice.

THe Venetiās sent two yong Ambassadors to the Emperour Fredericke, vnto whom [...] would not giue audience: they [...] to know the cause, vnderstood: [...] it was the [Page] custome to send on Ambassade to the Emperour, men that were aged and of good yeares, and not young beardlesse men, such as they were. Whereupon they humbly besought the Emperour that he would giue them leaue to speake a word vnto him nothing concerning their Ambassade: which being granted them, they said vnto the Emperour: Sacred Maiestie: If the Seignorie of Venice had thought, that knowledge and prudence had onely had his abiding in beards, they would haue sent vnto your Highnesse two Goates for Ambassadours.

The truth is, that the speeches of an Ambassadour are of much more respect & authoritie, vvhen they are accompanied with aged yeares, prudence and experience: and these young Ambassadours did sh [...]vv by their speech, that the conceipt and opinion of the Emperour vvas true vvhich he had ronceiued of them.

A pleasa [...] speech of Dant the Italian Poet.

[Page] THe Poet Dant demaunded of a citizen of Florence, what houre it was: who answered him very rudely, that it was the houre, in which horses go to be watered. Dant suddenly replyed: What doest thou here then, that goest not with them?

Of a cause decided by a French Gentleman.

Two French Gentlemen discoursing of single fight and combat, whether it be lawfull or not: the one of them said: That there was no agreement between learning and the sword: the other answered: We which liue in the Latine Church, as Christians, are bound to obserue those lawes which it ordaineth: and to protect & defend them with the sword: which ought not to be drawne but for that cause onely.

The lavv of man permitteth single combate, but the lavv of God prohibiteth it.

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A sentence of the Chauncelor of Fraunce.

SPeech being had in the presence of Anthony de Prat Chauncelor of Fraunce, touching the warre of king Frauncis for the recouerie of Millain: and some affirming that it were good that Millaine were vtterly destroied and ruinated, in regard of the dammage that it had brought vnto the French: he answered: It is very necessarie that Millaine should stand in state as it is: because it serueth as a purgation to the realme of France, to take away and remoue the ill humours of idle and ill disposed persons which otherwise might corrupt and destroy it.

This was the sentence vvhich Scipio Africanus vsed in his speech to the Romanes concerning the preseruation of Carthage from being ruinated.

The patience of Seigneur Sforce.

[Page] A Knight of Nola came to tell Seigneur Sforce how a Gentleman one Tartaglia had spoken very badly of him at a certain banquet, where he had reproched him with all kind of villanie: and he affirmed his report with many great oathes, to the intent he might the better be beleeued. The Lord Sforce said vnto him: My friend, thou needest not paine thy self so much to make me beleeue that which thou tellest me: because that Tartaglia doth vse neuer to speak of any but euill: and it is very likely, that he would not make spare of his ill speech with all kind of violence, licentiousnesse and libertie euen to his vttermost, especially being in place fit and conuenient for such a purpose.

By this answer he gaue the talebearer to vnderstand: that Tartaglia was not much to be regarded, both in respect he vvas reputed a common backebiter: and in regard of his drunkennesse whereunto he noted him to be subiect.

An Apotheg of the same Sforce.

[Page] THe said Sforce being in doubt of the ambushes & forces of Paule Vrsin, forsooke the citie of Rome where he was abiding, and went to encampe himselfe in the forrest of Aglio. The Cardinall of Saint Ang [...]ll the Popes Legate went vnto him to perswade him to returne to Rome, with promise and assurance of sa [...]etie during his being there: and amongst other speeches vsed vnto him, he said: Seigneur Sforce, will you be afraid of a Beare, being vnder the protection and assurance of a strong Colonne or pillar to defend you? (for then was the Pope of the house of the Colonnois which in Italian signifieth a pillar:) but Sforce made him this answer: My lord Cardinall, you might thinke me a very foole, if I would rely or trust vpon the succours and defence of a deafe and dead peece of Marble: and not be afraid of a great monstrous beast: who being armed with terrible teeth and nailes, doth walke notwithstanding as men vse to do.

By this allusion, he shewed that the succours [Page] of the Pope were slow and long in comming: and he discouered the high courage and great forces of Paul V [...]sin his enemie.

The Epitaph of Charles duke of Burgūdy, vvho vvas slaine before Nancie in Lorain in the yeare 1477.

Te piguit pacis vita taeduitq? quietis:

Hîc iaces Charole, iam (que) quiesce tibi.

Vnpleasing to thee in thy life vvas peace and quietnes:

But Charles here novv doest thou lye: now therefore take thy rest.

Philip of Commines in his hostorie testifieth, that this Charles duke of Burgundie was of so turbulent a spirit & delighting in warres, as he had neuer one houre of rest in all his life.

The properties of three Nations taxed.

A Great Lord was wont to say: that three sorts of men were to be taken heede of: namely: A red Italian, [Page] a white French man, and a blacke Germaine.

A notable sentence of the Queene of England.

KAtherine of Spaine the wife of Henry the eight king of England, said: That she loued better a temperate and meane fortune, then that which was either too easie and prosperous, or too sharpe and aduerse. Neuerthelesse that if she should be put to her choise which of the two last she would accept, she had rather haue the aduerse then the prosperous: because (said she) commonly they which are vnfortunate, are not altogether destitute of some consolation and comfort: but they which liue in prosperitie for the most part do want the true vse of vnderstanding, reason and iudgement.

Of the President Moruillier.

PHilip de Moruillier President of the Parliament of Paris in the time of king Charles the 7. for some [Page] enuie and malice conceiued against him by the Councellours of the Court, was greatly disliked of them, insomuch as he retired himselfe to the kings Court: who assoone as occasion was offered preferred him to the dignitie of chief President. Within a while after being come into the Parliament there to take possession of his new place and dignitie: and being set in the chiefe and principall seat, he began very aptly his Oration in this manner with a place of the Scripture.

Lapidem quē reprobauerunt aedificantes, hîc factus est in caput anguli.

The stone which the builders refused, is become the head stone in the corner.

Monsieur de S. Romain at that time Procurer generall for the king, answered him with another text of the Psalmist as fit as the former, saying: A Domino factum est istud, & est mirabile in oculis nostris.

This is the Lords doing, and it is maruellous in our eyes.

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A merrie conceipt of king Alphonsus.

ALphonsus king of Naples had in his Court a foole or iester, who did vse to put downe in a booke or paire of writing tables all the follies, (at least those which he thought such) of all the Lords, Gentlemen, and others of his time which he knew to frequent the Court. It happened that the king Alphonsus hauing a Moore in his house, sent him into the Leuāt with ten thousand duckets there to buy him horses: the foole set downe in his booke this act of the king as a tricke of folly. A few daies after, the king Alphonsus called to his foole to see his booke, hauing not seene it of a good time before: In reading within it, in the end thereof he found the historie of himselfe, and his Moore, and the 10000. duckets which he had deliuered him: whereat the king being offended, and growing into choler demaunded of the foole: wherefore he had put him in his booke? [Page] Because (quoth the foole) you did a very foolish act in giuing your money to a straunger, whome you are like to see no more. But how if he come backe againe (said the king) and bring the horses with him, where is my folly then? Marrie (replyed the foole) whensoeuer he commeth againe, I will then blot your name out of my booke, and will put in his in stead of yours: for then I shall hold him the more foole of the two.

The magnificence of a king of England.

CHiniton or Chinite king of England; who raigned about the yeare of Christ 1025. was of so haughtie and so great a mind, that he caused a royal throne to be prepared and erected for him neare the sea side: and seeing the tide to beat with the waues against his seat, he spake out aloud vnto the sea: Thou art my subiect, and the land whereon I am set is mine: and therefore I forbid thee to rise against my land, or to [Page] wet the bodie and apparell of thy Lord and maister: the sea notwithstanding holding on his course in flowing, came to wet his feete, which he seeing presently gaue backe and said: Now may all men know, that all humane power is but meere vanitie: and no mortall man is worthy to beare the name of a king, but he only to whose commaund the heauens, the earth, and the sea by a perpetuall decree are subiect and obedient.

A pleasant conceipt of an Italian Gentleman, vpon the interpretation of the names of two Popes.

AFter the death of Pope Alexander the sixt, Nicholas the fifth being created Pope, certain Italian Gentlemen walking in the Popes hall, deuised together of the death of the one and the creation of the other, and of the conditions of thē both. Amongst them was maister Antonio Agnello, who with a good grace said vnto the rest of the company: My maisters: you need not much to trouble your [Page] selues in giuing your iudgements of the two Popes: for I beleeue that these two inscriptions will easily resolue vs of our doubts: and so saying he cast his eye vpon one of the two portals of the hall: and standing still shewed them with his finger this inscription:

Alexander PP. VI. which signifieth: Alexander Pope the sixth of that name. See (said he) what this inscription doth import: Is it not as much as to say: that Alexander was made Pope by force? Let vs see now if we can vnderstand any thing touching the new Pope: & then turning himselfe (as if it had bene at aduentures) to the other portall, he shewed them this inscription: N. PP. V. which signifieth Nicholas Pope the fifth. O Lord God (quoth he) see, here is ill newes: Nihil Papa valet: that in English is: The Pope is nothing woorth.

An honourable act of an Italian Lord.

[Page] AN Italian Nobleman surnamed the grand Captaine, being set at his table, and seeing two Gentlemen (who had serued very valiantly in the warres) to stand below in his hall because the seates at the table were all filled: he immediatly arose, and caused all the rest of his guests to make place for these two, saying: Make place I pray for these two Gentlemen to dine: for if they had not bene in our company elsewhere, we should not haue had at this time whereof to eate.

Of a mocke which he gaue to another Gentleman.

THe same Captaine seeing a Gentleman of his own come before him in good order, and richly armed after the battell of Serignolle: and when all things were safe and in quiet: he said vnto his company: We neede not now feare any storme, for Saint Hermes hath appeared vnto vs. By this quippe he taxed the Gentleman [Page]to be of small valour, for comming to the field after al daunger of fight was past: for the common opinion is, that Saint Hermes doth vse to appeare at sea to the Mariners, after that the furie of a tempest at sea is gone & past.

A speech of the same Captaine to a Gentleman touching himselfe.

DIego Garsia Spanish Gentleman counselled the grand Captaine Gonsaluo, to withdraw himselfe from a place of great daunger where the Artillerie of the enemie did play vpō them: O (quoth he) seeing that God hath not put any feare in thy courage, do not thou seeke to put any in mine.

Of the brother of the great Turke.

GEin Ottoman brother vnto the great Turke being prisoner at Rome, and seeing the Gentlemen of [Page] Italy to iust a [...]d tilt together: he said: That that manner of turney (in his opinion) seemed too much to be done in sport, and too little to be done in earnest.

It happened on a time that one in the presence of this Turke, highly commended the young king Ferdinand of Naples, in regard he was a man of excellent agility and actiue of his person for running, vaulting, leaping and other corporall exercises of that kind: whereof he tooke occasiō to say: That in his countrey, those were the exercises of slaues: and that the young Gentlemen and Noblemen did learne to practise bountie and liberalitie, and that by such vertues they made themselues the more commendable.

Liberalitie is a vertue whereby Princes do purchase and entertaine the loue both of their subiects and of strangers.

A pleasant quip giuen to a Gentleman by the Marquesse of Mantua.

THe Marquesse Frederick of Mantua [Page] sitting at the table in companie of many Gentlemen: one of them after he had eaten vp all the broth, tooke his porenger with that little that remained and threw it on the ground: saying withall (as it were by way of excuse) my Lord, I pray pardon me: whereupon the Marquesse suddenly answered: Demand pardō of the swine: for if there be any harm done it is to them and not to me.

A comparison made by Iohn Gonzaga.

THe lord Iohn de Gonzaga playing and loosing his money at dice, saw that his sonne Alexander did grieue at his losse: whereupon he said vnto some Gentlemen there present: It is written of Alexander the Great, that when he heard of a victorie gotten by his father Philip king of Macedon, and of a realme which he had conquered: he fell on weeping: and being demaunded the cause why he wept: he answered: Because his father got so many Countreys, that he doubted lest he [Page] would leaue none for him to conquer: Cleane contrarie (said he) doth my son Alexander: for seeing me to loose, he is afraid lest I will lose so much, as I will leaue little or nothing for him to lose.

A quippe giuen by one Raphaell an Italian Painter to tvvo Cardinals.

THe excellent and famous painter Raphael of Vrbin being very inward with two Cardinals they (to see what he would say vnto them) in his presence found fault with a certaine table or picture of his making, wherein S. Peter and S. Paule were painted, saying: That the visage of those two images were too red: whereunto he quickly made answer: My lords, thinke not much that they looke so red: for I haue painted thē as they now are in heauen: and this rednesse in their faces commeth of pure shame which they haue to see the Church so ill gouerned by such men as you are.

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A prudent counsell of Laurence de Medicis.

SEigneur Lavvrence de Medicis not knowing how to restraine the excessiue liberalitie of his sonne Cosmus de Medicis, who vsed to giue vnmeasurable summes both of gold and siluer to his fauorites: and not willing to haue either his sonne noted of prodigalitie, nor himselfe of auarice: & yet being withall more vnwilling to tell him of it, because he would not discontent him: he deuised a very subtill and honest pollicie how to effect his desire, which was this: He commaunded his pursebearer, that when his sonne did demaund any money of him, that he should not deny him any, but should giue it him whatsoeuer he desired, yet with this conditiō, that Seigneur Cosmus himselfe should count and tell out the money which he desired. Within a while the sonne came to the pursebearer, & demanded 8000. duckets, which he meant to giue for a present to some great [Page] personage: the pursebearer said vnto him: that he wold gladly deliuer him the summe he desired, vpon condition that himselfe would count it out, according as he had in charge giuen him from his Lord and maister Seigneur Laurence. Cosmus accepting the offer, fell to telling of his duckets, but he had not counted the two thousand of them, but he began to bewearie, because he thought too much time lost from his accustomed pleasures, insomuch as in the midst of his count he left all: and fell into consideration with himselfe that the summe was too great to giue away: and so determined from thencefoorth to be no more so prodigall.

A counsell of Cosmus de Medicis.

A Certaine man had obtained an office neare vnto Florence, by the meanes and mediation of Cosmus de Medicis, of whome he demaunded his aduice, what meanes he might vse in his office for the good managing of his affaires: Seigneur Cosmus answered him: Cloth thy selfe with scarlet, and speake little.

[Page] The man that speaketh litle cannot be conuinced of folly: and a goodly habite (were it on a beast) vvill get him reputation: but a vvise man wil soone find a difference.

A speech of a Pope.

THe Bishop of Seruia desirous to sound the Popes mind, touching a sute which he would gladly haue graunted him, said vnto him: Holy Father: it is a common speech ouer all Rome, and in your pallace: that your Holinesse hath made me Gouernour of the citie: whereunto the Pope answered: Let them say what they list: they are some leud fellowes that talke so: But do not you beleeue it to be so: for you shall find it nothing lesse.

The death of the Chauncelor of Millain.

LEvvis Sforce being in the castell of Millain: and perceiuing that the army of the French king Levvis the twelfth was comming to besiege him, demaunded of Maister [Page] Sico his Chauncellour: what he thought the best meane to gard and defend his castell against the French: he answered: L'amor de gli huomini: The loue of the people. The duke storming very exceedingly at his speech: and knowing that the Chancellour was well beloued of the Millanois, entred into a suspition of him, that he had a purpose to depriue him of his principalitie. And to set his mind at quiet from this conceipt, he caused the Chauncellour to be beheaded on a high scaffold in an open and publike place. The Chauncelor before his death complaining of the crueltie of the said Levvis, said these words: Ameil cappo á te il stato: which is, as if he would say: Thou causest me to lose my head: but others will make thee lose thy Seigneurie and state: which was in the end well verified: for within a small time after, hauing lost the Duchie and castell of Millaine, he was led prisoner into Fraunce where he died in great miserie.

The loue of the subiects is the most firme [Page] pillar for any Prince to leane vnto: for vvhere hatred raigneth, a Prince hath no assurance. Also many men at their death do foreshevv things to come, and that oftentimes, by the iust iudgement of the deuine vengeance.

A saying of Pope Alexander the sixth.

VVHen king Charles the eighth passed into Italy towards the realme of Naples, (which he conquered in a very short time:) Pope Alexander the sixth who then liued, said: The French men are come into this countrey with their spurres made of wood, and with chalke in their hands as though they came like Friers, to marke out their lodgings without any further labour or trauell.

By this speech he noted, with what ease & facilitie the French atchieued the conquest of the kingdome of Naples.

The ansvver of the Countie of Nansot.

THe Earle of Nansot Lieutenant for the Emperour Charles the [Page] fifth, hauing besieged the towne of Peronne which held for the French: the Queene of Hungarie, sister to the Emperour, and Regent of that countrie for him, sent letters vnto the said Earle, the contents whereof were: That she was ashamed and much maruelled how he could spend so long time before Peronne, which was but esteemed but in manner of a douecote? whereunto he returned this answer: that true it was the towne was but a little douecote: but yet the pigoens which were within it were strong and not easie to be taken.

A small place, the stronger it is, the more difficult it is to be gotten: and it is more easie to be defended, vvhen the defendants are vvell appointed and furnished for resistance.

Of the Lord of Trimouille.

KIng Frauncis the first ordinarily did vse to go to Masse in his Chappell: but the lord of Trimouille would euer go to the publick church that was next adioyning; and being [Page] on a time demaunded why he went not to heare Masse in the Chappell with the king: he answered: I will go thither where my great maister is.

An act of the Duchesse of Burbon.

THe report is that the Duchesse of Burbon had in her house a certain damosell, who through loue suffered her selfe to be gotten with child: for which fault she being sharpely reprehended, to purge her selfe she said, that a gentleman in the house had enforced and rauished her against her will. The gentleman came to the presence of the Dutches to excuse himselfe: whereupon the Dutchesse tooke his Rapier, and put it into the damosels hand that accused him, keeping the scabbard in her owne hand, and then said vnto her: Put the Rapier into this scabbard: & as she endeuoured to put it therein: the Duchesse holding the scabbard to her, stirred her hand vp and down, so as by any means the damsel [Page] could not sheath it: then the Dutches said vnto her: If thou hadst done as thou seest me do with this scabbard, then this mischaunce had neuer befalne thee.

It is impossible for a vvoman to be forced against her vvill: notvvithstanding that vvhich is reported of Lucrece.

Another act of a Dutchesse.

I Haue heard the report of another act which was most excellent and worthie to be had in remembrance. A great Prince of Fraunce by the counsell of some of his friends, and with the Popes dispensation had caused a separation betweene him and his wife, onely because she had no issue of her body, which he imputed to her disabilitie: and thereupon maried another wife. Within a small time after, this Noble man remembring himselfe of his first wife, sent vnto her on a Newyeares day a most rich and precious robe by a Gentleman his familiar friend, who presented [Page] it vnto the Lady the same day. The Princesse receiuing the robe, after long speech had with the Gentleman, demaunded if it were her husband of himselfe that sent her this present: and being assured by him that it came directly from her husband: she presently cut it asunder, & separated the vpper frō the neather part: and afterwards deliuering the vpper part of the garment backe vnto the Gentleman, she said vnto him: My friend: thanke your maister from me for the loue and affection that he seemeth to continue towards me: & carrie him backe againe this part of his robe, and tell him from me, that he keepe well the vpper part: and for the neather part, let him not doubt but I will looke well vnto it, & keep it safely as long as it shall please God to lend me life.

