The historie of Philip de Commines Knight, Lord of Argenton — Mémoires. English

The historie of Philip de Commines Knight, Lord of Argenton — Mémoires. English

Table of contents

Title page

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE MY VERY GOOD LORD, THE LORD Burghley, Lord Treasurer of England, Knight of the honorable order of the garter, and Master of hir Maiesties Court of Wardes and Liueries.

The life of Philip de Commines knight, Lord of Argenton, gathered out of diuers good authors, togither with a briefe answer on his behalfe to certaine accusations, wherewith IACOBVS MEYERVS a Flemming in his Annales of Flaunders, chargeth verie vniustlie both Commines history and his life.

A Table declaring the contents of all the Chapters contained in this historie.

§

THE PREFACE OF THE AVTHOR TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF VIENNA in Fraunce.

The occasion of the wars betweene Lewis the 11. and the Earle of Charolois afterward Duke of Burgundie. Chapter 1.

The Notes.

How the Earle of Charolois and diuers noble men of Fraunce leuied an army against king Lewis, vnder colour of the weale publique. Chap. 2.

The Notes.

How the Earle of Charolois encamped neere to Montl'hery, and of the battell fought there betweene the King of Fraunce and him. Chap. 3.

The Notes.

Of the danger the Earle of Charolois was in, and how he was rescued. Chap. 4.

The Notes.

How the Duke of Berry the Kings brother, and the Duke of Britaine ioined with the Earle of Charolois against the King. Chap. 5.

The Notes.

How the Earle of Charolois and his confederates with their whole army, passed the riuer of Seine vpon a bridge made of botes, how Iohn D. of Calabria ioined with them, and how they all encamped before Paris. Chap. 6.

The Notes.

A discourse vpon ambitious hunting after offices and estates, by the example of the English men. Chap. 7.

The Notes.

How King Lewis entred into Paris, while the Princes of Fraunce practised with the citizens. Chap. 8.

The Notes.

How the Earle of Charolois artillerie and the Kings artillerie shot the one against the other neere to Charenton, and how the Earle of Charolois caused another bridge to be built vpon boates ouer the riuer of Seine. Chap. 9.

The Notes.

A discourse vpon certaine vices and vertues of King Lewis the 11. Chap. 10.

The Notes.

How the Burgundians lying neere to Paris, and looking for the battell, supposed great thistles to haue been launces held vpright. Chap. 11.

The Notes.

How the King and the Earle of Charolois met togither to treat of peace. Chap. 12.

The Notes.

How the towne of Roan by practise was put into the Duke of Bourbons hands, for the D. of Berry, and how the treatie of Conflans was fully concluded. Chap. 13.

The Notes.

How the treatie of peace was concluded betweene the the King and the Earle of Charolois and his confederates. Chap. 14.

The Notes.

How by the deuision that hapned betweene the Dukes of Britaine and Normandie, the King recouered the saide Duchie which he had giuen his brother. Chap. 15.

The Notes.

How the newe Duke of Normandie returned into Britaine in very poore estate, and vtterly discouraged, bicause he had failed of his enterprise. Chap. 16.

THE SECOND BOOKE.

Of the wars betweene the Burgundians and Liegeois, and how the towne of Dinand was taken, sacked, and rased. Chap. 1.

The Notes.

How the Liegeois brake the peace with the Duke of Burgundie then Earle of Charolois, and how he discomfited them in battell. Chap. 2.

The Notes.

How some of the citizens of Liege agreeing to yeeld their towne and others refusing so to do, the Lord of Hymbercourt found meanes to enter into it for the Duke of Burgundie. Chap. 3.

The Notes.

How the Duke of Burgundy made his entrie into the towne of Liege, and how the citizens of Gaunt where he had been euill intreated before, humbled themselues vnto him. Chap. 4.

The Notes.

How the King seeing what had happened to the Liegeois, made war in Britaine vpon the Duke of Burgundies confederates, and how they two met and communed togither at Peronne. Chap. 5.

The Notes.

A discourse wherein is declared how greatly learning especially in histories profiteth Princes and noble men. Chap. 6.

The Notes.

How and for what cause the King was staied and held prisoner in the castell of Peronne by the Duke of Burgundies commandement. Chap. 7.

The Notes.

A discourse wherein is shewed, that an enteruiew betweene two great Princes for treatie of their affaires, hurteth more than profiteth. Chap. 8.

The Notes.

How the King to deliuer himselfe out of the castell of Peronne, renounced his league with the Liegeois. Chap. 9.

The Notes.

How the King accompanied the Duke of Burgundy, making war vpon the Liegeois, who before were his confederates. Chap. 10.

How the King arriued in person with the Duke of Burgundy, before the citie of Liege. Chap. 11.

The Notes.

How the Liegeois made a desperate salie vpon the Duke of Burgundies men, where he and the King were in great danger. Chap. 12.

How the citie of Liege was assaulted, taken, and spoiled, and the Churches also. Chap. 13.

The Notes.

How King Lewis returned into Fraunce with the Duke of Burgundies consent, and how the Duke proceeded in destroying the countries of Liege and Franchmont. Chap. 14.

The Notes.

How the King by subtill meanes perswaded the Lord Charles his brother to take the Duchie of Guienne for Brie and Champaigne, to the Duke of Burgundies discontentment. Chap. 15.

The Notes.

THE THIRD BOOKE.

How the King tooke occasion to make war anew vpon the Duke of Burgundy, and how he sent a purseuant of the parlament of Gaunt to sommon him to appeere at Paris. Chap. 1.

The Notes.

How the townes of Saint Quintin and Amiens were yeelded to the King: and for what causes the Constable nourished the war between the King and the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 2.

How the Duke of Burgundie tooke Piquigny, and afterward found meanes to make truce with the King for a yeere to the Constables great griefe. Chap. 3.

The Notes.

Of the wars among the Princes of England during these troubles betweene King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 4.

The Notes.

How by King Lewis his aide, the Earle of Warwicke chased King Edward out of England, to the Duke of Burgundies great greefe, who receiued him into his countries. Chap. 5.

The Notes.

How the Earle of Warwick tooke out of prison King Henry of England. Chap. 6.

The Notes.

How King Edward returned into England, where he slew in battell first the Earle of Warwick, and then the Prince of Wales. Chap. 7.

The Notes.

How the wars reuiued betweene King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy, by the sollicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine. Chap. 8.

The Notes.

How the finall peace treated of betweene the Duke of Burgundie and the King brake off bicause of the Duke of Guiens death, and how these two great Princes sought to deceiue each other. Chap. 9.

The Notes.

How the Duke of Burgundy seeing that he could not take Beauuais, before the which he had laid his siege, went to Roan. Chap. 10.

The Notes.

How the King made peace with the Duke of Britaine, and truce with the Duke of Burgundy, and how the Earle of Saint Paul escaped for that time a conspiracy that these two Princes made against him. Chap. 11.

The Notes.

A discourse very fit for this place, of the wisdome of the King and the Constable, with good aduertisements to such as are in credit with Princes. Chap. 12.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE.

How the Duke of Burgundy being seazed of the Duchie of Gueldres, sought to encroch farther vpon the Almaines, and how he laied his siege before Nuz. Chap. 1.

The Notes.

How the towne of Nuz was succoured by the Emperor and the Almains against the Duke of Burgundy, and of other enimies that the King procured the Duke. Chap. 2.

The Notes.

How the King wan from the Duke of Burgundie the castell of Tronquoy, the townes of Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, and how he sought to perswade the Emperor Frederick to seiz vpon all that the said Duke held of the Empire. Chap. 3.

The Notes.

How the Constable began to be had in suspicion againe, as well of the King as of the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 4.

The Notes.

How the Duke of Burgundy leuied his siege before Nuz by composition, and how the King of England his confederate sent to defie King Lewis. Chap. 5.

The Notes.

Of the trouble the Constable was in, and how he sent letters of credit to the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy, which after were in part cause of his death. Chap. 6.

The Notes.

How the King clothed a poore seruant in a cote armor with a scutchin, and sent him to speake with the King of England in his Campe, where he receiued a very good answere. Chap. 7.

The Notes.

How truce for nine yeeres was treated of betweene the Kings of Fraunce and England, notwithstanding all the lets and impediments that the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy made. Chap. 8.

The Notes.

How the King feasted the English men in Amiens, and how there was a place assigned for the enteruiew of the two Kings. Chap. 9.

The Notes.

How the two Kings met and sware the treatie before concluded, and how some supposed that the holy Ghost came downe vpon the King of Englands pauilion in the likenes of a white pigeon. Chap. 10.

The Notes.

How the Constable after the truce made with the English men, sought to excuse himselfe to the King: and how truce was also concluded for nine yeeres betweene the King and the Duke of Burgundie. Chap. 11.

The Notes.

How the Constables death was fully concluded and sworne betweene the King and the Duke of Burgundie, and how he went into the Dukes dominions, where by his commandement he was staied and deliuered to the King, and after put to death. Chap. 12.

The Notes.

A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundie committed in deliuering the Constable to the King contrarie to his safe conduct, and what ensued thereof. Chap. 13.

The Notes.

THE FIFT BOOKE.

How the Duke of Burgundie making war vpon the Swissers, was ouerthrowen at the straights of the mountaines neere to Granson. Chap. 1.

The Notes.

How after the ouerthrow at Granson, the Duke of Milan, King Rene of Sicilie, the Duches of Sauoy and others, departed from their league with the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 2.

The Notes.

How the Swissers vanquished the Duke of Burgundy in battell neere to the towne of Morat. Chap. 3.

The Notes.

How after the battell of Morat the Duke of Burgundie tooke the Duchesse of Sauoy, and how she was deliuered and sent home into hir countrie by the Kings meanes. Chap. 4.

The Notes.

How the Duke of Burgundie liued as it were solitarilie the space of certaine weekes, during the which time the Duke of Lorraine recouered his towne of Nancy. Chap. 5.

The Notes.

Of the Earle of Campobaches great treasons, and how he kept the Duke of Burgundy from hearing a gentleman that would haue reuealed them to him before he was put to death, and how the said Duke made no account of the aduertisement the King sent him. Chap. 6.

How the Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with good force of Almains, came to the towne of Saint Nicholas during the siege of Nancy, and how the King of Portugale who was in Fraunce, came to see the D. of Burgundie during the said siege. Chap. 7.

The Notes.

How the Duke of Burgundy refusing the good counsell of diuers of his men, was discomfited and slaine in the battell fought betweene him and the Duke of Lorraine, neere to Nancy. Chap. 8.

The Notes.

A discourse vpon certaine vertues of the Duke of Burgundie, and of the time his house flourished in prosperitie. Chap. 9.

The Notes.

How the King was aduertised of the Duke of Burgundies last ouerthrow, and how he gouerned his affaires after the said Dukes death. Chap. 10.

The Notes.

How the King after the Duke of Burgundies death seazed into his hands the towne of Abbeuille, and of the answer they of Arras gaue him. Chap. 11.

The Notes.

A discourse not appertaining to the principall matters of the greatioie the King was in to see himselfe deliuered of so many enimies, and of the error he committed touching the reducing of these countries of Burgundy to his obedience. Chap. 12.

How Han, Bohain, Saint Quintin and Peronne were yeelded to the King, and how he sent Master Oliuer his barber to practise with them of Gaunt. Chap. 13.

The Notes.

How Master Oliuer the Kings barber failing to execute his enterprise at Gaunt, found meanes to put the Kings forces into Tournay. Chap. 14.

The Notes.

Of the ambassadors the Lady of Burgundy daughter to the late Duke Charles sent to the King, and how by meanes of Monseur de Cordes the citie of Arras, the townes of Hedin and Bollein, and the towne of Arras itselfe, were yeelded to the King. Chap. 15.

The Notes.

How the citizens of Gaunt hauing vsurped authority ouer their Princesse after hir fathers death, came in ambassage to the King, as from the three estates of their countrey. Chap. 16.

The Notes.

How they of Gaunt after their ambassadors returne, put to death the Chauncellor Hugonet, and the Lord of Himbercourt against their Princesses will, and how they and other Flemmings were discomfited before Tournay, and their generall the Duke of Gueldres slaine. Chap. 17.

The Notes.

A discourse vpon this point that wars and diuisions are permitted of God for the chastisment of Princes and euill people, with diuers good reasons and examples for the instruction of Princes, which happened in the authors time. Chap. 18.

The Notes.

THE SIXT BOOKE.

How the Duchie of Burgundie was yeelded to the King. Chap. 1.

The Notes.

How the King entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundie, to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Dukes dominions. Chap. 2.

The Notes.

How the marriage betweene the Ladie of Burgundie and Maximilian Duke of Austrich, afterwards Emperor, was concluded and accomplished. Chap. 3.

The Notes.

How King Lewis by the conduct of Charles of Amboise his lieutenant, recouered diuers townes in Burgundie, which the Prince of Orenge had caused to reuolt from him. Chap. 4.

The Notes.

How Monseur d'Argenton during these wars of the conquest of Burgundie, was sent to Florence, and how he receiued homage of the Duke of Milan in the Kings name for the Duchie of Genua. Chap. 5.

The Notes.

Of Monseur d'Argentons returne out of Italie into Fraunce, and of the battell of Guinegate. Chap. 6.

The Notes.

How King Lewis being visited with sicknes, lost his wits, and lay speechlesse, somtime recouering, and eftsoones falling into his disease againe: and how he behaued himselfe in his castell of Plessis les Tours. Chap. 7.

The Notes.

How the King caused the holy man of Calabria to come to Tours, thinking that he could heale him: and what strange things the said King did to maintaine his authoritie during his sicknes. Chap. 8.

The Notes.

How the marriage betweene the Daulphin and the Lady Margaret of Flaunders was concluded, and how she was brought into Fraunce: whereupon Edward King of England died for sorrow. Chap. 9.

How the King behaued himselfe towards his neighbors and subiects during the time of his sicknes, and how diuers things were sent him from diuers places for the recouerie of his health. Chap. 10.

The Notes.

How King Lewis the 11. caused Charles the Daulphin his sonne to come to him a little before his death, and of the commandements and precepts he gaue both him and certaine others. Chap. 11.

The Notes.

A comparison betweene the sorrowes and troubles that King Lewis suffered, and those he caused diuers others to suffer: with a rehearsall of all that he did, and all that was done to him, till his death. Chap. 12.

A discourse vpon the miserie of mans life, by the examples of those Princes that liued in the authors time, and first of King Lewis. Chap. 13.

The conclusion of the Author.

The Notes.

A SVPPLY OF THE HISTORIE OF PHILIP DE COMMINES FROM THE death of King LEWIS the II. till the beginning of the wars of Naples, to wit, from 1483. till 1493. of all the vvhich time Commines vvriteth nothing.

Of King Charles his comming to the crowne, of the death of Oliuer King Lewis his Barber and others, and of the reuoking of King Lewis his superfluous gifts. Chap. 1.

Of the assemblie of the States held at Touars, of the Duke of Orleance pursute for the regencie, of the mad war raised by him, and of his departure into Britaine. Chap. 2.

Of the troubles that happened in Britaine betweene the Duke and his Nobles, and of Peter Landois death. Chap. 3.

Of the war the King made in Britaine, and of the Earle of Dunois ambassage to the King for peace. Chap. 4.

Of the battell of S. Albin, wherein the Duke of Orleance was taken prisoner, of the treatie of peace betweene the King and the Duke of Britaine, and of the said Duke of Britaines death. Chap. 5.

Of the Kings mariage with the Ladie Anne of Britaine, whereby Britaine was vnited to the crowne of Fraunce. Chap. 6.

Of the troubles in England, and how the King of England passed the sea and besieged Bolloin, and of the peace betweene the King and him, and of the surprising of Arras and Saint Omers by the King of Romains men. Chap. 7.

Of the restitution of the Counties of Roussillon & Parpignan to the King of Spaine, of the Emperor Fridericks death, of the peace between the King of Romaines and the King, and of the Duke of Orleans deliuery out of prison. Chap. 8.

THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIE OF PHILIP DE COMMINES, TREATING OF THE PRINCIPALL ACTES OF KING CHARLES THE EIGHT, SONNE TO LEWIS THE ELEVENTH.

THE PROLOGVE OF THE AVTHOR, containing that which he mindeth to treate of in this historie following.

The Notes.

How René Duke of Lorrain came into Fraunce to demaund the Duchie of Bar, and the Earledome of Prouence which King Charles held, and how he failed to enter into the realme of Naples, whereunto he pretended title as the King did, and what right both of them had thereunto. Chap. 1.

The Notes.

How the Prince of Salerne in the realme of Naples came into Fraunce, and how Lodouic Sforce surnamed the Moore and he, sought to perswade the King to make war vpon the King of Naples, and for what cause. Chap. 2.

The Notes.

How King Charles the eight made peace with the King of Romanes and the Archduke of Austrich, restoring to them the Lady Margaret of Flaunders, before he made his voiage to Naples. Chap. 3.

The Notes.

How the King sent to the Venetians to practise with them before he enterprised his voiage to Naples, and of the preparation that was made for the said voiage. Chap. 4.

The Notes.

How King Charles departed from Vienna in Daulphin to conquer the realme of Naples in person, and what his nauie vpon the sea did vnder the leading of the Duke of Orleans. Chap. 5.

The Notes.

How the King remaining yet in Ast, resolued to passe foorth towards Naples at the earnest sute of Lodouic Sforce. How Philip de Commines was sent ambassador to Venice: of the Duke of Milans death; after whose decease the said Lodouic seized vpon the Duchie, to the preiudice of a sonne the said D. left behinde him. Chap. 6.

The Notes.

How Peter of Medices yeelded fower of the Florentines strongest places to the King, and how the King restored Pisa being one of them to their ancient liberty. Chap. 7.

The Notes.

How the King departed from Pisa to Florence, and of the flight and ruine of Peter de Medices. Chap. 8.

The Notes.

How the King entred into Florence, and through what other townes he passed till he came to Rome. Chap. 9.

The Notes.

How the King sent the Cardinall Petri ad Vincula to Ostie; what the Pope did at Rome in the meane time, and how the King entred into Rome maugre all his enimies. Chap. 10.

The Notes.

How King Alphonse caused his sonne Ferrande to be crowned King, and then fled himselfe into Sicilie: with a discourse of the euill life that his father the olde Ferrande and he had led. Chap. 11.

The Notes.

How the yoong Ferrand after he was crowned King of Naples, went and encamped at Saint Germain, to resist the Kings comming, and of the treatie that King Charles made with the Pope at Rome. Chap. 12.

The Notes.

How the King departed from Rome towards Naples, what hapned in the meane time in diuers parts of the said realme: and through what places he passed till he came to Naples. Chap. 13.

The Notes.

How King Charles was crowned King of Naples, of the faults he committed in the defence of the realme, and how an enterprise attempted on his behalfe against the Turke, was discouered by the Venetians. Chap. 14.

The Notes.

A discourse somewhat out of the course of the historie, wherein Philip de Commines author of this present worke, treateth amply of the estate and gouernment of the Seniorie of Venice, and of those things that he saw there, and were done there during the time of his ambassage to the said Seniorie for the King. Chap. 15.

The Notes.

THE EIGHT BOOKE CONTINVING THE DISCOVRSE OF THE PRINCIPALL ACTS OF KING CHARLES THE EIGHT.

Of the order and prouision the King left in the realme of Naples at his returne into Fraunce. Chap. 1.

The Notes.

How the King departed from Naples, and passed againe through Rome, whereupon the Pope fled to Oruiette: of the communication the King had with Monseur D'Argenton at his returne from Venice: how he tooke aduise whether he should restore the Florentines places to them or not: and of the Sermons woorthie of memorie of Frier Ierom of Florence. Chap. 2.

The Notes.

How the King retained in his hands the towne of Pisa, and certaine other of the Florentines places: and how in the meane time the Duke of Orleans entred on the other side into Nouarre, a towne of the Duchie of Milan. Chap. 3.

The Notes.

How King Charles passed diuers dangerous straights in the mountains between Pisa and Serzane: how the towne of Pontreme was burned by his Almaines, and how the Duke of Orleans behaued himselfe in the meane time at Nouarre. Chap. 4.

The Notes.

How the Kings great artillerie passed the mounts Appenines by the Almains helpe, of the danger the Marshall of Gie was in with his vaward, and how the King arriued at Fornoue. Chap. 5.

The Notes.

Of the battell of Fornoue, wherein the enimies of Fraunce were put to flight, and how the Earle of Petillane, who the same day brake the Kings prison, relied them togither againe. Chap. 6.

The Notes.

How the Lord of Argenton went himselfe alone to parle with the enimies when he saw that those that were appointed to go with him would not go: and how the King returned safe and sound with his army to the towne of Ast. Chap. 7.

How the King sent ships to the sea to succour the castels of Naples, and why the said castels could not be succoured. Chap. 8.

The Notes.

Of the great famine and miserie the Duke of Orleans and his men were in at Nouarre: of the Marchiones of Montferrats death, and likewise of Monseur de Vendosmes: and how after long deliberation the King enclined to peace, to saue those that were besieged. Chap. 9.

The Notes.

How the Duke of Orleans and his company were deliuered by composition out of their great miserie in Nouarre where they were besieged: and of the Swissers arriuall that came to succour the King and the said Duke of Orleans. Chap. 10.

How the peace was concluded betweene the King and the Duke of Orleans on the one side, and the enimies on the other: and of the conditions and articles thereof. Chap. 11.

The Notes.

How the King sent the Lord of Argenton to Venice with certaine conditions of peace which they refused: and of the Duke of Milans false dealings. Chap. 12.

The Notes.

How the King after his returne into Fraunce forgot those that he left behinde him in the realme of Naples: and how the Daulphin died, whose death the King and Queen much lamented. Chap. 13.

The Notes.

How the King was aduertised of the losse of the castle of Naples: and how the Florentines places were sold to diuers men: of the treatie of Atelle in Pouille, to the great dammage of the French: and of the death of King Ferrande of Naples. Chap. 14.

The Notes.

How certaine practises entertained by diuers noble men of Italy on the Kings behalfe, as well for the conquest of Naples, as of the Duchie of Milan, failed for lacke of sending thither: and how another enterprise against Genua sped euill also. Chap. 15.

The Notes.

Of certaine controuersies betweene King Charles and Ferrande King of Castile, and of the ambassadors that were sent to and fro to pacifie them. Chap. 16.

17

The Notes.

Of the sumptuous building King Charles began a little before his death, of the great desire he had to reforme the Church and himselfe, to diminish his reuenues, and to redresse the processes of the law: and how he died suddenly in this good minde in his castel of Amboise. Chap. 18.

The Notes.

How the holy man Frier Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the Pope, and of diuers Florentines and Venetians his enimies. Chap. 19.

Of the obsequies and funerals of King Charles the eight, and of the coronation of King Lewis the 12. his successor, with the genealogies of the Kings of Fraunce continuing to the said Lewis. Chap. 20.

The Notes.

How Charles Duke of Burgundie was of the house of Lancaster as Commines mentioneth lib. 1. cap. 5. and in other places.

How Elizabeth wife to King Edward the fourth, was neece to the Constable of Fraunce, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 5.

How Brabant, Lambourg, Luxembourg and Namurs came to Philip Duke of Burgundie, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13.

How Holland, Hainault, and Zeland came to Duke Philip, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. where also the Queenes Maiesties title to the said countries is somwhat touched.

How Margaret of Flaunders was heire of Flaunders, Neuers and Rethel, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. & lib. 5. cap. 11. the which Margaret married with Philip the Hardy, yoongest sonne to Iohn King of Fraunce.

How Arthois and the County of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret aboue mentioned, and how she married two Dukes of Burgundy, and how Philip the Hardy hir second husband obtained the Duchy of Burgundie after the death of Philip Duke of Burgundie hir first husband.

How the King of Portugale was cosin germane to the Duke of Burgundy, as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 7.

How the Duke of Cleues was the Lady of Burgundies neerest kinsman by his mother, as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 16.

How King Henry the 7. was right heire of the house of Lancaster, contrary to Commines who affirmeth the contrary Lib. 5. cap. 18. togither with the excuse of Commines error.

The excuse of Commines error.

The title the Duke of Lorraine had to the realme of Sicilie, countie of Prouence, and Duchy of Bar, mentioned by Commines Lib. 7. cap. 1. and the Kings title thereto: togither with the whole quarrell betweene the house of Arragon and Aniou: and why the house of Aniou had the best title, as mentioneth Commines Lib. 8. Cap. 16.

The storie of this pedegree of Naples and Sicilie.

Why the Venetians had no right to the realme of Cyprus, as Commines writeth Lib. 7. cap. 4.

The house of Medices, whereof so ample mention is made Lib. 7. Cap. 5.

How Lewis Duke of Orleans, called after King Lewis the 12. pretended title to the Duchie of Milan, as Commines mentioneth Lib. 7. cap. 6. and in diuers other places.

The pedegree of Hercules Duke of Ferrara, of whom so often mention is made in this historie.

The pedegree of Francis Marques of Mantua, so often mentioned in this historie.

How Ferdinand King of Arragon had more right to the realme of Naples than the Kings of the house of Arragon that possessed it, as writeth Commines Lib. 8. cap. 17.

Faults escaped.

FINIS.

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THE HISTORIE OF PHILIP DE Commines Knight, Lord of Argenton.

Jmprinted at London by Ar. Hatfield, for I. Norton. 1596

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE MY VERY GOOD LORD, THE LORD Burghley, Lord Treasurer of England, Knight of the honorable order of the garter, and Master of hir Maiesties Court of Wardes and Liueries.

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IT is now, R. Honorable, thirty yeeres since I presented to your L. and the late Earle of Leicester my Lord and Master, the historie of COMMINES rudely translated into our vulgar toong, the which of later times at the request of the late Lord Chauncellor sir Christopher Hatton, I perused anew, and enlarged with such notes & pedegrees as seemed necessarie, as well for explanation as (in some few places) for correction of the historie. Since his death, certaine gentlemen to whose hands the booke happened to come, tooke so great pleasure and delight therein, that they determined to put it to the presse, supposing it a great dishonor to our nation, that so woorthy an historie being extant in all languages almost in Christendome, should be suppressed in ours. Notwithstanding their resolution, they forbare of curtesie to put in execution till their purpose should be made knowen to me. And albeit that I alleaged many reasons why in my conceit bookes of this nature, treating of Princes secrets were vnfit to be published to the vulgare sort, the rather bicause the Author in some places seemeth to be of that opinion himselfe: yet none of my reasons could preuaile, but they continued in their former determination: adding thereunto, that others besides my selfe had taken paines in this historie, and though I of peeuishnes would suppresse my labors, yet they would not suppresse theirs. So that would I nould I to the presse the booke must go, being already warranted by publike authoritie thereunto. I seeing the matter aduaunced thus far, thought it no time to draw backe any longer, but in the end tooke the burthen vpon my selfe, doubting if I had done otherwise, both the blemishing of the historie, wherein I may boldly say, that I haue more trauelled than any man that hath entermedled therewith; and also that the worke should [Page] be presented to some patrone that had no interest therein. Wherefore hauing againe examined it, and freed it from some faults that me thought fit to be reformed: I haue presumed to publish it vnder the protection of your Lorships honorable name, to whom of right it appertaineth in many respects. First, bicause the author thereof was a noble man, one of your owne cote, the wisest, and the best acquainted with all matters of state of any man in his time. Whereunto I adde, that he continued a Counsellor successiuely to so many French Kings, that he was reputed one of the ancientest Counsellors in Christendome at his death: wherein your Lordships fortune is not onely correspondent, but hath also surmounted his. Secondarily, your Lordship hath the aisne title to it, and lastly the right of suruiuor casteth it vpon you by course of common lawe. Wherefore all these circumstances well considered (my particular duties also notforgotten) I thought it a kinde of sacrilege to suffer your Lordship to be robbed of your right. May it therefore please you to receiue this historic into your honorable protection as your owne, as well in regard of the Author, being a man of such condition as aboue is rehearsed; as also of the worke, treating of that subiect wherewith your Lordship at this day is better acquainted than any man liuing: and lastly, in respect of your owne title thereunto. Which no whit doubting but that your Lordship will most willingly vouchsafe to do, beseeching the Almightie long to preserue you to the great stay of this flourishing estate, most humbly I take my leaue this first of Nouember 1596.

Your L. most humble and obedient to commaund Thomas Danett.

The life of Philip de Commines knight, Lord of Argenton, gathered out of diuers good authors, togither with a briefe answer on his behalfe to certaine accusations, wherewith IACOBVS MEYERVS a Flemming in his Annales of Flaunders, chargeth verie vniustlie both Commines history and his life.

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PHILIP DE COMMINES author of this present history, was borne at Commines a towne in Flaunders, being a gentleman of a very ancient house, and ioined by blood and alliance to the best of that nation. His surname was Clytus, his father & vncle had been both of them vnder D. Philip of Burgundy chiefe gouernours, of Flaunders called by Meyer, Summi pretores Flandriae; and to them he giueth this title: Domini Ruscurii, Buscurii & VVatenenses: whereby appeereth of how great Nobilitie and goodly reuenewes Commines was, not onely in Flaunders, but also in Haynault. In his youth, namely, from the nineteenth yeere of his age, and the yeere of our Lord 1464. till the 27. of his age, and the yeere 1472. he serued Charles Duke of Burgundie, and afterward Lewis the eleuenth of that name King of Fraunce, who emploied him in his weightiest and secretest affaires. He was of tall stature, faire complexion, and goodly personage. The French toong he spake perfectly and eloquently, the Italian, Duche, and Spanish reasonably well. He had read ouer verie diligently all histories written in French, especially of the Romaines, and bare them all in memorie. He much acquainted himselfe with strangers, thereby to increase his knowledge. He had great regard to the spending of his time, and abhorred all idlenes. He was of an excellent, yea an incredible memorie: for he often indited at one time to fower Secretaries, seuerall letters of waightie affaires appertaining to the state, with as great facilitie and readines, as if he had had but one matter in hand. A vertue so rare that I haue not read the like of any but of Iulius Caesar and him. Nothing more greeued him, than that in his youth he was not trained vp in the Latin toong, which his misfortune he often bewailed. After he was entered into the seruice of King Lewis, he was highly in his fauour, and during his raigne bare great sway in the realme. The said King also greatly aduanced him: for he made him first one of his priuy chamber, then of his priuy Counsell, Seneschall of Poictu, and Lord of Argenton. He married being of good yeeres a gentlewoman of the house of Montsoreau vpon the borders of Aniou, named Helena. But after King Lewis his death, he fell into great troubles: for bicause he was a stranger, many enuied his prosperitie, so far foorth that at the length his enimies caused him to be imprisoned in the castle of Loches in the Duchie of Berry, (a place appointed onely for those that are attached of high treason) where he was verie extremely handled, as himselfe in his historie reporteth. Notwithstanding his wife by earnest and continuall sute, in the end obtained so much fauour, that he was remooued thence and brought to Paris: where when he had remained a certaine space, he was led to the parlament house to be arraigned. He had many enimies & those mightie, and of so great authoritie at that time in Fraunce, that for feare of them no Counsellor durst plead his cause: wherefore necessitie enforcing him to defend him [Page] selfe, he pleaded there by the space of two howers, being very attentiuely heard by the whole audience, and in the end so acquite himselfe, that by the Iudges sentence he was discharged. Among other things he rehearsed at the bar how sundrie troublesome and daungerous voiages he had sustained for the King and the common wealth. How highly King Lewis both had fauoured him, and for his faithfull seruice rewarded him: for his owne part, he said that he neuer had done any thing couetouslie, ambitiouslie, nor cruelly: and further, that if he had sought onely to aduance and inrich himselfe, he might haue had as goodly possessions as any man in France. He was prisoner in almost three yeeres. The next yeere after his deliuerie he had a daughter borne named Iane, which married with Rene Earle of Pantabria descended of the Dukes of Britaine, by whom among diuers other children she had issue Iohn late Duke of Estampes, Lieutenant of Britain, Knight of the French Kings order, and Lord of diuers goodly Seniories. But to returne to Commines, in prosperity he gaue for his posie this sentence: He that will not labour let him not eate: but in aduersitie this, I sailed into the deepe of the sea, and a sudden tempest ouerwhelmed me. He died the threescore and fourth yeere of his age, the yeere of our Lord 1509. the 17. day of October, in his owne house of Argenton in the countrey of Poictu, from whence his body was conueighed to Paris, and there lieth buried in the Augustine Friers. I was heere purposed to haue staied my pen, and further not to haue spoken either of Commines historie or his life, had I not called to minde diuers accusations of Iacobus Meyerus, who in sundrie places of his Annales of Flanders inueigheth verie bitterly as well against Commines life as his historie, whose accusations I am forced to laie open to the iudgement of the world, to the end it may appeere whether they be grounded vpon iust proofe. Notwithstanding before I enter into the examination of them, thus much in the commendation of Commines historie I cannot passe ouer in silence, that two of the greatest and woorthiest Princes that raigned in Europe these hundred yeeres; namely, the Emperour Charles the fift, and Francis the first King of Fraunce, made so great account of this historie, that the Emperor caried it continually about with him, as Alexander did the workes of Homer, no lesse esteeming it than he did them, and the King was as much displeased with the printing and publishing thereof, as was the same Alexander in times past for the setting foorth of Aristotles workes called Acroamatica, as rehearseth Gellius: so desirous was he to haue reserued to himselfe and a few of his owne subiects the great treasures of wisedome hidden in this small volume. But let vs now heare what Meyer obiecteth against this historie. In the 17. booke of his Annales of Flaunders writing of the battell fought at Saintron betweene Charles Duke of Burgundie and the Liegeois, he hath these words, Pugna commissa caeduntur magno numero & profligantur, ad nouem millia cecidisse tradit qui interfuit Philippus Cominius. Sed Brabantiae scriptor & quidam scriptor Flandriae (quibus plus habeo fidei) tria tantum millia occubuisse memorant. For answere heereunto, if this place be indifferently weighed it shall appeere to be wholie grounded vpon malice and no colour of reason, much lesse iust proofe: First, bicause Meyer preferreth the credit of these obscure Annalistes that write but vpon report, before the credit of him that was an eie witnesse, and that no way could aduantage himselfe by reporting a lye. Secondarily, sir Oliuer de la Marche, who liued also in that time and was Steward of the Duke of Burgundies house, writeth that a great number of these Liegeois were slaine at this battell, and also at the siege of Saintron, but that their friends and kinsfolkes trussed vp their dead bodies in vessels full of lime; partly to the end the discomfiture might appeere the lesse, and partlie that they might be buried among their auncestors, in the which feate (saith he) the Liegeois shewed a woonderfull audacitie and courage: whereby it shoulde [Page] seeme a great number to haue been thus trussed vp, by meanes whereof the dead appeered the fewer, and were reported accordingly, which deceiued diuers, and happilie these Annalists of Brabant and Flaunders. The like practise we reade of in diuers authors, & of the like writeth Meyer also himselfe. Lastly, the Annales of Burgundy agree with Commines, and report the number as he doth, so that this answer I hope shall suffice for this point. Againe, in the same booke fol. 364. Meyer writeth thus, Loquitur Cominius de nobili quadam foemina attrebatensis ditionis proditrice patriae, cuius aedere non vult nomen, falsus in hoc vt in caeteris historicus. Sure if it were an vndoubted truth that a Ladie of Artois could not send the King such aduertisement as Commines reporteth that she did: or if Meyer were Pythagoras that ipse dixit might passe for proofe, the credit of Commines should happilie hang in ballance: but if you reade the place in his historie, the very circumstances will induce any indifferent man to thinke, that which is there written of this Ladie to be no lie. Againe fol. 366. Meyer hath these words, Hic est Cominius ille transfuga, gente Flandrus, qui multa de Carolo & Lodouico prouinciali lingua bene scripsit, sed quaedam etiam scripsit plane mendaciter, multaque dicenda infideliter reticuit. This is so generall and vncertaine a charge that answer in truth it deserueth none: notwithstanding, I refer to the iudgement of those that shall reade this historie, whether Commines conceale his Masters faults therein or not (for that is Meyers meaning in this place.) True it is that he vttereth them not in such railing barbarous termes as Meyer very vnseemely vseth of so great a Prince as King Lewis was, and is offended with Commines for not dooing the like, a thing which becommeth Meyer himselfe very ill, and would haue become Commines much woorse. But our author as he concealeth not his masters faults, but laieth them open enough to the vnderstanding of the wise and attentiue Reader: so deliuereth he them, so sparingly, and vnder such termes as truth being vttered, the Kings honor be no further impeached, than verie necessitie doth enforce; a matter verie commendable in a gentleman writing of a Prince, a seruant of his Master, and a subiect of his Soueraigne. Lastly, Meyer fol. 365. hath these words, refert Cominius exercitum Caroliadeo fuisse extenuatum, vt exhibere illum Anglis non auderet, sed hoc falsum est. But you must beleeue Meyer vpon his word, other disproofe of Commines report he can bring none, neither grounded vpon any circumstance, nor produced out of any good author that writ of those times. But on the contrary side for the cōfirmation of that which Commines writeth in this place, first La Marche reporteth that the bloodie fluxe entered into the Dukes campe lying before Nuz, which it is verie like consumed many, and impaired the health of many more. With him also agree the Annales of Burgundie, which report that the Duke lost 15000. men before Nuz: which being well considered, and this withall, that the siege endured a whole yeere, and yet in the ende the Duke forced to depart frustrate of his purpose, whereby his soldiers had not onely their bodies tired, but also their mindes discouraged: I suppose no man of sounde iudgement will thinke that the Dukes armie could be otherwise than in verie poore estate. Now that you haue heard all that Meyer hath or can obiect against the credit of this historie (which also how substancially he hath prooued I leaue to the iudgement of the wise and indifferent reader to consider:) it is good reason you should also heare what opinion other authors haue both of Commines and of his historie, and how honorable testimonie in their writings they giue to them both. Annales Burgundiae lib. 3. pa. 930. speaking of Commines testifie thus of him. He was one of the wisest gentlemen of his time, and the best acquainted with all matters of state, as appeereth by his historie: whereof the Emperour Charles made so great account, that he neuer slept before he had read certaine chapters thereof, for the finishing of his daies worke. Which sure this noble and sage Emperor [Page] would neuer haue done, if Commines had been a reporter of lies, especially of the said Emperours owne great grandfather, whose life and death are so amplie in this historie treated of. Paulus Aemilius giueth such credit to Commines, that al that he writeth in the history of France of the raigne of Lewis the 11. is onely an abridgment of him, & wholy taken out of his writings. Ferron in his supply to Paulus Aemilius historie maketh in many places very honorable mention of Commines, highly commending him both for his great wisedome and vertue and sinceritie in his historie. Lodouico Guicciardini no French man, but an Italian, in his description of the lowe Countries fol. 220. calleth Commines a writer woorthie of great commendation. And fol. 310. and 311. thus he writeth. Of the Noble house of Commines was Philip de Commines Lord of Argenton, who wrote the historie of his owne time verie sincerely, he was a noble personage, of great enterprise, and of him diuers authors make honorable mention. Heere we haue the true testimonie of sundrie woorthie writers (for to vouche all were too tedious) on Commines behalfe, which ioined with the approbation of the noble Emperour Charles the fift, are sufficient, as I suppose, to maintaine his credit against the venemous dartes of Meyers sclanderous accusations. Now as touching Commines life, the onely thing that Meyer blameth therein, is his departure from the Duke of Burgundies seruice: for the which he inueigheth no lesse bitterly against his person, than before he did against his historie, for fol. 355. where he maketh mention of the Duke of Burgundies cruelty vsed at the castle of Nesle, which he tooke by assault the yeere 1472. he hath these wordes. Crudelis hic visus Corolus & animo turbato, crediturque quosdam ex familiaribus parum habuisse fideles, ex quibus hand dubie er at Philippus ille Cominius or tu Flandrus, Dominus Ruscurii, qui hoc anno transfugit adregem, quisivir fuisset probus & integer, nequaquam deserto Dominc suo, deserta & abiurata patria ad talem transisset tyrannum, aliosque ad idem faciendum solicitasset, quantiscunque muneribus inuitatus. Againe fol. 366. thus he saith, Causam cur transfugerit aliisque nonnullis author fuerit idem faciendi non lego, cum autem Cominius in suis scriptis causam suae defectionis reticeat, non dubium puto quin ob faedum aliquod patratum scelus more proditorum aufugerit. Whereunto somewhat to answere in Commines behalfe, I say that what cause mooued him to leaue the Duke as we certainely know not, so is it not like that he departed from him for any heinous offence, bicause he was neuer charged with any, neither is Meyer able to produce any one testimonie (as euen himselfe in this place is forced to confesse) that he forsooke the Duke in any treacherous sort, neither is he able to prooue that he sollicited any to leaue the Dukes seruice during the Dukes life, though without all proofe most vniustly he charge him therewith. For if Commines had departed with the betraying of townes and castles to the enimy as de Cordes did; if for attempting to destroie the Dukes person, as Baldwine the Dukes base brother, and the Earle of Estampes his cosin did; if for both, as the Earle of Campobasso did, his offence could no more haue beene concealed, than the others aboue mentioned was. Wherefore as Meyer reasoneth that bicause Commines no where in his writings vttereth the cause of his departure, it is like he departed for some hainous offence: so one the other side with much more reason it may be answered, that bicause neither Meyer nor any other Historiographer in their writings vtter the cause of his departure; like it is that he departed for no hainous offence, but onely for his owne aduancement or safetie or both, without seeking by traiterous practises to harme the Duke, as the aboue named with diuers others did. But let vs now examine what by all presumption was the cause of his departure from the Duke: and secondarily, whether his departure from one Master to another being in hostilitie be excusable: which two points being throughly discussed, it shall plainly appeere to the world, whether he be iustly [Page] to be charged with any euill dealing, for leauing the Duke of Burgundie his first Master, and vnder whose dominion he was borne. As touching the first point, I am of opinion that Commines by his departure from the Duke of Burgundie, sought both his owne aduauncement and his safetie, the former whereof he had iust cause to hope for at King Lewis his hands, as a thing well deserued, at the Kings being at Peronne, where Commines wisedome and great credit with the Duke of Burgundie (as say the Annales of Burgundie) stood the King in so good stead, that by his onely meanes he was restored to his realme, libertie and life, which otherwise had beene in great danger, as by the course of this historie most plainly doth appeere. Wherefore Commines could not but assure himselfe of great aduauncement at King Lewis his hands, as well bicause of the Kings great liberalitie, as also for his owne desert: neither did his hope faile him, as the sequele well declared. On the other side at the Dukes hands no great aduauncement was to be looked for, both bicause the qualitie of his seruice to the Duke and the King was not alike, and so consequently the desert vnlike; and also bicause the Dukes liberalitie was inferior to the Kings, his attempts so impouerishing him, that he had not to be liberall of as the King had. Whereunto I adde, that he made no such account of his seruants as the King did, but attributed all his good successe to his owne braine, whereby their seruice was the lesse esteemed and the woorse rewarded, or rather not at all esteemed nor rewarded: for he neuer vsed any mans counsell but his owne, so that wise men lost but their time with him. Yea Meyer himselfe reporteth him to be Durum, asperum & ingratum, à quo milites maligne admodum stipendia accipiebant, raro blande & liberaliter appellarentur, quanquam multis in locis extremis periculis se obiectarent, plurimumque algoris, inediae & aestus sustinerent. If then the Duke were of this disposition towards his soldiers, and so euill rewarded them whose helpe he daily and howerly vsed: what reward could any wise man looke for at his hands, whose aduice he seldome asked and neuer followed? Further, the Duke was of nature very cholericke and ready to offer his seruants iniurie, as for example, to the Earle of Campobasso he gaue a blowe, which in the end cost him his life, and whether any such outrage offered to our Author caused or furthered his departure we knowe not: but that aduauncement (which was to be looked for at the Kings hands, and not to be hoped for at the Dukes) was one cause, is already, as I suppose, sufficiently prooued. The second cause of Commines departure from the Duke in mine opinion was safetie; for the Duke, as Commines himselfe reporteth, forced not to venture his seruants into any danger were it neuer so great, which all men (especially despairing of reward of their seruice) will seeke to auoide: for as our Author himselfe saith in one place of his historie, most men by seruice seeke to aduaunce themselues, but all men will haue an eie to saue themselues. Further, Commines being a very wise man foresawe the Dukes attempts to be such, as would in the end ouerthrowe both himselfe, his subiects, and his dominions, wherefore he thought it best to dislodge in time and to saue one. These in mine opinion were the principall causes of his departure from the Duke, which being honest and reasonable, and his departure likewise voide of al treason and trecherous practises against the Duke: I see no reason why for his departure he should not rather be commended than condemned. The last point that we haue to consider is, whether he being the Dukes subiect might leaue his Master and depart to the King, were the causes of his departure neuer so reasonable and honest. Whereunto I answer, that Commines was not absolutely the Dukes subiect: for Flaunders was held in soueraigntie of the crowne of Fraunce, and both the Earle and all the people sworne to beare no armes against the King of Fraunce, and diuers [Page] examples too long to rehearse, are to be read in the histories of diuers Earles of Flaunders that haue been arrested, imprisoned, and togither with their people fined for breach of this oth. Wherefore seeing our author was a Flemming borne, and Flaunders held in Soueraigntie of the King of Fraunce, and the Duke of Burgundie in-hostilitie with the King of Fraunce, contrarie to the oth he either tooke or ought to haue taken; and further violating diuers, naie I may say all those points whereunto by his allegeance he was bound to the French King: I see no reason why Commines might not, or rather ought not to leaue an inferior rebellious Lord, and cleaue to his soueraign Prince and King, to whom he ought a soueraign dutie both by allegeance and oth. And if after his reuolt, he gaue any aduice to the furtherance of the Kings affaires, he did therein in mine opinion the dutie of a faithfull seruant and true subiect. Thus much I haue beene forced to speake in defence both of Commines life, and historie, whereof as the former appeereth to haue beene both honest and vertuous as well by the reasons aboue alleaged, as also by the notable discourses wherewith he farceth his historie, which breath nothing but vertue and sinceritie: so is the latter confirmed by the consent of diuers good histories, and approoued by the iudgement of the noblest Princes that Europe bred these many hundred yeers, as I trust is sufficiently declared. Wherefore our authors credit standeth vpright, as well for good conuersation of life, as sincere report in historie, both the which Meyer no lesse falsely slandereth, than he doth in other places of his Annales the noble races of the Kings of England and Fraunce, which ignorantly or maliciouslie he reporteth to be more vile and base than any honest eare can endure to heare. Thus hauing I trust sufficiently defended the credit of this woorthie writer, I will heere abruptly for auoiding of tediousnes staie my pen.

A Table declaring the contents of all the Chapters contained in this historie.

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The preface of the Author to the Archbishop of Vienna in Fraunce. page 1

Chap. 1 The occasion of the wars between Lewis the eleuenth, and the Earle of Charolois Duke of Burgundy. page 2

Chap. 2 How the Earle of Charolois and diuers noble men of Fraunce leuied an army against King Lewis, vnder colour of the weale publike. page 6

Chap. 4 How the Earle of Charolois encamped neere to Montl'hery, and of the battell fought there betweene the King of Fraunce and him. page 10

Chap. 4 Of the danger the Earle of Charolois was in, and how he was rescued. page 15

Chap. 5 How the Duke of Berry the Kings brother, and the Duke of Britaine ioined with the Earle of Charolois against the King. page 19

Chap. 6 How the Earle of Charolois and his confederates with their whole army, passed the riuer of Seine vpon a bridge of botes, how Iohn Duke of Calabria ioined with them, and how they all encamped before Paris. page 22

Chap. 7 A discourse vpon ambitious hunting after offices and estates, by the example of the English men. page 25

Chap. 8 How King Lewis entred into Paris, while the Princes of Fraunce practised with the citizens. page 27

Chap. 9 How the Earle of Charolois artillery and the Kings artillery shot the one against the other neere to Charenton, and how the Earle of Charolois caused another bridge to be built vpon botes ouer the riuer of Seine. page 29

Chap. 10 A discourse vpon certaine vices and vertues of King Lewis the 11. page 32

Chap. 11 How the Burgundians lying neere to Paris, and looking for the battell, supposed great thistles to haue been launces held vpright. page 34

Chap. 12 How the King and the Earle of Charolois met togither to treat of peace. page 36

Chap. 13 How the towne of Roane by practise was put into the Duke of Bourbons hands, for the Duke of Berry, and how the treatie of Conflans was fully concluded. page 38

Chap. 14 How the treatie of peace was concluded betweene the King and the Earle of Charolois and his confederates. page 40

Chap. 15 How by the diuision that hapned betweene the Dukes of Britaine and Normandy, the King recouered the said Duchie which he had giuen his brother. page 42

Chap. 16 How the new Duke of Normandy returned into Britaine in very poore estate, and vtterly discouraged, bicause he had failed in his enterprise. page 43

The second Booke.

Chap. 1 Of the wars betweene the Burgundians and Liegeois, and how the towne of Dinand was taken, sacked and rased. page 45

Chap. 2 How the Liegeois brake the peace with the Duke of Burgundie then Earle of Charalois, and how he discomfited them in battell. page 48

Chap. 3 How some of the Citizens of Liege agreeing to yeeld their towne and others refusing so to do, the Lord of Hymbercourt found meanes to enter into it for the Duke of Burgundy. page 52

Chap. 4 How the Duke of Burgundy made his entrie into the towne of Liege, and how the citizens of Gaunt where he had beene euill intreated before, humbled themselues vnto him. page 55

Chap. 5 How the King seeing what had happened to the Liegeois, made war in Britaine vpon the Duke of Burgundies confederats, and how they two met and communed togither at Peronne. page 57

Chap. 6 A discourse wherein is declared how greatly learning especially in histories profiteth Princes and Noble men. page 60

Chap. 7 How and for what cause the King was staied and held prisoner in the castle of Peronne by the D. of Burgundies commandement. page 62

Chap. 8 A discourse wherein is shewed, that an enteruiew betweene two great Princes for treatie of their affaires, hurteth more than profiteth. page 64

Chap. 9 How the King to deliuer himselfe out of the castle of Peronne, renounced his league with the Liegeois. page 67

Chap. 10 How the King accompanied the Duke of Burgundie, making war vpon the Liegeois, who before were his confederates. page 69

[Page]Chap. 11 How the King arriued in person with the Duke of Burgundy, before the citie of Liege. page 71

Chap. 12 How the Liegeois made a desperate salie vpon the Duke of Burgundies men, where he and the King were in great danger. page 73

Chap. 13 How the city of Liege was assaulted, taken, and spoiled, and the Churches also page 75

Chap. 14 How King Lewis returned into Fraunce with the Duke of Burgundies consent, and how the Duke proceeded in destroying the countries of Liege and Franchmont. page 77

Chap. 15 How the K. by subtill meanes perswaded the Lord Charles his brother to take the Duchie of Guienne for Brie and Champaigne, to the Duke of Burgundies discontentment. page 80

The third Booke.

Chap. 1 How the King tooke occasion to make war anew vpon the Duke of Burgundy, and how he sent a Purseuant of the Parlament of Gaunt to sommon him to appeere at Paris. page 82

Chap. 2 How the townes of Saint Quintin and Amiens were yeelded to the King: and for what causes the Constable nourished the war between the K. and the Duke of Burgundy. page 84

Chap. 3 How the Duke of Burgundy tooke Piquigni, and afterward found meanes to make truce with the King for a yeere to the Constables griefe. page 86

Chap. 4 Of the wars among the Princes of England during these troubles betweene King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy. page 89

Chap. 5 How by King Lewis his aide, the Earle of Warwicke chased King Edward out of England, to the Duke of Burgundies great griefe, who receiued him into his countries. page 92

Chap. 6 How the Earle of Warwicke tooke out of prison King Henry of England. page 96

Chap. 7 How king Edward returned into England, where he slew in battell first the Earle of Warwicke, and then the Prince of Wales. page 99

Chap. 8 How the wars reuiued betweene king Lewis and Charles D. of Burgundy, by the sollicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine. page 101

Chap. 9 How the finall peace treated of betweene the Duke of Burgundy and the king brake off bicause of the Duke of Guiennes death, and how these two great Princes sought to deceiue each other. page 105

Chap. 10 How the Duke of Burgundy seeing that he could not take Beaunais, before the which he had laid his siege, went to Roan. page 108

Chap. 11 How the king made peace with the Duke of Britaine, and truce with the Duke of Burgundy, & how the Earle of Saint Paul escaped for that time a conspiracie that these two Princes made against him. page 110

Chap. 12 A discourse very fit for this place, of the wisedome of the king and the Constable, with good aduertisements to such as are in credite with Princes. page 114

The fourth Booke.

Chap. 1 How the Duke of Burgundie being seazed of the Duchie of Gueldres, sought to encroch further vpon the Almaines, and how he laid his siege before Nuz. page 116

Chap. 2 How the towne of Nuz was succoured by the Emperor and the Almaines against the Duke of Burgundie, and of other enimies that the king procured the Duke. page 120

Chap. 3 How the king wan from the Duke of Burgundie the castell of Tronquey, the townes of Montdidier, Roye, and Corby, and how he sought to perswade the Emperor Frederic to seiz vpon all that the said Duke held of the Empire. page 122

Chap. 4 How the Constable began to be had in suspition againe, as well of the king as of the Duke of Burgundy. page 124

Chap. 5 How the Duke of Burgundy leuied his siege before Nuz by composition, and how the king of England his confederate sent to defie king Lewis. page 126

Chap. 6 Of the trouble the Constable was in, and how he sent letters of credit to the king of England and the Duke of Burgundy, which after were in part cause of his death. page 129

Chap. 7 How the king clothed a poore seruant in a cote armor with a scutchin, and sent him to speake with the king of England in his campe, where he receiued a very good answere. page 131

Chap. 8 How truce for nine yeeres was treated of betweene the kings of Fraunce and England, notwithstanding all the lets and impediments that the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy made. page 133

[Page]Chap. 9 How the king feasted the English men in Amiens, and how there was a place assigned for the enteruiew of the two kings. page 136

Chap. 10 How the two kings met and sware the treatie before concluded, and how some supposed that the holy Ghost came downe vpon the king of Englands pauilion in the likenes of a white pigeon. page 140

Chap. 11 How the Constable after the truce made with the English men, sought to excuse himselfe to the king: and how truce was also concluded for nine yeeres betweene the king and the Duke of Burgundie. page 143

Chap. 12 How the Constables death was fully concluded and sworne betweene the king and the Duke of Burgundy, and how he went into the Dukes dominions, where by his commandement he was staied & deliuered to the king, and after put to death. page 147

Chap. 13 A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundie committed in deliuering the Constable to the king contrary to his safe conduct, and what ensued thereof. page 150

The fift Booke.

Chap. 1 How the Duke of Burgundy making war vpon the Swissers, was ouerthrowen at the straights of the mountaines neere to Granson. page 153

Chap. 2 How after the ouerthrow of Granson, the Duke of Milan, king Rene of Sicilie, the Duchesse of Sauoy, and others, departed from their league with the Duke of Burgundy. page 156

Chap. 3 How the Swissers vanquished the D. of Burgundy in battell neere to the towne of Morat. page 159

Chap. 4 How after the battell of Morat the Duke of Burgundy tooke the Duchesse of Sauoy, & how she was deliuered and sent home into hir countrey by the kings meanes. page 161

Chap. 5 How the D. of Burgundy liued as it were solitary the space of certaine weekes, during the which time the D. of Lorraine recouered his towne of Nancy. page 163

Chap. 6 Of the Earle of Campobaches great treasons, and how he kept the D. of Burgundy from hearing a gentleman that would haue reuealed them to him before he was put to death, and how the said D. made no account of the aduertisements the king gaue him. page 166

Chap. 7 How the Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with good force of Almains, came to the towne of Saint Nicholas during the siege of Nancy, and how the king of Portugale who was in Fraunce came to see the Duke of Burgundy during the said siege. page 169

Chap. 8 How the D. of Burgundy refusing the good counsell of diuers of his men, was discomfited & slaine in the battell fought betweene him and the D. of Lorraine, neere to Nancy. page 171

Chap. 9 A discourse vpon certaine vertues of the D. of Burgundie, and of the time his house florished in prosperitie. page 173

Chap. 10 How the king was aduertised of the Duke of Burgundies last ouerthrow, and how he gouerned his affaires after the said Dukes death. page 175

Chap. 11 How the king after the Duke of Burgundies death seazed into his hands the towne of Abbeuille, and of the answere they of Arras gaue him. page 177

Chap. 12 A discourse not appertaining to the principall matters of the great ioy the king was in to see himselfe deliuered of so many enimies, and of the error he committed touching the reducing of these countries of Burgundy to his obedience. page 178

Chap. 13 How Han, Bohain, Saint Quintin and Perronne were yeelded to the king, and how he sent Master Oliuer his barber to practise with them of Gaunt. page 179

Chap. 14 How Master Oliuer the kings barber failing to execute his enterprise at Gaunt, found meanes to put the kings forces into Tournay. page 182

Chap. 15 Of the ambassadors the Lady of Burgundy daughter to the late Duke Charles sent to the king, and how by meanes of Monseur de Cordes the city of Arras, the townes of Hedin and Bollein, and the towne of Arras it selfe, were yeelded to the king. page 184

Chap. 16 How the citizens of Gaunt hauing vsurped authority ouer their Princesse after hir fathers death, came in ambassage to the king, as from the three estates of their countrey. page 187

Chap. 17 How they of Gaunt after their ambassadors returne, put to death the Chauncellor Hugonet, & the Lord of Himbercourt against their Princesses will, and how they and other Flemmings were discomfited before Tournay, and their generall the Duke of Gueldres slaine. page 190

Chap. 18 A discourse vpon this point that wars and diuisions are permitted of God for the chastisement [...] Princes and euill people, with diuers good reasons and examples for the instruction of Princes, w [...] happened in the Authors time. [...]

The sixt Booke.

[Page]Chap. 1 How the Duchie of Burgundie was yeelded to the King. page 205

Chap. 2 How the king entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundy, to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Dukes dominions. page 206

Chap. 3 How the marriage betweene the Lady of Burgundie and Maximilian Duke of Austrich, afterward Emperor, was concluded and accomplished. page 209

Chap. 4 How king Lewis by the conduct of Charles of Amboise his lieutenant, recouered diuers townes in Burgundy, which the Prince of Orenge had caused to reuolt from him. page 214

Chap. 5 How Monseur d'Argenton during these wars of the conquest of Burgundie, was sent to Florence, and how he receiued homage of the Duke of Milan in the kings name for the Duchy of Genua. page 217

Chap. 6 Of Monseur d'Argentons returne out of Italie into Fraunce, and of the battell of Guinegate. page 219

Chap. 7 How king Lewis being visited with sicknes, lost his wits, and lay speechlesse, sometime recouering, and eft soones falling into his disease againe: and how he behaued himselfe in the castell of Plessis les Tours. page 222

Chap. 8 How the king caused the holy man of Calabria to come to Tours, thinking that he could heale him: and what strange things the said king did to maintaine his authoritie during his sicknes. page 226

Chap. 9 How the marriage betweene the Daulphine and the Lady Margaret of Flaunders was concluded, and how she was brought into Fraunce: whereupon Edward king of England died for sorrow. page 228

Chap. 10 How the king behaued himselfe towards his neighbors and subiects during the time of his sicknes, and how diuers things were sent him from diuers places for the recouerie of his health. page 231

Chap. 11 How king Lewis the 11. caused Charles the Daulphin his sonne to come to him a little before his death, and of the commandements and precepts he gaue both him and certaine others. page 232

Chap. 12 A comparison betweene the sorrowes and troubles that king Lewis suffered, and those he caused diuers others to suffer, with a rehearsal of all that he did, & al that was done to him til his death. page 234

Chap. 13 A discourse vpon the miserie of mans life, by the examples of those Princes that liued in the authors time, and first of king Lewis. page 238

The conclusion of the Author. page 243

A supplie of the historie of Philip de Commines from the death of king Lewis the eleuenth, till the beginning of the wars of Naples, to wit, from 1483. till 1493. of all the which time Commines writeth nothing. page 247

Chap. 1 Of king Charles his comming to the crowne, of the death of Oliuer king Lewis his Barber and others, and of the reuoking of king Lewis his superfluous gifts. ibid.

Chap. 2 Of the assembly of the states held at Tours, of the Duke of Orleans pursute for the regencie, of the madwar raised by him, and of his departure into Britaine. page 248

Chap. 3 Of the troubles that hapned in Britaine betweene the Duke and his nobles, and of Peter Landois death. page 250

Chap. 4 Of the war the king made in Britaine, and of the Earle of Dunois ambassage to the king for peace. page 252

Chap. 5 Of the battell of Saint Albin, wherein the Duke of Orleans was taken prisoner, of the treatie of peace betweene the king and the Duke of Britaine, and of the said Duke of Britaines death. page 255

Chap. 6 Of the kings marriage with the Lady Anne of Britaine, whereby Britaine was vnited to the crowne of Fraunce. page 258

Chap. 7 Of the troubles in England, and how the king of England passed the sea and besieged Bolloin, and of the peace betweene the king and him, and of the surprising of Arras and Saint Omers by the king of Romaines men. page 259

Chap. 8 Of the restitution of the countries of Roussillon and Parpignan to the king of Spaine, of the Emperor Fredericks death, of the peace betweene the king of Romaines and the king, and of the Duke of Orleans deliuery out of prison. page 262

The seuenth Booke.

The Progloue of the Author, containing that which he mindeth to treate of in this historie following. page 265

Howe Rene D. of Lorraine came into Fraunce to demaund the Duchie of Bar, & the Earledome [Page] of Prouence which king Charles held, and how he failed to enter into the realme of Naples, whereunto he pretented title as the king did, and what right both of them had thereunto. page 266

Chap. 2 How the Prince of Salerne in the realm of Naples came into Fraunce, and how Lodouic Sforce surnamed the Moore and he, sought to perswade the king to make war vpon the king of Naples, and for what cause. page 268

Chap. 3 How king Charles the 8 made peace with the king of Romaines and the Archduke of Austriche, restoring to them the Lady Margaret of Flaunders, before he made his voiage to Naples. page 274

Chap. 4 How the king sent to the Venetians to practise with them before he enterpised his voiage to Naples, and of the preparation that was made for the said voiage. page 275

Chap. 5 How king Charles departed from Vienna in Daulphin to conquer the realme of Naples in person, and what his nauie vpon the sea did vnder the leading of the D. of Orleans. page 278

Chap. 6 How the king remaining yet in Ast, resolued to passe foorth towards Naples at the earnest sute of Lodouic Sforce. How Philip de Commines was sent ambassador to Venice: of the D. of Milans death; after whose decease the said Lodouic seized vpon the Duchy, to the preiudice of a sonne the said D. left behinde him. page 281

Chap. 7 How Peter of Medicis yeelded fower of the Florentines strongest places to the king, and how the king restored Pisa being one of them to their ancient libertie. page 284

Chap. 8 How the king departed from Pisa to Florence, & of the flight & ruin of Peter de Medices. page 287

Chap. 9 How the king entred into Florence, and through what other townes he passed till he came to Rome. page 289

Chap. 10 How the king sent the Cardinall Petriad Vincula to Ostie; what the Pope did at Rome in the meane time, and how the king entred into Rome maugre all his enimies. page 291

Chap. 11 How king Alfonse caused his sonne Ferrand to be crowned king, and then fled himselfe into Sicilie: with a discourse of the euill life that his father the old Ferrand and he had lead. page 295

Chap. 12 How the yoong Ferrand after he was crowned king of Naples, went and encamped at Saint Germain to resist the kings cōming, & of the treaty that K. Charles made with the Pope at Rome. page 297

Chap. 13 How the King departed from Rome towards Naples, what happened in the meane time in diuers partes of the said realme: and through what places he passed till he came to Naples. page 299

Chap. 14 How King Charles was crowned King of Naples, of the faults he committed in the defence of the realme, and how an enterprise attempted on his behalfe against the Turke was discouered by the Venetians. page 301

Chap. 15 A discourse somwhat out of the course of the history, wherin Philip de Commines Author of this present woorke, treateth amply of the estate and gouernment of the Seniorie of Venice, and of those things that he saw there, and were done there during the time of his ambassage to the said Seniorie for the King. page 304

The eight Booke.

Chap. 1 Of the order and prouision the King left in the realme of Naples at his returne into Fraunce. page 314

Chap. 2 How the king departed from Naples, and passed againe through Rome, whereupon the Pope fled to Oruiette: of the communication the king had with Monseur d'Argenton, at his returne from Venice: how he tooke aduise whether he should restore the Florentines places to them or not: and of the sermons woorthie of memorie of frier Ierom of Florence. page 316

Chap. 3 How the King retained in his hands the town of Pisa, and certaine other of the Florentines places: and how in the meane time the Duke of Orleans entred on the other side into Nouarre, a towne of the Duchie of Milan. page 319

Chap. 4 How King Charles passed diuers dangerous straights in the mountaines betweene Pisa and Seriaue: how the towne of Pontreme was burned by his Almaines, and how the Duke of Orleans behaued himselfe in the meane time at Nouarre. page 321

Chap. 5 How the kings great artillery passed the mounts Appenines by the Almaines helpe, of the danger the Marshall of Gie was in with his vaward and how the King arriued at Fornoue. page 324

Chap. 6 Of the battell of Fornoue, wherein the enimies of Fraunce were put to flight, and how the Earle of Petillane, who the same day brake the Kings prison, relied them togither againe. page 329

Chap. 7 How the Lord of Argenton went himselfe alone to parle with the enimies when he saw that those that were appointed to go with him would not go: and how the King returned safe and sound with his army to the towne of Ast. page 336

[Page]Chap. 8 How the king sent ships to the sea to succour the castles of Naples, & why the said castles could not be succoured. page 341

Chap. 9 Of the great famine and miserie the D. of Orleans & his men were in at Nouarre: of the Marchionesse of Montferrats death, & likewise of Monseur de Vendosmes: and how after long deliberation the king inclined to peace, to saue those that were besieged. page 343

Chap. 10 How the D. of Orleans and his company were deliuered by composition out of their great miserie in Nouarre where they were besieged: and of the Swissers arriuall that came to succour the king and the said D. of Orleans. page 349

Chap. 11 How the peace was concluded betweene the king and the D. of Orleans on the one side, and the enimies on the other: and of the conditions and articles thereof. page 351

Chap. 12 How the king sent the Lord of Argenton to Venice with certaine conditions of peace which they refused: and of the D. of Milans false dealings. page 353

Chap. 13 How the king after his returne into Fraunce forgot those that he left behind him in the realme of Naples: and how the Daulphin died, whose death the king and Queene much lamented. page 356

Chap. 14 How the king was aduertised of the losse of the castell of Naples: and how the Florentines places were sold to diuers men: of the treatie of Atelle in Pouille, to the great dammage of the French and of the death of king Ferrand of Naples. page 358

Chap. 15 How certaine practises-entertained by diuers noble men of Italy on the kings behalfe, as well for the conquest of Naples, as of the Duchie of Milan, failed for lacke of sending thither: and how an other enterprise against Genua sped euill also. page 362

Chap. 16 Of certaine controuersies betweene king Charles and Ferrand king of Castile, and of the ambassadors that were sent too and fro to pacifie them. page 366

Chap. 17 A discourse of the misfortunes that hapned to the house of Castile, in the Lord of Argentons time. page 370

Chap. 18 Of the sumptuous buildings K. Charles began a little before his death, of the great desire he had to reforme the church himselfe, to diminish his reuenues, & to redresse the processes of the law: and how he died suddenly in this good minde in his castell of Amboise. page 373

Chap. 19 How the holy man frier Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the pope, and of diuers Florentines and Venetians his enimies. page 375

Chap. 20 Of the obsequies and funerals of king Charles the 8. and of the coronation of king Lewis the 12. his successor, with the genealogies of the kings of Fraunce continuing to the saide Lewis. page 377

The pedegree of Charles D. of Burgundy. page 379

How Elizabeth wife to king Edward the fourth was neece to the Constable of Fraunce. page 380

How Brabant, Lambourg, Luxembourg & Namurs, &c. came to Charles D. of Burgundy. 381. page 382

How Margaret of Flaunders was heire of Flaunders, &c. page 383

How Arthois and the county of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret &c. page 384

How the King of Portugale was cosin germaue to the D. of Burgundy. page 385

How the D. of Cleues was the Lady of Burgundies neerest kinsman by his mother. page 386

How King Henry the 7. was right heire of the house of Lancaster. page 387

The title the D. of Lorraine had to the realme of Sicilie, &c. page 388

Why the Venetians had no right to the realme of Naples. page 390

The house of Medices. page 391

How Lewis D. of Orleans pretended title to the Duchie of Milan. page 392

The pedegree of Hercules D. of Ferrara. page 394

The pedegree of Francis Marques of Mantua. page 395

How Ferdinand King of Arragon had more right to the realme of Naples than the Kings of the house of Arragon that possessed it. page 396

FINIS.

§

§

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THE PREFACE OF THE AVTHOR TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF VIENNA in Fraunce.

TO satisfie your request so often mooued vnto me (right reuerend father in God) I send you heere a memoriall as agreeable to truth, as I can possibly call to minde, of all the acts and doings that I haue been priuy vnto, of king Levvis the eleuenth our master and benefactor, and a prince woorthy of perpetuall memory. Of his youth I can say nothing but by his owne report. But from the time I entred into his seruice, till the hower of his death whereat I was present, I was more continually resident with him than any man of my estate that serued him, being euer either of his priuy chamber, or employed in his weightie affaires. I found in him as in all other princes that I haue knowne or serued both good and bad. For men they are as we be, & perfection is proper to God onely. But sure that prince whose vertues and good parts surmount his vices, deserueth great commendation, the rather bicause commonly noble personages are more prone to al kind of wantonnes than other men: partly for that in their childhood they are brought vp without due chastisement & correction, & partly bicause when they are grown to mans estate, ech man seeketh to seed their humors & sooth them in all they say or do. But for mine own part bicause I loue not to flatter nor misreport the truth, somwhat may happily be found in this historie not tending altogither to the kings praise, but I trust the readers will weigh the reasons aboue alledged. Sure thus much I dare boldly say in his commendation, that in mine opinion he was the prince in his age (all things considered) least subiect to vice. Yet haue I knowne and been conuersant with as many great princes, both spirituall and temporall as any man in Fraunce of my time, as well the princes of this realme, as those also that haue liued in Britaine, Flaunders, Almayne, Englande, Spayne, Portugall, and Italy. Diuers others also whom I haue not seene: yet haue I knowne, partly by conference with their ambassadors, and partly by their letters and instructions which are meanes sufficient to enforme men of their natures and inclinations. Notwithstanding I minde not by setting foorth his commendation in this worke, to detract from the honor and good renowne of others, but send you, penned in haste all that I could call to minde, trusting that you haue required it of me to turne it into some worke that you purpose to publish in Latine (to the perfection of which toong you haue atteined) whereby may appeere both the woorthines of the prince I now write of, and also the excellencie of your owne wit. Farther sir, if I happen to faile in any point, you haue my L. of Bouchage, and others who are better able to enforme you of these affaires than my selfe, and to couch their words in much eloquenter language. Although to say the truth considering how honorablie the king entertained me, how great familiaritie it pleased him to vse towards me, and how liberally he bestowed vpon me, neuer intermitting one of the three till the houre of his death, no man hath iuster cause to remember those times then my selfe, whereunto I also adde the losses I haue susteined, and dangers I haue been in sithence his decease, which are sufficient I thinke, to put me in minde of the great benefits I receiued at his hands during his life. Notwithstanding that I know it to be a matter of course that after the death of great and mightie princes, great alterations [Page] ensue to the losse of some, and gain of others: for riches and honors folow not alwaies their expectation that hunt after them. To conclude sir, the better to enforme you of the time sithence I entred into the kings familiarity (which is your desire) I am forced first to rehearse what hapned before I came to his seruice, and so orderly to proceede from the time I became his seruant, till the houre of his death.

The occasion of the wars betweene Lewis the 11. and the Earle of Charolois afterward Duke of Burgundie. Chapter 1.

AFter I was past my childehood and able to ride ¹ I was presented at Lisle to Charles then Earle of Charolois, and after his fathers death D. of Burgundie, who receiued me into his seruice the yeere 1464. About three daies after my comming thither, arriued at the saide towne of Lisle, the Earle of Eu, the Chauncellor of Fraunce named Moruillier, & the Archbishop of Narbonne ² sent thither in ambassage from the king, who in presence of D. Philip of Burgundie, his sonne the Earle of Charolois, and their whole councill in open court had their audience. Moruilliers speech was very bitter, for he charged the Earle of Charolois there present, that at his late being in Holland he had caused a little French ship of war of Diepe to be arrested, and therein a bastard of Rubempre, whom also he had imprisoned, charging him that he was come thither to take him prisoner, and causing this brute euery where to be published ³ (especially at Bruges whither strangers of all nations resort) by a knight of Burgundie named sir Oliuer de la Marche, ⁴ wherefore the King finding himselfe wrongfully burdened heerewith (as he said) ⁵ required D. Philip to sende this sir Oliuer de la Marche prisoner to Paris, there to be punished according as the case required. Whereunto D. Philip answered that the said sir Oliuer was steward of his house, borne in the Countie of Burgundie, ⁶ and in no respect subiect to the crowne of Fraunce. Notwithstanding if it could be duly proued that he had said or done any thing preiudicial to the Kings honor, he would see him punished according as the fault should deserue. And as touching the bastard of Rubempre, he said that true it was that he was apprehended for great causes of suspicion giuen, and strange behauior vsed by him and his men about the towne of Lahaye ⁷ in Holland, where at that present his sonne the Earle of Charolois remained, adding that if the said Earle were suspicious he tooke it not of him, for he was neuer so, but of his mother who had been the most ielous Ladie that euer liued. But notwithstanding quoth he, that I my selfe neuer were suspicious: yet if I had bin in my sonnes place at the same time, that this bastard of Rubempre haunted those coasts: I would sure haue caused him to be apprehended as my sonne did. Lastly, he [Page] promised that if this bastard were not guiltie of this fact, to waite a purpose to haue taken his sonne (as common report said he was) he would foorthwith deliuer him out of prison, and sende him to the King according to his ambassadors demands? The D. answer ended: Moruillier began againe, charging with great and heinous offences, Frances D. of Britaine, and alledging that at the Earle of Charolois late being at Tours (whither he went to visit the king) the said D. and he had giuen their faith ech to other in writing to become brethren in armes, which writings he said were enterchangeablie deliuered by the hands of master Tanneguy du Chastel, who since hath been gouernor of Roussillon, and borne some swaie in this realme: This fact Moruillier aggrauated in such sort, that nothing he omitted in setting foorth this offence that might tend to the disgrace and dishonor of a Prince. Whereunto the Earle of Charolois made offer eftsoones to answere, being maruellously out of patience to heare such reprochfull speeches vsed of his friend and confederate. But Moruillier euer cut him off saying: My Lord of Charolois, I am not come of ambassage to you but to my L. your Father. The said Earle besought his father diuers times to giue him leaue to answer, who in the end said thus vnto him: I haue answered for thee as me thinketh, the father should answer for the sonne, notwithstanding if thou haue so great desire to speake, bethinke thy selfe to day, and to morrow speake and spare not. Then Moruillier to his former speech added, that he could not imagine what had mooued the Earle to enter into this league with the D. of Britaine, vnlesse it were bicause of a pension ⁸ the King had once giuen him, togither with the gouernment of Normandy, and afterward again taken from him.

The next day in presence of the selfe same audience, the Earle of Charolois kneeling vpon a veluetcushion, directed his speech to his father, and began with this bastard of Rubempre, affirming the causes of his imprisonment to be iust & lawfull, as the course of his arraignment should well declare. Notwithstanding I thinke nothing was euer prooued against him, though I confesse the presumptions to haue been great. Fiue yeeres after I my selfe saw him deliuered out of prison. This point thus answered, the Earle began to discharge the D. of Britaine and himselfe, saying, that true it was that the D. and he were entred into league and amitie, & had sworn themselues brethren in armes, but that this league tended in no respect to the preiudice of the King or his realme, but rather to the seruice and defence thereof, if neede should so require. Lastly, as touching the pension taken from him, he answered, that he neuer receiued but one quarters benefit thereof, to the value of nine thousand francks ⁹, and that for his part he neuer made sute neither for it, nor the gouernment of Normandy: for so long as he enioied the fauor and good will of his father, he should not need to craue of any man. I thinke verily, had it not been for the reuerence he bare to his said father who was there present, and to whom he addressed his speech, that he would haue vsed much bitterer termes. In the end D. Philip very wisely and humbly besought the King lightly not to conceiue an euill opinion of him or his sonne, but to continue his fauor towards them. Then the banquet was brought in, and the ambassadors tooke their leaue both of the father and the sonne. But after the Earle of Eu, and the Chauncellor had taken their leaue of the Earle of Charolois, who stood a good way from his father, he said thus to the Archbishop of Narbonne that passed forth the last of the ambassadors: Remember my most humble dutie to the King, and tell him he hath made his Chauncellor to vse me very homely heere, but before a yeeres end he shall repent it: which message the Archbishop did to the King at his returne into Fraunce as heereafter you shall perceiue.

[Page] These Moruilliers words aboue rehearsed, caused the Earle of Charolois hatred against the King to take deepe roote, the seedes whereof were before sowne by the Kings late redeeming of the townes situate vpon the riuer of Somme ¹⁰, namely Amiens, Abbeuille, Saint Quintin, and the rest which king Charles the 7. had engaged by the treatie of Arras to his father. D. Philip of Burgundie to haue and to holde to him and to his heires males, till they were redeemed for fower hundred thousand crownes ¹¹: How these matters passed, I know not perfectly, but true it is that in the D. old age he was so gouerned by the Lords of Croy and Chimay, being brethren, and others of their house, that he agreed to take againe his money & restore the said territories to the King, greatly to the Earle his sons discontentation: for besides that they were the frontier townes of their dominions, they lost in them a number of able men for the wars. The Earle of Charolois charged the house of Croy with this fact, so far foorth that after extreeme age was growne vpon his father (whereunto he euen then approched) he banished all the said house out of his dominions, and confiscated all their lands, estates and offices.

The Notes.

1 Commines vvhen he came to the Earle of Charolois seruice vvas 19. yeers of age.

2 Charles Earle of Eu, Peter of Moruillier, and Iohn de Harcour bishop of Narbonne vvere the ambassadors heere mentioned, they arriued at Liste the 5. of Nouember, Annales Burgundiae.

3 VVhether the king ment to haue taken the Earle of Charolois prisoner by this Rubempre, reade Annal. Burgund. lib. 3. pag. 880. and Meyer lib. 16. fol. 334. vvho flatly charge him vvith it.

4 Sir Oliuer de la Marche heere named vvrote a Cronicle of these times.

5 The cause vvhy the King sent Rubempre into Holland vvas not (as he said) to take the Earle of Charolois, but the Vicechauncellor of Britaine named in Meyer, Iohannes Rociuilla, and by our author in the 3. Chapter of this first booke Rouuille, vvhom the Duke of Britaine had sent into England to make a league betvveene the realme of England and him, and bicause the King supposed this Vicechauncellor vvould visit the Earle of Charolois in his returne: he sent this Rubempre into Holland to take him and bring him into Fraunce. Annal. Burgund. Meyer.

6 For the better vnderstanding of the Dukes ansvvere, I am forced to passe the bounds of a note. VVherefore it is to be vnderstood that in the declination of the Romaine Empire, the Burgundians anno 408. being chased out of Almaine, vvhere they inhabited, the countries novv subiect to the Palsgraue of the Rhyne, inuaded Fraunce, and conquered the countries, novv knovvne by the names of the Countie and Duchie of Burgundy, togither vvith Sauoy, Daulphine, Prouince, and the greatest part of Svvitzerland, and anno 414. chose them a king named Gondiachus, vvith vvhom (after diuers battels fought vvith changeable fortune) Aetius the Emperour, Honorius his lieutenant in Fraunce, at the length made peace. And Gondiachus remained King of Burgundy, and ayded the Romaines against Attila. Soone after failed the male line of Gondiachus, and, by the mariage of Clotilde daughter to Chilperic, Gondiachus his sonne, vvith Clodoneus King of Fraunce: Burgundie fell to Clotarius sonne to the saide Clotilde and Clodoneus, and so continued in the house of Fraunce till the yeere 843. vvhen the sonnes of the Emperor Lodouicus Pius vvarring togither, Burgundy vvas deuided into Burgundiam Transiuranam, and Cisiuranam. Transiurana containing Sauoy, Daulphine Prouince and Lyonnois, remained to Lotharius the Emperor, vvith the title of King of Burgundie. Cisiurana conteining the Countie and Duchie [Page] of Burgundie, vvas also dismembred, for that part novv knovvne by the name of the Countie of Burgundie, fell also to Lotharius share: but that part novv knovvne by the name of the Dutchie of Burgundie, vvas togither vvith the Realme of Fraunce yeelded to Carolus Caluus: But after the death of the Emperor Lotharius, his tvvo sonnes Lodouicus and Lotharius made another partition of their part of Burgundie: for the realme of Austrasia vvith the Countie of Burgundie fell to Lotharius, after vvhose death his vncle Carolus Caluus King of Fraunce ambitiously through violence conquered also that part of Burgundie, and ioined it to the crovvne of Fraunce, so that the said Carolus Caluus possessed all Burgundie Cisiurana, that is, both the Countie and Dutchie of Burgundie. Loduicus the other sonne of the Emperor Lotharius possessed vvith the Empire all Burgundie Transiurana, togither vvith the title of King of Burgundie, and left behinde him one onely daughter named Hermingarde, maried to Boson brother to Richilde, Carolus Caluus his vvife, in respect of vvhich mariage the said Caluus gaue to Boson all Burgundie Cisiurana, vvhich he the said Caluus then held: And thus had Boson all the realme of Burgundie, viz. Transiurana in the right of his wife, and Cisiurana, by his brother in lawes gift. Farther the said Caluus being both Emperor and King of France, created the aboue named Boson King of Burgundie anno 879. to whom succeeded Lodouicus his sonne, from whom Ralph King of Fraunce (sonne to Richard that first intituled himselfe Duke of Burgundie) wan the greatest part of Burgundy Cisiurana. To this Lewis succeeded his sonne Ralph King of Burgundie, who not being able to defend his realme gaue it to the Emperor Conradus 2. who notwithstanding obteined the least part thereof: for as touching Transiurana, Beralde Duke of Saxe had before this gift woon from King Ralph Sauoy and a great peece of Switzerland, Daulphine, Lyonnois, & Poruince, Guigue le gras the first Daulphine, had likewise conquered. And as touching Cisiurana by treatie made betweene the Emperour Conradus 2. and Henry King of Fraunce, onely the County remained to the Empire, and the Dutchie to the crowne of Fraunce. This I haue written, bicause some hold opinion that the County of Burgundy ought also to be held of the crowne of Fraunce, whereas in deede rather the Dutchy with all Transiurana (the greatest part whereof the French King at this day possesseth) ought to be held of the Empire, from whom the said French Kings haue pulled so many prouinces, that now (as one properly speaketh) the Eagle hath lost so many feathers, that hardly he can flie.

7 Lahaie in our author and in Annal. Burgund. where Rubempre should haue taken the Earle of Charolois, is named in Meyer Gorkem.

8 The pension the Earle of Charalois had of the King with the gouernment of Normandy was 36000. franks, Annal. Burgund. La Marche, Meyer.

9 A franke is two shillings and six pence sterling, after eight souse to an English shilling, so that the carles pension after that rate amounted to fower thousand fiue hundred pound sterling.

10 The townes and territories vpon the riuer of Somme engaged to Duke Philip by the treatie of Arras, which was in the yeere 1435. are named in the articles of the said treatie rehearsed in Annal. Burgund. pag. 760. and 761. and in the first booke of La Marche, and in the 16. booke of Meyer and others.

11 They were engaged as our author and Annal. Burgund. write for 400000. crowns, but Meyer saith 450000. but they were redeemed for 400000. anno 1463. La Marche, Meyer. Annal. Burgund.

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How the Earle of Charolois and diuers noble men of Fraunce leuied an army against king Lewis, vnder colour of the weale publique. Chap. 2.

SOone after the abouenamed Ambassadors departure, Iohn Duke of Bourbon that last died, arriued at the town of Lisle, pretending that he came to visit his vncle Duke Philip of Burgundie, who aboue all houses loued especially this house of Bourbon, and no maruell: for this Duke of Bourbons mother was Duke Philips sister. She had liued a widow many yeeres, and soiourned there at that time with hir brother, both hir selfe and diuers of hir children, to wit, three daughters and one sonne, notwithstanding this was not indeed the cause of the Duke of Bourbons arriuall, but his comming was to perswade the Duke of Burgundie to suffer an armie to be leuied in his dominions, assuring him that all the Princes of Fraunce would do the like: meaning thereby to giue the King to vnderstand how euill and vniust gouernment he vsed in his realme, & purposing to make themselues so strong, that they might constraine him by force to redresse this inconuenience, if praiers could not preuaile. This war was afterward called THE WEALE PVBLIQVE, bicause the authors thereof vsed the common wealth for colour of their enterprise. The said good Duke Philip (for so is he surnamed since his death) agreed that an armie should be leuied in his dominions, but the bottom of the enterprise was neuer discouered to him: for he thought not that the matter shoulde haue come to hand strokes as after it did. Immediately began the musters through all the Dukes dominions, and the Earle of Saint Paule afterward Constable of Fraunce, accompanied with the Marshall of Burgundie, being of the house of Neuf-chastell, repaired to Cambray (where D. Philip then lay) to the Earle of Charolois, who immediatly after their arriuall assembled his fathers Councill, and a great number of his subiects in the Bishops palace at Cambray, where he proclaimed all the house of Croy traitors to his father and him. And notwithstanding that the Earle of S. Paule alleaged, that by this proclamation he should be greatly indamaged, bicause long before this, he had giuen his daughter in mariage ¹ to the L. of Croies sonne: yet was the said house of Croy (al that notwithstanding) forced to abandon the Dukes dominions ², where they lost great riches. With the which dooing, Duke Philip was much discontented, especially bicause his chiefe chamberlaine (afterward Lord of Chimay) a yoong man well disposed, and nephew to the Lord of Croy, was forced for feare of his life, to depart without leaue taken of his master, being aduertised that if he did otherwise he should either be slaine or apprehended: but the Dukes old age caused him to beare this matter more patiently than otherwise he would. All this trouble hapned in his house bicause of the restitution of the territories aboue mentioned, situate vpon the riuer of Somme, which the Duke had restored to King Lewis for the sum of 400000. crownes, by the perswasion of this house of Croy, as the Earle of Charolois laide to their charge.

The said Earle after he had pacified his father, and reconciled himselfe to him the best that mought be, put his whole force incontinent into the field, being accompanied [Page] with the Earle of S. Paule, the principall gouernor of his affaires, and he that had the greatest charge in his armie, for he had vnder him by the Earle of Charolois commandement 300. men of armes, and 4000. archers, besides a number of valiant knights and esquires of Artois, Haynalt, and Flaunders. Like bands and as great were also vnder the leading of the L. of Rauastin the D. of Cleues brother, and the L. Anthony bastard of Burgundie, other captaines for breuitie I passe ouer, but aboue all the rest, two knights there were especially, in great credit with the Earle of Charolois, the one named the L. of Hault-bordin an ancient knight, bastard brother to the Earle of S. Paule, the other the L. of Contay. They had both been trained vp in the long wars betweene Fraunce and England, at the same time that Henry the 5. of that name King of England, raigned in Fraunce, being confederate with this Duke Philip of Burgundie. They were two valiant and wise knights, and had the principall charge of the whole armie of yoong gentlemen: there were a number, but one especially very famous, called master Philip of Lalain, issued of a race that hath euer been so valiant and couragious, that they haue in maner all died in the wars in their princes seruice. The Earles force was great: for his men of armes were to the number of 1400. but euill armed, and vntrained, bicause of the long peace these Princes of Burgundie had liued in. For since the treatie of Arras by the space of 36. yeeres and more, they neuer had war that indured nor almost taste of war, saue a few broyles against the citie of Gaunt, which were soone pacified. Notwithstanding his men of armes were well mounted, and well accompanied, for few or none should you haue seene without fiue or sixe great horses of his retinue. ³ The archers ⁴ were eight or nine thousand, and when they mustred they were more vnwilling to depart then to giue their names, but the ablest were chosen and the rest dismissed ⁵.

The subiects of this house of Burgundie liued then in great prosperitie, partly bicause of their long peace, and partly bicause of their Princes goodnes, who leuied but few subsidies vpon them, so that these Seniors seemed comparable to the land of promise in those daies: for they flowed in wealth, and had continued in great quietnes the space of 23. yeeres, to wit, till the beginning of these wars now mentioned, which till this day endure vnended: their expenses in apparell both of men and women were great and superfluous ⁶, their feasts and banquets more sumptuous and prodigall than in any countrey that euer I sawe, their bathes and other pastimes with women wanton and dissolute, yea somwhat too shameles, I meame of women of low estate. To be short, the subiects of this house, thought at that time, no Prince able to withstand them, at the least none too mightie for them, but at this present, I know no countrey in the world in so great miserie and desolation as theirs, and I doubt me the sins they committed in their prosperitie, cause them now to suffer this aduersitie, bicause they acknowledged not all these gifts and benefits to proceede from God who disposeth and bestoweth them as to his heauenly wisdome seemeth best.

The Earles armie thus furnished euen in a moment, of all things necessarie, marched forward, ⁷ the whole force being on horseback, saue those that conueied the artillerie, which was mighty and strong for that time, and the straglers appointed for the cariage, the which was so great, that the Earles owne cariage inclosed the greatest part of his campe: he marched first towards Noyon, and besieged a little castell called Nesle, which was soone taken, notwithstanding the resistance made by the garrison that was within it. The Marshall Ioachin (one of the fower Marshals of Fraunce) issuing out of Peronne coasted continually along by the Earles campe, [Page] but could not endamage him, for his force was so small, that when the Earle drew neare to Paris he retired thither. All the way as the Earle passed he made no war, but what his men took they paid for: wherfore the towns vpon the riuer of Somme & all other townes that he passed by, receiued his men in small troupes, and sold them for their money whatsoeuer they would buy, as men resting in suspence whether the king or the princes should haue the vpper hand ⁸. So far marched the Earle that he came to S. Dennis neare to Paris, where all the Lords of the realme had promised to meete him but none came, notwithstanding that the Vicechauncellor of Britaine, the D. and Ambassadorresident in the Earles campe, forged newes of their comming from time to time, at his owne pleasure vpon certaine blanks that he had, signed with his masters hand: he was a Norman borne, and a very wise and sufficient man, and so it behooued him to be, for the whole campe murmured against him. The Earle of Charolois shewed himselfe before Paris ⁹, where was a hot skirmish, hard at the towne gates, but to the Citizens disaduantage. Men of war within the towne were none, saue onely the Marshall Ioachin with his companie, and the Lord of Nantoillet, afterward Lord great Master, who did the King as good seruice in these wars as euer did subiect King of Fraunce at his neede, and yet in the ende was euill recompensed, rather by his enimies malice, than the Kings fault, though neither of both are cleerely to be excused. The poore people of the citie were in so great feare the day of the skirmish, that they cried often (as I was afterwards credibly enformed) that we were entred the towne, but without cause. Notwithstanding the L. of Hault-bourdin aboue mentioned (who had been brought vp in the towne, when it was nothing so strong as now it is) gaue aduise to assault it, and the soldiers desired nothing more, contemning the townes men bicause the skirmishes were hard at their gates, yet the contrary opinion tooke place, whereupon the Earle retired to S. Denis. The next day in the morning he debated with his Councill whether he should go to meet with the Dukes of Berry and Britaine or not, who were at hand as the Vicechauncellor of Britaine said, shewing also their letters testifying the same, but he had forged them vpon his blanks, and other newes knew he none. In the end the Earle resolued to passe the riuer of Seine, notwithstanding that the most part of his Councill gaue aduise to returne home, seeing the rest of the confederates had broken day, alledging it to be sufficient to haue passed the riuers of Somme and Marne, and more than needed to passe this riuer of Seine. Some also put foorth great doubts, bicause we had no places on our backe to retire into if we should be distressed. But all this notwithstanding the Earle passed the riuer and encamped at Pont S. Clou ¹⁰, wherefore the whole army murmured much against the Earle of S. Paule and this Vicechauncellor, who were the principall perswaders of him thereunto. The next day after his arriuall there, he receiued letters from a Lady of this land written with hir owne hand, wherein she aduertised him that the King was departed out of Bourbonnois, and came downe with all speede to fight with him.

I must heere declare the occasion of the Kings voyage into Bourbonnois, which was this: So soone as he vnderstood that all the princes of his realme had conspired against him (at the least against his gouernment) he determined to preuent them, and before they were assembled, to inuade the D. of Bourbon, who was the first that openly discouered himselfe to be of the confederacie ¹¹: and bicause his countrey was weake he hoped soone to subdue it, as in deede diuers places he tooke, and would easily haue taken all, had not succours come thither out of Burgundie vnder the leading of the L. Coulches, the Marquesse of Rottelin, the L. of Montague, and [Page] others, with whom Master VVilliam of Rochefort Chauncellor of Fraunce (a man at this day of great estimation) was also in armes. This force was leuied in Burgundie by the sollicitation of the Earle of Beauieu, and the Gardinall of Bourbon, ¹² brethren to D. Iohn of Bourbon, and by them receiued into Molines. Aide came also of another side to the D. of Bourbon, vnder the leading of the D. of Nemours, the Earle of Armignac, and the L. of Albert, being accompanied with a great band of soldiers, some of the which were good men of armes of their countries, who lately had forsaken the Kings pay, and put themselus into their seruice. But the greatest part of their men were vtterly vnfurnished of all things, and forced for lacke of pay to liue vpon the poore people. The King notwithstanding these their great forces gaue themynough to do: wherefore in the end they fell to treate of peace, especially the D. of Nemours, who solemnly promised and sware to take part with him, and yet did afterwards the contrary: whereupon the King conceiued so great displeasure against him, that afterward he could neuer brooke him, as eftsoones he hath told me. To be short, the King perceiuing that he could not atchieue his enterprise in Bourbonnois so speedily as at the first he hoped, and fearing if the Earle of Charolois forces which approched neare to Paris, and the forces of the Duke of Berry his owne brother, and of the D. of Britaine which were comming out of Britaine, should ioine togither: that the Parisians would receiue them into their towne, bicause they all pretended the common wealth for colour of their enterprise: & knowing also that as the towne of Paris did, so all the other townes in his realme would follow; for these causes I say, he resolued with all speed possible to put himselfe into Paris, meaning to keepe these two great armies asunder: but his purpose was not to fight, as he hath himselfe diuers times told me in communing of these affaires,

The Notes.

1. The Earle of S. Paul had betrothed his daughter to the L. of Croys sonne, but seeing the Earle of Charalois hatred against the said Croy, he would haue broken off the mariage againe, but Croy in whose house the said daughter remained, contrarie to hir fathers wil made vp the match, for the which cause the Earle of S. Paul hated the said Croy to the death, Annal. Burgund.

2. The Earle of Charolois besides this matter heere alleaged charged Iohn L. of Croy, that he had called him great diuell, threatned him, and sought to poison him. Meyer.

3. Euery French man of armes is allowed three men to accompanie him in the wars, one to beare his headpeece, called in Latin Ferentarius, and two archers. La Marche. but the Burgundians had heere some 5. some 6.

4 These archers were bow-men mounted on horsebacke, as harquebusiers on horsebacke are now.

5 He that maketh such offer of himselfe, secketh pray not seruice, wherefore this reiecting of so many, was done according to the rules of the art of war.

6 Of the excesse of this house of Burgundie, Annal. Burgund. write thus, lib. 3. pa. 917. and 918. All fashions of apparell were growne in vse among the subiects of this house of Burgundie, and those so indecent and dissolute, that none could be more. The Ladies and gentle women ware vpon their head a strange kinde of attire, fashioned in pyramidal form, the top thereof halfe an ell good from the crowne of their head, and thereupon a carchef of lawne or some other fine linnen hanging downe to the very ground: a fond attire and vvoorthy to be derided. The men disguised themselues no lesse than the vvomen, some vvare their clothes so short, that they hardly couered those parts that nature hir selfe shameth to discouer: their haire vvas curled and of such length that it hindred their sight: [Page] vpon their heads they ware felt-hats copletanked, a quarter of an ell high or more: they stuffed their dublets about the shouldens and brest maruellous full of bombast, to the end they might seeme square and broad brested, a thing greatly displeasing God: their clokes were not so short but their gownes were as long, for they trained after them vpon the ground. To be short, the whole world could not deuise stranger kinds of disguising than they had, and that was woorst of all is this, that euery rascall and euery woman in beggers estate would be apparelled princelike, and imitate the fashion of Court, without regarde either of cost or calling. Compare this with the excesse of England at these daies, and we shall see in a glasse our owne vanities, and haue iust cause to looke for the same miseries that fell vpon this house of Burgundy after this excesse.

7 The 15. of May saith Meyer, but the 25. Annal. Burgund. the Earle departed from his father.

8 The Earle of Charolois as he passed named himselfe the Duke of Berries lieutenant, for the which cause the townes heere mentioned the willinglyer receiued him. Annales Burgund.

9 The Earles armie shewed it selfe before Paris about the 12. or 13. of Iuly, at which time all the princes should haue met him there. Meyer.

10 The Earle of S. Paule tooke a great bote vpon the riuer of Seine, in the which he passed the riuer, and tooke Pont S. Clou. Annal. Burgund.

11 Reade a letter written by the King to the Duke of Bourbon and his answere therunto. Annal. Burgund. pag. 889.

12 This Cardinall of Bourbon was Archbishop of Lyons, and brother to the Duke of Bourbon, Annal. Burgund. for the which cause I thinke it best in the French to reade freres for frere, bicause the Earle of Beauieu and this Cardinall were both brethren to the Duke of Bourbon.

How the Earle of Charolois encamped neere to Montl'hery, and of the battell fought there betweene the King of Fraunce and him. Chap. 3.

THe Earle of Charolois supposing that the King (being departed out of Burbonnois (as before you haue heard) came downe purposely to fight with him: resolued likewise to set forward against the King, and then read openly the contents of the letter sent him by the Lady aboue mentioned, (not vttering hir name) and required his soldiers to play the men, saying, that he was fullie resolued to hazard the battell, wherefore he marched and encamped at a village neere to Paris called Longiumeau, and the Earle of S. Paule with the vawarde lodged at Montl'hery, two leagues beyond Longiumeau, from whence he sent foreriders and scoutes abroad, to vnderstand of the Kings comming, and what way he tooke: farther in the presence of the Earle of S. Paule, the Lord of Hault-bourdin, and the Lord of Contay, Longiumeau was assigned for the place of the battell, and thither it was agreed that the Earle of S. Paule should retire with the vawarde if the King hapned to come.

Now you shall vnderstand that the Earle of Maine with seuen or eight hundred men of armes lay continually in face of the Dukes of Berry and Britaine, who were accompanied with a number of wise and valiant knights, that King Lewis had put [Page] out of pension at his first comming to the state, (notwithstanding the great seruices that they had done his father, in the recouering and pacifying of the realme:) wherof afterward full often he repented him. Among these knights was the Earle of Dunois, a man of great experience in al matters ¹, the marshall of Loheac, the Earle of Dampmartin, the Lord of Bueil and diuers others, accompanied with the number of fiue hundred men of armes, who lately had forsaken the Kings paie, and retired themselues to the Duke of Britaine, of whose onely subiects this whole force consisted. The Earle of Maine who lay continually in face of the two Dukes campe, (as you haue heard) finding himselfe too weake to encounter with them, dislodged continually before them, approching neerer and neerer to the King, in like maner the Dukes of Berrie and Britaine endeuored to ioine with the Burgundians. Some haue helde opinion that the Earle of Maine had secret intelligence with the Princes, but I could neuer vnderstand any such thing, neither do I beleeue it, ².

The Earle of Charolois lying in campe at Longiumeau (as you haue heard) and his vawarde at Montl'hery, was aduertised by a prisoner, that the Earle of Maine with his whole force, all the men of armes of the Kings ordinary retinue, being to the number of two an twenty hundreth, and the arriereban ³. of Daulphine togither with fortie or fiftie gentlemen of Sauoy, excellent good soldiers, were al ioined with the King.

The King in the meane time consulted with the Earle of Maine, the high Seneschall of Normandie called De Brezey, the Admiral of Fraunce who was of the house of Montauban, and others, what was to be don, & in the end whatsoeuer was said or aduised to the contrary, resolued not to fight, neither approch neere to the Burgundians campe, but onely to enter into Paris, ⁴ which in mine opinion was the best & safest course. He stood in great doubt of his high Seneschall of Normandy, and therfore desired him to tell him truely whether he had giuen his faith in writing to the Princes that came against him: whereunto the Seneschall answered after his merrie ieasting maner, that he had, & that the writing should remaine with him, but the bodie should serue him, which his answere the King tooke in good part, & gaue him the leading of his vaward, and put also vnder his charge, the guides whose help he vsed bicause he ment to shun the battle as you haue heard. But the Seneschall being wedded to his owne will, saide priuily to certaine of his familiar friends, that he would that day ioine the two armies so nere togither, that he had need to be a good man of war that should seuer them without battel, which his promise he performed, though to his owne cost, for the first man that was slaine was himselfe ⁵, and his band with him. These his words, the King hath often since rehearsed to me, for I serued then the Earle of Charolois.

But to proceede, the 27. of Iuly, ⁶ the yeere 1465. the Kings vawarde came to Montl'hery, where the Earle of Saint Paul lodged, who incontinent aduertised the Earle of Charolois lying two leagues thence (namely at Longiumeau, the place assigned for the battel) of their arriuall, desiring him of aide with all speed, and alledging that bicause all his men of armes and archers were lighted on foote, and inclosed with their cariage, he could not possiblie retire to Longiumeau, according to the order agreed on, without seeming to flie, whereby he should both discourage and endanger the whole armie. Which message receiued: the Earle of Charolois sent foorthwith the bastard of Burgundy called Anthony with a great band of men to ioine with the Earle of S. Paule, and debated with himselfe whether he should go thither in person or not, and in the end marched forward with the rest, and came to the place about seauen of the clocke in the morning: but before his arriuall fiue or [Page] sixe of the Kings ensignes were displaied along vpon a great ditch side betweene the two armies.

The Vicechauncellor of Britaine called Rouuille was yet in the Earle of Charolois campe, and with him an ancient man of armes named Maderey, the selfesame that deliuered Pont S. Maxence to the Burgundians: against these two the whole armie murmured, bicause the battell being now ready to be giuen: the forces they had so much vaunted of were yet vncome. Wherefore they were both in great feare, and fled before the two armies ioined, taking the way to the Britaines campe. The Earle of Charolois company set themselues in order of battell as they marched, and at their arriuall found the Earle of S. Paul on foot, & all the archers dismounted, ech man hauing a pale pitched before him. Farther, they beat out the heads of diuers pipes of wine to drink: & sure for those few battels I haue been in, I neuer saw men in my life more desirous to fight, which me thought was a good signe and a great comfort. Order was giuen at the first that we should all light on foote none excepted, but that order was afterward altered. For almost all the men of armes mounted againe on horseback, saue certaine valiant Knights and Esquiers appointed to fight among the footemen, namely, Monseur de Cordes, and Master Philip of Lalain, with diuers others: for at that time among the Burgundians the honorablest personages fought on foote among the archers, to the end the infanterie might be the better assured and fight the more couragiously, which order they learned of the English men, with whom Duke Philip (being confederate in his youth) made war vpon the realme of Fraunce the space of two and thirty yeeres without truce ⁷. But the burthen of those wars lay vpon the English mens shoulders, who were at that time rich and mightie, and had a wise, goodly and valiant King called Henry, accompanied with sage, hardy, and expert captains, namely, the Earle of Salisburie, Talbot and others, whom I passe ouer, bicause those wars were before my time, notwithstanding I haue seene the reliques of them. For when God ment to withdraw his goodnes from the English men, this wise King died at Bois de Vincennes, and his sonne who prooued but a simple man, was crowned King of Fraunce and England at Paris. Soone after, all was turned topsie turuie in England. For ciuill wars arose among them which haue endured almost till this present, by reason that the house of Yorke vsurped the crowne, or held it by good title, I wot not wel whether, for the lot of kingdomes is giuen from heauen.

But to returne to the historie, this dismounting and remounting of the Burgundians, caused both great delaie of time, and losse of men, for at this instant, that yoong valiant knight master Philip of Lalain, being but slenderly armed was slaine ⁸. The Kings forces marched scatteringly along by the forrest of Torfou, being hardly 400. men of armes at our first arriuall, so that if we had then charged them, in mine opinion we had found no resistance, for they that were behinde, could not haue aided the former, bicause they could not march forward vpon a front, but one by one after an other. Notwithstanding, their number continually increased, which this wise knight Monseigneur de Contay perceiuing, came and told his master the Earle of Charolois, that if he would obteine the victorie it was time to giue the charge, confirming his opinion by diuers good reasons, and adding that if he had assailed his enimies at his first arriuall, they had already been discomfited, for then their number was smal, but now greatly increased as easie it was to be discerned, & sure he said true ⁹. Then was euery mans aduise asked, and the former order cleane altered, but in the meane time a great & hot skirmish was alreadie begun, at the very entrie into the village of Montl'hery, all of shot on both sides, the Kings bands were lead by Poncet of Riuiere, [Page] being all archers of his ordinary retinue, glistering in gilt and very well appointed. But the Earles shot was out of order, obedient to no man, and doing all things of their owne braine. Thus began the skirmishes in the which the Lord Philip of Lalain ¹⁰, and Iames of Mas a valiant gentleman, afterward master of the horse to Duke Charles of Burgundie, fought on foote among the archers. The Burgundians being the greater number, tooke a house, and bare two or three doores before them, wherewith they couered themselues in steede of targates, and after they were entred the streete, set fire on a house, the winde was with them, and blew the flame in their enimies faces, who thereupon retired, and afterward tooke horse and fled, with the which hue and crie, the Earle of Charolois began to march, leauing the order first deuised. For order was first giuen that the bands should rest twise by the way, bicause the Earles vawarde and his battle were far asunder ¹¹. The Kings army stood neere to the castle of Montl'hery, a great hedge and a ditch being betweene them and vs. The fields beyond them bare that yeere wheate, beanes, and other graine, growne maruellous high and thicke: for the soile there is verie good. All the Earles shot marched on foote before him in very euill order, notwithstanding that in mine opinion in a battel the principall hope of victorie consisteth in the shot, I meane if the force of shot be great (for small force serueth to small purpose) and either euill mounted (to the end they be not vnwilling to forsake their horses) or not mounted at all. Farther the day of a battle, those that are ignorant of the wars will do a greater exploit, than those that haue been long trained vp therein, this is the Englishmens opinion, who are best shot in the world: order was first giuen (as you haue heard) that the Earles battle should rest twise vpon the way, to the end the foote men mought breath them, bicause the vaward and it were far asunder, and the corne high and thicke which troubled their going, yet notwithstanding the cleane contrarie was done, as though men would purposely haue lost all. Wherfore heerby, God manifestly declared that he is the Lord of hostes, and disposeth of the victorie as seemeth best to him, and sure for my part, I cannot be perswaded that the wisdome of one man is sufficient to gouerne such a number of men, nor that an enterprise can be executed in the field, as it is deuised in the chamber: and farther I verily beleeue, that who so ableth himselfe by his own wit and capacitie to giue order in so waightie a matter, misbehaueth himselfe towards God. Notwithstanding euery man ought to do his endeuour therein, acknowledging the wars to be one of the accomplishments of Gods iudgements, which oftentimes he beginneth vpon small occasions, to the end that by giuing victorie now to one, and now to another, some great realmes and seniories may fall to ruine and desolation, and other some increase and florish with large empire and dominion, for farther proofe whereof marke this that foloweth. The Earle of Charolois marched without any breathing giuen to his shot and footemen vpon the way. The Kings men of armes passed through the hedge aboue mentioned at two seuerall places, and when they approched so neere their enimies, that they began to charge their staues, the Burgundian men of armes brake their owne shot, and passed through it, not giuing them leaue to let one arrow flie, notwithstanding that the shot were the principall force and onely hope of their armie, for of the men of armes (being to the number of twelue hundred) I thinke hardly fifty knew how to charge a launce, there were not foure hundred of them armed with quiracies, and of their retinue not one armed, all the which inconueniences grew partly bicause they had rested so long in peace, and partly bicause this house of Burgundie for ease of their subiects, entertained no soldiers in ordinarie. But since that day, these Seniors of Burgundie haue continued in [Page] troubles, which euen at this present rather increase than diminish. Thus the Burgundian men of armes (as you haue heard) brake themselues the chiefe force and onely hope of their armie, yet notwithstanding, so it pleased God to dispose of this matter, that on the right side of the castle, where the Earle himselfe stoode no resistance was found. All this day I my selfe neuer departed from the Earle, being lesse afraide than in any other battell that euer I was at since, for I was yoong and knew not what perill ment, but wondred how any man durst resist the Prince I serued, supposing none to be comparable to him. Such are the cogitations of men lacking experience, which causeth them oftentimes to maintaine fond arguments, grounded vpon small reason. Wherefore it is good to follow his aduise that saith, A man seldome repenteth him of too little speech, but often of too much. On the lefthand stood the Lord of Rauastin, and master Iames of S. Paul, with diuers others, who well perceiued their force too weake to encounter with the enimie that came to charge them, but they were now so neere ioined togither, that it was too late to deuise any new order. To be short, these were vtterly ouerthrowne, and persued euen hard to our carriage, where certaine of the footemen relied themselues, but the greatest part tooke the forrest, being but halfe a league thence. The principall that folowed the chase were the gentlemen of Daulphine and Sauoy, with certeine companies of men of armes, who supposed the victorie to haue been theirs, and not without cause, for sure the Burgundians flight was great on that side, yea and of great personages. The most part fled toward Pont S. Maxence, ¹² supposing it had held yet for the Earle. In the forrest also a great number staied, among whom was the Earle of S. Paul well accompanied, for he stood neere to the forrest side, and declared afterward that he held not the battell as lost.

The Notes.

1 This Iohn Earle of Dunois was bastard to Lewis Duke of Orleans. Meyer.

2 Yet La Marche saith, that the Earle of Maine was of the Princes confederacie.

3 The Arriereban is an edict neuer proclaimed but in cases of great extremitie: for all as well nobles as others are thereupon bound to repaire to the King, diuers of the which before the proclamation therof are not bound by their tenure to mooue. The Arriereban of Daulphine heere named, were all those of the countrie of Daulphine, that held by this tenure. Reade the edict made by King Francis anno 1543. and Girarde of the state of Fraunce, lib. 2. fol. 113.

4 The King by the perswasion of the Earle of Maine and the Seneschall Brezey resolued at the last to fight. Annal. Burgund.

5 Brezey had changed armor with the King, which caused his death: for those that slue him supposed it had been the King, Annal. Aquitan. but Meyer saith he was reported to be slaine by the Kings procurement, vvhich I knovve not vvhere he findeth.

6 Of the day of the battell Annal. Franc. agree vvith our author, but Annal. Burg. & Annal. Aquit. say 17. Meyer hath 17. Cal. Augusti, that is the 16. day of Iuly, & vvith him agreeth Gaguin La Marche, vvho vvas present at the battell and knighted in it.

7 The Duke vvas ioined vvith the English men but 15. or 16. yeeres, as saith also Introduction de la Marche, for the league began anno 1419. and ended anno 1435.

8 The Burgundians dismounted so suddenly, that laying dovvne their complete armor they had not leasure to buckle their lighter armor about them, vvhich vvas the cause of Lalains death, Annal. Burgund.

9 Contay vsed another reason to persvvade the Earle to assaile his enimies heere not expressed, to vvit, to preuent the Parisians, vvho if they issued foorth should inclose him [Page] betvveene them and the King, Annal. Burgund.

10 This Lalain seemeth to be the father of him that vvas slaine.

11 Betvveene Longiumeau vvhere the Earles battell lay, and Montl'hery vvhere his vavvard ledged are fovver English miles.

12 Pont S. Clou, and Pont S. Maxence vvere yeelded by the Burgundians, bicause the rumor was that the Earle of Charolois was slaine in the battell. Meyer.

Of the danger the Earle of Charolois was in, and how he was rescued. Chap. 4.

THe Earle of Charolois pursued his enimies on that side himselfe stood, halfe a league beyond Montl'hery, and found no resistance, notwithstanding that he were but slenderly accompanied and met with maine enimies, wherefore he held the victorie for his: but suddenly an old gentleman of Luxembourg called Anthony le Breton, came to him and aduertised him that the French were relied vpon the field, so that if he followed the chase any further, he should cast away himselfe. But the Earle regarded not his speech, notwithstanding that he repeated it twise or thrise. But euen in that instant arriued Monseur de Contay, who told him the selfesame tale the old gentleman of Luxembourg had done, and that in so stout and bold termes, that he gaue credit to his words and experience, and presently returned. And I thinke verily if he had passed but two bow shot farther, he had been taken as diuers were that followed the chase before him. As he returned, hard by the village he met with a band of footemen flying, whom he pursued being accompanied hardly with an hundred horse: none of these footemen made resistance but one, who gaue the Earle such a blowe on the brest with a iauelin, that the marke thereof appeered at night: the greatest part of the rest escaped through the gardens, but he that strake the Earle was slaine. And as we passed hard by the castell, we found the archers of the Kings garde before the gate, who neuer abandoned their place for our comming: whereat the Earle much maruelled, for he thought the battell had beene at an end, but he found it otherwise: for as he turned about to enter into the field (part of his companie being scattered from him) suddenly 15. or 16. men of armes gaue a charge vpon him, and at the very first slue his caruer named Philip D'orgues bearing a gydon of his armes. The Earle was there in great danger and receiued many hurts, especially one in the throte with a sword (the marke whereof stack by him as long as he liued) by reason that his beauer being euill fastened in the morning was fallen away, and I my selfe saw when it fell. The enimies laid hands vpon him, saying, My Lord yeeld, we know you well ynough, be not wilfully slaine: but he manfully defended himselfe. And at that instant a physitions sonne of Paris that serued the Earle, named Iohn Cadet being a great lubberly fellow, mounted vpon a strong iade like himselfe, ran through the enimies, and brake them ¹, wherewith they retired to the ditch side, (the place they had taken in the morning) the rather for that they discouered one of our ensignes marching in the midst of the field, and approching neere to vs, being the bastard of Burgundies ensigne, all to totterd and torne, to the which the Earle all embrewed in his owne blood retired, leauing at his archers ensigne not aboue fortie men, with whom we being hardly thirtie, ioined in great feare. The Earle incontinent [Page] changed his horse, hauing a fresh horse brought him by Symon of Quingy then his page, and since a man well knowne: and rode about the field to relie his men, leauing vs that taried behinde him in such feare, that by the space of an houre we were all fully resolued to flie, if but a hundred enimies had marched against vs: notwithstanding our men came to vs by ten and twentie in a troupe, as well horsemen as footemen, but of the footemen many were hurt, and all very wearie, partly bicause of the battell, and partly bicause of their vnreasonable iourney in the morning. Soone after returned the Earle himselfe, hardly accompanied with an hundred men, but by litle and litle our number increased. The corne which but halfe an houre before had been so high, was now troden flat downe, by meanes whereof, arose a terrible dust, all the fields lay strawed with dead bodies of men an horses, but bicause of the dust none could be knowne.

Immediately after this, we discouered the Earle of S. Paul issuing out of the forrest, accompanied with fortie men of armes, and his ensigne marched straight towards vs, and continually increased in number, but bicause he was far from vs, we sent twise or thrise to him desiring him to make haste, which notwithstanding he did not, neither altred his pace, but caused his men to take vp the launces that lay vpon the ground, and came in very good order, which sight much comforted vs. With him a great number relied themselues, and in the end came and ioined with vs, so that we were then to the number of eight hundred men of armes, but footemen fewe or none, which was the onely let the Earle obteined not perfect victory, for there was a great ditch and a thicke hedge betweene his battell and the Kings.

Of the Kings part fled the Earle of Maine with diuers others, to the number of eight hundred men of armes. Some haue helde opinion that the said Earle of Maine had intelligence with the Burgundians, but for mine owne part I beleeue it not. Neuer was in any battell so great flight on both sides, but the two Princes kept the field: of the Kings part there was a man of honor that fled as far as Luzignan without staie, and of the Earles part a noble personage to Quesnoy le Comte, these two had no great desire to bite one another ².

While the two armies stood thus in order of battell, the one in face of the other, the artillerie shot terribly, which slue men on both sides, but neither partie desired a new field. Notwithstanding our band was greater then the Kings, but his presence and the curteous language he vsed to his soldiers, was a great stay to his people, so far foorth, that I am throughly perswaded both by mine owne knowledge and that I haue since heard, that had it not been for him alone they had all fled. Some of our company desired a new battell, especially the L. of Haultbourdin, alledging that he discouered a troupe of our enimies flying, and vndoubtedly if he could haue recouered but a hundred archers to haue shot through the hedge aboue mentioned, all had been ours.

While this matter was in communication, and both the armies standing thus in order of battell without fight, the night approched, and the King retired to Corbeil, but we thought he had encamped in the field, bicause fire falling by chance into a barrell of powder, and certaine carts laden with munition in the place where the King had stoode, tooke in the end the great hedge aboue mentioned, which we supposed to haue been the French mens fiers there encamped, whereupon the Earle of S. Paul and the Lord of Haultbourdin, who seemed to be the men of greatest experience in our army, commanded our cariage to be brought to the place where we were, and our campe to be enclosed therewith, and so it was. And as we stood there relied togither in order of battell, diuers French men returnng from the chase, and [Page] supposing the victory to be theirs, and our campe the Kings, passed through the midst of vs, some of them escaped, but the most were slaine. The men of name that died on the Kings part were these, master Geffrey of S. Belin, the high Seneschall of Normandy, and captaine Floquet, and of the Burgundians, master Philip of Lalain: of footemen and common soldiers we lost more than the King, but of horsemen the King more than we: of prisoners the French tooke the best of those that fled. There were slaine of both sides two thousand at the least ³. The field was well fought, and there were of both parties that did their endeuor, some in fighting, and some in flybut sure in mine opinion it was a woorthy feat of armes to relie themselues togither vpon the field, and to stand three or foure houers in order of battell, the one in face of the other, and vndoubtedly both the Princes had good cause to make account of their subiects that stood so well by them at their need. But they did heerin like men not like angels, for some lost their offices for flying, which were bestowed vpon others that fled ten leagues beyond them: one of our part lost his credit, and was commanded out of his masters presence, but within one month he was in greater fauor than before.

When we were inclosed with our cariage, euery man lodged himselfe as commodiously as he could, a great number of vs were hurt, and the whole armie almost discouraged, fearing that the Parisians with two hundred men of armes that were within the citie, and the Marshall Ioachin the Kings lieutenant there would issue foorth and assaile vs on the other side. After it was darke night fiftie launces were commanded to go foorth to vnderstand where the King lodged, but hardly twenty of them went, notwithstanding that our campe were not aboue three bowe shot from the place where we supposed the King had encamped. In the meane time the Earle of Charolois ate and dranke a little, as did all the rest of the company, each man in his owne lodging, and the wound in his necke was dressed: but we were forced to remooue out of the place where he refreshed himselfe, three or fower dead bodies to make him roome, and to bring two bottles of straw, vpon the which he sat downe. And as they remooued these dead bodies, one of the poore naked soules began to call for drinke, into whose mouth was powred a little of the tysan the Earle had drunke of, wherewith his spirits reuiued, and then he was knowen to be an archer of the Earles garde named Sauaric a valiant fellow, and he was dressed and healed.

The Earle debated with his Councill what was to be done, the first that spake was the Earle of Saint Paule, who said we stood in great danger, and gaue aduise by breake of day to retire homeward, to burne part of our cariage, to saue onely the artillerie, and to giue order that none should lead backe any cariage, but such as had aboue ten launces vnder their charge, adding that it was impossible to lie there without victuals between Paris and the King. After him spake Mounseur de Haultbourdin almost to the same effect, saue that he aduised vs to stay till we vnderstood what newes our scoutes that were abroad would bring vs, to the which purpose spake also three or fower others. But the last that spake was Mounseur de Contay, who said that so soone as the armie should vnderstand of this resolution rhey would al flie, and by that means be taken and spoiled before they had gone twenty leagues: which his opinion he confirmed by diuers very good reasons. Wherefore he gaue aduise that euery man should lodge himselfe as commodiously as he could that night, and the next morning by breake of day begin a new field with determination either to liue or die vpon the place, which he said to be a safer course than to flie. The Earle of Charolois followed the said Contaies aduise, and gaue euery man commandement [Page] to take his rest for two howers, and at the sound of the trumpet to be in a readines: farther he willed diuers by name to send to comfort his soldiers.

About midnight our scoutes that were abroad returned, and it well appeered they had not beene far: for they brought word that the King lodged at the fires aboue mentioned. Incontinent others were sent foorth, and within an hower after euery man put himselfe in a readines to fight, but the most part had rather haue fled. About breake of day our scoutes last sent foorh met one of our Carters whom the enimies had taken prisoner that morning as he brought a pot of wine from Montl'hery. This Carter told them that the French were all fled, whereof they sent word incontinent to the campe, and went themselues to the place, and found the Carters report true, whereupon they returned with this newes to the great comfort of the whole armie, and then a number cried to pursue them, that made but small haste after them. Not an hower before my selfe had an old horse halfe tired, who by chaunce thrust his head into a paile of wine and drunke it off, which made him lustier and fresher that day than euer before.

When it was broad day euery man mounted on horseback, and the squadrons made a goodly shew in the field, notwithstanding all our companies were not yet come togither, but a number returned at that present which had lien hidden in the woods all night. The Earle of Charolois suborned a Frier Franciscan, who brought worde to the campe that he came from the Britains, who would be there the selfesame day, which newes comforted not a little the whole armie, but all men beleeued it not.

Immediately after, to wit, about ten of the clocke in the morning, arriued the Vicechancellor of Britaine, called Rouuille, and Maderey aboue mentioned with him, accompanied with two archers of the D. of Britaines garde in their liuery coates, which comforted maruellously the whole army, and the said Vicechancellor was asked where he had been, and was commended for his departure (considering the great murmuring that was risen against him) but much more for his returne, and euery man welcomed them and made them good cheere.

All this day the Earle of Charolois kept still the field, reioicing greatly and wholy attributing the honor of the victory to himselfe alone, which glory cost him deere, for after this he neuer followed any mans deuise but his owne, and whereas before he had hated the wars, and loued nothing that appertained thereunto: his thoughts were after this so cleane altred that he continued in the wars till his death, in them ended his life, & by them desolated his house, at the least brought it maruellously vnderfoote, though not altogither destroied it. Three noble and wise Princes his predecessors had so highly aduanced it, that few Kings except the K. of Fraunce were mightier than he, and in rich and strong townes none passed him: but no man, especially no Prince ought to attribute too much to himselfe, but to acknowledge all prosperitie and good successe to proceed from God. Sure these two things I dare boldly say in his commendation, first that I thinke neuer man endured more trauell than he in all points of bodily labour and exercise, and secondarily that in mine opinion, I neuer knew hardier gentleman: for I neuer heard him complaine of wearines, I neuer saw him shew any countenance of feare, yet was I with him seuen yeeres togither in the wars: euery sommer without faile, and somtime both winter and sommer his attempts and enterprises were so high and difficult, that onely God by his absolute power could haue atchiued them, for they passed far mans reach.

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The Notes.

1 De la Marche calleth him that deliuered the Earle, Robert Couterel, or Coutereau a horseman of Bruxels, his Phisitions sonne, whom for that fact immediately he made knight and feudarie of Brabant. Gaghin writeth that the Earle was twice in danger, once in the hands of Geffery De S. Bealin, and againe in the hands of Gilbert Grassaie.

2 For the two places heere named be aboue three hundred English miles asunder.

3 There were slaine at the battell of Montl'hery, 2000. Annal. Burgund. Meyer saith 3000. Gaguin 3600.

How the Duke of Berry the Kings brother, and the Duke of Britaine ioined with the Earle of Charolois against the King. Chap. 5.

THe next day being the third after the battell, we remooued our campe and lodged at Montl'hery, out of the which the people fled, part into the Church steeple, and part into the Castell, but the Earle caused them to returne to their houses, neither lost they the value of one penie, for euery man paid his shot as truly as if he had been in Flaunders. The castell helde for the King, and was not assaulted by vs. The third day being passed, the Earle of Charalois by the Lord of Contais aduise departed to Estampes (a good and commodious lodging, and a fruitfull soile) meaning to preuent the Britains, who came that way, and before their ariuall to lodge his men that were sicke and hurt in the towne, and the rest abroad in the fields. This good lodging and the Earles long abode there saued many a mans life. At the said town of Estampes arriued the Lord Charles of Fraunce then Duke of Berry, and the Kings onely brother, accompanied with the Duke of Britaine, the Earle of Dunois, the Lord of Dampmartin, the Lord of Loheac, the L. of Beueil, the Lord of Chaumount, and master Charles of Amboise his sonne (who since hath caried great credit in this realme) all the which the King at his first comming to the crown had displaced and put out of office, notwithstanding the great seruices they had done the King his father and the realme, both in the conquest of Normandie and in diuers other wars. The Earle of Charolois and all the noble men that were with him went foorth to receiue them, and lodged their persons in the towne, where their lodgings were already made, but their forces lay abroad in the fields. They had with them eight hundred men of armes very well appointed, a great number of the which were Britons, who lately had forsaken the Kings pay, and these made a gallant shew in their campe: of archers and other soldiers armed with good Brigandines they had great force, so that I suppose they were six thousand men on horsebacke, all in very good order, and sure this army shewed the Duke of Britaine to be a great Prince, for they were all paid out of his coffer ¹.

The King being retired to Corbeil (as you haue heard) was not idle, neither forgat what he had to do, but went straight into Normandy partly to leuy men, and partly bicause he feared rebellion in the countrey, but a great part of his forces he left about Paris in those places that had most need of defence.

The first euening that all these Princes met at Estamps, they told newes each to other, the Britons had taken prisoners certaine of the Kings part that fled, and if [Page] they had been but a litle neerer the place of the battell, they had either taken or discomfited the third part of his army. They had first giuen order to sende foorth certaine bands before them, to vnderstand how neere the Kings army and the Earles were togither, but they altered their mindes. Notwithstanding master Charles of Amboise and certiane with him scoured the countrey before their army, to see if they could meete any of their enimies, and certaine prisoners as you haue heard they tooke, and part also of the Kings artillerie. These prisoners made report vnto them, that vndoubtedly the King was slaine (for so they supposed bicause they fled at the very beginning of the battell,) which newes the abouenamed master Charles of Amboise and they that were with him brought to the Britaines campe, who reioiced maruellously thereat, supposing it had been true, and hoping for great rewards if the Lord Charles were King. Further they debated in councell (as a man of credit there present, afterward aduertised me) how they might rid the countrey of the Burgundians, and send them home in the diuels name, and were in maner all agreed to cut their throtes if they could, but this their ioy soone ended, wherby you may perceaue what sodaine alterations are in a realme in such troubles.

But to returne to the campe lying at Estampes, when euery man had supped and a great number being walking in the streetes: The Lord Charles of Fraunce, and the Earle of Charolois withdrew themselues to a window, where they entred into very earnest communication. Now you shall vnderstand that there was among the Britaines one that tooke great pleasure in throwing squibs into the aire, which when they fall to the ground run flaming among men, his name was master Iohn Boutefeu, or master Iohn de Serpens, I wot not well whether. This mery companion being secretly hidden in a house, threw two or three squibs into the aire from a high place where he stood, one of the which by chance strake against the bar of the window where these two Princes communed togither, wherewithall both of them started sodainly vp, being astonished at this accident, and each beholding other, suspecting this to be purposely done to hurt them: then came the Lord of Contay to his master the Earle of Charolois, and after he had told him a word or two in his eare, went downe, and caused all the men of armes of the Earles house, and all the archers of his garde, and a number of other to arme themselues. Incontinent also the Earle of Charolois mooued the Duke of Berry to command the archers of his garde to do the like, whereupon immediatly two or three hundred men of armes, stood on foote in harneis before the gate, with a great number of archers, the which sought round about from whence this fire might come: in the end the poore fellow that had done the deed fell downe vpon his knees before them confessing the fact, and threw three or foure other squibs into the aire, whereby he put diuers out of suspicion each of other, thus the matter turned to a iest, and euery man vnarmed himselfe and went to bed. The next day in the morning they sat in councell to debate what was to be done, all the Princes with their principall seruants being there present, and as they were of diuers parts and not obedient to one head: so were they also of diuers opinions as in such assemblies it cannot be otherwise chosen. But among the rest of their talke, certaine words that passed the Duke of Berry (who was yoong and vnacquainted with such exploits) were especially marked: for he seemed already to be weary of this enterprise, alledging the great number of the Earle of Charolois men that he had seene in the towne hurt and maimed, of whom to shew that he had pitie and compassion he brake foorth into this speech and said, that he had rather the matter had neuer been begun, than that so much mischiefe should arise by his occasion and for his cause, which words displeased greatly the Earle of Charolois [Page] and his men as heerafter you shall heare: Notwithstanding they concluded in this assembly to go before Paris, to prooue whether the towne would enter into league with them for the benefit of the common wealth (which they al pretended to be the onely cause of their assembly) being fully perswaded that all the townes in the realm would follow the example thereof. The words aboue mentioned vttered by the D. of Berry in this assembly, put the Earle of Charolois and his men into such a dumpe, that they said thus one to another, heard you this man speake? he is discouraged for seuen or eight hundred hurt persons that he seeth in the towne, who are none of his but meer strangers to him, he would be otherwise troubled than if the matter should touch himselfe in any point, and easely be won to agree with his brother and leaue vs in the mire, and bicause of the long wars that haue been in times past betweene King Charles his father and the D. of Burgundie my father, both the parties would soone consent to turne their forces against vs, wherefore it is good to prouide vs of friends in time. And vpon this suspicion onely, VVilliam of Cluny Prenotarie, who died Bishop of Poictiers was sent to England to King Edward the 4. then raigning, to whom the Earle of Charolois had euer before been mortall enimie, supporting the house of Lancaster against him, of the which he was issued by his mother ². And the said Clunies instructions were to treat with King Edward of a mariage betweene the Kings sister called Margaret, and the Earle of Charolois, not to conculde the matter, but onely to put the King in hope thereof: for the Earle knowing how greatly the King desired this mariage, supposed by this meanes to win him to take his part if he needed his helpe, at the least to staie him from attempting ought against him. And notwithstanding that he ment nothing lesse then the accomplishment thereof, bicause as feruently as he loued the house of Lancaster, as extreemly hated he the house of Yorke: yet was the matter so labored, that many yeeres after the mariage was accomplished ³, and the Earle receaued also the order of the Garter, and ware it till his dying day. Many a such deed is often done vpon suspicion onely, especially among great Princes, who are much more suspicious then other men, bicause of the doubts and reports that are daily brought vnto them oftentimes by flatterers vpon no occasion.

The Notes.

1 The Britaines army was of 10600. men Anna. Aqui. and the archers here mentioned were all mounted one horsebacke, otherwise the men of armes could not arise to sixe thousand.

2 Charles D. of Burgundie was of the house of Lancaster after this sort. Iohn of Gaunt D. of Lancaster had issue by Blaunche his first wife, daughter and heire to Henry D. of Darby and Lancaster, Philip which married with Iohn King of Portugall bastard of Ferraude, by whom she had issue Isabell married to Philip D. of Burgundie, by whom she had issue this D. Charles.

3 Margaret king Edwards sister, arriued in the Lowe countries, 25. Iunij Ann. 1468. Meyer.

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How the Earle of Charolois and his confederates with their whole army, passed the riuer of Seine vpon a bridge made of botes, how Iohn D. of Calabria ioined with them, and how they all encamped before Paris. Chap. 6.

ALl these Princes according to their determination departed from Estampes, hauing soiourned there certaine daies and marched to Saint Maturin of Larchant, and Moret in Gastinois, in the which two little townes the Lord Charles of Fraunce, and the Britaines lodged, but the Earle of Charolois encamped in a great medow vpon the riuer of Seine, and made proclamation that euery man should bring a hooke with him to fasten his horse therewith, he caried also with him seauen or eight small boates in cartes, and great store of pipeboorde, meaning therewith to make a bridge ouer the riuer of Seine, bicause these Princes had no passage there. The Earle of Dunois accompanied him riding in a litter, for bicause of the goute he could not sit on horsebacke, notwithstanding his ensigne was borne with him. When they came to the riuer they launched foorth the boates they brought with them, and tooke an Iland in the midst of the streame, where certaine of our archers landed and skirmished with a companie of horsemen that defended the passage on the other side vnder the leading of the Marshall Ioachin and Sallezard. The place was much to their disaduantage, bicause it was high and in a goodly vine country, besides that the Burgundians had great store of artillerie vnder the charge of a notable gunner named Master Girald, whom they tooke prisoner at the battell of Montl'hery, being then in the Kings seruice. To be short, the aboue mentioned horsemen were forced to abandon the passage and retire to Paris. The selfesame night the bridge was made from the side of the riuer where we lay to the Iland, where incontinent the Earle of Charolois caused his pauilion to be pitched, and lodged there all night with fiftie men of armes of his house: by day breake a great number of Coopers were set on work to make casks of the pipe boord we brought with vs, who so bestirred themselues, that before noon the bridge was made from the Iland to the other side of the riuer. Incontinent passed the Earle of Charolois, and caused his tents whereof he was well furnished, to be pitched: ouer the same bridge passed also his whole armie and artillerie, and lodged vpon the side of a hill hanging towards the riuer, by means whereof his campe made a goodly shew to those that came after.

It was that whole daies worke to conuey ouer the Earles owne forces, but the next morning by day breake passed also the Dukes of Berry and Britaine with their whole armie, commending this bridge to be very commodiously and speedily made, and marched when they were passed, a little beyond the Earle, and encamped also vpon the hill. When it was darke night we discouered a great number of fires as far from vs as we could well discerne, which diuers supposed to be the Kings forces, but bofore midnight we were aduertised that it was Iohn Duke of Calabria ¹ onely sonne to King Rene of Sicilie ² with nine hundred men of armes of the Duchie and Countie of Burgundie. The said Duke had with him few footmen, but was well accompanied with horsemen, and those in so good order, that for their number I neuer sawe a goodlier company nor a more warlike: for he had with him six score men of armes [Page] barded, all Italians or trained vp in the Italian wars, among whom were Iames Galiot, the Earle of Campobache, the L. of Baudricourt now gouernor of Burgundie, and diuers others: his men of armes were very expert soldiers, and to say the truth, the flower of our armie, I meane number for number. With him were also fower hundred crossebow men that the Palsgraue had lent him, all very well mounted and very good soldiers. Besides whom he had also in pay fiue hundred Switzers footemen, which were the first that euer came into this realme, and these so valiantly behaued themselues in all places where they came, that they purchased great renowme to their whole nation, which their countreymen that haue serned heere since, haue well maintained. This companie the next morning approached neer to vs, and passed that day ouer our bridge, which a man may boldly say conuaied ouer all the power of Fraunce saue onely the Kings armie. And I assure you the force was so great of valiant men well appointed, and in very good order, that I wish all the friends and welwillers of the realme had seen it, and likewise the enimies: for by that meanes the former would haue esteemed of the realme as it deserueth, and the later euer after the more haue feared it. The Burgundians that accompanied the Duke of Calabria were led by the L. of Neuf-chastell Marshall of Burgundie, who had with him his brother the L. of Montagu, the Marquesse of Rotelin, and a great number of knights and esquiers: some of the which had been in Bourbonnois, as I haue made mention in the beginning of this historie ³, but they all ioined for their more safetie with the Duke of Calabria, who shewed himselfe to be as noble a Prince, and as good a soldier as any in the companie, whereupon great loue and amitie grew betweene him and the Earle of Charolois.

After this whole force (being as I suppose to the number of an hundred thousand horse good & bad) was passed the riuer, the Princes determined to shew themselues before Paris, wherfore they put all their vawards togither. The Burgundians vaward was led by the Earle of S. Paule, and the vaward of the Dukes of Berry and Britaine by Oudet of Rie ⁴ afterward Earle of Comminges, and the Marshall Loheac as I remember, and in this order marched they, but all the Princes remained in the battell. The Earle of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria were very diligent in commanding and giuing good order in the armie, and rode very well armed, and shewed that they meant to do their dutie, but the Dukes of Berry and Britaine were mounted vpon small ambling nags, and armed with slight brigandines, light and thin, yea and some said they were not plated, but studded onely with a few gilt nailes vpon the sattin for the lesse waight, but I will not affirme it for a truth. Thus marched this armie to Pont de Charenton two little leagues from Paris, which was taken incontinent, notwithstanding the resistance of certaine franke archers ⁵ that were within it: ouer the said bridge of Charenton passed the whole force. The Earle of Charolois lodged in his owne house called Conflans, situate vpon the riuer not far from thence, and inclosed a great peece of ground, with his cariage and artillerie, and lodged his campe within it, and with him lay the Duke of Calabria: but the Dukes of Berry and Britaine, with part of their forces lodged at S. Mor-des-fosses, and the rest they sent to S. Denis being also two leagues from Paris, in the which places this whole companie lay eleuen weekes, during the which space these things happened that now I will rehearse.

The next day in the morning began the skirmishes hard at Paris gates, within the towne was the Lord of Nantoillet, L. great Master of Fraunce (who did the King good seruice there as before I haue said) and the Marshal Ioachin. The poore people of the towne were in great feare, but of the better sort some wished the Burgundians [Page] and the other Princes within the towne, bicause this enterprise seemed vnto them good and profitable for the realme: others there were borne in the said Princes dominions, wherefore they furthered their affaires, hoping by their meanes to obtaine some good offices in the towne, which are more hunted after there than in any other place, and no maruell: for those that are in office make of their offices what they can, not what they ought, which is the cause that some offices in the towne of no fee at all are sold for eight hundred crownes, and other some of very small fee, for more than the fee will amount to in fifteene yeeres. Seldome is any man put out of office: for the Court of parlament alloweth these sales of offices as lawfull, the reason whereof is bicause it is a generall case. Among the Councillors are alwaies a number both of vertuous and woorthy personages, and also of lewd and euill conditioned persons, as are also in all other estates.

The Notes.

1 It is requisite that I should here set downe the particular quarrell that euery one of these princes had to the King, some are mentioned by our author, and others in other authors. The D. of Berries quarell was for a larger partage. The Earle of Charaloys demanded the restitution of the territories vpon the riuer of Somme. The D. of Britaine had cause to be offended and afearde, because the King had picked a quarell to him by demanding of him three things, neuer before demanded of any D. of Britaine: The first, that he should no more write in his stile Dei gratia Britanniae Dux: The second, that he should pay to the King a yeerly tribute: The third, that all the spirituall liuings in Britaine should be left to the Kings disposing. For these causes the D. of Britaine ioyned with the princes: the D. of Calabria had cause of offence, because being entred into Italy to recouer the Realme of Naples, and the King hauing promised him aide: after the said D. of Calabria was ouerthrowne at Troia in Apulia: the King refused to send him the aide promised, so that he was forced vtterly to abandon his enterprise. The D. of Bourbon had maried the Kings sister, and could not get hir mariage monie: the Duke of Nemours, Earles of Dunois, Dalebret, and the rest of the noble men and gentlemen were against the King, some bicause they were put out of pension and office, many bicause the King sought to depriue them of the roialties they had in their seniories touching Hunting and Hawking, and sought to draw all to himselfe, but all in generall were offended because he contemned his nobility, and entertained none but men of base estate about him. Thus much I have set downe bicause it might otherwise seeme strange, that all these Princes should thus conspire against the King for zeale of the common wealth, if other particular greifes had not more mooued them than the misgouernment of the estate.

2 To the ende the reader finde it not strange that Rene is here called King of Sicily, sith the house of Arragon possessed the same Realme at that time: it is to be vnderstood that the race of the Normans (who about the yeere 1060. subdued Sicily, Calabria and Apulia: and about the yeere 1102. tooke vpon them the title of Kings of Sicily,) being extinct in Roger the last King of Sicily of that race about the yeere 1195. the said Realme fell to the issue of the Emperor Fridericus Barbarossa by the marriage of Constantia daughter to Roger the first King of Sicill, and aunt to Roger the last King of Sicill of this race, with Henry the said Barbarossas sonne, in which race it continuedtily Manfridus bastard sonne to Fridericus the Emperor, sonne to the aboue named Henry obteined the crowne of Sicill & Naples by dispossessing Conradinus his nephew the true heir therof. Against this Manfridus Pope Vrbanus the 4. called into Italie Charles of Amon brother to S. Lewis King of Fraunce who slew Manfridus in battell, and afterward executed also Conradinus the true heire of the crowne, being taken in battell, comming with [Page] an armie to conquer the said realmes of Naples and Sicily as his true inheritance: and thus obteined this Charles of Aniou the crowne both of Naples and Sicily, till not long after by the comming of Peter king of Arragon, who had married Constantia daughter and heire to Manfridus: the Sicilians arose suddenly against the French, slew them all in one euening, and yeelded the Realme of Sicily to the saide Peter, whose posteritie euer sithens euen till this day haue continued in possession thereof. Notwithstanding the posteritie of Charles of Aniou held still the Realme of Naples with the title of the Realme of Sicily, till the time that the later Iane Queene of Naples, to fortifie hir selfe against Pope Vrbanus Sextus adopted Alfonse of Arragon, sonne to Ferrande King of Arragon, which Ferrandes mother named Elenor was daughter to King Peter: but after the saide Iane for displeasure conceiued against the saide Alfonse adopted secondarilie Lewis D. of Aniou, brother to Charles the 5. King of Fraunce, descended of the race of the first Charles King of Sicily, against whom and his sonne Lewis Alfonse long warred, and in the end after Queene Ianes death chased them both out of Italy, and left the Realmes of Arragon and Sicily to Iohn his brother: but the Realme of Naples to Ferrande his base sonne, with whom Rene heere mentioned (brother to Lewis the 2. of that name D. of Aniou and king of Sicily, and by him with Ianes consent adopted) long vvarred, but preuailed not: so that Rene had onely the title of Sicily and Naples by the adoption aforesaid, but no possession thereof: for Sicily the kings of Arragon held euer since the conquest of Peter, and the realme of Naples Ferrande the bastard held of his fathers gift, from vvhose posterity hovv in the end after many alterations it fell to the house of Arragon that novv possesseth it, shall be set dovvne at large in the vvars of Naples made by King Charles the 8. vvho had the house of Anious title, vvhereof our author treateth in the 7. and 8. booke of this historie.

3 This force led by the Marshall of Burgundie vvas of 4000. men. Meyer.

4 This Oudet is he that acquainted the Duke of Berry vvith this confederacie, and conueighed him into Britaine. Meyer. La Marche.

5 Franck archers were these: King Charles the 7. in the yeere 1449. being destitute of footemen, appointed that euery threescore houses in his realme should arme a man, vvho in time of vvar receiued paie of the King, and vvere exempt from all subsidies and payments: for the which cause they vvere all called franck, that is free, but King Lewis the 11. anno 1480. abolished these franck archers and waged Switzers in their place.

A discourse vpon ambitious hunting after offices and estates, by the example of the English men. Chap. 7.

I Speake of these offices and estates, bicause in changes they are so greedily desired, and are also cause thereof, as appeereth by that which hath happened not onely in this our age, but also in the time of King Charles the sixt, vnder whom the wars began that endured till the treatie of Arras, during the which wars the English men entred into the realme, and conquered so far that at the time of the saide treatie (which continued ¹ the space of two moneths) the Duke of Bedford brother to Henry the fift King of England, being maried to Duke Philip of Burgundies sister, was regent in Fraunce for the English men, whose monethly allowance in that office amounted to 20000. crownes at the [Page] least. At the said treatie were present for the King of Fraunce, fower or fiue Dukes or Earles, fiue or sixe Prelates, and ten or twelue Councellers of the Parliament. For Duke Philip likewise diuers Noble men ² in much greater number, for the Pope 2. Cardinals as mediators, and for the English men diuers noble personages. Duke Philip greatly desired to acquite himselfe honorably towards the English men before he would abandon them, bicause of the ancient league that had been betweene them: wherefore the Duchies of Normandie and Guien were offered to the King of England, with condition that he should do homage for them to the crowne of Fraunce, as his predecessors had done, and restore all the places he held in the Realme out of the said Duchies: which condition the English men bicause of the homage, refused, but to their great losse: for being abandoned of this house of Burgundie, their good successe altered, and all their intelligences within the realme failed, whereby their power daily so diminished, that in short space they lost Paris, and by little and little all that they held in this realme. After their returne into England, none of them would diminish his estate, but the offices within the realme sufficed not for maintenance of them all, wherupon long ciuil wars arose among them, in the which King Henry the sixt, who had been crowned King of England & Fraunce at Paris, was proclaimed traitor, and imprisoned in the tower of London, where he remained the greatest part of his life, and in the end was there murthered. The Duke of Yorke father to King Edward that last died, intituled himselfe right heire to the crowne, & soone after was slaine in the battell, and had his head smitten off, as had also the Earle of Warwick ³ that last died, whose credit was so great in England, and all the rest that were slaine in those wars. The said Earle of Warwick led the Earle of Marche afterward named Edward the fourth, by sea to Calais with a small companie escaped out of battell ⁴, for the Earle of Warwick tooke part with the house of Yorke, as the Duke of Sommerset did with the house of Lancaster. To be short, these wars indured so long, that all they of the houses of Warwick and Sommerset were either slaine or beheaded in them. King Edward caused afterward his owne brother the Duke of Clarence to be drowned in a Butt of malmesey, charging him that he ment to make himselfe King: but after King Edwards death, his other brother the Duke of Glocester murthered the said Kings two sonnes, proclaimed his daughters bastards, and vsurped the crowne. Immediately after the which cruell deed, the Earle of Richmond now King (who had been prisoner many yeeres in Britaine) passed into England, and discomfited and slew in battell this bloody King Richard, late murtherer of his two nephewes. Thus haue there died in England in these ciuill wars since my remembrance, aboue fowerscore persons of the blood Royall, part of the which I my selfe knew, & part vnderstood of by the English men resident with the Duke of Burgundie at the same time that I serued him. Wherfore you see it is not at Paris onely, nor in Fraunce alone that men fall at variance for worldly goods and honors. But sure all Kings and great Princes ought to take heed that they suffer not factions to arise in their courts: for thereof kindleth the fire that consumeth their whole countrey in the end. Notwithstanding such alterations happen not in mine opinion, but by Gods disposition, for when Princes and realmes haue long florished in great wealth and prosperitie, and forget from whence all these benefits proceede: God raiseth vp an enimie against them, whom they neuer feared nor stood in doubt of, as appeereth by the Kings mentioned in the Bible, and by that also which hath hapned and daily doth happen, not onely in England, and in these countries of Burgundie, but in diuers other places also.

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The Notes.

1 The last of Iuly arriued the French Kings ambassadors at the treaty of Arras Annal. Burg. so that the treaty began in the beginning of August, and the English men departed discontented the 6. of December. Annal. Bur. and the treatie ended the 21. of September, but De la Marche saith the 10. of December. Meyer. 11. Calen. Octob. which agreeth with Annal. Burg.

2 At the treatie vvas present Philip D. of Burgundie himselfe. La Marche. Meyer.

3 Our Chronicles report that the Duke of Yorke vvith diuers others slaine in the battell, and the Earle of Salisbury father to the Earle of VVarvvick, vvho vvas taken prisoner in the battell vvere behedded, and their heds sent to Yorke in derision: but I remember not that the Earle of VVarvvick vvas behedded after he vvas slaine, and I suppose the vnskilfull corrector hath here omitted a vvord or tvvo, and that vve must read in place of Luy & le Comte de Warwic. Luy & le pere du Comte de Warwic.

4 The Earles of Marche and VVarvvick vvent to Calice before the Duke of Yorke vvas slaine, or ouerthrowen in battell: for they fled from Ludlovv lying in campe there against the kings force, bicause they found themselues too vveake, and their counsels betrayed by Andrew Trowlop vvho fled from them to the King.

How King Lewis entred into Paris, while the Princes of Fraunce practised with the citizens. Chap. 8.

I Haue been long in this discourse, and it is now time to returne to the historie. After the Princes were come before Paris, they began to practise with the citizens, promising offices and great rewards to diuers, and omitting nothing that might further their purpose. At three daies end the citizens assembled togither in the towne hall, where when they had long debated these matters, and heard the Princes requests & demands made openly to them for the benefit of the whole realme (as they pretended:) they determined to send ambassadors to them to treate of peace, according to the which determination a great number of the best citizens came to Saint Mor where the Princes lay, and Master VVilliam Chartier then Bishop of Paris, a notable prelate, declared the citizens embassage, and for the Princes the Earle of Dunois was appointed to be mouth. The Duke of Berry the Kings brother was president of this Councill sitting in a chaire, and all the other Princes standing about him. On the one side stood the Dukes of Britaine and Calabria, and on the other the Earle of Charolois armed at all peeces saue the head peece and vantbrases, and wearing vpon his quirage a short cloke maruellous rich: for he came from Conflans: and Bois-de-Vincennes being well manned was held for the King: wherefore it stood him vpon to come armed and well accompanied. The Princes request was to enter into Paris to confer with the citizens about the reformation of the state, which they said was euill gouerned, charging the King with diuers disorders. The citizens gaue them very lowly and humble language, desiring respite before they could make any resolute answer: yet (notwithstanding this delay) the King was afterward discontented both with the Bishop and the rest that [Page] accompanied him. Thus returned these ambassadors into the towne, continuing still their former practise: for euery one of the Princes talked with them apart, and I am of opinion that some of them had agreed secretly to suffer the Princes in their owne persons to enter the towne, and their men also (if they so thought good) by small troupes: which practise if it had taken effect, had not onely been the winning of the towne, but the atchieuing of the whole enterprise. For the citizens would easily haue been brought for diuers considerations to reuolt to them, and so consequently all the other townes in the realme. But God put wise counsell into the Kings head, which also he executed accordingly, being alreadie aduertised of all these practises.

Before the ambassadors that were returned from the Princes had made their report, the King in person entred the towne of Paris, accompanied like a prince that commeth to relieue his people: for he brought with him into the towne two thousand men of armes, all the nobles of Normandie, a great number of franke archers, and all his owne seruants, pensioners and others that vse to accompanie the King in such affaires. Thus this practise was broken off, and all the people altered their mindes, neither durst any of them that had been with vs make farther mention of the Princes demaunds. Some of them also sped but euill for that they had alreadie done, notwithstanding the King vsed no extremitie towards them ¹, but some lost their offices, and others were sent to dwell in other places: for the which easie reuenge the King vndoubtedly deserued great commendation, considering that if this practise begun had taken effect, the best that could haue happened to him had been to forsake his realme, which also was his resolution. For as himselfe hath often told me, if he could not haue entred into Paris, but had found the towne reuolted, he would haue retired to the Switzers, or to Francis Duke of Milan, whom he accounted his especiall friend, and so also the Duke shewed himselfe, as well by the aide he sent him being fiue hundred men of armes and three thousand footemen vnder the leading of his eldest sonne Galeas afterward Duke of Milan (who came as far as the countrey of Forrestz in Auuergne, where he made war vpon the Duke of Bourbon, and afterward returned home bicause of his fathers death:) as also by the counsell he gaue him at the treatie of peace held at Conflans, where he sent him word to refuse no condition of peace, but to seuer his companie, and retain his owne forces still about him.

We had hardly been three daies before Paris when the King entred the towne, immediately after whose arriuall sharpe war was made vpon vs, especially vpon our forragers, whom we were constrained to garde with great forces, bicause they went far from our campe. Now to speake somwhat of the towne of Paris, we must needes confesse that it is maruellous well situate in the Ile of Fraunce, seeing the countrey about it was able to victuall two such huge armies: for as touching vs we neuer lacked, and they within the towne found nothing enhaunced, saue onely a denier ² vpon euery loafe of bread, the reason wherof was, bicause we held not the riuers aboue the towne, being these three, Marne, Yonne, and Seine, besides diuers small streames that run into them. Wherefore all things considered this towne is situate in the best and fruitfullest soile that euer I sawe, yea it is almost incredible how great the prouision is that commeth thither. I my selfe was resident there since the time I now write of, halfe a yeere togither with K. Levvis being lodged at the Tournelles, and ordinarily eating and lodging in the court. Since his death also by the space of twentie moneths, full sore against my will I was held prisoner in his pallace, where I saw daily out of my windowe the prouision that came vp the streame out of Normandie, [Page] and likewise downe the streame, which was so great that I would neuer haue beleeued it, had I not seene it.

Diuers bands as you haue heard issued daily out of Paris, & the skirmishes were great, our watch being of fiftie launces, stood neere to la Grange aux Merciers, but our escouts rode as neere Paris as was possible, the which were often beaten backe to our watch, and eftsoones (the enimie on their backe) as far as our cariage, retirng somtime a softpace, and somtime a fast trot. Then vsed we to renforce them with new supplies, which beat backe the enimies hard to the towne gates, and this was daily and howerly done, for within the towne were aboue 2500. men of armes in verie good order, and a great number of gentlemen of Normandy, and franke archers, besides that they sawe daily their Ladies which encouraged them to put foorth themselues. Our force was also verie great, but in horsemen we were not so strong as they, for we had with vs onely the Burgundians being about two thousand launces good and bad, nothing so well armed as they within Paris, bicause of the long peace wherein they had liued as before is mentioned, of the which number also two hundred men of armes were at Laigny with the Duke of Calabria, but of footemen we had great force, and those very good. The Britains armie laie at Saint Denys, making war on that side the towne of Paris all the waies they could, and the other noblemen were disparkled some heere some there, to make prouision of victuals. In the end the Duke of Nemours, the Earle of Armignac, & the Lord of Albret came to vs, but their forces lodged a good way from our campe bicause they had no pay, and should haue famished our armie, if they had taken ought without money. This I am sure of, that the Earle of Charolois gaue them fiue or sixe thousand franckes, and tooke order that they should come no neerer vs. They were at the least fiue or sixe thousand horse that did maruellous much harme in the countrey.

The Notes.

1 Yet Meyer vvriteth that the King aftervvard poisoned the Bishop, but Meyers vvords are no Gospell.

2 A Denier is the tvvelfth part of threehalfepence starling.

How the Earle of Charolois artillerie and the Kings artillerie shot the one against the other neere to Charenton, and how the Earle of Charolois caused another bridge to be built vpon boates ouer the riuer of Seine. Chap. 9.

NOw to returne to the campe before Paris, you may be sure that no day passed without losse on both sides, but no great exploit was done, for the King would suffer no great force to issue out of the towne, neither ment to hazard the battel, but desired peace, and wisely to disparkle this assemblie. Notwithstanding, one morning very early 4000. archers came and encamped along by the riuer side vpon the very banke, directly ouer against Conflans. The gentlemen of Normandie and certaine of the Kings ordinarie men of armes laie in a village but a quarter of a league from them, and betweene [Page] them and their footemen was onely a faire plaine. The riuer of Seine ran betweene them and vs, and they began to dig a trench hard by Charenton, which ran in length to the very end of our campe, directly ouer against the which, (the riuer being betweene vs and them as you haue heard) they built a bulwarke of wood and earth, and thereon mounted greatstore of artilirie, which at the verie first shot chased the Duke of Calabrias men out of the village of Charenton, and forced them in great haste to come and lodge with vs with losse both of men and horses. But the Duke of Calabria himselfe laie in a litle house betweene the riuer and the Earle of Charolois lodging, directly ouer against the enimies.

This artilerie shot also into our campe, and put the whole armie in great feare, for the verie first shot slew certaine of our men, and twise it strake through the Earle of Charolois chamber as he sat at dinner, and slew a trumpetter vpon the staires, bearing vp a dish of meate. Wherefore after dinner the Earle remooued into a low parlor resoluing not to depart thence. The next morning the Princes met at his lodging to consult what was to be done: for they euer sate in counsell there, and at their rising dined also there togither. The Dukes of Berry and Britaine sate next to the wall vpon the bench, and the Earle of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria ouer against them. The said Earle placed euery one of them aboue himselfe, as reason was he should some of them, yea all of them seeing they were in his lodging. There they deuised to countermount all the artillerie in their armie against the Kings, wherof the Earle of Charolois had great store, as had also the Dukes of Calabria & Britaine: for accomplishment of which their purpose, they pearced the wals along the riuer side behinde Conflans, and there mounted all the best peeces of their artillery, saue the Bombards and the other great peeces which shot not: the rest also they planted in other places where they might do best seruice, and by this meanes the Princes had much more artillerie on their side than the King on his.

The trench that the French had made was of great length, and they wrought continually vpon it, aduancing it towards Paris, and casting the earth towards vs, thereby to saue themselues from our shot: for they lay all in their trench, neither durst one of them peepe out, bicause the medow where they lodged was as plaine as a mans hand. To conclude I neuer heard in so short space such a number of Canon shot, for we on our side ment to remooue them thence by force of artillerie, but vnto them ordinance came daily from Paris, and they plied the matter diligently and spared no powder. A great number in our army digged pits in the ground before their lodging, many also were made to their hands, for it was a place where men wrought for stone. Thus euery man shifted for himselfe the best he could, and three or fower daies we passed in this estate, but the feare was greater on both sides than the losse, for not one man of name was slaine.

But when the Princes sawe that their enimies dislodged not, they accounted it a thing tending greatly to their dishonor, and also very dangerous: for the Parisians were thereby so greatly encouraged, that one day of truce it seemed all the towne was come foorth to the trenches. Wherefore the Princes concluded as they sate in councel, to make a large bridge of great botes, the noses whereof were coupled ¹ togither, and the rest couered with planks, and the last couple nearest to the shore fastened to the ground with great anchors: besides these, a number of other great botes vpon the riuer of Seine were brought thither, wherein they meant to passe ouer certaine bands to assaile the Kings forces. The charge of this worke was committed to Master Giralde the Master gunner who said, that our bands that passed the riuer should haue great aduantage ouer their enimies, bicause their trenches would [Page] be far vnderneath vs, considering that they had throwen the earth on the side toward vs, alleaging farther that they durst not issue foorth of their trenches, for feare of our shot, which reasons much encouraged our men, and made them the willinger to passe ouer. Thus the bridge being finished all saue the last couple of botes, which also were vpon the point to be fastened to the rest, and all the other botes appointed for conueiance ouer of our men being likewise in a readines: suddenly one of the Kings heralds arriued there, who said to Monseur de Bonillet and others there present, that we had broken the truce. For bicause that day and the day before were daies of truce, euery man that listed came to see what we did, but that night the truce ended, our bridge was so large that three men of armes with their staues readie to charge, might haue passed ouer it vpon a front. Farther there were fiue or sixe great boates, euery one of the which would haue conueied ouer a thousand men at a time, besides a number of lesse boates to passe ouer the artilerie that should serue in this enterprise. The bands were also named, and their names enroled that should go, and the Earle of S. Paul, and the Lord of Haultbourdin ordained to leade them. After midnight they that were appointed to this enterprise began to arme themselues, and before day were al in a readines. Some also went & heard masse, and did as good Christians ought to do in such a case. The same night I was my selfe in a great tent in the middest of the armie where the watch stood, being also one of the watch: for no man was excused. The captaine of the watch was Monseur de Chastell Guyon ², slaine afterward at the battell of Granson ³. And as we stood there waiting when this pastime should begin, suddenly we heard the French as they lodged in their trenches cry alowd: Farewell neighbors, farewell, immediately whereupon they set fire on their lodgings and retired their artillerie. The day began to breake, and they that were appointed to this enterprise were alreadie vpon the riuer, at the least part of them when they saw the enimies afar off retiring to Paris, whereupon they returned all, and vnarmed themselues, reioicing much bicause of their departure. But you shall vnderstand that the King sent them thither onely to beate our campe with artillerie, not to fight: for he would put nothing in aduenture, as before I haue said, notwithstanding that his force were sufficient to haue encountred with all these Princes ioined togither, but his onely desire was, as he well declared, to treate of peace, and to seuer this company without hazarding his estate and the state of this large and noble realme of Fraunce in battell, than the which nothing can be more vncertaine nor dangerous.

Euery day they practised on both sides to with draw men ech from other, & diuers daies of truce were made, during the which Commissioners sat on both sides to treat of peace at La Grange aux Merciers hard by our campe. For the King, the Earle of Maine with diuers others came thither, and for the Princes, the Earle of S. Paul accompanied with diuers others in like maner. These Commissioners met often, but no good was done: notwithstanding all that time the truce endured, and a number of both the armies met and communed togither at a great ditch in the midway: the one, on the one side: and the others, on the other: for neither partie might passe the ditch. Notwitstanding the truce, no day escaped by reason of this meeting and communication, but that ten or twelue, and somtime more, came and yeelded to the Princes, and another day as many went from vs to the King: wherefore this place was afterward called the market place, bicause such marchandise was bought and sold there. Now to shew you mine opinion in this case, me thinketh that such meeting and communing togither at such times, and in such sort is very dangerous, especially for him that is likest to take the foile: for naturally most men desire to aduance [Page] themselues, at the least to saue themselues: wherefore they will easilie be wonne to turne to the strongest. Some there are I confesse so faithfull and constant, that none of these respects can alter them, but few such are to be found. Farther this danger is then specially to be feared, when we deale with a Prince that will endeuor him selfe to winne men: which sure is a great grace of God in any Prince that can frame him selfe thereunto, for it is a token that he is not infected with the foule vice and sinne of pride, which all men detest and abhor. But to conclude this discourse, when a Prince mindeth to treat of peace, he ought to employ therein the faithfullest and trustiest seruants he hath, being men of ripe yeeres, lest their lacke of experience cause them either to conclude some dishonorable treaty, or put their master in greater feare at their returne than there is cause why. Farther a Prince ought to commit such affaires rather to those that haue receaued benefit at his hands than to such as neuer were benefited by him, but especially to wise men, for he shall neuer make profit by imploying a foole. Besides this, such treaties ought to be held rather far from his campe than neere vnto it, and when the Commissioners returne, the Prince must giue them audience, himselfe alone or in presence of verie fewe, to the end that if their newes be discomfortable, they may be instructed how to answer those that will be inquisitiue, for all men will desire to vnderstand newes of them, yea and some of their familiars will thinke that they wil hide nothing from them, notwithstanding if they be such men as I haue heere described, and know their master to be wise, they will reueale nothing to any man whosoeuer.

The Notes.

1 Couperoit in the French is vndoubtedly to be read Coupleroit as I haue heere translated it, for to read it Couperoit is senselesse, for the better vnderstanding of this place peruse Valturius de re militari lib. 11. pag. 313. where you shall se the right description of this bridge.

2 This Chastel Guyon Chasteau Guyen, and Chasteau Guyon as our author also afterward nameth him was the Prince of Orenges sonne, La Marche.

3 The old copie saith he was slaine at Morat but De la Marche, who was at the battell sayeth at Granson: but heere is to be noted that the Chasteau Guyon mentioned by our author, lib. 5. cap. 2. and by Annal. Burgund. that went into Piemont after the battell of Granson was not this, but sonne or brother to this which is prooued by Commines owne vvords, for in that place he calleth him Mounseor De Chasteau Guyon qui est de present, and vvhether this Chasteau Guyon vvere slaine at Granson or Morat, he cold not be aliue in Charles the 8 time, vvhen our author writ. Thus much I haue said lest Commines should seeme to vary from La Marche or rather from himselfe.

A discourse vpon certaine vices and vertues of King Lewis the 11. Chap. 10.

I Am entred into this discourse bicause I haue seene much falsehood in the world, and many seruants deceaue their masters, oftentimes through their masters owne fault: for this I dare boldly auowe, that proud and disdainfull Princes, and such as will giue audience but to fewe, are oftner abused then those that are curteous, and readie to giue eare to euery man: wherein sure King Levvis our master surmounted far all the Princes of his [Page] time, for he was the wisest Prince in winding himselfe out of trouble and aduersitie, the humblest in words, the plainest in apparell, and the greatest traueller to win a man that might do him seruice or harme that euer I knew. Neither vsed he to relinquish his sute for the first refusal, but labored the party continually by large promises and liberall gifts, as well of great sums of money as also of such estates and offices as he knew would content him. And as touching those whom he had banished and withdrawne his fauor from in peace and prosperitie: he bought them deerely againe when he needed them, and imploied them in his seruice, cleane forgetting all offences passed. He loued naturally men of meane estate, and was enimie to all such as needed not to depende vpon him: neuer Prince gaue audience to so many men, neuer Prince was inquisitiue of so many matters, nor desirous to be acquainted with so many strangers as he, whereby he knew aswell all that were in authoritie and estimation in England, Spaine, Portugale, Italie, and the Seniories of Burgundie and Britaine, as his owne subiects. And by these vertues preserued he his estate, which stood in great danger at his first comming to the crowne, bicause of the enimies himselfe had procured to himselfe. But his great liberalitie especially serued him to good purpose, for as in aduersitie he wisely behaued himselfe, so contrariwise in time of peace or truce, he lightlie fell out with his seruants, by picking trifling quarels to them, and such was his disposition, that he could hardly away with peace or quietnes. In his talke he spared no man, neither absent nor present, saue such as he feared, which were many, for naturally he was very fearfull. Farther, when his talke had either turned him to displeasure, or was like so to do, he would endeuor himselfe to amend the matter, by vsing these or such like words to the partie offended: I know well that my toong hath wrought me much displeasure, but it hath also oftentimes stood me in great stead, notwithstanding reason it is that I should repaire the iniurie done, and when he vsed this familiar speech, he euer gaue withall some great present to the partie greeued. Sure the knowledge of good and euill is a great gift of God to a Prince, I meane when the good surmounteth the euill, as it did in the King our Master, who in mine opinion was much bettered by the trouble he sustained in his youth, when he fled from his father and soiourned with Duke Philip of Burgundy the space of sixe yeeres ¹: for he was constrained there to frame himselfe to the humor of those whom he stood in neede of, which singular vertue aduersitie taught him. But after his fathers death, when he came first to the state he thought onely vpon reuenge, but soone felt the smart thereof, and therefore foorthwith changed his minde, acknowledged his error, repaired the harmes done, and sought to recouer by large benefits those whom he had offended, as heerafter you shall perceiue. And I thinke verily he should neuer haue wound himselfe out of those troubles had not his education been better than noble mens commonly is in this realme, who are brought vp altogither in wantonnes and dissolutenes, as well in apparell as in talke, they are vtterly vnlearned, there is not one wise man about them: they haue gouernors that dispose of all their affaires, but they themselues do nothing: yea some noble men there are hardly of fower nobles rent that glorie in saying, Speake to my seruants, thinking thereby to imitate great Princes. But I haue oftentimes seene their seruants so make their profit of them, that their folly hath thereby appeered to the whole world. And if any of them happen at the length to looke about him, and to attend to his owne busines, it is so late that it seemeth almost to no purpose: for all those that haue been great or done great things began in their tender age, which vertue proceedeth either of their bringing vp, or of the grace of God.

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The Notes.

1 King Lewis departed from his father into Daulphin anno 1447. and there remained till the yeere 1456. at the which time bicause of the force his father sent thither against him, he was constrained to flie to the Duke of Burgundy where he remained till the yeere of his coronation, which was in the yeere 1461. Annal. Burgund. De la Marche. Meyer.

How the Burgundians lying neere to Paris, and looking for the battell, supposed great thistles to haue been launces held vpright. Chap. 11.

I Haue been long in this discourse, but it serueth to so good purpose that sooner I could not end it. Now to returne to the wars, you haue heard how these archers that lay in the trench along vpon the riuer of Seine, dislodged at the very instant that we should haue assailed them. The truce neuer endured past a day or two, and when it ended sharpe war began againe, and the skirmishes continued from morning till night, but no great force issued foorth of the towne, notwithstanding they beat backe our scoutes oftentimes whom we euer releeued with new supplies. There passed no day without some skirmish great or small, and I thinke the King would haue had them greater, had it not been bicause he was ielous of diuers though needlesly. I haue heard him say that one night he found the posterne of Saint Anthonies bastile towards the fields wide open, which put him in suspicion of Master Charles of Melun, whose father kept the place, yet sure a faithfuller seruant than the said Charles that yeere the King had none.

One day they within Paris determined to issue foorth to fight with vs, of the which enterprise I suppose the King vnderstood nothing, but it was onely his captaines resolution, they meant to assaile vs three seuerall waies, their greatest band should haue come from Paris, another from Pont de Charenton, which two could not greatly haue endamaged vs, and the third appointed to be two hundred men of armes from Bois-de-Vincennes. Of this resolution we were aduertised about midnight by a Page that told vs this newes as lowd as he could crie from the other side of the riuer by the commandement of the Princes friends within the towne, some of the which also he named and so departed. By breake of day issued foorth Master Poncet of Riuiere before Pont de Charenton, and the Lord of Lauon the other side from Bois-de-Vincennes euen hard to our artillerie, where they slue one of our gunners. The alarme was great in our campe: for we supposed this to be the enterprise, whereof the Page aduertised vs ouer night. The Earle of Charolois was soone armed, yet not so soone as Iohn Duke of Calabria, for at all alarmes he was the first man armed, and that at all points, and his horse euer barded. Moreouer he ware such a garment as the famous men of war vse in Italy, and shewed himselfe both a noble Prince, and a woorthy Captaine: he rode straight to the barriars of our campe to staie our men fom issuing foorth, where he was as well obeyed as the Earle of Charolois him selfe: yea the whole armie obeied him more willingly than any man in the companie, of the which honor vndoubtedly he was woorthie. Incontinent our whole force was in armes & stood in order of battell within our cariage, all saue [Page] two hundred horse that kept our watch abroad. To be short, this day we looked assuredly for the battell, but neuer before nor neuer after. Soone after the Earle of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria, arriued the Dukes of Berry and Britaine, whom I neuer saw armed but this day onely. The Duke of Berry was armed at all points: notwithstanding they were but weakely accompanied, in the which estate they passed through the campe, and rode foorth to the Lords of Charolois and Calabria where they communed togither. Our scoutes being renforced, rode as neere Paris as they could, and discouered a great number of our enimies scouts, comming to learne what noise this was in our army. Our artillerie shot terriblie when Monseur De Lau approched so neere vs: the King also had good peeces vpon Paris wals, that shot into our campe which was strange: for we lay two leagues from the town, but I thinke the peeces were mounted to the most aduantage. This thundering of the artillerie, caused both the parties to thinke some great enterprise to be towards: The day was very darke and cloudy, and our scouts approching neer to Paris, discouered many enimies abroad in the field, and a good way beyond them, a number of launces held vpright (as they supposed,) which they iudged to be the Kings whole force, and all the people of Paris issued foorth of the towne in order of battel: which imagination the darknes of the heauens put into their head. They returned foorthwith to the Princes being yet without our campe, & aduertised them of this news, assuring them of the battell. The scoutes that were issued foorth of Paris approched still neerer and neerer to our campe, bicause they saw ours retire: which thing so much the more increased in our scoutes their former imagination. Then came the Duke of Calabria to the place where a great number of the Earle of Charolois houshold seruants stood to accompanie his standard and his banner readie to be displaied, and the guidon of his armes according to the custome of the house of Burgundy, and there the said Duke of Calabria spake thus to vs all: We haue now our desire, for the King is issued foorth with his whole force, and marcheth forward as our scouts tell vs. Wherefore let vs determine to play the men. So soone as they be out of the towne we will enter, and measure with the long ell ¹, and with such like words rode he about encouraging the companie: our scouts at the length perceiuing the enimies to be but weake recouered their spirits, & rode againe towards Paris, where they discouered these battels in the selfe-same place they left them: whereupon they entred into a new cogitation what they might be, but when they approched neere to them (the day being broken vp and cleere) they perceiued them to be high thistles, whereupon they rode hard to the towne gates, and found not a man abroad, whereof incontinent they aduertised the Princes, who vpon this newes went to masse and afterward to dinner: but our scoutes were ashamed of their first aduertisement, notwithstanding the darknes of the day, togither with the message of the Page brought vnto vs ouernight, somwhat excused them.

The Notes.

1 By the long ell he meaneth the pike, wherewith souldiers at the sacke of a towne vse to measure veluets, silks, and cloths.

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How the King and the Earle of Charolois met togither to treat of peace. Chap. 12.

THe treatie of peace continued still, betweene the King and the Earle of Charolois especially, bicause the principall force of both the armies was theirs. The Princes demands were great: namely the Duke of Berries, who required all Normandy for his partage, which the King would by no means condescend vnto. The Earle of Charolois demanded the townes situate vpon the riuer of Somme: namely, Abbeuille, Amiens, Saint Quintin, Peronne, and the rest that King Charles the 7. had engaged by the treatie of Arras to D. Philip of Burgundy, of whom King Lewis had redeemed them for the summe of fower hundred thousand crownes, not past three moneths before: but the Earle of Charolois alleaged that during his life, the King could not redeeme them, ¹ putting him alwaies in remembrance how much he was beholding to the house of Burgundie, which receiued him when he fled from King Charles his father, furnished him of money to maintaine his estate, the space of sixe yeeres ² and accompanied him at his coronation to Reimes and Paris ³, wherefore the Earle of Charolois tooke the redeeming of these townes in very euill part. This treatie of peace was so followed, that one morning the King came by water directly ouer against our campe, leauing his horsemen that accompanied him vpon the riuer side, and hauing in the barge with him besides the water men that rowed, onely fower or fiue persons, namely Monseur Du Lau, Monseur De Montauban then admirall of Fraunce, and Monseur De Nantouillet, with one or two more. The Earles of Charolois and Saint Paul stood on the other side of the riuer to receiue the King, who said thus to the Earle of Charolois, Brother, do you assure me in the word of a Prince, (for the Earles first wife was the Kings sister ⁴:) whereunto the Earle answered, Yea sir as one brother should assure another. Then the King & his company landed, the two Earles receiuing him honorablie according to his estate, and he hauing words at will, began thus & said: Brother, I know you to be a gentleman & of the house of Fraunce: why, sir, quoth the Earle? bicause said the K. when I sent of late mine Ambassadors to mine vncle your father, & you to Lisle, where my foolish chancellor Moruillier so much misbehaued himselfe toward you: you sent me word by the Archbishop of Narbonne (who is a gentleman as his behauiour there well declared,) that before a yeere expired I should repent me of the proud language the said Moruillier there vsed. You haue kept promise indeed, and that long before your daie: which words the King spake with a merrie cheerefull countenance, knowing his nature with whom he talked to be such that they would please him wel, as vndoubtedly they did. Then the King proceeded further saying, I loue to deale with men that keepe promise. Afterward he disauowed Moruilliers words, saying that he had spoken beyond his commission. To be short, the King walked a long time between these two Earles, a great number of the Earle of Charolois souldiers in armes standing by, and marking diligently their behauiour. At this meeting the Earles required the Duchie of Normandie, and the townes situate vpon the riuer of Somme, with diuers other particular demands for themselues, and certaine ouertures lately treated of for the common wealth of the realme, but vpon those they stood lest: for the weale publique was now turned into wealth priuate. As touching Normandie the King would hardly [Page] heare thereof, but he granted the Earle of Charolois demaunds, and for his sake offered the Earle of Saint Paule the office of Constable: which communication ended, the King tooke barge and returned to Paris, and the Earles to Conflans, departing each from other in very courteous and louing manner.

Thus passed we the time, somtime in peace and somtime in war, but notwithstanding that the treatie of peace at la Grange aux Merciers where the Commissioners vsed to sit, were cleane broken off on both sides: yet continued still the communication aboue mentioned betweene the King and the Earle of Charolois, and messengers went betweene them notwithstanding the war: for the Earle sent to the King VVilliam of Bische and Guillot Diusie, being both his owne seruants, but yet beholding to the King: for when Duke Philip had banished them, the King at the Earle of Charolois request entertained them. Many misliked these sendings to and fro, so far foorth that the Princes began now to mistrust and abandon each other, in such sort that had not one thing happened soone after ⁵, they had all departed with great dishonor. Twise I sawe them hold three seuerall assemblies in one chamber where they were togither, wherewith the Earle of Charolois was maruellously offended: for he thought, seeing the greatest force of this armie was his, that they did him wrong to sit in counsell in his chamber, he being present, without calling him to it: wherefore he debated this matter with the Lord of Contay a very wise gentleman, who aduised him to take it patiently, bicause if he should alienate their mindes from him they could better make their peace than he, adding that as he was the strongest, so ought he to be the wisest, and farther counselling him to do his endeuor by all meanes possible for their continuance togither in friendship, and in no wise to fall at variance with them, but to digest and winke at all these disorders. Lastly he told him that all men woondered, yea his owne seruants, that so meane personages as the two aboue named were imploied in so weighty affaires: alleaging great danger to be therein, considering how liberall a Prince he was whom he had to deale with. True it is that this Contay hated VVilliam of Bische, notwithstanding heerin he spake but as others did, and I thinke verily not vpon malice but as the case required. The Earle of Charolois followed his aduise, and began to sport & pastime with the Princes otherwise than he had been accustomed, to shew them a cheerfull countenance, & to commune oftener both with them & their seruants, and sure so was it requisite: for they stood euen vpon the point to seuer themselues. A wise man doth good seruice in such a companie, if he may be credited, neither can he be valued too deere, but I neuer knew Prince in my life that could finde the difference betweene man and man till he stood in need of men: and if any happily do, yet make they no account of a wise man, but place in authoritie about them those whom they fauor better, either bicause they are of equall yeeres with them, or seeke in all things to feede their humors, wherein they are often nuzled by the furtherers of their wanton pleasures. But wise Princes will soone reforme themselues when neede requireth, such as were the King our master, the Earle of Charolois at that time, King Edward of England, and diuers others: but these three especially I haue seene at so lowe an ebbe, that they haue stood in great neede of those whom before they despised. Notwithstanding as touching the Earle of Charolois, after he was Duke of Burgundie, and highlier aduaunced by fortunes fauor than euer was any of his predecessors, and growen so great that he feared no Prince of his estate, God ouerthrew him in all his glorie: and so bereaued him of his wits, that he contemned all mens counsell but his owne, wherby he miserably ended his life, with a great number of his seruants and subiects, leauing his house desolate as you see.

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The Notes.

1 The Earles meaning was, that the King could not redeeme them during the said Earles life, bicause they were engaged to Duke Philip and his heires males.

2 The Duke of Burgundie allowed the Dolphin being in his countries monethly 3000. florences for his entertainment. Meyer.

3 King Lewis was crowned anno 1461. Augusti 14.

4 The Kings sister that married the Earle was named Catherine, but he had no issue by hir. Annal. Burgund. Meyer. His second wife was Isabell daughter to Charles Duke of Bourbon, by whom he had issue a daughter named Marie, which also was his heire. His third wife was Margaret sister to Edward the fourth King of England, by whom also he had no issue.

5 He meaneth the taking of Roan mentioned in the next chapter.

How the towne of Roan by practise was put into the Duke of Bourbons hands, for the D. of Berry, and how the treatie of Conflans was fully concluded. Chap. 13.

YOu shall now vnderstand what mooued me to discourse so long of the dangers depending vpon these treaties, and why I aduised Princes to be wise and circumspect whom they employ in them, especially him that hath the woorse end of the staffe. For while the commissioners sat to treat of peace, by means wherof men met & communed togither: in steede of treating of peace some practised to yeeld the Duchie of Normandie to the Kings onely brother the Duke of Berry, to the end he might there take his partage, and restore Berry to the King, which enterprise was also executed according: for the Lady of Brezey, the late Seneschall of Normandies widow, and certaine of hir kins folkes and seruants by hir perswasion, receiued Iohn Duke of Bourbon into the castell of Roan, and finally into the towne, the which willingly consented to this mutation, as did also all the other townes and places in the countrey, a few excepted. For the Normans haue euer been and yet are of opinion, that it is requisite for them (their countrie being so large) to haue their Prince resident among them, neither desire they any thing more: and sure it is a goodly thing and a rich: for I my selfe haue knowen the reuenues thereof nine hundred and fiftie thousand frankes, ¹ and some say they are greater.

After the towne was reuolted, all the inhabitants gaue their oth to the Duke of Bourbon as the Duke of Berries lieutenant, saue the bailiffe of the towne named Onaste (who had been a groome of the Kings chamber in Flaunders and neere about him) and another called VVilliam Piquart, afterward generall of Normandie, and the high Seneschall of Normandie that now is, who also departed to the King against his mothers will, who (as you haue heard) was the chiefe author of the citizens reuolt. When the King heard this newes he resolued to make peace, seeing he could not vndoo that was already done. Wherefore incontinent he sent word to the Earle of Charolois being in his campe, that he would gladly speake with him, and appointed the hower when he would meete him in the fields by Conflans, neere to the said campe, at which hower he came, accompanied with an hundred horse, all in manner [Page] Scottish men of his garde. The Earle of Charolois met him with a small traine without any ceremonie, notwithstanding many of his seruants went after him, so that in the end his company was greater than the Kings, but he caused them to stay a pretie way off, and when the King and he had walked togither a while, the King told him that the peace was already made, and aduertised him of al that was hapned at Roan (whereof the Earle as yet vnderstood nothing) adding that notwithstanding he would neuer willingly haue granted his brother so large a partage: yet now seeing the Normans themselues had made this mutation, he would agree thereunto, and passe the treatie in maner and forme, as before at diuers meetings was deuised, for as touching the other articles they had to agree vpon, they were but trifles. The Earle of Charolois was glad of these newes, for his army lay in great distresse of vittailes, but more of money, and had not this hapned, all these Princes had been forced to depart with great dishonor. Notwithstanding to the Earle of Charolois the same day, or within two or three daies after came a new releefe both of men and money, sent him by Duke Philip his father out of Burgundy, vnder the leading of the Lord of Sauenses, being six score men of armes, and fifteene hundred archers, and six score thousand crownes vpon ten sumpter horses, with great store of bowes and arrowes, which furnished reasonably well the Burgundians army, who stood in great doubt that the other Princes would make peace without them.

This communication of peace pleased so well both the King and the Earle of Charolois, and so desirous they were (as I haue heard the Earle himselfe say,) to conclude the treatie, that they marked not which way they walked, but rode straight toward Paris, so far foorth, that they entred into a great bulwarke of wood and earth, that the King had caused to be made a good way without the towne, at the end of a trench, by the which laie a way into the towne. The Earle was accompanied but with foure or fiue persons who were much abased when they saw themselues within the bullwarck: notwithstanding he himselfe set a good face on the matter. But when this newes came to the campe the whole army began to mutter, and the Earle of S. Paul, the marshal of Burgundie, the Lord of Contay, the Lord of Hault-bourdin, & diuers others assembled togither, blaming greatly both the Earle, and those that accompanied with him, of this follie, and alleadging the inconuenience that hapened to his grandfather at Montereau-faut-Yonne in the presence of King Charles the 7. Wherefore incontinent they commanded all the soldiers that were walking abroad in the fields to retire into their campe. And the marshall of Burgundie surnamed Neuf-chastel said thus: though this foolish harebrained yoong Prince be gone to cast awaie himselfe: yet let vs prouide that his house, his fathers estate, and we our selues fall not into danger: wherefore mine aduise is that euerie man repaire to his lodging, and be in a readines, banishing al feare whatsoeuer hapen. For we are strong inough if we seuer not, to retire to the marches of Henaut, or Picardie, or into Burgundie. When he had thus said, he and the Earle of Saint Paul mounted on horsebacke, and walked out of the campe to see if they coulde descrie any body comming from Paris: where after they had stoode a while, they discouered forty or fiftie horses being certeine of the Kings seruants, as well archers as others that waited backe vpon the Earle of Charolois: who so soone as he perceiued these two approch, caused the French men to return: he stood in awe of the marshall, bicause he vsed to giue him verie sharpe language, neither feared sometimes to tell him that he was but lent him during his fathers life. Wherfore minding now to preuent him, he said thus, Chide me not, I acknowledge my great follie, but I was hard by the bulwarke before I wist. But this notwithstanding the marshal said more to his face, then [Page] he had spoken behinde his backe, and sure he was a faithfull and a trustie knight. The Earle answered nothing but held downe his hed, and entred into this campe where they were all glad of his returne, and commended the Kings faith: and sure it is to be thought that both the King and the Earle had great regard of their honor, considering that each of them putting himselfe into others hands: Yet neither of them receiued harme, notwithstanding the Earle neuer after returned vnder the Kings power.

The Notes.

1 That is 118750. pounds sterling.

How the treatie of peace was concluded betweene the the King and the Earle of Charolois and his confederates. Chap. 14.

IN the end all matters were fully concluded, and the next day as the E. of Charolois was making his musters to know what number he had lost: suddenly the King accompanied with thirty or forty horse, came thither without warning giuen, and rid about to view all the bandes one after another, saue the marshals of Burgundy who loued him not: bicause not long before the King hauing once giuen him Pinal in Loraine, tooke it afterward again from him to bestow vpon Iohn Duke of Calabria greatlie to the said marshals damage. The King (acknowledging his error) by little and little reconciled him selfe to the wise and valiant knights that serued the King his father, whom he at his first comming to the crowne displaced, wherefore they were with the Princes in armes against him. Farther it was agreed that the next day the King should come to the Castell of Vincennes, and likewise al the Princes that were to do him homage: for whose safety the said Castell should be put into the Earle of Charolois hands, according to which agreement the next morning thither came the King, and likewise all the princes none being absent, the porche and the gate being manned with Burgundians well armed: there the treatie of peace was concluded. ¹ The Lord Charles did the King homage for the Duchie of Normandie, and the Earle of Charolois for the townes in Picardie aboue mentioned, as did also all the rest that had homage to do, and the Earle of Saint Paul tooke his othe for the office of Constable: but according to the common prouerbe, neuer was so plentifull a marriage feast, but some departed vndined, for heere some had what them lusted, and others nothing. The King receiued into his seruice certaine gentlemen that were with his brother, and also certaine meane persons, but the greatest part remained still with his said brother the new Duke of Normandie & the D. of Britain, who went to Roan to take possession. At their departure from the castell of Vincennes they tooke their leaue each of other, and returned to their lodgings: farther, all letters, pardons, and other writings seruing for the confirmation of the peace were made. On one day departed all these three Princes, the Duke of Normandy and Britaine first into Normandy, and the Duke of Britaine from thence into his owne countrie, and the Earle of Charolois into Flaunders. But when the Earle was ready to take horse, the King meaning effectually to shew how greatly he desired his friendship, came to him and [Page] accompanied him to Villiers-le-bell a village fower leagues from Paris, where both these Princes lodged that night. The Kings traine was very small, but he commanded two hundred men of armes to follow him to conuey him backe: whereof the Earle of Charolois being aduertised as he went to bed, fell into great suspicion therof, and commanded a great number of his seruants to be in armes. Thus you see how impossible it is for two great Princes to agree, bicause of the suspicious tales and reports that are daily and howerly beaten into their heads. Wherefore two Princes that desire to continue in friendship ought neuer to come togither, but to imploy vertuous and wise men betweene them, who will encrease their amitie, and repaire all such breaches as shall happen.

The next morning the two Princes tooke their leaue each of other with much courteous and wise talke, and the King returned to Paris accompanied with the men of armes aboue mentioned, called thither for that purpose, whereby he remooued all suspicion the Earle had conceiued of their comming. The said Earle rode towards Compiengne and Noyon, being receiued by the Kings commandement into all the townes he passed by. From thence he marched to Amiens where they did him homage, as did also all the other townes vpon the riuer of Somme, & the territories in Picardy restored to him by this treaty, which the King not past nine moneths before had redeemed for the summe of fower hundred thousand crownes, as before you haue heard. This done, he marched incontinent into the countrie of Liege, bicause they had by the space of fiue or sixe moneths made war vpon his father in his absence, in the countries of Namur & Brabant, where also they had slain certaine of his subiects ²: but bicause the winter approched he could do no great exploit, notwithstanding a number of villages were burnt, and diuers small ouerthrowes giuen to the said Liegeois, whereupon they made a treatie with the Duke of Burgundie, and for performance thereof stood bound to him in a great summe of mony. This done, the Earle of Charolois returned into Brabant.

The Notes.

1 The treatie was sworne the fift of October, the conditions whereof reade in Meyer fol. 337. where he saith, that by this treatie Flaunders was exempt from the Kings soueraigntie, which saith Degrassalius cap. 1. pag. 6. the King could not grant, Quia vltimus resortus alienari aut remitti non potest: which also may well appeere to be lawe, bicause we reade lib. 5. cap. 17. of our author, that notwithstanding this treatie, the Chauncellor of Burgundie and Himbercourt being imprisoned and condemned by the citizens of Gaunt, appealed to the Parlament of Paris, vvhich appeale notvvithstanding vvhether it vvere lavvfull or vnlavvfull, or vvhether they appealed to delay the time for safetie of their liues, hoping their friends vvould deliuer them, or the King happily, thereby to recouer his former soueraigntie: I leaue heere to discusse. Notvvithstanding if any such condition vvere in the treatie of Conflans, as Meyer reporteth, in my simple iudgement these tvvo vvise men vvould not haue appealed contrary to it, and thereby haue made the cause of their death iust though before vniust, by violating this priuilege, and so infringing the liberties of the state of Flaunders obtained by this treatie of the King.

2 The King persvvaded the Liegeois to rebell in Iune 1465. vvhich vvas the same sommer the Earle of Charolois vvas in Fraunce, thereby to vvithdravv the Earle of Charolois out of Fraunce home, vvhereupon the Liegeois about mid August defied the Duke of Burgundie, and hung his sons image on a gibbet vvith vile reprochfull vvords. Reade Annal. Burgund. fol. 900. and Meyer fol. 337. pag. 2. but soone after, namely 19. Octob. the same yeere the Duke of Burgundy by the conduct of the Earle of Nassau the [Page] Seneschall of Hainault, the Lords of Grutuse, Gasebecque, and Rubempre gaue them an ouerthrovv at Montenac vvhere they lost 2200 men: vvherefore seeing their forces broken, and the Earle of Charolois returned home, they desired peace vvhich they obtained 22. Ianuarij anno 1466. as our author in this chapter maketh mention, and likevvise Meyer fol. 338. and Annal. Burgund. fol. 909. vvhere also reade the conditions of the peace, but this peace the same yeere about Iune they brake againe, by aiding them of Dinand, as in the second booke our author setteth foorth at large.

How by the deuision that hapned betweene the Dukes of Britaine and Normandie, the King recouered the saide Duchie which he had giuen his brother. Chap. 15.

NOw to returne to the Dukes of Normandie and Britaine, who after their departure from Bois-de-Vincennes, went togither as you haue heard to take possession of Normandie. You shall vnderstand that immediately after their entrey into Roan, they fell at variance about partition of the bootie ¹, for the knights aboue mentioned were yet with them, who being accustomed vnder King Charles the seuenth, to liue in great authoritie, and enioy goodly offices: thought now, seeing this enterprise at an end, and themselues vnrestored to the Kings fauor, to be aduanced by the new Duke of Normandie, wherefore they gaped for the best offices in the countrey as due to them. On the otherside the Duke of Britaine thought it reason that part of them should be at his disposition, bicause the greatest burden of these wars had lien vpon his shoulders. To be short, the fire so kindled betweene them, that the Duke of Britaine for safety of his person was forced to retire to mont S. Katherine neer to Roan, where also the Duke of Normandies men with the citizens of Roan were about to besiege him, so that in the end he was forced to retire the high way to Britaine. Of this deuision the King being aducrtised, furthered it I warrant you to the vttermost of his power (for he was master in this Arte) and in the meane time approched with his army neere to the countrey, whereupon those that held the strong places began to yeeld them to him, thereby to recouer his fauor. I speake of these matters vpon the Kings owne report, for I my selfe was not present at them. But to proceed, the King practised with the Duke of Britaine (who held certaine of the strong places in base Normandie ²) vtterly to abandon his brother, for conclusion whereof they were togither a certeine space at Caen, where they made a treatie, by the which, the said towne of Caen & diuers other places remained in the L. of Lescuts hands, with a certaine number of soldiers in pay, but this treatie was so confused, that I thinke neither party vnderstood it throughly well. Thus returned the D. of Britaine into his owne countrey, and the King bent his whole force against his brother the Duke of Normandie, who seeing himselfe vnable to withstand him, and that the King had already taken Pont de l'Arche and diuers other places in the countrey, determined to flie into Flaunders. The Earle of Charolois was yet at Sainctron 3, a litle towne in the countrey of Liege, where he was maruellously busied, for his army was all broken and out of order, and part thereof, notwithstanding the winter, in war against the Liegeois. This variance betweene the two Dukes aboue mentioned much troubled him, for he desired nothing more than to see a Duke of Normandie, bicause thereby [Page] the King should lose the third foote of his realme? wherfore he leuied men in Picardie to put into Dieppe, but before they were readie, he that held the towne yeelded it by composition to the King, who by this meanes recouered al the Dutchie of Normandie saue those places that the Lord of Lescut held by the treatie of Caen.

The Notes.

1 He meaneth by the bootie, the offices in Normandie.

2 The places the Duke of Britaine helde, vvere Caen, Auaranches, Licieux, &c.

3 Some copies haue Saint Oen, but the old copie and de la Marche Sainctron, some call it Centron, and Saint Truden, as saith Guicci. Hubertus nameth it in latin Centrones. Berlandus, fanum Trudonis, but corruptly saith Hubertus: the ancient name in deede is Centrones, wherefore it is to be read Centronor Sainctron, but not Saint Oen.

How the newe Duke of Normandie returned into Britaine in very poore estate, and vtterly discouraged, bicause he had failed of his enterprise. Chap. 16.

THe Duke of Normandie was once determined (as you haue heard) to flie into Flaunders, but at that very instant the Duke of Britaine and he reconciled themselues, acknowledging both of them their errors, and well perceauing all good things by diuision to perish and come to naught. And sure in mine opinion it is almost impossible, that many Princes of equall estate being togither should long continue in friendship and amitie, vnlesse they haue a superior ouer them, who also must be wise and well esteemed, to the end he may hold them in due obedience. I haue my selfe seene many examples heereof, and therfore speake not vpon hearesay. Besides that, common experience prooueth that we are naturally enclined to fall at variance to our owne harme, not regarding the inconueniences that ensue thereof, which is a generall fault through the whole worlde. Wherefore in mine opinion a wise Prince hauing ten thousand men at his commandement, and knowing how to gouerne them, is more to be feared and esteemed than six Princes confederate togither, with each of them ten thousand, bicause so many matters fall in question betweene them, that all good occasions are lost, before they can resolue vpon any thing.

Thus returned the Duke of Normandie into Britaine in very poore estate, and vtterly abandoned of all the Knights aboue mentioned that had serued the King his father. for they made their peace with the King, and were better entertained by him than euer they had beene in his fathers time. These two Dukes were wise after the hurt receiued (as the common prouerbe saith) of the Brittons, and liued togither in Britaine, being gouerned by the Lord of Lescut their principall seruant. And diuers ambassadors ran betweene the King and them, and betweene them and the Earle of Charolois, and likewise between the King and the Duke of Burgundy, some to learne newes, some to corrupt one anothers seruants and subiects, and some for diuers other euill purposes, and all vnder colour of good faith. Some also went with good intent trusting to pacifie these troubles, which sure was great simplicitie in them to thinke themselues wise & sufficient ynough by their presence to appease Princes so great, so subtill, & so well acquainted with all sorts of fine practises as these were, especially [Page] neither party inclining to reason. But some there are so blinded with vaine glorie, that they thinke themselues able to deale in matters that oftentimes they vnderstand not: for their Masters do not alwaies discouer to them the bottom of their thoughts. To such it often happeneth that they go but to furnish the feast, yea many times to their owne cost: for euer one by-fellow or other accompanieth them, that hath some secret practise apart, at the least thus haue I seene the matter ordered at all times and in all places where I haue been. Wherefore as I said before, that Princes ought to be circumspect whom they imploy in their affaires: so say I now, that those that are imploied ought to take heede how they negotiate in Princes businesses. And who so can shift off the charge, vnlesse he vnderstand it throughly well, and perceiue his Master to be well affected thereunto, is to be accounted wise: for I haue knowen many a good man in a pecke of troubles with such affaires. Princes also I haue seene of two contrarie dispositions, the one so subtill and suspicious, that a man can neuer be acquainted with their humor, for they thinke all the world bent to deceiue them: the other trust their seruants well ynough, but they themselues are so grosse and vnderstand so little of their owne affaires, that they know not who doth them good seruice or bad, whereby they alter their mindes in a moment from loue to hatred, and from hatred to loue. And notwithstanding that of either sort few are good and constant: yet I for my part had rather liue vnder the wise than the foolish: bicause there are more waies to auoid their displeasure, and recouer their fauour lost: but with the ignorant a man can deuise no shift, for no man dealeth with themselues in any matter, but altogither with their seruants, whom also they change as oft as the winde. Notwithstanding in those countries where such Princes raigne, all men are of dutie bound to serue and obey them. Wherfore all things considered, our onely hope ought to be in God: for he alone is constant, he onely is good: but this lesson we learne too late: yea neuer before we neede his helpe, notwithstanding it is better late than neuer.

THE SECOND BOOKE.

[Page]

Of the wars betweene the Burgundians and Liegeois, and how the towne of Dinand was taken, sacked, and rased. Chap. 1.

IMmediately after these troubles aboue mentioned, ended in France, the Duke of Burgundie yeere by yeere had war with the Liegeois, against whom when the King sawe him busied: he vsually attempted some enterprise against the Britons, sending also some small aide to the said Liegeois: whereupon the Duke foorthwith either turned his force against the King to succour his confederates, or they concluded some treatie or truce. Now you shall vnderstand that in the yeere 1466. Dinand was taken by the Duke of Burgundie, ¹ being a towne in the country of Liege strong and rich for the bignes thereof, by reason of their great trade of copper works, commonly called Dinandrie, being pots, pans, and such like implements. Philip Duke of Burgundie (who died in the moneth of Iune in the yeere 1467) in his extreme age was borne thither in a litter, so much hated he the said towne, bicause of their great crueltie vsed against his subiects in the countie of Namur, especially against a little towne called Bouuines, situate within a quarter of a league of Dinand, and seuered onely with the riuer of Maze. For not long before the time I now write of, they of Dinand besieged the said towne of Bouuines (the riuer running betweene ²) the space of eight moneths, committed many cruell murthers in the countrie thereabout, and shot all that space continually with two bombards, and other great peeces of artillerie into the towne: so that the poore people were constrained to saue themselues in their sellers, and there to abide. It is almost incredible the great hatred that was betweene these two towns, notwithstanding that their children vsually married togither, bicause there was no other good towne neere them.

The yeere before the destruction of Dinand being the same sommer, the Earle of Charolois came before Paris with the Princes of Fraunce as you before haue hard: they made a treatie with the Duke of Burgundie, whereby they agreed to giue him a certaine summe of money to abandon their league with the citie of Liege, and to gouerne their estate apart, a manifest token of imminent destruction, when they that ought to continue togither in amitie, seuer themselues and forsake each other, which I speake as well to great Princes in league togither as to townes and commonalties. But bicause I suppose euerie man to haue seene and read a number of examples, to this purpose I will lightlie passe ouer this discourse, onely noting by the way that King Lewis our Master was the finest and cunningest Prince in dissoluing freindship betweene men that euer I knew, for he spared neither money, goods, nor traueill, but labored as well the seruants as the masters. Now to returne to the historie, they of Dinand soone repented them of the treatie aboue mentioned, for they cruelly put to death foure of their best citizens that had beene the chiefe perswaders of [Page] them thereunto, and began war a newe in the countie of Namur: wherefore partlie for these considerations, & partlie bicause of the earnest sollicitation of the citizens of Bouuines, D. Philip laid the siege before the towne, but the charge of the whole army was committed to his son. Thither came also from his own house the Earle of S. Paul Counstable of France to aide the Duke, not by the Kings commandement, nor with the men of armes that were vnder his charge, but with such force onely as he had leuied in the marches of Picardie. Once they of Dinand made a proud sallie, and were repulsed to their great losse: and the eight day after the towne being maruellouslie beaten with canon was taken by assault, ³ so that their freinds had not leisure to bethinke them whether they should aide them or not. The towne was burnt and rased, and the prisoners being to the number of eight hundred drowned before Bouuines. ⁴ Sure the reuenge was cruell vpon them, but I thinke God had so ordeined it bicause of their great wickednes.

The next day after the towne was taken, the Liegeois came thither with great force ⁵ to succour it, contrary to their promise, for by the treatie aboue mentioned: they and the towne of Dinand had abandoned each other. Duke Philip bicause of his old age returned home, but his sonne with the whole armie marched against the Liegeois whom we met sooner than we looked for. For by chance our vaward missed the way for lacke of guides, by meanes wherof our battell met first with them, wherin were the principall Captaines of our armie. It was almost night when we arriued at the place where they lodged: yet notwithstanding we marched against them, but euen at that very instant they sent ambassadors to the Earle of Charolois, desiring him for the honor of the virgin Mary, whose euen that was, to haue compassion vpon this poore people, excusing their fault the best they could. Yet this notwithstanding their army made shew as though they desired the battell, & their behauior seemed cleane contrary to their ambassadors request. But after the said ambassadors had passed twise or thrise betweene them and vs, they concluded to obserue the treatie made the yeere before, and to giue the Duke a certaine sum of money, for the performance of the which conditions, better than the former, they promised to deliuer to the Earle by eight of the clock the next morning three hundred hostages, ⁶ named in a role by their Bishop and certaine of his seruants being in our campe. This night our army was in great trouble and feare, for our campe was neither fortified nor inclosed, besides that, we lay scattered heere and there, and in a place much for the Liegeois aduantage, who were all footemen, and knew the countrey better then we. Some of them desired to assaile vs, and in mine opinion if they had so done, they mought easely haue defeated vs, but their ambassadors that intreated for peace brake off that enterprise.

By breake of day our army was come togither, and our battailes stoode in very good order, our force was great. For we were three thousand men of armes good & bad, and twelue or thirteene thousand archers, besides great force of footemen, of the countries thereabout. We marched straight vpon our enimies with intent either to receaue the hostages, or giue them battell if they refused to deliuer them. We found them seuered into small bands, and in great disorder, as a people obedient to no mans commandement. None drew neere, the hostages being yet vndeliuered. Wherefore the Earle of Charolois asked the Marshall of Burgundy there present, whether he should assaile them: who answered yea, alledging that they mought now be discomfited without danger, and that no conscience was to be made in the matter, seeing the fault was theirs. The like aduise gaue also the Lord of Contay, adding that he should neuer haue them at such aduantage, and shewing him how they [Page] went scattering heere and there in small bands, wherefore he councelled him without farther delay to inuade them. But the Earle of Saint Paul constable of Fraunce, being asked his aduise, was of the contrary opinion, saying, that if he assailed them, he should do against his honor and promise, bicause such a number of people could not so soone agree vpon the deliuery of so many hostages. Wherefore he held it best to sende againe to them to know what they would do. The Earle of Charolois debated this matter long with himselfe. On the one side he saw his ancient and mortall enimies defeated without all danger, but on the other he feared the staying of his honor if he should inuade them. In the end he sent a trumpeter to them, who met with the hostages vpon the way, whereupon the wars ended, and euery man returned home, but the soldiers were much offended with the Constables aduise, for they sawe a goodly booty before them. Incontinent ambassadors were sent to Liege to confirme the peace ⁷: but the people being inconstant and wauering, vaunted that the Earle durst not fight with them, and discharged harquebuses vpon his ambassadors, and entreated them very ill. But the Earle returned into Flaunders, and this sommer died his father ⁸, for whom he made a great and solemne funeral at Burges, and aduertised the King of his death.

The Notes.

1 The peace made the 22. of Ianuary, ann. 1466. wherof mention is made in the 14. Chap. of the last booke, about Iune the same yeere, the Liegeois brake as heere is rehearsed, and againe they hung vp the image of the Duke and his sonne, vvith the most barbarous insolencie that euer vvas heard of. Read Annal. Burgund. pag. 911. and 912. and Meyer pag. 338. vvhere also their intollerable cruelty is described.

2 The Dinandois durst not passe the riuer into the Dukes dominions, wherefore they planted their artilery on their owne side of the riuer, meaning onely to beate the tovvne, not to make any breach.