By this conceipt the Princesse meant that she vvould during her life keepe her chastitie vvithout marying againe, vvhich she did vvith great patience and constancie.

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A christian saying of the Emperour Charles the fifth.

AFter the victorie which Charles the fifth, obtained against Iohn Fredericke duke of Saxonie Elector of the Empire, who was taken prisoner in a battel foughten betweene them: the Emperour said all openly: I cannot [...] Iulius Caesar said: Veni, vidi, vici: [...] will onely say: Veni, vidi, & [...] Deus vicit.

A braue ansvver of the Countie of Anguien.

FRauncis of Burbon Earle of Anguien, being for king Frauncis in Piemont against the armie of the Emperour Charles the fifth, whereof was chiefe General the Marquesse of Guast: the said Marquesse sent this message vnto the said Lord of Anguien, (who was very young) that his beard was to little for him to haue the hardinesse to meete him in battel. [Page] Whereunto the Lord of Anguien sent this answer: That it was not with their beards that the French did vse to fight: but that as this was the office of their swords: so with the sword he came to seeke him and to offer him battell.

There are many affaires of great importance, vvherein regard is to be had not to the age, but to the prudence & experience of him that hath the managing of them.

A sharpe and pleasant speech of a foole belonging to the Marquesse of Guast.

BEfore the battell foughten at Serizoles, the same Marquesse of Guast assuring himselfe of the victorie, gaue vnto one that was his iester afaire gilt Armour, and a Iener of Spaine, promising him (ouer and aboue that of his owne good grace and pleasure) to giue him fiue hundred duckets, to the intent he should be the first that should go & cary vnto [Page] his lady the Marquesse the newes of his victorie. It happened (as good fortune would) that the French gained the iourney, and the Emperours armie was defeated. Amongst the Spaniards that were taken prisoners, this iester of the Marquesse hapned to be one: who by reason he was so well mounted & armed, was thought to be some great Lord or Knight: & being brought before the Lord of Anguien after he had a while questioned with him, he knew him what he was: and demaunding of him who had furnished him in that good order: the iester answered: My lord the Marquesse gaue me my horse and armes: and should haue giuen me besides fiue hundred duckets to go and tell my ladie his wife the first tidings of his victorie: but I beleeue (said he) that the Marquesse will gaine the money himselfe, and that he is posted thither in person.

Of a Parmisan that by his subtilty saued himselfe from trouble.

[Page] A Certaine man at armes a Parmisan, passing by Saluces arriued into a publike place, in the middest whereof was an high columne or pillar erected, vpon the which was pitched an Eagle imperiall: to the which this souldier casting vp his eyes very attentiuely, as if he had bene suddenly astonished, he began in manner of cursing to say: Oh foule mischiefe may befall him that set thee there so high! Diuerse standing there by, and walking vp and downe in that place, acquainted the Magistrate with this speech of the Parmisan: who being led before the Iustice, and demaunded if he had spoken such words as were obiected against him: he confessed that he had spoken them: and that the occasion which moued him to say so, was, for that the Eagle was set ouer high. For (said he) I beare so great reuerence and loue to the Eagle which representeth the Maiestie imperiall, that if it had bene below where I might haue reached it, I would not haue spared to haue embraced [Page] and kissed it. By this answer turned contrarie to the intendment and expectation of them all, he saued himselfe from trouble, and was suffered to depart safely out of the towne.

Necessitie vvill sometime constraine a man to avvaken his spirits: and to auoide daunger to turne his vvords in a double sense.

An honorable opinion of the Dolphinesse of Fraunce.

MArgaret daughter to the king of Scots, and wife to the Dolphine of Fraunce, who was afterwards king Levvis the eleuenth, passing on a time through a hall, where lay sleeping on a bench Alan Chartier Secretarie to king Charles the seuenth, a man of singular learning, and a most excellent Poet and Oratour in the French toung, went to kisse his mouth in the presence of al her companie. Whereupon one of those who attended her, said: Madame: It is verie [Page] straunge that you should kisse a fellow so filthie and deformed. She answered: I did not kisse the man but the mouth, out of which hath proceeded so many excellent conceipts, graue matters, and most eloquent speeches.

The goods of the mind are to be preferred before the beautie of the body: and many times in vessels of base stuffe, are enclosed most precious liquours.

The subtill request of Iohn de Menu, to saue himselfe from the furie of certaine Ladies.

QVite contrarie to the former act, was that which a Queene of Fraunce with her ladies did vnto Iohn de Menu the first and principall Poet of the French nation: for he hauing composed that renowned booke of The Roman of the Rose: (in the which he bringeth in a iealous man, that speaketh all the euill that possibly can be imagined of women and their dispositions) by reason [Page] thereof he incurred the indignation and displeasure of the Queene and other Ladies, who determined to be reuenged of him. One day therefore the Queen by the means of the other Ladies did so much that she got Iohn de Menu in her power, and hauing reuiled, iniuried and threatened him exceedingly for speaking ill of womenkind: she commaunded her damosels to strippe him naked, and to tye him to a pillar, purposing that they themselues should scourge him. He seeing that all the reasons and excuses which he could make, could not preuaile against their rage and furie, humbly intreated that before they began to execute their wrath and malice vpon him, it wold please the Queene to graunt him one request, which with great difficultie he obtained. Well then (quoth he) faire Ladies, seeing you haue vouchsafed me this fauour, as to condescend vnto my demaund: I pray you that the most arrant and notorious whore in all your company may begin to whippe me, and to giue me the first [Page] stripe. This said, they were all confounded and amazed, and left him alone at his libertie.

The answer of the Lord Chabanes to king Lewis the eleuenth.

KIng Levvis the eleuenth hauing giuen charge to Baluë Bishop of Eureux to go take and receiue the muster of the men of armes in Paris: The lord of Chabanes great Maister of Fraunce requested the king to graunt him a Commission to go and reforme the Chanons of the Church of Eureux. Why (quoth the king) that is no fit and conuenient charge for you: yea but (said he) this is as well befitting to my estate and calling, as it is for the Bishop of Eureux to haue to do with the ordering of men at armes.

A historie of a Radish giuen to king Lewis the eleuenth.

THe same king Levvis being but yet Dolphin of Fraunce did for a [Page] certaine time soiourne and remain in Burgundie for feare of his father: during the which, vsing to take his pleasure and recreation in hunting, he did often frequent and resort to the cottage of a poore forrester named Conon (as it is often seene that great Princes do sometimes take pleasure to be familiar with people of meane reckening) with whome taking his repast, he did vse diuerse times to eate Radishes. Afterwards coming to be king, this poore fellow Conon (by the perswasion of his wife) in hope to feele the bountie and liberalitie of the Prince, came into Fraunce, and brought with him of the fairest Radishes of his garden, to make a present of them to his Maiestie: but by constraint of hunger for want of victuals on the way, he was enforced to eate them vp al saue one, which was the greatest and fairest of them all. Being come to the Court, he was knowne by the king, who sent for him to his presence, and he good man verie cheerefully presented the great Radish vnto his Maiestie. [Page] The king tooke it and accepted it very graciously, and caused one that was neare about him to lay it vp amongst his chiefest and most precious iewels: and after he made the forrester to dine well, he gaue him a thousand Crownes and so dismissed him. It happened not long after, that a Courtier vpon a vaine hope presented the king with a very goodly horse, of a most excellent making and perfection in all parts: supposing that the king would recompence him for him most bountifully. The king bethinking himselfe wherwith he might reward him, remembred him of his Radish, which being wrapped vp in white paper, he gaue to the Courtier: telling him that he should accept of that in good part. The gentleman returning to his lodging, and hoping to find some great treasure, vnfolded his packet and found nothing but a Radish: whereupon he went and made his complaint vnto the king, thinking that he had but mistaken one thing for another: but the king presently made him this [Page] answer: Passion of God, man: I think I haue well payed for thy horse: for the present which I gaue thee cost me a thousand crownes.

This vvas a most royall kind of liberalitie, in recompensing bountifully the good affections and long trauels of a poore man vvell deseruing: and to revvard the audacious according to his demerites.

The speech of a President of Paris to king Levvis the twelfth.

A Great Lord of Fraunce betaking himselfe to force of armes, violently entred the prison of the Castle of Paris, and tooke thence a Gentleman of his house who was held there prisoner, and led him away. The lord of Vacquerie chiefe and first President in the Parliament of Paris being aduertised of this case, went vnto the king Levvis the twelfth, vnto whome (after he had done due reuerence) he said: Sir, I wonder how you can be merrie considering the wrong that is [Page] done you, and me thinkes you shold feele it. Wherfore quoth the king? Because sir (said he) your right arme is broken. I vnderstand you not (replyed the king:) your right arme sir (quoth the President) is your iustice, which is now broken and violated: and so recounted vnto him from point to point what had happened, wherewith the king was highly displeased: and hauing caused the Lord to be sent for to appeare before him, he commaunded him to repaire his fault, and made him to yeeld such satisfaction as was fit and according to reason.

Iustice is that vvherby Princes do raign: and it is the principall force and strength to preserue a realme in good estate.

A iudgement of a king of England.

A King of England seeing two Gentlemen earnestly contending and desiring the combat each of other for the armes of their houses [Page] (for both of them bore a Buls head in their shield) before they entred into the lists to darreine the battell, he called them both before him seuerally and in secret, and said vnto them: As farre as I can perceiue, the onely thing that induceth you to claim the combate each of other, is: that the one of you cannot suffer the other to carrie the armes of his family: But if I can bring it to passe, & shew you how the Armes of your aduersarie are farre different from yours, will you be contented to surcease your quarrell, and to leaue the combate? Whereunto when either of them had seuerally consented, the king by a Herald caused it to be proclaimed, that he had found a meane to accord them: and that their armes were diuerse: for from hencefoorth (quoth the king) the one shall beare in his shield the head of a Bull, and the other the head of a Cow.

This sentence was vvorthie to be commended: both in that it sauoured of a pleasant and vvittie conceipt, and [...] them also from proceeding to the [Page] combate vpon so trifling an occasion.

A similitude of the foole of the Duke of Millain.

IT happened that there fell a pleasant controuersie in the presence of the duke Sforce of Millain, whether was to be preferred as most worthie of honour either the Aduocate or the Phisition. For (said one) the Aduocat pleadeth causes for the conseruation of right and equitie, and for the augmentation both of the priuate and publicke good. The Phisition (said another) by his skill and knowledge keepeth man in health, and freeth him from sicknes and diseases. Vpon this debate, the Dukes foole being in place, began to speake and said: If it please my lord the Duke that I shall shew my conceipt vpon this point, I shall soone end the controuersie. Marry and good reason (quoth the duke) speake on hardly, and let vs heare thy opinion. My lord (said the foole) you see ordinarily: that [Page] when a felon is led to the gallowes to be hanged, commonly the theefe goeth before, and the hangman followeth after.

By the theefe be vnderstood the Aduocat, and by the hangman the Phisition: because the one often robbeth his Clients of their money: and the other killeth his patients with his Phisicke.

FINIS.

NOTABLE AND excellent Sentences of ancient Authors, both Hebrewes, Greekes, and Latines: inducing euery man to liue well and vertuously.

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FIRST, and aboue all things, shew thy selfe religious towards God, not onely by thy oblations and sacrifices, but also in keeping the vowes & promises which thou swearest vnto him: the one will be an argument of thy wealth and abilitie: by the other is knowne thy faith and honestie.

2 Honour God daily: but principally after the manner and fashion instituted and ordained by thy countrey wherin thou liuest: to the intent thou maist be esteemed both deuout in thy religion, and obedient also to [Page] the lawes: both together and at one instant.

3 Be thou such a one in thy behauiour towards thy parents, as thou wouldest that thy owne children (when thou hast any) should be towards thee.

4 Vse thy bodie to labour and exercise, not onely to make it strong and able, but also healthfull and well disposed: the which thou maist well do, if thou vse to make an end of thy labour, whilest thou art able to continue and endure labour.

5 Be not immoderate in thy laughter, nor too audacious in thy speech: for the one is a signe of folly: and the other is an argument of pride and arrogancie.

6 That which is dishonest in the doing, do not thou thinke honest to be spoken.

7 Accustome thy self to a countenance not too much addicted to sorrow or sadnesse: for that will be imputed to a proud and loftie spirit: but shew thy selfe imaginatiue and secret: for that is an office well beseeming [Page] a mā of wisdom & prudēce.

8 There is nothing more beseeming a man, then to be neat, proper, modest, iust and temperate: all which things are maruellously fitte for young men.

9 Thinke not in the doing of any ill deed that thou canst conceale it: for albeit it neuer come to be knowne of others: yet thou shalt alwaies find it in the remorce of thy owne conscience

10 Feare God: honour thy parents: reuerence thy friends: obey the lawes.

11 Embrace in all honest and good sort thy pleasure and delectation: for honest recreation is good, though the contrarie therof be most pernicious.

12 Shun the calumniations of men to the vttermost of thy power, yea though they be false and vndeserued: for the most part of the world is ignorant of the truth of matters, & is guided by opiniō, not by iudgmēt.

13 Whatsoeuer thou dost enterprize and vndertake, so do it as if it were [Page] to come to the knowledge of all men: for albeit for a time thou maist keepe it secret, yet in the end thou shalt be sure to be discouered.

14 It is a most sure and readie way for a man to get credite and estimation, not to cōmit those things which he shall reprehend in others that do the same.

15 If thou be greedie and desirous of knowledge, thou shalt be sure to attaine to knowledge.

16 The best way for a man to retaine in memorie that which he knoweth, is to exercise himselfe continually to the often remembrance of it.

17 That (whereof thou art ignorant) learne of them that are skilfull: for it is as shamefull and foule a thing not to learne a good thing when thou hearest it: as it is to reiect his friend in an honest gift when he presenteth it.

18 Lay hold of time whilst thou hast leasure and time to learne: and be diligent to giue eare vnto those that are wise and learned: for by this [Page] meane thou shalt easily get vnderstanding and knowledge of that, which others haue inuented with great difficultie.

19 Preferre knowledge before wealth and riches: the one soone fadeth, the other abideth for euer. For amongst all the goods of this life only wisedome is immortall.

20 Be not slacke or negligent to go into farre and forraine countries, to learne of those that are famous for their skill and knowledge in any good thing or science: for it must needes be a shame vnto thee, to see that Merchants will aduenture their liues to the daunger and hazard of the seas to enrich themselues: & that thou being lustie, young, and able, shouldest not trauell throughout the world to better thy mind and vnderstanding.

21 Be thou in thy manners curteous and full of humanitie: and in thy speeches affable and friendly: The courteous person will salute those whom he meeteth gladly: and the affable will discourse with them [Page] familiarly.

22 Make thy selfe pleasing and agreable to euery man if it be possible: and acquaint thy selfe onely with such as are good and vertuous: for in so doing thou shalt shunne the hatred of the one, and shalt be sure to get the fauour of the other.

23 Frequent not the companie of one and the same sort of men too often: nor vse not to discourse too long of one and the same matter: for there is nothing but it may be tedious and wearisome.

24 Accustome thy selfe gladly and willingly to endure things with patience: to the intent thou maist the better do it, when thou shalt be forced to sufferance.

25 Abstain from all such things wherein thou shalt haue little or no honestie to be exercised: as to be too greedie and couetous of gaine, to be cholericke, voluptuous, or melancholie: which thou shalt easily do, if thou esteeme it gaine to get honour rather then riches: & if thou vse choler against those that offend thee, as [Page] thou wouldest that others should vse it towards thee if thou shouldest offend them: and as thou iudgest it not seemely to be commaunded of thy seruants: so is it not fit that thou sholdest be subiect to thy affections. And last of all, endure with patience and constancie misfortunes and aduersitie: and fixing thine eye and regard vpon the miseries of other men, consider that thou thy selfe also art a man.

26 Be more carefull to keep thy word and promise, then the money which is committed to thee in trust: for honest and good men ought so to gouerne themselues, that men should haue more confidence on their honestie, then in their oath.

27 There is no lesse reason for a man to be distrustful of the wicked then to giue credite to such as are good and vertuous.

28 Reueale not thy secret to any person liuing, vnlesse they to whom thou shalt disclose it, haue as great reason to conceale it in silence, as thou hast to impart it vnto them.

[Page] 29 When thou shalt be enioyned to take an oath, thou oughtest for two reasons to accept of it: either to cleare and purge thy selfe of some villanous actiō that may be obiected vnto thee: or to preserue and saue thy friends from daunger.

30 Sweare not in any case for lucre or desire of money, although thou haue iust occasion to take an oath: for in so doing, thou shalt be esteemed of some little better then a periured person: and of others thou shalt be held a man wretchedly couetous.

31 Neuer make choise of anie man for thy friend, of whome thou hast not first gotten some informatiō how he hath vsed his friends before times: and be thou very well assured that he will proue such towards thee, as he hath bene before towards others.

32 Enter not suddenly or too hastily into amitie with any man: and yet after thou hast once professed thy selfe to be a friend, perseuer in his friendship (if it be possible) vnto the [Page] end. For as little honestie it is vnto any man to be without friends, as to chaunge them and to make choise of new often.

33 Make not trial of thy friends with losse: and yet trie them sometimes: the which thou maist do, if not hauing need of them, & before time of necessitie, thou do faine and make shew as though thou hadst neede of them.

34 Communicate thy affaires which thou wouldest haue knowne, as if thou haddest a pretence and purpose to keepe them secret: for if they (to whome thou shalt impart them) do conceale them, thou canst not receiue any dammage by their secrecy: but if they do reueale them: then hast thou good proofe and triall of their manners and conditions, and thou maist afterwards take heed of them.

35 There is no meane so ready for a man to know his friends, as in the middest of the misfortunes of this mortall life: and by the helpe & succours which they affoord a man in his affaires. The former maketh a [Page] triall of them as gold is tried by the fire: and by the latter a man shall know how to trust his friends in time of neede.

36 He that preuenteth the request and intreatie of his friend, and succoureth him in time before he be required, perfourmeth the true dutie and deuoire of perfect amitie.

37 Perswade thy selfe that it is no lesse indignitie to be surmounted in benefites by thy friends, then it is to suffer them to be ouerborne with the iniuries of their enemies.

38 Receiue into thy amitie not onely those which haue compassion of thy aduersities, but them also which are not enuious of thy prosperitie. For there are many who will condole the misfortunes of their friends, and yet afterwards when they see them in prosperitie, will enuie their good fortune.

39 Vse to talke often of thy friends which are absent, before them that are present: to the intent they may perceiue and be perswaded, that thou wilt not be forgetfull of them [Page] likewise, when they shall be absent and farre away from thee.

40 Let the furniture and ornaments of thy person be fit and sutable for thine honour, but not too curious: for the one is seemely and befitting a man of great estate and magnificence: the other appertaineth to persons effeminate, and such as delight in superfluitie.

41 Esteeme not of those, who haue care of nothing else then to heape vp riches, not being able to vse them: they are like to those men that haue goodly horses, and know not how to ride them.

42 Spare not to get riches; yet so, as thou do not only seeke to haue the possession of them, but that thou labour also to haue the true vse of them: for the true fruition of riches yeeldeth pleasure vnto thē that know how to take it: and the possession of them serueth vnto those that can rightly vse them.

43 Esteeme of goods for two reasons: the one that thou maist by [Page] their meanes free thy selfe from an inconuenience: the other that thou maist be able to succour and helpe any honest man thy friend in time of his necessitie.

44 Care not to attaine to that fashion and kind of life, which being excessiue and superfluous, is vsed by other men: but regard the mean and moderate estate.

45 Grieue not nor trouble thy selfe at thy estate and condition present: but labour to amend and better it.

46 Neuer reproch any man with his miserie and calamitie: for asmuch as the like fortune is common to all in generall: and there is no man that knoweth what will befall him.

47 Succour and releeue the good in their time of need: for this is a great treasure, to do good vnto those that are vertuous, and to bind them vnto thee by thy benefites.

48 He that doth good vnto the wicked, is like vnto him that giueth meate vnto another mans dogges: for they barke aswell at him as at [Page] others whom they meete: and euen so do the wicked men vse to wrong and iniurie those that releeue them, as others that do trouble and hurt them.

49 Abhorre flatterers no lesse then common cousiners: for both of them do exceedingly deceiue such as haue any trust or confidence in them.

50 If thy friends do not abandon and forsake thee in euil matters, much more reason will they haue to aide thee in all good actions.

51 Let thy cariage and behauiour be familiar, and not too graue and austere towards those that conuerse with thee. For seruants can hardly beare the haughtinesse and pride of their maisters: and all sorts of people, do gladly fashion and frame themselues to conuerse with those that are priuate and familiar with them. The way to be accounted companiable, is: not to be quarrelsome, troublesome, nor contentious: and moreouer, that thou do not too rudely crosse thy friend in his choler, (although he haue growne into it [Page] vpon a wrong occasion) but rather yeeld and giue way vnto him during his anger: and when it is ouerpast, reprehend him friendly

52 Affect not nor accustome thy selfe to grauitie in trifling matters, nor trifle not in matters of grauitie and importance: for whatsoeuer is done out of season is troublesome and tedious.

53 Be not vnpleasing in doing of a pleasure to any man: as we see many vse to do, who know not how to do a pleasure to their friends with a good and gracious countenance.

54 It is a very troublesome thing to be giuen to be quarrellous: and for any man to studie and beate his braines how to reproue another, doth but incense and irritate men.

55 Gouerne thy selfe with moderation and modestie in thy drinke: but if it happen that thou fall into companie, arise and depart rather then be ouercome with drinking: for whē the spirit is possessed with wine, it is like vnto a chariot or coach horses, which hauing ouerthrowne their [Page] coachman, do runne here and there without all order, hauing none to guide and direct them: so is the soule of a man very much offended, when the vnderstanding is distempered and troubled.

56 Propōund vnto thy self things immortal, as a man of courage and magnanimitie: & vpō mortall things so set thy affections, as thou do vse thy goods which thou hast with moderation and modestie.

57 Knowledge ought to be preferred before ignorance for many reasons, and especially for that in all other things which are odious, yet there is some profite to be found: but ignorance onely is euer noysome & hurtful to the ignorant, & doth make them beare the paine of those offences which they commit, euen in speaking ill of others. When thou wouldest win the friendship and loue of any one, speake well of him vnto thē who may make report thereof vnto him.

58 The beginning of friendship is praise & cōmendation: & the original [Page] of emnitie and hatred, is detraction and contempt.

59 When thou wilt consult vpō any case, take example by that which is past vpon that which is to come: for it is easie to vnderstand that which is obscure & vncertain by that which hath bene formerly manifest and certaine.

60 Be not too hastie in thy deliberations: but when thou hast resolued vpon any enterprize, put it speedily in execution.

61 Thinke that the greatest blessing that can befall thee from God, is to enioy true felicitie: and that the greatest good that can light vpon thee by thine owne industrie, is good counsell.

62 When thou doubtest with hardinesse to vndertake any matter, communicate the same with thy friends, and conferre with them vpō it, making shew as if it were some other mans case: in so doing thou shalt know their opinion without discouering thy owne secrets.

63 When thou wilt deliberate [Page] of any matter of importance with another, consider first how he hath caried himselfe in the like affaires of his owne: for it is very vnlikely that he which hath ill managed his owne proper businesse, can well and prouidently dispatch the affaires of another.

64 There is nothing that doth more incite a man to bethinke himselfe for the good ordering of his affaires, then to regard the losses and dammage which he hath formerly receiued by his own indiscretion: for it is commonly seene, that we are more carefull of our health, when we call to memorie the extreame dolours which we haue suffered in time of our sicknesse.

65 Follow the manners & conditions of Princes, and accommodate thy selfe to their manner of liuing: for in so doing, thou shalt bring them to thinke that their doings are to thy liking: whereof it will ensue, that thou shalt both purchase more authoritie and estimation amongst the people: and thou shalt be the better [Page] assured to stand in the good grace and fauour of thy Prince.

66 Be obedient to the Edicts & Ordinances made by Princes: with this opinion notwithstanding, that there is no law which hath so much strength and efficacie as their liues: for as it is very requisite for those that are gouerned by a popular estate, to honour the people: so it behoueth him that liueth vnder a Monarchie, to admire and reuerence his Prince.

67 Whensoeuer thou shalt be aduanced to any dignitie, in any case vse not the aide and assistance of such as are wicked in any charge or affairs of consequence whatsoeuer: because the blame of all the mischiefe and wickednesse by them committed, shall be imputed continually vnto thee.

68 Whensoeuer thou leauest any place of publike charge, do it rather with a good credite and reputation, then with the request of great wealth and riches: for the praise and commendations of the people ought to be preferred farre before riches.

[Page] 69 Take heed that thou giue no aide nor assistance to any wicked action, nor that thou countenance the same with thy company: for the faults of those whom thou fauourest will be imputed vnto thee as thine owne.

70 So carrie thy selfe in thy behauior, as thou maist be alwaies sure to haue the aduantage and preheminence aboue others: yet so neuer thelesse as thou euer embrace equitie: to the intent that men may thinke thee to loue and embrace iustice, not for want of power to do wrong, but of pure loue to honestie and modestie.

71 It is farre better to be poore and honest, then to be rich and wicked. For certainely iustice is better then riches: because the latter is onely profitable to men liuing: but the former maketh a man to be honoured euen after his decease. Besides, adde hereunto: that riches are oftentimes distributed and bestowed vpon wicked and leud persons, who cannot in any sort notwithstanding participate of vertue and iustice.

[Page] 72 Be not a follower of those that seeke to enrich themselues by vnlawfull and vniust gaine: but of those rather, who can be content to sustaine losse so they may be reputed honest and good men: for admit that iust men haue no other aduantage or preheminence aboue the wicked: yet herein at least do they surmount thē, in that they haue good and vertuous hopes.

73 Haue a care to embrace all that which concerneth the life of mā: but principally and aboue all, exercise prudence: for it is not a thing of small reck ening, for a man to haue a bodie endowed and beautified with a mind of good vnderstanding.

74 Accustome thy bodie to labour & trauell, & thy mind to knowledge and learning: to the intent that by the meane and helpe of the one, thou maist be able to execute that which shall seeme good vnto thee: & by the aide of the other, thou maist foresee that which shall be for thy profite and commoditie.

75 Bethinke thy selfe well of [Page] that which thou art to speake: for of tentimes the toung runneth before the thought.

76 Esteeme not any thing in this world to be stable and certaine: for so shalt thou not reioyce ouermuch in thy prosperitien, or waxe ouer sad or dismayed with aduersitie.

77 There be two occasions wherin thou maist freely and boldly speak thy mind: the first is, in things which thou knowest perfectly & assuredly: the other is, in matters that do necessarily concerne thee: in both which, it is more expedient for thee to speak liberally, then to be silent or say little. As concerning al other matters, it is farre better to be silent, then to talke of them.

78 Take thy honest pleasure and recreation of any thing that is good: and whatsoeuer euill befalleth thee, endure and beare it quietly and contentedly.

79 Be close and secret to thy vttermost in any thing that concerneth thee: for it is small wisedome, and to little purpose, to keepe thy wealth [Page] streight locked vp within thy house: and to haue thy mind laid open to the world.

80 It behooueth any man of discretion to feare reproch more thē any daunger whatsoeuer.

81 Death is fearefull and terrible to faint hearted and wicked persons: but the good & vertuous ought not to feare any thing but dishonour and ignominie.

82 It is good for a man to liue in the greatest assurance that he can possibly: howbeit, if he be constrained to hazard and aduenture himself, it is more fit that he cōtend & striue with it honestly, then to shun & flye from it shamefully, considering that we are all destinated to die: but nature hath onely ordained and framed them that are vertuous to dye valiantly and couragiously.

And now to conclude, if thou find that most of these precepts are nor fit and agreable to thy age, maruell not hereat: for I my selfe do thinke no lesse: notwithstanding I thought it not amisse by one and the same [Page] meane, both to giue thee counsel for the time present, and to leaue thee also precepts for the time to come: wherein thou maiest with more facilitie know what is most fit and conuenient to be vsed: for thou shalt very hardly find any man that wil counsell thee friendly and faithfully, and therefore I was not willing to omit any thing, which I thought would be for thy profi [...]: to the intent thou sholdest not be driuen, to borrow ought of others: but here to find of freecost whatsoeuer shall be fit to serue thy turne. And I shall hold my selfe also much bounden to thanke God, when I shallsee that I am not deceiued of that good opinion which I haue conceiued of you. For euen as it is a common thing with men, to delight themselues in things which are pleasant, rather then such as are wholesome: so do they more willingly conuerse with such as are of corrupt behauiour, and like vnto themselues, then with those that seek to correct and amend them of their ill dispositions. Neuertheles I thinke [Page] that thou wilt be of a contrarie opinion, if thou do but take a coniecture of the labour and trouble which thou shalt endure by addicting thy selfe to the studie of other disciplines. For it is very likely, that he which cō maundeth himselfe to do good and vertuous acts, will willingly giue eare to others who exhort him vnto vertue. Now there is no better meane to incite and prouoke thee to enterprize laudable deedes and actions, then to consider how the true pleasure and contentment reaped by thē doth still continue and abide with vs: and on the contrarie, how idlenesse and deliciousnesse doth soone grow wearisome and tedious: adde therewithall, that voluptuous pleasures are alwaies accompanied with troubles and molestations: but to trauell for vertue, and to liue soberly, bringeth with it true pleasure, and such as is alwaies durable. I deny not but that in the beginning voluptuousnesse may yeeld vnto a man some pleasure and delectation, howbeit sorrow & grief doth soone ouertake it. but in vertue [Page] after great labours and trauels commeth true rest, contentment and perfect pleasure. Now certaine it is that in all our affaires we haue more regard to the issue and end thereof, thē to the beginning: and we do in a maner estimate all our actions by their euents. Moreouer, it is to be considered, how the wicked are neuer at a stay of their wicked actions, but do continue in that fashion and manner of life which they haue taken at the beginning: and the vertuous do hold it in no sort lawfull to leaue vertue, vnlesse they will wholly yeeld themselues to be a scorne and reproofe to the whole world: for this is to be noted, that men do not so much hate them that are notoriously vicious, as those which boast themselues to be good and vertuous, when indeede they are nothing different from the common and worst sort. Now if we do blame lyers for their leasings, much more reason haue we to reproue them, which in the whole course of their liues are depraued and corrupted: who do not onely therein [Page] offer wrong vnto themselues, but do (as it were) betray that good fortune which is put into their hands, euen riches, honour, and aboundance of friends: and yet neuerthelesse do make themselues vnworthie of their present felicitie. Furthermore, if mā which is mortal, would but seeke to obserue and regard the will of the immortall Gods, I suppose he should easily and euidently know and vnderstand it: because euen in those that were most neare and deare vnto thē, they haue testified and made known what difference they make betweene the vertuous and the vicious. For Iupiter hauing ingendred both Hercules and Tantalus, is said to haue made the one immortall for his vertue, and to haue condemned the other to grieuous punishment and torments for his leud life and wickednesse.

In imitation therefore of these examples, it is fit and conuenient for men to loue honestie, and to follow vertue: and not onely to relye vpon these precepts, but to learne also the most choise ensignements of the [Page] most famous and excellent Poets, & to reade the writings of other good Authours. And as the Bees flying & lighting on all sorts of flowers, do take of each that which is fit and proper for honie: so it behooueth them that desire knowledge and vnderstanding, to leaue nothing that good is vnprooued, and to make profit of all that commeth to their knowledge: and yet when they haue vsed all and their vttermost diligence to that effect, it will be very hard and difficult notwithstanding to correct the vices and imperfections of nature.

FINIS.

§

§

[Page]

Of the power of God.
CHAP. I.

THE Poet Pindarus seeing men disputing of the nature of the soueraign and supreme God, said: that they went about to gather an imperfect fruit of wisedome.

2 A certaine Astrologer being in a place where was a table hauing the starres therein painted, shewed them vnto some standers by, & said: These starres here be the wandering starres. Diogenes being in companie, said vnto him: My friend lye not: for assuredly those be not the wandering starres, but these be they: and in so saying, pointed to the men that stood about him.

3 Eusebius the Philosopher was wont to say: That it was a very hard and difficult thing to know God: and that we cannot tell in what manner he is to be comprehended: because [Page] we are not sufficient with the bodie, to expresse a thing without a bodie: and a perfect thing cannot be comprehēded of that which is imperfect: and a thing eternall hath no agreement or correspondencie with that which is finite. The life of man is short, and passeth away speedily: but God is euerlasting, and is truth, whereas man is but a shadow of imagination. There is as great difference betweene a feeble man and a strong, betweene a little dwarfe and a giant: as there is betweene one that is dead, and one that is immortall. Imagine then what God is, who cannot be expressed nor declared with humane vtterance.

4 Camillus a Captaine of the Romains was wont to say thus: Thou shalt find that all things do happen prosperous to men that follow and serue God: and that things fall out aduerse to those that contemne and despise God.

5 Seneca the morall Philosopher said: That the Gods euen to vngratefull men do vse to giue many things.

[Page] 6 Tertullian the Diuine, said: That God the Creatour of all the world, was not easie to be found: nor that a man could well speake of him, but with great difficultie.

7 Xenophon the Oratour enioyned men, that in their prosperity they should principally haue God in remembrance.

8 Plato said: That a good man was like vnto God: also that a good man was of all worldly things the worthiest: and that contrariwise, the wicked man was of all things the worst.

9 Apollonius of Thianea a sage and wise Philosopher, said: That it was a good thing to sacrifice to the Gods, without whom we are nothing

10 The Poet Sophocles hath written: That the Gods onely haue this power and priuiledge, not to waxe old: and that all other things are surmounted and ouergone with time.

11 Plato writeth: That in all things which are thought and spoken, the beginning ought alwaies to be taken from the foueraigne [Page] deuine powers.

12 Plato said likewise: That the knowledge of God is wisedome and true vertue.

13 Diodorus the Historiographer hath written: That in much & great prosperitie God is forgotten and cō temned.

14 Lactantius hath written: that God is not knowne of vs but in aduersity and time of calamitie.

15 Silius Italicus a Poet hath written: That as long as the affaires of mortall men are in any doubtfull kind of state, or in great feare and daunger: so long they are verie forward in doing honour to the Gods: but in time of their prosperitie, their al [...]ars do neuer smoke.

16 The Poet Virgil writeth: that it is not lawfull for any man to be confident, or to trust in any thing against the will of the Gods.

17 Salomon saith: Feare God, & keepe his commaundements: for this is all in all to each man: and whatsoeuer is besides this is nothing.

18 Eusebius said: that the heauens [Page] the earth, the time, the sea, the Planets, and all other things whatsoeuer do come to their perfection only by the word and will of God.

19 Antistenes the Philosopher said: That God is not like to any thing: and that therefore it is impossible to know him.

20 Xenophanes the Philosopher said: That there was one onely God; who neither in body, nor in thought was like vnto men.

Of Loue.
CHAP. 2.

PLinie said▪ That there is nothing in loue worthie of commendation, but onely constancie.

2 Quintilian hath written: That it is a thing vsuall and accustomed to louers, not to iudge of beautie and fauor rightly: because that loue doth dim & darken the sight of the eyes.

3 If he which is in loue be poore, he is tormented with a most miserable calamitie.

4 It is a thing vnprofitable to desire [Page] the sight of that shape and figure, by the which a man hath bene once taken captiu: and it is ill done for any man to expose himselfe to the experience of those things, frō the which he may refraine and absent himselfe without any great difficultie.

5 It is better to loue with seuerity, then to deceiue with affabilitie.

6 The custom of louers is so to do, as they cannot couer their loue.

7 The amorous person that loueth the body more then the soule, is commonly euill: because he is not constant and stable: and because the thing which he pursueth with his affections is vnstable.

8 He that maketh resistance to the first assaults of loue, remaineth a conquerour.

9 Loue delighteth to dwell and inhabite in persons of high and noble houses.

10 He that nourisheth and entertaineth loue, shal hardly free himselfe from the yoke which he hath once taken vpon his necke.

11 Louers aboue all other persons, [Page] haue a custome to number the daies, and to keepe an accompt of the times.

12 The amorous after they haue once had a fill of their luxurious desires, do soone repent themselues of any good thing wherwith they haue departed.

13 Loue doth many times put a bridle vpon harts that are obstinate.

14 Neuer was there any loue, that could keepe any measure.

15 In wine and banquetting loue burneth most cruelly.

16 With louers it is a common vse and custome to begin to speake: and in the middest of their discourse suddenly to stoppe and to cut off their speech.

17 What thing is there in the world so great or so high, whereunto loue will not stirre and animate the minds of mortall men?

Of Faith.
CHAP. 3:

1 PLato hath written, that Theognis of M [...]gara was wont to say: That [Page] in a towne besieged, a man of faith and fidelitie was better then all the gold and siluer of the world.

2 He which giueth counsel to another: what thing can there be which he ought sooner to giue then faith?

3 Little or no faith is attributed to those persons that are fallen into any great distresse or miserie.

4 It is commonly seene, that true friends do find little faith in requit all of their friendship.

5 Faith is the ground and foundation of iustice.

6 The faith of men, sleepe, and the wind are very deceiptfull.

7 True faith is the best & chiefest good thing that is in the interior parts of a man: for no necessitie will constraine it to proue deceitfull: no gifts nor bribes can corrupt it: come fire, come sword, it knowes not how to betray a man.

8 In a great company of leud and wicked persons, faith is not giuen to things but with great difficultie.

9 He that hath once lost his faith, hath no more to lose.

[Page] 10 Faith is a better guard for a Prince then the sword, or armed forces.

11 Faith is seldome seene to haue any entrance or entertainement in Princes pallaces.

12 In no place is faith sure or in securitie.

13 The Auncients did sacrifice vnto faith, hauing their hand couered with a white cloth: to shew, that their faith ought to be right and secret.

14 Philip king of Macedon, the father of Alexander the great, hauing made one a Iudge that vsed afterwards to paint his beard & his haire, suddenly depriued him of his office, saying: That he which would counterfeit his haire, was not to be thoght a man of that woorth or integritie, that he should be likely to keepe his faith in all things.