3 Dinand vvas taken in August. Annal. Burgund. the 25. of August saith Meyer, and the Dukes army before the towne vvas thirty thousandmen, Meyer.

4 The eight hundred drowned before Bouuines, vvere those that hanged vp the image of the Duke and his sonne with such reproches. Annal. Burgund.

5 Others say but fiftie hostages.

6 The Liegeois army vvas of forty thousandmen. Annal. Burg. but Meyer saith but six and thirty thousand.

7 This peace was concluded the 1. of September an. 1466. the conditions read in Meyer fo. 339. pag. 2. and Annal. Burgund. pag. 915. Farther about the middest of September the next yeere being 1467. they brake this peace againe.

8 Duke Philip died the 15. of Iune 1467. Annal. Burgund. Berlandus. De la Marche. Meyer saith the 16. of Iuly, Gaguin in one place saith Iune, and in another the 14. of Iuly, he gourned 48. yeeres, liued 71. Meyer. Farther heere is to be noted that in this place, our author beginneth the yeere 1467. for that yeere died the Duke as he saith before in this chapter, and these words, where he saith, And this sommer died his father, haue not relation to the same summer Dinand was taken, and the peace made with the Liegeois: for if the Duke had died that summer, he could not haue beene at the taking of Dinand, for Dinand was taken in August, and then the Duke dying in Iune, must haue beene dead before, if he had died that summer: but these words haue relation to the Earle of Charolois returne into Flanders which was in the beginning of the sommer anno 1467. for the peace was made 1. September 1466. and all that winter (to the end he might make all sure at Liege:) he remained in those countries, and in the beginning of the next sommer, [Page] anno 1467. returned into Flanders, and in Iune after died his father. Thus much I haue beene forced to saie, lest our author by slipping ouer that winter bicause nothing was done in it, should seeme to write contrarieties.

How the Liegeois brake the peace with the Duke of Burgundie then Earle of Charolois, and how he discomfited them in battell. Chap. 2.

DVring these wars and euer after, many secret practises were entertained betweene these Princes. The King was maruellously offended with the Dukes of Britaine and Burgundie, by meanes whereof they could hardly heare one from another: for oftentimes their messengers were staied, and in time of war forced to go by sea out of Britaine into Flaunders, at the least to passe out of Britaine into England, and so to trauel by land to Douer, and there to crosse ouer to Calice: for they could not passe the next way through Fraunce without great danger. But during all the space of twenty yeeres or more, that these princes were at variance, somtime in open war, and somtime in a dissembled truce, wherein each party comprehended their confederates: God shewed so great fauor to the realme of Fraunce, that the ciuill wars in England were not yet fully ended, notwithstanding that they began fifteene yeeres before, and had continued with cruell and bloodie battels, wherein many a good man lost his life. For you shall vnderstand, that there were in England two houses that claimed the crowne, to wit, Lancaster and Yorke: for the which cause both the parties proclaimed their enimies traitors, and the diuision of these two houses was the preseruation of the estate of Fraunce: for doubt you not but that this realme had sustained great troubles if the English men had been in such estate then as in times past. But to returne againe to our matter, the Kings chiefe desire was to conquer Britaine, both bicause it seemed easier to be subdued, and of lesse defence than this house of Burgundy, and also bicause the Britons receiued all his euill willers, namely his brother, and other his enimies that had intelligence in his realme. Wherefore he practised continually with the Duke of Burgundy, making him diuers offers if he would forsake the Britons, and namely that he would in like maner abandon the Liegeois, and all other the Dukes enimies. Whereunto the Duke of Burgundy would not agree, but made a new voiage against the Liegeois, bicause they had againe broken the peace, and taken and spoiled a towne called Huy ¹, and chased his men out of it, notwithstanding the hostages deliuered the yeere before vnder paine of death, and the great summe of mony they had bound themselues to forfeit, if they brake the said treatie. The Duke leuied his armie about Louuain in Brabant, and vpon the marches of Liege, whither came to him from the King the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce (now become altogither French, and resident continually with the King) accompanied with Cardinall Balne and others, who aduertised him that the Liegeois were the Kings confederates, and comprehended in the truce: wherefore the King would succour them if he inuaded them. Notwithstanding they offered if he would abandon the Dukes of Berry and Britaine to the King, that the King would then abandon the Liegeois to him. Their audience was short and in open court, neither staied they aboue one day. The Duke excused himselfe, and charged [Page] the Liegeois with breach of the peace, alledging that they had inuaded his dominions, wherefore he sawe no reason why he should not be reuenged on them without forsaking his confederates, and this was his answer for that time. Againe the next day after their arriuall, the Duke being ready to take horse, tolde them that he humbly besought the King to attempt nothing against the Duke of Britaine, whereunto the Constable replied and said, sir you choose not but take all, for you will make war at your pleasure vpon your friends, and constraine vs to lie still and not inuade our enimies as you do yours, it may not be so, neither will the King endure it. Then the Duke taking his leaue said thus again, the Liegeois are assembled togither, & within three d↑ies I looke for the battell, if I be ouerthrowne, I am sure you will do after your accustomed maner: but if the victory fall on my side, the Britaines shall liue quietly enough by you. Which talke ended, he mounted on horsebacke, and the ambassadors repaired to their lodgings, to make them ready to depart. The Duke marched in armes from Louuaine with great force, & laid his siege before a town called Sainctron, his power was maruellous great, for all the strength of Burgundy was come to him, so that this army was far greater than any other that I had seene with him before.

A litle before his departure, he debated with his counsell, whether he should put the Liegeois hostages to death, or what he should do with them. Some gaue aduise to kill them all, especially the Lord of Contay so often aboue mentioned, whom I neuer heard speake so cruelly as at that present. Wherfore it is necessary for a Prince to haue more than one of his counsell, for the wisest erre, yea, and that often. Otherwhiles bicause they are partiall to the matters debated, through hatred or loue, somtime bicause they seeke to contrary some one that hath spoken before them, possible also their bodies may be euill disposed, for it is not to be held for counsell that is giuen after dinner. But you will say, that men subiect to such imperfections are vnfit to be of a Princes councill, whereunto I answer, that we are all men, and that who so will haue no councillors but such as neuer faile to speake wisely, nor are more troubled at one time then another, must seeke them in heauen, for he shall not finde them on earth. But for redresse of this inconuenience, somtime one of the councell will speake very well and wisely, that vseth not often so to do, and thus the one supplieth the others defects. Now to return to the matter debated in this assembly, two or three were of the said Contais opinion, mooued thereunto by his great authority & wisdome: for in such assemblies a great number giue their opinion but as they haue heard some other speake before them, not vnderstanding the matters debated, but seeking onely to flatter some one being of credit and authority that hath already spoken.

After this the Lord of Himbercourt, a gentleman borne neere to Amiens, and one of the wisest knights that euer I knew, being asked his aduise said, that to the end the Duke might haue God on his side, and discharge himselfe of cruelty and desire of reuenge before the world: he thought it best to pardon all those hostages, considering they came thither with a good intent, supposing the treatie should haue been obserued, notwithstanding he aduised the Duke at their departure to giue them to vnderstand, how great grace and fauor he shewed them, and to desire them to do their endeuor in perswading their citizens to peace, which if they could not obtain, yet at the least they themselues acknowledging his goodnes towards them, should neuer after beare armes neither against him, nor their bishop there present with him. This opinion tooke place, and the hostages when they were deliuered promised to do as the Duke required. Farther this was told them at their departure, that if any [Page] of them were herafter taken in armes against the Duke, he should die and thus they were dismissed.

It is not amisse to reherse heere how after Monseur de Contayes cruell sentence pronounced against the hostages: (part of them which were come thither with a good meaning and vpon verie simplicitie,) one of the Counsell said thus to me in mine eare: Marke well this man, his bodie is healthfull ynough, though he be old: yet dare I laie a good wager he shall not liue a yeere to an end, bicause of this cruell sentence he hath giuen, and sure so it fell out, for he liued not long after. Notwithstanding before his death he did his Master good seruice in the battell against the Liegeois, wherof you shall now heare.

I haue made mention before how the Duke departing from Louuain, laide his siege before Sainctron, and bent his artillerie against it. Within the towne were three thousand Liegeois vnder the charge of a valiant knight, the selfe same that was their chiefe commissioner for peace when we met them in order of battell the yeere before. But the third day after the Dukes arriuall before the towne, the Liegeois with great force came to leuie his siege about ten of the clocke in the morning, they were thirtie thousand men ² and aboue good and bad, all footmen saue fine hundred. They were well furnished of artillerie, and encamped within halfe a league of vs in a strong village called Breton, part whereof was enuironed with a marish. Farther Francois Royet, Baillif of Lions, and the Kings ambassador at that time to the saide Liegeois, was with them in their armie. ³ Our fourragers were the first that aduertised vs of their arriuall, for we had no scoutes abroade, which was a foule ouersight: I neuer was in place with the Duke of Burgundie where I saw him giue good order of him selfe but this daie onely. Incontinent he raunged all his battels in the fielde, saue certeine bands appointed to lie still at the siege, among the which were fiue or sixe hundred English men. Farther he beset both the sides of the village with twelue hundred men of armes, and placed him selfe with eight hundred men of armes directlie ouer against the village, somewhat farther off then the rest: he caused also a great companie of gentlemen and men of armes to light on foote with the archers, & then the L. of Rauastain with the vaward (being all on foote, as wel men of armes, as archers) marched forward with certeine peeces of artillerie euen hard to the Liegeois trenches which were broad, deepe, & full of water: yet notwithstanding with force of arrowes and cannot shot, the enimies were repulsed, and their trenches wonne, and their artillerie also: but when our shot failed vs, the Liegeois recouered their spirits and with their long pikes gaue a charge vpon our archers and their Captaines, of whom they slew in a moment foure or fiue hundred, in such sort that all our ensignes begane to wauer as men halfe discomfited. At which instant the Duke commanded the archers of his battell to march, being led by Philip of Creuecoeur, Lord of Cordes (a wise gentleman) and diuers other valiantmen, who so couragiously assailed the enimies, that with the turning of a hand they were put to flight. But neither the horsemen aboue mentioned that stood on both sides of the village, neither the Duke himselfe could follow the chase bicause of the marish: for they were placed there onely to this end, that if the Liegeois had broken the D. vawarde, and issued foorth of their trenches into the plaine, they might then haue giuen a charge vpon them. The Liegeois fled along through the marish, being pursued onely by our footmen, notwithstanding the Duke sent part of the horsemen that accompanied himselfe to follow the chase, but they were forced to ride two leagues about before they could finde any passage, by meanes whereof they were benighted, which saued many a Liegeois life. The rest of his horsemen the Duke sent to his campe, [Page] bicause they heard a great noise there, and doubted the enimies sally, and indeede they had issued foorth thrise, but were alwaies repulsed, especially through the valiantns of the English men that the Duke left there behind him: a few of the Liegeois after they were put to flight relied themselues togither at their cariage, but staied not long there. In this battell were slaine 9000. men, ⁴ which number I am sure shal seeme great to all that loue truth, but I haue beene in my time in manie battels, where for one that was slaine men made report of a hundred, thinking thereby to please their Masters whom often they abuse with such vntruths. Sure had we not beene benighted, there had beene slaine aboue fifteene thousand: the battell being ended, ⁵ the Duke when it was darke night returned with the whole armie into his campe, saue a thousand or twelue hundred horse that were gone two leagues about to follow the chase, for otherwise they could not come neere their enimies bicause of a litle riuer that was to passe. They did no great exploit bicause of the night: notwithstanding some of their enimies they slew, and some they tooke, but the greatest part escaped into the citie. The Lord of Contay did good seruice this day in giuing order in the battell, & died shortlie after in the town of Huz and made a good end: he was a wise & a valiant knight, but liued not long after his cruel sentence pronounced against the hostages aboue mentioned. The D. immediatlie after he was vnarmed called one of his secretaries, and wrote a letter to the Constable and the other ambassadors departed from him at Louuain not aboue foure daies before, wherein he aduertised them of his victorie and desired them to attempt nothing against the Bretons.

Within two daies after the battell, the pride of this foolish people was cleane abated, though their losse were not great: whereby appeereth how dangerous a thing it is for any Prince to hazard his estate in battell, if he may by anie other means make a good end, for a smal losse in a battel changeth & altereth the minds of his subiects that receiueth the ouerthrow more than any man would thinke, causing them not only to stand in great feare of their enimies, but also to despise & contemn their Prince and those that are in authority about him, yea to murmur and practise against him. They demand boldlier than they were accustomed, and storme if ought be denied them, so that the Prince mought haue done more with one crowne before the battell, than with three after it. Wherefore if he that hath receaued the ouerthrowe be wise, he will not aduenture a second battell in this estate with those that haue fled, but onely defend his owne, and seeke some small enterprise easie to be atchiued, to the end thereby his subiects may recouer their former courage, and remooue all feare. To conclude, the losse of a battell traineth with it a number of inconueniences to him that is vanquished. Notwithstanding great conquerors haue iust cause to desire the battell to abridge their labours, as haue also the Englishmen and Switzers, both bicause they are better footemen then their neighbors, as appeareth by the great victories they haue obteined, (which notwithstanding, I write not to the dispraise of other nations) and also bicause their men can not keepe the fields long without dooing some exploit, as Frenchmen and Italians can, who also are more full of practise and easier to be gouerned than they. Now on the otherside, he that obtaineth the victory, increaseth his honor and estimation, his subiects are the more obedient, they deny him nothing that he demandeth, his soldiers also waxe thereby the hardier, and the more couragious. Notwithstanding oftentimes the Princes themselues after a victory obteined, are so puffed vp with pride and vaine glory, that commonly their good successe turneth to their harme, all the which hapneth by Gods disposition, who sendeth alterations according to mens deserts.

When they within Sainctron saw the battell lost, and themselues inclosed on all [Page] sides, supposing also the discomfiture to be much greater then indeede it was: they laid downe their armor, yeelded the towne, and deliuered such men to the Dukes mercy as he demanded, whom he incontinent caused to be beheaded, sixe of them being of the hostages that he had dismissed a few daies before, vnder such conditions as you haue heard. From thence he dislodged and marched to Tongres, which abode the siege: but bicause the towne was nothing strong, they yeelded before the battery vnder the same conditions that their neighbors of Sainctron had accepted, and deliuered also ten men to the Duke, who were put to death as the former, fiue or sixe of them being likewise of the hostages aboue mentioned.

The Notes.

1 The newe copie hath Liny, but the old and La Marche name it Huy, Guicci. Hoey, Hubertus Huyum, Meyer, Hoyum, and almost all other good authors.

2 The Liegeois armie to succour Sainctron was of 20000. men, (but understand besides the Kings forces) lead by Messir Bare or Barrado as Meyer termeth him who vvas slaine in the battell. Meyer.

3 The King sent to aide the Liegeois 400. men of armes and 6000. archers. Meyer.

4 There were slaine at this battell 6000. saith the old copie, 3000. Meyer. grounding himselfe vpon certeine obscure Annalists, one of Flanders, the other of Brabant, of purpose to contrarie our author as in my epistle is shevved more at large.

5 This battell vvas fought vpon Alhallovve Eeuen, De la Marche, but Meyer saith the 27. of October.

How some of the citizens of Liege agreeing to yeeld their towne and others refusing so to do, the Lord of Hymbercourt found meanes to enter into it for the Duke of Burgundie. Chap. 3.

FRom Tongres the Duke marched to the citie of Liege, where the people were in great diuision, for part of them gaue aduise to defend the towne: saying that they had force sufficient within it so to do, the cheife of the which faction was a knight called Master Raz of Laitre, but others seeing all the countrey about burned and destroied, would in any wise haue peace, were the conditions neuer so vnresonable: wherefore when the Duke approched neere to the city, diuers ouertures of peace were made by certaine meane persons, as prisoners and such like. But the principall dealers in the matter were certaine of our hostages, who doing cleane contrary to the others aboue mentioned, and acknowledging the great fauor the Duke had shewed them, brought to his campe with them three hundred of the best citizens in their shirts, bare headed, & bare legged, who presented the keies of the city to him, and yeelded themselues to his mercy, humbly beseching him onely to giue them his word, that the towne should neither be fired nor sacked. And at the selfe same time that they came in this estate to the Duke, the Kings ambassadors being Monseur de Mouy, and a secretary called Iohn Preuost were there present, who were come to the Duke with the same demandes that the Constable had made a few daies before. Farther the verie day of the composition, the Duke supposing to enter the citie, sent the [Page] Lord of Hymbercourt thither before him bicause he was well acquainted in the towne, and had beene gouernor thereof vnder Duke Philip during the yeeres they liued in peace: notwithstanding entrie was denied him for that day, whereupon he retired and lodged in an abbey without one of the towne gates, being accompanied with fiftie men of armes, the whole number amounting to two hundred souldiers, and I my selfe being one of them. The Duke of Burgundie sent him word if the place where he laie were strong not to dislodge, otherwise to retire backe to him, for he could hardlie haue succoured him bicause all that countrey is rock and stone. The said Hymbercourt resolued not to mooue (for the place was very strong,) but retained with him fiue or sixe of the citizens that brought the keies to [...]he Duke, minding to vse their helpe to good purpose, as heereafter you shall peceiue. At nine of the clock at night we heard a bell ring, at the sound whereof the citizens vse to assemble, whereupon the said Hymbercourt, doubted that this bell called companie togither to issue foorth to assaile vs, (for he was aduertised that Master Raz of Laitre and other of the citizens would not agree to peace,) and in deed his surmise was true, for that was their determination, and they were euen vpon the pointe to sally. Then said the Lord of Hymbercourt to vs, if we can dalie with them but till midnight, we are safe, for they will waxe wearie and desirous of sleepe, and then those that are our enimies in the towne will flie when they shall see their enterprise frustrate: wherefore to bring his purpose to passe, he dispatched two of the citizens that he had staied with him, and deliuered them certeine freindly articles in writing, meaning only to busie the citizens with farther talke to win time: for their maner was & yet is to assemble togither at the Bishops pallace to debate of their affaires, when the bel aboue mentioned is rung. These two Burgesses which had been of our hostages, when they came to the gate being hardlie two bow shot from the abbey where we lodged: found a great number of the citizens there in armes, some of the which would needs issue foorth to assaile vs, & some not. Then our two Burgesses tould the Maior of the citie aloude, that they brought certeine friendly articles in writing from the Lord of Hymbercourt the Duke of Burgundies lieutenant in those countreis, willing him to returne to the pallace to read them, whereunto he agreed, and incontinent we heard the bell ring againe, wherby we vnderstood that they were busied about our articles. Our two Burgesses returned not, but about an hower after we heard a greater noise at the gate than before, and a much greater number came thither in armes, crying and rayling vpon vs from the wals, whereby the Lord of Hymbercourt perceiued our danger to be now rather increased then diminished: wherefore he dispatched the other fower hostages that were yet with him, by whom he wrote a letter, the contents whereof were that during the time he was gouernor of the citie, for the Duke of Burgundie, he had vsed them gentlie and louinglie, neither would for anie thing consent to their destruction, especially seeing not long before he had beene a commoner of one of their companies in the towne, namely the Goldsmithes companie: ¹ wherefore they ought so much the rather to credit his words. To be short he said if they would obteine peace, and saue their countrey, they most first receiue the Duke into the towne according to their promise, and then subscribe to certeine articles written in the scedule he there sent them. After he had well instructed these foure hostages, they went to the gate as did the former, which they found wide open. Some of the citizens welcommed them with sharpe words, but others were content to heare their message. To be short in the end they returned againe to the pallace, immediatlie wherupon we heard the bell ring which much comforted vs, and by litle & litle, the noise that was at the gate ceased. They [Page] were togither in the palace till two of the clock after midnight, and in the end concluded to keepe the composition they had made, & the next morning to deliuer one of the towne gates to the Lord of Hymbercourt: whereupon incontinent Master Raz of Laitre and his whole faction fled out of the towne.

I would not haue stoode so long vpon this point being of so small importance, had it not beene to declare that by such fine deuises proceeding of deepe wisdome, great perils, dangers, & losses are often eschewed. The next morning by day breake, a number of the hostages came to the Lord of Hymbercourt, desiring him to come to the palace where all the people were assembled, there to assure them by his oth of the two points they doubted of: to wit the firing and sacking of the towne, which being done, they promised to put one of the gates into his hands: whereof he sent word to the Duke, and then accompanied them to the palace, where after he had sworne as they demanded, he returned to the gate. And the citizens commanded the soldiers that were vpon it to come downe, and he put into it twelue men of armes, and certaine archers, and reared vp the Duke of Burgundies ensigne. From thence hee went to another walled gate, into the which he put the bastard of Burgundy, who lay neere at hand. Into the third he put the Marshall of Burgundy, and into the fourth certain gentlemen that were with himselfe, and thus were fower gates well manned with Burgundians, and the Dukes ensignes vpon them.

Now you shall vnderstand, that at that time the citie of Liege was one of the mightiest and most populous townes in those quarters, except fower or fiue, besides that, a great multitude of the people of the countrey round about was retired thither, so that their losse in the battell was no whit perceaued. Farther they were well furnished of all things, and it was the deepe of winter when we came before the towne, the weather was maruellous foule, and the ground woonderfull soft and mirie. We on the other side were in great distresse both of vitailes and money, and our army in a maner broken. Wherefore the Duke had no purpose to besiege the city, neither could he though he would, and if they had staied the composition but two daies longer, he was fully resolued to returne home. Wherefore I may well conclude, that the great honor he obteined in this voiage proceeded of the meere grace of God, contrary to mans expectation: for he durst hardly haue craued at Gods hands the good successe he gaue him, which great honor and godly victory in the iudgement of all vertuous and wise men hapned to him, for the fauor and mercy shewed to the hostages aboue mentioned. This I write bicause both Princes and others oftentimes finde fault as it were with themselues, when they haue don a pleasure or a good turne to a man, saying, that they were accursed when they did it, & will beware heerafter how they pardon so lightly, how they bestow any such benefit, or shew any such fauor to any man, which notwithstanding, are things incident to their office. Wherefore in mine opinion this is euill spoken, and proceedeth of a base and abiect minde: for a Prince or any other man that neuer was deceaued, can be but a beast, bicause he vnderstandeth not the difference betweene good and euill. Besides that, all men are not of one disposition, and it is no reason for the naughtines of one or two to cease from doing good to a great number, when time and occasion serueth. Notwithstanding I wish Princes to make good choise of those they benefit, for all men deserue not alike. But me thinke it almost impossible for a wise man to be vnthankfull, or vnmindfull of a good turne, and if Princes bestow vpon fooles, they are woorse than mad, for they shall perceaue in the end that a fooles acquaintance can stand them in no steede. Farther in mine opinion, this is the greatest point of wisedome in a Prince to haue neere about him wise and vertuous men: for himselfe shall [Page] be iudged to be of the nature and disposition of those that are most familiar with him. Wherefore to conclude this discourse, me thinke we ought neuer to be wearie of well dooing: for one man alone, yea the meanest of those we haue pleasured, may happily so requite our friendship, that he shal recompence the ingratitude of a multitude, as appeered by these hostages, the greatest part wherof, were ingrate and vnthankfull, but some of them acknowledged and requited the benefit receaued: for by the onely means of fiue or six of them, this enterprise was atchiued, which turned so greatly to the Duke of Burgundies honor and profit.

The Notes.

1 There were in this citie 32. companies, without whom nothing was concluded: the principall was the Goldsmithes companie, but the most ancient the Blacksmithes. Guicci.

How the Duke of Burgundy made his entrie into the towne of Liege, and how the citizens of Gaunt where he had been euill intreated before, humbled themselues vnto him. Chap. 4.

THe next day after the gates were yeelded, the Duke entred the towne in great triumph ¹, for a breach was made in the wall for his entrie twenty fathoms long, and the towne ditch all the length of the breach filled vp euen with the ground: with him entred on foote two thousand men of armes armed at all peeces, and two thousand archers, yet notwithstanding the force in his campe was maruellous great. The Duke himselfe entred on horsebacke, accompanied with all his houshold seruants, and the noblest men in his armie, clad and apparelled the most sumptuously that might be: and in this estate rode he through the towne, and lighted at the great Church. To be short, he abode there certaine daies, and put to death fiue or sixe more of his hostages that had broken promise, and with them the towne messenger whom he hated extremely: he established certaine new lawes and customes, and commanded a great summe of mony to be leuied in the citie, which he said was forfeited to him for the treaties and compositions broken the yeeres before. Farther, he caried away all their artillerie and armour, and rased all their gates and wals.

This done he returned into his owne countries where he was honorably and dutifully receiued especially of the citizens of Gaunt, who before his voiage to Liege had after a sort rebelled against him with certaine other townes, but now they receiued him as a conqueror, with so great lowlines and humilitie, that certaine of the best citizens came on foote to him as far as Bruxels, bringing with them all the banners of their towne, which they did for this cause: Immediately after his fathers death he chose the city of Gaunt for the first towne he would make his entrie into: for supposing that to be the towne where he was best beloued, and therefore looking for all dutie and obedience at their hands: he hoped also by that meanes to finde the like in all the other townes of his dominions, assuring himselfe that they would all follow the example of this, which opinion prooued true as touching this latter point. But you shall vnderstand that the next day after his entrie, they came in armes vpon the market place, bringing with them a Saint called Saint Lieuin, with whose shrine they beat downe a little house called La Cueillette: where a custome of corne was [Page] receiued for paiment of certaine dets the towne ought to Duke Philip by the treatie of peace called the treatie of Gaures ², for two yeeres they had been in wars with him. To be short, they saide this Saint would passe through this house without stouping, and in a moment beate downe the house, which disorder the Duke seeing, went himselfe to the market place: a great number of noble men in armes offering to waite vpon him as he passed through the streetes, which he refused, commanding them to stay before the towne-house, and attende him there. Notwithstanding, by litle and litle the throng of people forced them at length into the market place also, whither when the Duke came, he went vp into a house to speake to these rebels, commanding them to take vp the shrine and beare it into the church, which some obediently did, but others caused it to be laid downe againe. Then they presented supplications to him against certaine of the towne, touching paiments of money, wherein he promised to do iustice. But when he sawe they would not depart, he returned to his lodging, and they abode in armes vpon the market place the space of eight daies. The next morning they brought articles to him, demanding the restitution of all their priuiledges that Duke Philip had taken from them by the treatie of Gaures, of this one especially, that euery company in the town (being threescore and twelue in all) might haue a banner according to their ancient custom. The Duke seeing the danger he stood in, granted them all their demands, and all such priuiledges as they required, which word was no sooner passed him, but they reared vp all their banners vpon the market place, being all readie made, whereby appeered that they would haue had them perforce, if he had not granted them. His opinion at his first entry into Gaunt prooued true, that all the other townes would follow their example: for indeede diuers rebelled as the towne of Gaunt did, slew his officers, and committed diuers other disorders. But if he had beleeued his fathers prouerbe, that the citizens of Gaunt loue their Princes sonne well, but their Prince neuer, he had not been deceaued, and to say the truth, next to the citizens' of Liege these of Gaunt are the most inconstant in the world. Notwithstanding, one good property they haue among so many bad, that they neuer lay hands vpon their Princes person ³, besides that, the best Burgesses of the towne are very honest men, and much offended with the peoples insolency.

The Duke was forced to digest and winke at all these rebellions, fearing to enter into a dooble war at one time with his owne subiects, and the Liegeois. Notwithstanding his meaning was if he sped well in his voiage to Liege, to teach them their duty at his returne, as also it hapned, for as I haue already made mention, they brought to him on foote to Bruxels, all their banners, priuiledges, and writings, as well those they made him grant at his departure from Gaunt as others, all the which in a great assembly held in the hall of Bruxels, in the presence of diuers ambassadors they presented to him, to do with them at his pleasure. Than the Haralts of armes by his commandement, tooke the said banners from the staues whereto they were fastned, and carried them to Bullen, a hauen towne eight leagues from Calis, where the other banners yet remained that D. Philip his father tooke from them, when the wars ended, wherein he vanquished and subdued them. Farther the Duke Chauncellor tooke all their priuiledges, and rent one of them concerning the election of their Senate: for in all the other townes of Flaunders, the Prince euerie yeere choseth the Senate, and receiueth their accounts, but by this priuiledge he might chose but foure in Gaunt, and the rest being two and twenty they themselues chose: when the Senators of the townes are freinds and faithfull subiects to their Prince, he liueth that yeere in peace, and they willingly graunt him all his demands: but if [Page] they be otherwise, commonly some rebellion happeneth. Lastlie the citizens of Gaunt paied the Duke thirtie thousand gildons and sixe thousand to his principall seruants, and banished certeine out of their towne, but all their other priuileges were restored them, the rest of the townes bought also their peace with money, for they had attempted no great matter against the Duke.

By this example a man may perceiue how great good ensueth victorie in a battell and how many inconueniences the ouerthrow. Wherfore a Prince ought to beware how he hazard his estate vpon a day vnlesse necessitie force him thereunto: and if that happen, then must he bethinke him selfe before the hower of all doubts and dangers that may be imagined. For those that feare a matter commonly prouide well for it, and haue oftener good successe than they that proceede with a carelesse contempt: vnlesse God be fully resolued to strike the stroke, against whom mans wisedome cannot preuaile. Which point is sufficiently prooued by the example of these Liegeois aboue mentioned, who had been excommunicated the space of fiue yeeres for their variance with their Bishop, whereof notwithstanding they made no account, but continued still in their folly and naughtines, mooued thereunto onely through wealth and pride. Wherefore King Lewis was wont to say, that when pride rideth before, shame and dammage follow after, (a very wise saying in mine opinion) and sure for his part he was free from that vice.

The Notes.

1 The Duke entred into Liege the 11. of Nouember 1467. Meyer.

2 The French corrector through vnskilfulnes had corrupted this place, & somtime calleth it La paix de Gand, and somtime nothing, but I haue heer restored it out of Meyer & Annal. Burgund. This peace was concluded 3. Calend. Augusti 1453. wherof reade Annal. Burgund. lib, 3. pag. 829. Meyer lib. 16. fol. 314. and others.

3 Yet the citizens of Gaunt anno. 1338. constrained Lodouicus Niuernensis Earle of Flanders to flie for the safety of his life into a castell in Gaunt called Petra Comitis where they also besieged him. Againe anno 1346. they constrained Lodouicus Maleanus perforce to go with them to Bergen, and against his will to giue his faith to Isabell daughter to King Edward the third: they set a gard also about his person, but he escaped and fled into Fraunce. Meyer.

How the King seeing what had happened to the Liegeois, made war in Britaine vpon the Duke of Burgundies confederates, and how they two met and communed togither at Peronne. Chap. 5.

THese troubles being thus ended, the Duke went to Gaunt where he was receiued with great pompe and triumph, for he entred in armes, and the citizens made a posterne into the fields, by the which he putmen in and out at his pleasure: manie messengers ran betweene him and the King, and likewise betweene the Duke of Britaine and him, and thus passed this winter. The King traueilled continually with the Duke of Burgundie to suffer him to inuade Britaine at his pleasure, making him diuers offers in consideration thereof: whereunto the Duke would not condescend, for the which cause partly, and partly [Page] for the ouerthrow giuen to the Liegeois his confederates, the Kings displeasure was so kindled that longer he could not forbeare, but in the very beginning of sommer entred into Britaine, at the least his forces for him, and tooke two small castels, the one called Chantosse, the other Anseny, whereof the Duke of Burgundy was incontinent aduertised, and earnestly pressed by the Dukes of Normandy and Britaine with all speede to leuie his armie for their aide, whereupon he wrote to the King, humbly beseeching him to relinquish his enterprise, seeing these two Dukes were comprehended in the truce as his confederates, but receiuing such answer as liked him not, he encamped with great force neere to Peronne. The Kings army was still in Britaine, but the Court lay at Compiegne, from whence the King sent Cardinall Balue to the Duke within three daies after his arriuall at Peronne, who staied not long with him, but made certaine ouertures of peace, aduertising him also that they in Britaine could make their composition welll ynough without him, for the Kings drift was to seuer them. The Cardinall was honorably receiued, well feasted, and soone dispatched, and returned with this answere, that the Duke was not come forth into the field to endammage the King in any respect, but onely to succour his confederates: so the messages that passed betweene them were very courteous on both sides.

Immediately after the Cardinals departure a heralt called Bretaigne arriued at the Duke of Burgundies campe with letters from the Dukes of Normandie and Britain, wherin they aduertised him that they had made peace with the King, and renounced all leagues and confederacies, and namely their league with him, and farther that the Duke of Normandie had surrendred Normandie (lately giuen him for his partage) to the King, and should receiue in recompence thereof, and of all other partages the yeerely reuenues of three score thousand franks, which conditions (though neuer so vnreasonable) necessitie forced the Lord Charles of Fraunce to accept. The Duke of Burgundie was woonderfully abashed at these newes: for he had put himselfe into the field onely to aide the said Dukes. And sure the heralt was in great danger, for bicause he passed by the Court, the Duke suspected that the King had forged these letters, notwithstanding he receiued immediately after, the like aduertisement from other places. The King thought now his enterprise halfe woon, and that he should easily perswade the Duke of Burgundie to forsake these two Dukes, as they had him: whereupon secret messengers ran betweene them, and the King gaue the Duke sixe score thousand crownes, whereof he paid the one halfe presently the better to content the said Duke, who had consumed great summes in leuying this armie. Farther, the Duke sent to the King a groome of his chamber very neere about him, named Iohn Vobrisset, whereupon the King conceiued great hope of his enterprise, and seemed desirous to commune with the Duke in person, trusting to obtaine of him all that he required, both bicause of the two foresaid Dukes ingratitude towards him, and also bicause of the great summe of monie he had giuen him. Wherefore he aduertised the Duke of certaine matters by the said Vobrisset, and sent backe with him Cardinall Balue and Master Tanneguy du Chastell gouernor of Roussillon, who gaue the Duke to vnderstand by their words, that the King desired greatly that they two might commune togither in person.

They found the Duke at Peronne who seemed to haue no great deuotion to this meeting, bicause the Liegeois made shew as though they would rebell anew, being sollicited thereunto by two ambassadors sent thither by the King for that purpose before the truce was made which he and the Duke concluded, for certaine daies betweene them and their confederates. But Cardinall Balue and the other ambassadors [Page] put this doubt out of his head, alleaging that the Liegeois durst attempt no such thing, considering he had vanquished them, & rased but their wals the yeer before: and farther, if they had any such desire, yet when they should see this amitie betweene him and the King, they would soone alter their mindes. Thus in the end it was concluded that the King should come to Peronne seeing it pleased him so to do, and the Duke sent him a letter written with his owne hand, containing sufficient suretie to come and go at his pleasure. And thus departed the ambassadors, and returned to the King being then at Noyon. But the Duke minding to make all sure in the countrie of Liege, sent thither their Bishop for whose quarrell all the wars aboue mentioned first began, and in his company the Lord of Hymbercourt (the Dukes lieutenant in those parts) with certaine bands of men.

You haue heard how it was concluded that the King should come to Peronne, according to the which determination thither he came without his garde, for his pleasure was wholy to put himselfe vnder the garde and suretie of the Duke, and that Monseur de Cordes (who then serued the Duke) should conuay him thither with the said Dukes archers which was done accordingly. The Kings traine was very small, notwithstanding he came accompanied with diuers noble personages, namely, the Duke of Bourbon, the Cardinall his brother, and the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce, who had not busied himselfe about this meeting but much misliked it. For he was now waxed proud and high minded, and behaued not himselfe to the Duke of Burgundie with such lowlines and humilitie as he was accustomed: wherefore there was no good will betweene them twaine. Thither came also Cardinall Balue the gouernor of Roussillon, and diuers others. And when the King drew neere to Peronne, the Duke with a goodly traine issued foorth to receiue him, and brought him into the towne, and lodged him in a goodly house neere to the castell being the receiuers, for the castell was a little old thing naught woorth.

War betweene two great Princes is easily begun but hardly ended, bicause of the number of accidents depending thereupon: for each partie dispatcheth messengers to and fro to hurt his enimie, which suddenly cannot be staied nor reuoked, as appeered by these two Princes, who concluded this meeting vpon a sudden not aduertising their seruants thereof, who were far from them executing the charge their Masters had giuen them. For you shall vnderstand that the Duke had sent for his armie into Burgundie, being furnished at that time with a number of gentlemen, namely the Lord of Bresse of the house of Sauoy, & his two brethren the Bishop of Geneua, and the Earle of Remont: for the Sauoyans and Burgundians haue euer borne great loue one to another. In this armie were also certaine Almaines borderers vpon Sauoy and the county of Burgundy. Now you shall vnderstand that the King in times past had held the Lord of Bresse in prison, bicause of two Knights he commanded to be slaine in Sauoy, wherefore there was no good will betweene them two. In this armie were also the Lord of Vrfé, Master of the horse afterward to King Charles, Master Poncet of Riuiere, and the Lord of Lau, whom the King after speciall good liking of him had also held long in prison, but he escaped and fled into Burgundy. All this company aboue mentioned arriued neere to Peronne, euen at the very instant that the King came thither, and the Lord of Bresse with the three aboue mentioned, euery one of them wearing the Saint Andrewes crosse entred the towne, supposing they had come time ynough to accompanie the Duke when he should go to receiue the King, but bicause they came too late they went straight to the Dukes chamber to do their dutie to him, where the Lord of Bresse humbly besought him that the three aboue named, notwithstanding the Kings comming, might be there [Page] vnder his safegard and protection, as he had promised them in Burgundie at their first arriuall into his dominions, adding that they were ready to serue him against all men none excepted: which request the Duke granted with his owne mouth, and for their good wil thanked them. The rest of this army (led by the Marshal of Burgundy) lodged without the towne as they were appointed. The said Marshall hated the King no lesse than the others aboue named, bicause of Pinall a towne in Lorraine which the King had once giuen him, and afterward taken from him to bestow vpon Iohn Duke of Calabria so often mentioned in this historie. The King being foorthwith aduertised of these noble mens arriuall, and the apparell they ware ¹ fell suddenly into great feare, and sent to the Duke desiring him that he might lodge in the castell, bicause all these aboue named were his enimies. The Duke reioiced to see him in such feare, and caused his lodging to be made there, willing him to be of good cheere and doubt nothing.

The Notes.

1 He meaneth by apparell the Saint Andrewes crosse.

A discourse wherein is declared how greatly learning especially in histories profiteth Princes and noble men. Chap. 6.

IT is greatfolly for one Prince to put him selfe vnder the power of another, especially when they are in war togither, as those Princes well know that haue studied histories in their youth, wherein they finde diuers examples of great falshood and treason vsed in times past at such enteruiewes and of diuers that haue staied as prisoners, and slaine those that haue come to them vnder their surety ¹. I say not that all haue vsed so to do, but the example of one is sufficient to teach a number wit, how to looke to themselues. I my selfe for my part haue seene some experience in the world, hauing been by the space of eighteene yeeres and better, emploied continually in Princes seruices, and priuy all that while to the waightiest and secretest affaires that haue passed in this realme, or the countries bordering vpon it, and sure in mine opinion the best way to learne wisedome is to read ancient histories, which will teach vs by example of our auncesters, wisely to behaue our selues, safely to defende our selues, and aduisedly to attempt any enteprise. For our life is so short that experience cannot sufficiently instruct vs, considerlng withal that our yeers are abridged, and neither our liues so long, nor our bodies so strong, as were our ancesters in ages past: which way as we are weakned, so is our faith also each to other much diminished ², in such sort, that I know not how one man may assure himselfe of another, especially great Princes, who are commonly inclined to all wilfulnes, without any regarde of reason, and (which is woorst of all) haue for the most part such men about them, as study onely to flatter them, and sooth them in al their dooings be they good or bad, and if some one endeuor himselfe to redresse this inconuenience, all the rest will straight be vpon his top.

Farther I must needes blame ignorant and vnlearned Princes in this respect also, they haue all commonly about them great clarkes and lawyers, as it is requisite they should if they be good, but if they be otherwise, they are the dangerousest people in [Page] the world to be about a Prince, for they haue euer a law or an history at their fingers ends, which be it neuer so good they writhe and wrest in such sort, that they wil make blacke white, and white blacke. But those Princes that be wise and haue read as well as they, will not suffer themselues to be abused by them, neither dare they be so hardy as to report vntruths to such Princes. Farther thinke you that God hath established the office of a King or Prince, to be executed by such beasts as glory in saying: I am no scholer, I trust my Councell well enough, and refer all matters to them, and so without farther answer depart to their sports and pastimes? No, no, if they had been well trained vp in their youth, they would vse other language, and seeke to be esteemed for their owne vertues and woorthines. I say not that all Princes are serued by euill conditioned persons, but sure the most part of those that I haue seene haue not alwaies had their courts vnfurnished of such, although some I confesse I haue knowne that in time of necessitie could make choise of their men, and vse the seruice of the best and wisest. Wherein sure the King our master far passed all the Princes of his time, for neuer Prince aduanced so highly, nor made so great account of wise and woorthy men as he did. He was himselfe reasonably well learned ³, he was very inquisitiue and desirous to vnderstand of all matters, and had an excellent wit, which passeth all learning attained to by studie: for as reading profiteth two maner of waies, the one by acquainting vs with ages past, and the other by teaching vs more in a booke in three monthes, than twenty men liuing successiuely can learne by experience: so if a man lack wit to put that which he readeth in practise, his reading serueth to no purpose. Wherfore to end this discourse, me think the greatest plague that God can lay vpon a realme, is to giue them an vnwise Prince, the roote and fountaine of all mischiefe: for first diuision and ciuill wars arise thereof among his subiects, bicause he giueth his authority to others, which especially aboue all things he ought to reserue to himselfe. After diuision ensueth famine and mortality, and all other euils that accompany the wars, wherefore heereby we may consider how much a Princes subiects ought to lament, when they see his children wantonly brought vp and gouerned by euill conditioned persons.

The Notes.

1 Of treasons in treaty we haue numbers of examples. First of Iugurtha taken by his father in law Boccus, and deliuered to the Romaines. Sertorius slaine at a banquet by Perpenna. In England we haue the treason of Hengist to Vortiger. In Scotland we reade of William Earle of Douglasse slaine by Iames King of Scots in treaty. In Germanie Albert Earle of Franconia betraied in treaty by Ottho Bishop of Mentz. Iohn of Angieu, slaine by Albertus Bauarus Earle of Henault and Flanders, notwithstanding his safe conduct. In Fraunce Iohn Duke of Burgundie slaine by Charles the 7. William Duke of Normandie by Arnulph Earle of Flanders. Lewis King of Fraunce taken prisoner by the Normans and Danes at Roan. Iohn Duke of Britaine taken at a banquet and imprisoned by Margaret Countisse of Pontibera. Guido Earle of Flanders twice taken prisoner vnder safeconduct by Philip le Bell King of Fraunce. Charles the simple slaine by the Earle of Vermandoys. VVhat should I speake of the tresons of Ferrande and Alfonse Kings of Naples, or of Christiern King of Denmarke, with numbers of others recorded in histories as our author heere very truly reporteth.

2 Others be of a contrarie opinion, that our life is as long as in Dauids time appeereth by the 90. Psalme, where he sheweth the vsuall age of man in his time to haue beene 70. and sometime 80. yeers which men reche to at this day also, and if mans life be as long now as then, it is a good consequent that his body is as strong, as is to be prooued by manie [Page] reasons too long to reherse. Now that our faith is as good as theirs appeereth also by the ancient histories, for if this be a true saying, Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis. And the Princes in times past were so euill as none could be worse, (as who so list to reade without partiality shal be forced to confesse.) I see no reason that the world should be worse now then in times past, although it seeme so to many, bicause we see the worst of our owne age, yea and feele too many times, but commonly the histories deliuer to vs but the best of times past, and burie the worst, and though they did, yet the euill seene with our eie is more liuely imprinted in minde, then the euill we conceiue by our eare, which is the cause men euer thinke better of the times past, then the present estate.

3 Imaruell if King Lewis were learned, he would haue his sonne to learne onely this lesson, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare.

How and for what cause the King was staied and held prisoner in the castell of Peronne by the Duke of Burgundies commandement. Chap. 7.

YOu haue heard how the King and this army of Burgundie arriued at Peronne both in one istant, for the Duke could not countermand them in time, bicause they were well forward vpon the way when the Kings comming was first communed of. Their arriuall troubled the feast, bicause of diuers doubts that sprang thereof. Notwithstanding these two Princes appointed certeine of their seruants to negotiate togither about their affaires, in most louing and freindly sort. But after three or foure daies communication, these strange newes came from Liege which I will now reherse. The K. comming to Peronne had cleane forgotten the two ambassadors sent to Liege to sollicite them to rebell against the Duke, who so diligently executed their charge, that before the Kings arriuall at Peronne, the Liegeois had leuied great force and were gone to surprise the towne of Tongres, where the Bishop of Liege and the Lord of Hymbercourt lodged accompanied with two thousand men and better: and the said Bishop and Hymbercourt they tooke with certein other of the Bishops familiar friends, but few they slew, neither was the number of the prisoners great: the rest fled as men discomfited, leauing bag and bagage behinde them. This done the Liegeois returned towards their citie not far distant from Tongres: and vpon the way thitherward the Lord of Hymbercourt compounded for his ransome with a knight called Master VVilliam de Ville, named by the French Le Sauuage, who fearing lest this furious people should kill him, suffered him to depart vpon his word: which notwithstanding he neuer chalenged, for soon after himselfe was slaine: the people reioiced much for the taking of their Bishop. Farther you shall vnderstand that they hated extremely certaine chanons of the Church taken prisoners that day: of whom for the first repast they slew fiue or sixe, one of the which was named Master Robert the Bishops speciall friend, whom I my selfe haue often seene armed at all peeces waiting vpon his Master, for such is the maner of the Alemaigne Prelates. ¹ The said Master Robert they slew in the Bishops presence, and hewed him into a number of small gobbets which they threw one at another in dirision. To be short, before their returne to Liege which was but eight leagues from Tongres, they slew sixteen chanons and others all in maner the Bishops seruants. This [Page] done, they receiued aduertisement that the treatie betweene the King and the Duke was alreadie begun, wherefore they dismissed certaine Burgundians supposing to excuse their fault, by seeming to haue attempted nothing against the Duke, but only against their Bishop, whom they led prisoner into the citie. Those that escaped put all the countrie in an vprore as they went, by means whereof this newes came soone to the Duke: some said all were slaine, others the contrarie, for such aduertisements are neuer reported after one sort. At the length certaine arriued that saw these chanons slaine, who supposing the Bishop and Hymbercourt to be of the number, auowed constantly that all were murthered, and farther, that they saw the Kings ambassadors in the companie, whom also they named. All this was told the Duke, who foorthwith beleeued it, and fell into an extreme furie, saying that the King was come thither to abuse him, and gaue commandement to shut the gates of the castell and the towne, spreading a fond rumor that he did it, bicause of a budget with iewels and monie that was lost. The King seeing himselfe shut into this little castell, and a number of archers before the gate: stood in great doubt of his person, the rather bicause he lodged hard by a great tower, in the which an Earle of Vermandois had in times past caused a King of Fraunce one of his predecessors to be slaine ². I was yet in seruice with the Duke, and one of his priuie chamber, into the which I entred at my pleasure, according to the vse of this house of Burgundie. The Duke when the towne gates were shut, commanded all men to voide his chamber, and said to two or three of vs that taried with him, that notwithstanding he for his part had neuer any taste in this meeting, but agreed to it onely to content the King: yet the King on the contrarie side was come thither purposely to abuse him. Then rehearsed he all these newes of Liege, how the King had ordered the matter by his ambassadors and caused all his men to be slaine: and such a rage he was in against the King, and so threatened him, that I thinke verily if those to whom he spake had pressed forward the matter, and counselled him to worke the King some mischiefe, he would haue done it, at the least haue imprisoned him in the great tower aboue mentioned. None were present when these words passed the Duke, but my selfe and two groomes of his chamber, one of the which was named Charles of Visin borne at Dyion, an honest gentleman and in good credit with his master. We mitigated this matter, and sought to appease the Duke as much as in vs lay, notwithstanding soone after he vsed also the like speech to others, by meanes whereof it was blowen all ouer the towne, and came at length into the Kings chamber, who was in maruellous feare, as vniuersally all men were, bicause of the great euils they saw like to ensue a quarrell begun betweene two so great Princes, who sure were both blame woorthie, for that they aduertised not their seruants of this meeting, who were far from them executing their commandements, whereby some great inconuenience was sure to ensue.

The Notes.

1 These were chanons of S. Lambert in Liege, the which were not forced to be priests, but might come foorth and marrie if they had not soong masse. Guicci.

2 This Earle of Vermandois was named Hebart or Herbau, and the King of Fraunce Charles le Simple, whom this Hebart slue in the towre heere mentioned anno 926. or after Annal. Burgund. 921. bicause the King had slaine in battell Robert Duke of Aquitaine, or after some of Aniou, who had married this Hebarts sister. But note heere poenam talionis vpon the King, for as he was staied heere notwithstanding the Dukes safe conduct: so had he himselfe taken and imprisoned by the space of two yeeres Philip Lord [Page] of Bresse, hauing called him to him vnder his safe conduct. Meyer. Of the Lord of Bresses imprisonment our author maketh mention in the fift chapter of this booke.

A discourse wherein is shewed, that an enteruiew betweene two great Princes for treatie of their affaires, hurteth more than profiteth. Chap. 8.

IT is great folly for two Princes being in manner of equall force and estate to meete togither, vnlesse it be in their youth when their mindes are wholy set vpon pleasures and pastimes, but after they are come to mans estate, and growen desirous to encroch each vpon other, such enteruiewes do but increase their hatred and euill will, though happily their persons might be there in safetie, which notwithstanding I hold almost for a thing impossible. Wherefore it is better to pacifie all controuersies by wise and discreete men, as before I haue said: for proofe whereof I will reherse certaine examples that haue happened in my tyme, some of the which I my selfe haue seene, and of the rest haue beene credibly enformed.

A few yeers after King Lewis his coronation before the war called the WEALE PVBLIQVE began, a sollemne meeting was appointed between him and the King of Castile, ¹ which are the two neerest confederated Princes in Christendome, for their league is betweene King and King, Realme and Realme, and man and man of their subiects, which also they are both bound vnder great curses to keepe and obserue inuiolable. To this meeting came Henry King of Castile with a goodlie traine to Fontarabia, and the King our Master to Saint Iohn de Luz fower leagues distant, both of them being vpon the frontires of their dominions. I was not present my selfe at this meeting, but I haue heard both the King and the Lord of Lau make report thereof, and haue beene enformed of it also by certaine Lords of Castille there present with the King their Master, who came to this enterview accompanied with the Lord great Master of Saint Iames, and the Archbishop of Tolledo which two bare all the swaie in Castile at that time, the Earle of Lodesme the King of Castils minion was there also in great brauerie, and all the said Kings gard, being to the number of three hundred horse, all Moores of Granado and some of them Negros. But K. Henry himselfe was a man of so small vnderstanding, that he gaue away all his inheritance, at the least suffered euery man that would to spoile him of it: our King was also accompanied with a goodlie traine, as you know his vse was, but his gard especially was braue & in verie good order. To this meeting came in like maner the Queene of Arragon about a controuersie betweene hir and the King of Castile, for Estell and certaine other places in Nauarre: whereof the King was made arbitrator. But now for proofe that such enterviews between great Princes are not meet nor conuenient, you shall vnderstand that these two Kings had neuer beene at variance, there was no quarrell betweene them, neither saw they one another past once or twise vpon a riuer side that parteth both their realmes, ² hard by a litle castell called Heurtebise, where the King of Castile passed to the hither side of the riuer. At their first meeting they had no great liking one of another, especially our King, who perceiued the King of Castille to be but a simple man doing nothing of himselfe, but whollie gouerned by the great Master of Saint Iames and the Archbishop of Tolledo [Page] aboue mentioned. Wherefore he made no account of their Master but sought their freindship, whereupon they came to him to Saint Iohn de Luz where he entred into amitie with them, and had great intelligence by their meanes. The greatest part of both these Princes traines lay at Bayonne, and at the verie first meeting fell togither by the eares, notwitstanding their league: and no maruell. For their maners and languages differed. Afterward the Earle of Lodesme came also to visite the King, and passed the riuer in a boate, the saile whereof was cloth of gold. Farther he ware a paire of buskins embrodred thicke with stone, for he was a Prince of great wealth and reuenews in Castille, and created since the Duke of Albourg. In the end these two confederate nations began to scoffe and iest each at other, the King of Castile was deformed, and the French misliked his apparell, wherefore they derided him. Our King ware his apparell very short, and maruelous vncomely, and was clad somtime in very course cloth, besides that, he ware an old hat, differing from all the rest of his company, and an image of lead vpon it, whereat the Castilians iested, saying that this proceeded of misery. Thus ended this enterview with such scoffes and taunts, that afterward these two Princes neuerloued togither. Farther great dissention arose among the King of Castiles seruants, which continued till his death and long after, in such sort that I haue seene him the poorest Prince that euer raigned, and abandoned of all his seruants and subiects. The Queene of Arragon departed also discontented, for the King pronounced sentence for the King of Castile. Wherfore both the King of Arragon hir husband and she hated him euer after. And notwithstanding that they vsed his helpe a while in their necessity against the towne of Barcelonne, yet endured not their friendship, but wars arose betweene them, which continued aboue sixteene yeeres, and the controuersie remaineth yet vndecided. Now to proceed to other examples.

Duke Charles of Burgundy since the time aboue mentioned, by his owne great sute and sollicitation, met with the Emperor Fredericke now raigning, at Treues ³, where the Duke made great preparation to shew his pompe and magnificency. The Emperor and he treated there of many matters, and among the rest, of their childrens mariage, which was afterward accomplished. But when they had been togither a certaine space, the Emperor to the Dukes great reproch and dishonor, departed without leaue taking, wherefore they neuer loued after, neither themselues nor their subiects. The Almains disdained the Dukes pompe and lofty maner of speech, saying that it proceeded of pride, the Burgundians on the contrary side despised the Emperors small traine, and simple attire. To be short, this iar grew so great that the wars of Nuz sprang thereof.

I was also at Saint Paul in Artois when the Duke of Burgundy and King Edward of England met there ⁴. The Duke had maried his sister, they were companions of one order, and abode there togither two daies. The Kings seruants were deuided into two factions, and both the parties complained to the Duke, who enclining more to the one than the other, encreased their hatred, and notwithstanding that, he aided the King for the recouery of his realme, (out of the which he was chased by the Earle of Warwick) and furnished him both of men money, and ships: yet after this meeting, they neuer loued togither, neither could affoord each other a good word.

I was likewise at Bruxels when the Palszgraue of the Rheine came thither to the Duke of Burgundy, where he was honorably receaued, sumptuously feasted, and lodged in a chamber richly furnished. The Dukes men reported the Almains to be slouens, and void of ciuility, alledging that they threw their mirie bootes vpon their rich and stately beds, wherefore they made lesse account of them, then before they [Page] knew them. The Almains on the contrary side like enuious persons misliked this great pompe. To conclude, after this they neuer loued togither, neither sought to pleasure one another.

I saw also the meeting of the Duke of Burgundy, and D. Sigismunde of Austrich ⁵, who solde vnto the said Duke the County of Ferret, bordering vpon the County of Burgundy for a hundred thousand gildons, not being able to defend it against the Switzers. These two Princes liked not greatly one another. Afterward also Duke Sigismunde made peace with the Switzers, and tooke againe the said County of Ferret without paying backe the money, whereof ensued infinite harmes to the Duke of Burgundy. At the selfe same time also came the Earle of Warwick to the Duke, who after their meeting were mortall enimies each to other.

I was also present at the enteruiewe betweene the King our master, and King Edvvard of England at Picquigny ⁶, neere to Amiens, whereof I will make mention heereafter more at large. All that they did there was but meere dissimulation, for they performed no whit of that they promised. And notwithstanding, that they were neuer after in war togither (bicause the sea seuered them) yet perfect friendship was there none betweene them. Wherefore to conclude this discourse, me thinke that two great Princes minding to continue in amity, ought neuer to meete togither. The occasions of troubles that arise at such assemblies are these, their seruants can not refraine from talking of matters past, and words will easely be taken in euill part. Secondarily, it is impossible but that the traine of the one should be in better order then the other, where of scoffes arise, which they that are scoffed stomacke. Thirdly, if they be two nations, their language and apparell differ, and that that pleaseth the one displeaseth the other. Last of all, it commonly hapneth that the personage of the one Prince is comlier and better to be liked than the other, wherefore he is praised, and reioiceth and glorieth to heare his owne commendation, which cannot be without the dispraise of the other. And notwithstanding that three or fower daies peraduenture after the assembly ended, these matters be communed of closely & couertly in mens eares: yet by vse they fall in time in open talke at dinners and suppers, and so are reported to both the parties, for fewe things in this world can be concealed, especially tales and reports. Thus you haue heard the reasons and examples that I my selfe haue seene touching this point.

The Notes.

1 The meeting of the King and the King of Castile was anno 1463.

2 The riuer where the two Kings met was named Audaye.

3 The meeting betweene the Emperour and the Duke was saith Munster anno 1469. Berlandus saith anno 1472. Meyer 1473. the 28. of September.

4 VVhat yeere the meeting of King Edward and the Duke was, appeereth afterwards lib. 3. cap. 6.

5 Ferret was engaged to the Duke about midsommer anno 1469. for seuentie thousand crownes. Annal. Burgund. but Meyer saith anno 1467. for fiftie thousand gildons, and other say for 80. thousand gildons.

6 VVhen this meeting vvas at Picquigny looke lib. 4. cap. 10.

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How the King to deliuer himselfe out of the castell of Peronne, renounced his league with the Liegeois. Chap. 9.

NOw to returne after my long discourse, to the King who was staied at Peronne, as you haue heard, the gates remained shut with watch and warde before them two or three daies, all the which time the Duke sawe not the King, neither entered any French man into the castell but by the wicket, and but sew after that sort, notwithstanding none of the Kings seruants were forbidden to repaire to him, but few or none of the Dukes went to commune with him, neither yet into his chamber, especially of those that were of any credit with the Duke. The first day all men were in great feare, and muttered vp and downe the towne: the second the Duke was somewhat pacified, and sate in counsell almost the whole day, and part also of the night. The King caused all those to be laboured that he thought could aide him in this extremitie, making them large offers and promises, & commanded also fifteen thousand crowns to be diuided among the Dukes seruants, but he to whom the charge was committed acquit himselfe not faithfully thereof: for part of the monie he retained to his owne vse, as the King afterward vnderstood. The King fearing especially those aboue named, that came with this armie of Burgundy, who in times past had beene his owne seruants, but were now his brothers the Duke of Normandies as they said. In this councell aboue mentioned this matter was diuersly debated, some were of opinion that the safe conduct giuen the King should not be broken, seeing he offered to sweare the treatie as it was articled in writing: others gaue counsell rudely to imprison him without farther ceremonie, and others to send for his brother the Duke of Normandie, and to conclude a peace for the aduantage of all the Princes of Fraunce. They that gaue this aduise thought if their opinion tooke place, that the King should be restrained of his libertie for euer, and held continually vnder garde, bicause a great Prince being in the hands of his enimie, and vsed after such sort, neuer or very hardly recouereth his libertie for feare of reuenge. This last opinion failed not much to take effect: for the matter was so far forward that I sawe a man booted, and ready to depart with a packet of letters to the Duke of Normandie being then in Britaine, and staied onely for the Duke of Burgundies letter, notwithstanding all this was dashed againe. The King caused certaine ouertures to be made, offering to leaue there in hostage the Duke of Bourbon and the Cardinall his brother, and the Constable, with diuers others, vnder this condition, that the peace being concluded he might depart to Compiegne, promising incontinent either to cause the Liegeois to repaire the harmes done, or to declare himselfe their enimie. They whom the King named for hostages outwardly made earnest offer of themselues, I know not whether they meant as they said, and I doubt me they did not: for I verily beleeue if the King had left them there, they should neuer haue returned into Fraunce.

All this night being the third after the newes brought, the Duke neuer vnclothed him, but lay downe twise or thrise vpon his bed, and then rose and walked: for such was his maner when he was troubled. I lay that night my selfe in his chamber, and [Page] communed with him diuers times. In the morning he was farther out of patience than euer before, vsing terrible menaces, and being ready to execute some great matter: notwithstanding in the end he was pacified, and resolued to hold himselfe contented, if the King would sweare the treatie, and go with him to Liege to helpe to reuenge the iniuries the Liegeois had done him, and the Bishop of Liege his cosen, with the which message suddenly he departed into the Kings chamber, whereof the King had a priuie watch word by a friend ¹, who aduertised him that nothing was to be feared if he agreed to these two points, otherwise that he should put himselfe in so great danger, that none could be greater. When the Duke came to the Kings presence, his voice trembled, and euen there he was like to fall into a newe rage, so much was he troubled. His behauior towards the King was humble and lowly, but his countenance furious, and his language sharpe, for he asked him in few words wherher he would obserue the treatie concluded, and also sweare it: Whereunto the King answered that he would. For you shall vnderstand that the said treaty as touching the Duke of Burgundy himselfe was altred in no point otherwise than it was concluded before Paris, and as touching the Duke of Normandies partage, it was much amended for the King. For it was agreed that in stead of Normandy he should haue Champaine and Brie, and certaine other places there about, for his partage. Then the Duke asked him againe, whether he would go with him to Liege to helpe him to reuenge the treason the Liegeois had wrought by his meanes, and by his comming thither, putting him also in minde of the neere kinred that was betweene the said King and the Bishop of Liege, being of the house of Bourbon, wherunto the King answered, that after he had sworne the treaty (which was the thing he most desired) he would accompany him to Liege, and lead thither with him, as small or as great force as the Duke should thinke good: at which words the D. much reioiced, and incontinent the treaty of peace was brought, and the selfe same crosse that Charlemaigne vsuallie ware called the crosse of victory: taken out of the Kings coffers, and there the two Princes sware the treaty: ² wherupon all the bels in the town rung, and all men were glad and reioiced. It hath pleased the King since to attribute this honor to me, that I did him great seruice in furthering this accord. The Duke sent these newes foorthwith into Britaine and the treatie with all, wherein he seuered not himselfe from the said two Dukes, but named them his confederats. And sure the Lord Charles had now a good partage in respect of the treatie made in Britaine, whereby he should haue but a pension onely of fortie thousand franks as before you haue heard.

The Notes.

1 It vvas Commines himselfe, that gaue the King aduise not to refuse to go to Liege vvith the Duke. Annal. Burgund.

2 The peace of Peronne vvas svvorne the fovverteenth day of October, anno 1468. Meyer lib. 17. fol. 346. pag. 1. vvhere read also the conditions of the peace.

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How the King accompanied the Duke of Burgundy, making war vpon the Liegeois, who before were his confederates. Chap. 10.

THe next day after the treaty sworne, the King and the Duke departed from Peronne, and went to Cambray, and from thence into the countrey of Liege in the very beginning of winter, and in a maruelous foule season. The King had with him few soldiers or none, others than the Scottish men of his garde, but gaue commandement that three hundred men of armes should folow after him. The Dukes army was deuided into two bands, the one led by the Marshall of Burgundy (so often already mentioned) in the which were all the Burgundians, and the noble men of Sauoye aboue named, besides great forces of the countries of Haynault, Luxembourg, Namure, and Lamburge, the other band the Duke him selfe lead: when they drew neere the citie of Liege they debated in the Dukes presence what was to be done. Some gaue aduise to dismisse part of the army, considering that the gates and wals of the citie were rased the yeer before, and the citizens in vtter despaire of succour: the King him selfe being there in person against them, and offering in maner the selfe same conditions of peace on their behalfe that were demanded. The Duke alowed not of this opinion, which was a happie turne for him, for if he had, he had marred all, but his suspition of the King caused him to take the wisest course: & sure his Captaines opinion in thinking themselues too strong, proceeded either of great pride or of great follie. Notwithstanding I haue often heard diuers Captaines giue the like aduise, some bicause they thinke thereby to win an opinion of hardnesse, and some for that they vnderstand not the matters debated, but wise Princes weigh not such fond opinions. As touching this point, the King our Master had learned his lesson, for as he was slow and fearfull in attempting any thing: so when he tooke once an enterprise in hand, he so throughlie furnished him selfe of euery thing thereunto appertaining, that he could not but obtaine his purpose.

Order was then giuen that the Marshall of Burgundie with his band should go before and lodge in the citie, and if the citizens made difficulty to receiue him, as it was thought they would not, bicause diuers of them were already come to the Duke to treate of peace, that then he should attempt to enter by force. The saide Marshall and his company went to Namur, and the next day departed thence, and the King and the D. arriued there. But when the Marshall approched neer the city, this foolish people salied foorth to the skirmish and were easilie repulsed, and a great number slaine, the rest retired into the towne, and at that verie instant escaped their Bishop and came to vs. Within the towne was a legate sent thither by the Pope to vnderstand of the variance betweene the Bishop and the people, and to pacifie the matter. For the sentence of excommunication pronounced against them was yet vnreuoked, bicause of their offences aboue rehersed. This legate passing the bands of his commission, fauored altogither the people in hope to obtaine the Bishoprick for him selfe, and commanded them to take armes for their defence, and encouraged them to diuers other folies. Notwithstanding now seeing the city in this danger, he issued foorth with intent to flie, but was taken and all his traine [Page] being to the number of fiue and twentie very well mounted. The Duke hearing these newes seemed notwithstanding to take no notice thereof, but sent word to those that tooke him that they should leade him into some secret place, and make their profit of him as of some merchant, and in no wise to aduertise him of this accident, alleaging that if he came openly into his campe, he could not suffer them to keepe him, but must of force deliuer him, for honor of the sea apostolike. Notwithstanding they could not do as they were commanded, but fell at variance for him in such sort, that openly at diner time certaine that claimed part in the bootie, came and complained to the Duke: wherefore he sent immediately and tooke him from them, and restored him all that he lost, and entertained him very honorably.

This vaward led by the Marshall of Burgundie and the Lord of Hymbercourt, marched straight to the citie, supposing to enter without resistance, and through couetousnes (hoping to haue the spoile thereof to themselues) refused the composition that was offered, neither thought it needfull to tarrie for the King and the Duke, being seuen or eight leagues behinde them, but marched with such speede that they arriued at the towne by twilight, and entred into a certaine suburbs leading straight to a gate that the citizens had somewhat repaired. There the Liegeois and they parled togither but could not agree. In the meane time they were benighted, their lodgings were vnmade, neither was the place large ynough for the seate of their camp, beside that they were in great disorder, some walked vp and downe, some called their masters, their companions, and their captains: which folly and disorder Master Iohn de Villette and other captains of the Liegeois perceiuing, tooke hart and determined to issue foorth, and their misfortune I meane the ruine of their wals, serued them to good purpose in this enterprise: for they salied foorth where liked them best by the breaches thereof, and came in order of battell to the foremost ranks of the Burgundians. Farther, among the vines and little hils they assailed the pages and straglers that walked their Masters horses without the suburbs by the which our men entred. A great number of good soldiers were there slaine, but a greater number fled, for the night couereth all shame. To be short, the Liegeois so couragiously executed their enterprise, that they slue at the least eight hundred: one hundred of them being men of armes. But the hardie and valiant soldiers of this vaward being in maner all men of armes and gentlemen of good houses, ioined themselues togither, and marched with ensigne displaied straight to the gate, fearing the citizens salie there. The waies were maruellous deepe, bicause of continuall raine, in such sort that the men of armes being all on foote stood in mire aboue the ankles. Once all the citizens thought to salie foorth at the said gate with great torches and lights, but our men had mounted fower good peeces of artillerie in the very mouth thereof, the which shot twise or thrise along the high streete, and slew a great number, whereupon they all retired out of the suburbes, and shut their gates. But during this skirmish in the suburbes, the others that had salied forth to assaile the pages aboue mentioned, tooke certaine carts neer to the towne, in the which they lodged themselues very vncommodiously, and taried without the citie from two of the clocke after midnight, till six in the morning, but so soone as the day brake that one might descry another, they were repulsed, and in their retract master Iohn de Villette, and one or two more of their captaines hurt, who died all within two daies after.

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How the King arriued in person with the Duke of Burgundy, before the citie of Liege. Chap. 11.

NOtwithstanding that salies out of a towne be somtimes necessary, yet are they very dangerous for those that defend the place, for the losse of ten men is more to them, than of an hundred to those that besiege them, first bicause their number is not equall, secondarily bicause they cannot put men into the towne at pleasure, and lastly bicause haply they may loose one of their cheefe captaines, which mishap causeth oftentimes the losse also of the place. These discomfortable newes were foorthwith brought to the Duke, lying fower or fiue leagues from the towne, and the first report was, that his whole vaward was discomfited, yet that notwithstanding he and the whole army mounted on horsebacke, commanding that no word should be made to the King of this misfortune. And when he drew neere the citie on the contrary side to that where his vaward lay, he was aduertised that all was well, and the losse nothing so great as was thought, neither any man of name slaine but a knight of Flaunders named Monseur de Sergine, notwithstanding they sent him word that the valiant gentlemen and soldiers of his vaward were vtterly wearied, and in great trouble and distresse, for all that night they had stoode vpright in the mire by the towne gate. Farther they told him that certaine of the footemen that fled were returned so discouraged, that they seemed vnfit for any great exploit. Wherefore they desired him for Gods loue to make haste, to the end the citizens might be forced to retire euery man to the defence of his owne quarter, and that it would please him to sende them some vittails, for they had not one morsell of meat. The D. foorthwith commanded two or three hundred to ride thither as fast as their horses could gallop, to cōfort his soldiers, and sent after them al the vittails he could come by, and so was it high time, for by the space of two daies almost and a night, they had neither eaten nor drunke, vnlesse it were some one that caried a draught of wine in a bottell. Besides that, the weather was maruelous foule, neither could they possibly enter the town on that side they lay, vnlesse the Duke embusied the enimie on the other side. A great number of them were hurt, and among the rest the Prince of Orenge (whom I had forgotten to name before) who behaued himselfe that day like a couragious gentleman, for he neuer mooued foote off the place he first possessed. The Lords of Lau and Vrfé did also very valiantly, but the number of the footmen that fled the night of the skirmish was at the least ten thousand. It was almost darke night when the Duke receaued this newes, but after he had dispatched all his busines he returned to his ensigne and rehearsed the whole order of the skirmish to the King, who reioiced to heare that all was so wel, for the contrary might haue turned to his preiudice. When they approched neere the towne, a great number of gentlemen and men of armes lighted on foote with the archers to take the suburbes which were easely won, and there the bastard of Burgundy (who had great charge in this army vnder the Duke,) the Lord of Rauastaine, the earle of Roucy, the Constables sonne and diuers other gentlemen lodged, euen hard by the gate, which the enimies had also repaired as the former. The Duke lodged in the midst of the suburbes, but the King lay that night in a great grange, a quarter of a league from the town, where was very good lodging, [Page] being accompanied with a great number of men, as well of his owne as of ours.

This towne is situate vpon mountaines and vallies, and in a maruellous fruitfull soile ¹, the riuer of Maz runneth through it: it is about the greatnes of Roan, and was at that time a maruellous populous citie. From the gate where we lodged to the other where our vaward lay, the way was short through the towne, but without, it was at the least three leagues going, so crooked and foule are the waies especially in winter, in the midst whereof we came thither. Their wals were all rased, so that they might saly foorth where best liked them, and their defence was onely a little rampire of earth: for the towne was neuer ditched, bicause the foundation is hard and sharpe rock. The first night of the Dukes arriuall, our vaward was much refreshed and eased: for the force within the towne was then diuided into two parts. About midnight they gaue vs a hot alarme, whereupon the Duke issued foorthwith into the street, and soone after arriued also the King and the Constable with great speede, considering how far off they lay. Some cried they saly out at such a gate, others spake diuers discomfortable words, the darke and rainie weather increased also their feare. The Duke lacked no courage, but failed somtime in good order giuing: and to say the truth, at this time he behaued not himselfe so aduisedly as many wished, bicause of the Kings presence. Wherefore the King tooke vpon him authoritie to command, and said to the Constable, Leade your men into such a quarter, for if they salie that is their way: and sure both his words and behauiour shewed him to be a Prince of great vertue and wisedome, and well acquainted with such exploits: notwithstanding this great alarme prooued nothing, whereupon the King and the Duke returned to their lodging.

The next morning came the King and lodged also in the suburbs in a little house hard by the Dukes lodging, accompanied with an hundred Scottish men of his garde, and his men of armes lying in a little village hard by him, which bred great suspicion in the Duke that he would either enter the citie, or escape before it were taken ², or peraduenture worke him some displeasure lying so neere him. Wherefore he put into a great grange iust betweene their two lodgings three hundred men of armes, being all the flower of his house, who brake downe the panes of the wals to saly foorth the more speedily if neede so required, and these had their eies continually vpon the Kings lodging which was hard by them. The siege continued eight daies, during which space neither the Duke nor any of the company vnarmed themselues. But the euening before the towne was taken, the Duke determined to assault it the next morning being Sonday the 30. of October, the yeere 1468. and the token giuen to our vaward was this, that when they heard one bombard and two great serpentines discharged one incontinent after another, without more shot they should then couragiously go to the assault, and the Duke on his side would do the like. Farther, the hower appointed for the enterprise was eight of the clocke in the morning: the same night the assault was thus concluded, the Duke vnarmed himselfe, which since the beginning of the siege he had not done, and commanded the whole armie, especially those that lodged in the grange betweene his lodging and the Kings to do the like, to the end they might refresh themselues: but the selfesame night the citizens as though they had beene aduertised of this determination, concluded to make a salie out of the towne on this side, as they had before on the other.

The Notes.

1 Of the seate of this towne read Guicci, pag. 370.

2 Basinus vvriteth that the Duke for diuers considerations had rather haue lacked [Page] the Kings companie then haue had it, but that the King to blinde the Duke vvith a pretence of good vvill offered himselfe to go vvith him, which report all the circumstances considered seemeth vtterly repugnant to truth.

How the Liegeois made a desperate salie vpon the Duke of Burgundies men, where he and the King were in great danger. Chap. 12.

I Will now rehearse an example whereby you shall perceiue how easely euen a few enimies may worke a great Prince displeasure, and how much it importeth Princes throughly to waie their enterprises before they attempt them. Within this citie there was not one man of war but of their owne territory, they had with them neither knight nor esquire: for those fewe they had were either slaine or hurt two or three daies before in the saly aboue mentioned. They were vnfurnished of gates, wals, trenches & artillery ought worth. To be short, within the towne were none but the citizens themselues, and seauen or eight hundred footemen of a litle territory beyond Liege, called Franche-mount: true it is that the people of those parts haue euer beene accounted good soldiers. But now to the matter. These Liegeois despairing of succours, seeing the K. there in person against them, concluded to make a desperate saly, and to put all things in aduenture, knowing themselues to be but lost men.

Their enterprise was this, they determined that by the breaches of their wals hanging ouer the backside of the Dukes lodging, their best soldiers being sixe hundred men of the countrey of Franchemont should salie foorth, leading with them for guides the hosts of the Kings lodging and of the D. Farther there laie a priuie way through the rocks, by the which they might come vnder couert almost to the lodgings of both these Princes before they were discouered, prouided that they made no noise: and as touching our scoutes that laie in their way, they made account either to kill them, or to be at the Princes lodging assoone as they. Thus they resolued to follow these two hosts into their houses, where the two Princes lodged, without staying by the way in any place, hoping to steale vpon them on such a sudden, that either they would kill them, or leade them away prisoners before their forces could come to rescue them, considering withall how short their retrait was into the towne, and if the woorst fell (that was to die:) they were fully resolued in the executing of such an enterprise to take their death in good part: for they saw themselues but lost men on all sides. They gaue order also that all the people of the towne with hue and cry, should issue foorth at the gate opening vpon the suburbs where we lay, trusting thereby to discomfite all our company that lodged there. Neither were they out of hope of a goodly victory, at the least they were sure of a glorious end. This their enterprise notwithstanding it had been desperate and dangerous, though they had been accompanied with a thousand valiant men of armes: yet these fewe failed not much to atchieue it. For according to their determination, these six hundred men of Franche-mont salied foorth by the breaches of their wals, about ten of the clock at night, and came on a sudden vpon our scouts and slew them, three of them being gentlemen of the Dukes house, and if they had gone straight foorth without any noise to the place appointed, vndoubtedly they had slaine both these Princes in [Page] their beds. But you shall vnderstand that behind the Duke of Burgundies lodging, there was a pauilion where the Duke of Alenson that now is, and Monseur de Cran lodged. There these Liegeois staied a while and thrust their pikes through it, and slew a seruing man within it: whereupon a noise arose in the campe which caused some to arme themselues, at the least to arise. From this pauillion they departed towards the two Princes lodgings, whereunto adioined the graunge aboue mentioned, into the which the Duke had put three hundred men of armes. There they staied a while also, and thrust their pickes in at the panes of the wals which these men of armes had broken downe to salie foorth with the more speed. All the gentlemen that lay there had vnarmed themselues not past two houres before to refresh them against the assault the next morning: in the which estate the Liegeois found them. Notwithstanding a few of them hauing put on their quiracies bicause of the noise they heard at the Duke of Alensons pauilion, fought with their enimies at the broken panes of the wals, and at the doore, which was the onely preseruation of these two great Princes liues: for this delay gaue a great many leisure to arme themselues and to come foorth into the street. I lay that night in the Dukes chamber (which was very straight) with two other gentlemen of his priuie chamber, and aboue him lodged twelue archers that kept the watch and sat vp at dice, but the body of his watch stoode by the towne gate farre from his lodging. To be short the Dukes host came with a band of Ligeois, and assailed his owne house the D. being within it, vpon such a sudden that we hardly had leisure to buckle his quirace about him and put a sallet on his hed: for immediately as we went downe the stayres to issue foorth into the street, we found our archers busied in defending the doore and windows against the Liegeois: farther there was a maruellous noise in the streets, some cried God saue the King, others God saue the Duke, and others God saue the King, kill, kill, kill. It was two Pater nosters while before our archers and we could get foorth of the house, we knew not in what estate the King was, nor whether he were with vs or against vs, which much troubled vs. Incontinent after we were issued foorth with two or three torches, we met others in the streets with lights also, and saw fighting and killing round about vs, but the conflict soone ended: for men came running on all sides to the Dukes lodging. The first man of the enimies that was slaine was the Dukes host, but he died not presently, for I my selfe heard him speake. To be short all the Liegeois that accompanied him, a very few excepted were also slaine. They assailed in like maner the K. lodging, into the which his host entred and was slaine by the Scottish men of his gard, who shewed themselues talle felows: for they neuer stirred from their Masters foote, but shot arrowes continually which hurt moe Burgundians then Liegeois. The citizens appointed to issue foorth at the town gate salied accordingly, but our watch being assembled togither repulsed them incontinent, neither shewed they themselues so desperate as these others. Immediately after these were beaten backe, the King and the Duke met, doubting bicause of the number they saw slaine, their owne losse to be great: notwithstanding of their men few were slaine, but many hurt. Vndoubtedly if these Liegeois had not staied at these two places aboue mentioned, especially at the grange where they found resistance, but had followed these two hosts being their guides, they had slaine both the King and the Duke, and thereby peraduenture discomfited the whole army. Both the Princes returned to their lodgings woonderfully abashed at this desperate enterprise, and foorth sat in counsell to take aduise what should be done touching the assault the next morning. The King seemed to stand in great doubt of the matter in respect of himselfe in very deed, for knowing how greatly the Duke doubted wars [Page] with Fraunce if he were once out of his hands: he feared if the citie could not be taken by assault, that his returne into his realme should be delaied, and peraduenture himselfe put in prison for the Dukes better assurance. Whereby you may perceiue in how miserable estate these two princes liued, which could by no meanes assure themselues each of other: for they had concluded and solemnly sworne a finall peace not past fifteen daies before, yet could al this put neither of them in assurance.

How the citie of Liege was assaulted, taken, and spoiled, and the Churches also. Chap. 13.

THe King to rid himselfe of all danger, about an hower after his returne from this salie aboue mentioned to his lodging, sent for certaine of the Dukes principall seruants that had been in counsell about the assault, and inquired of them what was concluded. They told him that the resolution was to assault the citie the next morning, according to the order first appointed. Then he very wisely began to alleage diuers great doubts, which pleased well the Dukes men, for they all feared the assault maruellously both bicause of the great number of people within the towne, and also bicause of the desperate salie made not past two howers before: wherefore being desirous to stay the assault for two or three daies, and take the towne by composition, they went foorthwith to the Duke to make report of the Kings allegations, I my selfe being present when they came. There they rehearsed all the doubts the King alleaged, and as many as they themselues could deuise, but al they fathered vpon the King, doubting that he would not take it well at their hands. The D. answered, that the King alleaged these doubts only to saue the citizens, & tooke it in euill part, saying that there could be no danger in the enterprise, considering that they within could make no counterbatterie, neither had any wals for their defence, adding also that the rampires they had made at the gates were already beaten down, wherfore he would vse no further delaies, but go to the assault the next morning, as it was concluded. Notwithstanding he would be contented that the King, if it so pleased him, should go to Namur till the taking of the towne vnder this condition, not to depart thence till the issue of this enterprise were seene: which answer pleased none of them all, for euery man feared the assault bicause of this salie. The Dukes answere was reported to the King, not in so hard termes as he deliuered it, but in much milder language. The King vnderstood the meaning of it well ynough, and said he would not go to Namur, but be at the assault the next day among the rest. In mine opinion if he had been so disposed, he might very easily haue escaped that night, for he had with him an hundred archers of his garde, and certaine gentlemen of his house, besides three hundred men of armes that lodged hard by him: but vndoubtedly where he stood vpon his honor he would not be stained with cowardize. Euery man reposed himselfe in his armor til morning, and some disposed of their consciences, bicause the enterprise seemed very dangerous. When it was brode day light, and that the hower appointed drew neer, which was eight of the clock, the Duke commanded the bombard and the two serpentines to be discharged, thereby to aduertise our vaward of the assault, which lay on the other side far from vs, if you take the way without the towne, but not far going through it, as before you haue heard. They hearing the shot incontinent prepared [Page] themselues to the assault. The Dukes trumpets sounded, and his ensiegnes were anaunced towards the wals, their bands folowing them. The King stood in the midst of the streete very well accompanied, for all his three hundred men of armes, his garde, and certain noble men, and gentlemen of his house were with him. And when we approched so neere the wals that they and we should haue ioined, no resistance was founde, neither any man vpon the wals, saue two or three of the watch, all the rest were gon to diner, supposing we would not giue the assault vpon the Sonday, so that we found the cloth laid in euery house at our entry. Small account is to be made of rude people vnlesse they be led by some captaine whom they reuerence, although somtime in their fury they be greatly to be feared.

These Liegeois were before the assault maruelously spent and wearied, partly bicause of their two salies, wherein they lost a great number of their men and all their leaders, and partly bicause of the great labor & trauel they had sustained the space of eight daies: for bicause they lay open to the enimy on all sides, they were all forced to be continually vpon the wals, and I suppose they thought to repose themselues this day bicause of the Sabaoth, but it chaunced to them contrary to their expectation. On that side we entred was no resistance made, and lesse yet on the other where our vawarde lay, which entred the towne before vs. Fewe were slaine ¹, for all the people fled by the bridge ouer the riuer of Maze towards the countrey of Ardennes, and from thence to other places for their more safety. On the side that we entred I sawe but two men and one woman slaine, neither thinke I that there died two hundred persons in all, for the rest fled or hid themselues in churches and houses. The King seeing no resistance, and the whole army (being as I ghesse to the number of forty thousand) throng into the towne at two breaches, marched forward at leasure, to whom the Duke being entred a good way into the city sodainly returned, & accompanied him to the palace, from whence he went to the cathedrall Church of Saint Lambert ², which his men were about to breake into by force to take the prisoners and spoile that was conueighed thither. And notwithstanding that he had appointed certaine of his house to garde the said church: yet could they not do it bicause the soldiers assaulted both the dores. Wherefore the Duke himselfe went thither, and one man I sawe him slea with his owne hand 3, whereupon all the company disparkled, and the church was vnspoiled. Notwithstanding in the end, they that were within it were taken and their goods also. The rest of the churches (being so many in number, that I haue heard the Lord of Himbercourt, who knew the towne well, report as many masses to be song there euery day as in Rome ⁴,) were in maner all spoiled vnder colour of taking prisoners. For mine owne part I entred into none but the cathedral church, but thus I was aduertised and sawe also good proofe therof: for the Pope many yeeres after excommunicated all those that withheld any of these church goods, vnlesse they restored them, and the Duke appointed certaine commissioners to go through his countrey, to see the Popes commandement executed. The city being thus taken and sacked, about noone the Duke returned to the pallace. The King had already dined, and seemed greatly to reioice at the taking of the towne, and commended also much the Dukes courage and valiantnes, knowing that report thereof should be made to him, and that these good words would somwhat further his returne into his realme, which was his speciall desire. After diner the Duke and he met and communed togither very pleasantly: and if the King commended his valiantnes behinde his backe, I warrant you he dispraised it not before his face, which the Duke tooke in very good part.

I must now returne to speake somwhat of this miserable people that fled out of [Page] the city, for proofe of a discourse I made in the beginning of this history touching inconueniencies I haue seen ensue a battell lost by a King, a D. or a meaner Prince. These miserable soules fled through the countrey of Ardennes with their wiues and children. But a Knight dwelling in those parts who euer to fore had taken part with them, slew now a great number of them, and to recouer the conquerors fauor, sent word thereof to the Duke reporting the number of those that were slaine and taken, to be much greater then in deed it was: Notwithstanding that it were great, whereby he made his peace with the Duke and saued him selfe. Others fled towards Meziers vpon the Maz being within the realme of Fraunce, but vpon the way two or three of their Captaines were taken, (one of the which was named Madoulet) who were lead to the Duke, and by his commandement put to death. Some of these people died also of hunger, some of cold, and some for lacke of sleepe.

The Notes.

1 Some write that there were slaine in one day at Liege 100000. and Munster writeth 40000. and 12000 women drowned in the riuer, which seemeth to disagree with Commines, who reporteth not aboue 200. to haue beene slaine: notwithstanding our author must heere not be vnderstood so strictlie as though there had not died aboue 200. in all, for his meaning is onely that at the entrance into the towne, there were not slayne aboue two hundred, othervvise considering the number that vvere slaine in Churches, houses, and flight it cannot be but that manie thousands died, neither is our authors meaning othervvise.

2 Some copies haue Saint Lavvrence, but the old copie Saint Lambert vvhich Annal. Burgund. and Guicci. report to be the principall Church in Liege.

3 The Duke slue before the Church of Saint Lambert tvvo or three archers vvith his ovvne hand. La Marche.

4 There vvere in Liege to the number of 32. Churches and eight Colleges of priests. Meyer. fovver abbies, fovver frieries, three nunneries, and vvithout and vvithin the tovvne aboue an hundred Churches. Guicci. Hubertus.

How King Lewis returned into Fraunce with the Duke of Burgundies consent, and how the Duke proceeded in destroying the countries of Liege and Franchmont. Chap. 14.

FOwer or fiue daies after the taking of the towne, the King began to sollicite such of the Dukes seruants as he held for his friends to mooue their Master for his departure, but he himselfe first brake the matter to the Duke after a sage and a wise sort, saying, that if he could stand him in any more stead he should not spare him, otherwise he desired to returne to Paris to cause the treatie to be recorded in the Court of parlament: for the maner in Fraunce is to record all treaties there, otherwise they are of no force, notwithstanding the Kings authority may do much therein. He required also the Duke, that the next sommer they mought meete againe in Burgundy, and make mery a month togither, whereunto the Duke in the end agreed, mumbling somwhat to himselfe. Farther the Duke commanded the treatie to be read againe before the [Page] King to know whether ought were passed in it that he misliked, putting him to his choise to alowe or disalowe thereof at his pleasure. Somwhat also he excused himselfe for bringing him to this siege. Lastly he besought him that one article mought be added to the treaty in fauor of the Lords of Lau, and Vrfé, and Poncet of Riuiere, to wit, that they mought be restored to all their estates and offices that they enioied before the wars began, which request misliked the King, for there was no reason why the Duke should require to haue them comprehended in the treaty, both for that they were none of his partakers in the wars aboue mentioned ¹, and also bicause they serued the Lord Charles the Kings brother not the Duke. Notwithstanding the King answered that he would grant his demand vpon condition that he would accord the like to the Lords of Neuers and Croy, wherunto the Duke replied nought. This was a very wise answer of the King, for the Duke hated these Lords by him named so extremely, and held so goodly possessions of theirs, that he would neuer haue condescended to restore them: of the other articles the King answered he would alter none, but confirmed the whole treaty as they two had sworne it at Peronne. Thus was it agreed that the King should returne home, and the Duke accompanied him about halfe a league. But at their leaue taking the King said thus vnto him, if my brother who is now in Britaine will not accept this partage that I haue giuen him for your sake, what will you that I do ¹. Whereunto the D. answered thus sodainly without farther deliberation, if he will not, I refer the order thereof to you two, of the which demand and answer sprang a great matter as heereafter you shall heare. Thus returned the King in great ioy, being safe conducted by the Lords of Cordes and Meriens ² great bailife of Haynault, to the frontiers of the Dukes dominions. The Duke abode still in the city of Liege, which was extremely handled I must needs confesse, but sure they had well deserued so to be delt with, bicause of the great cruelties they had cōtinually vsed against the Dukes subiects euer since his grandfathers daies. Besides that, they neuer performed any promise nor kept any treaty they made, and this was the fift yeere that the Duke himselfe had been there yeere by yeere in person, and concluded peace, which ordinarily the next yeere they brake. Farther they had continued excommunicated of long time, for their great cruelty against their bishop, whereof notwithstanding they made no account, neither would obey the commandements of the church on that behalfe.

Immediately after the Kings departure, the Duke with small force determined to go into Franchemont, a countrey alitle beyond Liege, lying among sharpe rockes and thicke woods. From thence came the best soldiers the Liegeois had, and of this countrey were they that made the desperate saly aboue mentioned. Before his departure a great number of poore prisoners that hid themselues in houses at the taking of the towne were drowned. Farther it was concluded that this citie heeretofore so populous, should be burned at three seuerall times ³, and three or fower thousand footmen of the countrey of Lambourg ⁴, being neighbors to the Liegeois, and almost of the same maners and language, were appointed to fire it, but to saue the churches. First the great bridge built ouer the riuer of Maze was beaten downe, then a great number were chosen out to defend the chanons houses about the cathedrall church, to the end they might haue lodging that should say deuine seruice. In like maner also diuers were appointed for defence of the other Churches. This done the Duke departed into the countrey of Frachemont, and immediately after he was out of the towne we saw a great number of houses on this side the riuer on fire: he marched forwarde and lodged fower leagues off, yet heard we the noise as easilie as if we had beene there present: I wot not whether it were bicause the winde sat that [Page] way, or bicause we lodged vpon the riuer. The next day the Duke departed thence, and those that were left behind in the towne continued still the fire as they were commanded, but the Churches were all saued afew excepted, and aboue three hundred houses to lodge the Church men, which caused the towne so soone to be replenished againe: for much people returned to dwell with these Priests.

Bicause of extreme frost and cold the greatest part of the Dukes army was forced to go on foote into the countrey of Franchemont, which had neuer a walled towne in it but all villages. The Duke lodged fiue or sixe daies in a litle valley called Polleneg, his armie was deuided into two bands the sooner to destroy the countrie. All the houses he commanded to be burned, & al the iron mils broken, which is their onely trade of liuing. Farther our men hunted the poore people out of great woods and forests where they lay hidden with their goods, and manie they slew and tooke prisoners, and there the soldiers got good booties. The cold was more extreme then is almost credible: for I saw a gentleman that with cold lost the vse of his foote and neuer recouered it, and a Page that had two of his fingers rotted from his hand, and in like maner a woman dead for cold and her childe with her, whereof shee was newely deliuered. Farther by the space of three daies all the wine that was drunke in the Dukes lodging was cut with hatchets: for it was so frozen in the vessels that we were forced to breake them, and cut the wine being a masse of yse into small peeces, which men bare away in hats and baskets as best liked them. I could reherse diuers other strange accidents of the cold too long to write. To conclude at eight daies end hunger drew vs thence in haste, and the Duke departed to Namur, and so into Brabant, where he was honorably receiued.

The Notes.

1 This was the treaty of Conflans at the conclusion vvhereof these three heere named (as our auhor himselfe before reherseth,) vvere the Dukes enimies and tooke part vvith the King: vvherefore no reason it vvas that the Duke should seeke to haue them comprehended in the treatie as his freinds, seeing at the conclusion thereof they vvere his enimies.

2 This des Murz the old copie nameth De Meriens, La Marche d'Emeries. Annal. Burgund. d'Aymeries. The tovvnes name is Aymeries in Henault vpon the riuer of Sambre, Guicci. in the description of Henault, yet the same author in his description generall nameth the man d'Emery. Annal. Burgund. in another place nameth him d'Esmeriez. Meyer Aymericius and Emericius, so that I suppose it best to reade it as I haue translated it, but that des Murz is very corrupt I am out of doubt.

3 This city vvas diuided into three quarters, as appeereth by Guic. description, for the vvhich cause it vvas fired at three seuerall times.

4 The old copie hath Lambourg as I haue translated it, the nevv Luxembourg, as haue also Annal. Burgund. but not vvell in mine opinion. For Lambourg is hard by Liege, but Luxembourg farther off.

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How the King by subtill meanes perswaded the Lord Charles his brother to take the Duchie of Guienne for Brie and Champaigne, to the Duke of Burgundies discontentment. Chap. 15.

THe King after his departure from the Duke returned with great ioy into his realme, attempting nothing against the Duke for his euill vsage at Peronne and Liege, but seeming to take all in good part. Notwithstanding sharpe warre arose afterward between them, but not soon, neither was this the cheif cause thereof, (though happily it might in part further it:) for if this treatie had beene concluded at Paris, it had passed in effect as it did at Peronne. But the Duke by his officers aduise sought to aduaunce the bonds of his dominions, besides that diuers subtill practises were vsed to set these two Princes againe at variance as you shall heare when occasion serueth. The Lord Charles of Fraunce the Kings onely brother and late Duke of Normandie, being aduertised of this treatie made at Peronne, and the partage assigned to him thereby: sent foorthwith to the King desiring him to accomplish the treatie and performe his promise. The King sent in like maner to him about that matter, and manie messengers ran to and fro betweene them. The Duke of Burgundie sent also his ambassadors to the saide Lord Charles, desiring him to accept no other partage then Champaigne and Brie, which by his meanes was granted him, shewing him withall how great good will he bare him, sith notwithstanding he had abandoned him, yet would not he do the like as the sequell well declared, but had also comprehended the Duke of Britain in the treatie as his confederate. Farther he sent him word that Champaigne and Brie lay very commodiously for them both, bicause if the King should at any time attempt ought against him, he might within two daies warning haue succours out of Burgundie: the two countries bordering on vpon another. Lastely he aduertised him that his partage was very good, and that he might leuie in his countries, aides, customes, and subsidies, neither could the King claime any thing there but homage, resort, and soueraignity. This Lord Charles was a man doing little or nothing of himselfe, but wholy lead and gouerned by others: notwithstanding that he were aboue fiue and twenty yeeres of age. Thus passed the winter which was well spent before the Kings departure from vs, messengers ran continually to and fro about this partage: for the King ment nothing lesse then to giue his brother that he had promised, bicause he would not haue him and the Duke of Burgundie so neere neighbours. But he treated with his brother to take Guienne, (which is in maner all Aquitaine:) for Brie and Champaigne. The Lord Charles feared to displease the Duke of Bourgundy, and doubted if he yeelded to the Kings request, and he should not keepe touch with him, that then he should loose both freend and partage, and so be left bare boord. But the King being the subtilest prince then liuing, and the cunningest dealer in such treaties, perceiuing that he should do no good vnlesse he wan those that were in credit with his brother, fell in communication of this matter with Oudet of Rie, Lord of Lescut afterwards Earle of Comminges (who was borne and maried in the countrey of Guienne) desiring him to perswade his master to accept this partage being much better than that he demanded, & that they mought [Page] be friends and liue togither like brethren, adding also that this partage should be much more beneficiall both for his brother and his seruants, (especially for the saide Oudet) than the other, and farther assuring him that without faile he would deliuer his brother quiet possession of the said countrey. By this means was the Lord Charles won to accept this partage of Guienne to the Duke of Burgundies great discontentation and his ambassadors there present. And the cause why cardinall Balue bishop of Angiers ¹, and the bishop of Verdun were imprisoned, was for that the said Cardinal writ to the Lord Charles, aduising him to accept none other partage than that the Duke of Burgundy had procured him by the treaty of Peronne, which also the King had sworne and promised (laying his hand within the said Cardinals) to deliuer him, alledging withall such reasons to perswade him thereunto as he thought necessary, wherein he did cleane contrary to the Kings purpose. Thus the Lord Charles was made Duke of Guienne, the yeere 1469. and the possession of the countrey togither with the gouernment of Rochell deliuered him, and than the King and he sawe one another, and were togither a long time.

The Notes.

1 The Cardinals imprisonment was bicause he perswaded the King to go to Peronne, and aduised the Duke of Guienne to beware of poison, and not to take the partage of Guienne, Meyer. and for disclosing the Kings secrets by letters to the Duke of Burgundie, Gaguin. But if the Duke of Guienne had been wise, he would of himselfe without perswasion haue refused this partage. For when a mans enimie offereth him that that hath an apparance of good, let him euer refuse it: nam latet anguis in herba, as the sequele of this matter well declared, for the accepting of this partage, which the King alleaged and that truly to be better than the other the Duke demanded, cost the Duke of Guienne his life, as heer after shall appeere.

THE THIRD BOOKE.

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How the King tooke occasion to make war anew vpon the Duke of Burgundy, and how he sent a purseuant of the parlament of Gaunt to sommon him to appeere at Paris. Chap. 1.

THe yeere 1470. the King determined to be reuenged of the Duke of Burgundie, supposing he had now found a time conuenient so to do, for he priuily sollicited and caused also others to sollicite the towns situate vpon the riuer of Somme, namely Amiens, Saint Quintine, and Abbeuille to rebell against the Duke, and to send for succours into France, and to receiue them into their towns ¹. For all great Princes (if they be wise) will seeke euer some collour for their doings. And to the ende you may perceiue what cunnig is vsed in Fraunce, I will shew you how this matter was managed, for the King and the Duke were both abused, whereof arose whot and sharpe war, which endured thirteen or foureteen yeeres. The King desired greatly to mooue these townes aboue named to rebellion, pretending (to the end he might haue the better means to practise with them) that the Duke aduanced his limits farther then the treatie would beare: whereupon ambassadors ran to and fro, who vnder colour of their ambassage practised continually as they passed through these townes, to the end aboue mentioned. In the said townes were no garrisons but all was quiet both in the realme, in Burgundie, and in Britaine. And the Duke of Guien liued to all mens iudgments in great amitie with the King his brother. Notwithstanding when the King first mooued this war, his meaning was not to take one or two of these towns onely, but sought to stir all the Duke of Burgundies subiects to rebellion, trusting to atchieue his enterprise by this means. Diuers to obtaine his fauor entertained these practises, and reported their intelligence to be far greater then it was: for one promised to take this towne, an other that, and yet indeed all was nothing. Wherefore notwithstanding that the King had iust cause to be displeased for his euill vsage at Peronne, yet if he had thought this enterprise would haue fallen none otherwise out then it did, he would not haue broken the treatie nor mooued war: for he had made the peace to be proclaimed at Paris three months after his returne into his realme, and began this war with some feare, but the great hope he had conceiued of it, pricked him forward: and marke I pray you what cunning was vsed to further it. The Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce, (a very wise man,) and certaine of the Duke of Guien his seruants, with diuers others desired rather war then peace betweene these two great Princes, for two respects: The one they feared least their great offices and pensions should be diminished, if peace continued. For you shal vnderstand that the Constable had vnder his charge 4. hundred men of armes or launces paied by his owne hands euery muster, without controuler: farther besides the fee and profits of his office, he had a yeerely pension of thirty thousand frankes and better, and receiued also the reuenews of many goodly places that he kept.

[Page] The other respect was this, they sought to perswade the King, and talked also to the like purpose among themselues, that his disposition was such, that his head could neuer be idle, wherefore vnlesse he were busied with great Princes abroad he would be in hand with his seruants and officers at home. For these two reasons therefore they sought to intangle him with wars: whereunto the better to perswade him the Constable promised to take Saint Quintine at all times when him listed, bicause his lands lay round about it, vaunting further that he had great intelligence in Flanders and Brabant, so far foorth that he would make a number of townes to reuolt from the Duke. The Duke of Guienne also being there present and all their principall seruants, offered very earnestly and promised very faithfully to serue the King in this quarrell, and to leade with them fower or fiue hundred men of armes that the said Duke held in ordinary pay: but their drift was other than the King supposed, as heerafter you shall heare. The King bicause he would seeme to proceede with due aduise and deepe consideration, called a Parlament of the three estates of his realme at Tours, in the moneths of March and Aprill in the yeere 1470. which was the first and last Parlament that euer he assembled. But to this Parlament came onely such as were purposely named, and such as the King knew would not gainsay him in any point. There he caused diuers enterprises to be discouered, that the Duke of Burgundie had attempted against the crowne, and made the Earle of Eu openly to complaine of him, saying, that the Duke detained from him contrarie to all lawe and equity Saint Valery and certaine otherlands, that he the said Earle held of the Duke as parcels of the Seignorie of Abbeuille, and the county of Ponthieu, the onely cause whereof was, for that a little ship of war of Eu had taken a Flemmish hoy laden with marchandise, the losse whereof the Earle offered to repay: further adding, that the Duke would constraine him to do him homage, and giue him his faith against all men none excepted, which he would neuer do, bicause it should be preiudiciall to the Kings estate. At this assemblie were diuers lawyers as well of the Parlament of Paris as other places, who concluded according to the Kings pleasure, that the Duke should be summoned to appeere in the Parlament at Paris. The King knew well that he would answere disdainfully, or do somwhat preiudiciall to the authoritie of the court, wherby he should haue the iuster pretence of war against him. Thus the Duke being in Gaunt was sommoned as he went to masse by a purseuant of the Parlament to appeere at Paris: wherewith he was much abashed and discontented, and caused the purseuant foorthwith to be apprehended and committed to warde, where he remained certaine daies, but in the end was dismissed and sent home. Thus you see what preparation was made to inuade the Duke of Burgundie, who being aduertised thereof, leuied a great band of men paid with home wages (as they termed them) which was a trifle they receiued to be in a readines in their owne houses. Notwithstanding they mustered monethly in the townes where they dwelt, and receiued their pay. But at three or fower moneths end the Duke waxed wearie of the charge and dismissed these men, banishing all feare bicause the King sent often to him, and so departed into Holland. He entertained no soldiers in ordinarie pay for the safetie of his countrie, neither held any garrisons in the frontire townes, whereof ensued great inconuenience: for there was daily practising in Amiens, Abbeuile, and Saint Quintine to yeeld them againe to the King. The Duke being in Holland was aduertised by Iohn late Duke of Bourbon, that shortly war should be made vpon him as well in Burgundie as in Picardie, and that the King had great intelligence not onely in his dominions but also in his house: with the which message he was maruelously abashed: for he was vtterly vnfurnished of men of war, bicause he had discharged the band [Page] aboue mentioned. Wherefore in great haste he passed the sea ² and went into Artois, and thence straight to Hedin, where he entred into ielousie both of some of his seruants, and also of those practises that were entertained in the townes aboue mentioned: but his preparation for the wars went but slowly forward. For he beleeued not all that was told him. Notwithstanding he commanded two of the chiefest citizens of Amiens whom he suspected for these treaties to repaire vnto him, who so cunningly excused themselues, that he dismissed them without further inquire. Immediately after certaine of his seruants fled out of his house, namely the bastard Baldwine ³ and others, which caused him to feare a greater traine to be behinde. Wherefore incontinent he made proclamation that all men should be in a readines, but bicause winter was begun, and he but newly returned out of Holland few stirred.

The Notes.

1 The Kings colour was this, he would not seeme to make war vpon the Duke, but onely to haue sent men to these towns at their request, who bicause of the Dukes cruell exactions had praied in aide of him as of their soueraigne.

2 This sea was one of the streames of the riuer of Rhene that enuiron Holland.

3 This Baldwine was the Dukes base brother: the cause of his departure was for that he had attempted with others corrupted by the King to poison the Duke: notwithstanding afterward he recouered his fauor, and was taken prisoner at the battell of Nancy. Meyer.

How the townes of Saint Quintin and Amiens were yeelded to the King: and for what causes the Constable nourished the war between the King and the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 2.

TWo daies after his seruants departure, which was in the moneth of December the yeere 1470. the Constable entred into Saint Quintine and sware them to the King. Then the Duke perceiued his affaires to be in bad estate, for he had no force with him, but had sent all his seruants abroad to muster men in his dominions: Notwithstanding with those fewe he could leuie being foure or fiue hundred horse he went to Dourlans, minding to keepe Amiens from reuolting. There he abode fiue or sixe daies: all the which space they in Amiens continually practised. The Kings army lying not farre off, shewed it selfe before the towne and was once refused: for part of the citizens held for the Duke: wherefore the Duke sent thither to make his lodging, and if he had beene so strong that the might haue aduentured to enter in person, the towne had neuer beene lost, but he was afraid to go thither weakely accompanied: notwithstanding that diuers of the towne required him so to do. But when they of the contrary faction sawe his feare that he durst not enter the towne, they executed their enterprise, and reioiced the Kings forces. They of Abbeuille thought to do the like, but the Lord of Cordes entred in thither for the Duke, and preuented their purpose. Dourlans is distant from Amiens but fiue small leagues, wherefore the Duke was forced to depart thence, so soone as he vnderstood of Amiens reuolt: from thence therfore he went to Arras in great haste and feare, doubting the execution [Page] of diuers other such enterprises, for that he saw himselfe enuironed with the Constables kinsfolkes & freinds: farther bicause the bastard Baudouin was fled, he entred into suspicion of his other brother the great bastard of Burgundie: notwithstanding his forces repaired to him by litle and litle. The King thought now that all had been his owne, supposing the aduertisements to be true that the Constable and the rest had giuen him of their intelligences, whereupon if he had not hoped, he would haue wished this enterprise vnbegun.

It is meete I should heare declare what mooued the Constable and the Duke of Guienne considering the great fauor, courtesies, and benefits the Duke of Guienne had receaued at the Duke of Burgundies hands, to kindle the fire betweene these two Princes that lay at rest in their dominions, and which way this war could turne to their profit. Somwhat I spake heerof before, saying, that they did it to be in the more assurance of their estates and offices. For they feared if the King liued in peace he would keepe some stir among them. Notwithstanding this was not the onely cause that mooued them. But you shall vnderstand that the Duke of Guienne and they had been earnest suters to conclude a mariage betweene the said Duke of Guienne, and the Duke of Burgundies onely daughter and heire (for sonne he had none) which matter they had often mooued to the Duke, who in words shewed himselfe not vnwilling thereunto, yet notwithstanding would neuer conclude it, but entertained others also in hope thereof. Now marke how these men sought to atchieue their enterprise by constraining the Duke of Burgundy to this marriage. Immediately after these two towns were taken, and the Duke gon to Arras to leuy forces with al speed: the Duke of Guienne sent a secret messenger to him, who brought him three lines written with the said Dukes owne hand, foulded vp in a small lumpe of waxe, and conteining these words. Endeuor your selfe to appease your subiects, and you shall not faile of friends. Farther the Duke of Burgundy being at the first in exceeding great feare, sent to the Cōstable, desiring him to shew himself fauorable, & not to presse forward this war begun without any defiance made. At the which message the Constable greatly reioiced, supposing that he now held the Duke in such feare as he desired, which to increase, he sent him a speedy & discomfortable answere, the effect wherof was, that his state stoode in maruellous danger, so far foorth that he saw no way for him to winde himselfe out of these troubles but one. Namely by giuing his daughter in mariage to the D. of Guienne, which if he would do, he should than be succoured with great forces: for both the Duke of Guienne and diuers others Lords would declare themselues for him against the King, and he also would restore him Saint Quintine and take his part, otherwise he said he durst do nothing, considering how strong the K. was, hauing both his army very wel appointed, & also great intelligence in the Dukes dominions. This was the answer he sent, with diuers other fearefull messages. But I neuer knew man in my life come to good end that sought to put in feare and hold in subiection his master, or any other great Prince with whom he had to do, as in the end the Constables example shall well declare. For notwithstanding that the King were then his master, and that the greatest part of his reuenues lay, and all his children were resident in the Duke of Burgundies dominions: yet continued he these practises against both these Princes, with intent to hold them both in feare each by other, which cost him deere in the end, and no maruel. For notwithstanding that euery man desire to liue out of subiection and feare, and that all men naturally hate these that hold them in awe: yet none so extremely as Princes. For I neuer knew Prince that hated not mortally all those that sought to put him feare.

After the D. of Burgundy had receaued the Constables answer, he perceaued wel [Page] no friendship to be in him, & farther that he was the only author of this war. Wherupon he conceaued so extreme hatred against him, that after this he could neuer brooke him, especially bicause by these fearfull messages he fought to constraine him to mary his daughter at his pleasure: a vaine attempt. For before the returne of the Constables answer, the Duke had recouered his spirits, and had a great army with him. You may easely perceaue both by the message sent by the Duke of Guienne first, and the Constables answer afterwarn, that this was a compact matter between them, and the rather for that the like message or a more dreadfull came soone after from the Duke of Britaine, who sent also to the Kings seruice a hundred Britons, all men of armes vnder the leading of the Lord of Lescut. Wherefore we may boldly say that this war was mooued onely to constraine the Duke of Burgundy to conclude this mariage, and that they did but abuse the King in perswading him to begin war: for they were all in maner lies that they told him of their intelligences in the Dukes dominions. Notwithstanding, in this voiage the Constable did the King great seruice, and shewed extreme malice against the Duke of Burgundy, knowing that the Duke had conceaued mortal hatred against him. The Duke of Guienne also serued the King in these wars very well accompanied, so that the Duke of Burgundy stood vpon hard tearmes. But if at the first he would haue assured his daughter to the Duke of Guienne, both the said Duke of Guienne, the Constable, and diuers other noble men with all their adherents would haue reuolted to him against the King, and done their endeuor to haue pulled him vpon his knees. But whatsoeuer man purposeth in such cases, God disposeth afterward of them at his pleasure.

How the Duke of Burgundie tooke Piquigny, and afterward found meanes to make truce with the King for a yeere to the Constables great griefe. Chap. 3.

YOu haue heard at large the cause of this war, at the beginning whereof both the Princes were blinded, inuading each other and neither of them knowing the cause why, which was a maruellous cunning of the contriuers of this enterprise. For a man might haue pronounced the old Prouerbe of these two Princes: that the one part of the world was not acquainted with the others maners nor actions. All these affaires aboue rehersed since the beginning of these wars, chanced in very short space, for within lesse then fifteene daies after the taking of Amiens, the Duke put himselfe into the field neere to Arras, (for farther he retired not,) and from thence marched toward the riuer of Somme, and so straight to Piquigny, but vpon the waie thither he met with a messenger of the Duke of Britaine on foote, who aduertised him from the Duke his Master, that the King had giuen his said Master to vnderstand of diuers secrets, and among others of intelligences he had in many great towns of his dominions: namely Andwerp, Bruges, and Bruxelles, adding also that the King was determined to come and besiege him into what towne soeuer he should retire, were it euen into Gaunt. All the which aduertisements I suppose the Duke of Britain sent in fauour of the Duke of Guienne, hoping thereby to further much the marriage aboue mentioned. But the Duke of Burgundie tooke this message in euill part, and foorthwith dispatched the messenger, willing him to tell his master that he was [Page] misinformed by some euill seruants about him, who put these feares and doubts into his head, to the end he should not aide him as he was bound by their league. And farther that he knew not what townes Gaunt and the other cities were: in the which he said the King would come to besiege him: for they were too great to be besieged. He bad him farther to informe his Master in what sort he found him accompanied, and to aduertise him that the world went otherwise with him then he supposed, for he was determined to passe the riuer of Somme, and to fight with the King, if he would come to stop him vpon the way. Laste of all, he willed him to desire his Master on his behalfe to ioine with him against the King, and to shew himselfe a friend to the Duke of Burgundie, as he had shewed himselfe to him by the treatie of Peronne. The next day the Duke of Burgundie approched neere to a towne vpon the riuer of Somme called Piquigny, the seat whereof was meruellous strong. There he determined to make a bridge to passe the said riuer, but fower or fiue hundred franke archers, and certaine gentlemen, who by chance lodged at that present in the towne, seeing the Duke passe by, salied out to the skirmish vpon a long causey, and issued foorth so far from the place, that thereby they gaue the Dukes men occasion to pursue them, who folowed them so speedily that they slue a great number of them, before they could retire into the towne, and tooke the suburbes into the which the causey lead. Then fower or fiue peeces of artilery were bent against the towne, notwithstāding that it were impregnable on that side, for that the riuer ran between the towne and the Dukes battery. But these franke archers fearing (bicause they saw the bridge in hand) to be besieged also on the other side, abandoned the place and fled. The castle held two or three daies and than yeelded also by composition, and the soldiers departed in their doblets and their hose. The good successe of this small exploit so much encouraged the Duke that he led his army before Amiens, where he built two or three lodgings, saying that he would keepe the field, to see if the King durst come to fight with him, and in the end approched with his artillerie so neer the towne, that it shot at randon ouer and into it: in the which estate he laie there at the least six weeks. Within the towne was the Constable and al the great officers of the realme: namely the Lord great Master, Admirall, Marshall, Seneshals, and others accompanied with foureteene hundred men of armes, and foure thousand francke archers. The King in the meane time lying at Beauuais made a great muster, being accompanied with the Duke of Guienne his brother, and Nicolas Duke of Calabria, sonne and heire to Iohn Duke of Calabria and Lorraine, and onely heire of the house of Aniou. Farther all the nobles of the realme subiect to the Arriereban were come thither to him, who trauelled earnestly (as I haue beene since informed) to vnderstand the bottome of this enterprise, for they saw the troubles so farre from pacification that the King was now more busied with wars then euer. They within Amiens determined to assaile the Duke of Burgundie and his army, if the King would send his forces being at Beauuais to ioine with them. But the King being aduertised of this enterprise, sent foorthwith to countermand it: for notwithstanding that in all apparance the successe thereof was like to be good: yet was it not altogither voide of danger, especially for those that should haue salied: for considering that they must all haue issued foorthwith on foote, and at two gates one of the which was hard by the Dukes campe: if happily they had beene repulsed, they should haue put both the towne and themselues in great hazard. In the meane time the Duke sent one of his Pages to the King called Simon of Quincy, afterward Bailife of Troy with a letter of sixe lines written with his owne hand, wherein he humbled himselfe to him, saying that he was very sorie he had thus inuaded him for [Page] other mens pleasures, which he supposed he would not haue done, if he had beene well informed of their practises. The Kings army sent into Burgundy ¹ had defeated all the force of the countrie in battell, and taken many prisoners. The number of the dead was not great, but the discomfiture was great, in such sort that the Kings forces had already taken some places, and besieged other some, wherewith the Duke was somwhat abashed, notwithstanding he made the contrary to be bruted in his campe, saying that his army had obtained the victorie.

When the King had read the Dukes letter aboue mentioned, he reioiced much thereat, both bicause of the reason aboue alleaged ², and also for that he soon waxed wearie of all long enterprises. Wherefore he gaue him a speedy answer, and directed a commission to certaine in Amiens authorising them thereby to treate of truce. Whereupon diuers truces were concluded one after another for fower and fiue daies: and in the end one so far as I remember for a yeere, to the Constables great discontentation: for vndoubtedly whatsoeuer men haue thought or can thinke to the contrarie, he was then mortal enimie to the Duke, and many hauty words passed betweene them in such sort, that after this they neuer were friends as the sequele well declared. True it is that they sent afterward one to another, but all for practise sake, and each to make his profit by the other. For all that the Duke did was onely to recouer Saint Quintine, which the Constable euer when he stood in feare of the King promised to restore, and some of these treaties betweene them I haue knowen so far aduanced, that the Dukes men vpon the Constables promise to be receiued, haue come within two or three leagues of the towne. But when the matter should be executed, he euer continued in his accustomed dissimulation, and sent a countermaund, which his double dealing cost him deere in the end. He thought bicause of the seate of the towne, the great number of men he had vnder his charge paid out of the Kings cofers, and the variance betweene these two Princes (which himselfe nourished) to hold them both in feare, but his enterprise was too too dangerous: for they were both too great, too strong, and too subtile.

When these armies were dismissed, the King returned into the countrie of Touraine, the Duke of Guienne into his owne countrie, and the Duke of Burgundy into his: in the which estate these affaires remained awhile. The said Duke of Burgundy assembled all the estates of his dominions ³, and declared vnto them what damage he had receiued by not hauing soldiers in ordinarie pay as the King had: alleaging that if there had beene but fiue hundred men in a readines to defend the frontires, the King would neuer haue mooued this war, but they should haue liued in peace. He shewed further what great dangers they were like to fall into if this inconuenience were not speedily redressed: and pressed them earnestly for the paiment of eight hundred light horse. In the end they agreed to giue him a subsidie of sixe score thousand crowns ⁴ ouer and aboue all other duties they yeerly paid him, in the which subsidie Burgundie was not comprehended. But his said subiects for diuers respects feared to put themselues into such subiection and slauerie, as they saw the realme of Fraunce in by reason of these men of armes: which their feare was not without cause: for after the Duke had obtained fiue or sixe hundred men of armes in ordinarie, he sought continually to encrease the number, and began to attempt more boldly against his neighbors in such sort, that in the end these 120000. crownes grew to 500000. and the number of his men of armes augmented so excessiuely, that his subiects were greatly charged for their maintenance. To say my fansie of these ordinarie men of armes, I thinke vnder a wise Prince they be well imploied, but if he be otherwise, or happily at his death leaue his children in their minoritie, the seruice wherein [Page] their gouernors imploy them is not alwaies profitable neither for the King, nor for his subiects. The hatred betweene the King and the Duke diminished not but still endured. Further the Duke of Guienne being returned into his countrie, sent often to the Duke of Burgundy, following still his sute for his daughters marriage, who fed him continually with faire words, as he did euery other man that required hir. And I thinke verily that he neither was desirous of a sonne ⁵, neither would haue married his daughter during his life: but haue kept hir to intertaine men, thereby to obtaine their friendship and aide. For he had so many great enterprises in his head, that all his life time could not suffice to atchieue them, and those aduentures almost impossible to be compassed: for halfe Europe would not haue contented him. He had courage ynough to attempt any thing, his bodie was able to endure as much labour and trauell as was needfull, he was furnished both of men and mony, but he lacked finenes and cunning sufficient for the managing of his affaires. And what Prince soeuer desireth to be great (notwithstanding that he be accomplished with all other good parts:) yet if he lacke an excellent wit all is to no purpose, which vndoubtedly proceedeth of the meere grace of God. To be short, if part of the Dukes vertues and part of the King our masters had been tempered togither, they would haue made a perfect Prince: for vndoubtedly in wit the King far excelled him, as it well appeered in the end.

The Notes.

1 Of this armie he spake somwhat in the Duke of Bourbons aduertisement sent to the Duke of Burgundie mentioned in the first chapter of this booke, it was led by the Earle Daulphin d'Auuergne sonne to the Earle of Montpensier. Of this discomfiture reade Annal. Burgund. pag. 945.

2 The reason was bicause he perceiued the intelligences of the Constable and the rest to be vntrue.

3 This assembly was held the 16. of Iune. Meyer.

4 But this subsidie of 120000. crownes was granted but for three yeeres. Meyer. pag. 348. and 367.

5 The Duke desired no sonne, bicause then his daughters marriage could not haue stood him in such stead as now it did.

Of the wars among the Princes of England during these troubles betweene King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 4.

I Must now discourse of Edward King of England, bicause Note that from this place til the 7. Chapter, all these English affaires, fall into the yeeres 1469. & 1470. these three great Princes, namely our King, the King of England, and the Duke of Burgundy, liued all in one age: in the which discourse, I will not obserue the Historiographers vsuall order in writing, who set downe the certaine yeeres and daies when each thing hapned, neither will I vouch examples out of ancient histories, for you know them better than my selfe, and in so dooing I should but seeme to reason of Diuinitie before a Doctor. But I will rudely aduertise you of all that I haue seene, knowen or [Page] heard, of these Princes of whom I write. You liue in the selfe same age that all these things hapned, wherefore me thinke it needlesse so exactly to note the houres and seasons.

I haue before rehearsed what occasion mooued the Duke of Burgundy to mary King Edvvards sister, and said it was principally to fortifie himselfe against the King, otherwise he would neuer haue done it, for the great affection he bare to the house of Lancaster, whereof he was descended by his mother: for she was daughter to the King of Portugall, and hir mother daughter to the Duke of Lancaster ¹, so that as feruently as he loued the house of Lancaster, as extremly hated he the house of Yorke. But you shall vnderstand that at the time of this mariage, the house of Lancaster was vtterly destroied, and the house of Yorke no more spoken of. For King Edvvard being both King and Duke of Yorke raigned peaceably. During the ciuill wars betweene these two houses, were fought in England seauen or eight cruell battels, and in them slaine three or fower score Princes and Lords of the blood royall, as before is rehearsed in this history. The rest that escaped being all yoong Lords, whose fathers died in these battels aboue mentioned, liued as banished men in the Duke of Burgundies court, who receiued them as his kinsmen of the house of Lancaster, before his mariage with King Edvvards sister. I haue seene them in so great misery before they came to the Dukes knowledge, that those that beg from dore to dore were not in poorer estate then they: for I once saw a Duke of Excester run on foote bare legged after the Duke of Burgundies traine, begging his bread for Gods sake, but he vttered not his name. He was the neerest of the house of Lancaster, and had maried King Edvvards sister ², but when he was knowne, the Duke gaue him a small pension to maintaine his estate. They of the house of Somerset and diuers others, were there in like maner, who died all afterwards in the wars. Their fathers and kinsmen had spoiled and destroied the realme of Fraunce, and possessed the greatest part thereof many yeeres, and afterwards slew one another, and those that remained aliue in England and their children haue died as you haue seene. Yet men say, that God punisheth not now as he did in the children of Israels time, but suffereth euill men and euill Princes to liue vnpunished. True it is that he threatneth not now by expresse messengers as he was wont: for he hath left examples inough to instruct vs. Notwithstanding you may perceiue by these discourses, ioining thereto the great knowledge you haue besides, that of euill Princes and such as haue authority in this world, and abuse it to cruelty or tiranny, few or none escape vnpunished though it happen not by and by after the fault committed, neither so soone happily as those that are afflicted desire. But to returne to King Edvvard, the chiefe man in England that maintained the house of Yorke was the Earle of Warwicke. And on the other side the greatest champion of the house of Lancaster was the Duke of Sommerset. The said Earle of Warwicke might iustly be called King Edwards father, as well for the training of him vp, as also for the great seruices he did him, for the which the King had also highly aduanced him, for besides his owne inheritance which was great, he held goodly lands of the Kings gift, aswel crowne lands, as lands forfeited by attaindor. Farther he was deputy of Calice, and had diuers other great offices, so that I haue heard his yeerely reuenewes valued at fower score thousand crownes, besides his owne inheritance. But in the end he fell at variance with the King his master, about a yeere (as I gesse) before the Duke of Burgundies comming before Amiens: which breach the said Duke furthered to the vttermost of his power. For the Earles great authority in England much discontented him, besides that they two were not friends, for the Earle had continuall intelligence with the [Page] King our master. To be short, about this present or not long before, the Earle of Warwickes force was so great, that he seased the King his master into his hands, and put to death diuers personages that he highly fauored, namely the Lord of Scales the Queenes father ³, and two of his sonnes, (the third being also in great danger) & with them diuers other knights. He entertained the King his master for a season very honorably, and placed new seruants about him, supposing that through simplicity he would soone forget the old. The Duke of Burgundy being not a little troubled with this aduenture, practised secretly how King Edvvard might escape, and they two commune togither, which enterprise had so good successe, that the King escaped indeede, and leuied men, and defeated certaine of the Earles bands. He was a fortunate Prince in the field: for he wan at the least nine great battels, fighting himselfe on foote in euery one of them. The Earle of Warwicke vnable to make resistance, aduertised his friends what they should do, and embarked at leisure, accompanied with the Duke of Clarence, who had married his daughter and tooke part with him, notwithstanding that he were King Edwards brother. They transported with them both wiues and children, and a great band of men, and sailed straight towards Calais: within the which was the Earles lieutenant named the Lord of Vaucler ⁴, and diuers of the said Earles houshold seruants, who in stead of receiuing their Master presented him the canon. Further you shall vnderstand, that as they lay at anchor before the towne, the Duchesse of Clarence daughter to the Earle of Warwicke was deliuered of a sonne, and great intreatie was made, before Vaucler and the rest of the towne would suffer two flaggons of wine to be brought foorth to hir, which was great extremitie of the seruant towards the master. For it is to be supposed that the Earle thought himselfe well assured of this place, which is they very key of England: and the goodliest captainship in mine opinion in the world, at the least in Christendome: which I dare boldly auow, bicause I was there diuers times during these wars, and heard also the Maior of the staple report, that he would willingly farme yeerely the deputyship of Calais of the King of England for fifteene thousand crownes. For the deputie receiueth the profits of all that they haue on this side the sea, and of all safe conducts, and placeth also the greatest part of the garrison at his pleasure.

The King of England fauoured highly the Lord of Vaucler for this refusall made to his Captaine, and granted him by his letters patents the office of Deputie, which the Earle his master before held: for he was a wise and an ancient knight, and one of the order of the garter. The Duke of Burgundie also who then lay at Saint Omer, conceiued a maruellous good opinion of him, so far foorth that he sent me to him, granting him a yeerely pension of a thousand crownes, and desiring him to continue a true and faithfull seruant to the King his Master as he had begun: which at my comming thither, I found him fully determined to do, so that he sware in Staple Inne in Calais, (laying his hand within mine) to be faithfull and true to King Edward, and to serue him against all men. The like oth all the towne and all the garrison sware also. Farther I was by the space of two months almost continually resident at Calais, at the least posting daiely betweene Calais and Bullen to entertaine the said Vaucler: for you shall vnderstand that during these English troubles, the Duke of Burgundie came to Bullen where he prepared a great army by sea against the Earle of Warwick, who at his departure from Calais, tooke many ships of the Dukes subiects, which aduanced forward the war betweene the King of Fraunce and vs. For the Earles men sould the bootie in Normandie: whereupon the Duke of Burgundie arrested all the French Marchants that came to the [Page] Mart at Andwerp. Now bicause it is meete to vnderstand as well the cunning and subtill, as the iust and vpright dealings of the world, (not to practise them, but to know how to avoide them,) I will rehearse vnto you a sleight or subtilitie (terme it as you list) that was cunningly conueighed. Farther I would that men should vnderstand the practises as well of our neighbors as our selues, to the end it may appeere that in all places are both good and bad. When the Earle of Warwick came before Calais, thinking to enter into it as his onely refuge: the Lord of Vaucler being a very wise gentleman, sent him word that if he entred the towne he should cast away himselfe: considering that all England, the Duke of Burgundie, the people of the towne, and a great part of the garrison: namely the Lord of Duras Marshall there for the King of England, and diuers others that had men in the towne were his enimies: wherefore his best way should be to retire into Fraunce, and as touching the towne of Calais he willed him not to trouble himselfe: for he would yeeld him good account thereof when time and occasion should serue. He did his Captaine good seruice by giuing him this aduise, but shewed himselfe thereby a very Iudas to his Master. For vndoubtedly a more traiterous part was neuer plaied, considering both that the King of England had made him Deputie of the towne of Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy giuen him so large a pension.

The Notes.

1 Philippa daughter to Iohn Duke of Lancaster was married to Iohn King of Portugale, and had issue by him Isabell mother to Duke Charles.

2 This was Henry Holland Duke of Exceter, whose wife was Anne sister to King Edward the fourth, and his grandmother was Elizabeth daughter to Iohn Duke of Lancaster by his first wife, but he died without issue.

3 Our chronicles name the Queenes father Earle of Riuers, and so doth afterward also our Author lib. 5. cap. 15.

4 This Vaucler was a Gascoine borne.

How by King Lewis his aide, the Earle of Warwicke chased King Edward out of England, to the Duke of Burgundies great greefe, who receiued him into his countries. Chap. 5.

THe Earle of Warwicke followed Vauclers aduise, and landed in Normandie, where the King honorably receiued him, and furnished him largely of mony for his mens expences, and appointed also the bastard of Bourbon Admirall of Fraunce being well accompanied, to defend the Englishmen and their ships against the Duke of Burgundies nauie, which was so mighty and strong that no man durst stir in these narrow seas for feare of it, making war vpon the Kings subiects both by sea & land, and threatening them euery where. All this happened the sommer before the King surprised Saint Quintine and Amiens, which was (as before you haue heard) in the yeere 1470. The Duke of Burgundies nauie aboue mentioned was stronger than the Kings and the Earles ioined togither. For he had taken at Sluse many great ships of Spaine, Portugall and Genua, and diuers hulks of Almaine. King Edward was a man of no great forecast, but very [Page] valiant, and the beautifullest Prince that liued in his time. He tooke no care for the Earle of Warwicks landing as the Duke of Burgundie did, who perceiuing great tumults already arising in England in the Earles fauor, aduertised the King often thereof. But he made small account of any danger, neither seemed to feare his enimy: which sure was great follie considering the great preparation he saw made. For the King armed all the ships to the sea that he could get, and manned them well, and prouided furniture also for the English men.

Besides this, he made a mariage betweene the Prince of Wales and the Earle of Warwickes second daughter. The said Prince was onely sonne and heire to King Henry of England, who liued yet prisoner in the Tower of London. This was a strange mariage when the Earle had deposed and imprisoned the Princes father, to cause him to mary his daughter, and to entertaine also the Duke of Clarence, brother to the King of the other faction, who had iust cause to feare his owne estate, if the house of Lancaster recouered the crowne. Thus we see that such enterprises are not atchieued without dissimulation. At the selfe same time that this army aboue mentioned lay in a readines to saile into England, I was at Calice to entertaine the Lord of Vaucler, whose dooble dealing till that very instant I neuer perceiued, notwithstanding that it had now continued the space of three months. But at that present, I desired him (bicause of the newes we heard) to put all the Earle of Warwicks houshold seruants being to the number of twenty or thirty out of the towne, alledging that I was sure the Kings army and the Earles were ready to depart out of Normandy where they lay, and if the Earle should happen sodainly to land in England, some such tumult might arise in the towne of Calice by meanes of his seruants, that he should not be master thereof. Wherefore I pressed him earnestly in all haste to put them out of the towne, which he alwaies heertofore promised me to do, but now he drew me aside saying, that he would be master of the town well inough, and required me to do this message to the Duke of Burgundy, that if he would be a friend to the realme of England he should endeuor himselfe to make peace and not war: which words he spake bicause of the nauy the Duke had on the sea against the Earle of Warwick. He told me farther, that peace might easily be made, bicause that day a gentlewoman passed through Calice to go into Fraunce to the Duches of Clarence with certaine ouertures of peace from King Edward. And he said true indeed, but as he abused others, euen so was he himselfe deceiued by this gentlewoman: for she went about a great enterprise, which also she atchieued to the preiudice of the Earle of Warwick, and his whole faction. Of this fine practise, & all other that haue been managed on this side the sea, I write the more at large bicause I am well assured that no man is able to make truer report of them then my selfe, at the least of those that haue hapned within these twenty yeeres.

The secret deliuered to this woman was to counsell the Duke of Clarence not to cause the destruction of his owne house, by setting vp againe the house of Lancaster, but to remember their ancient harred and diuision, adding that he might well assure himselfe that the Earle of Warwick hauing maried his daughter to the Prince of Wales, and already done homage to him, would by all meanes possible seeke to make him King. This gentlewoman so wisely executed the charge committed vnto hir, that she wan the Duke of Clarence, who promised to reuolt to the King his brother immediately after his returne into England. Shee was a woman well aduised and of few words, and bicause of hir sexe, had leaue granted hir to passe to hir Meistres easilier then a man should, and as craftie a foxe as this Vaucler was, this woman went beyond him, and was the onely contriuer of the enterprise, whereby the [Page] Earle of Warwick and his whole faction were vtterly destroied: wherefore it is no shame to be suspicious, and to haue an eie vpon those that passe to and fro, but great shame it is to be deceiued, and vndone through our owne follie. Notwithstanding suspicions ought to be grounded vpon some good presumption, for to be too suspicious is naught.

You haue heard, already how the Earle of Warwicks army, and the Kings ships appointed to wafte him ouer were in a readines to take sea, and how the Duke of Burgundies nauie being at Hancy lay prepared to fight with them. But it pleased God so to dispose of this voiage, that the selfe same night so great a tempest arose that the Dukes nauie was forced to seuer: part wherofran vpon the cost of Scotland, and part into Holland: and not long after the Earle hauing a good gale of winde, passed into England without all danger. The Duke of Burgundie had aduertised King Edward in what part rhe Earle would land, and had sent men purposely to him to sollicite him to looke to himselfe: but he litle regarding the danger, passed foorth the time in hunting, hauing none so neere him as the Archbishop of Yorke, and the Marques of Montagu, the Earle of Warwicks bretheren, who had promised and solemnly sworne to serue him against their brother and all others, wereunto he gaue credite. Immediatly after the Earles landing, great forces ioyned with him: wherewith the King being much abashed, began then, (but all too late) to looke about him, and sent word to the Duke of Burgundy, desiring him that his nauie might still keepe the Sea to stop the Earle from retiring againe into Fraunce (for vpon the land he would match him well ynough) which message pleased no man that heard it: for it had beene much better to haue kept him from landing, then to be constrained to hazard his estate in battell when he was landed. Fiue or sixe daies after the Earles arriuall his power was so great, that he encamped within three leagues of King Edward. Notwithstanding the Kings force was greater than his, if all his men had beene faithfull and true, and lay also in campe to fight with him. Further you shall vnderstand that the King lodged (as himselfe told me) in a strong village, at the least a strong house into the which no man could enter but by a draw bridge, which was a happy chance for him: the rest of his armie lay in other villages round about. But as he sat at dinner, suddenly one came running in, and brought newes that the Marques of Montague the Earles brother and certaine other were mounted on horsebacke, and had caused all their men to crie, God saue King Henry. Which message the King at the first beleeued not, but in all haste sent other messengers foorth, and armed himselfe, and set men also at the barriers of his lodging to defend it. He was accompanied with the Lord Hastings Lord Chamberlain of England, a wise Knight and of the greatest authoritie about him, who was maried to the Earle of Warwicks sister, yet notwithstanding was true and faithfull to his Master, and had three hundred horse vnder his charge in the Kings armie as himselfe told me. With the King was also the Lord of Scales the Queene of Englands brother, and diuers other valiant Knights and Esquires, who all perceiued that this busines went not well: for the messengers brought word that the report was true, and that the enimies assembled to assault the King.

But God so prouided for the King that he lodged hard by the sea side, neer a place where a little ship laden with victuals that followed his armie, and two hulks of Holland fraughted with merchandise lay at anchor: he had no other shift but to run to saue himselfe in one of them ¹. The Lord Chamberlaine staied awhile behinde him, and talked with the lieutenant of his band and diuers other particular men in the Kings armie, willing them to go to the enimies, but to beare true and faithfull harts [Page] to the King and him: which talke ended, he went aboord to the rest being ready to depart. Now you shall vnderstand that the custome in England is, after the victorie obtained, neither to kill nor raunsome any man, especially of the vulgar sort: knowing all men then to be ready to obey them, bicause of their good successe. Wherfore these soldiers after the Kings departure receiued no harme. Notwithstanding K. Edward himself told me, that in albattels that he wan, so soon as he had obtained victory he vsed to mount on horsebacke, and cry too Saue the people and kil the nobles: for of them few or none escaped. Thus fled King Edward the yeere 1470. with two hulks and a little bote of his owne countrie, accompanied with seuen or eight hundred persons, hauing none other apparell than they ware in the wars, vtterly vnfurnished of mony, and hardly knowing whither they went. Strange it was to see this poore King (for so might he now well be called) to flie after this sort pursued by his owne seruants, and the rather, for that he had by the space of twelue or thirteene yeeres liued in greater pleasures and delicacies than any Prince in his time: for he had wholy giuen himselfe to dames, hunting, hawking, and banketting, in such sort that he vsed when he went a hunting in the sommer season, to cause many pauilions to be pitched to solace himselfe there with the Ladies. And to say the truth his personage serued aswel to make court as any mans that euer I knew: for he was yong, & as goodly a gentleman as liued in our age, I meane in this time of his aduersitie: for afterward he grew maruellous grosse. But behold now how he fel into the trobles & aduersities of the world. He sailed straight towards Holland, and at that time the Easterlings were enimies both to the English men and the French, and had many ships of war vpon the sea, wherefore they were much feared of the English men, and not without cause: for they were very good soldiers, and had done them great harme that yeere, and taken many prises. These Easterlings discried afar off the ships wherin the King fled, and seuen or eight of them began to make saile after him, but in vaine: for he was far before them, and fell vpon the coast of Holland or somwhat lower: for he arriued in Freezland by a little towne called Alquemare ², as neere the which as was possible his mariners cast anchor: for bicause it was ebbing water they could not enter the hauen. The Easterlings came in like maner and anchored hard by them, minding to boord them the next tide. Thus we see that one mischiefe neuer commeth without company.

King Edwards good successe was now cleane altered, and his thoughts quite changed: for not past fifteene daies before this misfortune, he would little haue beleeued him that had told him that the Earle of Warwicke should chase him out of England, and subdue the whole country in eleuen daies: for in that smal space he brought it to due obedience. Further, he mocked the Duke of Burgundie for spending his treasure in defending the sea: and wished that the Earle were already landed in England. But what excuse could he make now for himselfe receiuing so great losse through his owne fault, saue this, that such a mishap was not to be doubted: of which excuse a Prince growen to mans estate ought to be ashamed, for it will not serue. Wherefore let King Edwards example teach all Princes that thinke it shame to feare their enimies, to be wise in time: for notwithstanding that the greatest part of their seruants through flatterie vphold their sayings, and that themselues also by such words suppose to purchase an opinion of great courage: yet sure (whatsoeuer is said to their face) wise men account such language but meere folly: for it is great honor to feare that which is to be feared, and to prouide for it accordingly. Further, a wise man in a Princes companie is a great treasure and iewell, if he may be beleeued and haue leaue to speake the truth.

[Page] By chance the Lord of Gruteuse the Duke of Burgundies lieutenant in Holland was at that present in the place where King Edward arriued, who being aduertised by certaine that the King sent to land, both of his arriuall, and of the danger he was in of the Easterlings, gaue commandement foorthwith to the said Easterlings not to touch him: and went also himselfe into the Kings ship to welcome him. And thus he landed ³ being accompanied with his brother the Duke of Glocester (who afterward named himselfe King Richard) and a traine of fifteen hundred persons. The King had not one peny about him, but gaue the Master of the ship for his passage a goodly gowne furred with martins, promising one day to do him a good turne: and as touching his traine neuer so poore a company was seen. But the Lord of Gruteuse dealt very honorably with them: for he gaue much apparel among them, & defraied the King to La Hay in Holland whither he himselfe also waited vpon him. Afterward he aduertised the Duke of Burgundie of this aduenture, who was maruellously abashed at the newes, and had much rather haue heard of the Kings death: for he feared the Earle of Warwicke, who was his mortall enimie, and bare now the whole sway in England. The said Earle soone after he was landed, found infinite numbers of men to take his part. For the armie that King Edward left behinde him, what for loue, what for feare yeelded to him in such sort, that euery day his forces encreased. And in this estate went he to London, where a great number of Knights and Esquires (who afterward did King Edward good seruice) tooke sanctuarie, as also did the Queene his wife, who was there deliuered of a sonne in very poore estate.

The Notes.

1 The King embarked at Lyn.

2 Alquemare Meyer nameth Tessela.

3 King Edward landed in Holland the 9. of October. Meyer.

How the Earle of Warwick tooke out of prison King Henry of England. Chap. 6.

THe E. immediatly after his arriuall at London, went foorthwith to the tower & tooke K. Henry out of prison, whom himselfe many yeres before had lead thither crying before him, Traitor, Traitor: but now he called him his soueraigne Lord, and conueighed him to his palace at Westminster, where he sat him vnder the cloth of estate in the Duke of Clarences presence, who litle liked that sight. Farther he sent foorthwith three or foure hundred men to Calais to spoile and forray the countrey of Boulenois, whom the Lord of Vaucler (so often aboue mentioned) friendly receiued, and made then open declaration of the good will he had alwaies borne the Earle his Master. The same day that the Duke receiued newes of the Kings arriuall in Holland: I was come from Calais to Bulen (where the Duke then lay,) vnderstanding nothing of this aduenture, nor of the Kings flight. The Duke was first aduertised that he was dead, whereof he forced not greatly, for he loued the house of Lancaster much better then the house of Yorke. Besides that he had with him the Dukes of Excester and Sommerset and diuers others of King Henries faction, by whose meanes he thought himselfe assured of peace with the house of Lancaster. But he feared the Earle of Warwicke, [Page] neither knew he how to entertaine him that was come to him ¹, I meane King Edward who was his brother in lawe, and of the same order: for the King ware the golden Fleese, and the Duke the Garter.

The Duke foorthwith sent me backe againe to Calais, accompanied with a gentleman or two of this newe King Henries faction, and gaue me instructions how to deale with this new world, pressing me earnestly to go bicause it stood him vpon to be well serued in this busines. I went as far as Tournehan a castell neere to Guiens, and further durst not passe, bicause I found the people flying for feare of the English men, who were abroad and spoiled all the countrey. But I sent foorthwith to the Lord of Vaucler desiring a safe conduct: for before I was accustomed to go without any, and was alwaies honorably receiued: for the English men are verie curteous and honorable in their entertainment. Al this seemed strange to me: for I neuer had seen such sudden alterations in the world. I aduertised the Duke the same night of the danger I should be in if I passed further, making no mention of the safe conduct I had sent for, bicause I doubted what answer I should receiue thereof. The Duke sent me a ring from his finger bidding me go forward, and if I were taken prisoner he would redeeme me: for he cared not greatly to endanger one of his seruants at his neede. But I had prouided well for my selfe: for I receiued a safe conduct with very curteous letters from the Lord of Vaucler. Wherein he sent me word that I might go and come after my woonted maner. Whereupon I went to Guisnes, and founde the captaine at the castell gate, who offred me a cup of wine, without that he led me into the castel as he was accustomed, but he feasted and entertained honorably these gentlemen of King Henries faction that accompanied me. From thence I went to Calais, where no man came foorth to receiue me after their woonted sort, but al men ware the Earle of Warwicks liuery. Further, vpon the gate of my lodging they made aboue an hundred white crosses and rimes, signifying that the King of Fraunce and the Earle of Warwick were all one: all the which seemed strange to me. Soone after my comming to Calais, I sent to Graueling, being but fiue leagues thence, commanding all English merchants and merchandises to be staied, bicause the Englishmen had so spoiled the countrey. The Lord of Vaucler sent for me to diner, being well accompanied, and wearing on his cap a white ragged staffe of gold enamiled ², being the Earles cognisance, which all the rest that were with him ware likewise, and he that could not haue it of gold, had if of cloth. It was told me there at diner, that within lesse than a quarter of an hower after these newes came out of England, euery man ware the said cognisance: so speedy and sudden was the change. This was the first time that I began to consider how vnstable and vncertaine all worldly things are. The said Vaucler gaue me very curteous language, and made certaine excuses in the Earle his captaines behalfe, rehearsing also what great benefits he had receiued at his hands. But as touching the rest that were with him, I neuer saw men so far out of frame: for those that I tooke to haue bin the Kings trustiest seruants, were they that most threatned him: some I thinke for feare, but others in good earnest. Those household seruants of the Earles, whom I had required the Lord of Vaucler heeretofore to put out of the towne, were now in great credit. Notwithstanding they neuer vnderstood that I had mooued the said Vaucler to any such purpose. In all communication that passed betweene them and me, I euer told them that King Edvvard was dead, wherof I said I was well assured, notwithstanding that I knew the contrary, adding further, that though it were not so, yet was the league betweene the Duke of Burgundy and the King and realme of England such, that this accident could not infringe it: for we would account him King whom they did. I said moreouer, that [Page] bicause of the alterations that had hapned in times past, these words, VVith the King and the Realme, were inserted into the league, for performance also whereof fower of the best townes in England were in pledge to the Duke. The merchants required in any wise to haue me staied, bicause their goods were taken at Grauelin by my commandement as they said. In the end peace was thus concluded between them & me, that they should pay for al the cattell they had taken, or restore it again: for by agreement betweene the house of Burgundy & them, they might go into certain pastures thereabout, and take cattel for the prouision of the towne, at a price which they now paide, and prisoners they had taken none. Thus it was agreed that the league should remaine firme and vnuiolable between vs and the King and the realme of England, saue that for Edward we named Henry.

This appointment pleased well the Duke of Burgundy, for the Earle of Warwick was sending fower thousand English men to Calice to make sharp war vpon his dominions, neither could the D. pacifie him by any meanes. Notwithstanding the rich merchants of London, diuers of the which were then at Calice, in the end perswaded him to peace, bicause their staple of wools is there, which is a far goodlier thing than a man would beleeue: for it is almost incredible of how great value the wooll is that is transported thither twise a yeere, and lieth there till merchants come to buy it. The chiefe vent whereof is into Flaunders and Holland, which was the principall cause that mooued these merchants to labour so earnestly for peace, and for stay of the soldiers the Earle was sending ouer: which sure was a happy chance for the Duke of Burgundie, for it was euen at the very same instant that the King tooke Amiens and Saint Quintine: and if both the realmes had made war vpon him at once, vndoubtedly he had been vndone. He trauelled to appease the Earle of Warwick by all meanes possible, alleging that he would attempt nothing against King Henry, seeing he was himselfe of the house of Lancaster, and vsing such words as might best serue for his purpose.

Now to returne to King Edward, he came to Saint Paule to the Duke of Burgundy, and pressed him earnestly for aide to return home, assuring him that he had great intelligence in England, and desiring him for Gods loue not to abandon him, considering he had maried his sister, and that they were brethren of one order. The Dukes of Somerset and Excester labored him to the contrary, to wit, to take part with King Henry. The Duke could not tell whom to please, and either party he feared to displease. But in the end bicause sharpe war was already begun vpon him, euen at his very nose ³, he inclined to the Duke of Somerset and others aboue named, accepting their promises against the Earle of Warwick their ancient enimy. Wherwith King Edvvard there present was woonderfully disquieted. But the Dukes seruants alleaged the best reasons they could in excuse herof, saying that the Duke vsed this dissimulatiō to auoid war with both the realms at once, adding therto, that if he should be ouerthrowne, he could not after aide him at his ease. Notwithstanding the Duke seeing that he could no longer stay the King there, but that needs he would returne into England, and fearing for diuers considerations altogither to discontent him: pretended openly that he would not aide him, and made proclamation that no man should go to his seruice: but couertly he deliuered him 50000. gildons of the Saint Andrewes crosse, and caused three or fower great ships to be armed for him at La Vere in Zeland ⁴, which is a hauen where all nations are receiued. Besides all this, he entertained for him secretly fowerteen ships of the Easterlings well appointed, who promised to serue him till he were landed in England and fifteen daies after, which was great aide considering the time.

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The Notes.

1 He meaneth whether he should aide the King or no.

2 Our author reporteth this ragged staffe to be blacke, but bicause the Earles of VVarwicke neuer gaue it blacke but the Earles of Kent, I haue translated it white, no whit doubting but that either the printer hath faulted heere, or our authors memory failed him.

3 To wit by the Englishmen sent ouer by the Earle of VVarwick.

4 La Vere, otherwise called Camphere is in the Ile of VValkeren in Zeland not in Holland, and is the Scottish staple, wherefore I haue beene bold to amend the booke.

How King Edward returned into England, where he slew in battell first the Earle of Warwick, and then the Prince of Wales. Chap. 7.

KIng Edward departed out of Flanders the yeere 1471. at the selfe Heere our English affaires begin the yeere, 1471. same instant that the D. of Burgundie went to Amiens against the King. The said Duke thought now howsoeuer the world went in England he could not speede amisse, bicause he had friends on both sides: King Edward immediatly after his landing, marched straight towards London, bicause three or fower hundred Knights and Esquires of his faction, togither with others of the meaner sort, to the number of two thousand and better had retired themselues into the Sanctuaries of the citie, which was a happy chance for him, for if he landed with small force. The Earle of Warwick being in the north parts with a great armie, hearing these newes made haste to be at London before him, rather for other respects than for that he greatly feared the reuolt of the towne, notwithstanding the contrarie happened. For King Edward was receiued into the citie with great ioy and triumph the tuesday before Easter, contrarie to the expectation of most men, for all the world accounted him as vtterly vndone. And vndoubtedly if they had shut the gates against him, he had been past all recouerie: for the Earle of Warwicke was but a daies iourney behinde him. There were three things especially (as I haue heard) that caused the towne to reuolt. First, the gentlemen that were in the sanctuaries and the yoong Prince lately borne. The second, the great debts that the King owed in the towne, in respect whereof the merchants to whom he was indebted thought it their best way to take part with him. The third, a great many women of honor and rich merchants wiues, with whom in times past he had been familiar, perswaded their husbands and friends to incline to him. He staied not past two or three daies in the towne: for vpon Easter euen he departed with all the force he could leuy, and marched against the Earle of Warwicke, whom he met the next morning being Easter day: and as they stood in order of battell, the one in face of the other, suddenly the D. of Clarence the Kings brother (who was reconciled to the King as before you haue heard) reuolted to the King with twelue thousand men and better ¹, which no lesse astonied the Earle than encouraged the King, whose force was not great. But all this notwithstanding the battell was cruell and blooddy. They were all footemen on both sides, of the Kings vaward a great number were slaine: then his battell and the Earles met, and ioined so fiercely togither, [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] that the King himselfe fought in person more valiantly than any man of either army. The Earle of Warwick vsed neuer to fight on foote, but his maner was when he had led his men to the charge, to take horse, and if the victory fell on his side to fight among his soldiers, otherwise to depart in time. But at this battel he was constrained by his brother the Marques of Mountacute, a valiant knight, to light on foote and send away his horse. To conclude, in this battell died the Earle and his brother, with a great number of gentlemen, and the slaughter of the poore people was also great. For King Edward at his departure out of Flaunders, resolued to cry no more to saue the people and kill the nobles: but he had conceiued extreeme hatred against the communalty of England, both for the great fauor they bare the Earle of Warwick, and for other respects also: wherefore at this battell he spared them not. Of the Kings side died about fifteene hundred, and the field was valiantly fought.

At the time of this battell the Duke of Burgundie lay before Amiens where he receiued letters from the Duches his wife, that King Edward hir brother was not a little discontented with him, alleaging that the aide he gaue him, was giuen in euil sort, and with euill will, so far foorth that he was almost vtterly forsaken of him: and to say the truth the King and he after this neuer loued one an other. Notwithstanding the Duke supposing that this victory would greatly further his affaires, caused the newes to be published in all places.

I had forgotten to tell you how King Edward finding King Henry at London, lead him with him into the battell aboue mentioned. This King Henry was a very simple man, and almost an innocent: and if I haue not heard a lie, incontinent after the battell the Duke of Glocester K. Edwards brother, (who afterward named himselfe K. Richard) slue this holy man K. Henry with his own hands, or caused him to be slaine in his presence in some secret place ². The Prince of Wales was landed in England when this battell aboue mentioned was fought, hauing in his company the Dukes of Excester and Sommerset, with diuers others of his kinsfolkes and ancient folowers of his house. His army was to the number of forty thousand, as I haue been informed by diuers that were with him: and if the Earle of Warwicke would haue staied for him, it is very like the victory would haue been theirs. But the Earle feared both the Duke of Sommerset, whose father and brother he had slaine: and also Queene Margaret the Princes mother: wherefore he fought alone and would not tarie for them ³. Marke heere by this example how long ancient factions and partialities endure, how much they are to be feared, and what great damage ensueth thereof. So soone as King Edward had obteined this victory, he marched incontinent against the Prince of Wales, where another cruell battell was fought: for the Princes force was greater than the Kings, notwithstanding the lot of victory fell to the King, and the Prince was slaine vpon the place ⁴ with diuers other great Lords, and a maruellous number of common soldiers. The Duke of Sommerset was taken, and the next day beheaded. In eleuen daies the Earle of Warwicke subdued the whole realme of England, at the least brought it to obedience: and in one and twenty King Edvvard recouered it, hauing fought two great and cruell battels. Thus you see what sudden mutations haue been in England. K. Edvvard caused many of the people to be put to death in many places, especially such as had made assemblies against him. And from that day forward raigned peaceably in England till his death, though not without great trouble and vexation of minde. I will heere end my discourse of these English affaires, till time and occasion serue in some other place, only adding this, that of all the nations in the world, the English men are most desirous to try their quarrels by dint of sword.

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The Notes.

1 Our Chronicles report that the Duke turned on the Kings side at Couentrie before the Kings comming to London: and they vary also in other circumstances from our author.

2 Our histories report otherwise of King Henries death, for he was slain in the Tower, and not so soone after the battell.

3 Our Chronicles report that the Duke of Sommer set was at Barnet field with the Earle of VVarvvicke, and repaired afterward to the Queene, and was taken in the second battell, and then be he aded.

4 Our histories write that the Prince was not slaine in the battell but soone after, hauing had communication with King Edward.

How the wars reuiued betweene King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy, by the sollicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine. Chap. 8.

I Wil now return to our affairs on this side the sea, wherof I haue made no mention since the Duke of Burgundies departure from before Amiens, the Kings returne into the country of Touraine, and the Duke of Guienne his brother into Guienne. The saide Duke of Guienne continued still his sute aboue mentioned for his mariage with the Duke of Burgundies daughter, whereunto the said Duke in word euer shewed himselfe willing, but in deede meant nothing lesse, both bicause he purposed to vse hir as an instrument whereby to entertaine all the world, and a marchandise to put euery man in hope of, and also for that he stomacked the euill practises they had contriued to constraine him to this mariage perforce. The Earle of Saint Paul Constable of Fraunce busied himselfe in this treaty very earnestly, desiring that the mariage might seeme to be effected by his onely meanes and procurement. On the other side the Duke of Britaine traueled therein, to the end the whole honor thereof might redound to him. The King was as busie as the best to breake it off, though needlesly, as well for the two reasons aboue alleaged, as also bicause the Duke of Burgundy was not desirous of so great a sonne in lawe, wherefore in vaine the King troubled himselfe, but he could not see another mans thoughts. And sure he had iust cause of feare, for if this mariage had taken effect, his brother should haue beene so mighty, that he and the Duke of Britaine ioined togither, might haue put the Kings estate and his childrens in great danger. In the meane time about these affaires many ambassadors passed to and fro as well secretly as openly.

This often passing to and fro of ambassadors is a thing very dangerous: for vnder colour thereof many times euill practises are set abroch: yet notwithstanding ambassadors must of force both be sent and receiued. They that shall reade this historie will aske peraduenture what remedie I can deuise against this inconuenience, bicause it seemeth almost remedilesse. For answere whereunto I will shew mine aduise, notwithstanding that I know a number far better able to discourse heerof than my selfe. Ambassadors that come from perfect friends, with whom no occasion of quarrell can arise, must be well intertained, and permitted to come often to the Princes presence, [Page] I meane if the Prince be wise and of comely personage, otherwise the lesse he be seene the better. Notwithstanding when he must of necessitie be seene, let him be well apparelled, and well instructed what to say, and vse short speech according to Princes amitie, which vsually is but short. But if ambassadors be sent openly or secretly betweene Princes that are in continuall hatred and war, as all those haue been that I haue knowen or been conuersant with in my time, sure there is great danger therein. Notwithstanding mine aduise is, that ambassadors be well intertained and honorably receiued: for to send to meete them, to lodge them well, to appoint trusty and wise men to accompanie them, are not onely points of great curtesie, but also of great safetie. For thereby you shal both vnderstand who they are that resort to them, and also stay such as be light headed and discontented with the present estate, from bringing them intelligence: for there is no Princes court wherein all haue contented mindes. Further, they must haue speedie audience, and soone be dispatched. For me thinke it a perilous matter for a man to harbor his enimie in his house, but to defray them, to lodge them well, and to giue them presents is but curtesie. Further, in time of open war no practise nor ouerture of peace must be altogither broken off (bicause peraduenture the lest of them may serue vs to good purpose) but all must be continued and intertained, and all ambassadors heard, vsing them as before is said, and appointing sure watch to espie who go to beare them intelligence, and are sent to them either by day or night: but this must be done as secretly as may be. Further, for one ambassador they send to you, send you two to them: and though they be wearie of your ambassadors, and forbid any more to come: yet send still when time & occasion serueth. For no spie shall haue such libertie to inquire and vnderstand of all matters as they. And if you send two or three togither, it is impossible for your enimy to haue so good watch (I meane vsing them with good termes as ambassadors are to be vsed) but that some of them shall haue conference and intelligence with one or other. Lastly, a wise Prince must alwaies endeuor himselfe to haue some secret friend or friends about his enimie, and beware as neere as he may (for in such cases men cannot alway do as they would) that his enimie haue not the like about him. You will say peraduenture that by such often sending I shall increase mine enimies insolencie and pride. But I force not thereof: for by this meanes I shall vnderstand his secrets, and in the end all the profit and honor shall redound to me. And notwithstanding that mine enimy may deale with me after the same sort, yet wold I not cease from sending, but intertaine all ouertures and breake off none, to the end I may alwaies haue occasion to send. For all men haue not like wisedome, like cunning, nor like experience in these affaires, neither like occasion to trauell for experience, and in these cases the wisest win the garland: whereof I will giue you a manifest example. In all treaties of peace concluded betweene the English and French nations, the French haue alwaies shewed more finenes, subtiltie, and cunning than the English, so far foorth that the said English men haue a common prouerbe, as once they told me, when I treated with them: that in all battels fought with the French, euer or for the most part they haue obtained honor and victorie, but in all treaties that haue been concluded betweene them they haue euer receiued losse and dammage. And sure in mine opinion I haue knowen in this realme (especially of King Lewis his training vp) men as sufficient to negotiate in a treatie of peace as any in the world. For those that are imploied in these affaires must be milde men, and such as can beare patiently all rude words to compas their purposes for their Masters profit, and such onely would King Lewis imploy. I haue beene somwhat long in discoursing how ambassadors actions must diligently be obserued, but not without cause: for I haue seen [Page] and knowen so great falshood and treacherie vsed vnder colour thereof, that I could no sooner end my discourse.

This mariage between the Duke of Guienne and the Duke of Burgundies daughter was so earnestly laboured, that in the end some promise was made therof both by mouth and letter. But I haue knowen the like done to Nicholas Duke of Calabria and Loraine ¹ sonne to Iohn Duke of Calabria so often aboue mentioned, and to Philibert Duke of Sauoy that last died, and to Maximilian Duke of Austrich now King of Romans onely sonne of Frederike the Emperor, who also receiued a letter written with the damsels owne hand by hir fathers commandement, and a diamond therewith. All which promises were made in lesse than three yeeres space: yet am I well assured that during the Dukes life, none of them should haue been accomplished, at the least with his consent. But this letter aboue mentioned furthered much Duke Maximilians sute, as heereafter you shall heare. I write not this to charge thereby the Duke of Burgundie, or any of those aboue mentioned, but onely to rehearse the course of these affaires. Further, I perswade my selfe that rude and simple men will not busie their braines about the reading of this historie: but Princes and Courtiers shall finde in it good lessons and aduertisements in mine opinion. During this treatie of marriage diuers newe enterprises against the King were in communication. With the Duke of Burgundie was the Lord of Vrfé, Poncet of Riuiere, and certaine other meane personages that ran to and fro, for the D. of Guiennes affaires. In like maner the Abbot of Begarde afterward Bishop of Leon was resident with him, for the Duke of Britaine. These aduertised the Duke of Burgundy that the King practised to corrupt the Duke of Guiens seruants, and to withdraw them from him, partly by loue, partly by force: adding also that he had already razed a certaine place belonging to the Lord of Estissac, the Duke of Guiennes seruant, and had begun diuers other attempts against his brother, so far foorth, that he had withdrawne from him certaine of his houshold seruants: whereby appeered manifestly (as they said) that he ment to take Guienne from him now as in times past he had done Normandy once granted him for his partage as before is mentioned. The Duke of Burgundy sent diuers ambassadors to the King about these affaires, who euer excused himselfe ², and accused his brother, saying that for his part he minded not to touch his brothers partage: but that his brother by seeking to inlarge his limits, was author of all these troubles.

We haue heer to consider how troublesom, dangerous, and far from all good end the affaires of this Realme are, when it is in discord and ciuill dissention: for notwithstanding that at the beginning of the troubles all men hope shortely to see them at an end: yet is the contrary greatly to be feared, for though the fire be kindled at the first, but betweene two or three Princes or men of meaner estate: yet before two yeeres be exspired, all our neighbours shall be bidden to the banquet, as plainly may appeere by this that followeth. At this very instant that I now write of, the D. of Guienne at the least his seruants, and the D. of Britaine desired the Duke of Burgundy in no wise to call the Englishmen to his aide: for seeing all that they did was for the good and benefite of the realme, they would not bring the ancient enimies of the crowne into the realme: adding farther that if he would be in a readines they should be strong ynough of themselues, aswell bicause of their great forces as also of the good intelligence they had in the realme with diuers Captaines and others. And once it was my chance to be present when the Lord of Vrfé had communication with the Duke to this effect, and withall pressed him earnestly with all speede to leauy his army. The Duke stoode at a window and called me to [Page] him and said: Heere is my Lord of Vrfé that presseth me earnestly to leauy the greatest force that possible I may, alleaging that it shall be greatly for the benefite of the realme: what thinke you of this motion if I enter into the realme with my army, shall I do any great good there? I answered him merily that I thought no: then said he: I loue the realme of Fraunce better than my Lord of Vrfé weeneth, for where it hath one King I would it had six.

During the treaty of mariage aboue mentioned, Edward King of England who thought verily that the mariage should haue bin accomplished: (wherein he was deceiued, as was also the King) traueled earnestly with the Duke of Burgundy to breake it off, alleaging that the K. had no issue male, wherfore if he hapned to die the crown should descend to his brother, whereby (if this marriage tooke effect) the realme of England shuld stand in great danger, so many seigniories being vnited to the crown. This matter troubled maruellously though needlesly, not onely the King of England, but also his whole Councell in such sort, that they would giue no credite to the Duke of Burgundy, what promise soeuer he made to the contrary. The saide Duke notwithstanding the request aboue mentioned made vnto him by the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine, for not calling in strangers to his aide, was very desirous that the King of England should inuade some part of the realme, and himselfe would haue pleaded ignorance therein. But the Englishmen would not be woon therunto: for they so much feared the annexing of the house of Burgundy by this mariage to the crown of Fraunce, that they would at that time rather haue aided the King, than inuaded him. You see heere all these Princes throughly busied and accompanied with a number of wise men, who (as the sequele well declared) foresawe a far of more by the one halfe than in their life time tooke effect: for they all through this continuall toile and trauell, in short space one after another ended their liues, each man reioicing at others death as of a thing most desired. Soone after also followed their masters, leauing their successors troubles enow, all saue the King our master who left his realme to his sonne, quiet both from foraine wars and ciuill dissention, so that he did more for him than euer he either would or could do for himselfe: for I neuer knew him in peace saue onely a litle before his death.

The Duke of Guienne at this present lay sicke and in danger of death as som said, but others affirmed the contrary: his men pressed earnestly the Duke of Burgundy to put himselfe into the field, bicause the time of the yeere serued fitly for that purpose, and aduertised him that the Kings army was abroad, and lay at Saint Iohn d' Angelie, or at Xainctes, or thereabout. To be short, they labored the Duke so importunately, that he went to Arras, and there assembled his forces, and marched towards the townes of Peronne, Roye, and Montdidier: his army was maruellous great, yea the greatest that euer he had before: for in it were twelue hundred Launces of his ordinary retinue, euery one of them accompanied with three archers well armed and well mounted: farther in euery company of these Launces were ten men of armes for a supply, besides the lieutenant and ensine bearer. The gentlemen of the Dukes dominions were likewise in very good order: for they were very well paid and led by valiant knights and esquires. And sure at that time these countries were maruellous rich.

The Notes.

1 This Nicolas is named in other histories Marques du Pount.

2 The King made war vpon his brother bicause he had restored the Earle of Armignac to all his possessions in Guienne, whom the King before had banished. Annal. Aquit.

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How the finall peace treated of betweene the Duke of Burgundie and the King brake off bicause of the Duke of Guiens death, and how these two great Princes sought to deceiue each other. Chap. 9.

WHile the Duke was leuying his armie aboue mentioned, the Lord of Cran and the Chauncellor of Fraunce named Master Peter Doriole, came to him twise or thrise from the King, and secretly treated with him of a final peace, which heertofore could neuer be concluded, bicause the Duke required the restitution of Amiens and Saint Quintine, whereunto the King would neuer condiscend: but now partly bicause of the great preparation he saw made against him, and partly in hope to compas certaine purposes whereof heerafter you shall heare, he agreed to yeeld them. The conditions of this peace were, that the King should restore to the Duke Amiens and Saint Quintine, and whatsoeuer else was in controuersie betweene them. That he should abandon the Earles of Neuers and Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce, and permit the Duke to do with them and all their possessions at his pleasure, and seize them into his own hands if he could. That the Duke in like maner should abandon the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine, and permit the King to do with them and their seigniories at his pleasure. I was present when the Duke of Burgundie sware this treatie, and likewise the Lord of Cran, and the Chauncellor of Fraunce in the Kings name, who also at their departure from the Duke aduised him not to dismisse his armie, but to march still forward, to the end the King their Master might make the speedier deliuerie of the two places aboue named. Further Simon of Quinchy was sent with them to see the King sweare and confirme this treaty, which his ambassadors had concluded: but the King delaied the confirmation a certaine space, and in the meane time happened his brothers death.

The D. being readie to depart from Arras receiued two seuerall aduertisements: one that Nicholas Duke of Calabria and Loraine, heire of the house of Aniou, and sonne to Iohn Duke of Calabria was comming to him about his daughters marriage, whom the Duke honorably receiued, and put in great hope of his sute. But the next day being the 15. of May 1472. (as I remember) came letters from Simon of Quinchy the Dukes ambassador to the King, wherein he aduertised his Master of the Duke of Guiennes death, and that the K. had alreadie recouered a great part of his countrie. The like aduertisements receiued he also incontinent from others, but reporting diuersly of the said Dukes death. Soone after returned Simon of Quinchy from the King with a cold answer: for he refused to sweare the treatie, which the Duke tooke very disdainfully as a matter tending to his contempt and dishonor. His men also in time of war as well for this as other causes spake very villanous and opprobrious words of the King, and I warrant you the French requited them with the like. The Duke of Burgundie being almost out of his wits bicause of these newes, by the perswasion of certaine no lesse sorie for this accident than himselfe, writ letters to diuers townes of the realme, charging the King with his brothers death, but little it auailed, for no man stirred ¹. Notwithstanding if the Duke of Guienne had liued, vndoubtedly the King should haue had ynough to do: for the Britons were in a readines to [Page] inuade him, hauing greater intelligences in the realme than euer before: all the which failed by the Dukes death.

The Duke of Burgundy in this fury put himselfe into the field, and marched towards Nesle in Vermandois, making foule and cruell war, contrary to his accustomed maner: for he spoiled and burned all the countrey as he passed. His vaward marched before him, and besieged the said towne of Nesle being of no force: but the Duke himselfe lodged three leagues from it. Within the towne were certaine franke archers that slew a herald of the Dukes comming to summon them. Further, their captaine came foorth to parle vnder surety, thinking to bring the matter to composition but could not, and as he returned into the towne (the truce yet continuing bicause of his saly) they within the towne (notwithstanding that themselues stood open vpon the wall no man seeking to hurt them) slew yet two other of the Dukes men, wherfore the truce was disauowed, & word sent to the Lady of Nesle being within the towne, to come foorth with all hir household & stuffe, which she did accordingly: and immediately after, the place was assaulted and taken, and the greatest part of them that were within it slaine: all that were taken aliue were hanged, saue a few whom the soldiers for very pity let go, a number also had their hands cut off. It lotheth me to make mention of this cruelty: but bicause I was present, somewhat I am forced to write therof. And sure either the Duke was maruellously passioned, in that he committed so cruell an act, or some great caused mooued him thereunto. He alleaged two, the one the Duke of Guiennes death, wherof he spake very strangely vpon other mens report: the other the griefe he had conceiued for the losse of Amiens and Saint Quintin aboue rehearsed.

Some that shall read this that foloweth, will thinke happily that there was small faith in these two Princes, or that I misreport them: I would be loth to misreport either of them. And to the King our Master, how much I am bound all the world knoweth. But to continue my history (right reuerend father in God) in such sort as you haue required, I am forced to vtter that I know howsoeuer it passed. And I doubt not but these two, being compared with other Princes, shall seeme noble, woorthy, and honorable, and the King our Master wise aboue all the rest, who left his realme enlarged and in peace with all his enimies. Wherefore let vs now consider whether of these two Princes sought to deceiue the other, to the end that if heereafter this history happen to fall into the hands of some yoong Prince that hath to negotiate in such like affaires, he may by reading thereof be the better instructed how to looke to himselfe. For notwithstanding that neither Princes nor enimies be alwaies alike, nor deale alike, in like affaires: yet is it good to know the histories of times past. To speake therefore vprightly, I thinke both these Princes were fully bent each to deceiue other, and tended both to one end, as you shall heare. Both of them had their armies abroad in a readines. The King had already taken diuers places, and during the treaty made sharpe war vpon his brother, whom the Lords of Courton, Patris, Foucart and diuers others had already relinquished, & were receiued into the Kings seruice. Further, his army lay about Rochell, hauing great intelligence in the towne, for the citizens practised continually, as well bicause of the rumor of this treaty, as also bicause of the Dukes sicknes. And I thinke the Kings resolution was, if he could atchieue his enterprise there, or his brother hapned to die, not to sweare the treaty: but if he found great resistance, to sweare it, and performe his promise, thereby to auoid all danger. And sure he lost no time, but vsed great diligence, delaying also very cunningly Simon of Quingy the space of eight daies, during the which delay, his brother died: further, he knew well the Duke of Burgundy so greatly to desire the [Page] restitution of these two townes aboue named, that he durst not flatly fall out with him. Wherefore he meant to delay him, and feed him foorth with faire words fifteen or twenty daies (as he did accordingly) to see in the meane time what would happen. Now that I haue spoken of the King, and shewed how he was purposed to deale with the Duke, it is fit I should also declare how the Duke was minded towards him, and thought to delude him, had not the Duke of Guiennes death happened. Simon of Quinchy by the Kings request had a commission from the Duke his Master, commanding him immediately after the treatie sworne, and writings deliuered for the confirmation thereof, to go into Britaine to informe the Duke of Britaine of the conditions of the peace, and in like maner the Duke of Guiennes ambassadors resident in Britaine, to the end they might aduertise their Master thereof at Bordeaux: whereby the King meant to put the Britons into the greater feare, when they should see themselues abandoned of him that was their chiefe anchor hold.

Now you shall vnderstand that Simon of Quinchy had in his company a rider of the Dukes Escuirie called Henry a Parisian borne, a wise fellow and of good experience: who had a letter of credit to the said Simon written with the Dukes owne hand, but his commission was not to deliuer it till the said Simons departure from the King, and his arriuall to the Duke of Britaine at Nantes, where his charge was to deliuer him the letter and this message withall. That he should will the Duke of Britaine not to thinke that his Master would abandon the Duke of Guienne and him, for he would succour them both with body and goods, and that he had concluded this treatie to none other end but to auoid war, and recouer the townes of Saint Quintine and Amiens: which the King in time of peace contrary to his promise had taken from him. And further to aduertise the said Duke, that the Duke his Master would send an honorable ambassage to the King (so soone as he should be seized of that he demanded) humbly to beseech him to end this war, and relinquish his enterprise against the said two Dukes, and not to giue credite to the oth he had sworne, which he was no more determined to obserue, than the King had obserued the treaty [...]ade before Paris called the treatie of Conflans: and the treatie which he had sworne at Peronne, and long after confirmed also. Further desiring him to call to remembrance, that he tooke these townes against his faith and promise in time of peace: wherefore he must hold himselfe contented if he recouered them after the same sort. And as touching the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce, and the Earle of Neuers whom the King had permitted him to vse at his pleasure, he would protest, that notwithstanding he hated them as he had iust cause to do: yet would he forgiue all their offences, and let them liue in quiet, desiring the King to grant these two Dukes the like: and that it would please him to suffer all men to liue in peace and safetie, in such maner and forme as he had sworne at Conflans, when they were all there assembled togither: which if he refused to do, he would then succour his confederates. And it was determined that the Duke should be in campe when this ambassage should be sent to the King. But God disposed otherwise of these purposes: for death which departeth all things, and changeth all determinations, set them otherwise a worke, as partly you haue vnderstood already, and shall heerafter perceiue more at large: for the King restored not these two townes, and yet had the Duchie of Guienne by his brothers death, as reason was.

The Notes.

1 The Duke of Guienne died the 12. of May, but Meyer saith the 24. Annal. Aquit. the 11. Of his death reade Annal. Burgund. lib. 3. fol. 946. Meyer. lib. 17. fol. 353. writeth[Page]thus of it. Rex fratri venenum miscet per Iordanum Abbatem, Diui Ioannis beenedictini nominis: where reade also what Thomas Basinus Bishop of Lisieux writeth of the Dukes death, who compareth King Lewis to Cain, Atreus, Thiestes, Polinices, and Eteocles. Hollandiae scriptor saith thus: Rex ille, inquit idem, fecit quod Cain, qui vnicum fratrem suum Abel interfecit. Dedit enim Rex mortiferū Carolo fratri venenum, quo nō statim extinctus est, sed mensibus aliquot miserabiliter afflictus. Gaguin a French historiographer saith thus: The King was aduertised of his brother D. Charles his death, who died at Bordeaux poisoned by a certaine Abbot, but not without the Kings consent as the report went. Annal. Aquit. written by a French man seeme to make King Lewis accessorie to his brothers death. The Duke was poisoned as he sat at the table with the Lady of Mount soreau whom he entertained, and who was also poisoned with him. The King commanded the Abbots processe to cease, and the rest which were suspected: whereby he plainly bewraied his owne guiltie conscience.

How the Duke of Burgundy seeing that he could not take Beauuais, before the which he had laid his siege, went to Roan. Chap. 10.

NOw to returne to the war, you haue heard how certaine poore franke archers were handled at the taking of Nesle: thence the D. departed and went before Roye: within the which were 1500. franke archers and certaine men of armes of the Arriereban. The Dukes force was neuer so great as at that present. The next day after his arriuall, these franke archers fearing their liues, leapt downe the wals and yeelded themselues to him: and the third day they that yet remained within rendered themselues and the towne by composition, leauing behinde them both horse and harnesse, saue that euery man of armes brought foorth a trauelling nag. The Duke left men in the towne and went to Mondidier which he began to raze, meaning vtterly to destroy it & lay it desolate, but bicause of the good wil he perceiued the people of those parts ¹ to beare him, he caused it to be repaired, and left a garrison in it. From thence he departed, meaning to march straight into Normandie: but as he passed hard by Beauuais the L. of Cordes who led his vaward, rode to the towne, and at his first arriuall the suburbs before the Bishops palace were taken by a couetous Burgundian named Master Iames of Montmartin: who had vnder his charge one hundred launces, and three hundred archers of the Dukes ordinarie retinue. The Lord of Cordes scaled the towne on the other side, but he lacked ladders, and those few he had were too short. He had two canons which shot twise at the towne gate, and brake downe a peece thereof: and if he had been furnished to haue continued the shot, vndoubtedly he had entred the towne, but he was vnprouided, bicause he came not for any such exploite. At his first arriuall none were in the towne but the citizens themselues, and the captaine of the towne called Loyset of Bailligny, with certaine soldiers of the Arriereban, but not ynow to defend the place. Notwithstanding it pleased God miraculously to preserue it as he manifestly declared. For the Burgundians that were with the Lord of Cordes fought hand to hand with the French at the breach made in the gate: whereupon the said Lord of Cordes sent word diuers times to the Duke of Burgundie to make haste thither, assuring him that the towne was his owne. But [Page] in the meane time while the Duke was vpon the way, one within deuised to throwe flaming fagots in their faces that were about to breake downe the gate: whereof they threw so great plentie, that the gate and the porch tooke fire in such sort, that the Burgundians were forced to retire till the fire ceased. Soone after arriued the Duke himselfe, who in like maner held the towne as taken, the fire being once quenched which was very great, for all the porch was on fire. And vndoubtedly if he had lodged part of his army on the other side of the towne towards Paris, no man could haue entred to releeue it. But it pleased God he should make doubt where none was: for bicause of a little brooke that was to passe he made difficultie so to do then, and yet afterward when a great number of men were entred the towne he would haue done it, and was hardly disswaded from it: notwithstanding that thereby he should then haue endangered his whole army. All this happened the eight & twentith of Iune in the yeere 1472. The fire aboue mentioned continued all day, and in the euening ten launces onely of the Kings ordinarie retinue entred the towne, as I was afterward informed: for I serued yet the Duke of Burgundie, but we saw them not enter, both bicause euery man was busied in making his lodging: and also bicause we had no force on that side the towne. By breake of day the Dukes battterie was bent against the wals: but soone after we saw two hundred men of armes enter the towne: and had it not beene for their comming, I thinke the citizens would haue treated of a composition: which notwithstanding the Duke in this fury would neuer haue granted: for he desired to take the towne by assault, and if he had so done, vndoubtedly he would haue burnt it, which had been great pitie: sure it was preserued by very miracle. After these men of armes were entred, the Dukes artillerie shot continually the space of fifteen daies, and the place was as well beaten as euer was any, in such sort that the breach was saultable: but the ditch of the one side of the burned gate stood full of water, so that we were forced to build a bridge ouer it: but on the other side we might come hard to the wals without any danger, saue of one flanker which was so low that our artillerie could not beat it.

It is great danger and folly to assault a towne so well defended as this was: for within it was the Constable ² (as I remember) or lay by it, I wot not wel whether, the Marshall Ioachin, the Marshall of Loheac, the Lord of Crussoll, VVilliam of Valleu, Mery of Croy, Sallezarde, Theuenot of Vignoles, being all ancient captaines, accompanied with an hundred men of armes of the Kings ordinary retinue: besides a great number of footemen and others that were come thither with them. Yet the Duke contrary to the opinion of his whole army, determined to giue the assault. And the night before, as he lay on his field bed in his clothes, according to his accustomed maner, he asked certaine there present, whether they thought the town would abide the assault: who answered that they thought yea, seeing they were force sufficient to defend it: at the which answer he scoffed, saying that they should not finde a man there the next day. In the morning by breake of day the assault was giuen very couragiously, and the breach no lesse valiantly defended. A great number went thronging on our new made bridge in such sort, that an ancient knight of Burgundy called Despiris was smothered there, who was the best man that died before the towne. On the other side of the gate certaine of our men got vp to the top of the wall, but some of them neuer returned. They fought hand to hand a great while, and the assault continued so long, that fresh bands were appointed to succeede, the first being wearied: but bicause the Duke saw his men to labor in vaine, he caused them to retire: yet notwithstanding they within salied not, for they saw company ynough ready to receiue them. At this assault were slaine twelue hundred soldiers ³, and [Page] the best man that died there was the aboue named Despiris. It was thought at the first that many more had been lost: for aboue a thousand were hurt. The next night they within salied foorth, but bicause their number was small, and the most of them on horsebacke, and therby encombred with the cords of our tents, they did no great exploit, but lost two or three gentlemen of their company, and hurt one of ours named Master Iames d'Orson, a very honest gentleman, and master of the Dukes Ordinance, who a few daies after died of the said hurt.

Seauen or eight daies after this assault, the Duke would haue diuided his army into two bands, and lodged part thereof at the gate towards Paris, contrary to all mens aduise and to all reason, considering the great number of soldiers within the town. This should haue been done at the beginning, but now it was too late. Wherfore seeing no remedy, he raised his campe in very good order ⁴, hoping that they within would issue forth to the skirmish, which notwithstanding they did not. From thence he marched into Normandy, bicause he had promised the Duke of Britaine to come as far as Roan, where the said Duke of Britaine had promised in like maner to meete him. But bicause of the Duke of Guiennes death, he altered his minde, and stirred not out of his country. The Duke of Burgundy came before Eu, which was yeelded vnto him, as was also Saint Valery, and he burnt all this quarter euen hard to Diepe. He tooke likewise Neuf-chastell, and burnt both it and all the country of Caux, or the greatest part, euen hard to Roan gates: further, he presented himselfe in person before the said towne of Roan: he lost many of his foragers, whereby his army was in great distresse of victuals. In the end bicause winter approched he departed homeward, and his backe was no sooner turned, but the French recouered Eu and Saint Valery, and tooke prisoners by composition seauen or eight Burgundians that were within them.

The Notes.

1 The French hath Chastellenies, which were places where certaine courts of the inferior iurisdiction vvere held, to the which the countrey there about was bound to repaire.

2 Annal. Franc. report that the Constable lay hard by the tovvne, but mooued not to defend it, for the vvhich cause it vvas thought he had intelligence vvith the Duke.

3 Gaguin saith, that there vvere slaine at the assault of Beauuais 1500. men.

4 The Duke lay before Beauuais sixe and tvventy daies, and leuied his siege the 22. of Iuly. Meyer.

How the King made peace with the Duke of Britaine, and truce with the Duke of Burgundy, and how the Earle of Saint Paul escaped for that time a conspiracy that these two Princes made against him. Chap. 11.

ABout this time I came to the Kings seruice in the yeere 1472. who receiued also the selfesame yeere, the greatest part of his brother the Duke of Guienne his seruants. He lay then at Pont de See, making war vpon the Duke of Britaine: whither certaine ambassadors came to him out of Britaine, and from whence also he sent his ambassadors thither. Among the rest that came to him to the said towne of Pont de See, were Philip of Essars, [Page] seruant to the Duke, and VVilliam of Sousplenuille seruant to the Lord of Lescute, the which Lord of Lescute seeing his Master the Duke of Guienne at the point of death, tooke sea at Bordeaux and departed into Britaine, fearing to fall into the Kings hands: he embarked in time, and carried away with him the Duke of Guiennes Confessor ¹, and a rider of his stable, who were charged with the Dukes death, and remained prisoners in Britaine many yeeres after. When these runnings to and fro had indured a while, the King in the end determined to haue peace with the Duke of Britaine, and to deale so liberally with the Lord of Lescute that he would thereby asswage the euil wil he bare him, and win him to his seruice. For as he knew the Duke of Britaines forces, being gouerned by so woorthy a man, greatly to be feared: so was he assured if he could win the Lord of Lescute to his seruice, that the Britons would labor for peace, bicause he was their onely man of wisdome and experience in the countrey: besides that, generally the Britaines desire nothing more than peace with Fraunce: bicause continually a great number of them haue good entertainment, and be in good estimation in this realme, & not vnwoorthily: for sure in times past they haue done great seruice heere. Wherefore me thinke the King did very wisely in concluding this treaty, notwithstanding that some not considering so deepely thereof as himselfe did, thought otherwise of it. He had a very good opinion of the Lord of Lescute, & knew there was no danger in putting those offices and places of charge that he did into his hands, bicause he was a man of honor, & would neuer during these diuisions haue any intelligence with the English men, nor consent that the townes in Normandie ² should be yeelded to them, but had beene the onely stay thereof, which was the cause of all his preferment. When the King had well debated this matter, he commanded Sousplenuille to put in writing all that his Master required, as well for the Duke as himselfe: which done, the King granted him all his demands being these: A pension of 80000. franks for the Duke: for his master the Lord of Lescute a pension of 6000. franks, the gouernment of Guienne, the two Seneschalships of Launes and Bordelois, the captainship of one of the castels of Bordeaux, the captainship of Blaye, and of the two castels of Bayonne, of Dax, and of Saint Seuer, 24000. crownes in ready mony, the Kings order, and the Earldome of Comminges. All the which the King granted and agreed vnto, saue that the Dukes pension was diminished by the one halfe, and continued but two yeeres. Further, the King gaue the said Sousplenuille 6000. crownes (which with the other 24. thousand giuen to his Master were to be paid in fower yeeres) a pension of 1200. franks, the Mayraltie of Bayonne, the Bailywick of Montargis, and certaine other small offices in Guienne. All the which aboue rehearsed estates, his Master and he enioied till the Kings death. Philip d'Essars likewise was made Bailife of Meaux, and lieutenant of the waters and forrests throughout the realme of Fraunce, and had also a pension granted him of 1200. franks, and 4000. crownes in ready money: all the which offices and estates from that day till the King our Master his death they quietly enioied, and the Lord of Comminges continued during his life his trustie and faithfull seruant.

The King hauing pacified all matters in Britaine marched straight toward Picardie: for he and the Duke of Burgundie vsed alwaies when winter approched, to make truce for sixe moneths, or a yeere, and some time more. After the which their woonted maner they made truce at this present, which the Chancellor of Burgundie with certaine others came to the King to conclude. There the Kings Commissioners read the finall peace made with the Duke of Britaine, whereby the said Duke renounced the league he was entred into with the English men and the D. of Burgundie: wherfore the King required the Duke of Burgundies ambassadors not to comprehend the [Page] Duke of Britaine in the truce as their confederate: whereunto they would not condiscend, but agreed that the Duke of Britaine should be at his choise to declare himselfe within the time accustomed, either the Kings confederate or theirs: alleaging that heertofore also the said Duke had abandoned them by writing, yet had not departed from their friendship. Further adding, that though he were a Prince wholy led and gouerned by others, and doing little of himselfe: yet in the end he euer yeelded to that which was best and most necessary for his estate. All this was done in the yeere 1473.

During this treatie they murmured on both sides against the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce: for the King and those that were neerest about him had conceiued maruellous hatred against him. And the Duke of Burgundy hated him woorse than they, as he had iust cause to do: for I know the reasons that mooued them both to beare him ill will. The Duke had not yet forgotten that he was the onely occasion of the losse of Amiens and Saint Quintin, and perceiued well that he nourished this war betweene the King and him. For in time of truce he spake him as faire as was possible, but so soone as the war opened, he shewed himselfe his mortall foe. Further, the Earle had sought to constraine him by force to marrie his daughter to the Duke of Guienne, as before [...] [...]ue heard. Besides all this there was yet another grudge: for while the Duke lay before Amiens, the Constable made a road into Henault, and among other cruell exploits burned the castell of Seure, belonging to a Knight named Master Baudouin of Launay: before the which time they vsed on neither side to fire any place. But in reuenge thereof the Duke this last sommer burned the countrie all the way his armie passed, as before you haue heard. Thus they began to practise the Constables destruction: for the accomplishment whereof diuers of the Kings men conferred with such of the Dukes seruants as they knew to be his mortall enimies: for the French had him in as great iealousie as the Duke of Burgundie had, and accused him as the onely occasion of the war: wherefore all his treaties and practises with both parties were ripped vp and discouered, and they both sought his death.

Some man may peraduenture aske heerafter, if the King alone were not of power sufficient to put him to death: whereunto I answer that he was not. For his lands lay iust in the middest betweene the King and the Duke: further, he held Saint Quintin a great and strong towne in Vermandois, and of his owne Han, Bohain, and other very strong places neere to the said Saint Quintin, the which he might man at all times with any nation at his owne pleasure. He had charge vnder the King of fower hundred men of armes well paied, of the which companie himselfe was controller and tooke the muster, which was no small profit to him: for his companies were not complete. Besides all this he had a yeerely pension of 45000. franks, and of euerie tunne of wine that passed through his countrie into Flaunders or Henault, he receiued a crowne for impost. He had also goodly seigniories and possessions of his owne inheritance, and great intelligence as well in Fraunce as in the Dukes dominions, where he had many kinsfolks and allies.

The truce betweene the King and the Duke continued a whole yeere: all the which space this practise endured, and the Kings men addressed themselues wholie to the Lord of Hymbercourt (so often before named,) who of long time had beene the Constables enimy: besides that, their hatred was lately increased. For in an assembly held at Roye, where the Constable and others were commissioners for the King: and the Chancellor of Burgundy and the Lord of Hymbercourt, with diuers others for the Duke: as they conferred togither of their affaires, the Constable [Page] gaue the lie very shamefully to the said Hymbercourt, who answered thereunto, that he would not beare this reproch at his hands, were it not in respect of the Kings honor, vnder whose safe conduct he was come thither as ambassador, and of the Duke his Master whose person he represented, and to whom he would make report of this iniurie done vnto him. This onely villanie and outrage so soone done, cost the Constable both lands and life as heereafter shall be declared more at large. Wherefore those that are in authority, yea and Princes themselues ought to take great heed how they iniurie any man by word or deed, and whom they iniurie: for the greater they are, the greater greefe and sorrowe is conceiued of their words, bicause they that are iniuried thinke that the great authority of the person that iniurieth them, will cause them the more to be marked and noted. And if he be their Master or Prince they vtterly dispaire of benefite or good turne at his hands: and most men serue rather for the good they hope to haue, than for that they haue already receiued.

But to returne to the point, the Kings men practised continually with Hymbercourt, and likewise with the Chancellor, as well bicause the words spoken at Roye touched him in part, as also bicause of the neere friendship that was between Hymbercourt and him. And the matter was so earnestly pressed, that an assembly was held about it at Bouuines a towne neere to Namur, whither the King sent the Lord of Courton gouernor of Lymosin, and Master Iohn Heberge afterward Bishop of Eureux: and the Duke the said Chancellor and Hymbercourt, being the yeere 1474.

The Constable being informed that they practised at Bouuines to his cost, sent with all speede to both the Princes, aduertising them he vnderstood of all their doings, and so cunningly he wrought, that he perswaded the King that the Duke meant nothing but deceit, onely to allure the said Constable to his friendship: whereupon with all speed the King sent to his ambassadors at Bouuines, commanding them to conclude nothing against the Constable for certain reasons he would declare vnto them, but to prolong the truce according to their instructions, for a yeere or sixe moneths I wot not well whether. But when the messenger arriued, he found the treatie already concluded, and the writings sealed and deliuered the night before. Notwithstanding the ambassadors had so good intelligence togither, and were so great friends each to other, that they deliuered the writtings backe againe: the contents whereof were, that the Constable for the reasons therein rehearsed, was declared enimie and traitor to both the Princes: who promised and sware each to other, that whether of them could first lay hands on him, should either put him to death within eight daies, or deliuer him to the other to do with him at his pleasure. It was also therein concluded, that he should be proclaimed by sound of trumpet enimy to both the Princes, and likewise all that should serue, helpe, aide, or fauour him. Further, the King promised to deliuer to the Duke the towne of Saint Quintin, so often before mentioned, and to giue him all the Constables treasure and moouables that should be found in the realme of Fraunce, with all such seigniories and lordships as were held of the said Duke, and among the rest Han and Bohain, which are two very strong places. Lastly, a day was appointed when both the King and the Duke should send their forces to besiege him in Han. Notwithstanding for the reasons aboue rehearsed, this conclusion was cleane broken off, and a day and place assigned where the Constable should come to commune with the King vnder safe conduct: for he stood in doubt of his person, bicause of the late treatie held at Bouuines. The place assigned was three leagues from Noyon neere to the towne of La Fere, vpon a pretie riuer which no man could passe, bicause the Constables men had taken vp all the [Page] bridges. In the said place was a narrow causey, ouerthwart the which a strong grate was built, whither the Constable came first, accompanied with all his men of armes, or the greatest part: for he had with him aboue three hundred gentlemen all men of armes: and he himselfe ware his quirace vnder a short gowne vngirt. The King came accompanied with the Earle of Dampmartine Lord great Master of Fraunce, the Constables mortall enimie, and with sixe hundred men of armes and better, and sent me before him to make his excuse to the Constable of his long stay: and soone after arriued himselfe, and they communed togither: at which their communication were present fiue or sixe of the Kings seruants, and as many of the Constables, who excused his comming thither in armes, bicause he stood in feare of the Earle of Dampmartin as he said. To be short, in the end it was agreed that all offences past should be forgiuen and forgotten: and the Constable passed through the grate to our side of the riuer, where the Earle of Dampmartin and he were made friends. That night he lodged with the King at Noyon, and the next morning returned to Saint Quintin throughly reconciled as he said. But when the King had well weighed this matter, and heard the murmuring of the people, he accused himselfe of great folly in going after this sort to commune with his seruant, & stomaked not a little, that he found the grate shut between them, considering that all the Constables men of armes were his subiects and paide out of his coffers: wherfore if his hatred against the Constable were great before, sure this meeting much increased it: and as touching the Constable, his proud stomack was no whit abated.

The Notes.

1 This Confessor was the Abbot of S. Iohn d'Angely, who died prisoner at Nantes in Britaine, in the great tower du Buffoy, where he confessed maruellous matters, and died very strangely. Annal. Aquit.

2 These places were those that remained in the Lord of Lescuts hands by the treaty of Caen, mentioned lib. 1. cap. 15.

A discourse very fit for this place, of the wisdome of the King and the Constable, with good aduertisements to such as are in credit with Princes. Chap. 12.

IF a man consider well this action of the Kings, he cannot but iudge it to proceede of great wisdome: for I am of opinion that the Duke of Burgundy to recouer Saint Quintin would easily haue pardoned the Constable all his offences, notwithstanding any promise made to the King of the contrary: Further, as touching the Constable, though he were a gentleman of great wisedome and vnderstanding, yet did he very vnaduisedly, and it appeered that God had vtterly bereft him of all good aduise, in that he came thus disguised before the King his Master, whose subiects all the men of armes were that accompanied him: and to say the truth, his very countenance shewed him to be astonished and abashed thereat: for when he came in person to the place, and found the grate shut betweene the King and him, he caused it foorthwith to be opened, and passed to our side of the riuer, where vndoubtedly he was in great danger.

[Page] This his dooing peraduenture himselfe and his familiar friends accounted a woorthy exploit: supposing the King to stand in feare of him, whom also they reputed a timorous Prince. And true it is that he was so at times when there was cause why: but not alwaies when the world so iudged of him. For you shall vnderstand, that the ciuill wars with the Princes of his realme, out of the which he had wound himselfe by large gifts and promises, had beaten this lesson into his head, not to put any thing in aduenture if he could compasse his purposes by any other means: which caused a number of men to suppose all his dooings to proceede of feare. But diuers that vpon this imagination attempted foolish enterprises against him, found themselues much deceiued, namely, the Earle of Armignack and others, whom their fond attempts cost full deere. For the King knew when it was time to feare, and not to feare. Sure this praise I dare boldly giue him (which though happily I haue written before, yet deserueth againe to be spoken) that he was the wisest man in aduersity that euer I knew. But to returne to my discourse of the Constable, who desired peraduenture to hold the King in feare, at the least I suppose so (for I will not charge him with it, but write this onely for an aduertisement to those that are in Princes seruice, and vnderstand not all alike the affaires of this world:) for mine owne part, if I had a friend, I would aduise him to endeuor himselfe that his Master might loue him, not feare him: for I neuer knew man whose authority depended of the feare his Master had of him, that sped not euill in the end, and that by his Masters consent. Examples ynow haue been seene heerof in our time, or not long before. In this realm of the Lord of Trimouille and others: In England of the Earle of Warwick and his faction. I could name some also in Spaine and in other countries. But those that shal reade this discourse may peraduenture be able to say more therin than my selfe. This their presumption oftentimes proceedeth of their good seruice: for they thinke their experience so great that they cannot be spared, and their deserts such that their Masters ought to beare all things at their hands. But Princes on the contrarie side both say and thinke, that men are bound to do them seruice, and desire nothing more than to be rid of such malapart fellowes. Touching the which point, I must needes speake somewhat of the King our Master: for once he told me in talking of those that do their Prince great seruice (naming withall his author from whom he receiued this opinion) that good seruice sometime vndooeth men: and is recompensed with great ingratitude, not alwaies by the Masters forgetfulnes, but many times through the seruants owne fault: who presuming vpon their good seruice, behaue themselues arrogantly, either towards their Masters or their fellowes: Further, as touching those that come to preferment in Court, this was his opinion: that he is happier that receiueth a benefit of the Prince he serueth, without great desert, whereby he standeth bound to his Prince: than he that hath done so great seruice, that his Prince seemeth in debted to him: adding, that he for his part loued those better that were bound to him, than those to whom he was bound. Thus you see how hard it is to liue in this world in any estate: wherfore greatly are they bound to God, whom he hath indued with vnderstanding how to gouerne thēselues in their vocation. This enteruiew between the King & the Constable was in the yeere 1474.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE.

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How the Duke of Burgundy being seazed of the Duchie of Gueldres, sought to encroch farther vpon the Almaines, and how he laied his siege before Nuz. Chap. 1.

THe same sommer (as I remember) that the King and the Constable met, the Duke of Burgundy went to conquer the Duchy of Gueldres, vpon a title woorthy to be declared, to the end we may therby consider the wonderfull iudgements and power of God. There was a yoong Duke of Gueldres named Adolph, who maried his wife (being of the house of Bourbon, and sister to Peter Duke of Bourbon ¹ now liuing) in the Duke of Burgundies court, for the which cause he was wel fauored there. This Duke Adolph committed an horrible fact: for one euening he tooke his father named Duke Arnold prisoner as he was going to bed, and led him fiue dutch miles on foote bare legged in a maruellous colde night, and laid him in a deepe dungeon the space of six moneths ², where he sawe no light but through a little hole. Wherfore the Duke of Cleues (whose sister the old Duke being prisoner had maried) made sharpe war vpon this yoong Duke Adolph. The Duke of Burgundy sought diuers meanes to agree them, but no good could be done. Wherefore in the end the Pope and the Emperor began to stir in this matter so far foorth, that the D. of Burgundy vnder great curses, was commanded to take the old Duke out of prison, which he did accordingly: for the yoong Duke durst not withstand him, both bicause he saw so many good men against him, and also bicause of the Dukes great force. I haue often seene them both togither in the Duke of Burgundies chamber, pleading their cause before a great assembly, and once I saw the good old man present the combat to his sonne. The Duke of Burgundy was very desirous to agree them, and offered the yoong Duke (whom he fauored) the title of Gouernor ³ of Guelderland with all the reuenues thereof, saue of one little towne neere to Brabant called Graue, which should remaine to the father, with the reuenues of three thousand florens, a yeerely pension of as much, and the title of Duke, as was but reason. I with others wiser than my self were appointed to make report of these conditions to the yoong Duke, who answered vs, that he had rather throw his father headlong into a Well, and himselfe after, than agree to such an appointment, alleaging that his father had been Duke forty fower yeeres, and that it was now time for him to gouerne. Notwithstanding he said that he would willingly agree to giue him a yeerely pension of three thousand florens, with condition that he should depart the countrey as a banished man, neuer to return: & diuers other such like lewd speeches he vsed. This hapned at the very same instant, that the King wan Amiens from the Duke of Burgundy, who was then with these two Dukes at Dourlans, whence bicause of the wars he departed in haste to Hedin, forgetting this matter. This yoong Duke put on French apparell ⁴, and departed with one onely seruant, to repaire home into his countrey. But as he ferried ouer a water neere to Namur, he paied a gildon for his passage, whereupon a Priest there present mistrusting who he should be, communed thereof with the ferry [Page] man, and viewed well the yoong Duke and knew him. There he was taken and led to Namur, where he remained prisoner till the Duke of Burgundies death: after the which, the Citizens of Gaunt deliuered him, and would perforce haue constrained the Dukes daughter afterward Duches of Austrich to marry him. They led him also with them before Tournay, where being weakly accompanied in a certaine skirmish he was miserably slaine, in full reuenge of his impiety against his father. The father during his sonnes imprisonment died: the Duke of Burgundy yet liuing, whom bicause of his said sonnes ingratitude and vnnaturalnes he made his heire, by the which title the Duke at this present conquered the saide Duchy of Gueldres ⁵, where he found some resistance: but bicause he was mighty and in truce with the King, he easily subdued it, and held it all the daies of his life, and his ofspring possesseth it yet at this day, and shall do as long as it pleaseth God. This as I said at the beginning, I haue rehearsed onely to shew, that such cruelty and impiety neuer remaineth vnpunished.

The Duke of Burgundy being returned into his countrey grew woonderfull lofty and high minded, bicause he had gotten this Duchy into his clawes, and began to finde great sweetenes in this Duch enterprises, both for that the Emperor was a Prince of an abiect minde, enduring all things rather than he would spend any thing: and also bicause without aide of the Princes of the Empire his owne force was but small. Wherefore the Duke prolonged the truce with the King. Some of the Kings seruants were of opinion, that the King did vnaduisedly to prolong the turce, and suffer the Duke to grow as he did. And sure they had some apparance of reason to leade them so to say, but bicause they lacked experience and had not seene the world abroad, they wist not what the matter meant. But others that vnderstood the case better than they, and were able to say more therein, bicause they had trauelled those countries, aduised the King to prolong the truce, and permit the Duke to weare and weary himselfe against the country of Almaine (the greatnes and force whereof is almost incredible) ⁶ alleaging that after he had taken one place, or atchiued one enterprise, he would foorthwith attempt another: for one good aduenture could not content his nature, wherein he was of disposition cleane contrary to the King: for the Duke the more he was busied, the more he sought to busie himselfe. Wherefore they told the King that he could no way better be reuenged of the Duke than by suffering him to run himselfe out of breath as he did, aduising him withall rather to send him some small aide, than put him in any doubt of breach of the truce: further alleaging, that it could not otherwise happen but that he must of necessity vtterly consume himselfe against the greatnes & force of Almaine, bicause the Princes of the Empire would make resistance, were the Emperor neuer so simple a man: and so it came to passe in the end.

There was a quarrel ⁷ between two pretending title to the Bishoprick of Coulon: one of the which was the Lantzgraue of Hesses brother, and the other the Palzgraue of the Rhene his cosen ⁸. The Duke of Burgundy tooke part with the Palzgraue, and attempted to place him in the sea of Coulon by force, trusting thereby to seaze some places of the countrey into his owne hands, and to that end went and laid his siege before Nuz, a towne neere to Coulon, in the yeere 1474. He had so many great enterprises in his head, that in the end the burthen thereof pressed him to the ground: for in the selfesame sommer he both trauelled with Edward King of England to passe with his army into Fraunce, being in a readines by his sute and sollicitation: and purposed also to atchieue his enterprise in Almaine which was this: If he had taken Nuz, he meant to man it well, and two or three other places [Page] aboue Coulon 9: wherby the citie of Coulon being at his commandement ¹⁰, he might haue gone vp countermount against the riuer of Rhene into the countrey of Ferrette which he then held, and so all the Rhene should haue been vnder his subiection euen downe to Holland, where it entreth the sea: vpon the which riuer are more strong townes and castels than any realme christened except Fraunce. The truce with the King was prolonged for sixe moneths, which time being now almost expired, the King trauelled to prolong it still, to the ende the Duke might do his pleasure in Almaine: whereunto the Duke would not agree bicause of his promise to the English men.

I would gladly passe ouer this siege of Nuz, bicause it is out of the course of my historie, for I was not present at it: notwithstanding somewhat I am forced to speake thereof, bicause of diuers accidents depending thereupon. The said towne of Nuz was maruellous strong, and within it was the Lantzgraue of Hesse ¹¹, with many of his kinsfolkes and friends, to the number of 1800. horsemen as I haue beene informed (who valiantly behaued themselues,) and of foote men sufficient. The Lantzgraue, as I haue said, was brother to the Bishop elected, against him whom the Duke of Burgundy defended, who laide his siege before Nuz in the yeere 1474.