15 Metellus Nepos hauing conceiued great indignation and displeasure against Ci [...]ero, told him: That he had brought more men to their death by his testimonie and bearing witnesse against them, then he had [Page] saued from death, by defending and pleading for them: whereunto he answered: Truly that argueth that my faith is much, and more greater then my eloquence.

Of Hope.
CHAP. 4.

1 HOpe and feare are the two tormentors of things to come.

2 Oftentimes do happen sooner things vnexpected, then those which are hoped for.

3 Hope is the last solace and cō fort of men that are in miserie and aduersitie.

4 When fortune doth abandon vs and deceiue vs in our first hopes: the things that are to come, do seem and appeare vnto vs to be better, then the present.

5 Hope is the thing that doth nourish and feede false loues.

6 Like as by hope we are all saued: euen so by hope are we to become truly and perfectly happie.

[Page] 7 We ought to hope for all things: and to despaire of nothing.

8 The hopes of those which are discreet and wise, are not vaine: but those of vnwise and imprudent men are light, void, and difficult.

9 Euill hopes may be compared to ill captaines, who leade their followers in errours, yet with pleasures.

10 A woman without a man, & good hopes without paines and industry, can ingender nothing that good is.

11 Neither ought a ship to trust to one anker: nor the life of man ought to rely vpon one simple hope.

12 It is good alwaies to be of good courage: for peraduenture to morrow will be better and more fortunate then the time past or present.

13 Hope is the dreame of those that vse watching.

14 Hope is a thing most common with all men: who when they haue no other thing remaining, they do wholly and altogether relye vpon hope.

15 Where the hope of a louer [Page] is exceeding great: there is the mind most desirous of luxuriousnesse.

Of adulation and flattery.
CHAP. 5.

1 THe world is growne to that corruption: that he that cannot flatter is either accompted enuious, or reputed proud and arrogant.

2 We haue a custome to please our selues so much: that we desire to be praised euen in that, the contrary whereof we do most commonly put in practise.

3 I had rather offend in telling the truth: then to please by flattering of any man.

4 Phocion an Athenian Captaine being required by Antipater to do a thing that was vniust, made him this answer: Thou canst not vse me both as thy friend and thy flatterer.

5 Cato the elder suing for the office of Censorship in Rome, and seeing that many did curry fauour and flatter with the people to obtaine it, with an high & loftie voice, said vnto them: that the people of Rome had as much neede of a seuere, speedie, [Page] and sharpe Phisition, as they had of a strong purgation.

6 The same Cato said: That those which were studious of things ridiculous: afterwards in matters of grauitie and waightie importance, would grow so to demeane themselues, as they would be mocked and derided of all men.

7 Where deceiptfull flatterie & adulation is: there can neuer be any true friendship nor amitie.

8 They which haue gotten and make it a custome to flatter continually, are of no faith nor honestie.

9 Adulation is deadly, pestiferous, and deceiptfull.

10 If necessitie should enforce a man to take his choise, he were better fall amongst crowes then among flatterers.

11 Crates the Philosopher seeing a rich and wealthie young man accompanied with many flatterers, said vnto him: O my youth, I am very sorie to see thee so solitarie.

12 Shunne as a thing most abhominable, both the beneuolence of [Page] flatterers, and the misfortunes of thy friends.

13 Remoue farre away from thee the audacious and bold speeches of flattering persons.

14 The wolues do resemble dogs: so do flatterers seeme friends: but notwithstanding they desire things different.

15 Like as Actcon was torne in peeces by the dogges which himself had nourished: so are many destroied by flatterers that haue familiaritie with them.

16 The hunters take Hares by hunting them with dogges: and many others do take foolish men with their false praises.

17 The flatterers are contemners of the poore: and liue by soothing vp and pleasing the minds of the rich: they laugh at men secretly & amongst themselues, though they haue no occasion: they are free by fortune, and yet they make themselues villaines and slaues by their owne election.

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Of Ambition.
CHAP. 6.

1 AMbition and fauour do then most signorize, when they hide & conceale themselues vnder a kind of seueritie.

2 Ambition is easily maintained by old age.

3 It is most certaine, that he which is couetous of glorie, and desireth to be praised of the wicked, must of necessitie himselfe be wicked.

4 It is not fit for men to becom couetous of glorie, in troubling thē selues, and bearing enuie one towards another.

5 Ambition teacheth men to become disloyall.

6 After ambition hath once gotten possession of the honours which it desireth, she beginneth to waxe old.

7 Ambition is the bestiall nurse of a [...]arice.

[Page] 8 The glorie that is ambitious, doth many times worke the ruine euen of brethren.

9 The man that desireth superioritie & power, doth hardly obserue iustice: and he which is couetous and greedie of glorie, doth most easily fall into vniust actions.

Of Enuie.
CHAP. 7.

1 NO man doth lightly enuy him who vseth his fortune modestly and gently: the enui [...]us do not beare enuie so much to the persons of those whom they enuie, as they do to the good things which are in them.

2 Wicked men do not so much [...]eioyce at their owne proper good fortunes: as they do at dammage & discommodities of other men.

3 [...]nuie is punished, not onely with her owne proper euils: but also by the good and welfare of straungers.

[Page] 4 The common vse of the enuious, is to desire that there come no good vnto any.

5 Enuie is engendred of the superfluitie of goods.

6 A great blot and staine of this age wherein we liue, is that vertue is neuer without enuie.

7 Bion the Philosopher seeing an enuious man carry his head & countenance hanging downe towards the ground, said: Either some great mischiefe is befalne to this man, or som great good to another.

8 No felicitie is so modest as it can avoid the biting tooth of malignitie.

9 It is a very troublesome and vneasie matter to eschue and avoide the eye of the enuious.

10 This ought euer to be had by vs in remembrance, that after glorie euer ensueth enuie.

11 Assuredly this vice of enuie is very common in any great & free citie: and enuie doth alwaies accompany glorie.

12 Euen as rust eateth out the [Page] iron: so doth enuie consume the enuious.

13 That enuie which is secret & hidden, is more to be feared, then that which is open and manifest.

14 Enuie will neuer yeeld to giue renowne vnto them which are liuing.

15 When the affaires of another are most ioyous, then is enuie most sad and sorrowfull.

16 Enuie is the mistresse of iniustice: and it inciteth both the thought and the hand to ill and wicked actions.

17 Whosoeuer beareth enuie to any good man and doing well, he may well say: That he is enuious both to the whole commonwealth, and to himselfe also.

18 Scipio the African for feare of the enuious, very aduisedly forsooke Rome, and went to dwell in a certaine village, there to spend the rest of his life, and to giue libertie to the enuious to breath their fill.

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Of couetousnesse, and couetous persons.
CHAP. 8.

1 AVarice and couetousnesse do vse to diminish and violate all offices, be they of neuer so great holinesse or solemnitie.

2 Auarice doth make both faith and bountie to decay.

3 Auarice and couetousnesse is not the vice of gold, but of man that vseth gold ill and wickedly.

4 The daies of that man must needes be long, that hateth and abhorreth couetousnesse.

5 Many things are lacking to pouertie: but to auarice all things are wanting.

6 There be two things that do soone incite and prouoke a man to villanous and base gaine: that is to say, pouertie and couetousnesse.

7 If there be any that possesseth [Page] many goods, and yet leadeth his life in anguish and trouble: certaine it is that he will be the most vnhappie of all men that euer were liuing or shall bee.

8 Couetous persons do leade such a life as Flies, who are euer trauelling, and busying themselues, as though they should liue for euer.

9 I see many rich men that are hoorders and keepers of riches: but they are not maisters of their money.

10 We were borne once: and it is not graunted vnto vs to be borne twice: and as thou art not maister of the day to morrow, so prolong not the time, and liue as thou shouldest but liue to day.

11 O then cursed hunger of gold, what peruerse, infortunate, and vnhappie mischiefes, doest thou bring into the mindes of mortall men?

12 The studie of the couetous person is onely to gather and gaine [Page] monie: which no wise man ought to desire.

13 Out of the depth and bowels of the earth, hath God shewed gold vnto men▪ and they haue made it the occasion of all mischiefes and wickednesse

14 I may well say, that some mē are so couetous, as if they were to liue here for euer: and other some are so prodigall, as if they were to dye instantly.

15 Man passeth away his daies with vaine cares, because he knoweth not, nor considereth what is the true end of hauing.

16 Wicked men are as couetous of a little gaine as of a great.

17 Money to many men is more deare then either faith or honestie.

Of Prodigalitie.
CHAP. 9.

1 SOme excusing the vice of prodigalitie, said: That in great aboundance of wealth and riches it [Page] may well be vsed to whom Zeno the Philosopher answering, said: Truely then ought we aswell to pardon our Cookes, if (for hauing store and abundance of salt) they say that they haue therefore made our meates too salt.

2 Diogenes the Philosopher demaunding of one that was a prodigal spender, a peece of money which might be perhaps about some 150. pence, he said vnto him: Wherefore doest thou aske of me so great a summe, whereas of others thou dost commonly begge but three small pence: to whome Diog [...]nes answered: Because I hope that of others I may aske again another time: but of thee I thinke neuer to haue more.

3 Socrates the Philosopher seeing one without all reason, feasting all sorts of persons with the welth which he had: Ill maist thou perish (quoth he) who makest thy graces which should be virgins to be strumpets: noting that true bountie and liberality ought to be employed vpon occasion of merit and vertue, and not [Page] confusedly.

4 Crates the Philosopher was wont to say: That the monies of rich prodigall men were like vnto figgetrees planted vpon the tops of high rockes and mountaines: the fruites whereof no men could come to gather, but the crowes and kites onely did take and deuour them. So the treasures of prodigall rich men were possessed and enioyed only by bauds, harlots and flatterers.

5 Pouertie is the torment of a luxurious life.

6 Prodigall persons do employ their money in things, by which they can leaue, either a very short or no memorie at all of themselues to posterities.

7 No man ought to maruell at those, who do spend their goods to make themselues more pleasing and agreable to the multitude and common people.

8 The Emperour Nero had no other fruite of his riches and treasures, but onely an excessiue charge of expences made by exceeding [Page] prodigalitie.

9 Many do cast away their goods and patrimonie, in giuing it without either iudgement or reason: but what greater follie can there be, then to studie and willingly to take care for the doing of that which thou canst not long endure and continue to do?

Of a lying toung, and boldnes of speech.
CHAP. 10.

1 PHiloxenus a man of great knowledge, being imprisoned by Denis the tyrant of Syracusa, for that he had dispraised or not commended certaine verses which he had made: was on a time taken out of prison, and brought before the tyrant once againe to heare and giue his iudgement of the same verses: being come and hauing heard them pronounced and read, he made hast to be gone away out of his presence: The [Page] tyrant asking him whither he went: Philoxenus answered: I go againe to thy prison: noting that his verses were then as worthie to be misliked as before.

2 Diogenes was wont to say: that some dogges did barke against their enemies with purpose to bite them: but I (said he) do barke at my friends to the intent to purge and heale thē of their ill deedes.

3 Hippocrates the Philosopher being perswaded by one to go seeke out Xerxes the king of Persia, because he was a good king: he answered: I haue not any thing to do with so good a patron

4 Thales the Philosopher being demaunded, how farre different lying was from truth, answered: As farre as the eyes are distant from the eares.

5 Theophrastus the Oratour being growne old and gray headed, and comming to Lacedemon, thought to shew himselfe as if he had bene but young: for he delighted to hide the whitenesse of his haires with a certain dye or painting: and being there before [Page] the Iudges pleading a certaine cause wherein he was retained: one Archidamus a man very free and liberall of his speech, happened (notwithstanding he was so disguised) to know him: who suddenly burst out into these words: But I pray what truth can you expect in this mans speech, who both within and without him doth carry nothing but lyes and counterfeitings: and that not onely in his mind, but euen in his gray and aged head?

6 There cannot happen any greater mishap or infelicitie to free men, then to be depriued of their libertie of speech.

7 Diogenes being blamed by a Greeke, who told him: that albeit he praised and commended the Lacedemonians more then any other people, yet he would not liue with them nor neare them: he answered him: That the Phisition which is studious of health, had no reason to dwell amongst those which were healthfull.

8 Zenon hauing a purpose to giue an admonition to a certaine [Page] young man whom he saw more desirous to be talking then to heare others, said vnto him: O thou young man, I would wish thee to know, that nature hath giuen thee two ea [...]es, to the intent thou shouldst heare more then thou shouldest speake.

9 Antistenes the Philosopher hauing made a certaine long and tedious speech in the audience of certain persons, Plato said vnto him: Thou knowest not Antistenes, that the measure of mans speech ought not to be made by him that speaketh, but by them that giue him the hearing.

10 Careon a man reputed a great babler, came to Isocrates, and would needes be his auditour to learne eloquence: who demanded of him double wages. Careon suddenly asked him, what made him to demaund double stipend? Isocrates answered: I aske one, because I must learne thee to speake: and I will haue the other, because thou must learn also to hold thy peace.

11 Anaximenes being about to make a certaine speech to an auditorie: [Page] Theocritus said out all aloude: See how he is readie to powre out a floud of words, whereas he hath not one drop of reason.

12 Lying is a thing most readie and prompt with those, who haue accustomed often to do euill.

13 Lying and falshood is not befitting nor seemely to good and vertuous persons.

14 Foolish men do accompt this a goodly treasure and an ornament to their toungs, that they hold themselues to haue made a faire purchase, when they haue spoken ill of good and honest men.

15 There is no one thing in vs, wherein we are able to offend with more facilitie, then the toung.

16 Speech is the image of the mind: therefore the temperance of the toung and silence ought to be great: and men ought to vse and employ their eares oftener then their toungs.

17 It is not good to be too prompt & forward in speaking: because many words & much speech is [Page] apparant signe of folly.

18 Some men in their speeches are so tedious, vnprofitable, and importunate, that all whatsoeuer they speake seemeth to come from the mouth onely, and not from the hart.

19 Cicero desired to heare one speake wisely without eloquence: rather then a long eloquent oration stuffed with nothing but vanitie and follie.

20 The toung ought to be alwaies kept short, & especially in the time of repast.

21 We ought not much to trouble our selues, nor care for the tongs of men: but we ought to haue a care of our owne conscience.

22 Doest thou not know it to be most true: that both God and men haue lying in hatred and detestation?

23 Lying and falshood commeth from persons of a seruile and slauish nature: and truth proceedeth from free men.

24 It is most certaine, that it is a much more pleasant thing to speak and vtter matters of truth, then to [Page] giue the hearing vnto them.

25 Abundance of words and ignorance, do for the most part beare sway amongst men.

Of Silence, and of speech spoken in time conuenient.
CHAP. 11.

1 XEnocrates hauing an vse to dispose of all his deedes and actions by the seuerall houres of the day: did euer vse to employ one houre in silence.

2 I neuer repented me to haue held my toung, but I haue oftentimes bene sorie that I haue spoken.

3 Do you thinke (ò you Athenians) that I do not well vnderstand, how silence is a sure thing!

4 My sonne, it is a good and necessarie thing for thee to be silent, & to vse few words: for silence containeth in it many good things.

5 Silence is a gift without daunger and perill.

[Page] 6 A question was demaunded by one on a time, why & vpon what occasion the Lacedemonians did vse so great breuitie in their language: whereunto Licurgus made this answer: that breuitie of speech is next vnto silence.

7 We ought to haue great regard, that we speake not things not fit and conuenient: because that it is the office and dutie of a man of smal wisedome to speake and vtter those things which ought to be kept secret.

8 A man ought to chuse rather foolishly to rowle and tosse a stone vp and downe in vaine, then to speake any one idle and vaine word.

9 Solon being set at table with Periander the tyrant of Corinth, and not vsing any speech, was demaunded of the tyrant, if his silence proceeded either through default of knowledge how to speake, or else of follie. Whereunto Solon gaue him this present answer: That he is no foole that can be silent in a banquet.

10 Solon the Philosopher did admonish men to seale & shut vp their [Page] words vnder silence: and that silence ought to be vsed and obserued according to the fitnes of the time & seasō.

11 Isocrates said: that there were two speciall times wherin it was lawfull for any man to speake without reprehension: the one, when we speak of things which we know certainely and manifestly: the other, when we speake of things needfull and necessarie. In these two times onely speech is better then silence: but at other times silence is to be preferred before speech.

12 It is a rare vertue to know how and when to be silent.

13 It is a most miserable thing when a man is constrained perforce to keepe secret those things which he would gladly and willingly vtter and make knowne.

Of Folly and imprudence.
CHAP. 12.

1 IF any man do contrarie to that good which is naturally in [Page] him: he ought to be called and accounted imprudent, foolish and vnhappie.

2 I say, that they which vse their bodies to exercise, and despise the mind, do no other thing but as it were carelesly neglect the things which are commaunded, and trauell themselues about doing of things not commaunded.

3 I see that men do with great care seeke for the things which appertaine to this life: but they do not esteeme and set by such as are profitable to liue well and happily

4 Proteus (as the common saying is) did vse often to change himselfe into many formes and shapes: so the ignorant man in euery thing doth chaunge and alter.

5 Theocritus seeing one that was a schoolemaister, to teach some erroniously in the nature of the Elemēts: he said vnto him: Wherefore doest thou not teach Geometrie? He answered him: I am not skilled in it. O good God (quoth Theocritus) how great is thy follie, that takest vpon [Page] thee to teach, and canst hardly reade!

6 Glorie and riches without prudence, are possessions of no great assurance.

7 Bion being demaunded what thing was folly, answered: That it is the hinderance of felicitie.

8 They ought to be reputed & esteemed for little lesse then fooles, who honour wicked men being rich, and despise such as are learned and men of vertue.

9 As the luxurious and intemperate persons, cannot be easily healed of their diseases: so cannot fooles receiue any medecine against their aduersities.

10 Dascius said: That they which despise the studie of good letters, for the exercise and gaine of any mechanicall art or trade: are like vnto Penelopes wooers, who being reiected by the mistresse, fell to lasciuiousnesse with her maides.

11 Know you that there are two kinds of follie: the one is called frenzie and furie: the other is truely named ignorance & grosse simplicitie.

[Page] 12 Straungers and pilgrimes do often go astray out of their way: so the ill instructed, and men of grosse vnderstanding do go wandering in the way be it neuer so plaine.

13 Euen as corrupt wine is not desired in banquets: so the rude and ignorant person is not receiued in any good company.

Of the knowledge of a mans selfe.
CHAP. 13.

1 KIng Philip the father of Alexander the Great, hauing vanquished the Athenians at Choe [...]onca: albeit he knew himselfe to be proud enough, by reason of this great victorie which he had gotten: yet following reason, he committed no insolencie against the people whom he had conquered: but considering well with himselfe what was the force of felicitie, and how difficult a thing it [Page] is for a man to temper and moderate himselfe in so glorious a victory, he aduised himselfe that it was needfull, and accordingly he tooke order, that one of the Pages of his chamber for his aduerticement, should euery morning rehearse vnto him this sentence: and say: O Philip, remember that thou art a man.

2 Heraclitus the Philosopher euen in his younger yeares was held for a very sage and wise man: onely for that he confessed of himselfe, that he knew, he knew nothing.

3 Demon the Philosopher being demaunded, when, and at what time he first began to be a Philosopher, he answered: When I began first to know my selfe.

4 One demaunded of Theocritus, for what occasion he made no workes? he answered: Because I cannot make such as I would: therefore such as I can, and am able to do, I will not.