His force was neuer so great as then, especially of horsemen: for bicause he meant to attempt somewhat in Italie, he had in pay a thousand Italian men of armes good and bad, vnder the leading of one called the Earle of Campobache a Neapolitan borne of the house of Anious faction, a dangerous and a traiterous fellow. In the Dukes campe serued also Iames Galeot a valiant gentleman of Naples, and diuers others, whose names for breuitie I passe ouer. Further, he had in his armie three thousand English men excellent good soldiers, and of his owne subiects a maruellous number well armed, and who long had been trained vp in the wars, besides great force of goodly peeces of artillerie: all the which preparation he put in a readines to ioine with the English men at their landing, who vsed as great diligence in England as they could. But it is long before an army can be leuied there, bicause the King may attempt no war before he haue assembled his court of Parlament, being the same in effect that the three estates in Fraunce, which me thinke is a very good and a laudable custome. For the King by that meanes is the stronger and the better serued in all enterprises he taketh in hand with the consent of his estates, to whom when they are assembled he declareth his intent, and desireth aide of his subiects: for no subsidie is leuied in England, but for inuasion of Fraunce or Scotland, or such like enterprises of great charge, which then the people grant willingly and liberally, especially to passe into Fraunce: wherefore the Kings of England vse often when money faileth them to leuy an armie, and make shewe as though they would inuade Scotland or Fraunce. But after they haue receiued money for a yeere, they lie abroad in campe three moneths, and then returne home and dismisse their army: which practise King Edward was well acquainted with and vsed often.

It was at the least a yeere before this English army could be in a readines, but when it was furnished of all things necessarie, the King of England aduertised the Duke of Burgundie die thereof, who in the beginning of the sommer went before Nuz, trusting in short space to put his Bishop in possession, and to retaine certaine places, as Nuz and others in his owne hands, to what purpose you haue heard before.

I thinke verily that this proceeded of God, who beheld with a pitifull eie this realme of Fraunce: which vndoubtedly the Duke might shrewdly haue shaken, considering that his army was mightie and all of olde soldiers, accustomed by the space of many yeeres to enter and spoile this realme without any resistance, saue onely [Page] by defence of the strong townes. True it is that this proceeded of the King who would hazard nothing, partly for feare of the Dukes force, and partly for doubt of rebellion in his realme if he should receiue an ouerthrow: for he knew himselfe not to be beloued of all his subiects, especially the nobilitie. And (if I may vtter all) he hath eftsoons told me, that he knew his subiects well ynough, and should finde them rebellious if his assaires happened to haue hard successe: wherefore when the Duke of Burgundie entred into the realme, he manned the townes well by the which he passed: whereby in short space the Dukes army brake it selfe, and the King neuer endangered his estate: which vndoubtedly proceeded of great wisedome. But all this notwithstanding the Dukes force being so great as it was: if the King of Englands army had also entred in the beginning of sommer, (as assuredly it would, had not the Duke so obstinately line before Nuz,) vndoubtedly the realme had stood in great danger: for neuer King of England passed at once with so great force, nor so well disposed to fight. All the great Lords of England were there none excepted. Their men of armes were 1500. at the least, (which was much for the English men) all wel appointed and well accompanied, and 14000. archers on horseback, besides a great number of foote men that serued in the army, and in all their campe was not one Page. Further, the King of England had in a readines three thousand men to land in Britaine, to ioine there with the Duke of Britaines forces. I saw my selfe two letters written with the Lord of Vrfés owne hands, (then seruant to the Duke of Britaine, but afterward Master of the horse to King Charles:) the one addressed to the King of England, and the other to the Lord Hastings Lord great Chamberlaine of England ¹². The contents whereof among diuers other things were, that the Duke of Britaine would do more in Fraunce by intelligence in a moneth, than the King of England and the Duke of Burgundie, (notwithstanding their great forces) in halfe a yeere: which words I thinke would haue prooued true, if the matter had come to execution. But God (who hath alwaies loued this realme) disposed of these affaires, as heereafter you shall heare. These letters aboue mentioned, the King bought of one of the King of Englands Secretaries, for three score marks of siluer.

The Notes.

1 This Duke Adolph maried Katherine daughter to Charles Duke of Bourbon, and Agnes sister to Philip Duke of Burgundy. Meyer.

2 Duke Arnold lay in prison sixe yeeres, Meyer. but he misseth the cushion: for other approoued authors, and namely Guicciardin agree with Commines.

3 The French hath Mambourg or Membourg, which is as much as captaine or gouernor: looke more heerof in the pedegree of the Dukes of Gueldres.

4 Least it seeme strange that this yoong Duke, whom our author in this very Chapter reporteth to haue beene well fauored of the Duke of Burgundy should be staied and imprisoned in his dominions: you shall vnderstand that the Duke of Burgundy vpon hope to be Duke Arnolds heire himselfe, altered his minde, and of the yoong Dukes friend became his foe.

5 The Emperor stirred not against the Duke of Burgundy, for taking by force the Duchy of Gueldres which was held of the Empire, bicause the Dukes of Gueldres by the space of thirty yeeres had done no homage to the Empire. The Duke subdued Gueldres, anno 1473. Meyer.

6 It was our author himselfe that gaue the King this aduise. Meyer.

7 This quarrell began anno 1473. Meyer.

8 The Palzgraues name was Robert, his Chapter and he were at variance in such sort, [Page] that they had gotten him excommunicated, & chosen Harman the Lantzgraue of Hesses brother to gouerne the charge. Then the Duke of Burgundy tooke vpon him to place him againe in his Sea, which appertained not to him, but to the Emperor and the Pope: in the end this Robert was taken and died in prison.

9 The league betweene the Duke and the Bishop was, that these places heere mentioned (belonging to the Church of Coulon, should haue remained to the Duke for his charges. Nuz was besieged the 28. of Iuly. 1474.

10 Nuz is beneath Coulon, so that if the Duke had held that and three or fower places aboue Coulon, the said city of Coulon being on al sides inuironed by him, must perforce haue been at his commandement.

11 This Lantzgraue was Lodouicus, grandfather to Philip that last died.

12 The Lord Hastings was indeed but Chamberlaine of the King house.

How the towne of Nuz was succoured by the Emperor and the Almains against the Duke of Burgundy, and of other enimies that the King procured the Duke. Chap. 2.

THe Duke of Burgundy as you haue heard, was now busied before Nuz, and found the enterprise of more difficulty than he supposed. The city of Coulon situate vpon the riuer of Rhene, fower leagues aboue Nuz, spent monethly ¹ in the wars 100000. golde gildons for feare of the Duke. And they and certaine other townes aboue them had already put fifteene or sixteene thousand footemen into the fielde, who encamped on the other side of the riuer, directly ouer against the Duke, and planted great force of artillery vpon the banke, thinking thereby to cut off his victuals that came vp the streame out of Guelderland, and to sinke the botes by canon shot. Moreouer, the Emperor and the Princes Electors of the Empire assembled togither about this busines, and concluded to leuy an army: wherunto the King sent diuers messengers to sollicite them, to whom also they sent a Chanon of Coulon, of the house of Bauiere, accompanied with another ambassador, who brought him a roll of the army the Emperor was resolued to leuy, if he for his part would ioine in the enterprise. It is not to be doubted but that they receiued a good answer with promise of all they demanded: further, the King assured by letters as well the Emperor as diuers Princes and townes, that so soon as the Emperor with his army should be come to Coulon, he would send twenty thousand men to ioin with him, vnder the leading of the Lord of Cran and Sallezarde. Thus this Dutch army prepared to march, being greater than is almost credible ²: for all the Princes of Almaine as well spirituall as temporall, all the Bishops, townes, and commonalties had men there, yea, so great numbers euery one of them, that (as I was informed) the Bishop of Munster, who is none of the richest Bishops, had in this army sixe thousand footemen, fourteene hundred horsemen, and twelue hundred waggons all couered with greene: true it is that his Bishoprick lieth neere to Nuz ³. The Emperor was seuen moneths in leuying this army: which time expired, he came and encamped within halfe a league of the Duke of Burgundy: by diuers of whose men I haue beene aduertised, that though the King of Englands army and the Dukes had beene ioined both togither, yet should they not haue beene the third part of the Emperors, neither in men nor in tents and pauilions. Besides [Page] the Emperors force was also this other army aboue mentioned, which lay directly ouer against the Duke on the other side of the riuer, and endamaged greatly his campe, and cut off much of his victuals.

When the Emperor and the Princes of the Empire were come before Nuz, they sent to the King a Doctor of great authoritie with them called He seuare, afterward a Cardinall, who came to sollicite the King to performe his promise, and send the forces whereof he had assured the Emperor by letters, otherwise to tell him that the Almaines would conclude peace.

The King put him in good hope that he would so do, and gaue him a present of fower hundred crownes, and sent with him to the Emperor one called Iohn Tiercelin Lord of Brosse: notwithstanding the Doctor departed nothing well contented. During this siege maruellous practises were entertained. The King trauelled to conclude peace with the Duke of Burgundie, at the least to prolong the truce, to the end the English men should not passe the seas. The King of England on the other side labored to the vttermost of his power to perswade the Duke to depart from Nuz, and performe his promise by aiding him to make war in Fraunce, alleaging that the sommer was far spent. And the Lord of Scalles a curteous Knight, nephew to the Constable of Fraunce, with diuers others, was twise sent ambassador to the Duke to sollicite him thereunto: but he was obstinate. Whereby it manifestly appeered, that God had troubled his wits and vnderstanding: for all his life time he had labored the English men to passe into Fraunce, and now when they were in a readines, and all things prepared for the wars as well in Britaine as elsewhere, he lay obstinately before a place impregnable. With the Emperor was a legate sent from the Pope, who rode daily betweene the two camps to treate of peace. The King of Denmarke came also thither, and trauelled to pacifie this controuersie, being lodged in a little towne hard by both the armies: so that the Duke might haue departed to the English men with honorable conditions. Notwithstanding he would not, but excused himselfe to the King of England vpon his honor, which he said should be stained if he leuied his siege, with diuers such like slender excuses. Heere you must note, that these were not those English men that in the time of Duke Philip his father had made war so long in this realme, but these were yoong soldiers vtterly vnacquainted with our French affaires. Wherefore the Duke proceeded very fondly if he meant to vse their helpe: for he should the first sommer haue been continually with them, leading them from place to place, and instructing them what was to be done.

While the Duke lay thus obstinately before Nuz, war arose against him on two or three sides: for the Duke of Lorraine, who hitherto had been in peace with him, sent to defie him before Nuz, by the Lord of Crans perswasion, who to further the Kings affaires allured the Duke of Lorraine thereunto, assuring him that it would turne greatly to his profit. Incontinent the said Duke of Lorraine put himselfe into the field, and spoiled all the Duchie of Luxembourg, and razed a place there called Pierre-forte, two leagues from Nancy. Further, by the Kings procurement and certaine of his seruants, a league was made for ten yeeres betweene the Swissers and certaine townes vpon the riuer of Rhene ⁴ (namely, Basill, Strasbourg, and others) which before had beene their enimies. Peace was also concluded betweene Duke Sigismond of Austrich and the said Swissers, the conditions whereof were, that Duke Sigismond should take againe the countie of Ferrette ⁵, which he had engaged to the Duke of Burgundie for a 100000. florens. But this one article remained yet in variance betweene Duke Sigismond and them: namely, that the Swissers required passage through fower townes of the countie of Ferrette ⁶ at their pleasure: which [Page] controuersie was referred to the Kings arbitrament, who pronounced sentence for the Swissers. Heereby you may perceiue what enimies the King stirred vp couertly against the Duke of Burgundie.

As the matter was concluded, so also was it executed: for in a faire moone shine night Peter Archambaut ⁷ gouernor of the countie of Ferrette for the Duke of Burgundie, was taken prisoner, accompanied with eight hundred soldiers, who were all dismissed safe and sound saue himselfe alone, whom they led to Basill ⁸, and there endited of diuers extortions and outrages committed in the said countie of Ferrette, and in the end strake off his head. Immediately after his death all the countie of Ferrette yeelded to Duke Sigismond, and the Swissers began to make war in Burgundie, and tooke Blasmond a towne being the Marshals of Burgundie, who was of the house of Neuf-chastell, and besieged the castell of Hericourt, belonging also to the said house of Neuf-chastel, whither the Burgundians went to leuie the siege, but were discomfited ⁹, and a great number slaine. The said Swissers maruellously endamaged the countrie, and then returned home for that time.

The Notes.

1 The citie of Coulon tooke part with the Chapter against the D. of Burgundies Bishop.

2 The Emperor had in pay in this armie 80000. men.

3 But his Bishoprick is on the other side the riuer of Rhene.

4 These townes were Strasbourg, Slecstat, Basill, Colmar, &c.

5 Ferrette in Dutch Pfirt.

6 The townes the Swissers desired passage through were Reinfeld, Loufenberg, Neustat, and Brissac.

7 Others call him Peter Hagenbach, but the variance ariseth bicause one nameth him by his surname, the other by his seigniorie: for he was called Peter Archambaut of Hagenbach.

8 Others write that he was beheadded at Brisac a towne neere to Basill.

9 The Lord of Blasmond led this armie, and in this battell the Burgundians lost 2000. men. Annal. Burgund.

How the King wan from the Duke of Burgundie the castell of Tronquoy, the townes of Montdidier, Roye, and Corbie, and how he sought to perswade the Emperor Frederick to seiz vpon all that the said Duke held of the Empire. Chap. 3.

ABout this time the truce ended between the King and the Duke, to the Kings great griefe, who gladly would haue prolonged it, but seeing no remedie, he went and besieged a little castel called Tronquoy in the yeere 1475. in the very beginning of sommer, the pleasantest time of the yeere. The castell in short space was taken by assault. The next day the K. sent me to parle with them that were within Montdidier, who yeelded the place, & departed with bag & baggage. Thence I went the third day being accompanied with the Admiral of Fraunce bastard of Bourbon, to parle with them that were within Roye, who [Page] in like maner yeelded the piece bicause they were vtterly in despaire of succors, which sure if the Duke had been in the countrie they would not haue done. Notwithstanding both these townes were burned contrarie to our promise. Thence the King departed, and laid his campe before Corbie which abode the siege. Goodly approches were made to the towne, and the Kings artillerie bet it three daies: within it was the Lord of Contay ¹ and diuers others, who yeelded the place, and departed with bag and baggage: two daies after, this poore town was also sacked and burned as the two former. Then the King thought to repaire home with his armie, trusting to perswade the Duke of Burgundie to make truce, considering the distresse he was in. But a certaine Lady whom I know well, yet will not name bicause she is still liuing, writ him a letter, willing him to leade his armie to Arras, and into those parts: whereunto the King agreed, for she was a woman of honor. I commend hir not in thus doing: for she was in no respect bound to the King. The King sent thither the Lord Admirall bastard of Bourbon with a great band of men, which burned many townes in those quarters, and spoiled all the countrie betweene Abbeuille and Arras: whereupon the citizens of Arras, who were puffed vp with pride bicause of their long prosperity, compelled the garrison of the towne to issue foorth. But being too weake to encounter with the Kings forces they were put to flight, and pursued so speedily that many of them were slaine and taken, togither with all their captaines, namely, Master Iames of Saint Paule ² the Constables brother, the Lord of Contay, the Lord of Carency, and diuers others: some of the which were neere kinsmen to the Lady hir selfe that caused this enterprise, so that she receiued great dammage by the ouerthrow: but the King for hir sake repaired all in time.

The King sent to the Emperor (as you haue heard) Iohn Tiercelin Lord of Brosse, partly to sollicite him not to make peace with the Duke of Burgundy, and partly to make his excuse for not sending his forces according to his promise: and further, to assure him, that he would shortly send them, and would also continue to spoile and endamage the Dukes dominions, as well in the marches of Burgundy ³, as also in Picardy. Lastly he made him a new ouuerture, which was, that they should sweare each to other, not to make peace the one without the other, and that the Emperor should seaze into his hands all the seigniories that the Duke held, and ought to hold of the Empire, and proclaime them forfaited to him, and he would do the like with all those that were held of the crowne of Fraunce, namely Flaunders, Artois, Burgundy and the rest. The Emperor though all his life time he had made small shew of any valor, yet was he wise and of great experience, bicause of his ancient yeeres. Further, these practises between vs and him had continued so long that he waxed weary of the wars, notwithstanding that they cost him neuer a grote. For all the Princes of Almaine lay there vpon their owne charge, as their maner is when the war concerneth the state of the empire. The Emperor answered the Kings ambassadors after this sort: There was somtime neere to a certaine city in Germany, a great Beare that much endamaged the countrie, three good fellowes of the which city being tauerne haunters, came to a tauerne where they were indebted, desiring their host yet once more to giue them credit, promising him within two daies paiment of the whole debt: for they would take this Beare that did so much harme in the countrey, whose skin was woorth a great sum of money, besides the presents that good folkes would giue them, whereunto their host agreed: and when they had dined, foorth they went toward this beasts caue, neere to the which when they approched, they met with the Beare vnlooked for, and being stricken with sudden feare fled, one got vp into a tree, the other fled towards the towne, but the third the Beare tooke and ouerthrew, [Page] and foiled vnder hir feete, holding hir mussell hard to his eare. The poore soule lay flat vpon the ground, as though he had been dead. Now you shall vnderstand that the nature of a Beare is such, that whatsoeuer she holdeth in hir clawes man or beast, so soon as she seeth it leaue stirring, she foorthwith forsaketh it, supposing it to be dead, as also this Beare left this poore fellow, not doing him any great harme, and returned to hir den. Then he seeing the danger past, arose and went towards the towne. But his fellow that stood in the tree hauing beheld all this pageant, came downe and ran crying after him to stay: and when he had ouertaken him, desired him to tell him faithfully what counsell the Beare gaue him in his eare, whereto she held hir mussell so long: whereunto his fellow answered, that she bad him neuer to sell the Beares skin till the Beare were slaine. And with this fable paid the Emperor our King, not giuing his ambassadors any further answer, as though he should haue said, come hither according to your promise, and let vs take this Duke if we can, and then make partition of his goods.

The Notes.

1 This Contay is successor to him mentioned in the wars against the Liegeois.

2 This Iames is named in other histories Lord of Richebourg.

3 For in the marches of Burgundy, the Duke of Bourbon had giuen the Burgundians a great ouerthrow, as our author in the next chapter maketh mention.

How the Constable began to be had in suspicion againe, as well of the King as of the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 4.

YOu haue heard how Master Iames of Saint Paule and others were taken prisoners before Arras. Their captiuity was to the Constables great greefe: for the said Master Iames was a louing and naturall brother to him. But this was not the onely misfortune that fell vpon him: for at this very instant was also taken the Earle of Roussy his sonne, gouernor of Burgundy for the Duke ¹, and likewise his wife died, which was a vertous Lady, and sister to the Queene of Fraunce, so that for hir sake he had found great friendship and fauor in our court. The practise begun against him still continued, which as you haue heard was almost concluded at the assembly held thereabout at Bouuines: after the which, the Constable neuer thought himselfe in assurance, but mistrusted both the Princes, especially the King, who seemed to repent the reuoking of his letters there sealed. Further, the Earle of Dampmartin & others whom the Constable feared as his enimies, lay with their men of armes neere to Saint Quintins: wherefore he held himselfe within the towne, and put into it three hundred footemen of his owne tenants, hauing but small affiance in his men of armes. He liued in great trouble, for the King had often sent to him to sollicite him to come foorth to do him seruice in the marches of Henault, and to besiege Auennes at the same time that the Admirall with his band went to burne the countrey of Artois as you haue heard, which commandement he obeied but with great feare: for after he had lien a certaine space before the said towne of Auennes with a continual garde about his person, he retired into his owne places, and sent the King word by one of his seruants (who did his message to me by the Kings commandement) that [Page] he had raised his siege, bicause he was certainly enformed, that there were two in the army purposely hired by the King to kill him: whereof also he told so many apparant tokens, that he seemed indeed to haue some notice thereof, so far foorth that one of them was suspected to haue disclosed somwhat to him, that he ought to haue kept secret: but I will name no man, neither speake further heerof. The Constable sent often to the Duke of Burgundies campe, I suppose to perswade him to relinquish his foolish enterprise, aduertising the King also vsually at his mens returne of some such newes as he thought would like him well, and withall what was the cause of his sending thither, hoping by this means to entertaine him with faire words. Somtime also he gaue him to vnderstand, that the Dukes affaires had good proceeding, thereby to put him in feare. Further, doubting greatly that the King would inuade him, he desired the Duke to send vnto him his brother Master Iames of Saint Paul (being at Nuz before he was taken prisoner) and the Lord of Fiennes, with certaine others of his kinsmen, promising to put them and their bands into Saint Quintins (but without the Saint Andrews crosse ²) and to keepe the towne for the Duke, and restore it him shortly after: for performance also wherof he offered to giue him his faith in writing. The Duke did as he required, and when the said Master Iames the Lord of Fiennes, and the rest of the Constables kinsmen were twise come within a league or two of the towne ready to enter, the Constable thinking the storme past, altered his minde, and sent a countermaunde. This did he thrise: so desirous was he still to liue in dissimulation, and swim as it were between two streams, fearing maruellously both these Princes. Of this matter I haue been enformed by diuers, but especially by Master Iames of Saint Paul himselfe, who thus reported the circumstance thereof to the King, when he was brought prisoner before him, where no man was present but my selfe alone. The said Master Iames answered frankly and without dissimulation to all the Kings demands, whereby he wan greatly his fauor. First, the King asked him how many men he had with him to enter the towne: whereunto he answered that the last time he had three thousand. Then the King inquired further, if he had entred and had been Master of the towne, whether he would haue held it for the King or the Constable. Whereunto he likewise answered, that the two first times he came but to comfort his brother, but the last (seeing his dissimulation to his Master and him) if he had entred and had been Master of the towne, he would haue held it for his Master, not offring his brother any outrage, nor doing any thing to his preiudice, saue onely that he would not haue departed the town at his commandement. Soone after, the King deliuered the said Iames of Saint Paul out of prison, and gaue him charge of a goodly company of men of armes, and vsed his seruice till his death: of which his preferment his wise answers were the onely cause.

The Notes.

1 This ouerthrow the Duke of Bourbon gaue the Burgundians, neere to a place called Grey or Gy, not far from Chausteauguion, and in the battell was slain the Lord of Conches, others say but taken, and there were taken prisoners the Earle of Roussy, being gouernor of Burgundy, the Marshall of Burgundie, the Earle of Ioigny, the Earle of Saint Martins sonne, Monseur de L'Isle, Monseur de Longey or Longny, the bailife of Ampois, and the bailife of Auxerre. This battell was fought on tuesday the 20. of Iune. 1475. and in it two hundred men of armes Lombards were slaine, Meyer. About this time also the Prince of Orenge was taken prisoner, and by meanes thereof reuolted from the Duke to the King. Annal. Burgund.

[Page] 2 The Saint Andrewes crosse is the Burgundians cognisance, and if they had entred with this crosse vpon their cotes, the Constable could haue no longer temporised with the King of Fraunce, but should foorthwith haue been proclaimed traitor.

How the Duke of Burgundy leuied his siege before Nuz by composition, and how the King of England his confederate sent to defie King Lewis. Chap. 5.

I Haue discoursed of diuers affaires since I began with the siege of Nuz, bicause they all hapned in that time, for the siege indured a whole yeere. There were two causes especially that mooued the Duke to leuy his siege: one the war the King made in Picardy, where he had burned two proper townes, and destoied a goodly champaine countrey in Artois and Ponthieu. The other, the mighty army the King of England leuied at his sute and sollicitation: whom till now he could neuer perswade to passe into Fraunce, notwithstanding that he had labored him thereunto al the daies of his life. The said King of England and all his nobles were maruellously discontented with the Dukes delaies, and besides intreaties vsed threatnings, and not without cause, considering the great charges they had sustained, and all to no purpose, the sommer being now almost spent. The Duke gloried much that this Dutch army being so great that the like hath not been seene in our age nor many yeeres before: and in the which were so many Princes, Prelates, and free cities ioined togither, was not able to raise his siege ¹. But this glory cost him full deere: for he that hath the profit of the war, reapeth also the honor thereof. Notwithstanding the Legate aboue mentioned (who rode continually betweene the two camps) made peace in the end betweene the Emperor and the Duke ²: and the towne of Nuz was put into the said Legats hands to do therewith according to the determination of the Sea Apostolike. Now consider in how great distresse the Duke of Burgundy was, being on the one side vexed with war by the King, and threatned on the other by the King of England his friend, so that notwithstanding he knew the towne of Nuz to be brought to such extremitie, that within lesse than fifteen daies famine would haue constrained them to yeeld to his mercie, yea within ten daies (as one of the captaines within the towne, who afterward serued the King aduertised me:) yet for the reasons aboue alleaged, he was forced to leuie his siege ³ in the yeere 1475.

Let vs now returne to the K. of England, who led his armie to Douer, there to embarke to crosse the seas to Calice. The force that passed with him at this present was the greatest that euer came into France, all of them being on horseback in very good order and well armed. All the nobles of the realme were there, a fewe excepted: they were 1500. men of armes very well mounted, and the most of them barded, and richly trapped after the maner of our wars, and well accompanied with horsemen of their retinue. They were at the least 15000. archers all mounted, and a great number of footemen and others, aswell to pitch their tents, (wherefore they were well furnished) as also to attende vpon their artillerie and inclose their campe, and in all their army they had not one Page: besides these there were three thousand English men appointed to land in Britaine. This I haue written before, but rehearse it heere againe, to the end you may perceiue that God was purposed to trouble the [Page] Duke of Burgundies wits, and preserue this realme which he hath euer more fauored than any other: otherwise it is to be thought that the Duke would so obstinately haue lien before Nuz, a place so strong & so well defended, seeing all his life time till now he could neuer finde the English men disposed to inuade the realme of Fraunce, and knew them to be vtterly vnacquainted with our French wars till they be trained therein: for if he would haue done any good with them, he should neuer haue left them the first sommer, but helped them and taught them to order and leade their battels after the maner of our wars: for there is no nation so ignorant and rude as the English men at their first landing in Fraunce, but in very short space they becom excellent good soldiers, hardie and wise. But the Duke did cleane contrarie: for besides these other his ouersights, he made them lose the sommer: and as touching him selfe, his armie was so broken, so poore, and in so euill order, that he durst not present it before them: for he lost before Nuz fower thousand soldiers taking pay: some of the which were the best men he had ⁴. Thus you see how God disposed him in all points to do contrarie both to that his affaires required, and also to the arte of war, wherein himselfe had been exercised by the space of ten yeeres more than any man liuing.

When King Edward came to Douer, the Duke of Burgundy to further his passage sent fiue hundred botes of Holland and Zealand called Scuts, which are flat and low, built very commodiously for transporting of horses. But notwithstanding all this helpe they had from the Duke, and all the King of England could command himselfe, he was aboue three weekes in passing betweene Callice and Douer, yet are they but seuen leagues distant: whereby you may perceiue with how great difficultie a King of England inuadeth Fraunce. And if the King our Master had been as well acquainted with the wars by sea as by land: King Edward had neuer passed ouer, at the least not that sommer. But the King vnderstood them not, and those that had charge of them much lesse. The King of England as I haue said, was three weekes in passing: one ship of Eu tooke two or three of his small passengers.

Before King Edward embarked, he sent from Douer to the King one herault alone called Garter a Norman borne ⁵, who brought a letter of defiance from the King of England in verie good language, and so excellently well penned, that I am verilie perswaded it was neuer of English mans dooing. The contents of the letter were, that the King should yeelde vnto him the realme of Fraunce being his inheritance, to the end he might restore the cleargie and nobilitie to their ancient libertie, ease them of the great charges they sustained, and deliuer them from the miseries they liued in: which if he refused to do, he protested what great mischeefes should insue thereof, in maner and forme as in such cases is accustomed. The King read the letter softly to himselfe, and afterward all alone withdrew himselfe into a wardrob, and commanded the herault to be brought to his presence, to whom he made this answer: First, that he knew well the King of England was not passed the seas of his owne motion, but by the perswasion of the Duke of Burgundie and the commonaltie of England: secondarily, that the sommer was now almost spent, and that the Duke of Burgundie returned from Nuz, as a man discomfited and vtterly vnfurnished of all things: thirdly, as touching the Constable he knew well (he said) that he had intelligence with the King of England, bicause he had married his neece ⁶, but would deceiue the King his master, as he had deceiued him: notwithstanding all the great benefites he had receiued of him, which he there rehearsed, adding thereunto, that the said Constable meant to liue in continuall dissimulation and entertaine euery man to make his profite of him: last of all, he alleaged [Page] to the herault diuers other reasons to perswade the King his Master to peace, and gaue him with his owne hands three hundred crownes, promising him a thousand more if peace were concluded: further, openly he gaue him for a present a goodly peece of crimosin veluet of thirty ells.

The herault answered, that he would trauell the best he could for peace, and thought the King his Master would easily be woon thereunto, but that no mention must be made thereof till he were on this side the sea: and then he willed the King our Master to send a herault to the English campe, to demand a safe conduct for certaine ambassadors that he would send to the King of England, and to addresse his letters to the Lord Hovvard or the Lord Stanley, and to himselfe also to helpe to conuay his herault.

A great number there were without in the hall while the King talked with the herault, very desirous to heare the Kings answer, and to see his countenance at his comming foorth. When he had made an end, he called me to him, bidding me continually to entertaine the herault, till some were appointed to beare him companie, to the end no man might commune with him: and further, to giue him a peece of crimosin veluet of thirtie ells, which I did accordingly. Then the King began to talke with diuers, rehearsing vnto them the contents of these letters of defiance: and seuen or eight he called apart causing the said letters to be read, and shewing a good and assured countenance void of al feare: for he was glad of the comfort the herault had put him in.

The Notes.

1 Melancthon writeth, that the Emperor vvould not hazard a battell neither vvith Matthias King of Hungarie, nor Duke Charles: Quia sibi sciebat, Martem in genesi infoeliciter positum esse. But Berlandus saith, that the Duke fought vvith the Emperor. Meyer saith, that in a skirmish the Duke ouerthrevv the Marquesse Albert of Brandenbourg, and slue 120. of his men, and tooke diuers prisoners: and another time ouerthrevv the Bishop of Munster, slue fiftie, tooke sixteene, and chased the Bishop hard to the Emperors campe: and likevvise another time the Bishops of Mentz, Treues, Munster, and Marquesse Albert, and slue a great number of their men. And last of all, bicause the Emperor and the Duke contended vvhether of them should first depart from before Nuz, their footmen ioined, and the Duke slue 1500.

2 Peace vvas concluded betvveene the Emperor and the Duke 31. Maij. 1475.

3 The Emperor departed from Nuz 29. Iunij, leauing the Duke there, vvho vvould not leuie his siege before the Emperors departure bicause of his honor, but soone after departed also the Duke. Meyer.

4 The Duke lost before Nuz 15000. men, Annal. Burgund. vvherefore Meyer hath small reason to reprooue our author for saying, that the Dukes armie vvas in so poore estate that he durst not let the English men see it.

5 Hall in his Chronicle reproueth our author for reporting this Garter to be a Norman, saying that neuer Norman was King of heraults: which notwithstandyng I Know not why we should beleeue: for he him selfe confesseth, that King Edward the fourth made a Gascoine, namely Vaucler, Deputie of Calice: a much higher and more dangerous office to be in a strangers hand than this.

6 How the Queene of England was the Constables neece, the pedegree in the ende of this booke will declare.

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Of the trouble the Constable was in, and how he sent letters of credit to the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy, which after were in part cause of his death. Chap. 6.

I Must yet speake a word or two more heer of the Constable, who was not a little troubled, as well for the lewd touch he had plaid the Duke of Burgundy about the restitution of Saint Quintins, as also bicause he saw himselfe vtterly disfauored of the King, so far foorth that his cheefe seruants, namely the Lords of Genly and Mouy had alreadie relinquished him, and were in the Kings seruice: notwithstanding the said de Mouy resorted still to him sometime. Further, the King pressed the Constable earnestly to come to him, offering to make him such recompence for the countie of Guise as he required, and the King had often promised him. The Constable was willing to go, so that the K. would sweare by the crosse of S. Lou of Angiers to do him no harme, nor consent that any other should: alleaging that he might as wel sweare therby now as in times past he did to the Lord of Lescute: whereunto the King answered, that he would neuer giue that oth to any man ¹, but any other he would not refuse to sweare. You may easily gesse how much both the King and the Constable were troubled: for that no day escaped for a certaine space but one or other passed betweene them about this oth. Wherefore if we well weigh our estate, mans life is very miserie: for we toile and trauell our selues to shorten our owne daies, saying and writing a number of things cleane contrarie to our thought. To conclude, if these two were troubled on the one side, I warrant you the King of England and the Duke of Burgundie were no lesse troubled on the other.

At one time in a maner, both the King of England landed at Callice ² and the Duke of Burgundie departed from before Nuz, who in great haste rode straight to Callice to the said King with a very small traine: for he had sent his armie in such poore estate, as you haue heard, to spoile the countrie of Barrois and Lorraine, to the end they might there make merrie and refresh themselues: which he did, bicause the Duke of Lorraine had begun war vpon him, and defied him before Nuz. But this sending of his forces into Lorraine, among diuers other his ouersights in his actions with the English men was not the lest: for they thought at their landing to haue found him with 2500. men of armes well appointed, and great force of other horsemen and footemen (for so he had promised, thereby to allure them to passe the seas:) and further, that he would haue made war in Fraunce three moneths before their arriuall, to the end they might finde the King the wearier and the weaker: but God as you haue heard, disposed otherwise of this matter. The King of England departed from Callice in companie of the Duke of Burgundie, and passed through Bolaine, and from thence to Peronne, where the Duke gaue the English men but cold entertainment: for he caused the gates to be straightly garded, and would suffer but few to enter, so that the greatest part of them lodged in the fields, as they might well do: for they were well prouided of all things necessarie for that purpose.

After they were come to Peronne, the Constable sent to the Duke of Burgundy one of his seruants called Levvis of Creuille, by whom he excused himselfe: for the withholding of Saint Quintins, alleaging that if he had restored it, he could haue [Page] stood him in no stead in the realme of Fraunce: for he should vtterly haue lost his credit and intelligence there, but now seeing the King of England was come ouer in person, he promised to do heerafter all that the Duke should command him, whereof the better to assure him, he sent him a letter of credit directed to the King of England, but referring the matter of credit to the declaration of the Duke. Further, he gaue the Duke his faith in writing, to serue and succour him, his friends and confederates, as well the King of England as others, against all men none excepted. The Duke deliuered the King of England his letter, and withall the matter of credit, adding somwhat thereto of his own deuise: for he assured the King that the Constable would deliuer into his hands both Saint Quintins and all his other places: which the King easily beleeued, partly bicause he had maried the Constables neece, and partly bicause he saw him in so great feare of the King our Master, that he thought he durst not faile of his promise made to the Duke and him, and the Duke beleeued it also. But the Constable meant nothing lesse, for the fear he stood in of the King our Master was not so great that it could force him so far. But he vsed still his woonted dissimulation, hoping by these faire messages to content them, and shew them so apparant reasons of his dooings, that they would not as yet constraine him to declare himselfe. Now you shall vnderstand that King Edvvard and his men were nothing acquainted with our affaires, but went bluntly to worke, so that they could not as yet smell out the cunning vsed heere on this side the sea: for naturally the English men that neuer trauelled abroad are very colerick, as are also al people of cold coūtries ³. The realme of Fraunce as you see is situate betweene both: for it is inuironed with Italy, Spaine and Catalonia towards the east ⁴, and with England, Flaunders and Holland towards the west ⁵, and all along the countrey of Champaigne, Almaine bordereth vpon it: so that our countrey taketh part both of heate and cold, wherfore the French are of two complexions: but in mine opinion I neuer saw countrey in my life better seated than the realme of Fraunce.

The King of England who reioiced maruellously at this message sent by the Constable (although happily he had receiued some such promise before, but not so large) departed from Peronne with the Duke of Burgundy (who had no force there, for his army was in Barrois and Lorraine) towards Saint Quintins, whereunto when they approched, a great band of Englishmen ran before, thinking (as I heard it reported a few daies after) that the bels should haue rung at their comming, & that the citizens would haue receiued them with crosse and holy water. But when they drew neere the town, the artillery shot, and the soldiers issued foorth to the skirmish, both on horsebacke and foote, so that two or three English men were slaine, and some taken. Further, it rained terribly, and in this estate returned they in great rage to their campe, murmuring against the Constable and calling him traitor.

The next morning the Duke of Burgundy would haue taken his leaue of the King of England to depart to his army into Barrois, promising to do maruels in his fauor. But the English men who naturally are suspicious, and were strangers in these countries, maruelled much at his so sudden departure, (seeing they had passed the seas at his request) and were greatly discontented therwith, neither would they beleeue that his army was in a readines. Besides that, the Duke could by no meanes repaire the Constables former credit with them: notwithstanding that he affirmed all his dooings to be to a good end. The winter also which drew neere dismaied them, so that they seemed by their words desirous rather of peace than war.

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The Notes.

1 The King vvould not svveare by the crosse of Saint Lou of Angiers, bicause vvho so touched that crosse and for svvare himselfe, died miserably within a yeere after.

2 The King of England landed at Calais the 4. of Iuly. Meyer.

3 The reason is, Propter crassos humores quibus abundant eorum corpora, qui vehementiores excitant affectus, & innatam caloris vim quae etiam augetur per antiperistasin.

4 By the east he meaneth all seas to the great Ocean.

5 By the vvest he meaneth all vvest and north seas.

How the King clothed a poore seruant in a cote armor with a scutchin, and sent him to speake with the King of England in his Campe, where he receiued a very good answere. Chap. 7.

IN the meane time, euen at the very instant that the D. of Burgundy was taking his leaue, the English men tooke prisoner a gentlemans seruant of the Kings house named Iames of Grasse, whom foorthwith they led to the King of England and the Duke being togither, and from them into a tent: where when they had examined him, the Duke tooke his leaue to go into Brabant, and from thence to Maizieres, where part of his army lay. The King of England commanded the said seruant to be dismissed, bicause he was their first prisoner. And at his departure the Lord Hovvard and the Lord Stanley gaue him a noble saying: Do our humble commendations to the K. your Master if you can come to his presence. The fellow came in great haste to the King being at Compiegne with these newes, who foorthwith began to suspect him as a spie, bicause Gilbert of Grasse his Masters brother, was then very well entertained in the Duke of Britaines court, wherefore he was committed to warde, and straightly kept that night. Notwithstanding the King commanded diuers to commune with him, by whose report his tale seemed voide of all suspicion and feare. Wherefore they desired the King to vouchsafe to heare him, and according to their request the next morning he himselfe spake with him, and when he had heard him, his irons were knocked off, but he remained still in warde. Then the King went to diner debating with himselfe whether he should send to the English men or not. And before he sat downe talked three or fower words thereof with me. For you know (my Lord of Vienna) that oftentimes he communed very familiarly with those that were neere about him, as I was then, and others after, & loued to talke in a mans eare: he called then to minde the herault of Englands aduise, which was, that he should not faile to send to the King of England so soone as he was landed, to demaund a safe conduct for certaine ambassadors that he would send to him: and further, to adresse his herault to the aboue named Lord Hovvard and the Lord Stanley. After the King was set to diner, and had mused a while, as you know his maner was (which seemed strange to those that knew him not: for vnlesse a man had beenwel acquainted with his behauior, he would haue iudged him of no great wisdome, notwithstanding that his dooings sufficiently declared the contrary) he bad me in mine eare to arise and dine in my chamber, and [Page] send for a certaine seruant of the Lord of Halles, son to Merichon of Rochell, and to commune with him, to know whether he durst aduenture to go to the K. of Englands campe in a heraults cote: which his commandement I executed foorthwith, maruelling much when I saw the said seruant: for he seemed to me neither of personage nor behauior fit for such an enterprise: notwithstanding he had a good wit and a very pleasant toong, as I afterward perceiued: the King had neuer spoken with him before but once. The said seruant was maruellously astonished with my message, & fell downe before me on his knees, as one accounting himselfe a dead man, but I comforted & confirmed him the best I could, promising him an office in the Ile of Ré, & a summe of money, & to cheere him the better, tolde him that this proceeded of the English men themselues. Then I made him dine with me, none being present but we two, and one of my seruants, and by little and little perswaded him to do as he was required. After I had been at diner a while, the King sent for me, and I told him how I had wrought with this good fellow, naming diuers others, who in mine opinion seemed fitter for this purpose than he, but the King would none but him. Wherfore he came and talked with him himselfe, and confirmed him more with one word, than I had with an hundred. None entred into the chamber with the King saue onely the Lord of Villiers, then Master of the horse, and now bailife of Caen. When the King perceiued this good fellow to be well perswaded to go: he sent the said Master of the horse to fetch a trumpet banner, thereof to make this counterfet herault a cote armor: for the King bicause he was not pompous as other Princes are, had neither herault nor trumpeter with him. Thus the Master of the horse and one of my men made his cote armor as well as they could: which being finished, the said Master of the horse fetched a scutchin of a little herault of the Lord Admirals called Pleinchemin, which was fastened to our counterfet herault: his bootes also and his cloke were brought priuily to him, and likewise his horse: whereupon he mounted no man vnderstanding any thing of his iourney. Further, a goodly budget was tied to his saddle bowe, into the which he put his cote armor. Thus being well instructed what to say, he rode straight to the English campe: where when he arriued with his cote armor on his backe, he was staied incontinent, and brought to the King of Englands pauilion. Where being demanded the cause of his comming, he said that he came from the King to speake with the King of England, and had commandement to addresse himselfe to the Lord Hovvard and the Lord Stanley, whereupon they led him into a tent to diner, and made him good cheere. After the King of England was risen from the table (for he was at diner when the herault arriued) the said herault was brought before him, and the King gaue him audience. His message was chiefely grounded vpon the great desire the King had of long time to be in perfect amitie with the King of England, to the ende both the realmes might liue togither in peace and quietnes: adding further, that since the time he was first crowned King of Fraunce, he neuer had attempted any thing against the King of England or his realme ¹: secondarily, he excused himselfe for receiuing in times past the Earle of Warwicke into his dominions, saying that he did it onely against the Duke of Burgundie and not against him. Further, he declared vnto him that the said Duke of Burgundie had for none other cause called him into Fraunce, but that by the occasion of his comming he might conclude a better peace for himselfe with the King. And if happily any others were furtherers thereof, it was onely to amend the broken state of their owne affaires, and for their owne priuate commoditie: but as touching the King of Englands good successe, they were altogither carelesse thereof: he put him also in minde of the time of the yeere, alleaging that winter approched, [Page] and likewise of the great charges he sustained: lastly he said, that notwithstanding a great number in England, as well gentlemen as merchants desired war with France: yet if the King of England would incline to peace, the King for his part would condiscend to such conditions, as he doubted not but he and his realme would allow of: lastly, to the ende he might the better be informed of all these matters, he said: that if the King of England would grant a safe conduct for an hundred horse, the King his Master would send ambassadors to him well informed of their Masters pleasure, or if the said King of England should like better to assigne the place of treatie in some village betweene both the armies, and to send Commissioners thither on both sides, the King his Master would willingly agree thereunto: and send the like safe conduct for his part.

The King of England and part of his nobles liked these ouuertures very well, and granted our herault as large a safe conduct as he demanded, & gaue him fower nobles of gold ² in reward. Further, an English herault was sent backe with him to the King, to bring the like safe conduct from him as the King of England had granted. And the next morning in a village neere to Amiens the Commissioners of both Princes met, being these: for the King, the bastard of Bourbon Admirall of Fraunce, the Lord of Saint Pierre, and the Bishop of Eureux called Heberge: and for the King of England the Lord Howard, one called Chalanger ³, and a Doctor named Morton, at this present Chancellor of England and Archbishop of Canterbury.

Some may thinke peraduenture that the King humbled himselfe too much, but those that be wise will easily perceiue by that I haue aboue rehearsed, in how great danger the realme stood, had not God put to his helping hand, as well in causing the King to take this wise course, as also by troubling the D. of Burgundies wits, who committed so many errors as you haue heard in this action, & lost now through his owne follie that which so long he had wished for and desired. Many secret practises lay hidded at that time among our selues, as well in Britaine as elsewhere, which would soone haue broken foorth into great inconueniences, had not this peace beene speedily concluded. Wherefore I assure my selfe by that I haue seene in my time, that God had then, and yet hath a speciall regard of this realme.

The Notes.

1 King Lewis had forgotten that before this time he had attempted to restore Queene Margaret daughter to King Rene. Annal. Burgund.

2 Hall reporteth, that the French herault had giuen him a gilt cup and an hundred angels.

3 This Chalanger our chronicles name Sentleger.

How truce for nine yeeres was treated of betweene the Kings of Fraunce and England, notwithstanding all the lets and impediments that the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy made. Chap. 8.

THe Commissioners of both the Princes met (as you haue heard) the next day after our heraults returne, for we lay within fower leagues or lesse togither. The said herault was well cheered, and had his office in the Ile of Ré where he was borne, and the sum of mony that was promised him. Many conditions of peace were treated of betweene our Commissioners. The English men after their woonted maner, first demanded the crowne, [Page] at the least Normandie and Guienne, but they were no more earnestly demanded than strongly denied. Notwithstanding euen at this first meeting the treatie was brought to a reasonable point: for both the parties desired peace: whereupon our ambassadors returned to the King, and the others to their campe. The King heard the English mens demands and last resolutions, which were these: That he should pay to the King of England presently before his departure out of Fraunce 72000. crownes ¹. That the King that now is then Daulphine should marrie King Edwards eldest daughter at this day Queene of England, and that she should haue the Duchy of Guienne for hir maintenance, or 50000. crownes yeerely to be paied in the Tower of London by the space of nine yeeres: which terme expired, the King that now is and his wife should peaceably enioy the reuenues of the whole Duchie of Guienne, and then the King our Master to be cleerely discharged of all paiments to the King of England. Diuers other trifling articles there were, touching matter of trafike, which I ouerpasse. Lastlie, this truce was to endure nine yeeres betweene the two realmes: all the confederates of both parties being comprehended therin, and namely on the King of Englands behalfe, the Dukes of Burgundie and Britaine if they themselues would. Further, the King of England made a maruellous strange offer, which was, to name in writing certaine noble men, who he said were traitors to the King and his crowne. The King reioiced maruellously at the report that his Commissioners made at their returne, & sat in counsell about these ouertures of peace: where among others I my selfe was present. Some supposed all this treatie to be meere deceit and cunning of the English men, but the King was of a contrarie opinion: for he alleaged first the time of the yeere, saying, that winter now approched, and that they had not one place to lodge in: secondarily, he declared the euill turns the Duke of Burgundie had done them, who was also departed from them. And as touching the Constable he did in maner assure himselfe, that he would put no places into their hands, bicause he sent howerly to him to entertaine him, to asswage his malice, and to keepe him from doing harme: lastly, he alleaged the King of Englands disposition, whom he knew well to be a Prince wholy giuen to his pleasures & delights. Wherfore he seemed to discourse wiselier than any man of the companie, and better to vnderstand than any other the matters there debated. He concluded therefore with all speed to pay this summe of mony, and deuised order how to leuie it, and in the end commanded that euery man should lend a portion the sooner to furnish it: for the King cared not what he did to rid the King of England out of his realme, saue onely that he would in no wise consent to put any places into the English mens hands: for rather than he would suffer that, he was fully determined to hazard all.

The Constable who began to smel these practises, was stricken with sudden feare, bicause he had offended all the three Princes. Further, he doubted much the treatie almost concluded against him at Bouuines. Wherefore he sent often to the King, and euen at this present arriued at the Court one of his gentlemen named Levvis of Creuille, with one of his Secretaries called Iohn Richer who are both yet liuing. They deliuered their message to the Lord of Bouchage and me before they spake with the King, as his pleasure was they should. The newes they brought liked the King well, bicause he meant to vse them to good purpose as you shall heare. The Lord of Contay (seruant to the Duke of Burgundie) lately taken prisoner before Arras as you haue heard, went to and fro vpon his word betweene the Duke and the King: and the King had promised to release him his raunsome, and to giue him a great summe of money if he could perswade his Master to peace. By chance he returned [Page] to the King the selfesame day that these two seruants of the Constables arriued. Wherefore the King made him and me to stand in a great old presse in his chamber, to the end he might heare and make report to his Master, of the language the Constable and his seruants vsed of him. We being there placed, the King sate downe on a forme hard by the presse, to the end we might the better heare Lewis of Creuilles and his companions message. Who began thus, that of late being by their Masters commandement with the Duke of Burgundie, to perswade him to depart from the English mens friendship: they found him in such a rage against the King of England, that they had almost woon him not onely to abandon the English men, but also to helpe to spoile and destroy them in their returne home. And in vttering these words (the better to please the King) the said Lewis of Creuille counterfetting the Duke of Burgundies gesture by stamping vpon the ground and swearing Saint George, rehearsed many reprochfull speeches that (as they said) the Duke vsed of the King of England. To be short, they vttered as many scofs and mocks of the D. as was possible. The King made great sport with this matter, & bad the said Lewis of Creuille to speake alowd, faining himselfe to be growen somwhat deafe, and to tel him this tale againe: which the other making no bones thereat, did with a good will.

The said Contay (who stood with me in the presse) was maruellously astonished at this talke, neither would haue beleeued it vnlesse himselfe had heard it. The Constables mens conclusion was this. They counselled the King, for auoiding of all these great dangers he sawe hang ouer his head, to conclude a truce (for the which the said Constable offered to trauell to the vttermost of his power:) and to put into the English mens hands (the better to content them) some small towne or two to lodge them in this winter, saying, that were they neuer so bad, yet the English men would holde themselues contented with them. And it seemed by their talke, though they named no place, that they ment Eu and Saint Valery. By this meanes the Constable trusted to recouer the King of Englands fauor, which he had lost bicause of the refusall made him of his places. But the King who thought it sufficient to haue plaied his part by bringing the Lord of Contay to heare what language the Constable and his men vsed of the Duke his Master, gaue them no euill answer, but said that he would send to his brother ², to aduertise him of such newes as he knew, and so licensed them to depart. Notwithstanding, one of them before his departure sware to reueale vnto him whatsoeuer he could learne touching him or his estate. The King had much adoo to dissemble any longer when he heard them counsell him to put townes into the English mens hands. Notwithstanding, he gaue them no such answer, whereby they might gather their counsell to be taken in euill part (bicause he feared that would the more increase the Constables malice:) but sent one backe with them to their Master: it was not far betweene him and vs, for a man might go and come in very short space. When the others were departed, the L. of Contay & I came out of the presse: the K. laughed maruellously, and was very mery with this pageant. But the said Contay was so far out of patience to heare such petit companions thus flout and scoffe his Master (especially the Constable, pretending so great friendship to his Master, and treating with him of so many matters) that he thought euery hower ten til he were on horsebacke to aduertise the Duke his Master thereof. Wherefore he was dispatched with all speede, and wrote his instructions himselfe: he caried also with him a letter of credit, written with the Kings owne hand, and so departed.

The peace with the English men was already concluded as aboue is mentioned, and all these practises were abroch in one instant. The Kings Commissioners had made report of their negotiation as you haue heard, and the King of Englands were [Page] also returned to him. Further it was concluded and agreed on both sides by the ambassadors that passed betweene them, that the two Princes should meete togither, and after they had seene one another and sworne the treaty, the King of England should returne home into his countrey, hauing first receiued the sum aboue mentioned of 720000. crownes, and leauing in hostage behinde him, till he were passed the seas, the Lord Hovvard, and the Master of his horse called sir Iohn Cheinie. Lastly, a pension of 16000. crownes was promised to be diuided among the King of Englands principall seruants, of the which sum the Lord Hastings had two thousand. The rest had the Lord Howard, the Master of the horse, Master Chalanger, Master Montgomerie, and others: besides this, great sums of money and goodly presents of siluer plate were giuen to King Edvvards seruants.

The Duke of Burgundy hearing these newes, came in great haste from Luxembourg where he lay, to the King of England, accompanied onely with sixteene horse. The King being much astonished at this his so sudden arriuall, asked him what winde draue him thither, perceiuing by his countenance that he was displeased. The Duke answered that he was come to talke with him. The King demanded whether he would speake with him priuately or publikely. Then said the Duke, haue you concluded peace? I haue quoth the King made truce for nine yeeres, wherein both you and the Duke of Britaine are comprehended, and I pray you agree thereunto. But the Duke grew maruellous hot, and spake in English (for he could the language) rehearsing what noble acts diuers Kings of England had done in Fraunce, and what great trauell they had sustained to purchase honor and renowme. Afterward he inueighed vehemently against this truce, saying, that he had not desired the English men to passe the seas for any neede he had of their helpe, but to the end they might recouer their owne right. And to the intent they might perceiue that he stood in no need of their comming: he protested that he would not make truce with the King, till the King of England had been three moneths at home in his realme: which talke ended, he departed and returned from whence he came. The King of England and his Councell tooke these words in euill part: but they that misliked the peace commended much the Dukes speech.

The Notes.

1 Meyer saith thus: Quinquaginta millia aureorum pro tributo Aquitaniae Septuaginta quinque millia praeterea soluta prae manibus Edwardo à Gallorum Rege. Annal. Aquit. say 65000. our chronicles and Gaguin 75000. But the truce saith Gaguin vvas concluded but for seuen yeeres. Introduction de la Marche saith 60000. crovvnes the yeerely tribut, but in the second booke cap. 1. the same author saith but 36000.

2 The King calleth the Constable brother, bicause the King and he had married tvvo sisters, as our author maketh mention in this booke cap. 4.

How the King feasted the English men in Amiens, and how there was a place assigned for the enteruiew of the two Kings. Chap. 9.

THe King of England to the end the peace might be fully concluded, came and encamped within halfe a league of Amiens. The King was at the gate, from whence he might behold the English men a far off as they came. To say the truth they seemed but yong soldiers: for they rode in very euill order. The King sent to the King of England 300. [Page] carts laden with the best wines that might be gotten: the which carriage seemed a far off almost as great as the King of Englands armie. Many English men bicause of the truce repaired to the towne, where they behaued themselues very vndiscreetly, and without all regard of their Princes honor. They came all in armes, and in great troupes: and if the King our Master would haue dealt falsly with them, so great a number might neuer so easily haue beene destroied. Notwithstanding he meant nothing lesse, but studied to make them good cheere, and to conclude a sure peace with them for his time. He had caused to be set at the entrie of the towne gate two long tables, on each side of the street one, furnished with all kindes of delicate meats that prouoke drinke, and with the best wines that might be gotten, and men to wait vpon them: of water there was no mention. At each of these tables he had placed fiue or sixe great fat gentlemen of good houses, thereby the better to content those that desired to drinke. The gentlemens names were these: Monseur de Cran, de Briqueber, de Bresmes, de Villiers, and others. So soone as the English men drew neere the gate, they might behold this good cheere. Besides this, men purposely appointed tooke their horses by the bridles, saying that they would breake a staffe with them, and so led them to the table, where they were feasted according to the varietie of the meats: which they tooke in very good part. After they were within the towne, what house soeuer they entred into they paid nothing. Further, nine or ten tauerns were well furnished at the Kings charge of all things necessarie: whither they went to eate and drinke, and called for what they would, but the King defraied all: and this cheere endured three or fower daies.

You haue heard how the Duke of Burgundie misliked the peace, which howsoeuer it displeased him, troubled the Constable much more, bicause he saw he had failed of his enterprise, and purchased himselfe hatred on all sides: wherefore he sent his Confessor to the King of England with a letter of credit, desiring him for Gods loue to haue no affiance in the Kings words and promises, but to accept the townes of Eu and S. Valerie, and there to lodge himselfe part of the winter: adding, that within two moneths he would finde meanes to lodge him more commodiously. Other assurance heerof gaue he him none: for his onely meaning was to feede him foorth with these faire words. Last of all, to the end he should not conclude a dishonorable treatie for greedines of a little money, he promised to lend him fiftie thousand crownes, with diuers other large offers. But the King had already caused the two places aboue mentioned to be burned, bicause he knew the King of England had intelligence that the Constable had perswaded him to put them into the English mens hands. King Edwards answer was, that the truce was alreadie concluded, and that he would alter nothing therein, but if he had performed his promises, he would haue made no such appointment: which answer draue the Constable into vtter despaire.

You haue heard of the English mens great cheere in Amiens, but one euening Monseur de Torcy came to the King and told him, that so great a number of them were in the towne, that it stood in some danger. But the King was displeased with his message: wherefore euery man forbare to bring him any more such newes. The next morrow was one of the daies that represented Childermas day that yeere ¹, on the which the King vsed not to debate any matter, but accounted it a signe of some great misfortune towards him, if any man communed with him of his affaires, and would be maruellously displeased with those that were neere about him and acquainted with his humor, if they troubled him with any matter whatsoeuer. Notwithstanding the same morning I now speake of, as he (being but newly risen) was saying his praiers, [Page] one brought me word that there were at the least nine thousand English men within the towne: which newes I hearing, determined to aduertise him thereof. Wherefore I entred againe into his closet, and said vnto him: Sir, though this day represent vnto you Childermas day, yet necessity inforceth me to informe you of that I heare. Then I aduertised him at large of the great number of English men that were within the towne, adding that they entred continually all armed, and that no man durst refuse them the gate for feare of displeasing them. The King was content to heare me speake, and foorthwith arose from his praiers, saying, that he would not obserue the ceremony of Innocents that day, and bad me mount on horsebacke to see if I could speake with the English mens captaines, to cause them to depart the towne: further, he commanded me if I met any of his owne captaines, to bid them repaire vnto him, saying also, that he himselfe would come to the gate immediately after me. I did as I was commanded, and spake to three or fower English captaines with whom I was acquainted, aduertising them what I thought good to be done in this case: but for one they put foorth of the towne, twenty came in. The King sent immediately after me the L. of Gié now Marshall of Fraunce, to take order for this inconuenience: we two entred togither into a tauerne, where were spent that morning 111. shots, yet was it but nine of the clocke. The house was full, some sang, some slept, and some were drunke: which when I sawe, I perceiued no danger to be of such men, and sent word thereof to the King: who came incontinent with a goodly traine to the gate, and caused two or three hundred soldiers to arme themselues secretly in their captaines houses, and placed some also vpon the gate where the English men entred. Further, he commanded his diner to be brought into the porters lodge, where he caused diuers English gentlemen to dine with him. The King of England being aduertised of this disorder, was ashamed thereof, and sent to the King desiring him to giue commandement, that no English man should be suffered to enter the towne: whereunto the King answered, that he would neuer so do: but desired him if it so pleased him, to send certaine of the yomen of his crowne to keepe the gate, and let in such as they should thinke good: and so the King of England did, whereupon a great number of English men departed the towne by his commandement.

It was then determined that for perfect conclusion of the peace, Commissioners should be appointed on both sides to assigne a place for the enteruiew of the two Kings. For our King, the L. of Bouchage and I my selfe were named: and for the King of England, the L. Howard, one called Chalenger, and a herault. After we had ridden vp and downe and viewed all the riuer, we agreed in the end the pleasantest, safest, and most commodious place to be Picquigny, a towne three leagues from Amiens, with a strong castell, belonging to the Vidame of Amiens. Notwithstanding that it were once burned by the Duke of Burgundy. The towne standeth in a bottom, & the riuer of Som passeth through it, which is deeper there than a mans height, but very narrow. The country on both sides of the riuer through the which the two Kings should passe was very open and pleasant, saue that when the King of England drew neere to the riuer side, there was a causey at the least two bowe shot long enuironed with a marsh (a very dangerous passage if we had not meant good faith.) Wherefore without doubt the Englishmen (as before I haue said) are not so subtill and circumspect in these treaties and assemblies as the French. For (whatsoeuer men say of them) they go bluntly to worke, but a man must haue patience with them and giue them no crosse language.

After the place was assigned, we determined to build a strong large bridge ouer the riuer, the worke men and stuffe we furnished. In the midst of this bridge a woodden [Page] grate was made like to a lions cage, the space betweene each bar being no greater than that a man with ease might thrust in his arme: ouer the head it was boorded to keepe off the raine, so brode that ten or twelue might stand couered vnder it on each side: ouer the bridge no man could passe: for the grate was framed cleane ouerthwart it, and vpon the riuer was but one bote with two men in it, to ferry ouer such as passed from the one side to the other.

I will tell you what mooued the King to make this grate in such sort that no man could passe through it, bicause it may peraduenture stand some man in stead that shall haue occasion to make the like. In King Charles the 7. youth, this realme was greeuously plagued by the English men. For King Henry the 5. held the siege before Roan, and had brought the towne to great extremity: the most part of the inhabitants being either subiects to Iohn Duke of Burgundy then liuing, or of his faction.

Betweene the said Duke Iohn of Burgundy and the Duke of Orleans great variance had beene of long time, so far foorth, that the whole realme or the greatest part was rent into two factions, whereby the Kings estate was much weakened: for partiality neuer ariseth in any realme, but in the end the fire thereof is dangerous and hard to be quenched. This variance grew so hot, that the Duke of Orleans was slaine at Paris about eleuen yeeres before ². The Duke of Burgundy led a great army, with the which he marched towards Normandy, minding to leuy the siege before Roan ³, but to the end he might be the stronger, and the better assured of the King, it was agreed that the King and he should meet at Montereau faut Yonne, where a bridge was made and a grate ouerthwart it, with a little wicket in the middest boulted on both sides, so that a man might passe through with consent of both parties. The King ⁴ came on the one side of the bridge, and the Duke on the other: being both accompanied with a great number of men of armes, especially the Duke. They fell in communication togither vpon the bridge: at the which were present on the Dukes side onely three or fower ⁵. But after they had talked a while, the Duke either through earnest sollicitation of those that were with the King, or of a desire he had to humble himselfe before him, vnboulted the wicket on his side, and the others on theirs. Three of the Dukes men went through before him, and then himselfe passed being the fourth and was immediately slaine ⁶, and they also that accompanied him: wherefore ensued great miseries and calamities to this realme ⁷, as all the world can witnes. This historie was before my time, wherefore I forbeare further to speake therof: but thus the King rehearsed it to me word for word at the same time that this enteruiew with King Edvvard was appointed: saying, that if there had beene no wicket, no occasion had beene to desire the Duke to passe through the grate, and then that great misfortune had not happened. The authors whereof were certaine of the Duke of Orleans seruants that was slaine, who were then in great credit with King Charles.

The Notes.

1 The King vpon a super slition kept holy twelue daies in the yeere, viz. euerie moneth one, in remembrance of the Innocents day: and the day heere mentioned was one of them.

2 These eleuen yeeres was in the text but one yeere: the Printer for onze ans auoit hauing printed vn an auoit. For the Duke of Orleans was slaine ann. 1407. the 22. of Nouember, and the King of England laid his siege before Roan 1418. the last of Iuly. but Meyer saith in Iune, and it was yeelded to him the 19. or 16. as some write of Ianuarie 1419. which was eleuen yeeres and somwhat more after the Duke of Orleans death.

3 All authors report, that not onely Roan but tall Normandie was taken before D. Iohn [Page] of Burgundie was slaine: for Roan was yeelded to the English 1419. the 19. of Ianuarie, and the Duke slaine the same yeere in Nouember, September, or August (for authors so diuersly report the time) but Commines maner (as himselfe writeth) is not to stand so exactly vpon times. Further, authors agree not among themselues about this matter. Lastly, this place may be vnderstood, that when Duke Iohn leuied his armie, his meaning was to raise the siege before Roan, though he could not come time ynongh to execute his enterprise. Of the Dukes death reade Meyer lib. 15. fol. 255. & 256. Chron. Fland. fol. 281. Annal. Burgund. &c.

4 Note that this notwithstanding, he was not King yet but Daulphin.

5 The French writers say each of them hauing ten Knights.

6 The French to excuse the Daulphin say, that Tanneguy du Chastell (somtime seruant to the Duke of Orleans that was slaine) slue Duke Iohn with one blowe of a battell axe, bicause of certaine arrogant words vsed at that time to the Daulphin: wheras Commines and Meyer report that too great humilitie was cause of his death. Tanneguy du Chastell, Oliuer Layet, Peter Frotier, and William Batilier slue Duke Iohn and the Lord of Nouaille with him, who drew his sword in the Dukes defence. Annal. Burgund. Introduct. de la Marche. Meyer.

7 For Duke Philip of Burgundie to reuenge his fathers death, entred into league with the English men.

How the two Kings met and sware the treatie before concluded, and how some supposed that the holy Ghost came downe vpon the King of Englands pauilion in the likenes of a white pigeon. Chap. 10.

OVr grate being finished as you haue heard, the next day the two Kings came thither in the yeeere 1475. the 29. of August ¹. The K. had with him about eight hundred men of armes, and arriued first at the grate: on the King of Englands side stood all his armie in order of battell, which vndoubtedly was great both of horsemen and footemen: yet could not we discouer his whole force. We on our side seemed but a handfull to them, and no maruell: for the fourth part of the Kings armie was not there. It was appointed that each of the Kings should be accompanied at the grate with twelue persons, which were alreadie named, of the noblest personages and such as were neerest about them. Moreouer, on our side were fower of the King of Englands seruants to view what we did, and as many of ours on their side. The King as I told you, arriued first at the grate, and twelue of vs waited vpon him, among whom were the late Duke Iohn of Bourbon and the Cardinall his brother. It pleased him that I should weare that day a sute of apparell like his owne: for he had vsed of long time, and that verie often, to command one or other to be apparelled like himselfe. The King of England came along vpon the causey aboue mentioned with a maruellous goodly traine, as was conuenient for the maiestie of a Prince: he was accompanied with the Duke of Clarence his brother, the Earle of Northumberland, and diuers other noble men, namely the Lord Hastings his Chamberlaine, his Chauncellor, and others. But there were not past three or fower besides himselfe apparelled in cloth of golde. Further, he ware on his head a black veluet cap with a maruellous rich iewell, being a Flower [Page] de luce set with stones. He was a goodly tall Prince, but inclined now to be somewhat grosse, & I had seene him before much beautifuller than at this present: for sure when the Earle of Warwicke chased him out of England, he was the goodliest gentleman that euer I set mine eie on. When he came within fiue foote of the grate, he tooke off his cap, and bowed downe within halfe a foote of the ground: the King in like maner who was leaning vpon the grate, vsed great reuerence towards him: & when they came to embrace each other through the grate, the King of England againe made low obeisance. Then the King began the talke and said: Cosin, you are most hartily welcom, there is no man in the world whom I haue so much desired to see as you, and praised be God that we are met heere to so good a purpose: heereunto the King of England answered in good French. This talke ended, the Chancellor of England, who was a Prelate and Bishop of Elie, began his oration with a prophesie (whereof the English men are neuer vnfurnished ²:) which said that in this place of Picquigny an honorable peace should be concluded betweene the realmes of Fraunce and England. The Bishops oration being ended, the letters were opened that the King had deliuered to the King of England touching the conclusion of the treatie: and the said Chancellor asked the King whether they were written by his commandement, and whether he auowed them: whereunto the King answered yea. Then the Bishop asked him againe, if he held himselfe contented in like maner with those letters and writings that were deliuered him on the King of Englands behalfe: whereunto the King answered as before. Then was the missall brought foorth and opened: vpon the which each of the Kings laide one of their hands, and the other vpon the true holie crosse, and sware both of them to keepe and obserue the articles concluded betweene them, namely the truce for nine yeeres, wherein the confederats of both parties were comprehended, and the marriage of their children to be accomplished in maner and forme as was comprehended in the treatie. After they had both sworne, the King (who had his words at commandement) began to enter into pleasant talke with the K. of England: saying that he should come to Paris to solace himselfe there with the Ladies, and that he would giue him the Cardinall of Bourbon for his confessor, who would easilie assoile him of that sinne, if any were committed. The King of England tooke great pleasure in this talke, and answered with a merry countenanee: for he knew the Cardinall to be a good fellow. After some such like speeches passed betweene them, the King to shew that he had authority among his men, commanded those that were with him to withdraw themselues, saying that he would commune with the King of England in secret: which they that accompanied the King of England seeing, retired without commandement. After the two Kings had communed awhile togither, the King called me to him, and asked the King of England if he knew me, who answered, that he knew me well, and named the places where he had seene me, adding, that in times past I had taken paines to do him seruice in Calais during the time I was with the Duke of Burgundy. Then the King inquired of him, if the Duke of Burgundy would not be comprehended in the truce (as it was to be presumed bicause of his froward answer, that he would not) what it would please him that he should do? The King of England said, that he would offer it him yet once more, and if he refused to accept it, that then they two should do as they thought good. Afterward the King fell in talke of the Duke of Britaine (which was the onely end why he mooued this question) & asked him in like maner of him. The King of England desired him earnestly to attempt nothing against the D. of Britain, saying that in his necessity he neuer found so faithfull a friend: whereupon the King ended this communication: and then calling [Page] the company togither againe, with the most curteous and gratious language that might be, tooke his leaue of the King of England, giuing very good words in like maner to euery one of his seruants. And so the two Princes in a maner both at one instant departed from the grate and tooke horse. The King returned to Amiens, and the King of England to his campe, whither we sent from the court all kinde of prouision necessary for him, so far foorth, that torches and lights were not forgotten. At this enteruiewe the Duke of Glocester King Edwards brother, and certaine others were not present, bicause they misliked the peace. Notwithstanding, afterward they were well ynough perswaded to allow of it, so far foorth that the said Duke of Glocester came to Amiens to the King, who gaue him many goodly presents of siluer plate, and horses with all kinde of furniture.

After the King was returned from this meeting, vpon the way he debated two points with me: the one, he found the King of England so willing to come to Paris that it liked him neuer a whit. For he is, quoth he, a goodly Prince, and much giuen to loue: he may peraduenture meete with some dainty dame at Paris, that will entertaine him with so many sugred words, that she may happily make him desirous to returne thither againe. But his predecessors haue soiourned too long both at Paris and in Normandy. I like not his company on this side the sea, but so long as he keepeth home, I wish to haue him my good friend and louing brother. The other point was this, he was sory that he found the King of England somwhat hard when he made mention of the D. of Britaine: for the King was so desirous to perswade him to suffer war to be made in Britaine, that afterward he sollicited this matter anew by the Lords of Bouchage and Saint Pierre. But the King of England seeing himselfe thus earnestly pressed, answered in fewe words, that who so should make war vpon the Duke of Britaine, he would passe the seas yet once againe in his defence: which answer being heard, the matter was no further mentioned. After the K. was returned to Amiens, euen as he was going to supper, arriued three or fower noble men of England such as had furthered the peace, and the Lord Hovvard (who was one of them) began to talke with the King in his eare, saying, that if it pleased him, he would finde meanes to bring his Master to Amiens, and peraduenture to Paris, to make merry with him, which offer though the King liked neuer a whit, yet made he shew of great good liking thereof, and began to wash, not answering much to that point, but tolde me softly in mine eare, that the thing he most feared was hapned, meaning this offer. After supper they fell againe in communication of the selfesame matter, but with wise words the enterprise was broken off: for the King said, that with all speede he must depart to go against the Duke of Burgundy. Although these affaires were of great importance and sagely ordered on both sides: yet you see merry toies hapned also among them which are not to be forgotten. But as touching the K. who will maruell (considering the great harmes the English men haue done in Fraunce but of late yeeres) if he trauelled his body, and spent his money to rid them friendly out of the realme, to the intent heereafter he might keepe them his friends, at the least not haue them his foes.

The next day after this meeting, a great number of English men repaired to Amiens, some of them affirming that the holy Ghost had made this peace (for they grounded all on prophesies.) The reason that mooued them so to say was, for that a white pigeon sate vpon the King of Englands pauilion the day of the enteruiew, and would not remooue thence notwithstanding any noise made in the camp. The cause whereof as some men iudged, was, for that it had rained a little, and afterward the sunne shining very hot, the pigeon lighted vpon this pauilion (being higher than [Page] the rest) to drie hir selfe: which reason was giuen by a gentleman of Gascoine seruant to the King of England, named Lewis of Bretailles, who was not a little offended with the peace. And bicause he and I were of old acquaintance, he talked familiarly with me: saying that we would deride the King of England for this treatie. I asked him how many battels the said King had woon: he told me nine, in the which himselfe had beene in person. Then I demanded of him againe, how many he had lost: and he answered neuer but one, which was this we now bereaued him of: adding, that he receiued greater dishonor by returning home after this sort, than he had obtained honor in winning the other nine. Of this communication I aduertised the King, who said he was a dangerous knaue, and that some meanes must be found to stop his mouth: whereupon he sent for him, and made him dine at his owne table, offering him verie large offers and goodly offices if he would tarry in Fraunce. But seeing he would by no meanes be woon thereunto, he gaue him a thousand crownes in money, promising also a good turne to his brethren that were on this side the sea, and I gaue him a watchword in his eare, to employ his credit to continue the friendship and amity begun betweene the two Princes.

The King feared especially aboue all things least some word should escape him at vnawares, whereby the English men might gather that he derided them. And by chaunce the next morning after this meeting, as he was in his closet, and not past three or fower of vs with him, he spake a merrie word touching the wines and presents sent to the English campe: and as he turned about espied a merchant of Gascoine that dwelt in England, who was come to mooue a sute to him for a licence to ship certaine Gascoine wines into England without impost, which was a sute that might much benefit the said merchant if he could obtaine it. The King woondered when he saw him how he was gotten in thither, and asked him of what towne he was in Guienne, and whether he were a merchant and married in England. The merchant answered yea, but that his wealth was not great. Incontinent before his departure thence, the K. appointed one to accompanie him to Bordeaux, and I communed with him by his commandement. Further, a good office in the towne where he was borne was giuen him: the licence for the wines which he demanded was granted him, and besides this 1000. franks were deliuered him for his wiues charges vpon the way, and he sent a brother of his into England for hir, but went not himselfe. Thus the King condemned himselfe in this penaltie for his ouer large speech.

The Notes.

1 The old copie saith the 19. day, Meyer the 31. day, Gaguin the 28. of October.

2 The like reparteth Iouius of the French.

How the Constable after the truce made with the English men, sought to excuse himselfe to the King: and how truce was also concluded for nine yeeres betweene the King and the Duke of Burgundie. Chap. 11.

THe selfesame day aboue mentioned, being the next day after the enteruiew, the Constable sent letters to the King by a seruant of his named Rapine (who was a trustie seruant to his Master, and whom also the King preferred afterwarde) Monseur de Lude and my selfe were commanded to heare his message. Now you shall vnderstand that [Page] Monseur de Contay was already returned from the Duke of Burgundie to the Court, about the practise aboue mentioned deuised against the Constable: so that the said Constable knew not to what Saint he should vow himself, but remained in vtter despaire. Rapines message was very humble, tending to excuse his Master of the sundry euill reports that he knew had been made of him to the King, for that the end sufficiently declared, that he neuer meant to do otherwise than dutie required. And to the intent he might the better assure the King of his true dealing, he promised so to practise with the Duke of Burgundy, that he would perswade him to helpe to destroy the King of England and his whole army, if it so pleased the King. And it seemed by his speech that his Master was in vtter despaire. We told him that we were in perfect amity with the English men, and would no war. But Monseur de Lude who was with me, aduentured to aske him if he knew where his Masters treasure lay. I maruelled to heare such a word passe him: for seeing this Rapine was a very trustie seruant to his Master, this speech was sufficient to haue caused the Constable to flie, and to vnderstand in what estate he was, and what was a brewing for him, especially seeing the danger he had been in not past a yeere before. But I neuer knew man in my life neither heere nor elsewhere, that could dislodge in time and shun the danger hanging ouer his head: some bicause they thinke they shall not be receiued nor be in safetie in strange countries, and other some bicause they are too much affectionate to their goods, wiues and children: which two reasons haue been the cause of many a good mans vndooing.

After we had made report to the King of Rapines message, he called for one of his Secretaries, none being with him but the Lord Hovvard the King of Englands seruant, (who vnderstood nothing of this practise against the Constable,) the Lord of Contay who was returned from the Duke of Burgundy, and we two that had talked with the said Rapine. Then he indited a letter to the Constable, wherein he aduertised him of all that was done the day before, namely, the treaty of peace. Further, he sen [...] word that he was busied with diuers affaires of great importance, and had neede of such a head as his: which word was no sooner vttered, but he turned to the Englishmen and the Lord of Contay, saying softly to them, I meane not that we should haue the body, but the head without the body. This letter was deliuered to Rapine, who liked it maruellous well, especially those words that the King had need of such a head as his Masters, but he vnderstood not the mystery thereof. The King of England also sent the King the two letters of credit that the Constable had written to him, and disclosed all the messages that he had sent him, whereby you may perceiue how the Constable had behaued himselfe towards these three great Princes, and in what estate he was: euery one of the three desiring his death.

The King of England vpon the receit of his money departed, and marched in great haste towards Callice, fearing the D. of Burgundies malice & his subiects, and not without cause: for whensoeuer his men scattered & singled themselues, some of them came short home. At his departure he left for hostages with the King, till his returne into England according to his promise, the Lord Hovvard, and the Master of his horse called Sir Iohn Cheiny.

You haue heard before at the entrance into these English affaires, that K. Edward had no great deuotion to this voyage into Fraunce: for being come to Douer, before he embarked he began to practise with vs. But there were two causes that mooued him to passe the seas: one, the desire his whole realme had according, to their natural humor, to make war in Fraunce, and the rather at this present, bicause the Duke of Burgundy pressed the war so earnestly: the other, the hope he had to reserue to [Page] himselfe a great part of the subsidie leuied in England for this voiage: for as before I haue said, the Kings of England receiue onely the bare reuenues of their lands, saue when they leuie money to make war in Fraunce. Further, K. Edward had deuised this subtiltie to appease his subiects: he had brought with him ten or 12. great fat paunches, as well of the citie of London, as of other townes in England, who were the wealthiestmen of the commonaltie, and had been the chiefest instruments both in perswading the King to passe into Fraunce, and also in leuying this mightie army. The King caused them to be lodged in good tents, but that was not the life they were accustomed to lead: wherefore they soone waxed wearie of it. At their first arriuall they looked for the battell within three daies after their landing. But the King of England alleaged many doubts vnto them, and endeuored to put them in feare of the battell, and to perswade them to allow of the peace, to the ende they might aide him at their returne into England to pacifie the murmuring and grudging of the people that happily might arise bicause of his returne: for neuer King of England since King Arthur, passed at one time with so great force, and so many noble personages into Fraunce. But after the peace was concluded, the King of England repaired homeward with speed, reseruing to himselfe a great summe of monie leuied in England for the paiment of his soldiers; so that he obtained in effect all his purposes. His bodie could not away with such labor as a King of England must endure that mindeth to atchieue any great enterprise in Fraunce. Further, the King our Master had made great preparation for resistance, though to say the truth he could not well haue prouided defence sufficient against all his enimies: for he had too manie. Lastly, the King of England had a maruellous great desire to accomplish the marriage of his daughter with King Charles the 8. now raigning, which caused him to winke at a number of inconueniences, that turned after to the King our Masters great profit.

After all the English men were returned home sauing the hostages: the King tooke his iourney towards Laon, and lodged in a little towne vpon the ma [...]es of Henault called Veruins, and to Auennes in Henault came the Chauncello [...] o [...] Burgundie with the Lord of Contay and other ambassadors from the Duke. The King was very desirous at this time to conclude a finall peace: for this mightie English armie had put him in feare, and no maruell: for he had seene in his time of their doings in this realme, and would in no wise their returne. The said Chauncellor writ to the King, desiring that it would please him to send his Commissioners for the peace to a certaine bridge in the midway betweene Auennes and Veruins, saying, that he and his colleagues would meet them there. The King sent him answer, that he would come thither himselfe; and notwithstanding that diuers, whose aduise he asked in this matter, perswaded him to the contrarie: yet thither he went, leading also with him the English hostages, who were present when he receiued the Dukes ambassadors, the which came very well accompanied with archers and men of war. At this first meeting they did but salute the King, & then went to dinner. One of the English men began to repent him that the treatie was concluded, and said to me at a window, that if they had seene many such men with the Duke of Burgundie, peraduenture they would not haue made peace. Which words the Vicount of Narbonne ¹ (now Lord of Fouez) hearing, said: Were you so simple to thinke, that the Duke of Burgundie had not great force of such men? he had sent them onely to refresh themselues: but you were so desirous to returne home, that sixe hundred pipes of wine, and a pension the King giueth you, blew you quickly backe into England. The English man in a great furie answered; I perceiue now their sayings to prooue [Page] true, that told vs you would deride vs for making peace. Call you the money the King giueth vs, a pension? it is tribute, and by Saint George you may babble so much that you may soone make vs to returne. But I brake off their talke and turned it to a iest: notwithstanding the Englishman was discontented and cast out a word thereof to the King, who was maruellously offended with the Lord of Narbonne for his speech.

The King communed not long at this first meeting with the Chancellor and the other ambassadors: for it was agreed that they should go with him to Veruines, where when they arriued he cōmanded M. Tanneguy du Chastell, and M. Peter Doriole Chancellor of Fraunce, and others to negotiate with them: much ado there was betweene them, many reasons alleaged, and many demands made on each side. The Kings Commissioners made report to him that the Burgundians vsed fierce and stout language, but that they had paid them with the like, and withall tolde him what their answers were. Which he much misliked, saying, that the like answers had been made diuers times before, and that they treated not of a finall peace, but onely of truce; wherefore he would haue no more such language vsed, but would himselfe commune with them: and thereupon caused the said Chauncellor and the [...] [...] bassadors to come into his chamber, out of the which all men were commanded to auoid, saue the late L. Admirall called the bastard of Burbon, Monseur de Bouchage, and my selfe. There the King concluded truce for nine yeeres, wherein it was agreed, that euery man shuld be restored to his former estate. But the ambassadors besought the King that the truce might not yet be proclaimed, to saue the D. their Masters oth, who had sworne not to make truce before the King of England had been a certaine space in his realme, least he should thinke their Master had accepted his truce.

But the King of England (who thought great scorne that the Duke would not be comprehended in his truce) being aduertised that he treated with the King of an other, sent ouer into Fraunce a knight neere about him called Sir Thomas Montgomery, who came to Veruins at the very same instant that the King treated with the Duke of Burgundies ambassadors of this truce aboue mentioned. The said Sir Thomas required the King in the King his Masters name, to make no other truce with the Duke of Burgundy, than that which was already concluded betweene them two. Further desiring him not to deliuer Saint Quintins into the Dukes hands, & offering that if he would continue war with the Duke, his Master would be content the next sommer to passe the seas againe for him, and in his aide, with these conditions. First, that the King should recompence the losse the King of England should sustaine by the wooll custome of Calice, amounting yeerely to 50000. crownes: which if the war opened with Flaunders were cleerely lost. And secondarily, that the King should pay the one halfe of the English army, and the King of England the other. The King yeelded great thanks to the King of England for this curteous message, and gaue a goodly present of siluer plate to the said Sir Thomas. Notwithstansting, as touching the war he excused himselfe, saying, that the truce was already concluded, being the very same that the King of England and he had made for the terme of nine yeeres, saue that the Duke would haue his letters apart. Thus to content the ambassador he excused the matter the best he could, and the said Sir Thomas returned into England, and the hostages with him. The King maruelled much at the King of Englands offers, at the report whereof I onely was present. But it seemed to him a dangerous thing, to cause the King of England to passe the seas againe, both bicause euery trifle would breede quarrels betweene the French and English being in campe togither; and also bicause it was to be feared that the Burgundians and they would easily [Page] concile themselues: wherefore he was so much the more desirous to conclude the truce with the Duke of Burgundy.

The Notes.

1 The French hauing onely Monseur de Narbonne, made Sleidan translate it the Bishop of Narbonne, whereas in deed he was Vicount of Narbonne not Bishop, as other authors affirme; and these words, (Qui an iourd'huy s'appele Monseur de Fouez) plainly prooue: wherefore for auoiding of Sleidans error, I haue put this word (Vicount) into the text, though it be not in the French.

How the Constables death was fully concluded and sworne betweene the King and the Duke of Burgundie, and how he went into the Dukes dominions, where by his commandement he was staied and deliuered to the King, and after put to death. Chap. 12.

THe truce being concluded, the old practise against the Constable was reuiued: and to the end the processe thereof should be short; they ratified all that was done before at Bouuines, and the writings there made (as before you haue heard) were againe interchangablie deliuered. In the said writings the King promised the Duke Saint Quintins, Han, Bohain, and all the lands that the Constable held of the Duke, and all his moouables wheresoeuer they were found ¹. Further, the maner how to besiege him in Han (where he lay) was deuised. It was also agreed that whether of the two Princes could first take him, should either put him to death within eight daies, or deliuer him to the other. All men incontinent began to feare this confederacie, so far foorth that the Constables principall seruants forsooke him, namely Monseur de Genly and diuers others. Further, he being aduertised that King Edward had deliuered his letters to the King and discouered all that he knew of him; and seeing also that his enimies had made truce, fell into great feare, and sent to the Duke of Burgundie, humbly beseeching him to giue him a safe conduct to come and speake with him about certaine affaires that greatly imported him. The Duke at the first made dainty to grant a safe conduct, but in the end sent him one. This mighty noble man had oft debated, whither he should flie to saue himselfe: for he was informed of all that was done, and had seene the writings deuised against him at Bouuines. Sometime he consulted with certaine of his seruants, being Lorrains, determining to flie with them into Almain, carying a great sum of money with him (for the way was very safe) therewith to buy som place vpon the riuer of Rhene to remaine in, till he were reconciled to one of the two Princes. Somtime he resolued to put himselfe into his strong castel of Han, which had cost him so much money, and which he had fortified to serue him at such a pinch, and furnished of al things as well as any castell that euer I knew. But he could not finde men to his minde to put into the place, bicause all his seruants were borne vnder the Dominions of one of the two Princes. And peraduenture his feare was so great, that he durst not wholy discouer himselfe and his estate to them; for I thinke a great many of them would not haue forsaken him: neither was it so dangerous for him to be besieged of both the Princes as of one, for it had been [Page] impossible for the two armies to agree.

But in the end he concluded to go to the Duke of Burgundy vnder this safe conduct, being accompanied onely with fifteene or twenty horse, and rode to Montz in Hainault, where the Lord Desmeriez great bailife of Hainault and his especial friend lay. With him he soiourned a certaine space, attending newes from the Duke of Burgundy, who had lately begun war vpon the Duke of Lorraine, bicause he had defied him when he lay at the siege before Nuz, and done much harme in the countrey of Luxembourg.

The King being aduertised of the Constables departure, purposed so to order the matter, that he should neuer recouer the Duke of Burgundies fauor: for he leuied seauen or eight hundred men of armes, and rode with them in all haste to Saint Quintins, knowing well what force was within the towne; neere to the which when he approched, certaine of the Citizens came foorth to receiue him. The King commanded me to enter the towne, and appoint euery captaine to his quarter, and so I did. First the soldiers entred, and then the King, who was very honorably receiued of the townes men: whereupon certaine of the Constables seruants retired into Hainault. The King immediately aduertised the Duke by a letter of his own hand, of the taking of Saint Quintins; thereby to put him vtterly out of hope to recouer it by the Constables meanes. Which newes when the Duke vnderstood, he sent word to the Lord Desmeriez great bailife of Hainault, to garde the towne of Montz in such sort, that the Constable could not depart, and farther to commaund him to keepe his lodging: which commandement the bailife executed accordingly, for he durst do no lesse. Notwithstanding, the garde was not strong enough for such a personage, if he had been disposed to escape. What shall we say heere of Fortune? This noble man dwelt vpon the frontiers of both these Princes dominions being enimies, hauing strong townes in his hands, and fower hundred men of armes well paied, of the which he was Comptroller himselfe, and placed whom it pleased him, and had been their Captain the space of twelue yeeres. He was a wise and a valiant knight, and of great experience, and had great treasure in ready coine: yet notwithstanding at this last pinch his courage so failed him, that he wist not what shift to make. We may well say, that fickle Fortune behelde him with a frowning countenance: or rather (if we will speake like good Christians) we must say, that such great miseries depend not vpon Fortune: for Fortune is bu [...] phantasticall fiction of Poetrie. Wherefore we must thinke if we will well weigh both the reasons aboue alleaged, and diuers others heere vnrehearsed, that God had vtterly forsaken him and giuen him ouer. And if it were lawfull for man to iudge, as I know it is not (especially for me) I would say that in mine opinion all this misery fell vpon him, bicause he trauelled continually to the vttermost of his power to nourish the war betweene the King and the Duke of Burgundy, knowing his great authority and estate to depend therupon: although to say the truth, the matter needed no great labor, for there was a naturall antipathy between them. Who is so rude or ignorant to thinke that Fortune or any other like chance was able to cast so wise a man into the disgrace of both these Princes at once, (who in their liues neuer agreed in any thing saue onely this,) especially into the King of Englands disgrace, who had maried his neece, and loued entirely all his wiues kinsmen, especially those of this house of Saint Paul. It is like therefore, yea it is most certaine, that God had withdrawne his grace from him, in that he had purchased himselfe such hatred of all these three Princes, and had not one friend in the world that durst giue him a nights lodging. Neither was it fained Fortune that strake this stroke, but God alone. The like whereof hath hapned, and shall happen to diuers [Page] others, who after great and long prosperity fall into great aduersity and trouble. After the Constable was arrested in Hainault by the Duke of Burgundies commandement, the King sent word to the Duke either to deliuer him into his hands, or execute him according to the tenure of the writings aboue mentioned. The Duke answered that he would so do, and commanded the Constable to be led to Peronne, and there straightly kept. Further you shall vnderstand that the Duke had already taken diuers places in Lorraine and Barrois, and at this present helde the siege before Nancy, which was valiantly defended. The King had great force of men of armes in Champaigne, which held the Duke in feare: for the King was not bound by the truce to suffer him to destroy the Duke of Lorraine, who was retired into Fraunce. The Lord of Bouchage and diuers other ambassadors sent by the King, pressed the Duke earnestly, to performe his promise & oth; and he answered euer that he would so do; but yet delaid it more than a moneth ouer and aboue the eight daies wherin he should either haue deliuered the Constable, or put him to death. Notwithstanding in the end seeing the matter so earnestly pressed, and fearing that the King would hinder his enterprise in Lorraine, which he so much desired to atchieue, to the end he might haue the passage open from Luxembourg into Burgundy, and ioine all these Seniories togither: for this little Duchy of Lorraine being his, he might come vpon his owne dominions from Holland, almost as far as Lions ². For these considerations I say, he wrote to his Chancellor and the Lord of Himbercourt so often already mentioned, (which two had absolute authority in his absence, and were both of them the Constables enimies, and euill willers) to go to Peronne and deliuer the Constable at a day by him prefixed, to those that the King should there appoint to receiue him, sending word withall to the Lord Desmeriez to deliuer him to the said Chancellor and Himbercourt.

The Duke of Burgundy in the meane time beat continually the towne of Nancy: but there were good soldiers within it which valiantly defended it. Further, one of the Dukes owne Captaines, called the Earle of Campobache, a Neapolitane born, but banished thence for the house of Anious faction, was lately entred into intelligence with the Duke of Lorraine, heire apparant of the house of Aniou after the death of King Rene his mothers father. This Earle of Campobache promised to prolong the siege, and finde meanes that such things should be lacking as were necessary for the taking of the towne ³. Which his promise, he was very well able to performe, being then the greatest man in the Dukes army; but a false traitor to his Master, as heerafter you shall heare more at large. This was a preparatiue as it were of all those euils and miseries that fell afterward vpon the Duke of Burgundy. The said Duke meant as I suppose, if he had taken the towne before the day appointed for the Constables deliuery, not to deliuer him at all. And on the otherside I thinke, if the King had had him, he would haue done more in the Duke of Lorraines fauor than he did: for he was aduertised of the Earle of Campobaches traiterous practises, but medled not with them: yet was he not bound to let the Duke of Burgundy do what him listed in Lorraine, (notwithstanding for diuers respects he thought it best so to do:) besides this he had great forces vpon the frontiers of the said countrey of Lorraine.

The Duke could not take Nancy before the day appointed for the Constables deliuery ⁴, which being come, the two aboue mentioned executed willingly their Masters commandement ⁵, and deliuered him at the gate of Peronne to the bastard of Bourbon Admirall of Fraunce, and to Monseur de Saint Pierre, who led him to Paris. Diuers haue told me, that within three howers after his departure, messengers [Page] came in poste from the Duke with a countermaund, to wit, that he should not be deliuered before Nancy were taken, but it was too late. At Paris the Constables proces was made, and the Duke deliuered all his letters that were in his hands, and all such euidence as serued for the proces. The King pressed the Court earnestly, and Iustices were appointed for the hearing of his cause, who seeing the euidence that both the King of England and the Duke gaue against him, condemned him to die ⁶, and confiscated all his goods.

The Notes.

1 Vnderstand this as wel of the moouables he had in the Kings dominions, as vnder the Duke.

2 The Duke desired Lorraine, not onely for the cause heere alleaged by our author, but also to proclaime himselfe vnder that colour King of Sicile and Hierusalem.

3 This Campobache (as some report) wrought this treason, for that the Duke had once in his rage giuen him a blow. Meyer.

4 He tooke Nancy about the 19. of Nouember, but la Marche saith in the ende of Nouember. Meyer. 28. Nouemb. 1475. and the Constable was deliuered the 30. of Nouember.

5 The Chancellor and Hymbercourt deliuered him with such speede through euill will, whereas they ought to haue staide till the second message had come from the Duke: for as saith Meyer. Ferebat consuetudo exiure militari ciuilique desumpta, vt in talibus grauibus rebus secundam semper praetores ministrique expectarent iussionem; at hoc isti duo odio grauissimo deflagrantes in comitem stabuli, gratúmque volentes facere regi mirum in modum sanguinem illius sitienti, non obseruauerunt. Si obseruassent vt debeant, fortassis & virum ipsum, & ducem Dominum suum seque ipsos planè seruassent. Siquidem statim post Caroli interitum ambo apud Gandauum accepêre talionem.

6 The Constable died the 19. of December 1475. Annal. Franc. Gaguin. Meyer. in whom read the causes of his death fol. 368.

A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundie committed in deliuering the Constable to the King contrarie to his safe conduct, and what ensued thereof. Chap. 13.

THis deliuerie of the Constable was maruellous strange; notwithstanding I speake it not to excuse his faults, neither to accuse the Duke, for sure he had iust cause to seeke his death. But me thinke that he being so great a Prince and of so noble and honorable an house, should not haue giuen him a safe conduct, and then arrest him. And vndoubtedly it was great crueltie to deliuer him where he was sure to die, especially for couetousnes. But soone after he had thus dishonored himselfe by this deede, he receiued great losses and began to fall to ruine. So that if we well consider the workes that God hath done in these our daies, and daily doth, we shal easily perceiue that he will leaue no fault vnpunished, and that these strange punishments are inflicted onely by him, bicause they surmount far the works of nature. For his punishments are sudden, especially vpon those that vse violence and cruelty: who can not be meane persons, but mighty men, either in seniories or authority. This house of Burgundy had long [Page] florished, for by the space of a hundred yeeres or thereabout, (during the which time raigned fower of this house) it was more esteemed than any other house in Christendome. For all those that were mightier then it, had suffered great afflictions and aduersities, but it liued continually in perpetual felicity & honor. The first great Prince of this house was Philip surnamed the Hardy, brother to Charles the fift King of Fraunce, who maried the daughter and heire of the Earle of Flaunders; being Countesse not onely of that countrey, but also of Artois, Burgundy ¹, Neuers and Rethell. The second was Iohn: the third was the good Duke Philip, who ioined to his house the Duchies of Brabant, Luxembourg, Lambourg, and the Counties of Holland, Zeland, Hainault, and Namur. The fourth was this Duke Charles, who after his fathers death was one of the richest and most redoubted Princes of Christendome; and had in moueables, namely iewels, plate, tapestry, bookes, and naprie, more than three of the greatest Princes in Christendome. Of treasure in coine I haue seene greater abundance in other Princes Courts: for Duke Philip by the space of many yeeres leuied neither subsidies nor taskes: yet notwithstanding at his death, he left his sonne aboue three hundred thousand crowns in ready money, and in peace with all his neighbors, which long indured not: notwithstanding I will not impute the whole occasion of the wars to him, for others were as busie as he. His subiects immediately after his fathers death, vpon a small request graunted him very willingly a subsidie (euerie countrey apart) for the terme of ten yeeres, amounting yeerly to the summe of 350000. crownes: Burgundy not being comprehended therein. Yea and at the time he deliuered the Constable, he leuied yeerely ouer and aboue the former summe more then 300000. crownes, and had aboue 300000. crownes in coine; and all the Constables goods that came to his hands, amounted hardly to the value of 80000. crownes, for he had but 76000. in coine. So that the Duke committed this foule fault for small gaine, yet was the punishment thereof great: for God raised vp an enimie against him of small force, of yoong yeeres, and of little experience in all things, and caused his seruant whom he then most trusted, to become false and traiterous. He made also the Duke himselfe to mistrust his owne subiects & faithfull seruants. Are not these such manifest tokens and preparatiues as God vsed in the old Testament, against those whose good fortune and prosperitie he meant to chang into misery and aduersitie? Yet he neuer humbled himselfe before God, but euen till the hower of death attributed all his good successe to his owne wisedome and prowesse: before his death he was mightier than any of his predecessors, and more esteemed through the whole world.

Before the Constables deliuerie he was fallen into a maruellous mistrust or great disdaine of his owne subiects: for he had sent into Italie for a thousand men of armes Italians. Before Nuz also he had great forces of Italians in his campe: for the Earle of Campobache had vnder his charge fower hundred men of armes and better. This Earle had no possessions for his maintenance, for bicause of the wars the house of Aniou had made in the realme of Naples (which house he serued,) he was banished his countrey and lost all his landes, and serued euer since his departure out of Italie in Prouence or Lorraine vnder King Rene of Sicile, or Duke Nicholas sonne to Duke Iohn of Calabria. After whose death the Duke of Burgundie gaue entertainment to most of his seruants, especially all his Italians: namely this Earle of Campobache, Iames Galeot a valiant honorable and faithfull gentleman, and diuers others. The said Earle of Campobache when he went into Italie to leuie his men, receiued of the Duke of Burgundie 40000. duckets in prest for his companie. But as he passed through Lions, he fell in acquaintance with a Phisition named Master [Page] Simon of Pauy, by whom he aduertised the King that if he would grant him certaine demands, he would promise him at his returne to deliuer the Duke of Burgundy into his hands: the like offer made he also to Monseur de Saint Pray, then ambassador in Premont for the King. Againe, at his returne hauing his men of armes lying in the County of Marle, he offered the King that so soone as he should be in campe with his Master, he would not faile either to kill him, or take him prisoner; shewing withall the maner how he would do it, which was this. The Duke rode often about his campe to viewe it, mounted vpon a little nagge, and very slenderly accompanied, at some such time this Earle said he would assault him, and execute his enterprise. He made yet also another offer to the King, namely, if the King and the Duke met togither in battell, to turne with his men of armes on the Kings side, vnder condition that the King would grant him certaine demands. The King detested much the treason of this man, and of a noble courage aduertised the Duke of his practises by the Lord of Contay aboue mentioned. Notwithstanding the Duke would not credit the message, (supposing that the King sent him this aduertisement to some other end) but loued the Earle all the better. Wherefore you may see how God had troubled his wits, in that he would giue no credit to those manifest demonstrations the King shewed him. Well, this Earle of Campobache was not so false and traiterous: but Iames Galeot was as true and trusty, who liued many yeers, and died with great honor and renowme.

The Notes.

1 Vnderstand this of the County of Burgundy, not of the Duchy.

THE FIFT BOOKE.

[Page]

How the Duke of Burgundie making war vpon the Swissers, was ouerthrowen at the straights of the mountaines neere to Granson. Chap. 1.

THe Duke of Burgundie hauing conquered the Duchie of Lorraine, and receiued Saint Quintins, Han and Bohain, with all the Constables goods of the King, treated with him of a finall peace: for accomplishment whereof they two resolued to meete vpon a bridge built ouer a riuer, like to that made at Piquigny, at the enteruiew of the Kings of England and Fraunce. About the which meeting messengers passed to and fro, so far foorth that the Duke was once purposed to dismisse the greatest part of his armie, to the end his men (being in very euill order, as well bicause of the siege of Nuz, as also of this small war in Lorraine) might refresh themselues: and the rest to put in garrison into certaine of the Earle of Romonts places, neere to the townes of Berne and Fribourg; vpon the which he was fully resolued to make war, bicause they had inuaded his dominions while he was before Nuz, had holpen to take the countie of Ferrette from him (as you haue heard) and had also conquered from the Earle of Romont part of his countrie. The King earnestly pressed him to come to the meeting appointed, to leaue these poore Swissers in peace, and to refresh his armie. The Swissers also seeing him approch so neere them, sent their ambassadors to him, offering to restore all that they had taken from the Earle of Romont, who on the other side pressed him earnestly to succour him in person: whereupon the Duke altered his minde, and determined to march against them, leauing that course which in all mens opinions seemed best, considering both the time of the yeere, and the state of his armie. Further, it was agreed betweene the King and him, that for the Duchie of Lorraine they should not fall at variance.

The Duke departed out of Lorraine with this poore, wearie, and defeated armie, and entred into Burgundie, where the ambassadors of these ancient confederates of Almaine commonly called Swissers, repaired againe to him, making larger offers than before: for besides the restitution of the Earle of Romonts places, they offered to depart from all leagues that he should not allow of, especially their league with the King, and to enter into confederacie with him, and to serue him against the King with sixe thousand men well armed (and that for very smal pay) as often as he should require: which offers he refused; for God was fully purposed to bring him to destruction. In those countries are certaine townes called the new confederates, namely, Basill, Strasbourg, and diuers other imperial cities ¹ situate neer the riuer of Rhene, which in times past had beene enimies to the Swissers in fauour of Sigismond Duke of Austrich, whose confederates they were during the wars betweene the said Swissers and him. But now all these townes ioined with the Swissers, and a league was made betweene them for ten yeeres, and peace also betweene Duke Sigismond and them: which league (as before you haue heard) was concluded by the Kings procurement, earnest sute, and great expences, at the same time that the countie of Ferrette [Page] was taken from the Duke of Burgundie, and his lieutenant there called Peter Archambault beheaded at Basill. The onely cause of which inconuenience proceeded of this Archambault himself, which sure was a shrewd check to the Duke of Burgundy, being the very fountaine of all his other miseries. Wherefore a Prince that hath lately ioined a strange countrie to his dominions, ought to be circumspect what gouernors he placeth there. For whereas subiects newly conquered ought to be curteously intreated, to haue Iustice truly administred, and to be better vsed than vnder their former gouernment: this Archambault did the cleane contrary, for he vsed great violence and extortion; whereupon ensued vtter destruction to himselfe, his Master, and many a good man besides.

This league aboue mentioned made by the Kings onely procurement, turned afterward to his great benefit, yea greater than the world weeneth, so far foorth that for my part, I account it one of the wisest deeds that euer he did, and most to the domage of his enimies. For the Duke of Burgundy once destroied, the King of Fraunce neuer found man afterward of his owne subiects that durst lift vp his finger against him: for they sailed all with his winde. Wherefore it was a woorthy exploit to ioine Duke Sigismunde of Austrich and these newe confederates in league with the Swissers, whose ancient enimies they had beene: and I warrant you it was neuer brought to passe without great expenses and many voiages.

After the Duke of Burgundy had put the Swissers from all hope of peace, they returned to aduertise their confederates therof, and to make preparations for defence. The Duke led his army into the countrey of Vaulx in Sauoye, which the Swissers (as you haue heard) had taken from the Lord of Romont. There he wan three or fower places belonging to Monseur de Chasteauguion, which the Swissers held, and negligently defended. From thence he remooued, and laid his siege before a towne called Granson ², belonging also to the said Lord of Chasteauguion, within the which were eight or nine hundred Swissers ³ choice men: for bicause the place was neere their countrey they had manned it well. The Dukes force was reasonable great, for diuers bands came daily to him out of Lombardy, and the subiects also of this house of Sauoy were in pay with him. He loued strangers better than his owne subiects, notwithstanding that he might haue leuied in his owne dominions great force of good soldiers: but the Constables death togither with certaine other conceits he had in his head, caused him to mistrust his owne people. His artillery was maruellous strong, and he lay in great pompe and triumph in his campe, to shew his magnificence to the ambassadors that came to him out of Italy and Almaine: for the which purpose also he had brought with him all his best iewels and plate, and great aboundance of all kinde of furniture. Moreouer he had many phansies in his head touching the Duchy of Milan, where he trusted shortly to haue great intelligence. After he had besieged this towne of Granson, and battered it with the canon certaine daies, they yeelded to his mercy ⁴, and he put them all cruelly to death. The Swissers were assembled, but in small number, as diuers of them haue told me: for they are not able to leuy so great force in their countrey as the world supposeth, and at that time much lesse than now, bicause sithence most part of them haue forsaken their husbandry and giuen themselues to armes. Further, of their confederates fewe were with them, bicause they were forced to succor the place in haste; but so soone as they were abroad in campe, they heard of their companions death. The Duke contrary to their opinion whose aduise he asked, determined to meete them at the entrie of the mountaines where they yet lay, greatly to his owne disaduantage: for he was encamped in a place very wel seated for the battel, being fortified on the one side with his artillery, [Page] and on the other with a lake; so that by all presumption they could not haue endomaged him. He had sent a hundred archers before him to keepe a strait directly ouer against the mountaine where the Swissers lay, and marched forward himselfe, and his enimies encountred him, the greatest part of his army being yet in the plaine. The first rankes of his men thought to retire to ioine with the rest; but those that were behinde, supposing these to flie, began to turne their backs, and by little and little the Dukes army retired towards his campe; some of them valiantly behauing themselues. But to be short, whē they drew neere to their campe, they neuer stood to defence, but fled all ⁵. So that the Almaines wan the Dukes campe, his artillery, al his tents and pauilions and his mens also, (whereof there was great abundance) and other riches and treasures infinite ⁶: for nothing was saued but the men onely. Moreouer the Duke lost heere all his goodly iewels, notwithstanding in this battell were slaine onely seauen men of armes; all the rest fled, and himselfe also. A man may iustlier say of him that he lost this day honor and reputation, than of King Iohn of Fraunce, who valiantly defending himselfe, was taken prisoner by the English men at the battell of Poictiers.

This is the first misfortune that euer happened to this Duke: for all his other enterprises turned him either to honor or profit. But what a deadly wound receiued he this day by following his owne braine, and despising good aduise? what damage receiued his house heerby? in how miserable estate is it yet, and shall be we knowe not how long? how many men became his enimies, and declared themselues against him that the day before spake him faire, and temporized with him? And for what quarrell began this war? forsooth for a lode of sheepes skins taken by the Earle of Romont from a Swisser passing through his countrie. Sure if God had not vtterly abandoned the Duke of Burgundie, it is not to be thought he would haue put himselfe into so great danger for so small a trifle, considering both the offers made him, and the men he had to do with, by vanquishing whom he could obtaine neither riches nor honor. For at that time the Swissers as touching their valor were not esteemed as they be now, and their pouertie was so great, that a Knight of their countrie, who was one of their first ambassadors to the Duke, told me, that among diuers other reasons he vsed to disswade him from this war, this was one: that by conquering them he could gaine nothing, bicause their countrie was barren and poore, and void of all good prisoners, so far foorth that he thought verily if all their countrie men were taken, they should not be able to pay a raunsome to the value of the spurres and bridle bits in his campe.

But to returne to the battell: the King being immediately aduertised of all that was happened, by the sundrie spies and messengers he had abrode in the countrie, most of them were strangers; reioiced much at these newes, and sorrowed onely that so few were slaine. Further, bicause of these affaires he lay at Lyons, to the end he might the sooner be aduertised of all that happened, and the better countermine all such enterprises as the Duke had in his head. For the King being a wise Prince feared least he should ioine the Swissers to him by force. As touching the house of Sauoy, the Duke disposed thereof as of his owne: the Duke of Milan was in league with him: King Rene of Sicilie was fully bent to haue put the countrie of Prouence into his hands. So that if his affaires had receiued good successe, he should haue held vnder his dominion all that lieth betweene the west and east seas, and haue so brideled the subiects of this realme, that they could haue stirred no way out of Fraunce but by sea without his permission: Sauoy, Prouence, and Lorraine being vnder his subiection. To euerie one of these Princes the King sent ambassadors. The one, namely [Page] the Duches of Sauoy was his sister, but friend to the Duke of Burgundie to the vttermost of hir power. The other, to wit, King Rene of Sicilie was his vnkle, who hardly gaue his ambassadors audience, but referred all matters to the Duke of Burgundie. The King sent also to these confederates of Almaine, but with great difficultie; for bicause the passages were stopped, he was forced to send beggers, pilgrims, and such kinde of men. The said confederates gaue him a proud answer, that vnlesse he would declare himselfe for them, they would make peace with the Duke, and ioine with the Burgundians against him: which notwithstanding that he greatly feared, yet thought he it not time as yet to discouer himselfe the Dukes enimie, doubting also least some of his messengers whom he sent about the countrie should be taken, and so all his practises discouered.

The Notes.

1 These townes were Basill, Strasburg, Slecstat, Colmar, Sunggau, and Brisgau.

2 He laide his siege before Granson the 12. of February 1476. beginning the yeere at New yeeres tide with 50000. men, and 500. peeces of artillery. Annal. Burgund.

3 Others write but 400.

4 Others write that they would not yeelde, vnlesse the Duke would receiue them to his mercie which he did, and yet after put them cruelly to death.

5 This battell was fought on Saterday the second of Aprill or of March as some say, the Swissers at this battell were not aboue 5000. and the most harquebusiers. Annal. Burg.

6 All that the Duke lost that day was valued at three millions of crownes. Annal. Burgund.

How after the ouerthrow at Granson, the Duke of Milan, King Rene of Sicilie, the Duches of Sauoy and others, departed from their league with the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 2.

LEt vs now see how the world changed after the battell, and how the courage of the Duke of Burgundy and his confederates altered, and withall how wisely the King gouerned his affaires. For this shall be a goodly example for yoong Princes that attempt foolish enterprises, not considering what may ensue therof: and despise the counsell of those whose aduise they ought to vse, notwithstanding that themselues be vtterly void of all experience. First, the Duke himselfe sent the Lord of Contay to the King with a lowly and humble message, contrarie both to his accustomed maner and to his nature. Marke heere how suddenly he was changed euen in a moment: he desired the King faithfully to keepe the truce, and excused himselfe for not comming to the meeting appointed at Auxerre, promising shortly to meete him there or else where at his pleasure. The King receiued the said Contay very honorably, assuring him of all his demands: for as yet he thought it not time to declare himselfe, bicause he knew well the loyalty of the Dukes subiects to be such to their Prince, that he should soone be aflote againe. Wherefore he was desirous to see the end of this war, without giuing occasion to either partie to make peace. But notwithstanding the good entertainment the King gaue the said Contay, yet heard he many scoffes and taunts in [Page] the towne: for ballads were openly sung in the commendation of the vanquishers, and reproch of his follie that was vanquished.

So soone as Galeas Duke of Milan (then liuing) vnderstood of this aduenture, he reioiced not a little thereat, notwithstanding that he were the D. of Burgundies confederate: for he was entred into league with him for feare onely, seeing the Duke so highly fauored in Italie. Wherfore the said D. of Milan sent in all haste to the King a citizen of Milan, a man of small apparance, who by mediation of others was directed to me, and brought me a letter from the Duke: whereof when I had aduertised the King, he commanded me to heare his message. For he would not giue him audience himselfe, bicause he was displeased with the Duke of Milan for abandoning his league with him, to enter into confederacie with the Duke of Burgundie, and the rather for that his wife was the Queenes sister. The said ambassadors message was, that his Master the Duke of Milan was aduertised that the King and the Duke of Burgundie should meete to conclude a finall peace and a league greatly to his Masters discontentation, & diuers slender reasons he alleaged to disswade the K. from the conclusion thereof. But his last perswasion was, that if the K. would be bound to make neither peace nor truce with the D. of Burgundie, his M. would presently giue him 100000. ducats. When the K. heard the substance of his ambassage, he caused him to come to his presence, my selfe only being with him, and said thus briefly vnto him: Heere is Monseur d'Argenton that aduertiseth me thus and thus: tell your M. I will none of his monie; for I leauie once in a yeere thrise as much as he. And as touching peace or war, I will dispose thereof at my pleasure: but if your Master repent him that he hath forsaken his league with me, to enter into confederacie with the Duke of Burgundie, tell him I am contented that the league betweene vs shall continue as it was first concluded. The ambassador gaue him most humble thanks, perceiuing him by his answer to be no couetous Prince, and desired that it would please him to cause the said league betweene him and his Master to be proclaimed in maner and forme as it was first concluded, saying that he had power to binde his Master to agree thereunto. The K. was contented, and after dinner it was proclaimed, & an ambassador foorthwith dispatched to Milan, where the league was againe proclaimed with great solemnitie. This is one blowe aduersitie gaue the Duke of Burgundie: for heere is one mightie Prince suddenly fallen from him; who had sent a great and solemne ambassage to enter into league with him but three weekes before.

King Rene of Sicilie was purposed to make the Duke of Burgundy his heire, and to put Prouence into his hands, so far forth that Monseur de Chasteauguion that now is, and diuers others were already gone into Piemont with 20000. crownes to leuy men to take possession of the said countrey for the Duke of Burgundy: but vpon the newes of this ouerthrow they fled, and hardly saued themselues; and as touching their money, the Lord of Bresse being then in those parts tooke it. The Duches of Sauoy hearing these newes sent word thereof immediately to King Rene of Sicilie, extenuating the ouerthrow, and willing him to be of good cheere, notwithstanding this small losse: but hir messengers being Prouincials were intercepted, and thereby King Renes practise with the Duke of Burgundy discouered. Whereupon the King sent forces to the frontiers of Prouence ¹, and ambassadors to the King of Sicilie, desiring him to come to him and assuring him of good entertainment, which if he refused to do, he threatned by force to preuent this inconuenience. Wherefore in the end the King of Sicilie agreed to repaire to Lions to the King, where he was honorably receiued and well feasted. I was with the King and heard the words that passed betweene them at their first meeting: which being ended, Iohn Cosse Seneschal [Page] of Prouence, a woorthy gentleman and of a good house in the realme of Naples, said thus to the King. Sir, you must not maruell if the King my Master your Vncle offered to make the Duke of Burgundy his heire: for he was counselled thereunto by his seruants, especially by my selfe, bicause you being his sisters sonne & his nephew, haue done him so great wrong in taking from him the castels of Bar and Angiers, and handled him so ill in all his other affaires. Wherefore we meant to enter into this practise with the Duke of Burgundy, to the end that you hearing this newes might indeuor your selfe to repaire the iniuries you haue done vs, and acknowledge in the end the King our Master to be your Vncle: but we neuer minded to bring this treaty to a full conclusion. The King being a wise Prince tooke this practise in good part, which the said Iohn Cosse vttered indeed simply as it was meant; for he himselfe was the onely contriuer thereof. In short space all controuersies between them were ended, and money was giuen to the King of Sicilie and his seruants. Further, the King feasted him with the Ladies, and vsed him in all points according to his owne humor as neere as he could; and of the Duke of Burgundy no more mention was made, but he was vtterly abandoned of King Rene. This is another mishap that ensued this small aduersity.

The Duches also of Sauoye who of long time was thought great enimy to the King hir brother, sent one Monseur de Montaigny (who was addressed to me) with a secret message to reconcile hir selfe to the King, alleaging diuers reasons why shee was fallen out with him, and wherein she stood in feare of him. Notwithstanding she was a verie wise Ladie and the Kings sister indeed: for it appeered that she meant to temporize as he did, to see what would happen further to the Duke before she would abandon him. The King gaue hir better words than he was accustomed, and sent the messenger very good answers by me, willing him to desire his Mistres to come into Fraunce; and thus hir man was dispatched. See heere an other of the Duke of Burgundies confederats practising to forsake him. Besides this, through the whole countrey of Almaine enimies began to declare themselues against him, and all the Imperiall townes, as Nuremberg, Francfort and diuers others, ioined themselues with these old and new confederates of Swisserland: so that all the world seemed to be perswaded the doing of him harme to be good seruice to God.

The spoiles of his campe enriched maruellously these poore Swissers, who at the first knew not what treasures were fallen into their hands, especially those of the ruder sort: one of the goodliest & richest pauilions in the world was torne al to peeces. There were that sold a number of siluer plates and dishes for two souse a peece, supposing them to be pewter. The Dukes great diamond being the goodliest iewell in Christendome, at the which hung a great orient pearle, was taken vp by a Swisser, who put it againe into the boxe where it was kept and threw it vnder a cart; but after returned to seeke it, and sold it to a Priest for a guldon, who sent it to the Lords of their countrey, of whom he receiued three franks for it. They wan also three goodly ballais rubies, called the three brethren, bicause they were in all points like, and another great ballais rubie called La hotte, with a goodly stone called the round ball of Flaunders, the greatest and fairest stones in the world. Other infinite treasures they gained also; which since hath taught them to know what is money woorth. Further, the victories they obtained, the account the King made of them euer after, and the summes of money he bestowed vpon them, haue maruellously enriched them. Euery ambassador of theirs that came to him at the beginning of these wars, receiued goodly presents of him either in money or plate, wherby he asswaged the displeasure they had conceiued against him for not declaring himselfe the Duke of Burgundies [Page] enimy: for he sent them home well contented, with full purses and clothed in silkes and veluets. Then began he also to promise them a yeerely pension of 40000. guldons, which afterward he truly paied, but the second battell was past first. Of this pension twenty thousand guldons were for the townes, and the other twenty thousand for the gouernors of the townes. And I thinke verily I should not lie, if I said that betweene the first battell of Granson and the King our Masters death, these townes and gouernors of the Swissers receiued out of Fraunce aboue a million of florens. When I name townes I meane but these fower: Berne, Lucerne, Friburge, and Zurich, togither with their cantons situate in the mountaines. Swisse also is one of their cantons though but a village. Yet haue I seene an ambassador of that village clothed in very simple apparell giue his aduise in euery matter as well as any of the rest. The other two cantons are called Soleurre and Vnderwalde.

The Notes.

1. For Prouence was held of the crowne of Fraunce, and therefore the King would not suffer his enimie the Duke of Burgundy to possesse it.

How the Swissers vanquished the Duke of Burgundy in battell neere to the towne of Morat. Chap. 3.

NOw to returne to the Duke of Burgundie, he leuied men on all sides, so that within three weeks he had assembled a mighty armie: for a great number of his soldiers that fled the day of the battell, repaired againe to his campe. He lay at Losanna ¹ in Sauoy, (where you my Lord of Vienna) assisted him with your counsell in a dangerous sicknes he was fallen into, for sorow and griefe of the dishonor he had receiued, which so much altered him that I thinke after this battell of Granson, his wits were neuer so fresh nor so good as before ². Of this new army he now leuied I speake vpon the Prince of Tarentes report, who made relation thereof to the King in my presence. For you shall vnderstand that the said Prince about a yeere before the battell, was come to the Duke of Burgundy with a goodly traine in hope to marrie his daughter and heir. And notwithstanding that his behauiour, apparell and traine shewed him indeed to be a Kings sonne, and his father the King of Naples to haue spared no cost in setting him foorth: yet did the Duke but dissemble with him, and fed at the selfe same time with faire promises the Duches of Sauoye putting her in hope of this marriage for hir sonne. Wherefore the Prince of Tarente called Don Frederick of Arragon and his Counsell misliking these delaies, sent to the King our Master a herault of armes a wise fellow, who humbly besought him to grant the Prince his safe conduct to passe through his realme to the King his father who had sent for him, which he easily obtained of the King, bicause it seemed to tende to the Duke of Burgundies dishonor and discredit. Notwithstanding before the Princes messenger was returned to his Master, a great number of these confederated townes were assembled and encamped hard by the Duke of Burgundie. The said Prince obeying the King his fathers commandement tooke his leaue of the Duke the night before the second battell was fought, for at the first he was present, and behaued himselfe like a valiant gentleman. Some say (my Lord of Vienna) that he vsed your aduise heerein: for when he was heere with the King I haue heard both him and the [Page] Duke of Ascoly commonly called the Earle Iulio, and diuers others affirme, that you wrote in Italy of the first and second battell, and told what should ensue therof, long before they were fought.

At the Princes departure, great forces of these confederate townes were incamped (as I haue said) hard by the Duke of Burgundy, and came to giue him battell, meaning to leuie the siege he held before Morat ³ a little towne neere to Berne, belonging to the Earle of Romont. The said townes had in their army (as some that were at the battell haue informed me) 35000. men, whereof fower thousand were horsemen, the rest footemen well chosen and well armed; that is to say, 11000. pikes, 10000. halberds, and ten thousand harquebusiers. Their whole force was not yet assembled, and these onely fought the battell, neither needed any more helpe. The Duke of Lorraine arriued at their campe a little before the battell, with a very small traine, which his comming turned afterward to his great profit: for the Duke of Burgundy helde then all his countrey, and a happy turne it was for him that they waxed weary of him in our Court, as al those that maintaine a noble man ouerthrowen vsually do; notwithstanding he neuer vnderstood thus much. The King gaue him a smal summe of money, and sent a good troupe of men of armes to conueigh him safe through Lorraine; who brought him to the frontiers of Almaine, and then returned home. This Duke of Lorraine had not onely lost his Duchy of Lorraine, the County of Vaudemont, and the greatest part of Barrois (the rest being withheld from him by the King, so that he had nothing left:) but his subiects also, yea his household seruants had voluntarie done homage to the Duke of Burgundy: so that his estate seemed almost irrecouerable. Notwithstanding God remaineth alwaies iudge to determine such causes at his pleasure.

After the Duke of Lorraine was passed through Lorraine into Almaine, and had iourneied a few daies, he arriued at the Almaines campe with small force three or fower howers before the battell began: which voiage (as before I haue said) turned to his great honor and profit; for if his successe had beene bad, I thinke he should haue found but cold entertainment in any place. At the very instant that he arriued, the battels marched on both sides. For the confederates had lien in campe three daies or more in a strong place hard by the Duke of Burgundie, who was at the very first discomfited and put to flight ⁴: neither had he so good lucke heere as in the former battell, wherein he lost but seuen men of armes; which happened bicause the Swissers had then no horsemen: but at this battell neere to Morat (whereof I now speake) they had fower thousand horsemen well mounted, the which pursued fiercely the Burgundians that fled. Further, their battell of footemen ioined also with the Dukes battell, which was mightie and strong: for besides great force of his own subiects, and certaine English men that serued him; diuers bands were newly come to him out of Piemont and the Duchie of Milan. So that the Prince of Tarente at his being heere with the King told me, that he neuer saw in his life so goodly an armie: for he himselfe and diuers others by his commandement numbring the force as it passed ouer a bridge, had told to the number of 23000. soldiers taking pay, besides those that followed the armie and were appointed to serue at the artillerie; which force me thinke was great, notwithstanding that many talke of millions, and report they wot not what, making armies fiue times greater than they are. The Lord of Contay who came to the King immediately after the battell, confessed in my hearing, that the Duke his Master lost there 8000. soldiers taking pay, besides the straglers: so that the wholenūber of the dead (for ought I could euer learne to the contrarie) amounted to 18000. ⁵ which is not incredible, cōsidering both the great force of [Page] horsemen that diuers Princes of Almaine had there; and also the great number of men that were slaine in the Dukes campe, lying still at the siege before Morat ⁶. The Duke fled into Burgundie vtterly discomforted, and not without cause; and held himselfe close in a towne called La Riuiere, where he assembled all the forces he could. The Swissers followed the chase but that night, and then retired without further pursute of their enimies.

The Notes.

1 The Duke after the battell of Granson retired first to Ioingne, from thence to Noseret, and then to Losanna. La Marche.

2 This prooueth both Vitia animi scatere ad corpus, & animam sequi temperaturam corporis, which proceedeth of the great sympathie between the minde and bodie. Liuie lib. 1. decad. 1. writeth thus; Longinquus morbus, Tulli mores prorsus immutauit.

3 The Duke laid his siege before Morat (called in Dutch Murten) the 9. of Iune 1476. with 40000. men. Annal. Burgund. and so had the Swissers also, Idem. Meyer saith the Duke had but 24000. and the Swissers 30000.

4 This battell was fought 22. day of Iune. 1476. Annal. Burgund. Meyer.

5 Others write 17000. others 22700. others 26000. and of the Swissers but 50. Meyer saith the Duke lost 14000.

6 For better vnderstanding of this place, we must know that after the Dukes vaward was ouerthrowen, they within Morat issued foorth and ioined with the Duke of Lorraine, and entred perforce the Duke of Burgundies campe lying before the said towne of Morat, where they made a great slaughter, as our author heere maketh mention.

How after the battell of Morat the Duke of Burgundie tooke the Duchesse of Sauoy, and how she was deliuered and sent home into hir countrie by the Kings meanes. Chap. 4.

THis misfortune draue the Duke into vtter despaire: for he well perceiued by the sequele of the first battell at Granson (between the which and this second there was but three weekes space ¹) that all his friends would abandon him. Wherefore by the aduise of those that were about him, he made the Duchesse of Sauoy and one of hir children now Duke of Sauoy, to be led by force into Burgundie: but hir eldest sonne was conueied away by certaine of hir seruants; for those that committed this outrage did it in great feare and vpon a sudden. The cause that mooued the Duke heerunto was partly feare, least the Duchesse should retire to the King hir brother; and partly bicause all these misfortunes were happened to him (as he said) for succouring this house of Sauoy. Thus was the Duchesse led to the castell of Rouure neere to Dyion, where a small garde was appointed ouer hir. Notwithstanding euery body that would, went to visite hir, and among others the Lord of Chasteauguion, and the Marquesse of Rotelin that now are, betweene the which two and two of the Duchesses daughters the Duke of Burgundie endeuored to make two marriages, which afterward were accomplished. Hir eldest sonne called Philibert then Duke of Sauoy, was led by those that stole him away to Chambery, where the Bishop of Geneua lay, who was also of the house of [Page] Sauoy. This Bishop was altogither giuen to sloth and wantonnes, and gouerned wholy by a Knight of the Rhodes ²: but the King so practised with him, and the Knight his gouernor, that they put into his hands the said Duke of Sauoy, and a little brother of his called Le Prothonostaire, togither with the castels of Chambery and Montmelian, and held also to the Kings vse another castell where all the Duchesses iewels lay. When the Duchesse was come to Rouure accompanied with all hir women, and a great number of hir seruants; she perceiuing the Duke of Burgundie to be busied in leuying men, and those that garded hir not to stand in such feare of their Master as they were accustomed: determined to send to the King hir brother to reconcile hir selfe to him, and to desire him to deliuer hir out of this thraldome. For notwithstanding that she feared much to fall into his hands, bicause of the great and long hatred that had been betweene them: yet the miserie wherein she was, forced hir in the end thereunto. Wherefore she sent to him a gentleman of Piemont called Riuerol being steward of hir house, who was directed to me. When I had heard his message, and aduertised the King thereof, he commanded him to come to his presence: and after he had giuen him audience, answered, that he would not forsake his sister in this extremitie notwithstanding their former variance: and that if she would enter into league with him, he would send for hir by the gouernor of Champaigne, called Master Charles of Amboise Lord of Chaumont. The said Riuerol tooke his leaue of the King, and returned with speede to his Mistres, who reioiced much at this newes. Notwithstanding she sent yet againe to the King vpon the returne of the first message, to desire a safe conduct and assurance therein, that she should depart out of Fraunce into Sauoy, and that the Duke hir sonne and his little brother, togither with the places which the King held, should be restored to hir: and further that he would helpe to maintaine hir authoritie in Sauoy; and she for hir part would forsake all confederacies, and enter into league with him. All the which hir requests the King granted, and immediately sent a man purposely to the said Lord of Chaumont about this enterprise: the which was well deuised and executed accordingly. For the said Lord of Chaumont went himselfe peaceably through the country with a good band of men to Rouure, from whence he led the Duchesse of Sauoy and all hir traine to the next place of the Kings dominions. Before the dispatch of the Duchesses last messenger, the King was departed from Lyons, where he had lien halfe a yeere to ouerthrow couertly the Duke of Burgundies enterprises without breaking the truce. But if a man consider well the Dukes estate, the King made sharper war vpon him by letting him run himselfe out of breth, and priuily stirring vp enimies against him, than if he had openly proclaimed war. For immediately vpon the proclamation, the Duke would haue relinquished his enterprise, and then all these mishaps had neuer fallen vpon him.

The King being departed from Lions continued still his iourney, and from Rouuenne went downe the riuer of Loire to Tours, where at his arriuall he receiued newes of his sisters liberty; whereat he reioiced not a little, and sent for hir with all speed to come to him, and gaue order for hir charges vpon the way. Moreouer, when she drew neere, he sent a great company of gentlemen to wait vpon hir, and went himselfe to receiue hir as far as the gate of Plessis du Parc; where at their first meeting with a mery countenaunce he said vnto hir: Lady of Burgundy you are hartely welcome. Then she knowing by his countenance that he did but sport, made him a wise answer saying. Sir, I am a true French woman, and ready to obey you in all you shall command. The King led hir to hir chamber, where she was very honorably entertained. True it is that he desired to send hir home as speedily as might be, [Page] whereof she was no lesse desirous than he: for she was a very wise woman, and they were well acquainted the one with the others conditions. The whole charge of this matter was committed to me, first to prouide money to defray hir in hir returne: secondarily to seeke silkes and veluets for hir: and lastly to put in writing the articles of their new league and amity. Moreouer, the King indeuored to disswade hir from the mariage of hir two daughters aboue mentioned; but she made hir excuse by the daughters themselues, who were obstinate therein: which when the King perceiued he yeelded vnto them, and in mine opinion they were well bestowed. After the Duches had soiourned at Plessis seauen or eight daies, the King and she sware thence foorth to be friends each to other, and writings touching their amitie were interchangably deliuered betweene them: which done, the Duches tooke hir leaue of the King, who caused hir safely to be conueighed into hir owne countrey, and restored vnto hir, hir children, all the places that were in his hands, all hir iewels, and all that belonged to hir. They were both glad of their departure, and liued euer after as brother and sister euen till their death.

The Notes.

1 I suppose, yea I assure my self that the Printer hath heere made a great fault, and that these three weekes, must be read three moneths. For the battell of Granson was fought the 2. of March or Aprill, and this battell the 22. of Iune; which is much more then three weekes, and agreeth well with three moneths, and so also Annales Burgundiae report the time.

2 The French hath Vn Commandeur de Rhodes, what this Commandeur is looke in the notes of the 9. Chapter of the 7. booke.

How the Duke of Burgundie liued as it were solitarilie the space of certaine weekes, during the which time the Duke of Lorraine recouered his towne of Nancy. Chap. 5.

BVt to proceed in this history, I must now returne to the Duke of Burgundy, who after the battel of Morat, which was in the yeer 1476. fled to the frontiers of Burgundy and kept himselfe close in a towne called La Riuiere; where he lay more than six weeks with intent to leuy yet another army, wherein notwithstanding he proceeded but slowly: for he liued as it were solitarily, in such sort that all his dooings seemed (as you shall heereafter perceiue) rather to proceed of obstinacy than any reason. For the greefe he had conceiued of the first ouerthrow at Granson so inwardly vexed him, that he fell into a dangerous sicknes; which so altered his complexion, that whereas before his choler and naturall heate was so great that he dranke no wine, but Tysan euery morning ordinarily, and ate conserue of roses to refresh him: now this sorow and greefe had so much weakned his spirits, that he was forced to drinke the strongest wine without water, that could be gotten. And further, to reduce the blood to the hart, his Phisitions were faine to put burning flaxe into boxing glasses, and so to set them on his brest neere to the hart. Of this his sicknes (my Lord of Vienna) you can better write than my selfe, bicause all the time thereof you were continually with him to assist him with your aduise, & caused him also to shaue his beard, [Page] which before he ware long. But in mine opinion after this sicknes his wits were neuer so fresh as before, but much weakned and decaied. Such are the passions of those that being fallen into great misfortunes seeke not the true remedies, especially of proud and disdainfull Princes. For in such a case the best and soueraignest remedy is to haue recourse to God, to bethinke our selues if we haue in any point offended him, to humble our selues before him, and to acknowledge our faults: for he it is that determineth these causes, and to him no man may impute any error. The second remedy in such a case is to conferre with some familiar friend, to reueale boldly vnto him all our passions, and not to be ashamed to vtter our greefe to our deere friend: for that easeth and comforteth the minde, and by talking thus in counsell with a faithfull friend, the spirits recouer their former vertue and strength. The third remedy in such a case is to fall to some exercise & bodily labor: for seeing we are men such pensiuenes & greefe can not be passed ouer without great passions either publike or priuate ¹. But the Duke tooke the cleane contrary course, for he hid himselfe & kept himselfe solitary; wheras he should haue put to flight al such melancholike austerity. Further, bicause he was a terrible Prince to his seruants, none durst presume to giue him counsell or comfort, but suffered him to follow his owne sense, fearing if they had gone about to perswade with him, it might haue turned them to displeasure.

During this sixe weekes space or thereabout that he soiorned at La Riuiere with small force, (which was no maruell hauing lost two so great battels) many new enimies arose against him, his friends fell from him, his subiects being defeated and discomfited began to murmur and despise him, which is a thing vsuall (as before I haue said) in such aduersities. Further, many places in Lorraine were either razed or woon from him, namely Vaudemont, Espinall, and diuers others, and on euery side enimies prepared to inuade him, and the miserablest slaues were the hardiest. In this hurliburly the Duke of Lorraine assembled a small force & came before Nancy: of the little townes thereabout he held the greatest part; notwithstanding the Burgundians kept still Pont-à-mousson being fower leagues distant from Nancy.

Among those that were besieged within the said towne of Nancy, was a worshipfull knight called Monseur de Beures of the house of Croy, who had vnder him certaine harquebusiers; within the towne was also an English captaine though but of meane parentage, yet very valiant called Colpin ², whom I my selfe preferred with certaine others of the garrison of Guisnes to the Dukes seruice. This Colpin had within the towne vnder his charge a band of three hundred English men, the which grew wearie of the siege (though they were troubled neither with batterie nor approches) bicause the Duke made no more haste to succour them. And to say the truth, he committed a foule ouersight in that he approched no neere to Lorraine, but lay thus in a place far off & where he could do no seruice: sith it stood him more vpon to defend that he had already gotten, than to inuade the Swissers in hope to reuenge his losses. But his obstinacie turned him to great inconuenience, in that he would aske no mans aduise, but trusted wholy to his owne braine: for notwithstanding that they that were besieged continually, and earnestly sollicited him to succour the place; yet lay he still vpon no necessitie, at the said towne of Riuiere sixe weekes or thereabout; whereas if he had done otherwise, he might easily haue releeued the towne. For the Duke of Lorraine had no force before it, and by defending the countrie of Lorraine the passage from his other seniories into Burgundy should euer haue been open through Luxembourg and Lorraine. Wherefore if his wits had been such then as before time I had knowen them, he would sure haue vsed greater diligence.

[Page] During the time that they within Nancy looked daily for succours, Colpin aboue mentioned, Captaine of the English band within the towne, was slaine with a canon shot greatly to the Duke of Burgundies losse. For the presence of one man alone endued with vertue and wisedome, though but of base race and parentage, oftentimes deliuereth his Master from great incoueniences. As touching the which point I commend aboue all others the wisedome of the King our Master: for neuer Prince feared so much the Losse of his men as he did. Colpin being thus slaine, the English men within the towne began to mutine and despaire of succours: for neither knew they of how small power the Duke of Lorraine was, nor what goodly meanes the Duke of Burgundie had to leuie new forces. Further, bicause of long time the English men had made no wars out of their owne realme, they vnderstood not what the siege of a towne meant. Wherefore they resolued in the end to parlament, and told Monseur de Beures captaine of the towne, that if he would not fall to composition with the Duke of Lorraine, they would compound without him. He notwithstanding that he were a trustie Knight lacked courage, and fell to intreaties and perswasions; whereas in mine opinion stouter language would better haue preuailed: but God had already disposed heerof. If the towne had been held but three daies longer, it had been releeued. To conclude, the said de Beures agreed to the English men, and yeelded the place to the Duke of Lorraine ³: and so departed he and all that were within it with bag and baggage.

The next day or at the furthest within two daies after the towne was yeelded, the Duke of Burgundie arriued there well accompanied considering his estate: for certaine bands were come to him from Luxembourg, which had beene leuied in his other seniories. Before Nancy the Duke of Lorraine and he met; but no great exploit was done, bicause the Duke of Lorrains force was small. The said Duke of Burgundie continuing still his former enterprise, determined to lay his siege againe before Nancy: wherefore better it had beene for him not to haue delaide so long vpon selfewill the succouring of the towne. But God giueth such extraordinarie mindes to Princes when he is purposed to alter their good successe. If the Duke would haue followed good aduise, and manned well the small places about the towne, he might easily in short space haue recouered it: for it was vnfurnished of victuals, and he had men ynow, yea too many to haue held it in greater distresse. In the meane time he might commodiously haue refreshed and repaired his army, but he tooke the contrary course.

The Notes.

1 Cardanus giueth three natural remedies or purgations of sorrow: fasting, weeping, sighing.

2 This Colpin the new copy calleth throughout Cohin, but the old Colpin, and La Marche, Iehannin Collepin, wherefore I haue been bould to amend it according to the old copie.

3 Nancy vvas yeelded the 6. of October. Meyer.

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Of the Earle of Campobaches great treasons, and how he kept the Duke of Burgundy from hearing a gentleman that would haue reuealed them to him before he was put to death, and how the said Duke made no account of the aduertisement the King sent him. Chap. 6.

DVring the time the Duke of Burgundy held before Nancy this siege, vnfortunate to himselfe, to all his subiects, and to many others whom this quarrell in no wise concerned: diuers of his men began to practise his destruction. For (as you haue heard) many enimies were now risen against him on all sides, and among others Nicholas Earle of Campobache in the realm of Naples, whence he was banished for the house of Anious faction. This Earle after the death of Nicholas Duke of Calabria whom he serued, hauing as I said before neither lands nor liuing; was receiued with diuers others of the said Duke of Calabrias seruants into the Duke of Burgundies house, who at his first comming deliuered him 40000. ducats in prest to go into Italy to leuy therewith fower hundred launces that were vnder the said Earles charge and paied by himselfe. From the which day forward euen till this present he euer sought his Masters destruction, and now seeing him in this aduersitie began to practise a fresh against him, both with the Duke of Lorraine and also with certaine of the Kings captaines and seruants that lay in Champaigne neere to the Dukes campe. To the Duke of Lorraine he promised so to order the matter, that this siege should take no effect. For he would finde meanes that such things as were necessary both for the siege and battery should be lacking; which promise he was well able to performe, for the principall charge thereof was committed to him; neither had any man so great authority in the army vnder the Duke of Burgundy as he. But his practises with the Kings captaines touched the quick neerer: for he continually promised them either to kill his Master or take him prisoner, demaunding for recompence thereof the charge of these fower hundred launces, twenty thousand crowns to be deliuered him in ready money, and some good Earledome in Fraunce.

While this Earle was practising these treasons, certaine of the Duke of Lorraines gentlemen attempted to enter the towne of Nancy. Some of the which entred, and some were taken, among whom was one Cifron a gentleman born in Prouence, who was the onely man that entertained these practises betweene the Earle of Campobache and the said Duke of Lorraine. The D. of Burgundy presently commanded this Cifron to be hanged, alleaging that by the law of armes after a Prince hath laid his siege before a place and made his battery, if any man attempt to enter to comfort those that are besieged he ought to die. Yet is this law not practised in our wars which are much crueller then the wars of Italy or Spaine where it is put in vse. But law or no law, the D. would that in any wise this gentleman should die, who seeing no remedy, sent word to the D. that if it would please him to giue him audience he would reueale a secret to him that touched his life; whereof certaine gentlemen to whom he vttered this speech went to aduertise the Duke: with whom at their arriuall they found the Earle of Campobache, come thither either by chance or of purpose to be alwais at hand, fearing least Cifron whom he knew to be taken should [Page] reueale all his conspiracies: for he was priuy to them all; and that was indeed the secret he would haue discouered. The Duke made answer to these gentlemen that brought him this message, that he vsed this delay onely to saue his life, commanding him to open the matter to them: vpon the which word the Earle of Campobache laid hold, perswading the Duke that so it should be best. For you shall vnderstand that none of the Dukes counsell, neither any other persons were present with him at the debating of this matter, but this Earle onely who had charge of the whole army, and a Secretary that was writing. The prisoner answered that he would vtter it to no man but to the Duke onely: whereupon the Duke commanded him againe to be led to execution, and so he was. But vpon the way thitherward, he desired diuers gentlemen to intreat the Duke their Master for him; affirming this to be such a secret as the Duke would not for a Duchy but know. Many that were acquainted with him pitied him, & went to desire the Duke to vouchsafe him the hearing. But this traiterous Earle, who kept the Dukes chamber (being of timber) so straightly that no man might enter in: refused the doore to these gentlemen, saying that the Duke had commanded him to be hanged with speed; and further sent diuers messengers to the Prouost to hasten the execution. Thus was this Cifron hanged to the Duke of Burgundies great preiudice, and better had it been for him to haue vsed lesse cruelty, and gently to haue heard this gentleman; which if he had done, peraduenture he had been yet liuing, his house florishing, his dominions in safety, yea and much inlarged, considering the broiles that haue hapned since in this realme.

But it is to be thought that God had otherwise disposed heereof, bicause of the dishonorable part the Duke had plaide the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce not long before. For you haue already heard in this historie how notwithstanding his safe conduct, he took him prisoner, deliuered him to the King to put him to death, and sent also all the letters and writings he had of the said Constables seruing for his processe. And although the Duke had iust cause to hate him euen to the death, and to procure his death for diuers considerations too long to rehearse, (so that he might haue done it without stayning his honor:) yet all the reasons that may be alleaged on his behalfe, cannot excuse his fault in that contrarie to his promise & honor, hauing giuen him a sufficient safe conduct; he tooke him and sold him for couetousnes, partly to recouer the towne of S. Quintin with other the said Constables places, lands and goods; and partlie to stay the King from hindering his enterprise at Nancy when he first besieged it. For lying at that siege, after many delaies he deliuered the Constable, fearing least the Kings army being in Champaigne would haue hindered his said enterprise if he had done otherwise. For the King threatened him by his ambassadors, bicause it was agreed betweene them, that whether of them could first lay hands vpon him, should deliuer him to the other within eight daies, or put him to death. But the Duke had passed the terme of the Constables deliuerie many daies as you haue heard; so that the onely feare of losing Nancy, and the greedie desire of hauing it caused the Duke to deliuer him to the King. But euen as in this place of Nancy he committed this foule fault, and afterward also in the same place at the second siege put Cifron to death, refusing to heare him speake, as one hauing his eares stopped and wits troubled: euen so in the selfesame place was he himselfe deceiued, and betraied by him whom he most trusted, and peraduenture iustly punished for his false dealing with the Constable, in deliuering him for couetousnes to haue the said towne. But the iudgement heerof appertaineth to God alone, neither speake I it to any other end but to declare this matter at large, and to shew how much a good Prince ought to eschew such false and faithlesse dealing, [Page] what counsell soeuer be giuen him thereunto. For oftentimes those that giue a Prince such aduise; do it either to flatter him, or bicause they dare not gainsay him: and yet when the fault is committed, they are sorrie for it, knowing the punishment both of God and man that is like to ensue. But such councellors are better far from a Prince than neere about him.

You haue heard how God appointed this Earle of Campobache his deputie in this world, to take reuenge of the Constables death committed by the Duke of Burgundie, in the selfesame place, and after the same manner, or rather a crueller. For euen as the Duke contrarie to his safe conduct and the trust the Constable had reposed in him, deliuered him to death: euen so was himselfe betraied by the trustiest man in his armie (I meane by him whom he most trusted) and whom he had receiued into his seruice being old, poore, and destitute of liuing, and whom he yeerely entertained with an hundred thousand ducats, wherewith this Earle himselfe paied his men of armes, besides diuers other great benefits that he had receiued at the Dukes hands. And when he first began to conspire his death he was going into Italie with 40000. ducats, which (as you haue heard) he had receiued in prest of the Duke to leuie therewith his men of armes. Moreouer, the better to execute his traiterous enterprise, he practised in two places, first with a physition dwelling in Lyons called Master Simon of Pauia; & afterward with the Kings ambassador in Sauoy, as before I haue rehearsed. Againe at his returne out of Italie, his men of armes lying in certaine small towns in the countie of Marle which is in Lannois, he began anew to practise against his Master, offering either to deliuer into the Kings hands all the places he held: or when the King should be in battell against his Master, a priuie token to be between them; vpon the sight whereof he would turne with all his companie to the King against the Duke his Master. But this last ouerture pleased not the King. He offered yet further, so soone as his Master should be abrode with his armie, either to take him prisoner or to kill him, as he went to view the seate of his campe; which last enterprise vndoubtedly he would haue executed. For the Dukes manner was when he alighted from his horse at the place where he encamped, to disarme himselfe all sauing his quirace, and to mount vpon a little nagge, accompanied onely with eight or ten archers on foote, or somtime two or three gentlemen of his chamber; in the which estate he vsed to ride about his campe, to see if it were well inclosed: so that the said Earle might with ten horses easily haue executed his enterprise. But the King detesting the continuall treasons of this man against his Master, especially this last being attempted in time of truce; and further not knowing throughly to what purpose he made these offers: determined of a noble courage to discouer them to the Duke of Burgundie; and accordingly aduertised him at large of them all by the Lord of Contay (so often before named) I my selfe being present when he declared them to the said Contay, who I am sure like a faithfull seruant reuealed them to his Master. But the Duke taking all in euill part, said that if it were so, the King would neuer haue aduertised him thereof. This was long afore he laid his siege before Nancy; yet think I that he neuer spake word thereof to the said Earle: for he loued him euer after rather better than woorse.

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How the Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with good force of Almains, came to the towne of Saint Nicholas during the siege of Nancy, and how the King of Portugale who was in Fraunce, came to see the D. of Burgundie during the said siege. Chap. 7.

LEt vs now returne to our principall matter, I meane the siege the Duke held before Nancy, which he began in the middest of winter with small force, euill armed, euill paide, and the most part sicke. The mightiest in his campe practised against him as you haue heard, and generally they murmured all, and despised all his dooings, as in aduersitie commonly it happeneth: but none attempted ought against his person or estate, saue this Earle of Campobache onely; for in his subiects no disloialtie was found. While he lay there in this poore estate, the Duke of Lorraine treated with the confederated townes before named, to leuie men in their territories to fight with the Duke of Burgundie lying before Nancy, whereunto all the townes easily agreed, but the Duke of Lorraine lacked monie: wherefore the King sent ambassadors to the Swissers in his fauor, and lent him also 40000. franks towards the paiment of his Almains. Further, the Lord of Cran who was then the Kings lieutenant in Champaigne, lay in Barrois with seuen or eight hundred launces and certaine franke archers led by very expert captaines. The Duke of Lorraine by meanes of the Kings fauor and monie, drew vnto his seruice great force of Almains as well horsemen as footemen, besides the which the townes also furnished a great number of their owne charge. Moreouer, with the said Duke were many gentlemen of this realme, and the Kings armie as I said before lay in Barrois, which made no war, but waited to see to whether part the victorie would incline. The Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with these Almaines aboue mentioned, came and lodged at Saint Nicholas two leagues from Nancy.

The King of Portugale had beene in this realme at that present the space of nine moneths: for the King our Master was entred into league with him against the King of Spaine that now is. Whereupon the said King of Portugale came into Fraunce, hoping that the King would lend him a great armie to inuade Castile by the frontires of Biscay or Nauarre. For the said King of Portugale held certaine places in Castile bordering vpon Portugale, and certaine also vpon the confines of Fraunce; namely, the castell of Bourgues, and diuers others: so that if the King had aided him as once he was purposed, it is like his enterprise had taken effect: but the King altered his minde, and foded him foorth with faire words the space of a yeer or more. During the which time his affaires in Castile daily impaired: for at his comming into France all the nobles in maner of the realme of Castile tooke part with him, but bicause of his long absence, by little and little they altered their minds, and made peace with King Ferrande and Queene Isabell now raigning. The King our Master excused his not aiding him according to his promise by the wars in Lorraine, alleaging that he feared that the Duke of Burgundie (if he recouered his losses) would foorthwith inuade him. This poore King of Portugale being a good and a iust Prince ¹, resolued to go to the Duke of Burgundie his cosin german ² to treate of peace betweene [Page] the King and him, to the end that then the King might aide him: for he was ashamed to returne into Castile or Portugale in this estate hauing done no good heere in Fraunce; and the rather bicause he had taken this iourney vpon him verie rashly, and contrarie to the aduise of the most of his counsell. Wherefore he put himselfe vpon the way in the middest of winter to go to the Duke of Burgundy his cosin lying before Nancy: where at his arriuall he began to treat with him according to the Kings instructions. But perceiuing it an impossibilitie to agree them bicause their demands were contrarie in all points; after he had remained there two daies he tooke his leaue of the Duke of Burgundie his cosin, and returned to Paris from whence he came. The Duke desired him to staie a while, and to go to Pont-à-musson fower leagues from Nancy to defend that passage: for the Duke was already aduertised that the Almains army lay at Saint Nicholas. But the King of Portugale excused himselfe, saying: that he was neither armed nor accompanied for such an enterprise; and so returned to Paris, where he remained a long time, till in the ende he entered into ielousie, that the King meant to take him prisoner and deliuer him to his enimie the King of Castile. Wherupon he and two of his seruants disguised themselues, purposing to go to Rome there to enter into religion. But as he iourneied in this disguised attire, he was taken by a Norman called Robinet le Beuf. Of this his departure the King our Master was both sorie and ashamed: and thereupon armed diuers ships vpon the coast of Normandie to conuey him into Portugale; of the which fleete George Leger was appointed Admirall.

The occasion of his war vpon the King of Castile was for his sisters daughter. For you shall vnderstand that his sister had been wife to Don Henry King of Castile that last died; and had issue a goodly daughter which liueth yet in Portugale vnmaried. This daughter Queene Isabell sister to the said King Henry ³, held from the crowne of Castile, saying that she was illegitimate; of the which opinion were also many others, alleaging that King Henry was impotent to generation, for a certaine impediment that I ouerpasse. But whether it were so or no; notwithstanding that the said daughter were borne vnder the vaile of mariage: yet remained the crowne of Castile to Queene Isabell and hir husband the King of Arragon and Sicilie ⁴ now raigning.

This King of Portugale aboue mentioned, labored to make a mariage betweene the said daughter his neece and King Charles the eight now raigning, which was the cause of this his voiage into Fraunce, that turned so greatly to his damage and greefe. For soone after his returne into Portugale he died. Wherefore (as I said in the beginning of this history) a Prince ought to beware what ambassadors he sendeth into a strange countrey. For if they had been wise that came from the King of Portugale into Fraunce to conclude the league aboue mentioned (whereat I my selfe was present, as one in commission for the King) they would haue informed themselues better of our affaires in these parts before they had counselled their Master to enter into this voiage, which turned so much to his losse and damage.

The Notes.

1 He meaneth a simple Prince of wit.

2 How the King of Portugale and the Duke of Burgundy were cosin germans, the Pedegree in the end of the worke will declare.

3 The Pedegree in the end of the worke will make this plaine.

4 Before he calleth Rene King of Sicilie, but King Rene had but the title not the possession.

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How the Duke of Burgundy refusing the good counsell of diuers of his men, was discomfited and slaine in the battell fought betweene him and the Duke of Lorraine, neere to Nancy. Chap. 8.

I Would haue passed ouer this discourse of the King of Portugale, had it not been to shew that a Prince ought to beware how he put himselfe into another Princes hands, or go in person to demaund aide. But now to returne to the principall matter. Within a day after the King of Portugales departure from the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Lorraine and the Almains that serued him, dislodged from Saint Nicholas, and marched to fight with the said Duke; and the selfe same day the Earle of Campobache to accomplish his enterprise departed from the Dukes campe ¹, and reuolted to his enimies with eight score men of armes, sorowing onely that he could do his Master no more harme. They within Nancy had intelligence of this Earles practises, which incouraged them to endure the siege. Further, one that leaped downe the ditches entered the towne and assured them of succors, otherwise they were vpon the point to haue yeelded it. And to say the truth had it not been for the said Earles treasons, they could neuer haue held it so long; but God was fully determined to bring the Duke to his end.

The Duke of Burgundy being aduertised of the Duke of Lorrains arriuall, assembled his counsell contrary to his accustomed maner; for he was neuer woont to aske any mans aduise, but in all matters to follow his own sense. Most of them counselled him to retire to Pont-à-musson, being but fower leagues thence, & to man the places well which he held about Nancy, alleaging that the Almains would depart so soone as they had victualed the towne, and the Duke of Lorrains mony faile him; so that he should not be able in long time to assemble the like force. They said further, that his enimies could not victuall the towne so well, but that before winter were halfe expired it should be in as great distresse as at that present, and in the meane time, he might leuy men: for I haue been informed by those that perfectly vnderstood it that he had not in all his army aboue fower thousand soldiers, of the which hardly twelue hundred were able to fight. Money he lacked not, for in the castell of Luxembourg being not far thence, were at the least 450000. crownes, and men ynough he might haue recouered. But God would not giue him grace to follow this wise aduise, nor perceiue how many enimies lodged round about him on euery side: so that he tooke the woorst course, and by the aduise of certaine harebrained fooles determined to hazard the battell with these few terrified and hartlesse men; notwithstanding all the reasons alleaged to him, both of the great force of Almains the Duke of Lorraine had, and also of the Kings army that lay hard by his campe. When the Earle of Campobache was come to the Duke of Lorraine, the Almains commanded him to depart, saying, that they would haue no traitor among them. Wherefore he retired to Condé a castell and passage neere at hand ², which he fortified with carts and other prouisions the best he could, trusting that when the Duke of Burgundy and his men fled, some of them would fall into his hands, as indeed a great many did. But this practise with the Duke of Lorraine was not his greatest treason; for a little [Page] before his departure he conspired with diuers in the Dukes army, resoluing with them (bicause he sawe no hope of killing or taking his Master prisoner) to reuolt to the enimies at the very instant that the two battels should ioine; but sooner not to depart, to the end their sudden reuolt might the more astonish and terrify the Dukes whole army. Further, he promised assuredly, if the Duke fled that he should neuer escape aliue; for he would leaue thirteene or fowerteene trusty fellows behinde him, some to begin to flie at the very instant that the Almains should march: and other some to haue an eie on the Duke to kill him if he fled, which enterprise he made full account to execute; and two or three I knew afterwards my selfe of those that were left behinde for that purpose. After he had conspired these abhominable treasons, he returned againe to the Dukes campe, and then reuolted from him (as you haue heard) when he saw the Almains march, of whom being refused, he retired as I said before to this castell of Condy. The said Almains marched forward, being accompanied with great force of French horse men that had leaue giuen them to be at the battell. Diuers also there were that lay in ambushes neere to the place, to the end if the D. were discomfited they might get som good prisoner or booty▪ Thus you see the miserable estate this poore Duke of Burgundy was fallen into, by refusing good aduise. When the two armies ioined, the Dukes hauing been already twise discomfited, and being but small and in very euill order, was incontinent broken and put to flight; a great number escaped, the rest were either slaine ³ or taken, and namely the Duke himselfe died vpon the place. Of the maner of his death ⁴, I will not speake bicause I was not there present: but I haue communed with some that were there, who told me that they saw him striken to the ground, & could not succor him bicause they were prisoners. Notwithstanding to their iudgement he was not then slaine, but after these came a great troupe which slew him in the midst of them, stripped him, and left him among the dead bodies, not knowing who he was ⁵. This battell ⁶ was fought the fift of Ianuary ⁷, 1476. vpon Twelfth euen. 1477. begining the yeere as Newe yeeres tide.

The Notes.

1 He departed vpon wensday with 180. Meyer saith almost 200. men of armes, that is 800. horse, and on saturday departed the Lords of Dauge or Augy as Meyer nameth him, and Montfort with 120. men of armes, that is 480. horse, and vpon sunday was the battel. Annal. Aquit. Meyer. Annal. Burgund.

2 The castell of Condy was the passage vpon the bridge of the riuer of Moselle. Meyer.

3 The Duke lost in the battell of Nancy 3000. men. Annal. Burgund.

4 He had three wounds, one with a halberd in the side of his head, which claue his head downe to the teeth, another with a pike through the haunches, and the third a push also with a pike by the fundament. Annal. Burg. He was born the 11. of Nouember 1433. and was 34. yeeres old when he began to gouerne: he liued 43. yeeres, one moneth, and 26. daies: and gouerned nine yeeres, sixe moneths, and twenty daies. Meyer.

5 The name of him that slue Duke Charles was Claude of Bausmont, captaine of the castell of Saint Dier in Lorraine. The Duke was mounted vpon a blacke courser, and seeing his battels ouerthrowen, tooke a little riuer supposing to haue saued himselfe, but in the riuer his horse fell and ouerthrevv him: and then this gentleman not knowing him, and by reason he vvas deafe not hearing the Duke, vvho cried to him for the safetie of his life, ran vpon him, slue him, stripped him, and left him lying starke naked in the ditch. VVhere the next day after the battell, his bodie vvas found so fast frosen in the ice, that vvhen it vvas dravven foorth a peece of his cheeke tarried there behinde. The Duke of Lorraine to his great honor solemnly buried him, himselfe and al his nobles accompanying [Page] the corps in mourning attire. The place vvhere the Duke vvas slaine vvas hard by S. Iohns Church vvithout Nancy, vvhere the Duke of Lorraine erected a crosse for a memoriall thereof. The gentleman that slue him died soone after of melancholie, vvhen he vnderstood that he had slaine so vvoorthie and couragious a Prince. Champier. Annales Burgund.

6 The battell at Nancy Meyer nameth the battell of Iaruilla.

7 Being sunday, and as others vvrite ann. 1477. but the variance both in this place and diuers others betvveene Commines and them is, bicause they end the yeere at Nevv yeeres tide, and he not before our Lady day, as by the course of his historie is most plaine.

A discourse vpon certaine vertues of the Duke of Burgundie, and of the time his house flourished in prosperitie. Chap. 9.

I Saw at Milan since his death a signet that I haue often seene him weare at his brest, which was a ring set with a camée, hauing very curiously cut into it an iron to strike fire ¹, wherein his armes were grauen. This ring was sold at Milan for two ducats, and he that stole it from him was a false knaue, that had beene a groome of his chamber. Many a time haue I seene him made ready and vnready with great reuerence and solemnitie, and that by great personages. But now when death came, all these honors fleeted away, and both he and his house were destroied as you haue heard, in the selfesame place where a little before he had consented for couetousnes to deliuer the Constable to death. I had knowen him in times past a mightie and honorable Prince; as much yea more esteemed and sought to of his neighbours, than any Prince in Christendome. Further, in mine opinion the greatest cause of Gods indignation against him, was for that he attributed all his good successe, and all the great victories he obtained in this world, to his owne wisedome and vertue; and not to God, as he ought to haue done. And vndoubtedly he was endued with many goodly vertues: for neuer was Prince more desirous to entertaine noble men, and keepe them in good order than he. His liberalitie seemed not great ², bicause he made all men partakers thereof. Neuer Prince gaue audience more willingly to his seruants and subiects than he ³. While I serued him he was not cruell, but grew maruellous cruel towards his end: which was a signe of short life. In his apparell and all other kinde of furniture he was woonderfull pompous, yea somwhat too excessiue. He receiued very honorably all ambassadors and strangers, feasting them sumptuously, and entertaining them with great solemnitie. Couetous he was of glorie, which was the chiefe cause that made him mooue so many wars: for he desired to imitate those ancient Princes, whose fame continueth till this present. Lastly, hardie he was and valiant, as any man that liued in his time: but all his great enterprises and attempts ended with himselfe, and turned to his owne losse and dishonor; for the honor goeth euer with the victorie. Yet to say the truth, I wot not well whether God powred out greater indignation vpon him, or vpon his subiects: for he died in battell without any long griefe; but they sithence his death neuer liued in peace, but in continual war; against the which they haue not been able to make resistance, bicause of their owne ciuill troubles and diuisions. Yea and another thing that most greeueth them is, that they that now defend [Page] them are strangers, who not long since were their enimies, namely the Almaines. To conclude, since the Dukes death neuer man bare them good will, no not they that defend them. Further, if a man consider well their actions, it seemeth that their wits were as much troubled, as their Princes before his death: for they despised all good counsell, and sought all meanes to hurt themselues. In the which vale of misery they are still like to continue; or if happily they wade out of it for a season, like they are to fall into it againe.

Wherefore I am of a certaine wise mans opinion of my acquaintance, that God giueth to subiects Princes, according as he will punish or chastise them; and likewise towards the Prince disposeth the subiects harts, according as he will aduaunce or abase him: and euen so dealt he with the subiects of this house of Burgundie. For after three great, good and sage Princes, who gouerned them the space of 120. yeers or more, with great wisedome and vertue, he gaue them in the end this D. Charles, who held them in continuall wars, trauell and charges, almost as much in winter as sommer: so that a great number of rich wealthy men were either slaine in these wars, or starued in prison. Their great miseries began before Nuz, and continued with the losse of three or fower battels, till the hower of the Dukes death; who in this last battell wasted and consumed the whole force of his countrie, and lost all his seruants that could or would haue defended the estate and honor of his house. It seemeth therefore (as before I said) that this aduersity hath counteruailed all the time of their felicitie. For as I say, that I haue seene him a great, mighty and honorable Prince: so may I say also of his subiects: for I haue trauelled the best part of Europe in mine opinion, yet saw I neuer countrey in my life of the like greatnes, no nor far greater, abound with such wealth, riches, sumptuous buildings, large expences, feasts, bankets and all kinde of prodigality, as these countries of Burgundy did, during the time that I was there. And if those that knew them not during the time that I speake of, thinke my report too large: I am sure others that knew them then as well as my selfe, will thinke it too little. But God with one blowe hath laid flat on the ground this sumptuous building, I meane this mighty house that bred and maintained so many woorthy men; that was so greatly esteemed both far and neere, and obtained greater victories, and liued in greater honor during the time it florished than any other: which great felicity and grace of God towards them continued the space of a hundred and twenty yeeres. During the which time all their neighbors suffered great afflictions, namely, Fraunce, England and Spaine, so far foorth that all these at one time or other haue come to craue helpe and succor of this house of Burgundy, as you haue seene by experience, of the King our Master, who in his youth while his father King Charles the seuenth raigned, liued in Burgundy the space of sixe yeeres, with good Duke Philip, who louingly receiued him. As touching the Princes of England, I haue seene in the Duke of Burgundies court King Edvvards two brethren the Dukes of Clarence, and Glocester who afterward named himselfe King Richard the third: and on the contrary side of the house of Lancaster that tooke part with King Henry, I haue seene in maner all the noble men suing to this house of Burgundy for aide. To be short, as I haue knowen this house honored of all men: so haue I also seene it at one instant fall downe topsie turuy, and become the most desolate and miserable house in the world, both in respect of the Prince and also of the subiects. Such like works hath God brought to passe before we were borne, and wil also when we are dead. For this we ought certainly to beleeue, that the good or euill successe of Princes dependeth wholy vpon his diuine ordinance.

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The Notes.

1 Of the deuise of the Fuzill read the chronicles of Flanders pag. 345. Claude Paradin in his deuises heroiques pag. 46. and Annal. Burgund. lib. 3. pag. 711. who saith that he gaue the striking iron, bicause it is made in the forme of B. which is the first letter of Burgundie. Further, he giueth the said iron striking against a stone with infinite sparkles flying from them, to signifie that the cruell wars betweene the Duke of Burgundie and the realme of Fraunce had set all their neighbours on fire.

2 His meaning is that bicause he bestowed vpon euerie man, he could not bestow much vpon any one, whereby his liberalitie was the lesse apparant.

3 He meaneth in hearing their sutes; for as touching matters of counsell he hath said before in diuers places that he would neuer vse any mans aduise.

How the King was aduertised of the Duke of Burgundies last ouerthrow, and how he gouerned his affaires after the said Dukes death. Chap. 10.

BVt to proceede in our historie, the King who had now laid posts in his realme (for before were neuer any) looked howerly for the certaine newes of this battell of Nancy, bicause of the occurrents he had alreadie receiued of the Almains arriuall, and of all the other circumstances aboue rehearsed: and was foorthwith aduertised of the Dukes ouerthrowe. Diuers there were that waited diligently to beare him the first newes heerof; for alwaies he gaue somwhat to him that first brought him tidings of any good newes, withall not forgetting the messengers. Further, his delight was to talke of them before they came, and to promise rewarde to him that could bring him some good newes. Monseur de Bouchage and my selfe being togither, receiued the first word of the battell of Morat, whereof both of vs iointly aduertised the King, who gaue to each of vs two hundred marks of siluer. Monseur de Lude who lodged without Plessis, was the first man that knew of the Courriers arriuall with the letters of this battell of Nancy, and commanded the said Courrier to deliuer him his packet, who durst not denie it him, bicause of the Kings great fauour towards him. The next morning by breake of day the said de Lude came rapping at the doore next to the Kings chamber, which foorthwith was opened to him; and in he went and deliuered these letters sent from the Lord of Cran and diuers others; notwithstanding none of them writ any certaintie of the Dukes death: but some reported that he was seene flie, and was escaped. This newes at the first so rauished the King with ioy, that he wist not what countenance to shew: notwithstanding two doubts there were that troubled him; the one, least the Almaines, if the Duke were taken, for greedines of monie (whereof the Duke had plentie) would not onely raunsome him, but also conclude some treatie with him, and of his foes become his friends. The other, if the Duke were escaped thus thrise discomfited, whether he should seaze into his hands his seniories of Burgundy or no, knowing them easie to be taken, bicause in manner all the force of the countrie was slaine in these three battels. Touching the which point, his resolution (whereunto few I thinke but my selfe were priuy) was, if the Duke were escaped aliue, to command his army that lay in Champaigne and Barrois [Page] to enter incontinent into Burgundie during this great feare and astonishment of the people; and hauing seazed all the countrie into his hands, he meant to aduertise the Duke, that he did it onely to saue it for him, and defend it from the Almaines. For bicause the said Duchie was held of the crowne, he would for no good that it should be a pray for them: but whatsoeuer he had taken, he would faithfully restore; as vndoubtedly he would, though many happily will not credite it. And no maruell; for they know not the reasons that would haue mooued him thereunto: but he altered this determination when he vnderstood of the Dukes death. Immediately after the King (being at Tours) had receiued the letters aboue mentioned, which reported nothing of the Dukes death; he sent into the towne for all his captaines, and diuers noble men, to whom he read these letters; whereat they seemed in apparance greatly to reioice: but those that looked narrowlier into their behauiour, perceiued that a great many of them forced their mirth, and wished with all their harts, notwithstanding their outward shew, that the world had gone otherwise with the Duke. The reason wherof peraduenture was, bicause the K. heretofore had liued in great feare; but now they doubted, seeing him deliuered of so many enimies, that he would alter many things, especially offices and pensions. For there were a great number in the companie, that had borne armes against him both in the war called THE WEALE PVELIKE (whereof you haue heard in the beginning of this historie) and in diuers other broiles betweene him and the Duke of Guienne his brother. After he had communed a while with these noble men and captaines, he went to masse; which being ended, he caused the table to be couered in his chamber, and made them all dine with him; the Lord Chauncellor, and certaine others of his counsell being also present. All dinner-while he talked of these affaires: but I and diuers others marked with what appetite those that sate at the table dined. And vndoubtedly there was not one of them (I wot not whether for ioy or sorrow) that ate halfe a meales meate; yet were they not ashamed to eate in the Kings presence, for euery one of them had often before dined at his table. When the King was risen from dinner, he withdrew himselfe, and gaue to diuers, certaine of the Duke of Burgundies lands if he were dead, and soone after dispatched the Admirall of Fraunce, called the bastard of Bourbon and my selfe, giuing vs commission to receiue into his allegeance as many as would become his subiects; and further: commanding vs to depart incontinent, and to open all courriers packets that we should meet with, to the end we might be certainly informed whether the Duke were dead or aliue. We departed in great haste, though in the extreamest colde weather that euer I felt: and when we had ridden about halfe a daies iourney, we met with a Poste, whom we commanded to deliuer vs his letters; the contents whereof were, that the Duke was found among the dead bodies ¹, and knowne by an Italian Page that serued him, and by his Phisition called Master Louppe a Portugale borne, who sent word to Monseur de Cran of the Duke his Masters death, who incontinent aduertised the King thereof.

The Notes.

1 By what markes the Dukes body was knuwne, read Annal. Burgund.

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How the King after the Duke of Burgundies death seazed into his hands the towne of Abbeuille, and of the answer they of Arras gaue him. Chap. 11.

WHen we vnderstood these newes, we rid foorthwith to the subburbs of Abbeuille, and were the first that brought word of the Dukes death into those parts. At our arriual we foūd the towns men in treaty with Monseur de Torcy, whom they had loued of long time. But the soldiers and those that had been the Dukes officers, treated with vs about the deliuery of the towne by a messenger whom we sent thither before vs, so far foorth that vpon our promises they caused fower hundred launces to depart the towne, which the townes men seeing, immediately opened the gates to Monseur de Torcy, greatly to the hinderance of the captaines and the other officers of the towne; to seauen or eight of the which we had promised both money and pensions (for we had commission from the Kïng so to do) wherof nothing was performed bicause the towne was not yeelded by their meanes. This towne of Abbeuille was parcell of those lands that King Charles the seauenth engaged to Duke Philip of Burgundy at the treaty of Arras, vnder this condition, that for default of heire male they should returne to the crowne. Wherefore it is not to be maruelled if so lightly they opened to vs their gates. From Abbeuille we rid to Dourlans, and sent to sommon Arras the chiefe towne of Artois, the ancient inheritance of the Earles of Flaunders, which hath alwaies descended as wel to the heires females as males. Monseur de Rauastain and Monseur de Cordes, who were within the towne condescended to come & treat with vs at an abbey neere the towne called Mont Saint Eloy, bringing with them certaine of the towne. To the which treaty we agreed that I should go and certain with me, for bicause we supposed they would not yeeld to our requests: it was thought good that the Admirall should not go. Immediately after my arriuall at the place assigned, the Lords of Rauastaine and Cordes being accompanied with diuers gentlemen, and certaine also of the towne repaired thither. Among those that came to negotiate with vs for the towne, was their Recorder, called Master Iohn de la Vaquerie, since that time chiefe president in the court Parlament at Paris. We required them at this meeting to open vs the gates and to receiue vs into the towne for the King, saying that he claimed both towne and countrey as his by way of confiscation; adding that if they refused so to do they were like to be forced thereunto, seeing both their Prince was slaine and their countrey vtterly vnfurnished of men of war, bicause of these three battels they had lost. The Lords aboue named made vs answer by the said Master Iohn de la Vaquerie, that this countie of Artois appertained of right to the Lady of Burgundie, daughter and heire to Duke Charles, and descended to hir by inheritance from the Lady Margaret somtime Countesse of Flaunders, Artois, Burgundie, Neuers, and Retell, the which married with Philip the first, Duke of Burgundie, sonne to King Iohn of Fraunce ¹, and yoongest brother to King Charles the fift: wherefore they humbly besought the King to keepe the truce concluded betweene him and the late Duke Charles. Our communication was but short; for we supposed before our meeting, that this should be our answer. But the chiefe cause of my going into those parts, was to commune with certaine of mine acquaintance [Page] there, and to draw them to the Kings seruice: with some of the which I spake, who soone after became his faithfull seruants accordingly. These countries were in marruellous feare and astonishment, and not without cause; for I thinke that in eight daies they could not haue leuied eight men of armes. Further, in all those quarters were not aboue 1500. soldiers, horsemen and footmen, which lay towards Namur & in Henault, & were of those that escaped out of the battel where the Duke was slain. Their woonted termes and maner of speech were now cleane altered; for they spake lowly and humbly: which I write not to accuse them, as though in times past their words had been more arrogant than became them; but the truth is when I was there they thought so well of themselues, that they vsed not such reuerent language, neither to the King, nor of the King, as they haue done sithence. Wherefore if men were wise, they would vse such faire speech in time of prosperitie, that in aduersitie they should not neede to change their termes. I returned to the Admirall, to make report of my negotiation: immediately whereupon we were aduertised that the King was at hand; for he set foorth soone after vs, and commanded letters to be written both in his owne name, and diuers of his seruants names, to cause certaine to repaire to him; by whose meanes he trusted to bring all these seniories vnder his obedience.

The Notes.

1 The pedegree in the end of this worke will shew, how all these titles descended to this Lady Margaret.

A discourse not appertaining to the principall matters of the greatioie the King was in to see himselfe deliuered of so many enimies, and of the error he committed touching the reducing of these countries of Burgundy to his obedience. Chap. 12.

THe King reioiced not a little to see himselfe thus deliuered of all those whom he hated and were his principall enimies: of some of the which he had taken the reuenge himselfe; namely the Constable of Fraunce, the Duke of Nemours, and diuers others, his brother the Duke of Guyenne was dead whose inheritance was fallen to him. In like maner all they of the house of Aniou were dead, namely King Rene of Sicilie, the Dukes of Calabria Iohn and Nicholas, and their cosin the Earle of Maine, and afterward of Prouence: the Earle of Armignac was slaine at Lestore, and all their lands and goods fallen to the King. But bicause this house of Burgundie was greater and mightier than the rest, and had made sharpe war with the English mens aide vpon his father K. Charles the seuenth, thirtie two yeers without truce, and had their dominions bordring vpon his, and their subiects alwaies desirous to make war vpon him and his realme: therefore he reioiced more at their Princes death, than at the death of all the rest. Further, he now fully perswaded himselfe, that during his life, no man neither within his realme, nor in the countries bordering vpon it, would once lift vp his finger against him. For he was in peace (as you haue heard) with the English men, the which he trauelled to the vttermost of his power to continue. But although he were thus void of all feare: yet did not God permit him to take the wisest course for the atchieuing [Page] of this his enterprise being of so great importance. And sure it appeereth both by that God shewed then and hath shewed since, that he meant sharply to punish this house of Burgundy, as wel in the person of the Prince, as of the subiects, and of those that liued amongst them. For if the King our Master had taken the best course, the wars that haue consumed them since had neuer hapned. For if he had done as he ought to haue done, he should haue sought to ioine to the crowne all those great Seniories whereunto he could pretend no title, either by mariage or by courteous dealing with the subiects; which thing he might then easily haue accomplished, seeing the great feare, miserie, and distresse these countries were in at that time. And if he had thus done, he should both haue rid them of many troubles, & inlarged and enriched his owne realme through long peace, which by this meanes had beene easily obtained. He might also heereby haue eased his realme diuers waies, especially of the charge of men of armes, who continually rode vp and down from one corner of the realme to another, oftentimes vpon small occasion. While the Duke of Burgundy yet liued, he eftsoones debated with me what were best to be done if the said Duke hapned to die. And then he discoursed maruellous wisely thereof, saying, that he would trauell to make a mariage betweene the King his sonne now raigning, and the Dukes daughter, afterward Duches of Austrich, which if she refused bicause of the Daulphin his sons yoong age; then he would attempt to win hir to mary some yoong Lord of this realme, to obtaine thereby hir friendship and hir subiects, and recouer without blowes that he claimed to be his: in the which minde he continued till eight daies before he vnderstood of the Dukes death. But this wise deliberation he began somwhat to alter the selfe same day he receiued newes therof, and the very instant that he dispatched the Admirall and me. Notwithstanding he discouered not his purpose therein, but made promise to diuers of lands and lordships that had been in the Dukes possession.

How Han, Bohain, Saint Quintin and Peronne were yeelded to the King, and how he sent Master Oliuer his barber to practise with them of Gaunt. Chap. 13.

THe King being on the way comming after vs, receiued good newes from all parts: for the castels of Han and Bohain were yeelded vnto him, and the citizens of Saint Quintins of their own accord receiued Monseur de Mouy their neighbor into the towne for him. Further he assured himselfe of Peronne, which VVilliam of Bische held, and was put in hope both by vs and others, that Monseur de Cordes would reuolt to him. Further he had sent his barber called Master Oliuer to Gaunt, in a village neere to the which he was borne, and had dispatched diuers others into other places, being in great hope of them all; but the most part of them serued him rather with words then deedes. When he drew neer to Peronne I went to meet him, and found him in a village, whither M. VVilliam of Bische and certain others came & presented him the keies of the town, wherof he was right glad. The King abode there that day, and I dined with him after mine accustomed maner: for his pleasure was that seuen or eight at the least & somtimes more should ordinarily sit at his owne table. But after dinner he withdrew himselfe, and seemed to be discontented with the small exploit the Admirall and I [Page] had done, saying: that he had sent Master Oliuer his barber to Gaunt to bring that towne to his obedience, and Robinet Dodenfort to Saint Omers, who was well friended there: and those he commended as fit men to receiue the keies of a towne, and put his forces into it. Diuers others also he named, whom he had sent to other great townes: and this matter he made Monseur de Lude, and two or three others to debate with me. It became not me to reason against him, nor gainsay his pleasure; but I told him that I feared Master Oliuer and the others whom he named, would not so easily take these great townes, as they supposed. The King vsed this communication with me, bicause he had altered his minde, and hoped by reason of his good successe in the beginning, that all the countrie would yeeld vnto him. Moreouer, he was counselled by diuers (and was also of himselfe inclined thereunto) vtterly to destroy this house of Burgundie, and to disperse the seniories therof among diuers men; some of the which he named, vpon whom he was purposed to bestow the Earldoms, namely, Henault and Namur that border vpon Fraunce: with the greater seniories, as Brabant, Holland, and the rest, he meant to win certaine Princes of Almaine to his friendship, to the end they might aide him in the atchieuing of his enterprise. All the which matters it pleased him to acquaint me with, bicause I had counselled him before to take the other course aboue rehearsed: wherefore he would that I should vnderstand the reasons, why he followed not mine aduise. Further he alleaged, that this course should be most beneficiall for his realme, the which had sustained infinite troubles, bicause of the greatnes of this house of Burgundie, and the mightie seniories that it possessed. And sure as touching the world, his reasons carried great shew (though in conscience me thought otherwise:) notwithstanding such was his wisedome, that neither I nor any of his seruants could see so far into his affaires as himselfe did; for vndoubtedly he was one of the wisest and subtilest Princes that liued in his time. But in such waightie affaires God disposeth the harts of Kings and great Princes, which he holdeth in his hands, and directeth them into those waies that best serue for the executing of his determinations: for vndoubtedly if it had pleased him, that the King should still haue continued in that course, which he of himselfe had deuised before the Dukes death; the wars that haue been since, and yet are, had neuer happened. But we were vnwoorthie on both sides to enioy that quiet peace that was then offered vs, which sure was the onely cause of the Kings error, not want of wit: for, as you haue heard, in wit no man excelled him. I write of these affaires at large, to shew that when a man attempteth any great enterprise, he ought at the first thoroughly to debate it, to the end he may choose the wisest way; but especially to submit himselfe to God, and humbly to beseech him to direct him into the best course, which is the principall point, as appeereth both by the scriptures and by experience. I minde not heere to blame the King, nor say that he erred in this behalfe: for peraduenture diuers which knew and vnderstood more than my selfe, were then and yet are of his opinion; notwithstanding the matter was not debated there nor elsewhere. Further, those that write Chronicles, frame their stile commonly to their commendation of whom they speake, omitting diuers points, somtimes bicause they know not the truth of them. But as touching my selfe, I minde to write nothing but that is true, and which I my selfe either haue seen or learned of such parties as are woorthie of credite, not regarding any mans commendation. For no Prince is to be thought so wise, but that he erreth somtime, yea oftentimes if he liue long, as should well appeere by their actions, if they were alwaies truly reported. The greatest Senates and Consuls that be or euer haue beene, haue erred and do erre, as we may reade and daily see.

[Page] When the King had reposed himselfe one day in this village neere to Peronne, he determined the next morning to make his entry into the towne; for it was yeelded him as you haue heard. And at his departure he drew me aside, and commanded me to go into the countrey of Poictou and the frontiers of Britaine, telling me in mine eare that if neither Master Oliuers enterprise tooke effect, nor Monseur de Cordes reuolted to him; he would cause all the countrey of Artois called La Leuée lying vpon the riuer of Lis, to be burned; and that done returne againe into Touraine. I desired him to be good to certaine who by my means were become his seruants, and to whom I had promised in his name pensions and great rewards: whereupon he tooke their names of me in writing, and performed all that I had promised. Thus I tooke my leaue of him for that time. But euen as I was taking horse, Monseur de Lude came to me, whom the King for certaine considerations fauored greatly. He was a man much giuen to his owne priuate gaine, and as he cared not to deceiue and abuse any man: so was he also very light of beliefe, and often beguiled himselfe. He had been brought vp with the King from his childhood, & knew which way to feed his humor, and had a very pleasant head. He came and said thus to me (wisely after a iesting maner) what depart you now when you should be made or neuer, seeing the great things that fall daily into the Kings hands, wherewith he may enrich those that he loueth? For my part I looke to be gouernor of Flaunders, and to make my selfe all of golde, in vttering the which words, he brake foorth into great laughter: but I had no lust to laugh bicause I feared that this proceeded of the King. Mine answer was, that I would be right glad if his fortune might be such, and that I trusted the King would not forget me.

A certaine knight of Hainault was come to me not past halfe an hower before my departure, who brought me newes of diuers with whom I had peswaded by letters to put themselues into the Kings seruice. The said knight and I are kinsemen, and he is yet liuing, wherfore neither wil I name him, nor those of whom he brought me this aduertisement. His offer in few words was to yeeld vnto the King the chiefe places and townes in Hainault. Whereof I aduertised the King euen as I was taking my leaue; who after he had talked with the said knight, told me that neither he nor those others whom I named were such as he had need of. He misliked one for this point, and another for that, and their offer seemed vnto him nothing: for he thought to obtaine all that he desired without them. Againe, after my departure the King made Monseur de Lude to commune with the same knight, who was much discontented with the said de Ludes words, and departed incontinent without entring into farther treaty, bicause the said de Lude and he would neuer haue agreed in any point. For whereas this knight was come out of Hainault to get somwhat at the Kings hands whereby to inrich himselfe: the said de Lude at the first meeting asked him what the townes would giue him to commend their cause to the King. I thinke verily that this refusall the King made to these knights proceeded also of God; for since that time he would haue made good account of them if he could haue drawne them to his seruice. But peraduenture God would not accomplish his desire in all points either bicause of the reasons aboue alleaged, or for that he would not suffer him to vsurpe this countrey of Hainault (which is held of the Empire) both bicause he had no title thereunto, and also bicause of the ancient league betweene the Emperors and the Kings of Fraunce, whereof the King himselfe also seemed afterward to take notice. For he held Cambray, le Quesnoy, and Boissi ¹ in Hainault, whereof Boissi he yeelded againe, and restored Cambray being an Imperiall towne to neutralitie as it was before. Athough I my selfe were not present at these actions, yet was I [Page] informed how they passed: for I had good meanes to vnderstand of them bicause I was acquainted, and had been brought vp in both these Princes dominions, and haue since also communed with diuers that were the principall managers of these affaires on both sides.

The Notes.

1 This Boissi libr. 6. cap. 3. he calleth Bouchain: and so out of doubt it should be read heere.

How Master Oliuer the Kings barber failing to execute his enterprise at Gaunt, found meanes to put the Kings forces into Tournay. Chap. 14.

MAster Oliuer (as you haue heard) was gone to Gaunt, and carried letters of credit to the Ladie of Burgundie Duke Charles his daughter, hauing also commission to perswade with hir apart, to put hir selfe into the Kings gouernment ¹. But this was not his principall charge: for he doubted that he should not obtaine leaue to commune with hir apart; and though he did, yet supposed he that he should not frame hir to his request. But his hope was to raise some great tumult in this towne of Gaunt, which hath euer been inclined to rebellion, and was the easier to be mooued thereunto at this present, bicause vnder Duke Philip and Duke Charles they had liued in great awe, and lost diuers priuileges by the treatie made with the said Duke Philip, after their wars with him ended. Duke Charles also had taken one priuilege from them, concerning the election of their Senate, for an offence made the first day he entred into the towne as Duke: whereof bicause I haue made mention before, I will heere write no further. All these reasons encouraged Master Oliuer the Kings barber to proceede in his enterprise, so far foorth that he discouered his purpose to some such of the citizens, as he thought would giue eare vnto him, offering (besides diuers other promises) to cause the King to restore them their priuileges that they had lost. But notwithstanding that he were not in their Towne-house to speake publikely to their Senate, bicause he meant first to assay if he could do any good with this yoong Princesse; yet was his enterprise smelt out: wherefore after he had soiourned a few daies in Gaunt, he was sent for to declare his message; whereupon he repaired to the Princes presence, being apparrelled much more sumptuously than became one of his calling, and deliuered his letters. The said Lady sate in hir chaire of estate, hauing about hir the Duke of Cleues, and the bishop of Liege, with diuers other noble men, and a great number of hir subiects. When she had read hir letter, she commanded him to declare his message. But he answered that he had nothing to say but to hir selfe alone. Whereupon it was told him, that this was not the maner of their countrie, especially to commune in secret with this yoong Lady being vnmarried. But he still continued his former answer, that he had nothing to say but to hir selfe apart. Whereupon they threatened to make him say somwhat else: which words put him in feare. And I thinke verily, that when he came to deliuer his letter, he had not bethought him what to say: for this was not his principal charge, as you haue heard. Thus Master Oliuer departed for this time without further speech. Some of the [Page] Councell began to scorne him, as well bicause of his base estate, as of his foolish speech and behauiour, but especially they of Gaunt (in a little village neere whereunto he was borne) scoffed and derided him, so far foorth that suddenly he fled thence, being aduertised if he staide there any longer, that he should be throwen into the riuer; which I thinke would haue prooued true. The said Master Oliuer named himselfe Earle of Melun, a little towne neere to Paris whereof he was captaine. From Gaunt he fled to Tournay, a towne in that countrie subiect to neither Prince, but maruellously affectioned to the King: for it is his after a sort, and paieth him yeerely sixe thousand franks; but in all other respects liueth in libertie, and receiueth all sorts of men: it is a goodly towne and a strong, as all the inhabitants thereabout can testifie. The churchmen and citizens haue al their possessions and reuenues in Henault and Flaunders, in both the which countries it is situate. Wherefore they vsed alwaies during the long wars betweene King Charles the seuenth and Philip Duke of Burgundie, to pay yeerely vnto the said Duke ten thousand franks; the which summe I haue seene them pay also to Duke Charles: but at the time that Master Oliuer came thither, they were quit of all paiments, and liued in great wealth and quietnes. Although Master Oliuers charge aboue mentioned were too waightie for him to deale in, yet was not he so much to be blamed, as they that committed it to him: for notwithstanding that his enterprise had such successe, as it was euer like to haue; yet shewed he himselfe wise in that he afterward did. For perceiuing the said towne of Tournay to be situate vpon the frontiers of both the countries aboue named, and very commodious to endammage them both, if he could put the Kings forces that lay in those parts into it; and knowing further, that the townes men would neuer consent thereunto, bicause they neuer tooke part with either Prince, but shewed themselues friends indifferently to both: he sent word secretly to Monseur de Mouy (whose sonne was bailife of the town, but not resident there) that he should bring his companie which he had within S. Quintins, and certaine other bands that lay in those quarters, to the towne of Tournay; who at the hower appointed came to the gate, where he found Master Oliuer accompanied with thirtie or fortie persons, who partly by fauor, and partly by force caused the gate to be opened, and receiued the Kings men; wherewith the people of the towne were well ynough contented, but not the gouernors: of whom Master Oliuer sent seuen or eight to Paris, whence they departed not during the Kings life. After these men of armes, entred also diuers other soldiers, who did great harme afterward in the two countries aboue named: for they spoiled and burned many goodly villages and faire farms, more to the dammage of the inhabitants of Tournay, than of any other for the reasons aboue alleaged. To be short, so long they spoiled that the Flemmings arose, and tooke out of prison the Duke of Guelderland (whom Duke Charles had held prisoner) and made him their captaine: and in this estate came before the towne of Tournay, where they lay not long, but fled in great disorder; and lost many of their men, and among the rest the Duke of Gueldres, who had put himselfe behinde to maintaine the skirmish (being euill followed) was there slaine, as afterward you shall heare more at large. Wherefore this honor and good successe that happened to the King, and the great losse his enimies receiued, proceeded of the said Master Oliuers wisedome and iudgement: so that peraduenture a wiser man, and a greater personage than he, might haue failed to atchieue the like enterprise. I haue spoken ynough of the great charge this sage Prince committed to this meane person, vnfit to manage so waightie a cause; onely adding, that it seemed that God had troubled the Kings wits in this behalfe. For, as I said before, if he had not thought this enterprise far easier than indeede it [Page] was; but had appeased his wrath, and laid downe his greedy desire of reuenge vpon this house of Burgundy, vndoubtedly he had held at this day all those Seniories vnder his subiection.

The Notes.

1 The King claimed this Lady as his vvarde, bicause diuers of hir dominions, namely Flaunders, Artois, &c. were held of the crowne of Fraunce: besides that, he was hir godfather, which vvas the cause vvhy he commanded this Oliuer to mooue this request.

Of the ambassadors the Lady of Burgundy daughter to the late Duke Charles sent to the King, and how by meanes of Monseur de Cordes the citie of Arras, the townes of Hedin and Bollein, and the towne of Arras itselfe, were yeelded to the King. Chap. 15.

YOu haue heard how Master VVilliam Bische yeelded Peronne to the King. The said Bische was a man of base parentage, borne at Molins-Engibers in Niuernois; but inriched and greatly aduanced by Duke Charles of Burgundy, who made him captaine of Peronne, bicause his house called Clery (being a strong and goodly castell that the said Bische had purchased) was neere vnto it. But to proceede, after the King had made his entry into the towne, certaine ambassadors came to him from the Lady of Burgundy, being all the greatest and noblest personages that were able to do hir any seruice: which was vnaduisedly done to send so many togither; but such was their desolation and feare, that they wist not well what to say or do. The aboue named ambassadors were these; the Chauncellor of Burgundy called Master VVilliam Hugonet, a notable wise man, who had been in great credit with Duke Charles, and was highly adaunced by him. The Lord of Himbercourt (so often before mentioned in this history) was there also, (who was as wise a gentleman, and as able to manage a waighty cause as euer I knew any) togither with the Lord of la Vere, a great Lord in Zeland, and the Lord of Grutuse, and diuers others as well noble men as church men, and burgesses of good townes. The King before he gaue them audience, trauelled both generally with them all, and apart with euery one of them to draw them to his seruice. They all gaue him humble and lowly words, as men in great feare. Notwithstanding, those that had their possessions far from his dominions in such countries as they thought to be out of his reach, would not binde themselues to him in any respect, vnlesse the mariage betweene his sonne the Daulphin and the said Lady their Mistres tooke effect. But the Chauncellor and the Lord of Himbercourt, who had liued long in great authority, wherein they still desired to continue; and had their lands lying neere to the Kings dominions; the one in the Duchy of Burgundy, the other in Picardy neere to Amiens: gaue eare to his offers, and promised both to serue him in furthering this mariage, and also wholy to become his the mariage being accomplished: which course he liked not (though it were simply the best) but was displeased with them, for that they would not then absolutely enter into his seruice. Notwithstanding he shewed them no countenance of displeasure bicause he would vse their helpe as he might. Moreouer, the King hauing now good [Page] intelligence with Monseur de Cordes captaine and gouernor of Arras, by his counsel and aduise required these ambassadors to cause the said de Cordes to receiue his men into the city of Arras ¹: for at that time there were wals and trenches betweene the towne and the city, but the towne was then fortified against the city ²; and now contrariwise the citie is fortified against the towne. After diuers perswasions vsed to the said ambassadors, that this should be the best and readiest way to obtaine peace in shewing such obedience to the King, they agreed to his demaund, especially the Chauncellor and Himbercourt, and sent a letter of discharge to the said de Cordes, wherein they aduertised him of their consent to the deliuerie of the citie of Arras. Into the which so soone as the King was entred, he raised bulworks of earth against the gates of the towne, and in diuers other places neere to the towne. Further, bicause of this discharge, Monseur de Cordes and the men of war that were with him, departed out of the towne ³, and went whither them listed, and serued where them best liked. And as touching the said de Cordes, he now accounting himselfe discharged of his Mistres seruice, by the ambassadors letters aboue mentioned; determined to do homage to the King, and to enter into his seruice; both bicause his house, name, and armes were on this side the riuer of Somme (for he was called Master Philip of Creuecoeur, second brother to the Lord of Creuecoeur:) and also bicause the territories so often aboue mentioned, which the house of Burgundie had possessed vpon the said riuer of Somme, during the liues of Duke Philip and Duke Charles, returned now without all controuersie to the crowne. For by the conditions of the treatie of Arras, they were giuen to Duke Philip, and his heires males onely. Wherefore seeing Duke Charles left no issue but his daughter, the said Master Philip of Creuecoeur became without all doubt the Kings subiect: so that he could commit no fault by entering into the Kings seruice, and restoring to him that which he held of him, vnlesse he had done homage anew to the Lady of Burgundie. Notwithstanding men haue reported, and will report diuersly of him for this fact: wherefore I leaue the matter to other mens iudgements. True it is that he had beene brought vp, enriched, and aduaunced to great honor by Duke Charles, and that his mother for a certaine space was gouernesse of the Lady of Burgundie in hir childhood: and further, when the Duke of Burgundie died, he was gouernor of Picardie, Seneschall of Ponthieu, Captaine of Contray, gouernor of Peronne, Montdidier and Roye, and Captaine of Bolloin and Hedin. All the which offices he holdeth yet at this present of the King; in such maner and forme, as after the Dukes death the King our Master confirmed them vnto him.

After the King had fortified the citie of Arras (as you haue heard) he departed thence to besiege Hedin, leading thither with him the said de Cordes, who had beene captaine of the place not past three daies before, and his men were yet within it, and made shew as though they would defend it for the Lady of Burgundie, saying; that they had sworne to be true vnto hir: but after the artillerie had beaten it two or three daies they fell to parlament with the said de Cordes their late captaine, and yeelded the towne to the King. But this was indeede a compact matter betweene the King and them. From thence the King went before Bolloin, where the like was also done: but they held, as I remember, a day longer than the others. This was a very dangerous enterprise if there had been soldiers in the countrie; and that the King knew well ynough, as he afterward told me: for diuers in Bolloin, perceiuing this to be a meere collusion between the soldiers and him, trauelled to put men into the towne, if they could haue leuied them in time, and to haue defended it in good earnest. During the space of fiue or sixe daies that the King lay before Bolloin, they of Arras [Page] perceiuing how they had beene abused, and considering in what danger they stood, being enuironed on euery side with a great number of soldiers, and great force of artillery: trauelled to leuy men to put into their town, and write thereabout to their neighbors of Lisle and Douay. At the said towne of Douay was Monseur de Vergy, and diuers others whose names I remember not, with a fewe horsemen escaped out of the battell of Nancy. These determined to enter the towne of Arras, and leuied all the force they could, being to the number of two or three hundred horse good and bad, and fiue or sixe hundred footemen. But they of Douay (whose pecockes feathers were not yet all pulled) constrained them spite of their teeths to depart the towne at noone day, which was great folly, and so came of it. For the countrey beyond Arras is as plaine as a mans hand, and betweene Douay and Arras are about siue leagues. If they had taried till night (as they would if they might haue been suffered) they had sure accomplished their enterprise. But when they were vpon the way, they whom the King left in the city of Arras, namely Monseur de Lude, Iohn de Fou, and the Marshall of Loheacs companie being aduertised of their comming, determined with all speed to issue foorth and encounter them, and to put all in hazard rather then to suffer them to enter the towne: for they well perceiued that if they entered the towne, the city could not be defended. Their enterprise was verie dangerous, yet they executed it valiantly, and put to flight this band issued out of Douay; the which also they so speedily pursued, that they were all in a maner either slaine or taken, and amongst the prisoners was Monseur de Vergy himselfe. The next day the King arriued there in person, reioicing much because of this discomfiture, and caused all the prisoners to be brought before him, and of the footemen commanded a great number to be slaine, to put thereby those few men of war yet remaining in those quarters, into the greater feare. Moreouer, Monseur de Vergy he kept long in prison, bicause he would by no meanes be brought to do him homage; notwithstanding that he lay in close prison & in irons: But in the end hauing been prisoner a yeere and more, by his mothers perswasion he yeelded to the Kings pleasure; wherein he did wisely. For the King restored him to all his lands, and al those he was in sute for. He gaue him farther ten thousand franks of yeerely reuenewes, and diuers other goodly offices. They which escaped out of this discomfiture, being verie fewe in number entred the towne, before the which the King brought his artillerie and laide his batterie. The artillery was goodly and great, and the batterie terrible; but the towne wall and the ditch nothing strong: wherefore they within were in great feare, the rather bicause the town was vtterly vnfurnished of soldiers. Furher, Monseur de Cordes had intelligence within it; & to say the truth, the citie being in the Kings hands the towne could not be defended: wherefore they fell to parlament and yeelded it by composition, which notwithstanding was euil obserued; wherof Monseur de Lude was partly to blame. For diuers burgesses and honest men were slaine in the presence of him and Master VVilliam de Cerisay, who maruellously inriched themselues there: for the said de Lude told me that he got during the time of his being there twenty thousand crownes, and two timbers of Marterns. Moreouer, they of the towne lent the King 60000. crownes, which summe was much too great for their abilitie; but I thinke it was repaied them, for they of Cambray lent 40000. which I am sure were restored, as I thinke were these also.

The Notes.

1 This request the King made as Tutor and Godfather to the yoong Ladie, in which respect also the said ambassadors did as he required.

[Page] 2 Arras was cut in two, to wit into the towne and the citie; the towne vnder the Dukes of Burgundie was fortified and the dravve bridge was drawen into the towne: but the King beat downe the fortification of the towne, and fortified the citie, and altered also the drawe bridge, and drew it vp into the ccitie, whereas before it was drawen vp into the towne.

3 If the King had demanded the towne of Arras, the ambassadors would neuer haue granted it, bicause it was the whole strength of the countrey: but by obtaining the citie (at that time not greatly accompted of bicause it was vtterly vnfortified,) he got the said de Cordes discharge, who soone after procured him both the towne of Arras, and the greatest part of the countrey of Artois.

4 For they vvere vvilling to yeeld it, but bicause they vvould depart like souldiers, and vvithout suspicion of treason they desired to haue the cannon brought before it.

How the citizens of Gaunt hauing vsurped authority ouer their Princesse after hir fathers death, came in ambassage to the King, as from the three estates of their countrey. Chap. 16.

THe same time the siege lay before Arras, the Ladie of Burgundie was at Gaunt in the hands of hir mutinous subiects greatly to hir losse; but to the Kings profit: for alwaies ones losse is an others gaine. These citizens of Gaunt so soone as they vnderstood of Duke Charles his death, thinking themselues thereby cleerely deliuered out of captiuitie: apprehended their Senators being to the number of sixe and twenty, and put them all or the greatest part to death; pretending that they did it bicause the said Senators the day before had commanded one to be beheaded, though not without desert, yet without authority (as they said,) their commission being determined with the Dukes death, by whom they were chosen into that office. They slew also diuers honest men of the towne that had beene the Dukes freinds; amongst whom were some, that when I serued him disswaded him in my presence from destroying a great parte of the towne of Gaunt, which he was fullie resolued to haue done. Further, they constrained their Princes to confirm al their ancient priuileges, both those they lost in the time of Duke Philip by the treatie of Gauures, & those also that Duke Charles tooke from them. The said priuileges serued them onely for firebrands of rebellion against their Princes, whom aboue all things they desire to see weake and feeble. Moreouer during their Princes minoritie, and before they begin to gouerne, they are maruellous tender ouer them; but when they are come to the gouernment they cannot away with them, as appeereth by this Ladie whom they loued deerely and much tendered before hir comming to the state. Further, you shall vnderstand that if after the Dukes death these men of Gaunt had raised no troubles, but had sought to defend the countrey: they might easily haue put men into Arras, and peraduenture into Peronne; but they minded onely these domesticall broiles. Notwithstanding while the King laie before the towne of Arras, certaine ambassadors came to him from the three estates of the said Ladies countries. For at Gaunt were certaine deputies for the three estates, but they of the towne ordered all at their pleasure, bicause they held their Princesse in their hands. The King gaue these ambassadors audience, who among other things, said: that they made no ouerture of peace; [Page] but with consent of their Princesse; who was determined in all matters to follow the aduise and counsell of the three estates of hir countrie. Further, they required the King to end his war in Burgundie and Artois, and to appoint a day when they might meete to treate friendly togither of peace; and in the meane time that he would cause a surcease of armes. The King had now in a maner obtained all he desired, and hoped well of the rest. For he was certainly informed, that most of the men of war in the countrie were dead and slaine, and knew well that a great manie others had forsaken the said Ladies seruice, especiallie Monseur de Cordes, of whom he made great reckoning, and not without cause; for he could not haue taken by force in long time, that which by his intelligence he obtained in few daies, as before you haue heard: wherefore he made small account of these ambassadors demaunds. Further, he perceiued these men of Gaunt to be such seditious persons, and so inclined to trouble the state of their countrie, that his enimies by meanes thereof should not be able to aduise, nor giue order how to resist him. For of those that were wise, and had been in credit with their former Princes, none were called to the debating of any matter of state, but persecuted, and in danger of death: especially the Burgundians whom they hated extremely, bicause of their great authoritie in times past. Moreouer, the King (who sawe further into these affaires than any man in his realme) knew well what affection the citizens of Gaunt had euer borne to their Princes, and how much they desired to see them affeebled; so that they in their countrie felt no smart thereof. Wherefore he thought it best to nourish their domesticall contentions, and to set them further by the eares togither; which was soone done: for these whom he had to do with, were but beasts; most part of them townes men vnacquainted with those subtill practises, wherein he had been trained vp, and could vse for his purpose, better than any man liuing.

The King laide hold vpon these words of the ambassadors, that their Princesse would do nothing without the consent and aduise of the three estates of their countrie, and answered that they were euill informed of hir pleasure, and of certaine particular men about hir: for he knew very perfectly, that she meant to gouerne all hir affaires by the aduise of certaine particular persons, who desired nothing lesse than peace: and as touching them and their actions, he was well assured they should be disaduowed. Whereunto the ambassadors (being not a little mooued, as men vnacquainted with great affaires) made a hot answer, that they were well assured of that they said, and would shew their instructions, if neede so required. Whereunto answer was made, that they should see a letter, if it so pleased the King, written by parties woorthie of credit, wherein the King was aduertised, that the said Lady would gouerne hir affaires by fower persons onely. Whereunto the others replied, that they were sure of the contrarie. Then the King commanded a letter to be brought foorth, which the Chauncellor of Burgundie, and the Lord of Himbercourt deliuered him at their last being with him at Peronne. The said letter was written partly with the yoong Ladies owne hand; partly by the Dowager of Burgundie Duke Charles his widow, and sister to King Edward of England; and partly by the Lord of Rauastain brother to the Duke of Cleues, and the said yoong Ladies neerest kinsman: so that it was written with three seuerall hands, but signed with the name of the yoong Lady alone; for the other twaine set to their hands onely to giue it the greater credit. The contents of the letter were, to desire the King to giue credit to those things, whereof the Chauncellor and Himbercourt should aduertise him. And further, it was therein signified vnto him, that she was resolued to gouerne all hir affaires by fower persons; namely, the Dowager hir mother in law, the Lord of Rauastain, & the aboue named [Page] Chauncellor and Himbercourt, by whom onely and none others, she humbly besought him to negotiate with hir; bicause vpon them she would repose the whole gouernment of hir affaires.