5 It is affirmed by many, that this sentence: Know thy selfe: was the Prouerbe of the Philosopher [Page] Chilo: which thing he said was verie difficult.

6 Socrates knowing that Alcibiades a goodly faire young man did grow proud, by reason of the great riches and liuings which he possessed: he led him into a secret place of the citie, where he shewed him a table, wherein was painted a Mappe of the world: and willed him to see if he could there find the region of Athens their natiue countrey. And when Alcibiades had shewed it him: Socrates then said vnto him: See now if thou canst find there the place where thy lands and possessions do lye. Alcibiades said: I cannot see that they are here painted at all. Whereupon Socrates presently replyed: what reason then hast thou to grow proud, by reason of those lands which do not appeare in any part of the whole earth?

7 Seeing thou art borne a mortall man, thou oughtest to haue remembrance of the commō fortune: and if thou hadst bene borne a king, yet thou oughtest to vnderstand, that thou art mortall.

[Page] 8 Things that are vaine and emptie, are easily blowne vp with the wind: and fooles are soone puffed vp with pride.

9 They that can talke well and according to reason, and cannot thē selues hearken vnto it: may be resembled vnto harpes, which yeeld a most pleasant sound and harmonie vnto others, but perceiue no part thereof themselues.

10 Many men are defenders of their owne faults, and sharpe accusers of the offences of other men.

11 Whensoeuer we are disposed to mocke another: let vs first looke into our selues, and consider if we be inclined to the same vices: for our selfeloue doth hide many offences in vs.

Of friendship and friends.
CHAP. 14.

1 OF all other things that wisdom hath inuented for men to liue [Page] well and happily: there is none greater, nor more goodly or pleasant then friendship.

2 He is to be reputed iust, which maketh no reckening of his owne losse and hinderance, to the intent he may keepe his friend.

3 That friendship that hath an end, was neuer to be accompted true friendship.

4 No man is friend vnto a tyrant, but either for hope or for feare.

5 Friendship betweene men of equalitie is commonly stable: and amongst such there is neuer experience made of their forces.

6 One friend ought not to be intreated by another, when they demaund any thing each of other.

7 This is true friendship, when both will one and the same thing: and both do not will one and the same thing.

8 Friends are esteemed to be the onely refuge in pouertie, and in all other calamities.

9 Perfect amitie is betweene [Page] good men: and such as are like in vertue.

10 Friendship is an honest vnion of a perpetuall good will.

11 Friendship is a kind of equalitie and semblance of persons: and the fruite of friends, is to loue.

12 A new friend is not to be iudged or tried in time of feasting or banquetting.

13 He committeth a great ouersight, that thinketh to recommend himselfe vnto his friends.

14 A friend ought to be embraced euen to the death.

15 It is a shame for any man to abandon, and not to aide and succor his friend.

16 Euery man knoweth, that he cannot be held a friend to honest and good-men, who liueth so foolishly, as to make himselfe pleasing and acceptable vnto wicked men.

17 It is better to haue a good friend then great wealth and multitude of riches.

18 Friends ought to aide & help each other with many good deedes [Page] and benefites: to the intent their friendship may grow more firm and greater.

Of Liberalitie and Magnificence.
CHAP. 15.

1 THis cannot be said perfect liberalitie: when a man giueth more vpon occasion of vaine glorie, then for true compassion and pitie.

2 Liberalitie ought alwaies to be forward and hastie: for this is the proper and true dutie of him that giueth willingly, to giue promptly and readily: and whosoeuer releeueth another in deferring him from day to day, he cannot be said to giue liberally and with a good heart.

3 Artaxerxes king of Persia, was wont to say: that it was much more befitting and seemely for the royall maiestie of a Prince, to giue vnto others, then to receiue of others.

4 King Philip the father of Alexander, [Page] hauing conceiued great grief for the death of Hipparchus, a man of Nigrepont: and one telling him, that he died not but in good time and of full age. Philip answered: truly he died too too soone: and so much the more too soone, because he had neuer receiued of me any kind of bountie, worthie of my good loue & affection towards him.

5 Perillus one of the friends of Alexander, demaunded of him a certaine summe of money to marrie a daughter which he had: to whome Alexander caused immediatly to be deliuered aboue fiftie talents, which was a very great summe. Then said Perillus vnto him. My Lord, ten talents will suffice: but Alexander answered: It is enough for thee to receiue ten talents: but it is not enough for me to giue so little.

6 Alexander the Great, hauing charged his Chamberlaine to deliuer to the Philosopher Anaxarcus so much money as he would demaund of him: Sir (said the Chamberlaine) he demaundeth a hundred talents: [Page] whereunto Alexander answered: He doth well and like an honest man: for he knoweth that he hath a friend, and such a friend that can and will gladly bestow vpon him asmuch gold as he will desire.

7 King Ptolome did vse to eate and drinke very often in the house of his friends: and he neuer cared for the possession of any thing more thē was for the necessitie of life: and he would commonly say: that it was a more princely thing to make others rich then himselfe.

8 True liberalitie is to giue vnto their nearest and next friends.

9 Simon a famous captaine of the Atheniās, was a man of that bountie and liberalitie, that hauing many possessions and gardens in diuerse places, he neuer set any to watch thē, to hinder others from taking away the fruites that grew in them, but suffered euery man to vse them at his pleasure.

10 The Emperour Domitian, refused many a faire inheritance, which diuerse rich men had left & bequeathed [Page] vnto him.

11 I esteeme that the most royall praise and commendation that can be giuen to any man, is to do good vnto others, and to be liberall.

12 It is a very hard and difficult matter for a rich man to be liberall: because the liberall man doth not vse to be much sparie: but is enclined plentifully to poure out and to depart with his riches.

13 Marke Anthonie the Philosopher had nothing more in hatred & detestation then couetousnesse.

Of Noblenesse and magnanimity.
CHAP. 16.

1 THe same Anthonie being reproched by a fife-player, that he was not borne of noble bloud, made him this answer: I am therefore the more worthie to be commended, because the nobilitie of my lineage beginneth with me.

2 Beautie or comelines of countenance, [Page] and moderation of mind are two things that do principally and especially belong to noble and men of honest reputation: and those two qualities haue neede also of force & strength to be ioyned with them. As for other delicacies and lasciuities, they haue a good grace in herbes and flowers.

3 Anachar [...]is the Philosopher being cast in the teeth as with a matter of ignominie or infamie: That he was a Scithian or Tartarian borne, answered: certainely I do not liue according to the custome and fashion of the Tartarians.

4 Socrates being demaunded what was nobilitie? answered: It is a temperance both of soule and of bodie.

5 As we do not therefore iudge bread to be good, because the corne grew in a faire field, vnlesse the same be leauened and baked with great labour and trauell: so do we not esteem any man noble, albeit he be borne of a noble familie, vnlesse he be noble by vertue and honest conditions.

[Page] 6 The man that is magnanimous and of a great spirit, doth continually carrie himselfe vpright vnder any burthen be it neuer so puissant: and nothing doth happen displeasing vnto him be it neuer so difficult and hard to be borne: for he knoweth his owne forces, and with vertue he vanquisheth fortune.

7 The nobilitie of anothers bloud doth not make thee noble, if thou do not purchase thy nobilitie of and by thy selfe, and thy owne vertue.

8 Nobilitie ought not to be measured and considered according to bloud, but according to the customes vsually obserued.

9 We do not say that any man is good, in regard of the nobilitie of his birth: but for the excellencie of his vertue.

10 True nobilitie dependeth of vertue, and all other things are of fortune.

11 The noble and couragious hart hath this propertie, to be alwaies doing of things honest and vertuous: [Page] and you shall neuer see any man of an high and great spirit to delight in small and base things, or in such as are dishonest.

12 What auaileth it any man to be of a noble lineage, and to be polluted with vices? And what hurteth it a man to be issued of a poore house, if he be adorned and beautified with vertuous qualities?

13 True nobilitie is to relye vpon a mans owne proper vertues, and not vpon those of another.

14 Magnanimitie and greatnes of courage, is as a certaine ornament of all vertues.

15 That man onely is to be called and accounted a man of a great spirit and magnanimitie, who both is and esteemeth himselfe worthie of great things: and he which in his actions doth not carrie himselfe according to the power and abilitie of his dignitie, is reputed a simple and a foolish person.

16 There be foure sorts of nobilitie or gentrie: the first is, of those who are borne of good and honest [Page] parents: the second, is of those whose parents haue bene Princes and great personages: the third is of them, whose auncestors haue bene renowned and famous: the fourth and most commendable of all is: when a man is excellent by his owne proper vertue, his owne industrie, and haughtinesse of courage.

Of Bountie and humanitie.
CHAP. 17.

1 IT was said by Licurgus of Lacedemonia: that victorie was gotten by riches, and bountie by the perseuerance of good customes.

2 Aristippus the Philosopher being demaunded, what thing in this life was most worthie of admiration? answered: that it was man: prouided alwaies that he were such a one as were good and modest.

[Page] 3 Scipio the Affrican obseruing the admonitions of Polibius, during his whole life, would neuer lightly depart or leaue any place where he came, but he would first purchase himselfe some one or other for his friend.

4 Alexander the Great hauing sent for a present an hundred talents to Phocion of Athens, was demaunded by those which carried the siluer: that seeing there was so great number of Athenians besides him, why he shold giue vnto Phocion onely so great a summe of money? Alexander answered: because I do not hold nor iudge any other Athenian so good and iust a man as Phocion.

5 Themistocles in setting to open and publike sale a certaine peece of inheritance, to him that would giue most, said vnto the Crier: Let it be cryed, that it hath good neighbours dwelling round about it.

6 The Oratour Demosthenes making an Oration vnto the Senate, and seeing Phocion comming a farre off, said: Behold the hatchet, and the [Page] sharpe cutting sword of my speech commeth here at hand: by which kind of speech, he meant that the force of speech hath no such effect and puissance, as the excellencie of good and vertuous conditions.

7 They who do accustome thē selues to good fashions, their life commonly is well fashioned and ordered.

8 It is a most assured signe and prognostication, that that citie will quickely runne to ruine, wherein the good are not knowne nor discerned from the wicked.

9 It is requisite that the good be stirred vp to vertue by praise and rewards, and the wicked by correction and punishment: and they that will not be reformed, ought to be driuen into exile.

10 It is a thing very vnfit and inconuenient for a man to carrie goodnesse in his mouth, and none at all in his heart.

11 As it is a great fault and folly for a man to recite things that are another mans, and to vsurpe them for [Page] his owne: so it is a good thing and a token of humanitie, to make their names knowne and manifest by whō a man commeth to learning and knowledge.

12 Iulius Caesar was wont to forget nothing more soone and readily, then the iniuries which he had receiued.

13 No man can be good by the will and pleasure of another, but only of his owne will and disposition.

14 Titus Vespasian being crowned King of Ierusalem by the people, said: That he was not worthie of so great honour, because it was not he that had gotten that victorie, but that God had fauoured him against the Iewes.

15 Octauian Augustus would neuer recommend his children to the people: but onely in vsing these words: vz. If they deserue well.

16 There be three sorts of humanitie: the first, when one saluteth others courteously: the second, when one aideth those which are in misery, and which haue lost their goods by [Page] ill fortune: the third: when men do frankely of their owne freewils make banquets, and feast their friends and acquaintance.

17 A certaine man came to tell Octauian, that Aemilius Elian spake very ill of his vncle Iulius Caesar: to whome Augustus answered: I would wish that thou make good proofe of that which thou sayest: for I will make Aemilius Elian to know, that I haue a toung left me.

18 Cecilius Metellus a Senatour, was a great enemie to Scipio African as long as he liued: howbeit, when he vnderstood of the death of Scipio, he grew very sorrowfull, and commaunded his sonnes presently to go and helpe to carrie the corps of so worthie a personage to the sepulture: vsing these or the like speeches: I yeeld infinite thankes to the immortall Gods for the loue which I haue to Rome, that it is thus happened: that Scipio the African was not born in another nation.

19 It is in our owne power to be either good or euill.

[Page] 20 Courtesie and faire behauiour is a meane to appease wrath.

21 Humanitie amongst men is a strong bond, & he which breaketh it, is a most wicked man and a murtherer.

22 The office of humanitie is to relieue men in time of necessitie and perill.

23 The soueraigne good of a man, is life eternall: and the soueraigne and chiefest ill of man is death euerlasting.

Of Good deedes and honour.
CHAP. 18.

1 IN doing good to good men: it seemeth, that this is not to giue but to receiue.

2 He which receiueth any good turne, especially of one that is his seruant, the which he maketh any reckening [Page] of: let him regard not of whō he receiueth it, but what it is which he hath receiued.

3 It behooueth each man to be forward to do good vnto another: & to haue a care also that such fauor be not concealed.

4 When mortall men become benefactors, they imitate the gods.

5 Benefites receiued by importunate requests, are little or nothing worth.

6 It is no benefite to giue a mā that hath no need nor necessitie.

7 To giue more honour to a man then he deserueth, is to make way to fooles both to perceiue and to thinke ill.

8 In my opinion it is an honourable action, to accuse the wicked, & to defend the good.

9 Honour ought to be gotten by vertue, and not by deceipt: for the one is the office of wicked and leude persons, and the other of good and honest men.

10 Conon the Athenian being sent Ambassadour by Pharnabazus, to [Page] the king Artaxerxes, was counselled by Chiliarchus, that when he should come vnto his presence, he ought to encline and prostrate himselfe before him: to whome Conon answered: It will not grieue me to do that honor vnto the king which thou aduisest me, but I doubt lest I shall dishonour my countrey in so doing: because the citie wherein I was borne, is such a place, as it hath vsed to rule and commaund ouer all other cities.

11 It is the part and dutie of a friend to do good, especially to those that stand in neede of it: and that before they require and aske it: because both to the one and to the other, it will then be a thing both more honest, and more pleasing and acceptable.

12 There is no doubt but that rare vertue cannot haue too much honour and reuerence done vnto it.

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Of Exercise and industrie.
CHAP. 19.

1 HE which hath begunne to purchase himselfe praise and commendation with glorie, ought to take great paine and trauell to continue it: for in truth slouth and negligence do vse to bring foorth at the first a kind of pleasure and delight, but the end therof is grief & sorrow.

2 Labour and trauell by vse and custome, commeth to be more easie, light, and lesse burthensome.

3 There are many more men that grow and become good by exercise, then by nature.

4 Cuus king of the Persians, did not loue that glorie for which he had not first endured labour and trauell: and he neuer dined nor supped, except he had first by some vehement labour euen wearied himselfe.

5 Pithagoras said: that art without exercise is nothing: and that exercise without art likewise is nothing.

[Page] 6 Demosthenes being demanded by what means he became more excellent then others in the art of eloquence, answered: In consuming more oyle then wine.

7 Demades the Oratour being demaunded: who was his schoolemaister, answered: The Parliament of Athens: shewing that experience is more noble and of more worth then all discipline.

8 Denis the tyrant hauing entertained a Cooke out of the countrey of Laconia: and supping of a certaine broath which he had prepared for him, cast away from him the dish immediatly, and demanded of him what should make the Laconians to delight in eating such a kind of pottage the same being so sharpe and without any pleasant tast? The Cooke answered him: Sir, this broath hath not that kind of tast which the broth of the Laconians is accustomed to haue, and that is the matter that you thinke it so vnsauorie. Denis replyed: why what tast then haue their broths? Certes sir, (said the Cooke) before [Page] they euer vse to sit downe to meate, they vse first to exercise the body.

9 Continuall exercise surmounteth the ensignements and instructions of all schoolemaisters.

10 No man ought to labour to make himself eloquent by the good of another.

11 Exercise is the most artificiall and best mistresse of eloquence: & to learne to speake well.

12 Exercise in youth is a great ayde and furtherance to any man.

Of Wrath and anger.
CHAP. 20.

1 PLato said vnto a seruant of his: Thou maiest thanke God, for that if I had not bene angrie, thou haddest surely felt the punishment of thy misdeeds.

2 The Philosopher Naucrates did resemble angry men vnto a lampe, which if the oyle therein be [Page] too much and ouer aboundant, will yeeld little or no light, or rather putteth out the flame.

3 It must be of necessitie, that all things which angry men do, must needes be full of blindnesse and necessitie: because it is no easie matter for a man troubled with anger, to haue the true vse of reason: and whatsoeuer is without reason is without art. It behooueth vs therefore to take reason as our guide in al our actions, and to remoue wrath and anger vtterly from vs.

4 Wrath is the enemie of counsell: and victorie, naturally is proud.

5 Wrath is commendable, whē the occasion is iust.

6 Anger is an euill desire of reuenge.

7 Darius king of Persia, being very angry, for that he was vanquished of the Athenians by fraud, commaunded one of his seruants, that as often as he sho [...]ld see him sit downe at meales, he should vse these words vnto him: Sir, remember the Athenians.

[Page] 8 Anger is no infirmitie: nor yet to be offended: but for a man to perseuer in his anger, that is an infirmitie.

9 If a man subiect to wrath and anger, haue any power of command, or imperiall authoritie, he will soone bring al things to destruction: he will fall to bloudshedding, ouerthrowing of cities, murthering of people, and making whole Prouinces and countries solitarie and desert.

10 That man that can dispute or discourse well, ought to speake without choler.

11 Certainely they are much to be blamed, who are not moued with anger in such things as are requisite, and when necessitie and occasion requireth it.

12 It is a goodly thing for a man to conquer his anger and wrathfull passions.

13 There is nothing that maketh a more enclining to anger, then delicate nourishment full of nicenesse and flatterie: for it is an vsuall thing with prosperitie to nourish [Page] choler and wrathfulnesse.

14 It is a more difficult thing (said Heraclitus) to striue and contend against luxuriousnesse and lasciuiousnesse, then against wrath and anger.

Of Patience.
CHAP. 21.

1 DEmosth [...]nes said vnto one that vsed him reprochfully: My friend, I list not enter into this contention with thee, wherein the vanquished is better then the va [...]quisher.

2 Plato being gro [...]ely iniuried by one with most vile tearmes, said vnto him: Thou speakest ill, because thou hast not yet learned to speake well.

3 Aristippus the Philosopher being abused by a fellow with most opprobrious speeches, said thus vnto him: Thou art a maister of ill speaking, and I of ill hearing.

[Page] 4 Euripides seeing two men reuiling each other with iniurious termes, said: He of you which abstaineth most from villanous & leud speeches, is to be held the most sage and wisest of the two.

5 That man must needes be reputed of the greatest and best courage, who can rather endure and beare out an vnhappie and miserable life, then shunne and auoid it.

6 Archilocus said: That patience is the inuention of the Gods.

7 Denis the tyrant being exiled for his tyrannie, was demaunded, wherein Plato & his Philosophie had benefited him. He answered: They haue taught me quietly and with a patient spirit, to beare and endure the chaunge and mutabilitie of fortune.

8 That body which is accustomed to patience, will neuer quit or forsake any place for any paine or trauell whatsoeuer.

9 He is to be esteemed patient and valiant, who is not easily drawne to be tender and delicate in the time [Page] of his prosperitie.

10 The Philosopher Chilon, seeing one that was very pensiue by reason of some misfortune that had befallen him, and that in more vnfit & vnseemely sort then was conuenient, he said vnto him: Assutedly if thou knewest the misfortunes of all other men, thou wouldest not beare thine owne aduersitie so impatiently.