When these citizens of Gaunt, and the other ambassadors had seene this letter, it heated them throughly; and I warrant you those that negotiated with them, failed not to blowe the fire. In the end the letter was deliuered them, and no other dispatch of importance had they, neither passed they greatly of any other: for they thought onely vpon their domesticall diuisions, and how to make a new world, neuer looking further into this busines; notwithstanding that the losse of Arras ought to haue greeued them much more than this letter: but they were townes men (as I said before) vnacquainted with these affaires. They returned straight to Gaunt where they found their Princesse accompanied with the Duke of Cleues, hir neerest kinsman, and of hir blood by his mother ¹: he was an ancient man, brought vp continually in this house of Burgundy, where he receiued a yeerely pension of sixe thousand guildons; wherefore besides that he was their kinsman, he resorted thither ofttimes as a pensioner to do his dutie. The Bishop of Liege and diuers noble men were there also, partly to wait vpon this yoong Lady, and partly for their owne particular affaires. For the said Bishop entertained a sute there to discharge his countrey of a paiment of thirtie thousand guildons or thereabout, which they gaue yeerly to Duke Charles by the treatie they made with him, when the wars aboue mentioned ended. All the which wars began for the said Bishops quarrell, so that there was no cause why he should mooue this sute; but rather seeke to keepe them still in pouertie; for he receiued no benefit there more than of his spirituall iurisdiction and of his demaines, (which also were but small ² in respect of the wealth of his countrey, and the greatnes of his dioces.) The said Bishop (brother to the Dukes of Bourbon Iohn, and Peter now liuing) being a man wholie giuen to pleasures and good cheere, and little knowing what was profitable or vnprofitable for himselfe: receiued into his seruice Master VVilliam de la Marche ³, a goodly valiant knight, but cruell and of naughtie conditions; who had been enimy of long time both to the said Bishop and also to the house of Burgundie for the Liegeois cause. To this de la Marche the Ladie of Burgundie gaue fifteene thousand guildons, partly in fauor of the Bishop, and partly to haue him hir friend: but he soone after reuolted both from hir and from the said Bishop his Master, and attempted by force through the Kings fauor to make his owne sonne Bishop. Afterward also he discomfited the said Bishop in battell, slewe him with his owne hands, and threw him into the riuer, where his dead corps floted vp and down three daies. But the Duke of Cleues was come thither in hope to make a mariage betweene his eldest sonne and the said Lady, which seemed to him a verie fit match for diuers respects; and sure I thinke it had taken effect if his sonnes conditions had liked the yoong Ladie and his seruants: for he was descended of this house of Burgundie, and held his Duchie of it, and had been brought vp in it; but peraduenture it did him harme that his behauior was so well knowen there.

The Notes.

1 This Duke of Cleues vvas called Iohn, vvhose father Adolph had married Marie sister to Duke Philip of Burgundie. Meyer lib. 17. pag. 257. but Annal. Burgund. saie that Adolph was sonne to one of Duke Philips sisters, but corruptly, as the pedegree in the end of this vvorke vvill declare.

2 The Bishop of Liegeois reuenevves are nine thousand pound starling. Guicchiar.

[Page] 3 This de la Marche vvas named Aremberg, hovv he died after this murther reade Berlandus, fol. 77.

How they of Gaunt after their ambassadors returne, put to death the Chauncellor Hugonet, and the Lord of Himbercourt against their Princesses will, and how they and other Flemmings were discomfited before Tournay, and their generall the Duke of Gueldres slaine. Chap. 17.

NOw to proceede in the historie. After these ambassadors were returned to Gaunt, the councel was assembled, and the Princesse sate in hir chaire of estate, accompanied with all hir noble men, to giue them audience. Then the ambassadors made rehearsall of the commission she gaue them, touching principally that point that serued for their purpose, and saying that when they aduertised the King, that she was determined to followe in all points the aduise and counsell of the three estates of hir countrey: he foorthwith answered that he was sure of the contrarie, and bicause they auowed their saying, offered to shew the said Ladies letters in that behalfe. The Princesse being therewith mooued, suddenly answered in the presence of them all that it was not so, assuring hirselfe that the King had not shewed hir letter. Then he that spake being Recorder of Gaunt or Brucels, drew the letter out of his bosome before the whole assemblie and deliuered it hir. Wherein he shewed himselfe a lewde fellow and an vnciuill in dishonoring openly after such a sort this yoong Ladie, who ought not so rudely to haue been delt with: for though she had committed an error; yet was it not publikely to be reformed. It is no maruell if she were greatly ashamed thereof; for she had protested the contrarie to the whole worlde. The Dowager of Burgundie, the Lord of Rauastain, the Chauncellor, and the Lord of Himbercourt were all fower there present also.

The Duke of Cleues and diuers others who had beene put in hope of this yoong Ladies marriage, stormed maruellously at this letter, & then began their factions to breake foorth. The said Duke was euer perswaded heeretofore that Hymbercourt would further his sute for his sonne: but now perceiuing by this letter his hope to be frustrate, he became his mortall foe ¹. The Bishop of Liege, and his minion Master VVilliam de la Marche who was there with him, loued him not for the things done at Liege, whereof the said Hymbercourt had beene the chiefe instrument. The Earle of Saint Paule sonne to the Constable of Fraunce, hated both him and the Chancellor; bicause they two deliuered his father at Peronne to the Kings seruants, as before you haue heard at large. They of Gaunt also hated them both, not for any offence made, but bicause of the great authoritie they had borne: whereof vndoubtedly they were as woorthie as any man that liued in their time, either heere or there; for they were euer true and faithfull seruants to their Master.

To be short, the same day at night that this letter was shewed, the aboue named Chancellor and Hymbercourt through the furtherance as I am perswaded of their enimies aboue named, were apprehended by the citizens of Gaunt, which danger [Page] notwithstanding that they were forewarned of by their friends; yet had they not power to auoid, as it hath often happened to diuers others. With them was also apprehended M. VVilliam of Clugny then Bishop of Therouenne, & since of Poictiers; and all three imprisoned in one place. They of Gaunt proceeded against them by colour of processe (contrarie to their accustomed maner in their reuenge) and appointed certaine of their Senate to heare their cause: with whom they ioined in commission one of this house of La Marche, deadly enimie to the said Himbercourt. First they demaunded of them, why they caused Monseur de Cordes to deliuer the citie of Arras to the King, but thereupon they stood not long; notwithstanding that they had nothing else iustly to charge them with. But this was not it that grieued them: for neither cared they to see their Prince affeebled by the losse of such a towne; neither had they the wit to consider what great damage might ensue thereof to themselues in tract of time. Wherefore they rested chiefly vpon two points ²; the first, they charged them that they had receiued bribes of the towne of Gaunt, namely for a sute in law, which of late the said towne had obtained by their sentence pronounced by the said Chauncellor, against a particular man whom they had in sute. But of all this matter of briberie, they acquited themselues very honorably; and as concerning that particular point where they of Gaunt charged them, that they had sold iustice, and taken monie of them to pronounce sentence on their behalfe: they answered, that the towne of Gaunt obtained their sute, bicause their cause was good; and as touching the monie they tooke, they neuer demanded it, nor caused it to be demanded, but receiued it being offered. The second point was, that during the time they were with the late Duke Charles their Master, and also being his lieutenants in his absence, they had done diuers things against the priuileges and state of their towne, and that whosoeuer doth against the priuileges of Gaunt, ought to die. But this point touched them no whit: for they were neither their subiects nor citizens, neither able to infringe their priuileges; and if the Duke or his father tooke any of their priuileges from them, they did it by the treatie made betweene them, after their long wars and diuisions: but the others that were left them (being more than was requisite for their profit) were neuer broken, but kept and obserued. Well, notwithstanding the answers these two notable men made to these two points (for of the principall matter first obiected against them, no word was spoken) yet the Senate of the towne condemned them to die as they stood at the barre, bicause (as they said) they had broken their priuileges, and receiued bribes after iudgement giuen vpon the matter in law aboue mentioned. These two woorthie personages hearing this cruell sentence, were not a little astonished, and no maruell: for they saw no way how to escape, being in their enimies hands: notwithstanding they appealed to the King and his court of Parlament, trusting by this meanes to delay their death, to the end their friends in the meane time might deuise some way to saue them. Before their arrainment, they racked them extremely against all order of law. Their processe endured but sixe daies, and (notwithstanding their appeale) after sentence pronounced, they gaue them but three howers respite to confesse them, and bethinke them of their soules health. Which time expired, they led them into their market place, and set them vpon a scaffold. The Ladie of Burgundie (afterward Duchesse of Austrich) being aduertised of their condemnation, went to the townehouse to make request and supplication for their liues: but perceiuing that she could do no good there, she went to the market place, where all the people were assembled togither in armes, and there saw the two noble men aboue named, standing vpon the scaffold. The said Lady was in hir mourning apparell, hauing nothing on hir head but a [Page] kerchiefe, which was an humble and simple attire) and ought of right to haue mooued them to pitie. There she desired the people with weeping eies, and hir haire loose about hir shoulders, to haue pitie vpon these hir two seruants, and to restore them vnto hir. A great part of the people were willing that hir pleasure should be done, and that they should not die; but others would in no wise giue eare vnto hir: whereupon they bent their pikes the one against the other. But those that desired their death were the stronger, and cried to them that stood vpon the scaffold to dispatch them; immediately whereupon both their heads were striken off: and in this estate returned this poore Lady to hir court sorrowfull and comfortlesse; for these two were the principall persons, in whom she had reposed hir whole confidence. After they of Gaunt had done this exploit, they remooued from about the said Lady, the Lord of Rauastain, and the Dowager Duke Charles widow hir mother in law, bicause they had also written part of the letter aboue mentioned, which Himbercourt and the Chauncellor deliuered to the King, and they of Gaunt redeliuered to their Princesse after their returne, as before you haue heard. Further, they vsurped all power and authoritie ouer this poore yoong Lady: for so might she now well be called, both bicause of the great dammage she had already receiued by the losse of so many notable townes, irrecouerable by force, considering his power in whose hands they were, although by fauor, friendship, or composition some hope yet remained; and also bicause she was in the hands of the ancient enimies and persecutors of hir house, which was a great misfortune to hir. Notwithstanding these citizens of Gaunt in all their publike actions haue euer shewed more grosse folly than cunning, and no maruell: for they that carrie credit and authoritie among them, are for the most part, wealthie men of occupation, vnacquainted with waightie affaires, and little vnderstanding what belongeth to the gouernment of a state. Their cunning consisteth but in two points; the one, that they studie by all meanes possible how to weaken and impouerish their Prince: the other, that when they haue made a fault, and finde the partie offended too strong for them, they craue pardon with greater humilitie, and buie peace with larger gifts than any people in the world; yea and know what instruments to worke by, and what persons to labour for obtaining of peace, better than any towne that euer I knew.

After they of Gaunt had taken by force the gouernment of their Princesse, put the two aboue mentioned to death, and remooued from about hir those that misliked them; they began euery where to place and displace officers at their pleasure, and to banish and spoile all those that had best serued this house of Burgundy, not regarding their good or euill desert: but aboue all other men they hated the Burgundians, especially so far foorth that they banished them all, and trauelled to make them the Kings seruants and subiects as much as the King himselfe did, who sollicited them thereunto by faire words, wise perswasions, large gifts and promises, and sought also to constraine them by great force which he had in their countrey. Moreouer these men of Gaunt meaning to begin their gouernment with some case of noueltie, tooke out of prison (as alreadie is mentioned) the Duke of Gueldres, who of long time by Duke Charles his commandement had been held prisoner for the causes aboue rehearsed, and him they made generall of an army which they among themselues, namely the townes of Bruges, Gaunt, and Ypre, leuied and sent to Tournay to set fire on the subburbes thereof, which was little for their Princesse profit. For 200. soldiers sent in time to Arras or ten thousand franks to haue entertained men to put into it, when the siege came before it; would haue done both hir and them much more seruice than ten such armies as this. For this army could do no [Page] good but fire a fewe houses in a place, whereof the King made small account: for he leuied neither taskes nor subsidies there, but their wit was not able to reach thus far. After the Duke of Gueldres was come before Tournay with this armie being to the number of twelue or fifteene thousand men, verie well paid by the townes abouementioned, he set fire on the suburbs. But within the towne were three or fower hundred men of armes which sallied out and charged his men on the backe as they retired, & incontinent put them to flight. But the D. himselfe being a valiant Prince, turned against his enimies meaning to maintaine the skirmish, to the end his men might haue leasure to retire: but being euil followed he was ouerthrowne and slaine, and a good number also of this people; yet was the Kings force that did this exploit verie small. The Flemmings armie retired with this losse, for there was but one band of them defeated. The Ladie of Burgundy (as I haue heard) and hir friends reioised much at this newes; for the brute ran for a certaintie that they of Gaunt were determined to compell hir by force to marrie this Duke of Gueldres, which willingly she would neuer haue done for diuers reasons aboue rehearsed.

The Notes.

1 VVith the letter the King had also vttered the message, that the Chauncellor and Him [...]rcourt brought, vvhich vvas to treat of a mariage betweene the Daulphin and this Lady, which also they offered the King to further; and this vvas the cause vvhy the Duke of Cleues became Himbercourts enimie.

2 The causes of the Chauncellors and Himbercourts death, read in Berlandus fol. 69.

A discourse vpon this point that wars and diuisions are permitted of God for the chastisment of Princes and euill people, with diuers good reasons and examples for the instruction of Princes, which happened in the authors time. Chap. 18.

I Cannot imagine for what cause God hath so long preserued this towne of Gaunt, the fountaine of so many mischiefes, and of so small importance for the benefit of the countrey where it is situate. For it yeeldeth no commoditie to the common wealth, much lesse to the Prince: neither is it comparable to Bruges, which is a place where there is greater trafficke of merchandise and resort of strangers in my opinion, than in any towne in Europe; so that the destruction thereof should be an irrecouerable losse. But it seemeth that God hath created nothing in this world neither man nor beast, without an enimie to hold it in feare and humilitie; and for that purpose serueth this towne of Gaunt very well ¹. For there is no countrie in Christendome more inclined to all wanton pleasures, pomps and delicacies than this countrie of Flaunders, notwithstanding they are good Christians there, and serue and honor God well. But it is not this nation onely, to whom God hath giuen as it were a continuall pricke, to put them in minde of their dutie: For to Fraunce he hath giuen the English men for enimies; to the English men the Scots; to the realme of Spaine Portugale, I will not say Granado: for they are enimies of the faith; notwithstanding hitherto the said countrie of Granado hath much troubled and endammaged the realme of Castile. Against the Princes of Italie, the greatest part of the which hold their lands by no [Page] title, vnles it be giuen them in heauen (whereof we can but diuine) and who rule cruelly and violently ouer their subiects by extreme exactions and leuies of monie: God hath raised vp the free states of the said countrie, namely Venice, Florence, Genua, and somtime Bononia, Senes, Pisa, Luques, and others, which in diuers points are contrarie to the Princes, and the Princes to them, each of them hauing an eie vpon other, that none grow too great. But to speake more particularly of the state of Italie; against the house of Arragon God hath raised the house of Aniou; against the Sforces (which vsurpe the place of the Vicounts in the Duchie of Milan) the house of Orleans; against the Venetians, the Princes of Italie, as before I haue said, and besides them the Florentines; against the Florentines their neighbors of Senes, Pisa, and the Genuois; and against the said Genuois their owne euill gouernment, and want of faith each to other, which is so vniuersally knowen, that euery man can tell thereof: for their factions are in league the one against the other, as appeereth by the Fourgouze ², Adorni, d'Orie, and others. Now to speake of Almaine; you haue alwaies the house of Austriche and Bauiere at variance, and particularly them of Bauiere diuided among themselues. In like maner the house of Austriche hath particularly opposite to it the Swissers; the beginning of which their variance arose but about a little village called Swisse ³, vnable to arme sixe hundred men, whereof the other Swissers beare their name; who are now so increased, that two of the Duke of Austriches best towns, namely Zurich and Fribourg be of their cantons. Moreouer, they haue obtained great victories, and slaine of the Dukes of Austrich in the field ⁴. Diuers other quarrels also there are in Almaine, as the Duke of Cleues against the Duke of Gueldres; the Dukes of Gueldres against the Dukes of Iulliers: the Easterlings who inhabite so far northward, against the Kings of Denmarke. And to speake generally of Almaine, there are so many strong places there, so many men inclined to mischiefe, to spoile, to rob, and that vse force & violence one against another vpon small occasions, that it is woonder to see: for a man that is able to maintaine but himselfe and his seruant, will proclaime war against a great citie or a Duke, that vnder colour thereof he may the better rob and spoile: for he will haue some small castell situate vpon a rocke to retire into, where he entertaineth twentie or thirtie horsemen, which run downe to rob and spoile the countrie at his commandement. These men are very seldome punished by the Princes of Almaine, bicause they vse their helpe when they neede their seruice: but the townes, if they take any of them, punish them cruelly, and often besiege and destroy their castels. Further, the said townes haue soldiers alwaies in pay for their defence. Wherefore it seemeth that these Princes and townes of Almaine are preserued, the one to force the other to that is right and good. And it is necessarie that such diuisions should be not onely there, but through the whole world. I haue hitherto spoken but of Europe; for I am not well informed of Asia and Affrike: yet we heare that they are diuided and make war one vpon another as we do, yea after a much beastlier sort. For I know in this part of Afrike bordering vpon vs, diuers places where they sell one another to the Christians, as also well appeereth by the Portugales, who haue bought and daily do buie of them manie slaues. But I doubt how well we may vpbraid this to the Sarracens, sith in some part of Christendome they do the like: notwithstanding those countries are either vnder the Turks dominion, or next neighbors to him; as for example some part of Greece.

It seemeth then that such diuisions are requisite through the whole world, and that these pricks and stings before spoken of which God hath giuen euery estate, and in a maner euery particular person, are necessarie. And surely for mine owne opinion [Page] (speaking as a man vnlearned, and one that will maintaine no opinion not to be maintained) I thinke they are necessarie indeed, especially bicause of the beastlines of some Princes, and the wickednes of othersome, who hauing wit and experience sufficient, do notwithstanding abuse it. For a Prince or any other man of what estate or condition soeuer he be, hauing power and authoritie where he dwelleth ouer the rest, if he be learned & haue seen and read much, is thereby either much amended or empaired, for much learning maketh the euill woorse, and bettereth the good ⁵: Notwithstanding, it is to be presumed that learning rather amendeth a man than empaireth him: for if men be but ashamed of themselues when they know they do euill, it sufficeth either to keepe them altogither from doing euill ⁶, or at the least from doing so much euill as otherwise they would. For although they be not good indeed, yet shame wil cause thē to make a shew of goodnes: wherof I haue seen diuers examples of great personages, whom learning oftentimes hath withdrawen from doing euil, ioined with the fear of Gods punishments, wherof they haue more vnderstanding than ignorant men which neuer sawe nor read any thing. Wherfore those Princes that know not themselues, but lacke wit, either bicause they haue been euill brought vp, or bicause nature hath graffed follie in them, can neuer vnderstand how far the power and authoritie extendeth that God hath giuen them ouer their subiects. For they neuer read it themselues, neither are informed by them that know it; nay few that vnderstand it are admitted to their presence; and if some one be, yet dare he not instruct them in it for feare of displeasure; or if happily at any time he put them in minde thereof no man will abide him, at the least he shall be accounted but a foole, paraduenture also it may be taken in euill part, and so turne him to displeasure. But to proceede, it is manifest that neither naturall reason, neither knowledge, neither feare of God, neither loue towards our neighbor, is sufficient to keepe vs from vsing violence against others, from withholding other mens goods, nor from rauishing by all meanes possible that which appartaineth to others. For if great Princes withhold townes and castels from their kinsfolkes or neighbors, none of these reasons can mooue them to restore them: and after they haue giuen foorth some colour or forged some pretence to withhold them, all their subiects commend their proceedings, at the least such as are neere about them, and hunt after their fauor. Of meane persons that be at variance I speake not, for they haue a superior who somtimes doth iustice to the parties, at the least he that hath a good cause, and followeth it earnestly, and defendeth it stoutly, and spendeth frankly, shall in processe of time haue right, vnlesse the Court, that is to say, the Princes authoritie vnder whom he liueth, be against him. Wherefore it appeereth most manifestly, that God is constrained and forced as it were of necessitie to shew many examples among vs, and to beate vs with many rods, bicause of our negligence, or rather wickednes: but in Princes especially negligence and ignorance is very dangerous, and much to be lamented, bicause the good or euill gouernment of their Seniories dependeth wholy vpon them. For if a Prince being mighty and hauing a number of soldiers in ordinarie, by whose meanes he leuieth great sums of money at his pleasure, as well to pay them, as to spend in all kinde of wantonnes not necessary, will diminish none of this foolish and excessiue expences; further if all men seeke to flatter him, and no man dare shewe him what is good, either for feare of displeasure, or bicause he knoweth it will not preuaile: who can redresse this inconuenience but God alone? True it is, that God talketh not to men now as in times past, neither are there Prophets now a daies by whose mouth he speaketh: but his word is dispersed through the whole world, and well inough knowne to all those that will vnderstand and know it; so that [Page] no man can excuse himselfe by ignorance, at the least none that haue had space and time to liue & are indued with natural wit. How shall those Princes then escape that gouerne their Seniories after such sort, that by force they leuy what they list, and by tyrannie maintaine their authoritie, and hold their subiects in so great thraldome, that the least commandement they giue toucheth life? Some punish vnder colour of iustice, and haue lawyers euer at hand ready in all points to execute their commandements, and to make a deadly sinne of a veniall. If they haue not matter inough against a man, they finde meanes to delay the hearing of the cause, or the taking of the depositions to hold the partie still in prison, or to vndoo him by charges, waiting continually if any man will come to accuse him that is thus held in prison, and to whom they wish euill. If this way be not colourable inough, nor speedy inough for their purpose, they deuise other readier waies alleaging that it was necessarie to do thus and thus for examples sake, and make the case as hainous as pleaseth them: with others that hold of them and be of some power, they go more plainly to worke, saying, thou dost against thine allegeance thou owest me, thou disobeiest me, and so proceede by force to take from him that is his if they can, (if they do not, it is no thanke to them) causing him to liue in great trouble and vnquietnes. Their neighbors that be strong and mighty they meddle not with; but if any be weake, he can rest no where for them: for either they say that he hath aided their enimies, or they make their men of armes to liue in his countries, or buie quarrels to haue colour to assault him, or finde some occasion to destroy him by aiding his neighbor against him, and lending him forces to inuade him. Such of their subiects as haue beene in authoritie, and serued well their predecessors, they put out of office bicause they liue too long, and place newe men in their roomes. The Church men they encomber and trouble about their benefices, to the ende they may thereby wring some thing from them to enrich some one of their darlings, at the sute eftsoones of those that haue not deserued it, and at the request of such men and women as at times can preuaile much with them. The nobilitie they hold in continuall trauell and charge vnder colour of their wilfull wars, which they take in hand without the counsell or aduise of their estates, and of such as they ought to make priuie thereunto before they attempt them: for these they be that spend both goods and liues in the wars: wherefore it is reason they should vnderstand the cause of them before they begun. Their subiects they poule in such sort that they leaue them nothing; for notwithstanding that they pay them taskes and subsidies aboue their abilitie: yet seeke they not to redresse the disorder of their men of armes, which liue continually vpon their people without paiement, dooing besides infinite mischiefes and iniuries as all the world knoweth. For they are not contented with such cheere as they finde in the husband mans house and is set before them; but beat also the poore men, and constraine them to go foorth to buie them wine, bread, and victuals: and if the good man haue a faire wife or a daughter, he shall do wisely to keepe hir out of their sight. Notwithstanding, seeing these men of armes are duly paied, this inconuenience might easily be redressed, and order giuen that their paie should be made at euery two moneths ende at the furthest; so should they not be able to alleage any pretence of their mischieuous dooings vnder colour that they want paie: for the money is leuied, and at the yeeres ende there is not one penie owing them. I speake this for our realme which is more afflicted and plagued with these men of armes than any other countrey that I knowe. But none can redresse this matter but a wise Prince: other realmes bordering vpon vs haue other scourges. Wherefore to continue this discourse, is there any King or Prince that hath [Page] power to leuy one penie vpon his subiects besides his demaines, without leaue and consent of those that must paie it, vnlesse it be by tyrannie and violence? A man will say that somtime the Prince can not tarie to assemble his estates, bicause it would require too long time. Whereunto I answer, that if he mooue a war offensiue, there needeth no such haste: for he may haue leasure inough at his owne pleasure to make preparation. And further, he shall be much stronger and much more feared of his enimies, when he mooueth war with the consent of his subiects than otherwise. Now as touching a war defensiue, that cloud is seene long before the tempest fall, especially when it is forraine war; and in this case good subiects ought not to complaine, nor refuse any thing that is laid vpon them. Notwithstanding such inuasion cannot happen so suddenly, but that the Prince may haue leasure at the least to call togither certaine wise personages, to whom he may open the causes of the war, vsing no collusion therein, neither seeking to maintaine a trifling war vpon no necessitie, thereby to haue some colour to leuy money. Money is also necessarie in time of peace to fortifie the frontiers for defence of those that dwell vpon them, least they be taken vnprouided; but this must be done measurably. In all these matters the wisedome of a sage King sufficeth; for if he be a iust Prince, he knoweth what he may do, and not do, both by Gods law and mans. To be short, in mine opinion of all Seniories in the world that I know; the realme of England is the countrey where the common wealth is best gouerned, the people least oppressed, and the fewest buildings and houses destroied in ciuill wars, and alwaies the lot of misfortune falleth vpon them that be authors of the war.

Our King is the Prince in the whole world that hath least cause to alleage that he hath priuileges to leuy what him listeth vpon his subiects, considering that neither he nor any other Prince hath power so to do. And those that say he hath, do him no honor, neither make him to be esteemed any whit the mightier Prince thereby; but cause him to be hated and feared of his neighbors, who for nothing woulde liue vnder such a gouernment. But if our King or those that seeke to magnifie and extol him should say, I haue so faithfull and obedient subiects that they deny me nothing I demand, and I am more feared, better obeied, and better serued of my subiects than any other Prince liuing, they endure patiently whatsoeuer I lay vpō them, and soonest forget all charges past: This me thinke (yea I am sure) were greater honor to the King than to say; I leuy what me listeth, and haue priuileges so to do, which I will stoutly maintaine. King Charles the fift vsed no such termes, neither did I euer heare such language proceede from any King, but from diuers of their seruants, who thought they did their Masters great seruice in vttring such speeches: but in mine opinion they misbehaued themselues towards their Prince, and vsed such language partly bicause they would seeme to be good seruants, and partly bicause they knew not what they said. But for a manifest proofe of the French mens loialty and obedience to their Prince, we neede alleage none other example than that we our selues haue seene of late by experience; when the three estates were assembled at Tours, after the death of our Master King Lewis the eleuenth, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1483. A man might then haue thought that this good assembly was dangerous for the Kings estate; yea, and diuers there were of meane calling, and lesse honesty, that said then and haue often said since, that it is treason to make mention of assembling the estates, and a thing tending to the diminishing of the Kings authority: but they themselues are those that worke treason against God, the King, and the common wealth; neither do any vse these speeches but either such as are in authority without desert and vnwoorthy thereof; or such [Page] as are common tale-carriers, and accustomed to talke of trifling matters; or such as feare great assemblies, least their doings should there be ripped vp and reprehended. At this assembly I now speake of, all men of what estate soeuer they were, thought the realme much weakned and impouerished, bicause it had paied by the space of 20. yeeres or more great and excessiue subsidies; yea so great, that they surmounted yeerely by the summe almost of three millions of francks all subsidies that euer were leuied in Fraunce. For King Charles the seuenth leuied yeerely but eighteene hundred thousand franks ⁷: but King Levvis his sonne leuied at his death seauen and fortie hundred thousand ⁸, besides the charges of the artillerie and such like expences. And sure it was a pitifull thing to behold the miserable estate of the poore people. But one good propertie had the King our Master, that he hoorded vp no treasure, he tooke all and spent all, and bestowed more vpon fortification of towns and places for the defence of his realme, than all his predecessors ioined togither. He gaue also much to churches, but in some respects he had done better to haue giuen lesse: for he tooke from the poore to giue to them that had no need. But there is no man perfect in the whole world.

Well to proceed. Notwithstanding that this realme were so impouerished and oppressed diuers waies: did the people yet after the King our Masters death raise any sedition against the K. that now is? the nobilitie and commons tooke they armes against their yoong King? went they about to chuse an other? sought they to diminishe his authoritie, or to bridle him that he should not vse the authoritie of a King? I thinke no, and to say the truth how could they? though diuers glorious fooles said they might. But his subiects did cleane contrarie; for they all repaired to him, as well the Princes, as the gentlemen and Burgesses of good townes: they all acknowledged him for their King, and did him homage and fealtie, and the Princes and nobilitie presented their requests in writing, humbly kneeling vpon their keenes. Further, they chose among themselues a counsell of twelue men, and the King being but thirteen yeeres of age commanded vpon report of the said counsell. Moreouer at this assemblie certaine supplications were made, and bils exhibited in the presence of the King and his Counsell in great humilitie for the common wealth of the realme, referring all to the King and his Counsels pleasure. They granted the King without any deniall all that was demanded, and all that was shewed in writing to be necessarie for the maintenance of his estate. The summe the King demanded was two millions and a halfe of franks, ⁹ which was ynough and ynough againe, yea rather too much than too little without some extraordinarie accident. Further, the said estates humbly required, that at two yeeres end they might assemble againe: saying, that if the King had not money ynough, they would giue him more at his pleasure. They promised moreouer if he had wars, or that any enimie should inuade him, to aduenture their bodies, to spend their goods, & not to refuse any thing for his seruice. Are subiects that giue thus liberally to be choked with priuileges whereby the Prince may take what him listeth? shall not the King do iustlier both before God and the world to leuie after this sort, rather than by extraordinarie will? seeing no Prince, as I haue said before, hath authoritie to command money but by grant; vnlesse he will vse tyrannie and incurre the danger of excommunication. But a number of Princes are verie beasts, not knowing what is lawfull or vnlawfull for them to do in this behalfe. Subiects there are also that offend their Prince and refuse to obeie him, and succour him in time of neede: yea in stead of aiding him when he hath great affaires in hand contemne him and stir vp rebellion and sedition against him, contrarie to the allegeance that they owe him. When I say Kings or Princes, I meane [Page] either themselues or such as gouerne vnder them: & when I say subiects, I mean such subiects as haue preheminence & beare swaie in the common wealth. The greatest mischiefes are wrought commonly by those that are mightie, for the weake desire peace & quietnes. When I say mighty, I meane aswell women as men, somtime & in some places where they haue rule and authoritie, either bicause of their husbands affection towards them, or bicause they gouerne their affaires, or for that their Seniories are their wiues inheritance.

If I should write of men of meane calling in this world, my discourse would be too tedious. Wherefore it shall suffice to speake of great estates, bicause in them the power and iustice of God is most apparant. For although two hundred thousand mishaps chaunce to a poore man, no man regardeth them: but attributeth them either to pouertie or euill looking to; as for example, if he be drowned or breake his necke, they say this chaunced bicause he was alone, so that hardly men will giue eare to it. But if some misfortune fall vpon a great citie it is otherwise talked of, yet not so much as when it chanceth to a Prince. What is the reason then that God sheweth his iustice rather vpon Princes and great men, than vpon men of low degree? bicause meane and poore men finde ynowe in this world to punish them when they offend; yea oftentimes they are punished without desert, either for examples sake, or for their goods, or peraduenture through the iudges fault: sometime also they deserue punishment, and then it is reason that iustice be done. But as touching great Princes or Princesses and their gouernors and counsellors: againe, as touching prouinces and townes, rebellious and disobedient to their Princes and gouernors, who wil search out their liues? Who wil informe the Iustice of their actions? What Iustice will take notice thereof? or who will punish their faults? I speake of the euill not of the good, but few there are of those. What is the cause then that mooueth both them and all others to commit these faults aboue rehearsed, and many mo (which for breuitie I ouerpasse) not regarding the power and iustice of God? I answer, that it is lacke of faith, and in those that are ignorant lacke of wit and faith togither, but especially of faith, which in mine opinion is the onely fountaine of all mischiefes. I meane such mischiefes as fall vpon those that complaine, that they are troden vnder foote, & oppressed by those that are mightier than they. For if men were fully perswaded the paines of hell to be such as indeede they are, and beleeued firmely (as we ought all to beleeue) that who so hath taken ought by violence, or possesseth ought that his father or grandfather tooke wrongfully: shall neuer enter into the ioies of paradise, vnles he make full satisfaction and restitution of all that he withholdeth from his neighbor; (whether it be Duchies, Earldoms, townes, castels, mooueables, medowes, ponds, or mils, euery man according to his estate) there is no man liuing, be he poore or rich, or of what estate and condition soeuer he be, that would withhold ought that is not his owne. No, if all men beleeued this firmely, it is not to be thought, that there is either Prince, Princesse, or any other man through the whole world, what estate or condition soeuer he be of, be he high or low, spirituall or temporall, man or woman, that would wittingly withhold any thing from his subiect or neighbor, wrongfully put any man to death, hold him in prison, take from one to giue to enrich another, or seeke to procure dishonesty to his kinsfolks and seruants for his wanton pleasures, as for women, and such like, which is the filthiest attempt that may be made. No vndoubtedly we would neuer do as we do, if we had a stedfast faith, and beleeued that which God and his Church commandeth vs to beleeue, vnder paine of damnation: knowing our daies to be short, and the paines of hell horrible and endlesse. Wherefore we [Page] may conclude, that all mischiefes proceede of want of faith. For example whereof, when a King or Prince is taken prisoner, and feareth to die in prison, is there any thing in the world, be it neuer so deere vnto him, that he will refuse to giue for his deliuerance? as appeereth by King Iohn, who being taken prisoner by the Prince of Wales at the battell of Poictiers, paied for his raunsome three millions of franks, and yeelded to the English men all Aquitaine (at the least all that he held in his hands) with a number of other cities, townes and places; yea in a maner the thirde foote of his realme: whereby he brought his realme into such pouertie, that manie yeeres after they vsed leather monie, with a little stud or naile of siluer in the middest thereof. And all this gaue he and his sonne King Charles surnamed the VVise, for his raunsome. And if they would haue giuen nothing, yet would not the English men haue put him to death, but his greatest paine had beene imprisonment. But admit they had put him to death, yet had not that pain been so great by the hundred thousandth part, as the least paine in hell. Why gaue he then all this great raunsome aboue rehearsed, destroying his children and subiects? but onely bicause he beleeued that which he saw and perceiued well, that he could not otherwise be deliuered. But peraduenture when he committed the fault, for the which this punishment fell vpon him, his children, and subiects: he beleeued not firmely, that the offence he made against God and his commandements, should be punished. Now to conclude, there is no Prince, or very few, that will restore one towne they withhold from their neighbor, for the loue of God, or to eschew the paines of hell; and yet King Iohn gaue all this to deliuer his bodie out of prison.

I asked a question before, who will search out great mens faults, who will informe the Iustice of them, and who will be the Iustice to punish them? Whereunto I now answer, that the information shall be the lamentable crie and plaint of their subiects, whom they tyrannize and oppresse so many waies without any compassion, the sorrowfull lamentation of widowes and orphans, whose husbands and fathers they haue wrongfully put to death; by meanes whereof their wiues and children haue euer after liued in affliction and miserie; and generally the complaints of all those whom they haue persecuted either in their persons or goods. These, I say, shall giue information against them by their great mourning, wailing, and pitious teares, and shall accuse them before the Lord God, who will be the iust iudge thereof, and peraduenture will not delay the punishment till the world to come; but will also punish them in this world: which punishment proceedeth of lacke of faith, bicause they had not a firme and stedfast beleefe in Gods commandements.

We must therefore of necessitie confesse, that God is forced to shew such tokens and examples, to the end both Princes themselues and all the world may beleeue, that these punishments fall vpon them for their misbeleefe and sinnes, and that God sheweth his mightie power and iustice vpon them, bicause none other in this world but he, hath power ouer them. At the first happily they amend not their liues for Gods scourges, be they neuer so great and long. But no misfortune falleth vpon a Prince, vpon those that gouerne his affaires, or vpon those that rule great commonalties, but the issue is hurtfull and dangerous to the subiects. When I say misfortunes, I meane none but such as cause the subiects to smart; for to fall from a horse, to breake a leg, to be punished with a sharpe ague, are no misfortunes to a Prince, bicause he may be cured of them, and peraduenture they may do him good, and teach him wit: but I call these misfortunes, when God is so displeased with a Prince, that he will no longer suffer him to raigne, but shew his power and iustice vpon him. For then first he weakeneth his wits, which is a shrewd blowe for all those that haue [Page] to do with him, he troubleth his house, and suffereth it to fall into diuision and disquietnes: and the Prince himselfe is so far in Gods disgrace, that he flieth the counsell and companie of the wise, and aduaunceth none but yoong fooles, voide of wit, oppressors, flatterers, and such as soothe him in all his sayings. If he take one penie, they bid him take two; if he threaten a man, they bid hang him, and after that sort in all other actions. Further, they giue him counsell in any wise to cause himselfe to be feared, and they also behaue themselues cruelly and proudly, trusting by this meanes to hold men in awe of them, as though authoritie were their inheritance. Those whom such Princes, by the aduise of these new Counsellors haue banished and displaced, hauing serued many yeeres, and being well acquainted and friended in their countrie, will storme at this vsage, and for their sakes their friends and well willers also; and peraduenture such iniurie shall be offered them, that they shall be forced either to defend themselues, or to flie to some Prince their neighbor, who perchance is enimy to him that banisheth and chaseth them, and so by inward diuision stangers shall enter into the land. Is any plague or miserie so great, as wars betwixt friends and acquaintance? Is any malice so ranke and deadly? As touching forren enimies, when the subiects are linked togither they may easily make resistance, bicause their enimies haue no intelligence nor acquaintance in the realme. Thinke you that an vnwise Prince being accompanied with fooles, can smell a far off how great a mischiefe diuision among his subiects is? or beleeue that it can hurt him? or proceedeth of God? he eateth and sleepeth no whit the woorse for it; he hath neither fewer horses in his stable, nor fewerrobes in his wardrobe, but many mo companions. For he allureth men vnto him by promises, and by parting among them the spoiles and offices of those whom he hath banished; he giueth also of his owne to win thereby fame and renowme: but when he shall least thinke of it, God will raise vp an enimie against him whom peraduenture he neuer mistrusted. Then will he waxe pensiue, and suspect those whom he hath iniuried, yea he will feare such as indeede owe him no euill will: yet notwithstanding he will not haue his refuge to God in this extremitie, but seeke to redresse this inconuenience by force. Haue we not seene in our daies examples heerof euen among our next neighbors? Haue we not seene the late King of England Edward the fourth of that name, heire of the house of Yorke, vtterly destroy the house of Lancaster, vnder the which both his father and he had liued many yeeres? Further, the said King Edward hauing done homage to King Henry the 6. being of the house of Lancaster, did he not afterward hold him prisoner many yeeres in the tower of London, the chiefe citie of the realme, where in the end he was put to death?

Haue we not also seene the Earle of Warwicke principall gouernor of all the said King Edwards affaires, (after he had put to death all his enimies, especially the Duke of Sommerset) in the end become deadly enimy to his Master, giue his daughter in mariage to the Prince of Wales sonne to King Henry, attempt to set vp againe the house of Lancaster, passe with the said Prince into England, discomfited in the field, and slaine both he, his brethren and kinsfolks, and diuers other noble men of England, who in times past had done the like to their enimies? After all this, the children of these when the world turned, reuenged themselues; and caused in like maner the others to die, which plagues we may be assured hapned not but by the wrath of God. But (as before I said) the realme of England hath this speciall grace aboue all other realmes and dominions, that in ciuill wars the people is not destroied, the towns be not burned nor razed, but the lot of fortune falleth vpon the soldiers, especially the gentlemen whom the people enuy to too beyond reason: for nothing is perfect in [Page] this world. After King Edvvard was quiet in his realme and receiued yeerely out of Fraunce fifty thousand crownes paid him in the tower of London, and was growen so rich, that richer he could not be, he died suddenly as it were of melancholy, bicause of our Kings mariage that now raigneth, with the Lady Margaret the Duke of Austriches daughter. For so soone as he was aduertised thereof he fell sicke, and began then to perceiue how he had been abused touching the mariage of his daughter, whom he made to be named the Lady Daulphinesse. Then also was the pension which he receiued out of Fraunce taken from him, which he called tribute, although indeed it were neither the one nor the other, as before I haue declared ¹⁰. K. Edward left by his wife two goodly sonnes, one Prince of Wales, the other D. of Yorke, and two daughters. The D. of Glocester his brother tooke vpon him the gouernment of his nephew the Prince of Wales, being about ten yeeres of age, and did homage to him as to his soueraigne Lord, and lead him to London pretending that he would there crowne him King, hoping by that meanes to get the other brother out of the Sanctuary at London, where he was with his mother, who began already to be iealous of his proceedings. To be short, by meanes of the Bishop of Bathe (who hauing been somtime of K. Edwards Councell, fell afterward into his disgrace, and was put in prison, and made to fine for his deliuerance,) the D. of Glocester executed this exploit, which you shall now heare. This Bishop aduertised the Duke that K. Edvvard being in loue with a certaine Lady, promised hir mariage vpon condition that he might lie with hir, wherunto she consented, so far foorth that the said Bishop maried them togither, none being present but they two and he himselfe. Which matter this Bishop being a iolly courtier neuer disclosed during K. Edvvards life, but caused also the said Lady to conceale it, so that it was kept secret. After this the said King falling againe in loue, maried the daughter of an English knight, called the Lord Riuers, being a widow, and mother of two sonnes. But after K. Edvvards death, this Bishop of Bathe reuealed this matter to the D. of Glocester, whereby he egged him forward not a little to the executing of his mischieuous pretended enterprise. For the said D. murthered his two nephewes, crowned himselfe King by the name of Richard the third, proclaimed his brothers two daughters bastards in open parlament, tooke from them their armes, and put to death all the faithull seruants of the late King his brother, at the least as many as he could lay hands on. But this cruelty remained not long vnpunished: for when the said King Richard thought himselfe safest, and liued in greater pride than any King of England did these hundred yeeres (hauing put to death the Duke of Buckingham, and hauing a great army in a readines) God raised vp an enimy against him of no force, I meane the Earle of Richmond then prisoner in Britaine, but now King of England, of the house of Lancaster, though not This error of Commines touching K. Henry the 7. you shall finde controuled by the pe [...]egree in the end of this booke. the neerest to the crowne ¹¹, whatsoeuer men say, at the least so far as I can learne. The said Earle told me a little before his departure out of this realme, that from the fift yeere of his age he had liued continually like a prisoner & a banished man. And indeed he had been fifteene yeeres or therabout prisoner in Britaine to Duke Frances that last died, into whose hands he fell by tempest of the sea as he fled into Fraunce, accompanied with the Earle of Pembroke his vncle. I my selfe saw them when they arriued, for I was come of a message to the D. at the same time. The Duke entreated them gently for prisoners, & after King Edwards death lent the said Earle great force of men, & a great nauie; with the which he sent him hauing intelligence with the Duke of Buckingham, (who for this cause was afterward put to death) to lande in England: but the winde was against him, and the seas so rough, that he was forced to returne to Diepe, and from thence by land into Britaine. From whence soone [Page] after he departed with his band into Fraunce without taking leaue of the Duke, partly bicause he feared to ouercharge the Duke; (for he had with him fiue hundred English men,) and partly bicause he doubted lest the Duke would agree with King Richard to his preiudice: for he knew that King Richard practised with him to that ende. Soone after, the King that now is appointed three or fower thousand men to waft him ouer onely, and deliuered those that accompanied him a good summe of money and certaine peeces of artillerie: and thus passed he ouer in a ship of Normandie to land in Wales where he was borne. King Richard foorthwith marched against him; but a kinght of England called the Lord Stanley, who was married to the Earles mother, ioined himselfe with the Earle, and brought vnto him at the least 26000. men ¹². The battell was giuen, King Richard slaine, and the Earle crowned King in the field with the said Richards crowne. Will you saie that this was fortune? No, no, it was the iudgement of God: and for further proofe thereof marke this also. Immediately after the King had murthered his two nephews, he lost his wife, whom some say he murthered also. Further, he had but one onely sonne, who died in like maner incontinent after this murther. This example would haue serued better heereafter when I shall speake of King Edwards death; for he was yet liuing at the time my former Chapter treateth of: but I haue rehearsed it heere to continue my discourse which I am fallen into. In like maner we haue seene of late the crowne of Spaine altered after the death of Dom Henry that last died. For the said Dom Henry had to wife the King of Portugales sister last deceased, by whom he had issue a goodly daughter, which notwithstanding succeeded not hir father, but was put from the crowne vnder colour of adulterie committed by hir mother. But the matter ended not without great contention and war: for the King of Portugale tooke part with his neece, and diuers great Lords of Castile ioined with him: yet notwithstanding the said Dom Henries sister, wife to the son of Dom Iohn King of Arragon, obtained the crowne and possesseth it yet at this day: and thus this partage was made in heauen as diuers others are. Further, you haue seene of late daies the King of Scotland and his sonne being thirteene yeeres of age in battell, the one against the other: the sonne and his faction preuailed, and the King was slaine vpon the place ¹³. This King murthered his owne brother, and was charged with diuers other crimes, namely the death of his sister and such like. You see also the Duchy of Gueldres out of the right line, and haue heard what impietie the Duke last deceased vsed against his father. Diuers other examples I could rehearse which should manifestly appeere to be punishments and scourges of God, which scourges are the principall cause of wars, whereof insue mortality and famine, all the which euils proceede of lacke of faith. Wherefore I conclude, considering the wickednes of men especially of great men, who know not themselues, neither beleeue that there is a God: that it is necessarie for euery Prince and gouernor, to haue an aduersary to keepe him in feare and humilitie, otherwise no man should be able to liue vnder them or neere them.

The Notes.

1 He meaneth that this towne of Gaunt is situate where it is for a plague to the whole countrey of Flaunders, which otherwise bicause of the great abundance thereof, would soone forget God.

2 Fregosi and Fregosini in other histories.

3 This diuision began anno 1309. betweene the Abbot of Einsidlen and the village of Suitz, and the said Abbot demanded aide of Leopolde Duke of Austrich.

[Page] 4 As for example, Leopolde Duke of Austrich brothers sonne to the former that began this diuision, whom they slue at the battell of Sempache 9. Iulij. ann. 1386.

5 The reason heerof reade in Aristot. Politic. lib. 1. cap. 2. & Problem. Anthonii Zimarae 12.

6 Shame commeth of knowledge, so that if a man do a fault, and for lacke of learning know not that it is a fault, he can neuer be ashamed of it, nor seeke to amend it.

7 1800000. franks are 225000. pound starling after eight souse to the English shilling, and the French liuer at two shillings sixe pence starling.

8 4700000. franks are 587500. pound starling.

9 That is 2500000. franks, which amounteth to 312500. pound starling.

10 For it was due by the conditions of the treatie.

11 How King Henry the seuenth was next▪ heire of the house of Lancaster, the pedegree in the end of the worke will declare, where also Philip de Commines error is controlled.

12 Our Chronicles say but 3000. and some 5000.

13 This King that slue his father in battell was Iames the 4. who married Margaret sister to King Henry the 8.

THE SIXT BOOKE.

[Page]

How the Duchie of Burgundie was yeelded to the King. Chap. 1.

NOw to returne to the principal matter, and to proceede in this historie, written at your request, my Lorde of Vienna: while the King brought vnder his subiection the places and townes aboue named in the marches of Picardie, his armie lay in Burgundie, the generall wherof in apparance, was the Prince of Orenge ¹ that now is, who was borne in the countie of Burgundie, and a subiect thereof; but lately reuolted the second time from Duke Charles: wherefore the King vsed his helpe; for he was a great Lord, well friended, and well beloued both in the said countie, and also in the Duchie of Burgundie. But the Lord of Cran was the Kings lieutenant, and he it was in truth that had the charge of the whole armie, and in whom the King reposed his principall trust, and sure he was a wise man and faithfull to his Master, but somwhat too greedie of his owne gaine. The said Lord of Cran when he drew neere the countrie of Burgundie, sent the Prince of Orenge before him with certaine others to Digeon, to perswade with the citizens to become the Kings subiects: which enterprise so well they atchieued by the said Princes meanes, that the towne of Digeon, and all the other places of the Duchie of Burgundie yeelded to the King, Aussonne and certaine castels excepted, which held yet for the Ladie of Burgundie. The King had promised the Prince of Orenge many goodly estates, and to restore him to all his grandfathers inheritance in the countie of Burgundie: for the which he was in sute with the Lords of Chauuerguion his vncles ², whom (as he said) Duke Charles had fauored to his preiudice. For this cause had been often pleaded before him with great solemnitie, and once the Duke being accompanied with a number of lawyers, gaue iudgement against the Prince, at the least thus he reported: wherefore he forsooke the Dukes seruice, and went to the King. But Monseur de Cran after he was entred into all these townes aboue mentioned, and had gotten into his hands all the best places that should descend to the said Prince by right of inheritance: refused to yeeld them to him, notwithstanding both the Kings promise, and the said Princes request. The King also wrote often to him about this matter without all collusion, knowing that he much misused the Prince: notwithstanding he feared to displease the said de Cran, bicause he had the charge of the whole countrie, neither thought he that the Prince either would or could haue caused the countrie of Burgundie to rebel, as afterward he did, at the lest the greatest part therof. But I will heere leaue these Burgundies affaires, till another conuenient place shall serue to speake further thereof.

The Notes.

1 This Prince of Orenge was Iohn de Chaslons: the Prince of Orenge that now is, is of the house of Nassaw.

[Page] 2 The olde copie hath Chasteauguion. Annal. Burgund. Chaumergnon. Annal. Franc. Chauuerguion, and so vndoubtedly it is to be read: for Chasteauguion was brother to this Prince of Orenge. Gaguin.

How the King entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundie, to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Dukes dominions. Chap. 2.

THose that heerafter shall reade this historie, and happily vnderstand the affaires both of this realme and the countries bordering vpon it better than my selfe, will maruell that since the death of Duke Charles, I haue hitherto by the space almost of one whole yeere made no mention of the English men, and will woonder that they suffered the King to take the townes bordering so neere vpon them, namely Arras, Bolloin, Ardres, and Hedin, with diuers other castels, and to lie so long with his campe before Saint Omer ¹. But you shall vnderstand that the reason thereof was, for that our King in wisedome and sense surmounted far Edward King of England then raigning: for notwithstanding that the said King Edward were a most valiant Prince, and had woon in England eight or nine battels, wherein he fought alwaies himselfe on foote greatly to his renowme; yet were these troubles but by fits, so that his head was not continually busied in matters of state: for immediately after the victorie obtained, he returned to his former sports and pleasures, till another storme arose. For you shall vnderstand, that when war beginneth in England, in ten daies or lesse the one or the other getteth the garland. But our affaires in Fraunce passed not after that sort, for besides the war it selfe, the K. was forced to haue an eie continually vpon diuers places as well of his owne realme as of his neighbors, but especially by all means possible to content the King of England, and to entertain him by ambassadors, presents, and smooth words, to the end he should not entermeddle with our affaires. For the K. knew well the English men as well Nobles and Commons as the Cleargie, to be naturally inclined to make war vpon this realme, aswell vnder colour of the title they pretende thereunto; as also in hope of gaine. For they trust to haue euer such successe heere as their predecessors haue had, whom God permitted to obtaine in this realme many great victories, and large dominion both in Normandie and in Guienne, the which they had possessed by the space of three hundred and fiftie yeeres ², when King Charles the seuenth first recouered it. During the which time they inriched the realme of England with great spoiles and much treasure, that they got aswell of the Princes and noble men of Fraunce, a great number of whom they tooke prisoners; as also of the townes and places which they subdued. Notwithstanding they should hardly haue had such successe in the King our Masters time: for he would neuer haue indangered his estate in battell as King Charles the sixt did at Agincourt, where all the nobility of Fraunce lighted on foote to fight with the English men; but would haue proceeded more warily if the matter had come to execution, as you may perceiue by the course he held in sending King Edvvard home. Wherefore the King well perceiued that he must in any wise keepe the King of England and his principall seruants his friends, whom he sawe altogither inclined [Page] to quietnes and very greedy of his money: for the which cause he paid duly at London the pension of fiftie thousand crownes, which they called tribute. And further gaue yeerely sixteene thousand crownes to the said Kings principall seruants, whose names were these: the Lord Chauncellor; the Master of the Rols who now is Chauncellor; the Lord Hastings Lord great Chamberlaine, a man of singular wisdome and vertue, and in great authority with his Master, and not without cause, for he euer serued him faithfully; Sir Thomas Montgomery; the Lord Hovvard, afterward Duke of Norfolke & partaker with the wicked King Richard; the Master of the Horse called Master Cheiny; Master Challenger, and the Marques Dorset the Queene of Englands sonne by hir first husband. Further, he gaue goodly presents to all the ambassadors that came to him, were their messages neuer so sharpe and bitter, and sent them home with such goodly words & Princely rewards, that they returned well contented. And notwithstanding that some of them vnderstood that he did all this onely to win time, the better to atchieue his enterprise in the conquest of the Duke of Burgundies dominions: yet winked they at it bicause of the great riches they receiued at his hands. To all these aboue named he gaue besides their pensions many goodly presents, so largely that the Lord Hovvard ouer and aboue his pension receiued of him in lesse then two yeeres space in money and plate fower and twentie thousand crownes. To the Lord Hastings also L. great Chamberlaine of England, he gaue at one time a present of plate to the value of ten thousand marks. The acquittances of all which great personages are yet to be seene in the chamber of accounts at Paris, saue of the Lord Hastings Lord great Chamberlaine of England, which is an high office, for there is neuer but one alone in it. This L. Chamberlaine was long labored before he would become the Kings pensioner, my selfe being the onely man that perswaded him thereunto. For I wan him first to Charles Duke of Burgundies friendship during the time I serued him, who gaue him yeerly a pension of a thousand crownes; whereof when I had aduertised the King, he would in like maner that I should be a meanes to make him his friend and pensioner: for in times past during Duke Charles his life, and after his death also in fauor of the Lady of Burgundy, he had alwaies beene the Kings extreme enimy, and trauelled once to perswade the King of England to aide the said Lady against the King our Master. I began this friendship by letters, and the King gaue him a pension of two thousand crownes, which was double the summe he receiued of the Duke. Further, the King sent to him one of the stewards of his house called Peter Cleret, charging him to bring with him the said Lord Chamberlains acquittance, to the end heereafter it might appeere that the great Chamberlaine, Chauncellor, Admirall, and Master of the Horse of England, besides diuers others, had beene the French Kings pensioners. The said Peter Cleret was a wise fellow, and communed priuily alone with the Lord Chamberlaine at his lodging in London; where, after he had declared his message from the King: he presented him his two thousand crownes in golde (for the King neuer gaue but gold to strangers) which money when the Lord Chamberlaine had receiued, Peter Cleret humbly besought him for his discharge, to giue him an acquittance; wherein the said Lord Chamberlaine made difficultie. Then Cleret desired him to giue him onely a letter of three lines to the King to testifie the receit of the money, least the King being a suspitious Prince should thinke that he had conuerted it to his owne vse. Which reasonable demand the Lord Chamberlaine hearing, answered thus: Sir, you require but reason, but this gift proceedeth of the King your Masters liberality not of my request; if it please you that I shall receiue it put it heere into my sleeue, and other letter or testimoniall get you none of me. For I [Page] will not for my part that any man shall say that the Lord great Chamberlaine of England hath beene pensioner to the French King; nor that my acquittances be found in his chamber of accounts. Whereunto the said Cleret replied not, but departed leauing the money behinde him; and at his returne made report thereof to the King, who was not a little displeased with him for that he brought no acquittance: but as touching the said Chamberlaine, he commended and esteemed him more than all the King of Englands other seruants, and his pension was euer after paied without acquittance.

After this sort liued the King with the English men. Notwithstanding the King of England was oftentimes earnestly pressed by this yoong Princes for aide, and therefore sent ambassadors often to negotiate with the King our Master about these affaires, desiring him to grant hir either peace or truce. Now you shall vnderstand that those that were at the debating of these matters in England, especially in their parlament, (which is an assembly of the three estates, where diuers wise men were present that smelt our dissimulation a far off, and receiued no pension of the King as the others did) were verie desirous; and yet the commons of the realme more desirous, that the King of England should send aide without further delay to the saide Ladie: saying, that we heere did but abuse them, and that the marriage should neuer be accomplished: alleaging that at the treatie made at Picquigny betweene the two Kings, we had faithfully sworne and promised that the King of Englands daughter whom they had already called the Ladie Daulphinesse, should be sent for into Fraunce within a yeere; which terme was now long expired. But what reasons soeuer the subiects made, the King would giue no eare thereunto, but alleaged diuers excuses to the contrarie. And to say the truth, he was a verie corpulent man and much giuen to pleasures, neither could his body endure the toile of the wars. Further, he had wound himselfe out of great troubles and was loth to enter into them againe. The couetousnes also of the 50000. crownes yeerly paid him in the tower of London qualified his minde. Besides all this, his ambassadors that came hither were so courteously entertained and so well rewarded, that they departed euer well contented; but they neuer receiued any resolute answere: for the King sought onely to protract the time euer saying, that ere it were long he would send to the King their Master certain noble men with such assurance of those matters he stood in doubt of, as he knew well would content him. According to the which promise, within three weekes or a moneth after these ambassadors departure, sometime more, sometime lesse, (which was no small delaie in such a case) he vsed to send ambassadors to the K. of England: but at euery voiage sundrie men, to the end that if the former had made any ouerture not performed, the latter might plaid ignorance therin. They also that were sent, perswaded so well the King of England that we meant nothing but good faith, that he lay still, and neuer stirred: for both he and the Queen his wife so much desired this marriage, that partly for this cause, and partly for the other reasons aboue alleaged; he was content to winke at this war, which some of his Counsell tould him plainely to be verie preiudiciall to his realme. But he feared the breach of this marriage, bicause men began alreadie to scoffe at it in England, especially such as desired rebellion and ciuill war. Now to discourse a little vpon this point. You shall vnderstand that the King our Master neuer meant to accomplish this mariage, bicause there was no equalitie betweene the age of the two parties: for King Edwards daughter at this present Queene of England, was much elder than the Daulphin now raigning. But by these dissimulations a moneth or two was gayned in running to and fro, by which meanes the King foded foorth his enimie one whole [Page] sommer, wherein he might haue done him harme. For vndoubtedly if the King of England had not hoped vpon this marriage, he would neuer haue suffered the King to take the places bordering so neere vpon the English dominions, but haue sought to defend them: and if at the beginning he had declared himselfe for the Ladie of Burgundie, the King who was by nature timorous, and would put nothing in aduenture, had neuer weakened this house of Burgundie as he hath. Thus much I write chiefly to shew how these affaires passed; and secondarily, to the end that if heerafter those that haue to manage great affaires happen to reade this historie, they may thereby learne how to helpe themselues in the like case: for be their wisedome neuer so great, yet a small aduertisement doth good many times. True it is, that if this Lady of Burgundy would haue consented to marrie the Lord Riuers the Queene of Englands brother, she should haue beene aided with great force: but this had been an vnequall match; for he was but a poore Earle, and she one of the greatest inheritors in hir time. Many practises were entertained betweene the Kings of Fraunce and England; and amongst others the King offered him, that if he would ioine with him, and passe ouer in person into the Lady of Burgundies countries, he would be contented that the King of England should hold the countrie of Flaunders without homage, and also the Duchie of Brabant: offering further, to conquer for him at his proper costs and charges fower of the greatest townes in Brabant, and to put them into the King of Englands hands, to wage him 10000. English men for fower moneths, to the end he might the better sustaine the charge of the wars, and to lend him great store of artillerie, and men and carriage to conuey it, and attend vpon it, with this condition, that the King of England should conquer the countrie of Flaunders, during the time the King our Master inuaded on the other side. Whereunto the King of England made answer that the townes of Flaunders were strong and great; and both that countrey, and also the countrey of Brabant hard to be kept if they were conquered: adding further, that this war liked not the English men bicause of their entercourse with those countries. But seeing it pleased the King to make him partaker of his conquest, if he would giue him certaine townes he had alreadie conquered in Picardie, as Bolloin and diuers other which he named; he would then be contented to declare himselfe for him, and send men to serue him if he would pay them, which was a verie wise answer.

The Notes.

1 The King could not take Saint Omer, for the Lord of Chanteraine valiantly defended it. Reade De la Marche lib. 2. cap. 9. pag. 410.

2 Others write but 295. others 296. and others 299.

How the marriage betweene the Ladie of Burgundie and Maximilian Duke of Austrich, afterwards Emperor, was concluded and accomplished. Chap. 3.

DIuers practises were entertained (as before you haue heard) betweene these two Kings to delay time; but in the meane while the Ladie of Burgundies force still diminished: for of those few men that remained aliue after hir fathers death, diuers reuolted from hir to the King, especially after Monseur de Cordes was entred into his seruice; for he led [Page] away a great troupe with him. Others necessitie forced to shrinke from hir, bicause they dwelt either within the townes the King had already conquered, or neere vnto them. Some also put themselues into his seruice to be enriched; for no Prince dealt so liberally with his men, as the King our Master did. Moreouer, ciuill dissentions and factions among themselues encreased daily in the great townes, especially in Gaunt, which bare the greatest sway in the countrie, as you haue heard. For the Lady of Burgundie diuers marriages were mentioned; for all men were of opinion, that either she must get hir a husband to defend that she yet held, or marrie the Daulphin, thereby quietly to possesse all. Some desired greatly that this marriage with the Daulphin might take effect, she hir selfe especially, before the King deliuered the letters aboue mentioned, sent vnto him by hir Chauncellor and the Lord of Himbercourt: but others disallowed of this marriage, both bicause of the said Daulphins yoong age (for he was but nine yeeres olde) and also bicause of the marriage promised in England: and these labored for the Duke of Cleues sonne. Others there were that trauelled for the Emperors sonne Maximilian now King of Romans. The said Lady had conceiued extreme hatred against the King for the deliuerie of the letters aboue mentioned, which was the onely cause of the two noble mens death, and of the dishonor she receiued when hir letters were openly redeliuered hir before the assemblie, whereof you haue heard. Further, the deliuerie of the said letters seemed also to be the onely occasion that mooued them of Gaunt to banish so many of hir seruants from hir, to remooue from about hir, hir mother in lawe and the Lord of Rauastaine, and to put hir women in such feare, that they durst not open a letter before they of Gaunt had seene it, nor commune with their Mistres in hir eare. Wherefore she began now to remooue from about hir the Bishop of Liege, who was of the house of Bourbon, and an earnest suter for hir marriage with the Daulphin, which sure had been a very honorable match for hir, had not the said Daulphin been so yoong, notwithstanding the Bishop had no regarde thereof. To be short, the said Bishop departed to Liege, whereupon euery man gaue ouer that sute. It had been hard to deale in this busines to the contentation of all parties, and I thinke who so should haue intermedled in it, should haue had but small thanke for his labour in the end: wherfore euery man forbare to speake therin. Notwithstanding before hir marriage was fully concluded, there was an assemblie held about it, wherat the Lady of Halleuin the Princesse of Burgundies principall woman was present, who said (as I haue heard reported) that they had neede of a man not a child, and that hir Mistres was a woman growen and able to beare children, which should be the onely stay of the countrey. This opinion tooke place, notwithstanding some blamed this Lady for speaking thus frankly; but others commended hir, saying, that she had spoken but of such mariage as was most necessary for the estate of the countrey. There was now no more to do but to finde a fit man. And I thinke verily if it had so pleased the K. she would willingly haue married the Lord of Angoulesme that now is ¹; so much desired she to continue hir alliance with the house of France. But God was minded to make another match wherof peraduenture the sequel is yet vnknown. Notwithstanding this, we are able to say by that is already past, that of the said marriage many great wars haue arisen both heere and there, which perchance had neuer happened if she had married the Lord of Angoulesme: wheras by reason of this other match both the countries of Flaunders and Brabant haue suffered great afflictions. The Duke of Cleues was at Gaunt with the said Lady, making friends there in hope to conclude a marriage betweene hir and his son: but she had no fansie therunto; for both she & those that were about hir, misliked much his sons conditions. Wherfore [Page] some began to motion a marriage betweene hir and the Emperors sonne now King of Romans, the which in times past had been so far foorth treated of betweene the Emperor and Duke Charles, that it was concluded betweene them two. Further, the Emperor had a letter written with the Ladies owne hand by hir fathers commandement, and a ring set with a diamond. The contents of the which letter were, that according to the pleasure of hir Lord and father, she promised to the said Duke of Austrich the Emperors sonne, to accomplish the marriage concluded betweene both their parents, in such manner and forme as hir said Lord and father should appoint.

From the Emperor came certaine ambassadors to the said Lady being at Gaunt, who receiued letters at Bruxels commanding them to stay there, bicause Commssioners should be sent thither to treat with them, which was the Duke of Cleues doing, who was loth of their comming, and sought to send them home discontented. But the said ambassadors passed foorth that notwithstanding, for they had good intelligence in the Ladies court, especially with the Dowager of Burgundy, who was remooued from the said Lady, as you haue heard, bicause of the letter aboue mentioned. She aduertised them (as it was reported) that they should not stay at Bruxels notwithstanding these letters, instructing them further what they should do at their comming to Gaunt, and assuring them that the said Lady and diuers about hir were well disposed to their sute. The Emperors ambassadors followed hir aduise, and rid straight to Gaunt, notwithstanding the message aboue mentioned. Wherewith the Duke of Cleues was not a little discontented, but he was not acquainted with the disposition of the said Lady and hir women. The Councell concluded that these ambassadors should haue audience, & their message being heard: the Princesse should bid them hartily welcome, & tell them that she would take aduise with hir Councel, which words being vttered, she should withdraw hirselfe without farther communication. Whereunto she agreed. The ambassadors when audience was giuen them, presented their letters and declared their message, which was, that hir mariage had been concluded betweene the Emperour and the Duke of Burgundy hir father with hir consent; as appeered both by hir letters written with hir owne hand which they there shewed, and also by the diamond which they said she had sent and giuen in token of marriage. Moreouer, the said ambassadors required hir on their Masters behalfe, that it would please hir to accomplish the said marriage according to the will and promise both of hir said Lord and father, and also of hirselfe. Further, desiring hir to declare before the assembly there present, whether she had written the said letter or not, and whether she minded to performe hir promise. Whereunto the said Ladie without further deliberation answered, that she had sent the saide diamond, and written the letter by the commandement of hir Lord and father, and would performe all that was conteined therein. Then the ambassadors gaue hir humble thanks, and returned with ioifull minds to their lodging. But the Duke of Cleues was highly displeased with this answer, being cleane contrary to hir councels resolution, and told hir that she had done vnaduisedly. Whereunto she answered that she could do no otherwise bicause hir promise was past, which she would not breake. Which words the Duke hearing, and knowing diuers about hir to be of the same opinion: determined soone after to returne home into his owne countrey and relinquish his sute. Thus was this marriage concluded, for the accomplishment whereof Duke Maximilian came to Colen, where certaine of the Ladies seruants met him, and brought him money, whereof I thinke they found him bare inough: for his father was the hardest man either Prince or priuate man that liued in his [Page] time. The said Emperors son being accompanied with seuen or eight hundred horse was conueied to Gaunt, where the marriage was accomplished, which at the first was more vnprofitable than profitable to the Ladies subiects; for the Almains in steed of bringing money with them, had money giuen them. Their number was not sufficient to withstand the Kings forces, and their conditions agreed not with hir subiects maners: for they had liued vnder rich Princes which gaue goodly offices, kept honorable and pompous houses both in furniture and fare, and had sumptuous apparell, both for themselues and their seruants: but the Almains are of a cleane contrary disposition, for they are rude fellowes and liue grossely.

I doubt not but that by sage and wise aduise and by the speciall grace of God, the law Salicke was ordained in Fraunce which barreth women from the crowne, to the end the realme fall not into the hands of a strange Prince & nation. For neither the French men nor any other people can easily digest the gouernment of a stranger. And to saie the truth there is no great seniorie but in the end the dominion thereof remaineth to the naturall countrey men, as appeereth by the realme of Fraunce, a great part whereof the English men possessed the space of fower hundred yeeres; and yet now hold nothing therein but Calice, and two little castels, the defence whereof costeth them yeerely a great summe of monie: the rest they lost much sooner than they wan; for they lost more in a day, than they got in a yeere. The selfesame appeereth also by the realme of Naples, the yle of Sicilie, and the other prouinces possessed by the French men many yeeres, where now is no memoriall of their being there, saue onely their ancestors graues. For notwithstanding that men may away with a strange Prince being wise, & accompanied with a small traine well disposed; yet can they hardly digest a great number of strangers: for if the Prince bring with him a great multitude, or send for great forces vpon occasion of wars, quarrels will arise betweene them and the subiects of the countrie, bicause of the diuersitie of their maners and conditions, and bicause they will not forbeare to offer the subiects wrong, and are not beloued as the naturall countrie men be: which inconuenience then happeneth especially, when strangers seeke to haue the highest offices and estates, and the gouernment of the affaires in the commonwelth. Wherfore a Prince that goeth into a strange countrie, had neede to be wise and carefull in setting all things in good order: for if he lacke this vertue of prudence, which proceedeth especially of the grace of God, whatsoeuer other good parts be in him, all is but lost; and if he liue a mans age both he and those that liue vnder him shall taste of great troubles, especially in his old age when his subiects and seruants despaire of amendment.

After this marriage aboue rehearsed was accomplished, their affaires amended not, for the Princes were both very yoong, and Duke Maximilian for his part simple and of small vnderstanding, aswell bicause of his yoong yeeres ², as also for that he was in a strange countrey, and vtterly vnacquainted in his education with any matter of state. Lastly, he wanted force sufficient for any great exploit, so that for these causes these countries fell into great miseries, wherein they yet remaine and are like to remaine. Sure it is a greeuous plague when a Prouince is forced to seeke a strange Prince to gouerne it. Wherefore God hath shewed great grace to the realme of Fraunce by the lawe aboue mentioned, which barreth women from the crowne: for by such marriages with strangers a priuate house (I confesse) may be inriched, but to a great realme such as this, many inconueniences should therof insue. Soone after this marriage accomplished, or while they were treating thereof: the King wan the countrey of Artois. It sufficeth me to rehearse the substance of these [Page] affaires, and if I faile otherwise in the exact computation of the time a moneth or two, I trust the Readers will hold me excused. The Kings good successe daily increased; for no man withstood him, by meanes whereof he wan euery day some place or other, vnlesse truce or some ouuerture of peace were made: which notwithstanding could neuer be brought to conclusion bicause both the parties were vnreasonable. Wherefore the war continued still. Duke Maximilian and the Lady of Burgundy had issue the first yeere Archduke Philip now liuing ³. The second yeere they had a daughter called Margaret now our Queene ⁴. The third yeere they had a sonne named Francis of Francis Duke of Britaine ⁵, who christned him. The fourth yeere she died ⁶ with a fall from hir horse ⁷ or of an ague: but true it is that she fell, & some said she was with childe. Hir death was a great losse to hir subiects, for she was a vertuous and liberall Lady, welbeloued of hir people, & more reuerenced and feared of them than hir husband; and no maruell, for she was Lady of the land. She loued hir husband entirely well, and was well reported of all men. She died in the yeere 1482. The King held in Hainault the townes of Quesnoi-le Counte, and Bouchain, the which he restored againe, wherat diuers woondered, considering that he seamed not desirous of peace, but rather to take all and leaue this house of Burgundy nothing. And sure I thinke if he could easily haue dispersed and giuen away all the Seniories therof, he would vtterly haue destroied it indeed. But two causes there were, as he afterwards told me, that mooued him to render these places: the one, he said that a King ought to make more account of places of force and defence within his owne realme where he is annointed and sacred, than of those that are out of his realme, as these two were. The other was bicause of the solemne oth and league that is between the Kings of Fraunce and the Emperors, that they shall not incroche the one vpon the other, and these places aboue mentioned were situate in the Empire, and were restored the yeere 1477. The same cause mooued him to leaue Cambray also, and to restore it to neutrality, and to say the truth, they receiued him into the towne vnder that condition.

The Notes.

1 This was Charles Duke of Angoulesme father to King Frauncis the first.

2 Maximilian was borne the 22. of March 1459. and this mariage was accomplished in August 1477. Introduct. de la Marche, so that he was eighteen yeeres old and sixe moneths when he was married.

3 This is Philip father to the Emperors Charles the fift and Ferdinande, he was borne the 23. of Iune 1478. and died the 25. of September 1506.

4 This Margaret is she whom they of Gaunt against hir fathers will betrothed to King Charles the 8. as Commines writeth in this booke cap. 9. The said King Charles neuer accomplished the mariage with hir, but being growen to mans estate, sent hir home to hir father, as Commines writeth, lib. 7. cap. 3. Afterward she married the Prince of Castile as is mentioned lib. 8. cap. 17. and lastly Philibert Duke of Sauoy. She was borne anno 1480. de la Marche.

5 This Frauncis was borne anno 1481. Introduct. de la Marche, he died a childe, and another sonne also, as other historiographers report, named George.

6 Or rather the fift, for she was married anno 1477. and died 1482. as our author in the 7. chapter of this booke reporteth. She was borne anno 1457. and King Lewis christened hir. Meyer. Annal. Burgund.

7 She died 2. of March an. 1482. by reason that through womanly bashfulnes she would [Page] not suffer hir thigh vvhich vvas broken vvith the fall from hir horse to be cured, but chose rather to die.

How King Lewis by the conduct of Charles of Amboise his lieutenant, recouered diuers townes in Burgundie, which the Prince of Orenge had caused to reuolt from him. Chap. 4.

THe war endured still in Burgundy, where the King could not atchieue his enterprise, bicause the Prince of Orenge being reuolted from him was made lieutenant of the Burgundians, and had some aide of the Almaines for his money, but not in fauor of Duke Maximilian: for as touching him, there neuer came man into the countrey for his seruice, at the least during the time I now write of. But these Almains were certaine bands of Swissers that serued the Prince of Orenge as aduenturers, but not as Maximilians waged soldiers: for the Swissers are not friends nor well willers of the house of Austrich: other aide this countrey of Burgundy had little; notwithstanding inough it might haue had if their paiment had been good. And as touching aide, no man might better haue giuen it than Duke Sigismunde of Austriche, Duke Maximilians vncle ¹, whose dominions bordered vpon these countries of Burgundy, especially the County of Ferrette, which a fewe yeeres before ² he sould for 100000. gildons, to Charles Duke of Burgundy, and tooke it afterwards againe without paying backe the money ³, by the which title he yet possesseth it. He was a man of small wisdome, and little regarding his honor, and in such friends men finde small helpe. Further, he was one of those Princes aboue mentioned that vnderstand nothing of their owne affaires, further then it pleaseth their seruants to acquaint them with, who are euer plagued for their beastlines in their age as this Duke Sigismunde was. For his seruants during these wars, made him take part with whom them listed; so that for the most part he ioined with the King our Master against his nephew, and would haue giuen his inheritance being very large from his owne kindred to a strange house: for he neuer had childe, notwithstanding that he were twise married. But now within these three moneths by the perswasion of another faction of his seruants, he hath conueied a present estate of his whole patrimony to the said Maximiliam his nephew King of Romaines, reseruing to himself a pension onely amounting to the third part of his reuenues, without any further power or authority in the countrey. But (as I haue heard) he hath often repented him thereof; and if I haue heard a lie, yet it is like inough to be true. Such is the end of all Princes that liue like beasts, against whom I inueigh thus vehemently, bicause of the great office and charge that God hath giuen them in this world. Notwithstanding those that are bereft of their wits ought to be free from all reproch; but sure those that haue good wits and healthfull bodies, and yet employ their time in nothing but folly and idlenes; are not to be moaned when any misfortune falleth vpon them: as on the other side those that spend their time according to their age, somtime in wisdome and councell, and somtime in honest' recreation, are greatly to be commended, and happie be the subiects that liue vnder such a Prince.

This war in Burgundie endured long, bicause of the Swissers small aide aboue mentioned; notwithstanding the Kings force was much too strong for them: besides [Page] that the Burgundians lacked monie; for the which cause the garrisons that were in the strong places turned by intelligence. Monseur de Cran the Kings lieutenant there, laide the siege before Dolle the chiefe citie of the countie of Burgundie, the force within it being so small that he despised it, which turned to his losse: for they salied foorth and assaulted him on a sudden, and tooke part of his artillerie, and slue certaine of his men, which was a great dishonor to him, and put him also into the Kings disgrace; who being troubled with this accident determined to send a new gouernor into Burgundie, partly bicause of this misfortune, and partly bicause of the great pillings and pollings the said de Cran had vsed in the countrie, which were in deede too excessiue. Notwithstanding before his departure he ouerthrew a band of Almains and Burgundians, and tooke prisoner Monseur de Chasteauguion ⁴, the greatest Lord in Burgundie. Other exploit none was done that I haue heard of, notwithstanding the report went, that the said de Cran behaued himselfe there very valiantly as touching his owne person. The King; as before I said, determined for the reasons aboue alleaged, to place a new gouernor in Burgundie, not diminishing any whit of the said de Crans profits, offices, or estates, saue onely that he tooke from him all his men of armes, except halfe a dosen or a dosen archers, left to accompanie him home. This Monseur de Cran was a very grosse man, and willingly departed to his owne house, where he liued at ease. The King placed in his roome Master Charles of Amboise Lord of Chaumont a valiant, wise, and diligent gentleman. Moreouer, he practised to win all the Almaines that made war against him in Burgundie, to his seruice, not so much to vse their helpe, as thereby to conquer the easilier the rest of the countrie. The King sent also to the Swissers, whom he called the Lords of these Almaine leagues, making them many goodly offers; for he promised a yeerely pension of 20000. franks ⁵ to their townes, which be fower, Berne, Lucerne, Zurich, and I think Fribourg was the fourth. Their Cantons also, as I suppose, receiued part of this pension, which be three villages situate in the mountains, namely Swisse, whereof the whole countrie is named; Soleurre, and Ondreual: other 20000. franks he promised yeerely to the said Swissers gouernors, and to certaine particular men that should further his affaires. Moreouer, he enrolled himselfe one of their Burgesses, & desired to be their principall confederate, and to haue writings thereof; wherein though they made some difficultie at the first, bicause the Duke of Sauoy had euer been their chiefe confederate: yet in the end they granted him his demaunds, and promised to send continually to his seruice 6000. men vnder this condition, that their entertainment should be monethly fower gildons and a halfe, which band continued in pay till the Kings death ⁶. A poore Prince had not been able to do this, but sure it turned greatly to the Kings profit, though in the end I thinke it will be their destruction. For now they flowe so with monie, especially with gold (wherewith before they were vnacquainted) that they are readie to fall at variance among themselues, otherwise no man should be able to annoy them. For their countrie is so poore, and so full of mountaines, and themselues so good soldiers, that few woulde seeke to inuade them. After these treaties were ended, and all the Almaines in Burgundie woon to the Kings seruice, the Burgundians force was cleane broken. To be short, after diuers new enterprises atchieued by the gouernor the Lord of Chaumont, he besieged Rochfort a castell neere to Dolle, defended by Master Claude de Vauldray, and yeelded by composition. Afterward he besieged the towne of Dolle, from the siege whereof his predecessor in this office was raised (as before you haue heard) and tooke it by assault. The report was that some of these Almaines lately receiued into the Kings seruice, thought to haue entered the towne to defend it; but [Page] so many franke archers thronged in with them, not vnderstanding their treason, but onely for desire of gaine, that after they were once entred, they fell all to the spoile, and burned and destroied the towne. A few daies after the taking whereof, the gouernor besieged Aussonne a very strong town, but he had good intelligence within it. And before he brought the siege thither, he writ to the King, desiring that the offices of the towne might be bestowed vpon certaine whom he named: which request was foorthwith granted. Although I were not present at these actions, yet vnderstood I of them, both by the reports made thereof to the King, and also by the letters written to him; the which oftentimes I my selfe perused to make answer therunto by his commandement. The force within Aussonne was but small, and the captaines had intelligence with the gouernor, by meanes whereof within fiue or sixe daies the place was yeelded. Thus was all Burgundie conquered, saue three or fower castels situate vpon mountaines, namely Ieu, and certaine others, and the towne of Bezanson which is imperiall, not subiect to the countie of Burgundie, but enuironed therewith; and therefore at the commandement of the Prince thereof. The gouernor entred into it for the King, and came foorth againe; they of the towne doing vnto him all such seruices as they were accustomed in times past to do to the Princes of Burgundie. Thus was all Burgundie subdued by the gouernors great diligence, whereunto the King earnestly pressed him, doubting that he would leaue some place vnconquered, to the end his helpe might be needed there still, and he not be called from thence to serue the King in some other place. For Burgundie is a fruitfull countrie, whereof he disposed as of his owne; so that both the Lord of Cran before named, and this gouernor also, filled their bags wel there. The countrie remained quiet awhile vnder the gouernment of the said Lord of Chaumont: notwithstanding certaine places, namely Beaune, Verdun, and others ⁷ rebelled soone after: at the which time I my selfe was there, sent thither by the King, with the pensioners of his house, who neuer had captaine ouer them before, but sithence continually. The said places aboue rehearsed were soone recouered by the wisedome and conduct of the gouernor, and by his enimies lacke of conduct and good order. Whereby you may perceiue, what difference God of his goodnes hath set betweene man and man: for to that part which he meaneth to protect and defend, he giueth the wisest men, and likewise wisedome to those that are in authoritie to imploy the wisest. Further, he hath alwaies shewed and doth daily shew himselfe in all things a defender and protector of our Kings, not onely of our Master that dead is, but of the King likewise now raigning, notwithstanding that somtime they taste also of his scourges. They that lost againe these townes thus reuolted, were force sufficient to haue defended them, if they had with speede put themselues into them: but through their negligence they gaue the gouernor leisure to leuie men, which was great follie; for they knew well ynough his estate, considering the great fauor all the countrie bare them. Wherefore they ought to haue entred with speed into Beaune, being a strong towne, and of defence, as the others were not. The selfesame day that the gouernor went to besiege a little beggerly towne called Verdun, being well informed of the state thereof: these Burgundians entered there, minding to put themselues into Beaune. They were sixe hundred choise men horsemen and footmen, partly Almaines, and partly of the countie of Ferrette, led by certaine expert gentlemen of Burgundie, of the which Simon of Quinchy was one. But they spent time at Verdun while they might haue entred into Beaune, which the gouernor could neuer haue recouered, if they had once been within it. But for lack of good counsell, they staied a night too long in Verdun, where they were besieged and taken by assault. Afterward [Page] Beaune was also besieged, and all that was lost recouered, since the which time our enimies were neuer of any force in Burgundie. I was at this present in the countrie with the Kings pensioners (as you haue heard) from whence the King reuoked me, bicause of a certaine letter written to him, wherein he was aduertised that I forbare to lodge our men of armes in certaine Burgesses houses of Dyion. This with another small suspicion conceiued of me, caused him suddenly to send me to Florence: to which his commandement I obeied as reason was, and departed so soone as I had my dispatch.

The Notes.

1 This Sigismund was not vncle to Maximilian, as other histories report, but cosin germane to his father; for Ernestus father to the Emperor Friderick, and Fridericus Seinor this Duke Sigismunds father were brethren, sonnes to Leopold Duke of Austriche, slaine in battell by the Swissers anno 1386.

2 He sold it ann. 1469.

3 Others write that the monie was paied to a merchant of Basill to the Duke of Burgundies vse, and the paiement signified to the said Duke, who would not accept it vnles it were paied at Bezanson.

4 This vvas the Prince of Orenges brother vvho came to leuie the siege that Monseur de Cran held before Gy, vvhere he had besieged the said Prince of Orenge, vvith him vvere slaine 14. or 15. hundred.

5 Before lib. 5. cap. 2. he reporteth these 40000. franks to be florens, and so in mine opinion it should be read heere.

6 VVhen these Swissers began first to be entertained, then were the franck archers cassed, which was anno 1480.

7 The old copie raseth Verdun and hath Semur, which the Annales of Fraunce call Sennier: saying, that both this and Verdun also rebelled.

How Monseur d'Argenton during these wars of the conquest of Burgundie, was sent to Florence, and how he receiued homage of the Duke of Milan in the Kings name for the Duchie of Genua. Chap. 5.

MY voiage into Italy was about a quarrell that arose between two great houses, very famous in those daies, the one the house of Medicis, the other the house of Pacis; the which Pacis by the supportation of the Pope and Ferrande King of Naples, thought to haue slaine Laurence of Medicis & al his adherents: notwithstanding of him they failed; but his brother Iulian they slew in the great church of Florence, and with him one called Francis Noly, a seruant of this house of Medicis, who stepped foorth before the said Iulian to saue him. Laurence de Medicis being sore hurt retired into the vestrie of the church, the doores whereof are of copper, & were made by his fathers commandement. A seruant whom he deliuered out of prison but two daies before, did him good seruice that day, and receiued many wounds for him. This murther was committed while hie masse was sung: for the time agreed vpon for the execution was when the Priest that sung masse began Sanctus. But the [Page] successe of the enterprise answered not their expectation. For supposing all to haue been fully accomplished: certaine of them went vp to the pallace, minding there to haue slaine all the Lords of the towne being to the number of nine, which haue the whole gouernment of the citie, and change at euery three moneths end. But they that attempted this enterprise were euill followed by their companions, by meanes whereof when they came to the top of the palace staires, one shut a doore after them: whereupon they seeing themselues not past fower or fiue were astonished and wist not what to say, which the Lordes of the towne that were aboue and their seruants perceiuing, looked out at the windowes, and saw all the towne in an vprore and hard Master Iames of Pacis with his companions cry in the midst of the market place before the pallace, Liberta Liberta, and Popolo Popolo: which were words wherby they thought to allure the people to take part with them, which notwithstanding the people did not, but held themselues quiet. Whereupon Master Iames de Pacis and his companions seeing the euill successe of their enterprise, fled out of the place as men astonished. Which when the Lords and gouernors of the towne being within the pallace perceiued: they tooke immediately those fiue or sixe that were come vp euill accompanied, and euill followed, with intent to haue slaine them and taken the gouernment into their hands; and commanded them presently to be hanged at the bars of the pallace windowes, the archbishop of Pise ¹ being one of them. Further, the said gouernors perceiuing al the city to take part with them & the house of Medicis: gaue commandement foorthwith, that all found men flying should be staied at the passages and brought backe to the towne; at the which instant Master Iames of Pacis was taken, and with him one sent thither by Pope Sixtus, being a captaine of certaine bands vnder the Earle Hieronimo, which Earle was also of the conspiracie. The said Pacis with his companions was in like maner immediately hanged at the bars of the pallace windowes: the Popes seruant was beheaded; and besides these diuers were taken in the towne, who were al hanged in this heate, of the which Francis de Pacis was one. There were as I gesse hanged in all fowerteene great personages, besides certaine seruants slaine in the towne. A few daies after this vprore, I arriued at Florence from the King, hauing vsed great diligence after my departure out of Burgundy, for I staied no where but two or three daies with the Duchesse of Sauoye the Kings sister, who entertained me very honorably. From thence I went to Milan, where I soiorned also two or three daies, and demanded aide of them to succor the Florentines, with whom at that time they were in league, which my request they willingly graunted, both bicause of the Kings demand, & also for their leagues sake: wherefore they sent foorth at that present three hundred men of armes, and soone after other bands. But to proceede, the Pope excommunicated the Florentines immediately after this fact committed, and caused foorthwith his owne forces and the King of Naples forces to marche. Their army was strong and great, and they had in pay a number of good soldiers. They besieged first a little forte neere to Senes called the Chastellennie, which they tooke with diuers other places so that the Florentines were in great distresse: for bicause they had liued long in peace, they were vnacquainted with the warres, neither vnderstoode the danger they were in. Laurence de Medicis their chiefe gouernor in the towne was but yoong, and ruled altogither by yoong men, yet the whole citie rested vpon his opinion. Moreouer, they had but few Captaines, and their force was very small: but the generall of the Popes and King Ferrand of Naples army was the Duke of Vrbin, a valiant and wise Prince, and a good captaine. In their campe were also the Lord Robert of Arimini, who since hath been a man of great estimation, the Lord [Page] Constantine of Pesaro, and diuers others that accompanied the King of Naples two sonnes, the Duke of Calabria, and the Lord Dom Frederic, (who are al yet aliue;) besides a great number of other valiant soldiers. Thus they tooke all the places that they besieged; but not so speedily as we would haue done in Fraunce, bicause they vnderstood not what appertained neither to the siege nor defence of a towne so well as we: but sure as touching the leading of an army, & giuing order both for victuals & al other things necessary for a campe, they passe vs far. The fauor the King shewed the Florentines stood them in some stead, though not so much as I wished; but I had no forces there to aide them with, saue onely my traine. I staied at Florence and in their dominions about a yeere, altogither vpon their charge: they vsed me very honorably, and till the last day my entertainment rather amended then impaired. Then the King called me home, and as I passed through Milan, I receiued homage for the Duchy of Genua of the Duke of Milan, called Iohn Galeas, at the least of the Duchesse his mother, who did homage to me as the Kings deputie in hir sonnes name. From thence I returned to the King our Master, who receiued me gratiously and acquainted me with his affaires more than euer before, and appointed me also to be his bedfellow, notwithstanding that I were vnwoorthy of that honor, and that diuers others were fitter for that place than my selfe: but he was so wise that no man could faile to please him if he executed his commandements, without adding ought thereto of his owne braine.

The Notes.

1 This Archbishops name was Francis Saluiat, and this vprore was the 27. of Aprill anno 1478.

Of Monseur d'Argentons returne out of Italie into Fraunce, and of the battell of Guinegate. Chap. 6.

AT my returne the King our Master looked somwhat aged, and his body was disposed to sicknes, but his disease brake not foorth as yet. His affaires he gouerned with great wisedome, and the war endured still in Picardie, wherewith he was not a little discontented, as were his enimies also in the said countrie: but they could not remedie it. The Duke of Austriche now King of Romans hauing the Flemmings this yeere at his deuotion, laid the siege before Therouenne: but Monseur de Cordes the Kings lieutenant in Picardie, leuied all the forces the King had in that countrie, and the frontiers thereabout, to the number of eight thousand franke archers, and went to succour the place. Whom when the Duke of Austriche perceiued to approch, he leuied his siege, and marched against him: the two armies met at a place called Guinegate. The Duke had of Flemmings to the number of twenty thousand or better, and certaine Almaines togither with three hundred English men, led by an English Knight that had serued Charles Duke of Burgundie, called sir Thomas Abrigan. The Kings horsemen being much stronger than their enimies, brake the Dukes horsemen, and pursued them and Master Philip of Rauastain their captaine as far as Ayre, whereupon the Duke ioined himselfe with his footemen. The King had in this armie at the least 1100. men of armes of his ordinarie retinue ¹: all the which followed not the chase; but Monseur [Page] de Cordes who was generall did, and Monseur de Torcy with him, which was a valiant deede, but against the law of armes; for the captaines of the vaward and rereward ought not to follow the chase. Some of the Dukes horsemen retired, vnder colour of defending the strong places; but others fled in good earnest. The Dukes footmen fled not, yet were they vpon the point so to do; but they had with them on foote two hundred valiant gentlemen their leaders, among whom were the Lord of Romont of the house of Sauoye, the Earle of Nassaw, and diuers others yet liuing. The courage of these gentlemen staied the footemen, which was a woonder, considering they saw their horsemen broken. The Kings franke archers fell to spoile the Dukes carriage, and the straglers that followed it, as victuallers, and such like: but certaine of the Dukes footmen set vpon them, discomfited them, and slue some of them. The Dukes losse was greater than ours; for more of his men were taken, and more slaine ²: but the honor of the field was his. And I thinke verily if he had returned to Therouenne, he had not found a man neither in it, nor in Arras; and it was greatly to his losse, that he durst not attempt so to do. But in such cases men are not alwaies informed of the best: and to say the truth, great cause he had to feare that enterprise. I speake of this battell but by hearsay; for I was not present at it: notwithstanding to continue the order of my historie, somwhat I was forced to write thereof. I was with the King when these newes were brought him, which vndoubtedly nipped him at the verie hart; for he was not accustomed to lose, but had such successe in all his attempts, that fortune seemed to be at his commandement, which vndoubtedly his wisedome greatly furthered. For he would hazard nothing, neither feared any thing more than a battel; and as touching this now mentioned, it was fought without his knowledge. His armies he made so strong, that few Princes were able to encounter them; he was better furnished of artillerie, than any King that euer raigned in Fraunce: he attempted alwaies to take places vpon a sudden, especially such as he perceiued to be euill fortified; which after he had once gotten, he furnished so well both of men and artillerie, that it was impossible for his enimies to recouer them. Further, if the captain of any strong place, or any other within it, would practise to yeeld it for monie, he was sure of a copes mate, neither would he shrinke were the summe neuer so great that was demanded, but liberally giue it. He was afeard at the first when newes was brought him of this battell, supposing the truth had not been told him, but that his whole force had beene ouerthrowen, knowing, if it were so, all to be lost that he had conquered ouer this house of Burgundie in those parts, and the rest in great danger: but when he vnderstood the truth, he tooke the matter patiently, and was well ynough contented with Monseur de Cordes. Notwithstanding he purposed to giue order, that no more such enterprises should be attempted without his knowledge. From this day forward he resolued to treate of peace with the Duke of Austriche, so that it might be wholy to his owne aduantage, and that he might thereby so bridle the said Duke, by meanes of his owne proper subiects (whom he knew to be inclined to practise against their Prince) that he should neuer be able to do him harme. Moreouer, he was very desirous to redresse all disorders in his realme, especially the long delaies of processes and sutes in law: which thing the better to compas, he minded to bridle the Court of parlament, not by diminishing their number or authoritie, but many things were done there against his minde, for the which he hated it. He was also desirous to reduce his whole realme to one custome, and one kinde of waight and measure: and further, that all the lawes and customs should be written in the French toong, in a faire booke to auoid the pillings and pollings of the Counsellors in law, which are more excessiue in this realme than in any other, as the nobilitie [Page] hath good cause to knowe. And vndoubtedly if God had spared him life and health fiue or sixe yeeres longer, he would haue done much good in the realme, as great cause he had to do; for he had more oppressed it than euer had any of his predecessors: but neither authoritie nor perswasions could haue woon him to vnburden his people till it had come of himselfe, as in his latter daies sure it would if God had preserued him from sicknes. Wherefore it is requisite to do good while a man hath leisure, health, and vnderstanding. The treatie the King desired to make with the Duke and Duchesse of Austrich, and their dominions, was this: he meant by meanes of the citizens of Gaunt to treate of a marriage betweene the Daulphin his sonne now our King, and the daughter of the said Duke and Duchesse, vnder these conditions, that if the marriage were accomplished, they should permit him quietly to enioy the counties of Burgundie, Auxerrois, Masconnois, and Charolois; and he for his part would restore vnto them Artois, reseruing onely to himselfe the citie of Arras, in such sort as he had fortified it: for the towne was now nothing woorth, considering the fortification of the citie. For before the King tooke Arras, the towne was fortified with ditch and rampire against the citie; but now the citie was fortified against the towne, and held for the King by the Bishop: wherein the King did contrarie to the Princes of this house of Burgundie. For they alwaies at the least by the space of these hundred yeeres, made Bishop whom they listed, and placed a captaine in the towne besides: but the King to increase his authoritie did cleane contrarie, and caused also the towne wals to be beaten downe, and the citie to be fortified: so that now the citie shutteth vpon the towne, a great ditch being betweene both. Wherefore the King indeed offered nothing; for whoso hath the citie, hath the towne at commandement. Of the Duchie of Burgundie, the countie of Bolloin, the townes situate vpon the riuer of Somme, the territories of Peronne, Roye, & Montdidier no mention was made. After these ouuertures were once set on foot, they of Gaunt furthered them to the vttermost of their power, and vsed very rudely the Duke and Duchesse his wife, as did also diuers other great townes of Flaunders and Brabant, which were fully bent to follow the proceedings of them of Gaunt, especially Brucelles, which was growen so wealthie, bicause of the continuall residence that Duke Philip and Duke Charles of Burgundie had made there: (as did also at this present the Duke and Duchesse of Austriche) that the wealth [...]nd quietnes wherein they had liued vnder these two Dukes aboue named, made them forget God and their dutie to their Prince: so that they procured themselues that misfortune, which afterward, as you haue seene, fell vpon them.

The Notes.

1 The old copie saith but 500. men of armes.

2 There were slaine at the battell of Guinegate 11000. Burgundians, and 5000. French men. Gaguin.

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How King Lewis being visited with sicknes, lost his wits, and lay speechlesse, somtime recouering, and eftsoones falling into his disease againe: and how he behaued himselfe in his castell of Plessis les Tours. Chap. 7.

ABout this time in the yeere 1479. in the moneth of March truce was made betweene these two Princes. The King was verie desirous of peace especially in those parts, so that it might be altogither for his aduentage. For he began now to waxe old and sickely; so far foorth that once being at dinner at Forges neere to Chinon, he was suddenly taken in all parts of his bodie and lost his speech: he was taken vp from the table and held to the fire, and the windowes shut; to the which notwithstanding that he desired to go, yet some of his freiends held him and would not suffer him so to do, meaning all for the best. This disease tooke him in the yeere of our Lord 1480. in the moneth of March: he laie altogither speechlesse, he knew no man, and his memorie was wholly taken away. At the which instant you (my Lord of Vienna) came thither, and serued him at that time in steed of a Phisition: for you gaue him a glister, and caused the windowes to be opened, and the aire to be let in; whereupon immediately he recouered his speech and his memorie after a sort, and tooke horse and returned to Forges: for this disease tooke him in a village a quarter of a league thence whither he went to heare masse. He was diligently tended & made signes what he would haue done: among other things he desired that the officiall of Tours might be called to shriue him, and made signes also that I should be sent for, for I was gone to Argenton being ten leagues thence: when I came, I found him at the table with Master Adam Fumee, (who sometime had beene King Charles the seauenths Phisition, and was at that present Master of the requests,) and another Phisition called Master Claude: he vnderstood little what any man saide, notwithstanding griefe he felt none, he spake plainely almost neuer a word, but made signes that I should be in his chamber. I waited vpon him the space of 15. daies ¹ at his table, & about his person as one of the groomes of his chamber, which I accounted great honor to me, and thought my self in dutie bound so to do. After two daies he recouered his speech & his memorie after a sort: and bicause he thought that no man vnderstood him so well as my selfe, his pleasure was that I should alwaies be by him, and he confessed himselfe to the officiall in my presence, otherwise they would neuer haue vnderstood one an other. He had not much to say, for he was shriuen not long before, bicause the Kings of Fraunce vse alwaies to confesse themselues when they touch those that be sicke of the Kings euill, which he neuer failed to do once a weeke. If other Princes do not the like, they are to blame, for continually a great number are troubled with that disease. After he was somewhat recouered, he began to enquire who they were that held him by force from going to the windowes, whose names when he heard, foorthwith he banished them the Court; so that they neuer came afterward to his presence, & some of them also he put out of office. From others, namely the Lord of Segre and Gilbert de Grasse Lord of Champeroux he tooke nothing, but commanded them to depart. Many woondered at this toie, blaming him for so vsing [Page] them, considering that all that they did was for the best, and they said truth: but Princes imaginations are strange, and a number are bold to prattle of them that vnderstand them not. The King feared nothing so much as the diminishing of his authoritie being maruellous great, for the which cause he would not be disobeied in any point. Further, he remembred that when King Charles his father fell into the disease whereof he died, he entred into suspition that his seruants sought to poison him at his sonnes request ²: which phansie sanke so deepely into his head that he refused his meate. Wherefore it was concluded by the aduise of his Phisitions, and of his chiefest and trustiest seruants, that he should be forced to eate: the which was executed verie orderly and aduisedly by those that serued him, for cooliz was powred into his mouth, but soone after this force he died. The King our Master who had euer misliked this ordering of his father, stomacked maruellously that he had been held thus perforce; but yet made shew of much greater displeasure than indeed he had conceiued therof. The chiefe cause that mooued him so to do was feare, least they should Master him in all other things, especially in the expedition of his waightie affaires, vnder colour of the imperfection of his wits.