11 Pittacus the Philosopher said: That the office of a wise man was to take to himselfe good aduice and counsell, to the end no euill might befall and happen vnto him: and if it did afterwards happē that any misfortune did betide him, then to beare it couragiously and patiently.

12 Socrates being in a disputatiō, and hauing in the middest of his discourse heard tidings of the death of his sonne, was not any thing at all therewith moued: but after that his disputation was ended, he then said vnto those which were with him: Come on, let vs now go and accompanie the corps of my sonne Sophronison to his funerals.

[Page] 13 Democritus said: That it was a notable good thing, to know how to prouide a remedie for calamitie.

14 Xantippe the wife of Socrates was wont to say: That albeit many chaunges and variable chaunces did daily trouble and perplexe the whole citie of Athens: yet she neuer saw the countenance of her husband Socrates for any matter euer changed or troubled: but that he continued still one and the selfe same man in all fortunes. And indeede Socrates did so frame his mind, that he alwaies bore his visage in one sort, as well in aduersitie as prosperitie.

15 As Xenophon was sacrificing in the citie of Mantinea. there came a missenger to bring him tidings how his sonne Grillus was dead: vpon the receipt of which newes, he presently tooke the crowne from off his head without further interrupting of the sacrisice. But the messenger hauing added this vnto his tale, that his sonne died victoriously, he tooke vp the crown & set it againe vpon his head, & so went on with the finishing of his sacrifice.

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Of the praise of riches.
CHAP. 22.

1 THe Poet Simonides being demaunded, which of these two things he had rather choose, either riches or wisedome: answered. I cannot tell whether: but certaine it is, that I see wise men euer attending about the gates of rich men.

2 It is a thing most requisite & necessarie for a man to haue money: without which it is impossible to do or effect any thing with oportunitie, or in time conuenient.

3 Money amongst mortall men is as the bloud and the soule of a mā: and he which hath it not, is as one that walketh dead amongst the liuing.

4 Onely gold and riches establisheth customes and manners: maketh and giueth beautie, nobilitie, friendship, and all other things whatsoeuer.

5 Ha father, speake not to me [Page] of gentrie or nobilitie, for it relyeth altogether vpon wealth and riches: giue me my house stored with gold: and if I were left a slane, I shall then soone become and be reputed noble.

6 Mony is it that findeth friends, and bringeth men into fauour and dignitie neare about Princes.

7 Riches are the sure friends: but they which are commonly reputed for friends, do soone forsake him which is poore.

8 Great riches are to be bestowed vpon friends.

9 I see it is an ordinarie humor in women, to take pleasure in riches and iewels.

10 Apollonius of Thianea said vnto Denis the tyrant: Thou shalt be sure to employ thy riches very well, and in better sort then all other kings vse to do, if thou bestow them vpon the poore and needie.

11 Riches do hurt exceedingly, except the possessor of them vse them well and rightly.

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Riches dispraised & cōdēned.
CHAP. 23.

1 THe common Prouerhe is: that a man shold not put a knife into a childs hand: and I say, that thou shouldst neither giue him knife nor yet riches.

2 Esteeme not of those men, whose hearts are wholly set vpon the riches which they possesse: because not knowing how to vse them, they are to be held like vnto those men that haue a faire and goodly horse, but know not how to ride nor manage him.

3 Riches are most commonly made the ministers and instruments of vices rather then of vertues: and they entice and allure young persons to foolish voluptuousnesse.

4 The Poet Anacreon hauing had fiue talents bestowed vpon him by the tyrant Policrates: & for two nights after hauing bene very sad & pēsiue, & not able to sleepe or take his rest, caried him back again his fiue talēts, saying vnto him: this mony is not to [Page] be valued or prized at so high a rate: as that for the same, I should suffer my selfe to be disquieted with continuall care and pensiuenesse.

5 It is a very hard thing naturally for a man to refraine and bridle his appetites but if it happen to be accompanied with aboundance of wealth and riches, then is the appetite vtterly vntameable.

6 Bion the Philosopher said; that it was a thing meerely ridiculous, for a man to set his studie and desire vpō riches which are giuen and gotten onely by fortune, by miserable sparing and pinching, and by wretched couetousnesse: and are soone spent & dispersed by bountie.

7 Diogenes was wont to say: that it was almost impossible for vertue to inhabite or dwell in that citie or house where riches were abounding.

8 Pithagoras said: that men cannot easily reine nor hold in an horse without a bridle: nor rule riches without great prudence.

9 Pla [...]o being demaunded what things a man most needed in this [Page] life, answered: First, to be free frō trecherie: that he come not to be murthered by treason: and next, that he be not in too great needinesse and necessitie of things necessarie.

10 Riches do commonly seduce and draw a man out of the right way.

11 He that putteth his trust in his riches, is in the high way to ruine and destruction.

12 As riches are but impediments to those that are wicked: so to good men they giue an aide and assistance to their vertues.

13 It is most certaine, that it is impossible for any man to be excellent both in riches and in goodnesse.

14 Rich men are called monyed men: but if they be couetous, they are poore in their thoughts: and so likewise the poore are named needy persons and indigent: but inwardly they are rich, (if they be contented.)

15 The Cinicke Philosophers did altogether despise vaine glorie, nobilitie and riches.

16 Riches are the possessions of [Page] fortune.

17 The life of rich men is very miserable.

18 Excesse and ouer great abundance of riches, are as the rudders of great shippes put to small barkes, which cannot well stirre and guide them.

19 Riches are the occasions of all kinds of mischiefes.

20 Amongst many men, they who do abound in wealth and riches, are held and reckened for honest and good men.

Of Lawes and customes.
CHAP. 24.

1 THe peoples of Tartaria do vse to eate for three whole daies together: and are in all things obedient to their wiues. And they neuer suffer any of their daughters to be maried, except she haue first staine with her owne hand, one of their enemies.

[Page] 2 The Licians do honour their women more then their men: and they take their surnames of the mother and not of the father: and they leaue their daughters to be their heirs and the inheritours of their lands and not their sonnes.

3 The kings of Persia before they do sacrifice to their gods, do vse to dispute of religion: before they drinke, they argue of temperance: & before they go to the warres, they dispute of their strength and forces.

4 The Atlanticke peoples of Libia, amongst all their daughters do esteeme of her best, that keepeth her virginitie longest.

5 The Autyles a people of Lybia in times of warre do vse to fight by night, and in the day they do make truce and an abstinence from warres.

6 The Mirines a people of Licia in the act of generation do vse their women in common: their children for fiue yeares are nourished in common, and after in the sixth yeare they put all their children of that age together: and then they compare the [Page] children with the men; and that man to whom any child is most like in resemblance, hath that giuen vnto him to bring vp as his owne.

7 The lawes commaund: That men accustomed to wickednesse and viciousnesse should be cut off, without being spared or concealed: and that they which are attainted & conuinced as guilty of any crime, should neuer be let go without punishment.

8 Those lawes which grow and arise of customes, are much stronger then those that are made by learning and ciuill prudence.

9 As man is the best of all creatures vsing lawes and iustice: so is mā the worst of all creatures when hee swarueth from law and iustice.

10 The lawe is the Queene of all creatures, both mortall & immortall.

11 To a wise man God is a lawe: but to a foole his owne appetite.

12 I see that the ruine of that citie is at hand, wherein the lawes haue not the command ouer the magistrate: but the magistrate ruleth ouer the lawes.

13 Pausanias a captain of Athens, [Page] being demaunded by one: wherfore certaine auncient lawes remaining in force amongst them, were not abrogated and discontinued? answered: It is necessarie that the lawes should beare rule ouer men, and not men ouer the lawes.

14 They which haue too many lawes, and too many penalties and punishments, by meere constraint must become wicked.

15 The true lawes are those that bring foorth honest things, and not abundance of gaine and riches.

16 The feare of the lawes doth not hide the wickednesse of offendors: but defendeth them from licentiousnesse and libertie of doing ill.

17 Lawes were ordained, to the intent the audacious actions of men might be restrained: and that innocencie might liue secure and in assurance amongst the vicious and wicked.

18 The law is nothing else then a rule of right or reason, deriued frō the diuinitie of the Gods: which commaundeth that which is good and [Page] honest, and defendeth the contrary.

19 Solon said: That the lawes were like vnto Spiders webbes: because commonly by the extremitie and seueritie of lawes, the poorer and weaker sort of men are entrapped & brought to punishment, but the rich and mightie men do breake through them vncontrolled.

Of Renowne and glorie.
CHAP. 25.

1 REnowne commonly hath more fame then defame.

2 A Prince ought to be bred & brought vp in glorie.

3 Glorie despised, by time commeth to be greater.

4 All sorts of men are drawne in with the desire and studie of glorie: and therfore euery good man is guided by glorie.

5 Democritus a most excellent Philosopher, did glorie in that he came to Athens vnknowne of any [Page] person.

6 Alexander the Great said: If I were Parmenio, I had rather haue wealth then glorie: but now as I am, I know my selfe to be a king and not a Merchant.

7 Many men feare their renowne: but few or none feare their conscience.

8 I haue learned to be afraid of that renowne which is dishonest and shamefull.

9 Of all humane things that are voluble and subiect to inconstancie: there is none more vnstable then renowne and glorie.

10 Diogenes the Philosopher said: That nobilitie and glory were a couerture for malice.

11 When as Appius Claudius the Competitour of Scipio African, did commend himselfe, for that he could salute all the Romaines by their names: Scipio said vnto him: my care hath alwaies bene to be knowne of all men, rather then to know any man.

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Of a short life and sickely.
CHAP. 26.

1 ARistotle being demaunded what man was? answered: he is the example of sickenesse: the pray of time: the scorne and play of fortune: the image of ruine: the ballance of enuie and calamitie: and for the rest he is nothing but fleame and choler.

2 Simonides the Poet being demaunded how long he had liued: answered: A very little time, but many yeares.

3 The Philosopher Zenon said: That there is nothing whereof we are so poore as of time. The life of man is but short: but art to heale the maladies and diseases of the bodie, is longer and much more then man can attaine vnto.

4 Socrates said: thae he thought the gods, in regarding & beholding our vaine studies and desires, could not but laugh continually.

5 All our life is vncertaine & without [Page] coniecture, as that which goeth on wandring without any faith or cō stancie, and with vaine hopes in idle words, it feedeth the thoughts and cogitations of men. No man knoweth what will happē in time to come: howbeit God gouerneth all mortall men in the middest of all perils and daungers: and many times on the contrary, he bloweth vpon vs a strong wind or tempest of aduersitie.

6 Albeit this life be full of troubles and miseries, neuerthelesse it is greedily desired of all men.

7 Life is good, if a man liue vertuously: but it is euill if it be accompanied with wickednesse.

8 In the Isle of Taprobana it is said, that men liue without griefe.

9 If thou knowest how to vse thy life well, it will be of long continuance.

10 Oh how late is that houre, for a man then to begin to liue well, when he must of necessitie dye and depart out of this life!

11 The life of man is fraile and short.

[Page] 12 That life is pleasant which is led in honestie.

13 A quiet and peaceable life ought to be preferred before all other things.

14 A mans care and studie ought to be, how he may passe his life time in ioy and contentment.

15 Without ioy and loue this life of ours is bitter and vncomfortable.

16 The torments of this life are of diuerse sorts.

17 A short life cutteth a man off from long hopes.

18 Not he which liueth long, but he that liueth iustly and vertuously, is worthie to be honoured and commended, notwithstanding that he liue but a short and small time.

Of Pouertie despised.
CHAP. 27.

1 A Man hath no greater enemie then pouertie: the poore man is fearefull in euery thing.

2 Diogenes being reproched by [Page] one because of his pouertie, answered him, saying: O wretch, thou diddest neuer see any man exercise tyrannie for pouertie: but many tyrants do it to get wealth and riches.

3 If thou do not desire much and many things: that little which thou hast will seeme much vnto thee.

4 After that pouertie became once to be held in contempt, and to be accounted a thing disgracious amongst men, riches & wealth haue euer since bene sought of men by all kind of wickednesse and mischie [...]es

5 Pouertie is content to satisfie the demaund of desire.

6 There is no man liuing which is borne rich: but he may well be accounted great, who in the middest of his riches doth shew himselfe to be poore.

7 Nature desireth and is contē ted with a very little, but the fancie and opinion of man coueteth much.

8 Honest pouertie is a ioyfull and pleasant thing.

9 He is not poore that possesseth small wealth: but he which desireth [Page] reth much.

Of Pouertie commended.
CHAP. 28.

1 ARistides, Phocion, and Socrates Athenians, Epaminondas also and Pelopidas Thebans, all of them most famous and renowned persons, were very poore men: and yet they were better, more honest and iust men thē any other of the seuerall nations and countries where they liued.

2 Diogenes being vpbraided by one that he was poore, answered: I neuer saw any man tormented for his pouertie: but I haue seene many p [...]nished for their vices.

3 To be poore by nature is no shame vnto a man: but we hate to see any man made poore by any euill or vnhappie occasion.

4 There is one thing onely for which pouertie ought to be beloued: because that maketh shew and triall of whom thou art beloued.

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Of Beautie.
CHAP. 29.

1 THere is no man be he neuer so beautifull and of an excellent spirit, that can therefore boast or vaunt of himselfe: for in a very short time he looseth the flower of all his pride.

2 The Philosopher Diogenes did vse to call those harlots and strumpets which were faire and beautifull, by the name and title of queenes: because men held them in no lesse reuerence then queenes: and most men were readie to do whatsoeuer they commaunded them.

3 It is a most pleasant and ioyfull thing to regard and behold beautifull persons: but to touch and handle them is very danngerous.

4 Fire doth burne onely neare at hand: but beautifull faces, be they neuer so farre off, do enflame and burne men.

5 Beautie being naturall & without [Page] art, is much more pleasing and delightfull.

6 Beautie is a very fraile thing: and is soone diminished by time.

7 That beautie is passing rare, which is without any fault or defect.

8 Beautie ought not to be adiudged by night.

9 Beautie vnto many hath bene the cause of extreame dammage.

10 Beautie onely hath this good fortune, that aboue all other things it is exceeding glorious and amiable.

11 Aristotle said: That in one recommendation, beautie had more force and valure, then all the letters missiue of the world.

Of Audaciousnnesse, or audacitie.
CHAP. 30.

1 FLye infamie sooner then any daunger whatsoeuer: for certainly it becommeth none but cowards to be fearefull and timerous.

[Page] 2 Audacitie doth farre surpasse the mea [...]u [...]e of all forces.

3 A [...]hida [...]us a captaine of the Laced [...]monians, seeing his sonne combate most obstinately against the Athenians, said vnto him. Either adde more strengrh to thy forces, or leaue thy audacitie.

4 Strength with prudence doth much profit and helpe any man: but without it the same is very hurtfull.

5 In things of great daunger, hardinesse and audacitie begun with reason, is highly to be commended: because it is most certaine that this is the true fortitude: but fiercenesse without reason is to be held no other then meere temeritie.

6 It seemeth that the audacious person is arrogant and a dissembler of his force.

7 Audacious persons are headlong before time of perill▪ and when they are neare daunger, they turne their backes.

8 When strength entreth into actions that are perillous without an honest occasion, it is called temerity.

[Page] 9 In these daies, it is lawfull to vse audacitie in stead of wisedome and prudence.

Of Piety and Clemency.
CHAP. 31.

1 PIetie in my iudgement is the foundation of all vertue.

2 This is true clemencie, when one pardoneth the life of another as his owne proper life.

3 There is nothing more commendable then clemencie: nor is there any thing more worthie of a great and noble man, then to bee soone appeased.

4 Lucius Paulus a captaine of the Romanes, hauing taken Perseus king of Macedonie, and entertaining this his prisoner with great humanitie, he said vnto him: If it be an honour for a man to suppresse and subdue his enemie, it is no lesse praise worthie to haue compassion of him that is falne into misfortune.

5 God keepeth the good & vertuous man from all euill & mishap: [Page] the onely good thing that can be in man is pietie and religion.

6 Pietie is the true knowledge of God.

7 They which haue written of pietie, haue giuen the first place vnto the burying of the dead.

8 Clemencie is not so fit and conuenient to any, as to kings and Princes.

9 Pietie was neuer yet rewarded with any punishment.

Of Liberty and seruitude.
CHAP. 32.

1 WHosoeuer accompanieth with a tyrant, although he be in libertie, yet he is his seruant.

2 Libertie ought not to be lost without losse of life.

3 All kind of seruitude is miserable, but that especially is intollerable, when a man is enforced to serue one that is dishonest and vicious.

4 It is fitter for any man to reioyce when he hath done any good [Page] seruice, & hath performed the part of a good seruant: then when he hath played the part of a great maister and commaunder.

5 He serueth honestly, who giueth place vnto time.

6 If any man haue found a seruant that is willing and diligent, he can neuer haue a better or more precious treasure.

7 There cannot be a heauier charge, then for a man to haue a seruant which will take vpon him to know more then appertaineth vnto him: and there canno [...] be a worse thing or more vnprofitable, in any house, then such a one.

8 A certaine Spartan said: We onely of all the Grecians haue learned to be truely free, and not to be subiect to any.

9 Caesar desired to be despised, and to haue nothing of himselfe, to the intent his souldiers might be franke and free.

10 It is better to liue free with a little out of feare, then to be in seruitude with much & great abundance.

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Of Ignorance.
CHAP. 33.

1 IT is a signe of great folly for a mā to blame those things which he vnderstandeth not.

2 They may well be reputed for ignorant persons, who condemne things they know not, notwithstanding they deserue to be abhorred.

3 It is a very vniust and vnseemly thing, that ignorant persons should be preferred before those that are skilfull maisters in any facultie: or new men before the old and auncient: or fooles before those that bee wise and learned.

4 It is a matter worthie to be considered [...] what and how great a mischiefe ignorance is vnto men: it being so, that by the same, the faults which we do are concealed and kept from vs.

5 It is better to be a begger thē to be ignorant.

6 Ignorance and too much aboundance of speech are faults that [Page] haue dominion ouer the most part of men.

7 Ignorant persons commonly do liue viciously: the life of which men is their death.

8 The Poet Ausonius did make a mocke and a iest of the ignorant Philomuso, who vsed to buy many bookes, because he would be thoght to be learned.

9 Catullus said: that many did vse to buy bookes to their great charge and expences, although they knew little or nothing at all.

Of Doctrine and a good spirit.
CHAP. 34.

1 IN my iudgement it is not too late for any of what age soeuer, to learne that which is necessarie.

2 Chuse thee such a maister, at whome thou maist take more occasion of admiration by seeing, then by hearing of him.

[Page] 3 Honourable actions and customes are not so much gotten to man by nature, as by doctrine and learning.

4 Who can endure to see a rich man placed in the seat of honour and dignitie? and that one which is more honest and of greater wisedome, should be despised and contemned?

5 In very truth, there is nothing more deuine, and whereof a man ought to take counsell sooner then of his owne learning, and by his friends.

6 Certainely the spirit of a man cannot deuise to make any artificiall workmanship perfect without doctrine: neither can doctrine come to perfection, without a good spirit.

7 Oh how often are the most excellent spirits concealed in secret, and remaine vnknowne!

8 Euen as the health is the preseruation of the body: so is doctrine the safegard of the soule.

9 A good spirit may well be hidden vnder any skinne whatsoeuer.

10 Alexander desired to surmount and excell all others rather in knowledge [Page] and learning, then by numbers of souldiers and men at armes.

11 Many men of most excellent wisedome and knowledge, haue bin of this mind: that learning and the studie of good letters was the onely remedie against all aduersities.

12 Men who are of a subtill and craftie spirit, are to be feared and mistrusted.

13 The spirits and minds of men generally are intentiue to the getting and heaping of riches.

14 Those men who are of an excellent and extraordinarie spirit, for the most part are continually blamed.

15 Learned men do liue euer.

16 Desire onely to please them that are learned, and care not for the vulgar and common sort.

17 To noble spirits, commonly short life is incident.

18 It is seldome seene, that learned men are ouerpestered with multitude of affaires.

19 Propertius said: that there was no such excellencie as to be made [Page] famous and renowned by the poems and verses of Poets, for that the goods of the mind are perpetuall, and continue for euer.

20 Man getteth wisedome and prudence by a good spirite, and vnderstanding, and not by age.

21 Plato Museus, Melampus, Eudoxus, Licurgus, Solon, Orpheus, Homer, Pithagoras and Democritus, being all men of excellent skill and science, yet went into Egypt to increase their knowledge and learning.

22 Socrates admonished all such as haue a desire to get fame and renowme: that they neuer come to haue enmitie or contention with the learned, because men of learning and knowledge haue a great power both on the one part and the other.

23 Octauian Augustus by al means possible that he could deuise, did fauour the learned and ingenions men of his time.

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Of Abstinencie and Continence.
CHAP. 35.

1 I Hold that they onely are troublesome and tedious to our eares, who fal into the praise and commendation of voluptuous pleasures.

2 The Ambassadours of the Samnites being come with great treasure to the campe of the Romanes, and purposing to make a present thereof, vnto Fabritius: he sodainely laid his hands on his eares, on his eyes, on his nostrels, on his mouth, on his throat, and on his bellie, and said vnto them: As long as I can striue and get the masterie ouer all these my members which I haue touched, I will neuer haue neede of any thing that may be an ornament vnto me.

3 Alexander the great hauing taken the daughters of Darius king of Persia: and so likewise Scipio the Africane hauing in his possession the daughter of his enemie, neither of them would take the paine to go [Page] and see them, iudging it to be a thing dishonourable and nothing seemely for them, who were the conquerors of their enemies, to be in any sort subiected vnto those, whome they had conquered and taken captiues.

4 The continencie of Alexander the Great was such, as he wold neuer be drawne by constraint to see any woman, but he euer shewed himself most haughtie towards such as were fairest and most beautifull: but to all others he was exceeding full of courtesie and humanitie.

5 Amongst domesticall things, continencie deserueth the chiefest commendation: and amongst publique things, dignitie and estimatiō.

6 Continencie sustaineth and de [...]fendeth all the vertues of the mind: as a most firme foundation and vnderprop of the rest of the edifices.

7 He that passeth measure in drinking, is no more maister of his thoughts nor of his toung: and without shame he speaketh of al dishonest things and such as are vnseemely: and of a man he becommeth a child.

[Page] 8 The gold-finers make a triall of the goodnesse of gold and siluer by the fire: but wine manifesteth the thoughts of a man, be he neuer so prudent.

9 A shippe, a coach or any other exercise gouerned by a drunken man suddenly runneth to ruine and perdition.

10 It is a thing of exceeding great difficultie for a man to conceale and hide his ignorance: but much more difficult is it for a man to conceale any thing when he hath drunke well.

11 Socrates said: that true continencie, was to shunne and auoid the pleasures of the bodie.

12 Pericles a noble captaine of Athens, when Sophocles the Poet shewed vnto him a very faire young boy, said vnto him: O Sophocles, it is very fit and conuenient for a modest and temperate captaine, that not onely his hands, but his eyes also should be continent.

13 Hieron the tyrant hauing heard Epicarmus the comicall Poet vse som dishonest and lasciuious words in the [Page] presence of his wife condemned him in a cerraine fine for his punishment.

14 Philon of Thebes being disposed to giue certaine things vnto Philip the father of Alexander, who had conquered the citie of Thebes: he said vnto him: I pray thee do not depriue me of the glorie and honour of my conquest: for by thy benefite and curtesie which thou offer [...]st me, thou wouldest make me to be not as a Conquerour, but as one rather ouercome and conquered.

15 Cato the elder making an oration against the prodigalitie and superfluous expences of the Romanes, said, that it was no easie matter for a man to vse speech against the belly which was without eares: and that he maruelled how that citie could be long preserued from destruction, wherein a fish should be of more value and cost more then a Beefe.

16 Antiochus the third king of Syria, seeing a very faire Nunne in the citie of Ephesus, consecrated & vowed to the Goddesse Diana, speedily departed [Page] thēce, for feare lest her beauty should draw & constraine him to do that thing which was euil, euē against the opiniō of his own mind & spirit.

17 After that Carthage was taken by Scipio, certaine souldiours presented him with a verie beautifull maiden: to whom he answered: If I were a priuate man and not a Generall, I would gladly accept of your present.

18 Pythagorus did esteeme it much better to die, then for a man to pol [...]lute and contaminate his mind with incontinencie and other vices.

19 Alexander the great hauing sent his oratours to Zenocrates with a present of more then fiftie talents: he inuited (according to his vsual custome) the said Ambassadours to his sparie and sober dinner, and said vnto them, Tell Alexander from me, that as long as I haue wherwith to maintaine this life, I shall not know what to do with these fiftie talents.

20 Demonsthenes said, not euerie pleasure, but that onely which is honest and vertuous ought to be chosen and embraced.

[Page] 21 The temperate man, although he haue not the ordinarie vse of those things which bring pleasure, yet is he in want of none of them.

22 Diogenes being gone to Delphos, and seeing a statue of gold made in the name of Phirna a most famous strumpet, he said: This is for the intemperancie of the Greekes.

23 The Philosopher Epictetus said: That no man ought to adorne & trimme vp his house with faire tables and pictures, but with continencie and good customes.

Of Prudence.
CHAP. 36.

1 THe king Darius the father of Xerxes said: that he came to be much more prudent by the experience of the battels which he had had, & of his forepassed perils and aduersities.

2 Paulus Emilius assailing certaine places in Macedonie, Scipio Nasica said vnto him: Wherefore doest [Page] thou not rather affront the campe of thy enemies which is furnished and fortified against thee? To whome he answered: Certainely, if I were of thy age, I would do so as thou aduisest mee.

3 Denis the tyrant hauing sent certaine goodly vestments to the daughters of Lisander for a present: he sent the same backe againe vnto him, saying: that he was greatly afraid lest his daughters with those habites should appeare much more deformed then they were.

4 Archidamus being praised by certaine men, who demanded of him in what time he had subdued the peoples of Arcadia? he answered: that it had bene better for him to haue ouercome them by prudence then by force.

5 Prudence hath great need of fortune to accompany it: but wisedome onely hath no neede of any counsell for the acquisition and attainement of that end whereunto it tendeth: because it applyeth and keepeth her selfe continually to things [Page] that are eternall.

6 Prudence properly is a vertue belonging and appertaining to a Prince.

7 Whosoeuer is prudent must needes be temperate and constant: he that is constant is not troubled: he that is not troubled with any thing, must of necessitie be without griefe and sorrow: he therefore that is prudent, cannot chuse but be happie.

8 Prudence is compounded of the knowledge of good and euill things.

9 Prudence of all other vertues is the greatest: for by it all things both ciuill and domesticall are guided and gouerned: & the name therof is temperance and iustice.

10 They are to be esteemed & held for prudent and iust men, who know both how to say and do those things which are needefull and conuenient to be obserued towards God and men.

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Of Force.
CHAP. 37.

1 THey are not called nor truely accounted valiant and couragious persons, who do and offer iniury: but they which do repell and keepe iniurie and violence from them. And in truth he onely is of a valiant and constant courage, who is not troubled with aduersitie.

2 He ought to be esteemed the most stout and valiant, who driueth away from him couetous persons as his enemies.

3 He is said and held to be a valiant man, who endureth and feareth the things that ought to be feared & endured, vpon all occasions both whence, how, and when it is needful: and he likewise that is confident in himselfe and in his owne courage.

4 Fortitude or valiantnesse is the science and knowledg [...] of things which are to be held, and not to be feared, aswel in daunger of warres as of all other things.

5 If force and valure do hazard [Page] it selfe into perils and daungers, not constrained by necessitie, or vpon any occasion not honest: it is no longer to be reputed for valure, but rashnesse and temeritie.

6 Scipio the African seeing a soldier of his to shew his buckler with bragges and ostentation, said vnto him: My friend, true it is, thou hast a faire buckler, but it is a more seemely and decent thing for a Romane, to haue his hopes depending rather vpō his right then his left hand.

7 Caius Popilius being sent by the Senate of Rome as Embassadour to Antiochus king of Syria, to shew vnto him, that their pleasure was, he should desist frō molesting the children and orphanes of the late deceased Ptolome king of Egypt, was by the said Antiochus saluted and entertained with great courtesie: which notwithstanding he would scarce vouchsafe to requite with thankes, but deliuering him his letters, and being answered vpon the reading of them by the king, that he would consult with his Counsell vpon the contents thereof, [Page] Popilius hauing a white rod in his hand, made therewith a round circle about the king where he stoode, and said vnto him: Sir, I would wish you euen here as you stand to aduise your selfe, and to giue me your present answer. The Nobles there present with the king, maruelled at that his exceeding greatnesse of courage: and Antiochus himselfe immediatly answered: that he would do all that the Romanes required: whereupon Popilius instantly saluted him with great reuerence, & embraced him as the friend of the Romanes.

8 Agesilaus the Lacedemonian being demaunded, which of the two was the better vertue, either fortitude or iustice, answered: That valure without iustice was of no fruit nor profit

9 Pausanias a captaine of the Lacedemonians hearing Pedaretus say, Oh what a multitude of enemies do come against vs! answered: so many the more shal we haue the killing of.

10 Agesilaus being demaunded by one, why the citie of Sparta was [Page] not enuironed with wals: he shewed vnto him the citizens armed, & said: Behold these be the wals of the Lacedemonians.

11 Argeleonida the mother of Brasidas a renowned captaine of the Lacedemonians, being giuen to vnderstand by the Ambassadours of Greece, that her sonne was slaine in battell, demaunded of them if he died valiantly: the Ambassadours answered, that there was neuer man that died with more honour and renowne. To whom she replyed: O my maisters, for all this do you not know, that though my sonne Brasidas was a mā of great woorth, yet hath our citie of Sparta a great number better and more worthie then he.

12 Philip king of Macedonie being come with great furie into the territories of the Lacedemonians, one said vnto him: Oh what a world of miseries will the Lacedemonians be enforced to endure, if they do not reconcile themselues to the good grace and fauour of king Philip: Wherunto Daminda answered: Thou [Page] speakest like a woman: what misery can we suffer, if we be not afraid of death?

13 When the Ambassadours of Pirrhus being come before the Lacedemonians did menace them, that if they did not frame themselues to the good liking & contentation of their king, they should find that his forces were greater then theirs. Dercilida answered: Certainely if your king be a God, yet we feare him not, because we neuer did him any iniurie: but if he be a man, assuredly he is no better then we are.

Of Iustice and iudgement.
CHAP. 38.

1 IF thou wilt iudge vprightly, thou oughtest to haue a regard nor respect to nothing but to iustice onely.

2 In India he which is most learned is made the minister of their sacrifices: And hee demaundeth [Page] no other thing of the gods, but iustice.

3 As the touchstone by the touch approueth the gold, not the gold the stone: so the iust and vpright man which sitteth in iudgement, is not corrupted with gold.

4 He is not only iust which doth no iniurie nor wrong, but he also, who hauing power to do wrong, doth shunne and auoid the occasions thereof, to the intent he may not do any. Againe, he is not iust which receiueth small gifts: but he is iust, who hauing power to take great bribes, doth abstaine from doing it. Besides, he is not iust that obserueth al things: but he is iust, who with an vncorrupt and free nature, will rather be, then seeme and appeare to be iust.

5 Those men are chiefly, and in the first ranke to be praised, who preferre not any matter of profit, before honestie and iustice.

6 Science and knowledge separated from iustice and other vertues, ought not to be tearmed wisedome, but craft and cunning.

[Page] 7 God in no place, nor in any manner is to be held vniust, but most perfectly and absolutely iust: & there is nothing that more or better resembleth him, then that man who amongst vs is most iust.

8 The man that is iust, though he be a straunger, is not onely to be preferred before a free borne citizen: but before those also that are of a mans owne kindred.

9 There is nothing, wherof can come profit or commodity by force, if iustice be absent: but if all were iust we should haue no need offorce.

10 They onely are to be held & receiued as friends vnto God, to whom iustice is welcome as a friend.

11 There were certaine which said vnto Antigonus king of Macedonie, that all things were honest and iust vnto a king: to whome he answered: It is true indeede: but that is to such kings as are barbarous, but vnto vs those things onely are honest which are indeed honest, and those onely iust which are indeed iust.

12 The Poet Simonides contending [Page] against Themistocles, and affirming that in a certaine controuersie he had not iudged according to right, he answered him: that he could not be a good Poet, if he should compose his verses out of that forme and number which appertained vnto thē: euen so I (quoth he) should not be a good citizen, if I should iudge beyond the lawes.

13 It is the office of a good & sage Iudge to take counsel of the law, of religion, of faith and of equitie: & also to remoue farre from him luxuriousnesse, hatred, enuie, feare and couetousnesse.

14 The precepts of iustice are very bitter to the vicious and ill liuers.

15 Iustice is the mistresse and queene of all vertues.

16 Cities are then wel [...] when the vniust are seuere [...] [...].

17 Iudges haue great [...] of vertue: and especially of [...] and prudence.

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Of a wife and of mariage.
CHAP. 39.

1 THe peoples of Lacedemonia had this law: that whosoeuer did not marry should be punished: and another punishment was ordained for them that maryed too late: and a third and most grieuous punishment for him that maryed an euill wife.

2 She cannot be thought a true mother of her sonne, who hireth a straunge nurse to giue him sucke, and denyeth him her owne teates: the two dugges of a woman are not giuen her only for an ornament to her brest, but also for the nourishment of her children.

3 If thou hast a faire wife, thou shalt be in daunger: if she be deformed thou wilt repent thee to haue maried her: the meane and indifferent fortune therefore is the best and most assured.

4 Socrates being demaunded, why he did not [...]ue a diuorce betweene him & his wife Xantippe, who was a [Page] woman of a most peruerse and crooked disposition, and vsed him very iniuriously: he answered: Because by enduring within my house a wife that is so disloyall and disobedient, I haue learned to suffer more easily when I am abroad the iniuries offered me by other men.

5 A wise man may take a wife if she be faire, well behaued, and of a noble linage.

6 The principall & chiefest vertue appertaining to womankind, is pudicitie and shamefastnesse: which being once lost in any woman, all other vertues are cleane gone and decayed in her.

7 Amongst al the wars of Christians, the worst are the assaults and attempts giuen by men to the vndermining of Chastitie: where the warre is continuall without end, and the conquest is little or none at all.

8 There are 3. good things in mariage: linage, faith, & a sacrament.

9 The pudicitie and honour of a womā cānot be violated, if her mind be sound and preserued in chastitie.

[Page] 10 Chastitie in a woman is the fortresse and bulwarke of her beauty.

11 To be gouerned by the wife, is an exceeding great iniurie to the honour & reputation of the husband.

12 Like as the worme eateth out the wood: so doth the ill wife consume the husband.

13 It is much better to dwell in the common high way, then to abide in a house with a wife full of words.

14 Hell, the loue of a woman, the drye earth, and the fire, are neuer satisfied, nor euer crie, ho.

15 Martia the daughter of Cato, being a widow, was demaunded why she did not marry againe. Her answer was: Because I cannot find anie man, that had rather haue me then my goods.

16 To nourish or maintaine a poore wife is a thing very difficult, but to endure a rich wife is a hellish torment.

17 Theana a Greeke Ladie of notable fame and memorie, by chance on a time drawing vp her smocke so high ouer her arme as she shewed [Page] her naked elbow: One standing by said vnto her: Oh what a faire white arme is there! to whome she answered: and yet for all that it is not commonly open: and in truth it is very requisite that not onely the elbow of a chast woman should not be publike, but secret in her speech likewise.

18 The wife of Philo being demaunded, why she did not weare iewels at the publike feasts, answered: It sufficeth me that I haue for my ornament the vertue of my husband.

19 Cato the elder condemned a Senatour to be banished, because he had kissed his owne wife in the presence of his daughter.

20 Euen as the mirror or glasse doth not yeeld any more profit, in being set out and garnished with precious stones, or with gold and siluer, if it do not perfectly represent the forme that is presented vnto it: So a rich wife is little woorth or of small estimate, if her life and behauiour be not sutable and conuenient to the customes and fashions of her husband.

[Page] 21 Those husbands which will not recreate and sport themselues, drinke, laugh, and make merrie, and vse other amiable pleasures with their owne wiues: it is signe that they will seeke and take their secret solace by stealth with other women.

22 We see that the Moone is most bright and cleare shining, when she is far off from the Sunne: and when she is neare it she becommeth obscure, and her light is darkened: but a good wife is of a contrarie qualitie, because her husband being in place, she careth not to be seene of euery bodie: but when he is away, she keepeth her selfe priuate, & shut vp within her house.

23 The lawful wiues of the kings of Persia, were accustomed to sit at meales with their husbands: where if they listed to vse any lasciuious or light behauiour at the table, as to admit any cu [...]tisanes, or to haue any dauncing or reuelling, they wold neuer suffer their queenes to be present at such sports: because they wold not haue them to participate of their intemperancie.

[Page] 24 A yong womā of Sparta being questioned by one to tell him if she had euer intreated the companie of any man: she answered him, no truly: but a man is welcome vnto me: teaching thereby all honest women not to be desirous to seek their pleasures, but to attend til their husbands come to offer it them.

25 The husband that taketh a delight in lasciuious pleasure, and is willing that his wife should yeeld her consent and good liking thereunto: in my aduise may be resembled vnto him, that commaundeth his wife to fight with his enemies, to whom he hath alreadie yeelded himselfe a prisoner.

26 The foundation of all feminine vices is auarice and couetousnesse.

27 Necessitie is a most disloyall gardian, and keeper of the chastitie of women.

28 Many women care not though they be poore of good counsell: but most skilfull in all wicked subtleties.

29 The death of the husband [Page] doth not cut off the loue of a chaste wife.

30 The woman is more subiect to loue then the man.

31 That bed is full of disquiet and contention where the wife bringeth with her a great dowrie or portion.

32 Wandring and outloaping wiues are easily corrupted and seduced.

33 By how much more a womā is kept straight so much the more is she desirous of luxuriousnesse and lasciuiousnesse.

34 Some women do more gladly reade things that are lasciuious then such as are honest.

35 A woman is (as it were) a briefe and compendious way to all mischieues: and an artificiall inuention of all wickednesse.

36 Nature hath denied vnto women strengh and great force: for otherwise their courage being strengthened with trumperie and deceipt would be vnexpugnable and vnconquerable.

37 A woman is alwayes mutable [Page] and vnconstant.

38 There be three things that be notable euils: the sea, the fire, and a woman.

39 Diog [...]nes the Philosopher was wont to commend those young men that did promise to marie and take a wife, but did neuer take any at all.

Of Fortune.
CHAP. 40.

1 APelles a painter of Athens, being demaunded why he painted Fortune standing vpon her feete: answered: because she cannot sit.

2 Denis the younger being demaunded, how it could be, that his father of a priuate man had attained to a tyrannicall gouernement: and that he the sonne of a tyrant was expelled and chased from his rule and scepter? he answered: Truely, my father left me his tyrannie, but not his fortune.

3 Philip the father of Alexander [...], hauing in one day many good fortunes befallen him, said: O fortune [Page] for these so great and notable good fortunes, graunt me that I may haue but one vnfortunate day.

4 In all aduersities and misfortunes, the most vnhappie condition of the vnfortunate, is to remember that once he was happie.

5 The Poet Ion said: that fortune and wisedome being two diuerse and farre different things, did make notwithstanding and bring foorth most like and semblable effects: because both the one & the other did exalt, adorne, and lift men vp to the highest degree of glorie.

6 The goods of fortune are such, as a man hath neede of reason for the vse of things, and of patience in the necessitie of them.

7 He which is ashamed of his fortune, is worthie of all misfortune.

8 As euery man can vse his happie and better fortunes: so is he most excellent, when he can vse well his aduerse fortunes.

9 Fortune is more fauourable to the vniust then to the iust: as therein shewing her puissance & temeritie.

[Page] 10 He which is held too much embraced and fauoured of fortune, becommeth to be little better then a foole.

11 It seldome happeneth but that fortune doth offend the greatest and most excellent vertues.

12 No man ought to refuse that fortune which all others do endure.

13 Fortune is a sodaine occurrence of things vnthought of and vnexpected.

14 Fortune is a proud Goddesse, drunken and audacious.

15 All things are gouerned by the will of Fortune.

16 Pompey the great said: alas Fortune, seeing thou doest rend and breake in sunder all things, I thinke that I haue not any thing which I can esteeme as my owne.

17 The same Pompey said likewise, I neuer had any prosperous or happie fortune that made me proud: neither did euer any aduersitie make me fearefull.

18 Fortune giueth too much to many: but to none that which is sufficiēt.

[Page]

Of Realmes, Princes, and Magistrates.
CHAP. 41.

1 THere is none whatsoeuer aduanced, or that can attaine to be a Prince without the will and permission of God.

2 Principalitie and soueraigntie of cōmand is giuen by fatal disposition.

3 Kings are ordained and created by Iupiter.

4 It is not necessarie that any should vnderstand things better then a Prince, whose knowledge and learning shold be a help to al his subiects.

5 A good Prince ought to carrie himselfe towards his subiects, as a father amongst his children, and as God doth towards the world.

6 The Poet Pindarus said, that a king was (as it were) a custome and example to all others.

7 A King or Prince ought to shew himselfe terrible and seuere rather by threates and menaces, then by punishments and executions.

[Page] 8 The vertue of a Prince is to be valiant, iust, seuere, graue, magnanimous, a benefactor to many, bountifull and liberall.

9 A good prince is knowne by the good qualities and giftes of his mind: and not by gold, or rich and sumptuous apparell.

10 The soueraigne and chiefe wisedome of a king, is to know how to gouerne himselfe.

11 The friends of a Prince ought to feele his power and puissance, rather by his benefites, then by iniuries and oppressions.

12 The people must needes cō plaine, when wicked persons come to be their Princes.

13 The king Anaxilaus being demaunded, what thing was to be said most happie in any Realme? answered: Not to be ouercome by any benefites.

14 Alexander complaining himselfe, for that his father had left so many sonnes by diuerse women, who might pretend title to his realme and kingdome: king Philip his father [Page] said vnto him: Labour to become an honest & good man, and then by thy owne deserts & good behauiour, and not by mine, thou shalt be sure to enioy and inherit my kingdome.

15 Alcamenes a Spartan being demaunded, how a realme might long continue in happie estate, answered: When the king that raigneth ouer it, shall not care for his owne priuate gaine and profite.

16 In each commonwealth, this aboue all things ought to be regarded and established, that offices be not set to sale for gaine or rewards.

17 The publike wealth is the life of a citie: and where the lawes haue no force, it cannot be named a weale publike.

18 The Philosopher Antisthenes was demaunded, why he said, that hangmen had more humanitie then tyrants? Because (quoth he) only guiltie persons and offenders are put to death by the hangman: but tyrants do kill and murther the harmelesse and innocent.

[Page] 19 A man is then fit to rule and gouerne, when he hath first learned how to gouerne.

20 The Philosopher Bion said: That it was needfull for a good and iust magistrate to depart and leaue his charge in the commonwealth, rather with increase of honour then of wealth.

21 Those Princes that punish them who do outrage and iniurie to others, are the cause that others will abstaine from profering the like iniuries.

22 In a certaine great and open place within Thebes, were set vp the images of Iudges without hands, and the chiefe Iudges with their eyes blindfolded: whereby they shewed that iustice ought to be without any corruption of bribes or rewards.

23 When thou shalt be placed in any publike charge or office, admit not about thee leud or dishonest men for thy ministers: because the euils which they commit, will be imputed and attributed vnto thee.

24 He which is in an office or [Page] place of commaund, and maketh lawes for other men, ought not to gouerne onely by might and stronghand: but by his dignitie, vnderstanding, and other vertues, he ought to make himselfe knowne aboue other men.

25 Like as the sunne which is the life of the world, doth not attend nor expect, that the morning should intreat it to arise in the East: so the prince should not looke by praises and flatteries to do good deedes, but he ought of himselfe to enlarge his hand and mind to bountifull and liberall and actions.

Of Captaines of warre, and of their commauudements in time of battell.
CHAP. 42.

1 EPaminondas a Captaine of the Thebanes, had neuer any mutiny amongst his souldiers.

2 Agesilaus king of the Lacedemonians, [Page] being demaunded, what thing was needfull and necessarie to a good captaine, answered: Audacitie against his enemies, beneuolence to his souldiers in such things as are cō uenient, and counsell for the managing of his affaires.

3 Pelopidas a captaine of the Thebanes being to go to his armie, his wife prayed him that when he came into the field, he would haue a speciall care to his owne safetie: to whom he answered: that as touching that matter, she should do well to counsel others so to do, but for his part he held it the part of a captaine & commaunder, to haue a speciall regard to the safetie of his citizens.

4 The campe of the Numantines in Spaine, hauing of a long time vsed to be victorious against all the captaines that came against them with the Romane forces, seeing afterwards that Scipio came as General against them, by whom they were defeated and slaughtered: the Senatours of Numantia did exclaime against their people and souldiers, reproching [Page] them, for that they had so shamefully betaken themselues to flight: vnto whom a certaine Numantine souldier said in this manner: My Lords, I would you shold vnderstand, that in the campe of the Romanes there are still the same beastes that were there before, but they haue not the same shepheard.

5 Cecilius Met [...]llus a Roman, hauing pitched his campe against the Almaines in a very drie place, where his people were much pained with thirst and want of water, the riuer running close by the rampart of his enemies; in a di [...]contented humour, pointing with his finger to the valley beneath his campe which was full of water, he shewed the same vnto his souldiers and said vnto them: There my maisters you may haue water enough and drinke your fils, if you list paine your selues to take it.

6 Lauinius a Romane hauing taken the citie of Corinth, did not carry away any riches or treasure to his owne house: and albeit all Italy were enriched with the pillage of that city: [Page] yet was he in such pouertie and necessitie, as the Senate of Rome did marrie his daughter at the common charge of the citie.

7 Quintus Fabius Minutius being aduised by his sonne to seize vpon a certaine place, as a thing which he might do with the losse of a very few men: he said vnto him: Wilt thou be one of those few?

8 Scipio the African being accused by one, that he was alwaies fighting, and in the field, answered: It is true, for my mother bred me from the cradle to be a captaine and a soldier.

9 Marcus Iiuius being exhorted by some to pursue without ceassing the campe of Hasdarubal, which he had defeated and put to flight: answered: Let them alone, let some of thē liue, that they may carrie to our enemies the newes of our victorie.

10 Chabius a captaine of Athens said: that those captaines knew well how to commaund, who could discerne and know the plots and purposes of their enemies.

[Page] 11 Lamacus a Lacedemonian, reprehending a certaine captaine for a fault which he had committed: and he telling him, that he would not commit the like ouersight againe: Lamacus answered: that in warre it was not fit for any to erre twice: because in the first, special regard ought to be had, that no fault be committed.

12 Antigonus king of Macedony being demaunded, in what manner he ought to as [...]aile his enemies? he answered: Either by pollicie and cunning, or by force: either openly or secretly.

13 The king Pirrhus said vnto one to whom he had giuen a commission to leauie souldiers: do thou make choise of them which be great: and I will make them stout and valiant.

14 Tiberius Scaurus a Captaine of the Romanes being certified, how his sonne was put to flight by the Tarentines, commaunded him, that during his life he should neuer presume to come into his presence: in somuch [Page] as the young man being surprised with shame and ignominie died for very griefe.

Of diuerse and prompt Answers.
CHAP. 43.

1 PHilip the father of Alexander hauing the ankle of his foote broken, and his Phisition daily demaunding monie of him: he said vnto him: Go too, take as much monie as thou wilt, for thou hast the key in thy owne keeping.

2 The same king Philip being once laid to sleepe about noonetime: the Greekes that came to speak with him, did murmure, in being made to attend him: to whom Parmenio said: Maruell not if Philip be now a sleepe: for he many times waketh when you sleepe.

3 Alexander the Great being to make a sore iourney against Darius: a certaine souldier came vnto him in a great heate and told him: that he had heard diuers of his souldiers say, that they wold not allow any of their [Page] part of the pray or bootie vnto the king: who smiling thereat answered presently: Thou tellest me good newes, and that which I take for a signe of good fortune: for now I see that my souldiers haue resolued rather to vanquish their enemies then to flye away.

4 The Athenians hauing receiued an answer from the Oracle, warning them, that there was one man in Athens who was contrary and opposite to the wils and opinions of all the rest, and wishing them to search out by some meanes or other who it shold be: Phocion suddenly said: I only am the man, who do not take pleasure in any thing which the common people either doth or saith.

5 Cicero being demaunded by Metellus who was his father, answered: Whosoeuer should aske thee this question, it would be hard for thee to answer it, by reason of thy mother. This he said, because he knew that the mother of Metellus was held a woman scarce honest.

6 Ag [...]sides king of the Lacedemonions [Page] hearing a certaine Oratour extolling a very small matter euen to the heauens, said: This man is no good shoomaker: for he would put a great shooe on a little foote.

7 Cleomen [...]s the Lacedemonian hearing a certaine Logitian discoursing of force and prowesse, fell out into a loud laughter: to whome the S [...]phister said: O Cleomenes, doest thou which art a king laugh, because I discourse offorce! Cleomenes answered: My friend, so would I do if I did heare a swallow speake of force and strength: but if an Eagle did speake thereof, I should thinke well thereof.

8 And [...]oclidas of Sparta being blamed by an Athenian, which said vnto him: you Lacedemonians are ignorant of letters, answered: Then are we of all others the on [...]ly men, who haue not learned any euill of you.

9 Archidamus the sonne of Ag [...] silaus hauing receiued a very arrogant letter from king Philip, returned him in writing this answer: Before that we come to get the victory of thee, I would wish thee (if thou [Page] wilt) to measure thy owne shadow: for I do not thinke that thou wilt find it now to be greater, then it hath bin heretofore.

10 Eudamidas the sonne of Archidamus, seeing Xenocrates now growne old, disputing with one of his familiars, demanded of him who that man was: whereunto answer being made, that he was one of the most wise and sagest men that knew how to search out vertue▪ he replyed, And when trow you will he vse vertue, that now at these yeares is but seeking and searching for it.

11 Pausanias after he was sent into exile, giuing great commendations of the Lacedemonians, a stranger said vnto him: Why art not thou then in Sparta? he answered: Because it is not the custome of Phisitions to dwel with them that be sound and healthfull: but in that place where men are sicke and diseased.

12 Archidamus being demaunded by one, what territories the Lacedemonians possessed, answered: So much as they could get and purchase [Page] by the sword.

13 There was one that blamed Ethecateus the Oratour, who hauing one day dined with Archidamidas, did not speake a word during all the time they were at meat: to whom Archidamidas made this answer: Thou oughtest to know, that he which knoweth how to speake well, knoweth also the time when to speake.

14 Iphicrates the Athenian being demaunded by a certaine Oratour, what place he had in the army, (because he thought him a man exceeding hardie and cruell:) Why (quoth he) what art thou? a man at armes, or a footman, an archer, or a light horseman? he answered: I am none of all these: but I am he which haue learned to commaund ouer all these whom thou hast named.

Of Vertue.
CHAP. 44.

1 THe practise of vertue is seene to be euer conuersant about the [Page] affections and the actions, in which consisteth much, little and a meane. It many times falleth out, that we feare one more and another lesse: that one is confident, another desireth: one is fierce, and another is angry & cholerick: & there is not any good either in the one sort or other: and especially when it is needful, and to whō, and for what occasion, and how. But mediocritie is the best, the which of it selfe properly is the true vertue: Then vertue is an habite of election which consisteth in the meane, which men call mediocritie.

2 I haue made search if it be possible for a man to know those things which are manifest in vertue: but I could neuer yet find them.

3 It appertaineth vnto the vertue of the sexe feminine to gouerne the house well and rightly, and to haue the custodie, and looking to domesticall matters, and to be obedient to her husband.

4 Force, wisedome, temperance, magnificence, are vertues with many others: but vertue cannot be caught: [Page] seeing then that vertue cannot be had by doctrine, it is not a science.

5 If vertue do faile and escheat in man, (which no man can deny:) then doth felicitie also faile in him.

6 Vertue is a thing which is able to giue vs immortalitie, and to make vs equall to the gods.

7 Vertues are diuers Alexander was ingenious: Cirus was of an excellent spirit: Agesilaus excelled in tē perance: Themis [...]ocles in wisedome: Aristides in iustice: Philip in experience: & Pericles in the skill & knowledge to gouerne a commonwealth.

8 Vertue hath this qualitie: that her beautie and excellencie being shewed especially towards a mans enemies, she is accustomed to reioyce euen the most valiant.

9 Nature cannot establish any thing so high, but vertue can reach vnto it.

10 To die continually for vertue, is not to dye.

11 Vertue it selfe ought to be honoured, and not the image of vertue.

[Page] 12 There is no vertue in this life, except it be to loue the thing that is to be beloued: and to loue that, is prudence: and not to be moued or troubled for any matter of molestation, that is fortitude: nor for any matter of flatterie and delight, that is temperance: nor for pride, that is iustice.

13 Gorgias the Oratour being demaunded if the king of Persia were happie, answered: I know not how much vertue he hath.

14 I neuer knew any man, who trusting in his owne vertue, did enuie the vertue of another man.

15 Vertue is couragious through her owne proper riches: and she careth not to be celebrated with the fauor of the common people, because she hath no need of praise and commendation.

16 The vertue of the mind liueth, when all other things do dye and perish.

17 That vertue which proceedeth out of a comely and beautifull p [...]son, is much more amiable, and [Page] purchaseth the greater grace and fauour.

Of Death.
CHAP. 45.

1 ONe saying, that it was a hard & difficult thing to liue: Nay (quoth Diogenes) but it is hard to liue ill.

2 If a young man do liue to old age then he commeth to lament and to plaine himselfe to the gods, saying: that when it is requisite his labours and troubles should cease and he liue at rest: euen then is he most troubled and surcharged with affaires: afterwards when death approcheth, then would he liue, and requesteth the Phisitions not to be carelesse of his health and welfare.

3 O straunge and wonderfull minded men, who would not willingly neither liue nor dye!

4 I had rather liue and serue a man that is poore and beggerly, and one to whome meanes of liuing are wanting, then to commauud ouer all [Page] dead men.

5 Death is no grieuous thing: neuerthelesse it is a kind of iniurie in the end, which is ful of feare & terror

6 Seeing all men must needes dye, I do hold that it is a happie thing to dye not late but honorably.

7 The Poet Simonides said: That death is the medicine of all euils incident to man.

8 There is nothing better for a man then to be borne, nor any thing better for him then to dye soone and quickly.

9 Gorgias Leontin being neare his end, and departing by little and little as it were in a sleepe or dreame, was demanded by a familiar frend of his: what do you? To whome he answered: Now doth sleepe begin to recommend me to her sister.

Of Felicitie.
CHAP. 46.

1 FElicitie is the end of all things which are to be desired. Some haue said, that felicitie is prosperitie [Page] of fortune: and some say vertue: but it is fit and conuenient, that felicitie be giuen from the Gods. The felicitie of the soule, is an operation perfected by vertue.

2 Vertue commeth of science, and of vertue proceedeth the soueraigne good: what can this soueraign and chiefe good be, but God & heauen, whence our soule is deriued?

3 The soueraigne good of the soule is to be like vnto God.

4 This is felicitie (as saith Aristotle) which is not consisting in one onely art, but in all the course of a perfect life.

5 They are truely happie which are with truth: but they which liue in vanitie cannot be happie.

6 Some by too great felicitie, care nothing for God at all.

7 To happy men, the consideration of miseries seemeth to be a very streight and difficult thing.

8 To be happie, is to liue well and to do well.

9 No man can be happie, but he that is wise and good. It followeth [Page] then that wicked men are miserable: and therefore not the rich man but the prudent man flyeth and shunneth miserie.

10 Felicitie is deuided into fiue parts. The first is, to take good counsell: the second is, to haue the sences strong and sound, & to be of a good disposition of bodie: the third is, to be fortunate in all actions: the fourth to be alwaies neare and in companie with men excellent in glorie and renowne: the fifth is to abound in wealth and all other such things as serue for the necessitie of mans life.

11 Happie are they that haue a good soule: and that is giuen them from heauen.

12 Felicitie is either by destiny, or of fortune, or of vertue.

13 As sicke men cannot tast the sauour of any meates, so cannot any man attaine to happinesse and felicitie, if he embrace not vertue.

14 They are not happie whom the common sort reputeth happie.

15 No man in truth is happie amongst all mortall men liuing.

FINIS.

[Page]

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

Memorable conceits of diuers noble and famous personages of Christendome, of this our moderne timeDivers propos memorables des nobles & illustres hommes de la chrestienté. English

Corrozet, Gilles, 1510-1568.

Edition statement

1602

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Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A19368

ID [STC]

STC 5795

ID [STC]

ESTC S105084

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99840814

ID [PROQUEST]

99840814

ID [VID]

5349

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A19368)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5349)

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Source

— Memorable conceits of diuers noble and famous personages of Christendome, of this our moderne time, Divers propos memorables des nobles & illustres hommes de la chrestienté. English, Corrozet, Gilles, 1510-1568..

Extent

[16], 396, 395-397, [5] p.

Printed [by Richard Field] for Iames Shaw,. London :: 1602.. (A translation of: Corrozet, Gilles. Divers propos memorables des nobles & illustres hommes de la chrestienté.) (Printer's name from STC.) (Includex index.) (The last two leaves are blank except for ruled borders.) (Reproduction of the original in the Folger Shakespeare Library.)

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