After he had dealt thus roughly with these aboue named, he inquired what his Councell had done during the time of his sicknes, and what dispatches they had made, whereof the Bishop of Alby, his brother the gouernor of Burgundy, the Marshall of Gié, and the Lord of Lude had the whole charge: for these were present when his sicknes tooke him, and lodged all in two little chambers vnderneath him. Further, he would needs see the letters and packets that had been brought and came howerly. The principall whereof were shewed him, and I read them before him: he made a countenance as though he vnderstood them, and tooke them into his hands, faining that he read them, notwithstanding that indeed he vnderstood neuer a word. Somtime also he spake a word or two, or made signes what should be the answer to these letters; but little or no thing was dispatched, for we expected an end of his disease, bicause he was a Master with whom it stood vs vpon to deale circumspectly. This sicknes held him about fifteene daies, and then his wits and speech he recouered perfectly, but his body was maruellous weake; for the which cause we feared greatly a relapse, the rather bicause naturally he was inclined to giue but smal credit to Phisitions. Immediately after he was well recouered, he restored Cardinall Ballue (whom he had held in prison fowerteene yeeres) to liberty. Whereunto notwithstanding that he had been required oftentimes before, both by the Sea Apostolike and others, and all in vaine: yet now he purchased the absolution of that fault himselfe, by a bull sent from our holy father the Pope by his owne procurement. When his disease first tooke him, they that at that present were about him held him for dead, and sent foorth diuers commandements for the reuoking of an excessiue and cruell subsidie lately laid vpon his subiects, by the aduise of the Lord of Cordes his lieutenant in Picardy, wherewith were waged ten thousand footemen, to be alwaies in a readines, & 2500. pioners, the which were called the Soldiers of the campe. Moreouer, he appointed fifteene hundred of his ordinary men of armes to accompany them, and to fight on foote when need so required. He caused also a great number of cartes to be made to inclose them, and tents and pauilions, imitating therein the D. of Burgundies campe. The charge of this army amounted yeerly to 1500000. franks ³. When these soldiers were in a readines, and furnished of all things necessarie, he went to see them muster in a valley neere to Pont de l'Arche in Normandy, where the band of the sixe thousand Swissers aboue mentioned mustered also, the which neuer sawe the King but at this time onely. After all was ended, the King remooued [Page] to Tours, where he fell againe into his former disease, and lost his speech as before, and was by the space of two houres in such case that all men held him for dead. He lay in a gallery vpon a mattresse of straw, diuers standing about him. Monseur de Bouchage and I vowed him to Saint Claude, and all the rest that were present vowed him also. Immediately whereupon he recouered his speech, and soone after arose and walked vp and downe the house, but his body was maruellous feeble. The second fit of sicknes tooke him in the yeere 1481. notwithstanding he rode vp and downe the countrie as before, and went to Argenton to my house, where he lay a moneth maruellous sicke. From thence he went to Tours, where (notwithstanding that he still remained sicke) he tooke vpon him his voiage to Saint Claude, to whom as you haue heard he was vowed, and at his departure thence commanded me to go into Sauoye against the Lords of Chambre, Miolant, and Bresse, bicause they had taken prisoner the Lord of Lins in Daulphine, whom he had appointed gouernor of Duke Philibert his nephew. Yet notwithstanding couertly he aided these Lords against whom I went. He sent also a great band of soldiers after me, whom I led to Mascon against the Lord of Bresse, but he and I agreed well ynough secretly. Further, the Lord of Chambre made a composition with the Duke of Sauoye at Thurin in Piedmont where he lay, whereof he aduertised me; and immediately thereupon I caused my forces to retire. He led the said Duke to Grenoble, whither the Marshall of Burgundie, the Marquesse of Rothelin, and my selfe went to receiue him. The King commanded me to returne home, and to meete him at Beauieu in Beauiolois, where when I arriued, I woondered to see him so leane and bare, much more to ride vp and downe the countrie, but his noble hart carried him. At Beauieu he receiued letters, that the Duchesse of Austriche was dead of a fall from hir horse; for she rid a fierce hobby that threw hir vpon a blocke, notwithstanding some say she died not of the fall, but of an ague: but howsoeuer it were, she died soone after the fall, to the great dammage of hir subiects & friends, who since hir death neuer had quietnes nor good successe. For this people of Gaunt and the other towns bare much more reuerence to hir than to hir husband, bicause she was Lady of the country. She died in the yeer 1482. The K. told me these newes in great ioy, adding, that the two childrē remained in the citizens of Gaunts custodie, whom he knew to be inclined to sedition & rebellion against this house of Burgundie. Further, he thought the time now come when he might do some great exploit, seeing the D. of Austriche was but yoong, his father yet liuing, his countries troubled on euerie side with wars, and himselfe a stranger and weakly accompanied. For the Emperor his father was too extremely couetous, for the which cause his sonne found the lesse fauour. The King immediately after the Duchesse death, began to practise with the gouernors of Gaunt, by meanes of Monseur de Cordes, and to treate of a marriage betweene the Daulphin his sonne, and the said Dukes daughter called Margaret, at this present our Queene. The said de Cordes addressed himselfe wholy to two men, the one a pensioner of the towne called VVilliam Riue, a subtill craftie fellow; the other the clarke of their Senate named Coupe Nole, who was a hosier, but in great credit with the people: for such men of occupation, when they are most vnruly, are there best esteemed. The King returned to Tours, and kept himselfe very close, so that few saw him: for he waxed iealous of all men, searing that they would take the gouernment from him, or diminish his authoritie; for the which cause he remooued all those from him, that he had most fauoured, and had been neerest about him, not diminishing their estates in any respect: but he sent them away some to their offices and charges, and some to their houses, but this endured not long, for soone after he died. He did diuers strange things which caused [Page] as many as saw them to thinke him out of his wits; but they were not throughly acquainted with his conditions. As touching suspicious, all great Princes are suspicious, especially those that be wise, and haue had many enimies, and haue offended many as the King our Master had. Further, he knew himselfe not to be beloued of the nobilitie of his realme, nor of a great number of the commonalty. Besides this, he had more charged his people than euer had any of his predecessors: notwithstanding he was desirous now in his latter daies (as before I said) to haue eased them, but he should haue begun sooner. King Charles the seuenth by the perswasion of diuers wise and valiant Knights that had serued him in the conquest of Normandie and Guyenne (which the Englishmen held,) was the first that began to leuy subsidies at his pleasure, without the consent of the States of his realme; and to say the truth, cause there was then so to do: for the charges were maruellous great, as well for the manning of the countries newly conquered, as also for the defeating of the companies of robbers, which went about spoiling the realme. For the which cause the nobility of Fraunce consented to the King, and had certaine pensions promised them in consideration of the summes of money that should be leuied vpon their lands. If this King had alwaies liued and those of his councel that were about him, he would sure greatly haue enlarged his realme. But considering what hapned after his death, & is like further to happen, he charged maruellously his soule, and the soules of his successors by this fact: for he gaue his realme a cruell wound, which will bleed this many a yeere, by entertaining in continuall pay a terrible band of men of armes, after the maner of the Italian Princes. The said King Charles leuied in his realme at the hower of his death but 1800000. franks all maner of waies, and had in ordinary about seuenteene hundred men of armes, the which he kept in good order, and so placed in diuers prouinces for the defence of his realme, that many yeeres before his death they rid not spoiling vp and downe the countrey, to the great quietnes & comfort of his people. But the King our Master leuied at his death 4700000. franks, he had in pay fower or fiue thousand men of armes, and of footemen for the campe and in garrison, aboue fiue and twenty thousand: wherefore it is not to be maruelled if he had many phansies and imaginations in his head, and thought himselfe not welbeloued. But sure as these matters caused him greatly to feare some; so had he a sure confidence in many of those whom he had brought vp and highly aduanced, of the which I thinke there were a number, whom death it selfe could neuer haue withdrawen from dooing their duty. There came into Plessis du Parc, (which was the place where he lay) very few besides his household seruants, and the archers of his guarde being fower hundred, of whom a great number all the day long kept watch and warde at the gate, walking vp and downe the place. No noble man or great personage lodged within the castell, neither might be suffered to enter in, saue onely the Lord of Beauieu Duke of Bourbon his sonne in law. The said stell of Plessis he had made to be enuironed with a grate of great iron bars, & at the entrie into the ditches thereof had caused sharpe speares of iron, euery one of them hauing many heads, to be masoned into the wall. He caused also fower strong watch houses of iron to be built, and a place to be made in them where men might stande and shoote at ease, which was a sumptuous thing to behold, and cost aboue 20000. franks. In the end he put into these houses fortie crossebowe men, which were day and night in the ditches, & had commission to shoote at euery man that approched neere the castell after the shutting of the gates, til they opened in the morning. Further, he had an imagination that his subiects would be very ready to take the gouernment into their owne hands when they should see conuenient time. And sure [Page] some there were that consulted to enter into Plessis and dispatch the affaires at their pleasure, bicause nothing was dispatched; but they durst not attempt it, wherein they did wisely, for the K. had giuen good order for that matter. He changed often both the groomes of his chamber and al his other seruants, saying, that nature delighteth in varietie; and he had with him to beare him company one or two very meane men and of euill report, who might well haue thought if they had been wise, that immediately after his death they should at the least be put out of office and spoiled of all they had, as also it hapned. These informed him of no message that was sent him, not of any matter that was written to him, were it neuer so important, vnlesse it touched the preseruation of the State, or the defence of his realme: for that was his onely care to be in truce and peace with all men. He gaue to his Phisition ordinarily euery moneth ten thousand crownes, and in fiue moneths he receiued of him 54000. He gaue also goodly lands to churches; but this gift was made voide, and not without cause, for the clergie men had too much.

The Notes.

1 It was fortie daies: but bicause the old copie hath 15. daies, and that himselfe also afterward in this very chapter saith thus; This sicknes held him about fifteene daies, I haue been bold to amend it.

2 King Lewis was suspected to haue poisoned his father by Adam Fumée his fathers physition, who was imprisoned by King Charles, but soone after aduaunced to honor by King Lewis, who so maruellously reioiced at the first newes of his fathers death (being the selfe same day that his father died, which was strange, King Lewis being then at Genappe in Brabant) that in the selfe same place he built a chappell to our Lady.

3 It was 15000. but the olde copie had 1500000. and so vndoubtedly it is to be read: for for 15000. franks will hardly maintaine 100. soldiers a yeere.

How the King caused the holy man of Calabria to come to Tours, thinking that he could heale him: and what strange things the said King did to maintaine his authoritie during his sicknes. Chap. 8.

AMong men famous for deuotion, he sent into Calabria for one Frier Robert, whom he called the holy man, bicause of his holy life, and in whose honor the King that now is, caused a Church to be built at Plessis du Parc, in place of the chappell neere to Plessis at the bridge foote. This heremite being twelue yeeres of age entred into a rocke, where he remained till he was fortie three yeeres old, or there about, to wit, euen till this present that the King sent for him by one of the stewards of his house, whom the Prince of Tarente the King of Naples sonne accompanied thither. For the said heremite would not depart thence, without permission both of the Pope and of his Prince; which was great wisedome in so simple a man. He builded in the place where he liued two Churches, and neuer ate since the time he entred into this strait kinde of life, either fish, flesh, egs, any kinde of whitmeate, or of fat. I neuer saw in my time a man of so holy life, nor by whose mouth the holy Ghost seemed rather to speake; for he neuer had been scholler, but was vtterly vnlearned: true it is that his Italian toong caused [Page] somwhat the greater admiration of him. This heremite passed through Naples, being honored and receiued, as if he had been a great Legate sent from the Sea Apostolike; both by the King and by his children, with whom he communed of the affaires of the Court, as if he had beene a Courtier all the daies of his life. From thence he went to Rome, where he was visited by al the Cardinals, and had audience giuen him thrise of the Pope, communing with him alone, and sitting each time hard by him in a goodly chaire three or fower howers togither; which was great honor to so simple a person. His answers were so wise, that all men woondered at them; so far foorth that our holy Father gaue him leaue to erect a new order, called the heremites of Saint Francis. From thence he came to the King, who honored him as if he had been the Pope himselfe, falling downe before him, and desiring him to prolong his life: whereunto he answered as a wise man should. I haue often heard him talke with the King that now is, in presence of all the nobilitie of the realme, and that within these two moneths, and sure he seemed by his words, to be inspired with the holy Ghost, otherwise he could neuer haue communed of such matters as he did. He is yet liuing, and may change either to better or woorse: wherefore I will speake no further of him. Some mocked at this heremites comming, whom they called the holy man; but they knew not the deepe cogitations of this wise King, neither had seene the occasions that mooued him to send for him.

The King lay in his castle of Plessis accompanied with few besides the archers of his gard, and troubled with these suspitions aboue rehearsed. Notwithstanding he had giuen good order for this inconuenience, for he left none of those whom he suspected either in towne or countrey, but made his archers to cause them to depart and to conueigh them away. No man debated any matter with him, vnlesse it were of some great importance that concerned himselfe: he seemed rather a dead corps then a liuing creature, for he was leaner then a man would beleeue: he appare lled himselfe sumptuously, yea more sumptuously then in all his life before; for he ware no gowne but of crimsin sattin furred with good marterns: he gaue gifts to whom it pleased him without any sute; for no man durst mooue any sute to him, nor debate any matter with him: he punished faults sharpely to the end he might be feared, and not lose his authoritie as himselfe tould me: he changed officers, cassed companies of men of armes, diminished pensions, or tooke them cleane away, and told me but a few daies before his death that he passed away the time in making & vndoing of men. To be short, he caused himselfe to be more spoken of within his realme then euer was any King, and all for feare lest men should thinke him dead. For as I said, few saw him but when they hard of his doings; all men stood in feare of him, so far foorth that they hardly beleeued him to be sicke. Out of the realme he had men in all places, as for example in England he had some to feede K. Edward still with hope of his daughters marriage, & he paied truely both him and his seruants all that was due vnto them. Out of Spaine he receiued goodly words and faire promises of perfect freindship and amitie, and great presents from all places: he made a good horse or a good mule to be bought for him whatsoeuer it cost; but this he did not in this realme, but in some strange countrey to perswade men that he was in health. Dogs he sent for round about, into Spaine for a kinde of Spanish greyhound, called in French Allans; into Britaine for little beagles, greyhounds and spaniels, which he paied deere for; into Valence for little rugged dogs, which he made to be bought aboue the owners own price; into Sicily he sēt for good mules, especially to some officer of the countrey, for the which he paied double the value; to Naples for horses, & for diuers strange beasts into diuers countries, as into [Page] Barbarie for a kind of little lions, no greater then litle foxes, which he called Adites; into Denmarke and Sweden for two kinde of strange beasts, one of the which were called Helles ¹, being of shape like a Hart, and of the greatnes of a buffe, with horns short and thicke; the other Rengiers ², being of the bignes and colour of a bucke, saue that their hornes be much greater: for each of the which two beasts he gaue to the merchants that solde them 4500. guildons. But when all these strange things were brought him he made no account of them, no, very seldome spake with those that brought them. To be short, he did so many such like strange things that he was more feared now both of his neighbors and subiects than euer before, which was his onely desire, for to that end did he all this.

The Notes.

1 Gesnerus de Quadrupedibus lib. 1. fol. 1. and Munster in the third booke of his Cosmographie in his treatise of Prussia (where this beast is found) name this beast in Greeke [...], in Latine Alces, in Dutch Elch, Ellend, Hellend, and Ellent: which is not far from the name heere giuen. The Moscouites name it Lozzos.

2 This beast, saith Munster Cosmog. lib. 4. is found in Lapponia or Lappenland, a countrie in Sweden. The Lapponians call it Reen, as he writeth in the same place, and Gesner also de Quadrup. lib. 1. fol. 950. The Romans, saith Gesner, name it Rangiferus, the Germans Rein (and Reinen, saith Munster) Reiner, Rainger, Renschieron: the French men Rangier (as he is heere named) or Ranglier.

How the marriage betweene the Daulphin and the Lady Margaret of Flaunders was concluded, and how she was brought into Fraunce: whereupon Edward King of England died for sorrow. Chap. 9.

BVt to returne to the principall matter, namely, the perfect conclusion of this our historie of King Lewis, and of the affaires of all those great Princes that liued in his time: we must shew how the treatie of marriage was concluded betweene the King that now is, then Daulphin, and the daughter of the Duke and Duchesse of Austriche, by meanes of the citizens of Gaunt, to the King of Englands great greefe, who then well perceiued the hope to be frustrate, which he had conceiued of the marriage betweene his daughter and the said Daulphin now King of Fraunce: which he and the Queene his wife had so greatly desired, that they would neuer credit any man that aduertised them to the contrarie, were he English man or stranger. For the Councell of England had debated this matter with him, at the same time that the King conquered that part of Picardie that ioineth to Calice, alleaging, that after he had subdued that, he might easily attempt to take Calice and Guisnes. The like was also told him, by the ambassadors resident in England for the Duke and Duchesse of Austriche, and by the Britons, and diuers others: but he beleeued no whit of all this, which incredulitie turned much to his losse. Notwithstanding I suppose, it proceeded rather of couetousnes than ignorance: for he feared the losse of the fiftie thousand crownes the King paid him: besides that, he was loth to leaue his ease and pleasures, whereunto he was maruellously addicted. About the conclusion of this [Page] marriage, an assembly was held at Halots in Flaunders, whereat the Duke of Austriche now King of Romans, was present, togither with certaine deputies for the three estates of Flaunders, Brabant, and the other countries belonging to the saide Duke and his children. The citizens of Gaunt did many things there contrarie to the Dukes minde; for some they banished, and some they remooued from about his sonne: in the end they told him how great desire they had to see this marriage accomplished, therby to obtaine peace, & forced him to consent therunto. The Duke was very yoong, and accompanied with few noble men: for all the subiects of this house of Burgundie (very few excepted, I meane of great personages, that could haue giuen him counsell or aide in these affaires) were, as you haue heard, either dead, or reuolted to the King. As touching himselfe, he was come thither very slenderly accompanied, and now hauing lost his wife, being Lady of the countrie, he durst not giue them so stout language, as before he was accustomed. To be short, the King being aduertised of all these actions by Monseur de Cordes, reioiced much thereat, and a day was appointed when this Lady should be brought to Hedin.

Not long before the conclusion of this marriage, to wit, in the yeere 1481. the towne of Ayre was yeelded for a summe of monie to Monseur de Cordes, by the Lord of Croy of the countrie of Artois, who held it for the Duke of Austriche, and the Lord of Beures his captaine. The towne is very strong, situate in the countrie of Artois, and the deliuerie thereof increased the Flemmings desire to further this marriage, bicause it standeth vpon the very entrance into Flaunders. For notwithstanding that they wished the weakening of their Prince, yet were they not willing to haue the King so neere a neighbor to their frontiers. After these matters aboue mentioned were fully concluded, ambassadors came to the King out of Flaunders and Brabant, but all depended vpon them of Gaunt; both bicause of their force, bicause the children were in their hands, and for that they were alwaies the ringleaders of all tumults. There came also from the King of Romanes for the pacifying of his dominions certaine Knights, yoong men like himselfe, and of small experience, whose names were Master Iohn de Bergues and Master Baudouin de Launoy, and certaine Secretaries. The King was brought maruellous low with sicknes, so that hardly he suffered himselfe to be seene, and made great difficultie to sweare the treatie, bicause he was loth to come abrode in sight: notwithstanding in the end he sware it. It was very auantageous for him; for in all assemblies that had beene held heeretofore about this marriage, he neuer required but the countie of Artois or Burgundie, one of the two: but now the Lords of Gaunt (as he termed them) caused them both to be yeelded vnto him, togither with the counties of Masconnois, Charolois, and Auxerrois; yea and if it had lien in them to haue put into his hands, Hainault and Namur, and all the seniories of this house of Burgundie, being of the French language, they would willingly haue done it, thereby to affeeble their Prince. The King our Master being a wise Prince vnderstood well, that no account was to be made of Flaunders, nor the Earle thereof, without he had the countrie of Artois, which lying betweene the King of Fraunce and the Flemmings, is as it were a bridle to them. For in the countrie of Artois are leuied very good soldiers, to scourge the Flemmings when they play the fooles. Wherefore by taking away from the Earle of Flaunders the countrie of Artois, he left him the poorest Prince in the world, and without all obedience of his subiects, saue onely at the pleasure of them of Gaunt. After this ambassage was returned home, the said Lady was led to Hedin, and deliuered into the hands of Monseur de Cordes in the yeere 1483. She was conueied thither by the Lady of Rauastain, bastard daughter to Duke Philip of Burgundie, and [Page] was receiued there by the Duke and Duchesse of Bourbon that now are, and by the Lord of Albret, and diuers others sent thither by the King; who led hir to Amboise where the Daulphin lay. If the Duke of Austriche could haue rescued hir before she was passed out of his dominions from them that conueied hir, he would willingly haue done it: but they of Gaunt had sent hir well accompanied. And as touching the said Duke, all his subiects began to disobey him, so far foorth that a great number tooke part with them of Gaunt, bicause they had his sonne in their hands, and remooued from him, and placed about him such as pleased them: and among the rest that were resident at Gaunt, was the Lord of Rauastain brother to the Duke of Cleues, principall gouernor of the said yoong infant called Duke Philip, who is yet liuing, and like to be a great Prince, if God spare him life. Whosoeuer reioiced at this marriage, the King of England was highly displeased therewith; for he accounted it great reproch and dishonor to be thus deluded, and feared both the losse of the pension the King paid him, which the English men called Tribute; and also that the contempt heereof would stir his subiects to rebellion against him, bicause he would giue no eare to good aduice. Further, he saw the King with great force neere to his dominions: for the which causes he conceiued such inward griefe when he heard these newes, that soone after he ended his life, some say of a catarrhe. But whatsoeuer his disease were, the report goeth, that the sorrow conceiued of this marriage caused the disease, whereof he died soone after in the moneth of Aprill, anno 1483. It is a foule fault in a Prince, to trust more to his owne braine, than to the aduice of a great number: for it causeth oftentimes both great sorrow, and also losse irrecouerable.

Immediately after King Edvvards death, the King our Master was aduertised therof, and seemed nothing ioifull of the newes: but soone after receiued letters from the D. of Glocester, who had vsurped the crowne of England (signing his letters by the name of Richard,) & cruelly murthered the King his brothers two children. This King Richard sought the Kings friendship, & was desirous, as I suppose, to haue this pension paid also vnto him. But the K. would make no answer to his letters, neither giue his messenger audience, but esteemed him a wicked & cruell tyrant. For after K. Edvvards death, the said Duke of Glocester had done homage to his nephew as to his soueraigne Lord and King, and yet immediately thereupon committed this murther, and caused in open parlament the said King Edvvards two daughters to be degraded & proclaimed bastards, vnder colour of a certaine matter which he prooued by the testimonie of a bishop of Bathe, who somtime had been in great credit with King Edvvard, but afterward fell into his disgrace, and was laid in prison, and made to fine for his deliuerance. This Bishop affirmed that King Edvvard being in loue with a certaine gentlewoman in England (whom he named) promised hir marriage to haue his pleasure of hir, which promise he said was made in his presence, and thereupon the King lay with hir, minding onely to abuse hir. Such pastimes are very dangerous, especially when such poofe may be brought foorth: But I haue knowne many a courtier that would not haue lost a good aduenture that liked him in such a case for want of promise. This wicked Bishop buried reuenge in his hart the space of twenty yeeres. But God plagued him for his wickednes: for he had a sonne whom he loued entirely, and whom King Richard so much fauored, that he meant to giue him to wife one of these two daughters, degraded from their dignitie, at this present Queene of England and mother of two goodly children. The said sonne being in a ship of war by King Richard his Masters commandement, was taken vpon the coast of Normandie, and bicause of the contention that fell betweene those that tooke [Page] him: led to the court parlament of Paris, and there put in prison in the petit Chastellet, where in the end he starued for hunger and pouertie. As touching King Richard he liued not long vnpunished: for God raised vp an enimy against him euen at This error you are admonished of before. that very instant being poore, hauing no right to the crowne of England, as I suppose, and of no estimation, saue that as touching his owne person he was well conditioned, and had endured many troubles. For the greatest part of his life he had been prisoner in Britaine to Duke Francis, who entertained him well for a prisoner from the eighteenth yeere of his age. This Earle of Richmond being furnished by the King with a small summe of money, and three thousand men leuied in Normandie, of the vnthriftiest persons in the countrey: passed ouer into Wales, where his father in lawe the Lord Stanley met him with sixe and twenty thousand men at the least. And within three or fower daies after he encountred this cruell King Richard, who was slaine in the field, and the Earle crowned King, and raigneth yet at this day in England. Of this matter I haue made mention before, but it was not amisse to rehearse it heere againe, to shew thereby how God hath plagued in our time such crueltie almost immediately after the fault committed. Diuers other such like punishments hath he shewed also in this our age, if a man would stand to rehearse them all.

How the King behaued himselfe towards his neighbors and subiects during the time of his sicknes, and how diuers things were sent him from diuers places for the recouerie of his health. Chap. 10.

THis mariage of Flaunders so much desired by the King was thus accomplished, as you haue heard, by meanes wherof he had the Flemmings at his commandement. Britaine which he so much hated was in peace with him, but liued in continuall ielousie bicause of the great number of soldiers he had in garrison vpon their frontiers. Spaine was quiet, and the King and Queene thereof desired nothing more then his amity and friendship: for he kept them in feare and continuall charge, bicause of the countrey of Roussillon which he held from the house of Arragon, being engaged to him by Iohn King of Arragon, father to the King of Castile now raigning, vnder certaine conditions yet vnperformed. As touching the Princes & Seniories of Italy, they desired to haue him their friend, and were in league with him, and sent often their ambassadors to him. In Almaine he had the Swissers as obedient to him as his owne subiects. The King of Scotland and Portugale were his confederates: part of the realme of Nauarre was wholie at his deuotion: his subiects trembled before him, and his commandements were executed incontinent without delay or excuse. As touching those things that were thought necessarie for his health, they were sent him out of all parts of the world. Pope Sixtus that last died, being informed that the King of deuotion desired to haue the corporall vpon the which Saint Peter song masse, sent it him incontinent, with diuers other relickes, which were conueied backe againe to Rome. The holie viole which is at Reims and neuer had been remooued thence, was brought into his chamber to Plessis, and stood vpon his cupboord at the hower of his death: he was determined to be annointed therwith as at his coronation. But many supposed that he wold haue anointed all his body with it, which is vnlikely, for [Page] the said holy viole is very small, and containeth not much oile. I saw it both at the time I now speake of, and also when the King was buried at Nostre-dame-de-Clery. The Turke that now raigneth sent an ambassador to him, who came as far as Rhiue in Prouence ¹: but the King would not heare his message, neither permit him to passe any further. The said ambassador brought him a great role of relickes remaining yet at Constantinople in the Turks hands, all the which he offered him togither with a great summe of money, if he would keepe in safe custodie the said Turks brother, who was then in this realme in the hands of the knights of the Rhodes, and is now at Rome in the Popes keeping. By all this aboue rehearsed a man may perceiue how great the King our Masters wisdome and authority was, how he was esteemed through the whole world, and how all things ² as well spirituall of deuotion and religion; as also temporall, were imploied for the prolonging of his life. But all would not helpe, there was no remedy, needes he must go the way his predecessors went before him, one great grace God shewed him, that as he created him wiser, liberaller, and more vertuous in all things than the Princes that raigned in his time, being his enimies and neighbors; and as he surmounted them in all good things: so did he also passe them in long life though not much. For Duke Charles of Burgundy, the Duchesse his daughter, King Edvvard, Duke Galeas of Milan, King Iohn of Arragon, were all dead a fewe yeeres before him: but betweene the death of the said Duches of Austrich, of King Edvvard, and of him, there was no space to speake of. In all these Princes there was both good and euill, for they were all men; but to speake vprightly, there were in him many mo vertues & ornaments appertaining to the office of a King, than in any of the rest. I haue seene them in maner all, and knew what was in them, and therefore I speake not at randon.

The Notes.

1 It was Reims in the French, but that vndoubtedly was false: the old copie hath Rhine or Rhine: others Rins: the Italian Ries.

2 King Lewis dranke childrens blood to recouer his health. Gaguin.

How King Lewis the 11. caused Charles the Daulphin his sonne to come to him a little before his death, and of the commandements and precepts he gaue both him and certaine others. Chap. 11.

IN this yeere 1483. the King desired to see the Daulphine his sonne, whom he had not seene of long time; for he kept him close and permitted no man to come to him, both bicause of the childes health, and also for feare least he should be taken from the place where he remained, and vnder colour of him some rebellion arise in the realme. For so had certaine noble men in times past by meanes of himselfe made an assembly against King Charles the seuenth his father, he being then but eleuen yeeres of age ¹: which war was called la Praguerie, but it soone ended, for it was rather a broile of court than a warre.

Aboue all things, he recommended vnto his said sonne the Daulphine certaine of his seruants, and commanded him expressely not to change certaine officers: [Page] rehearsing to him how after King Charles his fathers death, he comming to the State, put out of office all the valiant and woorthie knights of this realme that had serued his father in the conquest of Normandy and Guienne, in chasing the English men out of Fraunce, and restoring the realme to peace and quietnes, (for himselfe found it both quiet and rich:) which his hard dealing with the said knights, turned greatly to his preiudice, for thereof sprang the war called THE WEALE PVBLIKE in this storie aboue mentioned, which had almost set him besides his crowne. Soone after his communication with the Daulphine his sonne, and the accomplishment of this marriage aboue mentioned; he fell vpon a monday into the disease whereof he died: his sicknes endured til the saturday after being the 30. of August, in the yeer 1483. And bicause I was present at his death, I minde to speake somwhat thereof. When this disease tooke him he lost his speech as before, which being recouered he felt his body weaker than euer it was, notwithstanding that he were so lowe brought before that he could hardly lift his hand to his mouth, and looked so poorely and miserably, that it pitied euery mans hart that sawe him: he accounted himselfe now as dead. Wherefore he sent incontinent for the Lord of Beauieu now Duke of Bourbon his sonne in law, commanding him to go to Amboise to the King his son, (for so he termed him:) he recommended also vnto him diuers of his seruants, and gaue him the whole charge and gouernment of the yoong King, and commanded expressely that certaine whom he named should not come neere his sonne, alleaging diuers good reasons on that behalfe. And if the said Lord of Beauieu had obserued his commandements, at the least part of them (for some were vnreasonable and not to be obserued) I thinke he should thereby haue benefited both the realme and himselfe, considering what hath hapned since in Fraunce. Soone after he sent also the Chauncellor, and all the officers of the law to the said King his sonne, and in like maner part of the archers of his guarde, and his Captaines, and all his haukes and hounds with all that appertained thereunto. Further, as many as came to visit him, he commanded to go to Amboise to the King (for so he termed him) desiring them to serue him faithfully, and by euery one of them he sent him some message or other; but especially by Steuen de Vers, who brought vp the said yoong King, and was the first groome of his chamber, and already aduanced to the bailiwicke of Meaux, by the King our Master. His speech neuer failed him after he recouered it, neither were his wits so fresh at any time as then: for he purged continually, by meanes whereof all fumes voided that troubled his head. In all the time of his sicknesse he neuer complained as other men do when they feele paine: at the least I my selfe am of that nature, and so haue I knowne diuers others, and men say, that complaining asswageth greefe.

The Notes.

1 Others write that he was 16. yeeres olde: this was was anno 1439. and King Lewis was borne anno 1423. so that he was 16. yeeres old when the Praguerie began, and so vndoubtedly it should be read heere.

[Page]

A comparison betweene the sorrowes and troubles that King Lewis suffered, and those he caused diuers others to suffer: with a rehearsall of all that he did, and all that was done to him, till his death. Chap. 12.

HE discoursed continually of some matter or other, and that very grauely, and his disease endured from monday till saturday night. Wherefore I will now make comparison betweene the troubles and sorrowes he caused others to suffer, and those he suffered himselfe before his death, bicause I trust they haue caried him into paradise, and been part of his purgatorie. For notwithstanding that they were not so grieuous, neither endured so long, as those which he caused diuers others to suffer; yet bicause his vocation in this world was higher then theirs, by meanes whereof he had neuer beene contraried, but so well obeied that he seemed a Prince able to haue gouerned all Europe: this little trouble that he endured contrarie to his accostomed nature, was to him a great torment. He hoped euer in this good heremite that was at Plessis whom he had caused to come to him out of Calabria, and continually sent to him: saying, that if it pleased him he could prolong his life. For notwithstanding all these commandements giuen to those whom he sent to the Daulphine his sonne, yet came his spirits againe to him, in such sort that he was in hope to recouer: and if it had so happened, he would easily haue disparckled the assembly sent to this new King. But bicause of the vaine hope he had in this heremite, a Doctor of diuinitie and certaine others thought good to aduertise him that his onely hope must be in the mercie of God: and they deuised that Master Iames Cothier his Phisition, in whom he had reposed his whole confidence, and to whom he gaue monethly ten thousand crownes in hope he would prolong his life: should be present when this speech should be vsed to him. This was Master Oliuer his barbars deuise, to the end he might wholie thinke vpon his conscience, and leaue all his other imaginations conceiued of this holie man, and of the said Master Iames his Phisition. But euen like as he had aduanced the said Master Oliuer and others too suddenly without any desert, to a higher estate than was fit for them: euen so they tooke vpon them boldlie to do such a message to so great a Prince otherwise than became them, not vsing that reuerence and humilitie that was to be vsed in such a case, and such as they would haue vsed whom he had brought vp of long time, and lately commanded out of his presence for the suspicions conceiued of them. And againe, like as vnto two great personages whom he had put to death in his time, (to wit the Duke of Nemours, and the Earle of Saint Paule: for one of the which he repented him at his death, and for the other not;) he had sent a sharpe message of death by Commissioners appointed thereunto; the which briefly pronounced their sentence vnto them, and foorthwith gaue them confessors and but a verie short space to dispose of their consciences: euen so the aboue named signified his death vnto him rudely and in fewe words saying; Sir it is reason we do our duties, hope no more in this holie man, nor any other thing, for sure you are but dead: therefore thinke vpon your conscience, for your hower is come, and euery one of them said somwhat briefly to him to that effect. But he answered, I trust God will helpe me, and peraduenture I am [Page] not so sicke as you suppose. What a sharpe corosife was it to him to heare these newes and this cruell sentence? for neuer man feared death more than he, nor sought so many waies to auoide it as he did. Moreouer, in all his life time he had giuen commandement to all his seruants, as well my selfe as others, that when we should see him in danger of death, we should onely mooue him to confesse himselfe & dispose of his conscience, not sounding in his eares this dreadfull word Death, knowing that he should not be able patiently to heare that cruel sentence: notwithstanding he endured both that and diuers other punishments till the verie hower of death more patiently than euer I sawe any man. To his sonne whom he called King, he sent many messages and confessed himselfe verie deuoutly, and said diuers praiers answerable to the Sacraments he receiued, which also he himselfe demanded. He spake as hartily as if he had not beene sicke, and talked of all matters touching the King his sonnes estate; and among other things gaue commandement that the Lord of Cordes should not depart from his sonne by the space of halfe a yeere after his death: and further, that he should be entreated to attempt nothing against Calice nor elsewhere; saying, that notwithstanding he had deuised these enterprises for the Kings profit, and the benefit of the realme: yet were they verie dangerous, especially that of Calice, for feare of moouing the English men thereby to war Further, he willed especially that after his death the realme should rest in peace the space of fiue or sixe yeeres, a matter which he would neuer yeeld vnto during his life though verie needfull: for notwithstanding that it were great and large, yet was it in poore & miserable estate, especially bicause of the passing to and fro of the men of armes, who continually remooued from one countrey to an other. He gaue order also that no quarrell should be picked in Britaine, but that Duke Francis should be suffered to liue in quiet, and not be put in any doubt or feare of warre, neither yet any other neighbour bordering vpon the realme, to the end the King and the realme might rest in peace till the King were of yeeres to dispose thereof at his owne pleasure.

Thus you see how vndiscreetly his death was signified to him, which I haue rehearsed bicause I began to make a comparison betweene those euils which he had caused diuers of his subiects to suffer, and those he himselfe suffered before his death, to the end you may perceiue that notwithstanding they were not so greeuous, nor so long (as I haue said:) yet were they greeuous to him considering his nature, which demanded obedience, & had been better obeied than any Prince in his time; so that one halfe word contrarying his minde was to him a greeuous punishment. Fiue or sixe daies before his death he had al men in suspition, especially all that were woorthie of credit and authoritie, yea, he grew iealous of his owne sonne, and caused him to be straightly guarded, neither did any man see him or speake with him but by his commandement: at the length he began to stand in doubt also of his daughter, and of his sonne in law now Duke of Bourbon, and would needs know what men entred into Plessis with them, and in the end brake off an assembly that the Duke of Bourbon his sonne in law held there by his commandement. Moreouer, at the same time that his said sonne in law and the Earle of Dunois (returning from the conuoie of the ambassage that came to Amboise to the marriage of the King his sonne and the Queene) entred into the castle of Plessis, with a great bande of men: the King who caused the gates to be straightly kept, being in the gallerie that looketh into the court of the said castle; caused one of the captaines of his guard to come to him, whom he commanded to feele as he talked with the said noble mens seruants whether they wore any brigandines vnder their cloakes, not making shewe as though he came purposely for that intent. Heereby you may perceiue if he caused diuers [Page] others to liue in feare and suspicion vnder him: whether he were paid now with the like himselfe; for of whom could he be assured, mistrusting his sonne, his daughter, and his sonne in lawe? Wherefore thus much I will say not onely of him, but of all other Princes that desire to be feared: that they neuer feele the reuenge thereof till their age, and then their penance is to feare all men. What great greefe thinke you was it to this poore King to be troubled with these passions? He had a Phisition called Master Iames Cothier, to whom he gaue in fiue moneths 54000. crownes, after the rate of 10000. the moneth, and 4000. ouer, besides the Bishopricke of Amiens for his nephew, and other offices and lands for him and his friends. The said Phisition vsed him so roughly, that a man would not giue his seruant so sharpe language as he gaue the King; and yet the King so much feared him, that he durst not command him out of his presence: for notwithstanding that he complained to diuers of him, yet durst he not change him as he did all his other seruants, bicause this Phisition once said thus boldly vnto him; I know that one day you will commaund me away as you do all your other seruants, but you shall not liue eight daies after, binding it with a great oath. Which words put the King in such feare, that euer after he flattered him, and bestowed gifts vpon him, which was a maruellous purgatorie to him in this world, considering of how many noble men and gentlemen he had been obeied.

Moreouer, he had caused diuers cruell prisons to be made, as for example, cages being eight foote square, and one foote more than a mans height, some of iron, and some of wood, plated with iron both within and without with horrible iron works. He that first deuised them was the Bishop of Verdun, who incontinent was himselfe put into the first that was made, where he remained fowerteene yeeres. Many haue cursed him for his deuise, and among others my selfe, for I lay in one of them vnder the King that now reigneth the space of eight moneths. He had also caused certaine Almains to make terrible heauie irons to lay men in, among the which there was a fetter to put on their feete very hard to be opened like to a carquan, with a waightie chaine, and a great iron ball at the end thereof, heauy beyong all measure. These irons were called the Kings nets. Notwithstanding I haue seene diuers gentlemen lie in them as prisoners, who came foorth afterward with great honor, and were aduanced by him to great estates: as for example, a sonne of the Lord of Grutuze of Flaunders taken prisoner in the wars, whom the King afterward richely maried, and made one of his chamber, & Seneschall of Aniou, and gaue him charge of a hundred launces; and in like maner the Lord of Piennes and the Lord of Vergy taken prisoners also in the wars, who both had charge of men of armes vnder the King and other goodly offices, and were of the priuie chamber either to him or his sonne. The like happened also to the Lord of Richbourg the Constables brother, and to one Roquebertin of the country of Cathelonie being likewise taken prisoners in the wars, whom he afterward highly aduanced with diuers others of diuers countries too long to reherse. But now to returne to the matter. As in his time these diuers and sundrie cruell prisons were deuised: euen so he before his death laie in the like, yea in a much crueller prison than any of them, and was in greater feare than they that stood in feare of him, which I account as a great grace towards him, and as part of his purgatorie, and rehearse it onely to shew that euery man of what estate or condition soeuer he be, is punished either secretly or openly, especially those that punish others. Further, the King a little before his death enclosed his castel of Plessis with a grate of iron bars, and at the fower corners of the said castell caused fower strong-watch houses of iron to be built. The said grate was made directly ouer [Page] against the castell wall round about the castell on the outer side of the ditch, which was very steepe. He caused also to be masoned into the wall a great number of iron speares, each of them hauing diuers heads set close togither. Moreouer, he appointed ten crossebowe men to be continually in the said ditches, and to lie in the fower iron houses built in the bottome of the said ditches, and gaue them commandement to shoote at euery man that approched neere to the grate, before the gate opened. He knew well that this fortification was to no purpose against a great force or an armie, but that he doubted not: his onely feare was, that certaine noble men of his realme hauing intelligence in the castell, would attempt to enter into it in the night, partly by loue and partly by force, and take the gouernment vpon them, and make him liue as a man bereft of his wits, and vnwoorthie to rule. The castell gate neuer opened before eight of the clocke in the morning, neither was the drawe bridge let downe till that hower, and then entred his officers, and the captaines of his garde placed the ordinarie warders, and appointed archers to the watch both at the gate and within the court, as if it had beene a frontire towne straightly kept: neither entred any man without the Kings commandement but by the wicket, saue the stewards of his house, and such like officers that went not to him. Is it possible then to hold a King (I meane vsing him like a Prince) in a straiter prison than he held himselfe? The cages wherein he held others were about eight foote square, and he being so great a Prince had but a little court in the castell to walke in, yea and seldome came he into that: for vsually he kept himselfe in the gallerie, from whence he neuer stirred but when he went to masse, at which time he passed through the chambers, and not through the Court. Thinke you that he was not in feare as well as others, seeing he locked himselfe in after this sort, kept himselfe thus close, stood in such feare of his children and neerest kinsmen, and changed and remooued his seruants from day to day, whom he had brought vp and whose good estate depended wholy vpon him, in such sort that he durst trust none of them, but bound himselfe in these strange chaines and bands? The place I confesse was larger than a common prison, so was his estate greater than a common prisoners. But a man will say peraduenture, that other Princes haue been more suspicious than he, whereunto I agree: but none sure in our time, neither any so wise as he, nor that had so good subiects as he had: & as touching them, peraduenture they were cruell tyrants, but he neuer punished any without desert. All this aboue written I haue rehearsed, not so much to publish the suspicions of the King our Master: as partly to prooue that the patient enduring of these passions, being equall with those he had caused others to endure; and of this sicknes being sharpe and troublesome to him, and the which he feared greatly before he fell into it; is to be accounted as a punishment God gaue him in this world, to ease him in the world to come: and partly to giue an example to those that shall come after him, to haue some more compassion on their people than he had, and to be lesse rigorous in punishing than he was. Notwithstanding for my part I am not able to accuse him, neither saw I euer a better Prince; for though himselfe pressed his subiects, yet would he suffer none other so to do friend or foe.

After all these feares, sorrowes, and suspicions, God (according to his accustomed goodnes) wrought a miracle vpon him, healing him both in soule and bodie: for he tooke him out of this miserable world, being perfect of sense, vnderstanding, and memorie, hauing receiued all his sacraments without all griefe to mans iudgement, and talking continually euen within a Pater noster while of his death; so that he gaue order for his funerall, and named those that should accompanie his bodie to the graue; saying euer, that he trusted to die on no day but saturday, and that our [Page] Lady, in whom he had euer put his confidence, and alwaies deuoutly serued, had purchased him this grace, and sure so it happened: for he ended his life vpon saturday the 30. of August in the yeere 1483. at eight of the clocke at night, in the said castell of Plessis, where he fell sicke the monday before. His soule, I trust, is with God, and resteth in his blessed realme of paradise.

A discourse vpon the miserie of mans life, by the examples of those Princes that liued in the authors time, and first of King Lewis. Chap. 13.

SMall hope may meane and poore men haue in worldly honors, seeing this mightie King, after so long trouble and trauell about them, forsooke them al, & could not prolong his life one hower for all that he could do. I knew him & serued him in the flower of his age, & in his great prosperitie; yet neuer saw I himfree from toile of body and trouble of minde. Aboue al pastimes he loued hunting & hauking in their seasons, hunting especially. As touching women, he was free from that vice all the time that I serued him: for a little before my comming to him, he lost one of his sonnes, whose death he much lamented; and soone after made a solemne vow to God in my presence, neuer to accompanie with any woman but the Queene his wife. Whereunto notwithstanding that he were bound by the lawes of marriage; yet was it much that he had such stay of himselfe, especially the Queene being none of those in whose beautie a man could take great delight, but otherwise a very vertuous Lady. In this pastime of hunting he tooke almost as much paine as pleasure; for the toile was great, bicause he ran the Hart to death by force. Besides that, he arose very early in the morning, and oftentimes went far, neither could any weather make him leaue his sport. Somtime also he returned very wearie and in maner euer displeased with one or other: for this game is not alwaies made as they wish that haue the ordering thereof: notwithstanding in all mens opinions, he for his part vnderstood it better than any man in his time. In this pastime he exercised himselfe continually, lodging about in the villages till wars began. For almost euery sommer there was somewhat to do betweene Duke Charles of Burgundie and him: but when winter approched they vsed to make truce. He had great wars also for the countie of Roussillion with King Iohn of Arragon, the King of Spaines father that now liueth. For notwithstanding that they were very poore, and in war with their subiects, namely them of Barselonne and others, and that the sonne were of no force: (for he expected the inheritance of King Friderike ¹ of Castile his wiues brother, which afterward fell to him) yet bicause they had the harts of the subiects of the saide countrie of Roussillion, they made great resistance against him, which cost the King and his realme full deere: for many a good man died and was slaine there, and infinite treasure was consumed in those wars; for they endured long.

Thus you see that the pleasure the King had was but one small time in the yeere, and that ioined with great toile and trauell of his person: when his body was at rest, his minde was occupied, for he had to do in many places, and busied himselfe as much with his neighbors affaires as with his own, seeking to place men in their houses ², and to bestow the offices therin at his pleasure. When he was in war he desired [Page] peace or truce, which notwithstanding when he had obtained, he could not long away with. He medled with many trifling matters in his realme, which he might well haue passed ouer: but such was his disposition and life. And to say the truth, his memory was so excellent that he forgat nothing, but knew all the world, all countries, and all men of estimation round about him; so that he seemed a Prince woorthier to gouern the whole world than one realm alone. Of his youth I am able to say nothing, for I was not with him at that time; notwithstanding what I haue heard, that I will report. Being but eleuen yeeres of age he was busied by certaine Princes and others of the realme, in a war against K. Charles his father, called la Praguerie, which endured not long. And when he was growen to mans estate he married the King of Scotlands daughter ³, and during hir life neuer ioied with hir ⁴: after hir death bicause of the factions and troubles that were in the King his fathers court, he retired into his owne countrey of Daulphine, whither a great number of gentlemen accompanied him, yea many mo than he was able to maintaine. While he was in Daulphine he married the Duke of Sauoies daughter, and soone after fel at variance with his father in law, so that sharpe war arose betweene them. King Charles seeing his sonne so well accompanied with gentlemen and men of armes, determined to go against him in person with great force, and to chase him out of the countrey by strong hand: wherefore he put himselfe vpon the way, and endeuored to withdraw his sonnes men from him, commanding them as his subiects vnder paine of his displeasure to repaire vnto him. Whereunto diuers obeied, to the King our Masters great griefe; who seeing his fathers indignation against him, determined (notwithstanding that his force were great) to depart thence, and leaue the countrey to his fathers disposing. And in this estate trauelled he through Burgundy with a small traine to Duke Philip, who receiued him very honorably, furnished him with money to maintaine his estate, and gaue yeerely pensions to his principall seruants, namely to the Earle of Cominges, the Lord of Montauban & others, and bestowed also during his being there diuers large gifts vpon his other seruants. Notwithstanding, bicause he entertained such a number, his mony failed often to his great griefe, so that he was forced to borow som where or other, otherwise his men would haue forsaken him; which vndoubtedly is a great trouble to a Prince vnaccustomed thereunto. Thus you see that he was not without vexation and anguish of minde during his abode in this house of Burgundy: for he was forced to faune both vpon the Duke and his principall seruants, least they should waxe weary of him, for he was there a long time, to wit, the space of sixe yeeres. Besides that, his father sent ambassadors continually to the Duke, requiring him either to put him foorth of his dominions or send him backe to him. Wherefore it is to be thought that he was not idle nor without great vexation of minde. All these things considered: when may a man say that he liued in ioy and pleasure? Sure in mine opinion from his childhood till his death he was in continuall toile and trouble, so that if all his pleasant and ioyfull daies were numbred, I thinke they should be found but fewe: yea I am fully perswaded, that for one pleasant there should be found twenty displeasant. He liued about threescore and one yeeres; notwithstanding that he had conceiued an imagination that he should neuer passe threescore, saying, that no King of Fraunce of long time passed that age, some saie none since Charles the great. Notwithstanding the King our Master when he died was well forward in the threescore and one yeere.

Duke Charles of Burgundie what rest or quietnes had he more than the King our Master? True it is that in his youth he was not much troubled, for he attempted nothing til the two & twenty yeere of his age, but liued till that time in helth and at his [Page] ease. But then he began to busie himselfe with his fathers officers, whom his father maintained against him: for the which cause he absented himselfe and went into Holland, where he was well receiued and had intelligence with them of Gaunt, and sometime also went thither himselfe. He had not one peny of his father, but this countrey of Holland was maruellous rich and gaue him goodly presents, as did also diuers great townes of his other Seniories, hoping thereby to winne his fauour in time to come. For it is a common thing, especially among the vulgare sort, to loue better, and seeke rather to him whose power is growing, than to him who is already so great that he can be no greater ⁵. For the which cause Duke Philip, when men told him that they of Gaunt loued his sonne maruellous wel, & that he could skill of their humor: was woont to answer, that their Prince in expectation they euer loued deerly; but their Prince in possession they hated euer extremely, which saying prooued true. For after D. Charles began to reigne ouer them they neuer loued him, and that they well declared as before I haue rehearsed: he also for his part bare them as little good will, notwithstanding they did his posteritie more harme than they could do him. But proceed, after the time that Duke Charles mooued war for the townes in Picardie, which the King our Master had redeemed of Duke Philip his father, and ioined himselfe with the Princes of this realme, in the war called THE WEALE PVBLIKE: he neuer was quiet, but in continuall trauell both of bodie and minde. For his hart was so inflamed with desire of glorie, that he attempted to conquer all that lay about him. All sommer he kept the field with great danger of his person, and tooke vpon himselfe the charge and care of the whole armie: all which trouble seemed yet not sufficient to him. He was the first vp and the last downe, as if he had beene the poorest soldier in his campe. If he rested from wars at any time in winter, yet was he busied all day long from sixe of the clocke in the morning, either in leuying of money, or receiuing ambassadors, or giuing them audience. In this trauell and miserie ended he his daies, and was slaine of the Swissers before Nancy, as you haue heard; so that a man may iustly say, that he neuer had good day from the time that ambition first entred into his minde, till the hower of his death. And what got he by all this trauell? what needed he thus to haue toiled himselfe, being so rich a Prince, and hauing so many goodly townes and seniories vnder his subiection, where he might haue liued in great ioy and prosperitie, if it had so pleased him? I must now speake of Edward K. of England, who was so great & mighty a Prince. In his youth he sawe the Duke of Yorke his father discomfited and slaine in battell, & with him the Earle of Warwicks father ⁶, the which Earle of Warwicke gouerned King Edward in his youth, and all his affaires; yea to say the truth made him King, and was the onely man that defeated his enimie King Henry, who had raigned many yeeres in England, and was lawfull King both in mine opinion, and in the iudgement of the whole world. But as touching great realmes and seniories God holdeth them in his hand, and disposeth of them at his pleasure; for all proceedeth of him. The cause that mooued the Earle of Warwick to serue the house of Yorke against King Henry, who was of the house of Lancaster, was this. The Earle of Warwicke and the Duke of Sommerset fell at variance in King Henries court, who was a very simple man: the Queene his wife being of the house of Aniou, daughter to Rene King of Sicilie, tooke part with the Duke of Sommerset against the Earle. But considering that they had all acknowledged both King Henry and his father and grandfather for their lawfull Princes: the said Lady should haue done much better to haue taken vpon hir the office of Iudge or mediator betweene them, than to take part with either of them, as the sequele well declared. For heereupon arose war, which [Page] continued nine and twenty yeeres: during the which space many bloodie battels were fought, and in the end, all in maner both of the one partie and the other slaine. Now to speake a word or two of factions: surely they are maruellous dangerous, especially among great men, who are naturally inclined to nourish and maintaine them. But you will say peraduenture, that by this meanes the Prince shall haue intelligence of all things that passe, and thereby hold both the parties in the greater feare. In truth I can well agree that a yoong Prince vse this order among Ladies: for by this meanes he shall haue pleasure and sport ynough, and vnderstand of all their newes: but to nourish factions among men, yea among Princes and men of vertue and courage, nothing can be more dangerous, bicause by that meanes he shall kindle an vnquenchable fire in his house: for foorthwith one of the parties will suppose the King to be against them, and then to fortifie themselues take intelligence with his enimies. The factions of Orleans and Burgundie prooue this point sufficiently; for the wars that sprang therof continued threescore and twelue yeeres, the English men being parties in them, who thought to haue conquered the whole realme. But to returne to King Edward, he was very yoong when his father was slaine, and the beautifullest Prince in the world: but after he had vanquished all his enimies, he gaue himselfe wholy to pleasures, as to dames, feasting, banketting, and hunting; in the which delicacies he continued about sixteene yeeres ⁷, to wit, till the Earle of Warwicke and he fell at variance, in the which wars notwithstanding that the King were chased out of his realme; yet continued he not long in that estate: for he soone returned, and hauing obtained the victorie, more abandoned himselfe to all pleasures than before. He feared no man, but fed himselfe maruellous fat, by meanes whereof in the flower of his age diseases grew vpon him, so that he died in a maner suddenly, of an Apoplexie, and his heires males lost the crowne, as before you haue heard.

In this our age raigned also two valiant and wise Princes, namely Mathias King of Hungarie, and Mahomet Ottoman Emperor of Turkie. This King Mathias was sonne to a valiant knight called the white knight of Vallachie ⁸, a gentleman of great wisdome and vertue, who gouerned long the realme of Hungarie, and obtained many goodly victories against the Turks ⁹, who border vpon the said realme, by reason of the Seniories they haue vsurped in Greece and Slauonie ¹⁰. Soone after his death King Lancelot came to mans estate ¹¹, who was right heire not onely of the realme of Hungary, but also of Bohemia and Polonia. He by the counsell of certaine caused the white knights two sonnes to be apprehended, alleaging that their father had vsurped too great rule and authoritie in the realme, and that the sonnes being gentlemen of great courage might peraduenture attempt the like. Wherefore the said King Launcelot resolued to lay them both in prison, and incontinent put the elder to death ¹², and sent the said Mathias prisoner to Bude the chiefe towne of Hungary, where he remained not long. And I suppose that God tooke in good part the great seruices his father had done. For soone after King Launcelot was poisoned at Prage in Bohemia ¹³, by a gentlewoman of a good house (whose brother my selfe haue seene) of whom he was enamored, & she likewise of him; so far foorth that she being displeased with his mariage with the daughter of Charles the seuenth King of Fraunce now called Princesse of Vienna (against his promise made to hir) poisoned him in a bathe, as she gaue him a peece of apple to eate, hauing conueighed the poison into the haft of hir knife. Incontinently after King Lancelots death, the Barons and Nobles of the realme assembled to choose a new King: for the custome of the countrey is, when the King dieth without issue, that the Nobles [Page] may proceed to an election. And while they were there in great diuision about their chose; the white Knights widow mother to Mathias came into the towne with a goodly traine: for bicause she had great treasure left hir by hir husband; she was soone able to leuie great forces: and further, I thinke she had good intelligence both in the towne and also among the Nobilitie, bicause of the great sway hir husband had borne in the realme. She rode straight to the prison and tooke hir sonne out of it ¹⁴. Whereupon part of the Barons and Prelats there assembled for the election, fled for feare, the rest chose the said Mathias King, who raigned in the realme with as great prosperitie as any King these many yeeres, and hath been as highly praised and commended, yea more in some points than any of his predecessors. He was one of the valiantest men that liued in his time, and obtained great victories against the Turks, without all damage to his owne realme, the which he inlarged on all sides, aswell towards Bohemia the greatest part whereof he held, as also towards Valachie where he was borne, and towards Sclauonie. In like maner vpon the frontiers of Almaine he wan the greatest part of Austrich from the Emperor Frederic now raigning, and possessed it till his death, which hapned in the yeere 1491. in Vienna the chiefe towne of Austrich. This King gouerned his affaires with great wisdome, aswell in peace as war: but a little before his death perceiuing himselfe to be feared of his enimies, he grew maruellous pompous and sumptuous in his Court, and amassed an infinite quantitie of goodly stuffe, iewels and plate, for the furniture of his house. All his affaires were dispatched by himselfe or by his direction. Before his death his subiects stood in great feare of him, for he waxed cruell, and soone after fell into a greeuous and vncurable disease being but yoong, to wit, eight and twenty yeeres of age ¹⁵, or thereabout. He died hauing spent his life in much more labor and trauell than pleasure. The Turke aboue mentioned ¹⁶ was a wise and noble Prince, but vsing wiles and subtiltie more than courage and valor. True it is that his father left him great, for he had been a hardy Prince, and wan Adrianople ¹⁷, which is as much to say, as the citie of Adrian. This Turke that I now write of, tooke in the three and twentith yeere of his age the citie of Constantinople ¹⁸. I haue seene his pourtraiture when he was of those yeeres, the lineaments whereof made shew of an excellent wit. It was a shame for all Christendome to suffer the towne so to be lost: for he tooke it by assault, and the Emperor of the East whom we call Emperor of Constantinople, was slaine himselfe at the breach ¹⁹, with a number of valiant men, & diuers women of great estate and noble houses rauished: to be short, no crueltie was omitted. This was his first exploit, but not his last, for he continued till his death in atchieuing great enterprises: so that I heard once an ambassador of Venice tell Duke Charles of Burgundy that he had conquered two Empires, fower realmes, and two hundred cities. He meant the Empires of Constantinople & Trapezonde ²⁰; the realmes of Bosne ²¹, Syria, Armenia, and I thinke Morea ²² was the fowerth, in the which the Venetians held two places. He conquered also diuers goodly Iles in the sea, called Archipell ²³, neere to the said Morea, with the Iles of Nigrepont ²⁴ and Mitilene: he subdued in like maner the greatest part of Albanie and Sclauonie. And as his conquests were great against the Christians, so were they also against them of his owne law, of whom he destroied many a great Prince, as the Caraman ²⁵ and diuers others. The greatest part of his affaires he gouerned by his owne wisdome, as did our King and the King of Hungarie also: who were three of the greatest Princes that raigned these hundred yeers. But the curtesie and course of life of the King our Master, and his good vsage both of his owne seruants and strangers, far passed both the others; and no maruell, for he was the most Christian King. [Page] As touching worldly pleasures this Turke had his fill; for he spent the greatest part of his life in them, and had he not been so much addicted to them, vndoubtedly he would haue done much more mischiefe. There was no fleshly vice that he was free from, but in gluttony he passed, and according to his diet, diseases fell vpon him: for euery spring (as I haue heard those report that haue seene him) his legs swelled as big as a mans body, notwithstanding they brake not, but the swelling asswaged of it self. No surgeon could tell the cause of this disease saue onely that it proceeded of gluttonie, and it may be that it was some speciall punishment of God. His said disease was the cause he came so seldome abroad, and kept himselfe so close in his chariot, fearing that the miserable estate he was in, would cause his subiects to despise him. He died being two and fifty yeeres of age ²⁶ or there about, in maner suddenly: notwithstanding, he made his Testament, which I my selfe haue seene, wherin he made conscience of a subsidie lately leuied vpon his subiects, if the said Testament be true. Let Christian Princes then weigh well what they ought to do, considering that they haue no authoritie in right and reason to leuy any thing vpon their subiects without their permission and consent.

The conclusion of the Author.

YOw see heere a great number of great personages dead in short space, who trauelled so mightily, and indured so many anguishes and sorrowes to purchase honor and renoume, whereby they abridged their liues, yea and peraduenture charged their soules. I speake not this of the Turke, for I make account he is lodged with his predecessors; but our King and the rest, I trust, God hath taken to his mercy. Now to speake of this point as a man vnlearned, but hauing some experience: had it not been better both for these great Princes themselues and all their subiects that liued vnder them, and shall liue vnder their successors, to haue held a meane in all things, that is to say, to haue attempted fewer enterprises, to haue feared more to offend God, and persecute their subiects and neighbors so many sundry waies aboue rehearsed, and to haue vsed honest pleasures and recreation? Yes sure. For by that meanes their liues should haue been prolonged, diseases should not so soone haue assailed them, their death should haue been more lamented, and lesse desired; yea, and they should haue had lesse cause to feare death. What goodlier examples can we finde to teach vs that man is but a shadowe, that our life is miserable and short, and that we are nothing, neither great nor small? For immediately after our death, all men abhorre and loath our bodies, and so soone as the soule is seuered from the body, it goeth to receiue iudgement; yea vndoubtedly at the very instant that the soule and body part, the iudgement of God is giuen according to our merits and deserts, which is the particular iudgement of God.

The Notes.

1 For ought I can reade in any historie, this Frederike should be Henry, and so appeereth by our author himselfe, lib. 5. cap. 7. & cap. 18.

2 Asin Britaine, Sauoye, and Prouence vnder King Rene.

3 Others write that he was but 14. yeeres olde when he married hir; which was in the yeere 1437. and she died ann. 1445.

4 This Ladies name was Margaret, she was sister to Iames the second King of Scotland:[Page]she was of a lothsome complexion, and had an vnsauorie breth; wherefore the King loued hir not.

5 This is agreeable with Pompeies saying to Sylla, that the Romanes did Orientem potius quàm occidentem solem venerari.

6 The Earle of VVarwicks father was Richard Neuill Earle of Salisburie, who was not slaine at the battell of VVakefield with Richard Duke of Yorke, but taken, and within a day or two after beheaded, and his head sent to Yorke, as the said Dukes had beene.

7 Commines saith heere, that King Edward had liued sixteene yeeres in delicacies when the Earle of VVarwicke chased him out of his realme: yet before lib. 3. he saith twelue or thirteene yeeres, somwhat neerer to the truth; for indeede he was chased the 10. yeere of his raigne.

8 This white knight is named Iohannes Huniades Coruinus, his fathers name was Buth, of the countrie of Valachie, corruptly printed in the French Vallagine.

9 To wit, 20. and fought in one day against Amurathes and his Bashaes sixe great battels, and obtained victorie in them all.

10 Sclauonie is the countrie of Illyria.

11 Some write that this Launcelot called in Latin stories Ladislaus came to full yeeres before Huniades death, and gaue him in recompence of his seruice the Earledome of Bristrich, and yet afterward sought to kill him by the perswasion of Vlrich Earle of Cilie the said Ladislaus vncle: but Huniades valiantly defended himselfe, and soone after died. But indeede the truth is, that Ladislaus was borne the 21. of February 1440. and Huniades died the 10. of September 1456. so that at Huniades death Ladislaus was almost 17. yeeres of age, and by the perswasion of this Earle Vlrich had taken the gouernment vpon himselfe.

12 The elder brothers name was Ladislaus. The cause of his death was, for that in defence of himselfe he had slaine the Earle Vlrich, who assaulted him, as before he had done his father, and continually sought both his blood and his brothers. VVherefore the King caused both the brethren deceitfully to be taken, and beheaded the elder being fiue or sixe and twenty yeeres of age. It is written, that the hangman gaue him three strokes with the sword, before he could pearse his skin.

13 King Ladislaus died of poison the 21. of Nouember 1457.

14 Other histories varie much in this point from Commines: for they make no mention of Mathias deliuerie by his mothers meanes, but say that King Ladislaus being hated in Hungarie for Huniades elder sonnes death, departedinto Bohemia, leading Mathias with him as prisoner, where soone after this Ladislaus died of poison, as heere befo [...] [...]ention is made. After his death George Boiebrac vsurped the realme of Bohemia, this Mathias being still prisoner at Prague: but the nobles of Hungarie, bicause of his fathers great seruices, chose him their King, and sent to the said Boiebrac requiring his deliuerie: who not onely accomplished their request on that behalfe, but also gaue the said Mathias his daughter in mariage, and sent him into Hungarie nobly accompanied.

15 This place is maruellously corrupted; for King Mathias was borne the 24. of Februarie 1443. and died the fift of Aprill at Vienna of an Apoplexie the yeere 1490. or as our author saith 1491. so that by this computation he liued about 48. yeeres, and so vndoubtedly this 28. must be read 48.

16 This Turke is Mahomet the second.

17 Others write that Amurathes the third Emperor of Turkie wan Adrianople, and it may be that the name deceiued our author: for this Turks fathers name was also Amurathes; but this was Amurathes the second, and he that wan Adrianople Amurathes the first.

[Page] 18 Constantinople vvas taken ann. 1453. the 29. of May.

19 This Emperor vvas named Constantinus Paleologus: but as others vvrite he vvas not slaine at the breach, but thronged to death in the gate as he would haue fled.

20 Hovv he conquered Trapezonde, Syria, Armenia, appeereth after in the figure ²⁵.

21 It is corruptly in the French Bressanne. This realme of Bosne he conquered ouer Stephen King of that countrie ann. 1463. but Mathias King of Hungarie soone after recouered it againe.

22 Morea vvas in times past Peloponnesus.

23 This Archipell is Mare Aegeum, in the vvhich the yles called Cyclades lie.

24 Nigrepont in times past vvas Euboea.

25 The French bookes haue some of them the Carnian, some the Carmanian, and some (bicause they vvill be sure not to erre) nothing. But vndoubtedly it is to be read as I haue heere translated it. For further declaration vvhereof vve must vnderstand, that about the yeere 1250. fovver noble houses came out of Persia vvith their captaines and armies, the Otthomans, Assembecs, Scandelors or Candelors, and the Caramans. All these fovver houses subdued euery one of them some region: the Otthomans vvan Bithynia, Phrygia, Galatia. The Assembecs Syria, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia. The Scandelors held the greatest part of Pontus: and the Caramans Cilicia, Lycia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia. But the house of Otthoman in the end deuoured all the other three. The Assembecs vvere vanquished by this Mahomet ann. 1459. For you shall vnderstand, that Vsumcassanes King of the Assembecs fought three great battels vvith this Mahomet. In the tvvo first he ouerthrevv him, but in the third he vvas vtterly ouerthrovven, by reason that Mahomet had great artillerie in his campe, vvhich noueltie (vnknovven before to the easterly nations) discomfited Vsumcassanes armie, vvho in this battell lost also his sonne Zeinalde. After this battell Mahomet vvan all Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and tooke Trapezonde the seate of the Assembecs empire, vvith the greatest part of Armenia and Syria, as mention is heere made. Further, after this battell Mahomet tooke from Pyramitus Prince of the Caramans, the greatest part of Cilicia: and after this Mahomets death Baiazet his sonne slue in battell Abraham the last Prince of the Caramans, and vtterly destroied that house. As touching the Scandelors, after the Assembecs and Caramans vvere destroied, the Prince of the Scandelors yeelded his countrie to Baiazet, and in exchange thereof had certaine reuenues giuen him in Natolia. And thus vvere all the three houses subdued by the house of Otthoman: vvhich discourse for the better vnderstanding of this place, I haue been forced to vvrite somvvhat at large.

26 Others vvrite 58. and others 56. but sure our author reporteth his age truli [...]: for he vvas borne ann. 1430. the 24. of March, and died of the collicke 1481. the thirde of May, so that he vvas entred into his tvvo and fiftith yeere.

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A SVPPLY OF THE HISTORIE OF PHILIP DE COMMINES FROM THE death of King LEWIS the II. till the beginning of the wars of Naples, to wit, from 1483. till 1493. of all the vvhich time Commines vvriteth nothing.

Of King Charles his comming to the crowne, of the death of Oliuer King Lewis his Barber and others, and of the reuoking of King Lewis his superfluous gifts. Chap. 1.

AFter the death of Lewis the eleuenth, Charles the 8. his onely sonne being 13. yeeres of age and two moneths, succeeded to the crowne: notwithstanding his coronation was deferred till the moneth of Iune in the next yeere, to the end he might be full fowerteen when he should be crowned. The King his father had brought him vp at Amboise in such solitarines, that none besides his ordinarie seruants could haue accesse vnto him; neither permitted he him to learne any more Latine than this one sentence: He that cannot dissemble cannot raigne: which he did not for that he hated learning, but bicause he feared that studie would hurt the tender and delicate complexion of the childe. Notwithstanding King Charles after he was come to the crowne, grew verie studious of learning, aod gaue himseife to the reading of stories and bookes of humanitie written in the French toong, and attempted to vnderstand Latine.

Before the Kings coronation, the Princes of the blood and the nobles of the realme, who so often had beene iniuried in the late King Levvis his time by Oliuer le Dain his barber, by Daniell a Flemming the said Oliuers seruant, and by Iohn D'oyac; (which three had wholie gouerned the said King Levvis,) caused informations secretly to be exhibited against them for diuers murthers, rapines, and other heinous crimes that they had committed in King Levvis his time, yea and some of them by his commandement: the which informations being seene by the court Parlament, they were foorthwith apprehended, their processe made, and in the end all three condemned: and the next yeere being 1484. the said Oliuer and Daniell his man were hanged at Paris, and D'oyac had his eares cut off, and his toong bored through with a hot iron. One of the crimes committed by Oliuer and Daniell, for the which they were executed was this: A gentleman was committed to prison by King Levvis his commandement, whose wife being yoong and beutifull, was contented to abandon hir selfe to the lust of this Oliuer, vpon promise that he should deliuer hir husband out of prison to hir; but the next day he caused Daniell his man to put him into a sacke, and to throwe him into the riuer, where he was miserably drowned. This Oliuer was a Flemming borne, and had been barber to King Levvis, and of greater credit with him than any man in all Fraunce, which his credit grew by vile and slauish offices that he did about the King, so far foorth that he ordinarily sucked the [Page] Kings hemorrhoides; wherewith he was often troubled, which base seruice he did, not for good will that he bare the King, but onely for couetousnes and to maintaine his credit, which ended soone after the King his Masters death as you haue heard: notwithstanding the great charge that the King vpon his death-bed had giuen his sonne to loue the said Oliuer, and not to suffer him to be spoiled of that which he had bestowed vpon him, bicause his seruice had long preserued his life. But howsoeuer Princes maintaine such lewd ministers in their liues, and how ready soeuer such seruants be to execute their Masters vnlawfull and wilfull commandements, supposing that they shall neuer be called to account therefore: yet in the end they finde that credit in Court is no inheritance, and that God who leaueth nothing vnpunished, findeth a time to reward them according to their deserts. Further, soone after King Lewis his death, consultation was had of the superfluous & superstitious gifts made by him in his life, all the which were reuoked, and all that was giuen reunited to the crowne.

Of the assemblie of the States held at Touars, of the Duke of Orleance pursute for the regencie, of the mad war raised by him, and of his departure into Britaine. Chap. 2.

THe King in the moneth of Iuly after his coronation, being the yeere 1484. held a generall and free assembly of the States of 1484 his realme at Touars, far otherwise than had beene vsed in his fathers daies: for none came to these generall assemblies in his time, but such as were of his owne denomination, neither durst any man speake his minde freely, but was forced in all matters to yeeld to the Kings will, which was for the most part vnreasonable and violent. But at this assemblie the presence was great, the voices free, the complaints lamentable: the Nobilitie, Commons and Clergie, euery one of them presented their griefes, complaining of the burdens that the late King (contrary to the lawes of the realme, and customes of their ancestors) had laid vpon them. In this assembly it was enacted that there should be no Regent in Fraunce; but that Anne Lady of Beauieu the Kings eldest sister should haue the gouernment of his roiall person, according to the testament of King Levvis the 11. that the priuy Councell should consist of twelue chosen out of the body of the Nobility, by whose aduise all matters should be gouerned and dispatched; but all in the Kings name, and vnder the signature of his hand. Further, Iohn Duke of Bourbon was created Constable. But by little and little the whole gouernment was deriued to the said Lady of Beauieu, bicause the King hir brothers person was in hir hands.

But Levvis Duke of Orleance being the neerest Prince of the blood royall, by the perswasion of those that were about him, who gaped for great preferment if the gouernment were committed to his charge, and especially by the instigation of the Earle of Dunois named Francis, sonne to Iohn commonly called the Bastard of Orleance, (a man of a subtile spirit, and of great enterprise) abode still at Paris, and entered daily into the councell, (notwithstanding the decree of the three estates,) as one that would vnderstand of all that was done there. Wherewith the Lady of Beauieu was not a little discontented: which when the Prince of Orenge, the Marshall of Rieux, and the rest of the Barons of Britaine that were at that time fugitiues [Page] in Fraunce (as heerafter shall be declared) vnderstood; they came to the said Lady of Beauieu, and offered hir and the King their seruice, which the Duke of Orleance greatly stomached. Further, the said Duke sought by all meanes possible to discredit the womanish gouernment of the said Lady; but his perswasions little preuailed, bicause the Duke himselfe being not as yet fower and twenty yeeres old, was vnder the gouernment of his mother, and it seemed no reason to commit the managing of the common wealth to him that was vnable to gouerne his owne priuate estate: so that the same reason barred him from the gouernment now, that excluded his grandfather in times past, during the phrensie of King Charles the sixt. But this reason satisfied not the Duke nor his friends. Wherefore the Lady of Beauieu seeing that the Duke of Orleance remaining in Paris, wan daily those that were in authoritie to his side: seeking by that meanes to obtaine the regencie of the realme: sent by the resolution of the Kings councell, certaine to Paris to arrest the body of the said Duke. Who being aduertised therof as he was at tenice, withdrew himselfe, and (pretending that he went to his lodging) departed in the company of Guyot Pot, and Iohn of Louen (one of the gentlemen of his chamber whom he greatly fauoured) & lodged that night at Pontoise. The next day he went to Vernueil, and from thence to Alençon, where he remained a certaine space: during the which, he practised to draw to his partie the Earle of Angoulesme, the Duke of Bourbon, and the Lord of Alebret, who in the end declared themselues to be his friends and assistants in this enterprise. But all these bicause of this their confederacie with him, were foorthwith remooued from all their offices and estates, and lost al their pensions, and their charge of men of armes: yet notwithstanding, they leuied a great army of the people of their countries, and found meanes to win to their side the Duke of Lorraine, the Prince of Orenge, and the Earle of Foix. Vnder the assurance of all the which Princes, the D. of Orleance assembled his army at Blois, to marche therewith to Orleance: but the citizens of the towne perceiuing that their Duke came thither with a purpose to supprise it, and to make it the seate of the wars, shut their gates vpon him, and would not suffer him to enter in. Wherefore with an army of fower hundred launces, and a great number of footemen, he went to Bougencie, accompanied with the Earles of Dunois and Foix, an with Carqueleuant, and other French captaines, where they remained a certaine space, and thither the King sent to besiege them. But bicause they sawe the place not to be of defence; and further, that the Malcontents of the realme flocked not to them as they supposed they would: they made a sudden peace with the King, whereby it was agreed, that the Duke of Orleance should repaire to the King, and so he did, and that the Earle of Dunois the contriuer of all this enterprise should depart the realme, which also he did and retired himselfe to Ast. But this notwithstanding, the Duke of Bourbon and the Earle of Angoulesme, who had leuied their armies to succor the Duke of Orleance, marched toward Bourges, whither the King went with a great army, accompanied with the Duke of Orleance, who was constrained to arme himselfe against his allies and confederates. Notwithstanding by the wisedome of the Marshall of Gie and the Lord of Grauille (which two had great authoritie in the Court vnder the Lady of Beauieu,) peace was concluded betweene the King and his nobles, wherein the Lord of Albret was also comprehended; and thus departed all these armies without any bloodshed, and the K. went to Amboise; the Duke of Orleance to Orleance; and the Earle of Foix and the Cardinall his brother to Nantes to the Duke of Britaine who had married their sister. This tumult was called the mad war, and hapned in the yeere 1485. 1485.

[Page] After al this, the Earle of Dunois returned from Ast, and went to his owne towne of Partenay in Poitou, which was then a strong towne with a double ditch, and a triple wall. Heerof the King being aduertised, and withall that he fortified himselfe in the said towne, and knowing the said Earle of Dunois to be full of practise, and a man of great enterprise: he sent to the Duke of Orleans (who was at Orleans holding solemne iusts and turneies) to come to him to Amboise. And after three or fower messengers, the last whereof was the Marshall of Gié, the Duke of Orleans went to Blois, and the next day being twelfe euen in the said yeere 1485. he departed out of Blois early in the morning with his haukes, faining that he went to flie in the If you begin the yeere at Newyeeres day, it was 1486. field, and without any bait rode that night to Fronteraulx, whereof his sister was then Abbesse: from thence he went to Clisson, and from Clisson to Nantes, where he was very honorably receiued of the Duke. This was the Duke of Orleans second comming into Britaine, as by that which followeth heerafter shall more plainly appeere. The King being aduertised of his departure, determined to besiege the Earle of Dunois in his towne of Partenay, and found meanes (before any brute was made thereof) to drawe to his seruice the Marshall of Rieux, and the other Barons of Britaine that were then retired to Chasteaubrian to the Lady of Laual, who was Lady thereof, bicause the Duke of Britaine by aide of the Duke of Orleans and the Earle of Dunois sought to auenge himselfe of the said Barons, for the death of Peter Landois Treasurer of Britaine, whereof I will now begin to speake.

Of the troubles that happened in Britaine betweene the Duke and his Nobles, and of Peter Landois death. Chap. 3.

ABout the same time, or somewhat before, that the mad tumult aboue mentioned happened in Fraunce: a like stur chanced also in Britaine, though not with the like euent; the seedes of the which were priuily sowen in the life of Levvis the 11. but sprang not vp for feare of forren war (with the which the saide King Lewis continually threatened the Britaines) till after his death. But then all forren feare, which had hitherto preserued their peace, being remooued: the fire flamed out, which vpon this occasion was first kindled. Chauuin Chauncellor of Britaine (a very woorthy man) died miserably in p [...]ison in the castell of L'hermite, where the Duke had imprisoned him at the request of his Treasurer Peter Landois a hosiers sonne of Touars, who after the said Chauuins death wholy possessed the Duke. But the nobilitie, namely the Prince of Orenge, and the Marshall of Rieux (who were then at Nantes, and hated this Landois, as author of the others death) conspired togither to his destruction: for the executing of which their purpose, they watched a time when they thought to surprise him either in the castell of Nantes with the Duke, or in a house of his owne called Pabotiere a mile from the towne. Wherefore they diuided their companie, and part they sent to besiege the said house, and with the rest entred into the castell: and to the end he should by no meanes escape, they shut vp the castell gates, they searched euery corner of the castell, yea they rushed into the Dukes chamber, supposing that the saide Landois might happily haue retired himselfe thither, in hope to make the D. presence the buckler of his defence. But he being a mile from Nantes in his own house aboue [Page] mentioned, escaped at a backe gate before the house was thoroughly beset, and so saued himselfe. But presently a great vprore began in the towne: for one of the Dukes seruants, at the noble mens first entrie into the castell, being let downe the castell wall by a rope, made a great outcrie in the towne, aggrauating the hainousnes of the fact, and affirming that the castell was forced, the Duke assaulted, and his life in great danger vnles he were speedily succoured. The citizens (ignorant that this attempt was made onely for the surprising of Peter Landois) armed themselues, and ran to the castell threatning all the nobilitie with death, of whom not one durst shew himselfe vpon the wall to speake to the furious multitude, bicause the people had planted shot against the castell, meaning to spare no man so soone as he should appeere, but the Duke alone. The Duke being in the hands of his nobles, shewed himselfe vnto his people, who presently kneeled downe before him, congratulating with him for his safetie, and so the tumult ceased.

But the nobilitie for this bold attempt were banished, though their liues were pardoned, who presently retired themselues into Fraunce to King Charles, as before you haue heard. Then Peter recouered his former credit with the Duke, and caused him to write to the Duke of Orleans his cosin germaine, that it would please him to come to him into Britaine; which the Duke of Orleans did by the perswasion of the Earle of Dunois, who sought to diuorce him from the Kings sister, and to marrie him with Anne the Duke of Britaines eldest daughter and heire, which also happened after the said Duke of Orleans was King, though it were not now accomplished. The Duke of Orleans accompanied with the Duke of Alençon arriued at Nantes, in the moneth of Aprill after this tumult, being the yeere 1484. where they were honorably receiued of the Duke of Britaine, who complained to them of the outrage done vnto him by the Prince of Orenge and the Marshall of Rieux, for the reuenge whereof he desired their aide, which they promised him in generall termes, and then departed to go to Reimes to the coronation of King Charles. After the which the Duke of Orleans fell at variance with the King, and yet in the end peace was concluded betweene them in the yeere 1485. as before you haue heard.

Then Peter Landois seeing the Duke his Master in league with the Duke of Orleans, This hapned 1485. and the said Duke of Orleans and his faction in peace with the King: determined to be reuenged of his enimies: wherefore the Duke of Britaine, by his perswasion made an edict, that all the noble mens houses that had beene of the conspiracie aboue mentioned, should be rased. For the execution whereof an armie was leuied in the Dukes name to rase Ancenix, where the Prince of Orenge and the Earle of Comminges then remained, who being aduertised therof, by the aide of their friends and of the banished Barons that were returned out of exile to defend their patrimonies, leuied likewise an armie to withstand Landois attempts: but when those two armies were come the one in face of the other, the remembrance and loue to their common countrie altered their mindes in such sort, that they disarmed themselues, and each imbraced other as friends. Then went the Prince of Orenge and the Earle of Comminges to the Duke, and recouered his fauour and the gouernment: by meanes whereof all the storme fell vpon Peter Landois alone, whom when the nobles knew to be within the castell, with one consent they went thither, being fully resolued to seize vpon him, though he were in the Dukes armes. Then one whom both the nobilitie and commons had by common consent chosen their new Chauncellor, by their constraint spake to the Duke, and aduertised him that without the deliuerie of Peter the tumult could not be appeased, against whom they would proceede onely by order of lawe, without executing any thing vpon him before his cause were [Page] heard and throughly examined. Thus was he yeelded into their hands, and presently imprisoned, and for fashions sake examined: many hainous crimes were obiected against him. To conclude, he was condemned and hanged before the Duke knew his cause to be tried, who was purposed to haue granted him his pardon, howsoeuer law proceeded against him: for the preuenting whereof the execution was hastened. But this fact of the nobilitie (which the Duke accounted as a most hainous iniurie done to himselfe) made them ten times more odious to the Duke than they were before. The Duke created a new Chauncellor, and to make head against his nobles receiued very curteously the Duke of Orleans, who about this present fled to him out of Fraunce with a great company of his partakers: which when the said nobles of Britaine sawe, they were greatly astonied, and fled for feare the second time into Fraunce, where the King (meaning to make war vpon the Duke of Britaine, for receiuing the Duke of Orleans being fled from him) welcommed them, and entred into league with them, as in the end of the last chapter you haue heard. The report went that the Duke of Orleans had a plot in his head to diuorce himselfe from the Ladie Iane the Kings sister, as forced vpon him against his will by King Levvis the 11. and to marrie with Anne the Duke of Britains eldest daughter and heire, the hope wherof was the cause of this his voiage into Britaine: but the selfesame hope entertained also Monseur d' Alebret, and drew him to the Duke of Britains part, the rather bicause he had receiued assurance of the marriage in writing, vnder the hands of all the noble men that were about the said D. of Britaine, saue of the D. of Orleans alone.

Of the war the King made in Britaine, and of the Earle of Dunois ambassage to the King for peace. Chap. 4.

THe onely care of the banished nobles of Britaine was to returne and remaine in safetie in their countrie, and the Kings onely desire was to be reuenged of the Duke of Britaine for receiuing the Duke of Orleans. Wherefore the King, as before is said, entred into league with these nobles, and in their fauour leuied an armie, and began war vpon the Duke of Britaine in the yeere 1486. This armie inuaded Britaine three seuerall waies; for the 1486 Lord of Saint André with fower hundred launces, and fiue or sixe thousand footemen entred on one side; the Earle of Montpensier with a great band vpon another side, and Lewis of Trimouille Vicount of Touars, (who had married Gabriell of Bourbon the said Earle of Montpensiers sister) vpon the third, in such sort that the countrie of Britaine was couered with French soldiers, with whom also the barons of Britaine aboue mentioned, were ioined, who caused diuers castels in Britaine to be yeelded to the Kings armie by those that were of their faction: whereat the Duke of Britaine was greatly astonied. But the Duke of Orleans, the Earle of Dunois, and the Earle of Comminges being with him, comforted him, and vnder colour of a marriage to be made betweene the Lady Anne the Duke of Britaines eldest daughter and the Lord of Alebret, who had a hundred launces vnder his charge, and was able to leuie great forces of footemen in Gascoine and Guienne, where he was mightie and of goodly reuenues, the Earle of Dunois wan the said Lord of Alebret to ioine with them: who presently forsooke the Kings seruice, and tooke part with them accordingly: [Page] yet that notwithstanding the Duke of Britaine leauing Nantes in the hands of his cosin the Prince of Orenge, retired himselfe to the castell of Malestroit, being a strong place, where he leuied an armie of sixe hundred launces, and 16000. footemen to succour Ploermel (distant three or fower leagues from Malestroit) which the Kings armie then besieged. But as this Britaine armie marched thitherward, one of the company brake foorth into these speeches, and asked what this war meant, and what was the end thereof, alleaging that their Duke was wholy gouerned by the French, and that the French made the Britaines at their pleasure to reuenge French quarrels vpon the French: wherefore he perswaded them to returne home to their wiues and children, and not to spend their liues for other mens quarrels. Whereupon all the armie disparkled, and returned home: by meanes whereof Ploermel seeing no hope of succours yeelded by composition, and yet notwithstanding was spoiled, and the rich men taken prisoners, and put to raunsome. The Dukes of Britaine and Orleans, and the other Lords that were with them at Malestroit, being aduertised of the departure of their armie, and of the taking of Ploermel, went to Vennes vpon Whitson euen being the yeere 1487. whither the Kings armie so speedily followed them, that hardly they escaped by sea, and went to Croisick, and from thence by the riuer of Loire to Nantes, being constrained to leaue part of their carriage 1487 in the said towne of Vennes, which presently after their departure yeelded without any resistance. Further, not long after the taking of this towne, the French in a skirmish at a place called Ioue betweene Chasteaubrian and Nantes, defeated a great band of Britaines, led by Amaulry of la Mossay towards Nantes, at the which time the King in person lay at Ancenix. After the taking of Vennes the Kings armie marched to Nantes, and laid the siege before the towne the 19. day of Iune in the said yeere 1487. Within the towne were the Duke of Britaine and his two daughters Anne and Isabell, the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Orenge, the Lady of Lauall and of Chasteaubrian, the Bishop of Nantes called du Chaffault, a man of holy life, the Earle of Comminges, and diuers other Lords: all the which dislodged out of the castell, and lodged in the towne. And bicause the companie had some ielousie of the said bishop of Nantes, and the Lady of Lauall that they were not thoroughly to be trusted: they were put in garde into certaine of the townes mens hands. At this siege were ten thousand French men, and great store of artillerie, wherewith the wals, towers, and vaumures of the castell and towne were throughly battered; but they without were as well plied by them within, both with shot and with salies of valiant men, where many a goodly feate of armes was done, both on the one side and the other. Further, you shall vnderstand, that the Earle of Dunois being in base Britaine there to embarke towards England to haue aide from thence, and perceiuing that the winde would not suffer him so to do, brought with him to succour the towne of Nantes aboue fiftie thousand of the commons of Britaine, which the French suffered to passe, supposing them not to be men of seruice. But the King seeing the extreme heate of the weather, and perceiuing that he could do no good before the towne, leuied his siege the sixt day of August, and departed. Then marched the Kings armie before the towne of Dolle, which they tooke without resistance and spoiled, and all the Britaines and soldiers that were within it were taken prisoners. Further, the Kings armie spoiled all the countrie, slue the people, and draue away their cattell. But the Marshall of Rieux and the greatest part of the banished nobles of Britaine that were in the Kings seruice, lamenting the miserable estate of their country, waxed wearie of the wars, and alleaged that their league with the King was onely to this end, that they might recouer their countrie, and the French that liued [Page] in Britaine be constrained to returne home into theirs. Wherfore seeing the French nobles being in Britaine protested, that they would willingly returne home if the King would pardon their departure to the Duke; and that the Duke on the other side, with the consent of all his subiects, had offered these banished nobles of Britaine pardon, and restitution to all their goods and lands, they sawe no cause why the wars should endure, but that each partie should returne home in peace: but the French, and diuers also of the Britaines themselues were little mooued with these allegations. Wherefore the said Marshal being Lord of Ancenix, a towne very commodious for the maintenance of the Kings wars, and the which (notwithstanding that he held it for the King) he had manned with his owne tenants and seruants: yeelded the place to the Duke of Britaine, and sware the townes men to be true to him. And further, before the fame of his reuolt was spred abrode, he went with a great companie to Chasteaubrian, which was also held for the King, and being receiued into the towne as a friend, he placed a garrison of his owne soldiers in it, and banished all that refused to returne to the obedience of the Duke. From thence he went and laid the siege before Vennes the 25. day of Februarie, which was held by If you begin the yeere at Neweyeeres day heere beginneth 1488. the French vnder the gouernment of Gilbert of Grassay, and Philip of Moulins valiant captaines, who yeelded the place by composition the third day of March following.

On the other side the Kings army slept not: for Ancenix they tooke by assault, and rased the wals, towers, and houses by the Kings commandement, so that one stone was not left vpon another, which the King did in spite of the Marshall of Rieux, whose the towne was, and who was newly reuolted from him as you haue heard. Chasteaubrian was also recouered by the Kings forces, and the castell rased. From thence the Kings army marched to Frougiers, being a frontier towne stronge and of good resistance, and laid the siege before the place, whereupon the Duke of Britaine being stroken with a new feare, determined to send the Earle of Dunois in ambassage to the King, whereof heereafter you shall heare.

About this time being the beginning of the yeere 1488. the Lord of Albret who long had been resident in the Court of Spaine, came by sea and landed in base Britaine with fower thousand men of war: his men went to Rennes, but himselfe to Nantes to the Duke of Britaine, where at his first comming he demanded to haue the marriage between him and the Lady Anne the Dukes eldest daughter accomplished. But the said Lady would not consent thereunto, greatly to hir fathers discontentation, who knew nothing that she had cast hir phansie vpon the Duke of Orleans, by the practise and perswasion of the Earle of Dunois. For the which cause the said Earle of Dunois (to saue his honor) endeuored to withdraw his seale giuen for the accomplishment of the said marriage, being in the hands of the Lady Lauall sister to the said Alebert, among the seales of all the other Britaine Lords: which also in the end very cunningly he brought to passe. For he gaue the said Lady to vnderstand that this marriage could neuer be accomplished without the Duke of Britaines seale could be obtained, wherunto he (as he said) had mooued the Duke, whose answer was that he would willingly giue his seale, prouided that the instrument that he should seale, were written word for word by that which the Earle of Dunois had alreadie sealed: wherefore if she would cause his writing to be deliuered to him, he would make his secretarie to write that which should be presented to the Duke, word for word by his, and so get the Dukes seale to it. The Lady of Lauall supposing that he had ment good faith, deliuered him the writing, which afterward he neuer restored: for presently after (as you shall now heare) he was sent with certaine lawyers in ambassage [Page] to Angiers to the King, to vnderstand what the King demanded in the Duchy of Britaine, and why he destroied the castels and townes thereof.

The Duke of Britaine as aboue is mentioned, being in great feare when he sawe the Kings army before Fougieres, sent the Earle of Dunois with the consent of his nobles in ambassage to Angiers to the K. The said Earle in his iourney thitherward, so preached in all places the great commodities that concord and peace bring with them, that all mens eies were fixed vpon him. When he came to the K. being then eighteene yeeres of age, he very eloquently pleaded the cause of the Duke of Britaine, and of the other French noble men that were retired to him, alleaging that the Duke being worne with yeeres, consumed with diseases, hauing buried his wife, being destitute of issue male, his eldest daughter being hardly twelue yeeres of age, and his yoonger lesse; and lastly, being forsaken of his nobilitie for the hatred they bare to Peter Landois, and not for any euill desert of his owne, began to languish in sorow and griefe: for the which cause the noble men of Fraunce that were of kin & alied to him, being mooued with very naturall affection, were retired to him to comfort him in this distresse. Among whom, none were neerer to him (his owne children excepted) than the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Orenge, the one being his vncles sonne, the other his sisters, and that these and others his neere kinsemen were yet with him, onely to this end; adding that the Duke was not to be accused bicause he forbad them not his countries, when they came to comfort him in his miseries, or they for comming to relieue him in his distresse. But quoth he, it will be obiected that there are besides these, diuers others with him of the nobilitie of Fraunce, that haue leuied war against the King: but what war? Forsooth, as the Britaines marched with force to leuy the siege of Ploermel, being aduertised that they could not so do without a battell with the French: the reuerence they bare to the Kings Maiestie was such, that willingly they gaue place, and forbare to fight, and rather suffered their townes to be taken and spoiled, than they would encounter with the Kings troupes. Further so soone as the D. vnderstood the K. desire to be, that the banished Nobles of Britain should return home, he foorthwith receiued them into his fauor, and restored them to their former estate. What offence then (said he) hath the Duke made? What cause of war against him? Truly none. But on the contrary side many causes of commiseration, and many causes why the King should grant the Duke of Britaine peace. This was the effect of the speech he was commanded (as he said) to deliuer to the K. which charge he would not haue taken vpon him, but that he knew the D. of Britaine to carie a minde singularly well affected to the Kings Maiestie, and the French nobles that were in Britaine to be the Kings deuout seruants & subiects, and ready to shed their blood for the defence of him and his estate. This the Earles speech mooued the King to incline to peace, whereof the treatie was already begun, when the sudden report of a batel wherof you shal now heare as suddenly brak it off.

Of the battell of S. Albin, wherein the Duke of Orleance was taken prisoner, of the treatie of peace betweene the King and the Duke of Britaine, and of the said Duke of Britaines death. Chap. 5.

YOu haue heard of the siege of Fougieres, which endured still, notwithstanding the Earle of Dunois ambassage in such sort, that the towne began to be greatly distressed: wherefore the Duke of Orleans and the rest of the [Page] noble men of Britaine fearing the losse of the towne, departed from Nantes and went to Rennes, where they assembled their forces to leuy the siege. Their men of armes were fower hundred, and their footemen of their owne countries twelue thousande, as some write; as others, but eight thousand, besides three hundred English men, and eight hundred Swissers, and of artillerie they had great plentie. Then in very good order they encamped abroad in the fields. The names of the noble men of the armie were these: the D. of Orleans, the Lord of Alebret, the Marshall of Rieux, the Lord of Chasteaubrian, the Lord of Scales an Englishman, the Lord of Leon, the Lord of Rohans eldest sonne, the Lord of Crenettes, the Lord of Pont l'Abbe, the Lord of Plessis, the Lord of Balynes, the Lord of Montigny, the Lord of Montuet: all the which Lords with their companies & whole forces encamped at a village called Andouille, the wednesday being the 23. of Iuly, the yeere 1488. aboue mentioned: in the night there was an alarme among the Gascoins, whereof it was feared some quarrell would haue growen betweene the Duke of Orleans and the Lord of Alebret, but the matter was soone pacified. In the mean time came newes to these Lords at the said village of Andouille the saterday the sixe and twenty of the said moneth of Iuly, that the French had taken Fongieres by composition, with these conditions, that the soldiers should depart in safety with bag and baggage: vpon which newes the Britains army determined to march to Saint Albin, hoping easily to take the towne bicause the French garrison within it was but small, and that in the meane time the soldiers that were departed out of Fongieres, should ioine with them and increase their forces. On the other side the French army marched also towards Saint Albin meaning to be there before the Britains; but it so fell out that neither of them entered the towne, bicause before they came thither they met & fought. For you shall vnderstand that the same saterday that the Britains receiued newes of the taking of Fongieres, they marched to a village called Orenge two leagues from Saint Albin, where they were aduertised that the Kings army marched against them with a ful resolution to fight with them.

The sunday morning the Britaines consulted of the order of their battell, and bicause the footemen were iealous of the French horsemen that were in their campe, and namely of the Duke of Orleans himselfe: it was thought good that he and the Prince of Orenge should leaue their horses, and put themselues on foote in the battell among the Swissers, and so they did. The vaward was lead by the Marshall of Rieux, the battel by the Lord of Alebret, and the rereward by the Lord of Chasteaubrian: vpon one of their wings was placed their artillerie and their carriage. And the more to terrifie the French with the great number of English men, whereas there were in truth but three hundred English men lead by the Lord Talbot, seauenteen hundred Britain footemen were ioined to them, armed with iacks and red cross [...]s English like: and the monday morning they raunged themselues in battell in this order aboue rehearsed, hard by a groue of wood attending the French army. The Kings army (whereof Master Lewis of Trimouille Vicount of Touars, being fiue or sixe and twenty yeeres of age, was generall,) departed out of Fongieres with a full resolution to fight with the Britains. The vaward was lead by Adrian de l'hospitall, and Gabriell of Montfalzoys: before the which, ten or twelue valiant French knights aduanced themselues to discouer the Britains actions, whose good order when they had viewed, they retired to their company, & thē being in troupe al close ioined togither approched the Britaines army, the artillerie in the meane time playing on both sides, and greatly endammaging both the parties. The French marched very couragiously, and charged the Britaines vawarde, where the Marshall of Rieux [Page] valiantly receiued them, and acquit himselfe so well both he and his companie, that the French left the vaward, & marched straight vpon the Britaines battell, where the Britaine horsemen recoiled, by meanes whereof their rereward being discouraged fled. Then the French pursued them, and slue all the footemen they could ouertake: which disorder when the Britaine vaward perceiued, they also disparkled and sought to saue themselues. To conclude, the French obtained the victorie, and slue all those that bare the red crosse, supposing they had beene all English men, togither with twelue or thirteene hundred Britaines as well horsemen as footemen. The Duke of Orleans was taken by the footemen, and likewise the Prince of Orenge, who had pulled away his blacke crosse from him, and had laid himselfe flat vpon the ground among the dead bodies, faining himselfe to be slaine; but he was knowen by a French archer, and both he and the Duke of Orleans led prisoners to Saint Albin vnder sure garde. The Lord of Alebret seeing all ouerthrowen, fled away and escaped. The Marshall of Rieux also saued himselfe, and retired to Dinan. The Lord of Leon, the Lord du Pont l'Abbe, the Lord of Montfort, and diuers other noble men of Britaine were slaine; and of other soldiers to the number of sixe thousand: of the Kings part was slaine Iames Galeot a valiant and a renowmed captaine, and to the number of a thousand or twelue hundred common soldiers. This battell was fought vpon monday the 28. of Iuly the yeere 1488. Soone after the Duke of Orleans was led to the castell of Luzignen, and from thence to Poictiers, where he remained a certaine space, and lastly to the great tower of Bourges.

The second day after the battell, the Lord of Trimouille sent certaine heraults to Reims to summon the towne to yeeld to the King: who after consultation had answered the said heraults, that the King had no right to the towne, and that wrongfully and without cause he made war vpon the countrie of Britaine, and that notwithstanding his great armie, he could not ouerrun the countrie as he hoped: for God who defended the Britaines right, was able to do as much to him as he did to King Iohn before Poictiers, and to King Philip of Valois at Crecy: adding further, that they would not yeeld the towne, and that if Monseur de la Trimouille came thither, he should finde fortie thousand men in the towne, whereof twenty thousand were men of defence. This answer was reported to the said Trimouille, who staied a long time without replying one word thereunto, and afterwards by the same heraults aduertised the King thereof being at Angiers. Whereupon the King assembled his Councell to determine what was to be done in this case. Some, yea almost all were of opinion that the towne should be besieged: but Master VVilliam of Rochfort Chauncellor of Fraunce held the contrarie opinion, grounding himselfe vpon the Kings title to the said Duchie of Britaine, which was said to grow by means of a certaine conueiance that Master Iohn of Brosse Lord of Boussac husband to dame Nicole of Britaine, daughter and heire to Charles of Blois Earle of Ponthieure, had made to the Kings ancestors, togither with diuers other titles, which were not yet prooued good: adding; that if the King had no right thereunto, it should be a damnable and a tyrannous act to vsurpe another mans countrie that appertained not to him. Wherefore his aduice was, that according to the request of the ambassadors of Britaine being at Angiers, certaine graue and learned men should be appointed to examine the right of both sides. This opinion tooke place, and according thereunto the King agreed with the ambassadors of Britaine, that both he and the Duke would appoint some graue men of their Councell, who should meete in some indifferent towne, with the charters and writings of both sides, to determine in conscience to whom the said Duchie did appertaine; and that in the meane time the King should [Page] hold all the places in the said Duchie that alreadie he possessed. The Duke of Britaine liked this agreement well, and bicause the plague was vehement at Nantes, he departed thence with his two daughters, the Ladie of Laval, the Lord of Alebret, the Earle of Dunoys, the Marshall of Rieux, the Earle of Comminges, and diuers other Lords, to Coiron vpon the riuer of Loyer three leagues beneath Nantes; where soone after namely vpon wednesday the seauenth of September in the same yeere 1488. he ended his life thorow a sicknes which he got by a fall, leauing the gouernment both of his Duchie of Britaine, and of his two daughters to the Marshall of Rieux, to whom he appointed the Earle of Comminges for assistant. His body was carried to Nantes and buried in the Church of the Carmelites.

Of the Kings mariage with the Ladie Anne of Britaine, whereby Britaine was vnited to the crowne of Fraunce. Chap. 6.

Soone after the Duke of Britaines death, died also Isabell his 1489. yoonger daughter, by reason whereof the Ladie Anne remained his sole heire: about whose mariage the nobles of Britaine fell at great variance, for part of them inclined to the Lord of Alebret a great Lord in Guienne, who also as it was reported, (but falsely) was contracted to this yoong Princes with the Duke hir fathers consent, but the daie before the Duke died; but this faction was soone daunted, bicause the yoong Ladie hir selfe vtterly refused this match: part openly fauored & furthered Maximilian the Emperor Fridericks sonne, alleaging that he would not onely be a protector of the libertie of their countrey, but also a strong rampier against all French attempts. Neither was the King of Fraunce ignorant of this treatie, but knew right well that ambassadors had passed to and fro betweene Maximilian and them, so far foorth that the said Maximilian supposing al matters to be throughly concluded and agreed on, began to imbrace al Britaine in his minde, and thought no enterprise too high for him if to his low countries obtained by his first marriage, he could now ioine the Duchy of Britaine by his second. Great consultation was had in Fraunce how to repulse this terrible storme, but Maximilians owne slacknes most furthered their deuises. The K. councell in the end resolued that the King should refuse his wife being Maximilians daughter, and seeke with all expedition the marriage of the Lady Anne of Britaine, alleaging that the neighborhood of so mightie a Prince as Maximilian was, could not be but dangerous to his estate, of whom he could hope for nothing but dissembled friendship presently, and assured war in time to come, considering that the said Maximilian forgetting already his league and affinitie with the King, stirred vp continually one war after another against him, and by that meanes professed himselfe an open enimy to him and his realme. Wherefore ambassadors were presently sent to treate of this marriage with the Lady Anne. She at the first woondered at the matter, and alleaged that she had giuen hir faith to Maximilian, which she might not breake: and further, that she had beene solemnly married to him (according to the accustomed maner of Princes) by VVolfgangus Poleme of Austrich his proctor, purposely sent by him into Britaine to that end. But the Lady of Lauat and other noble women of Britaine, whose company and familiarity this yoong Princes vsed and [Page] greatly delighted in, being corrupted with French rewards and promises, perswaded hir that this French match should be most for hir safety and auancement; alleaging that if she married with Maximilian he should hardly be able to defend Britaine, whereof already they had good proofe, considering that he had euer disappointed them of the succors he had promised to send them. And as touching hir scruple of conscience, they said that the Pope who had power ouer all lawes Ecclesiasticall, would easily be brought to dispence therwith, the rather bicause this match should be best for hir safety, and for the preseruation of hir estate. The yoong Princesse though she were of a singular wit and rare vertues, yet being vanquished by these perswasions, yeelded to their request, and deliuered both hirselfe and hir countrey into the Kings hands, and soone after was the marriage solemnly accomplished to the great reioicing of the French. And thus receiued Britaine the French yoake, to the great griefe of all the subiects, who desired to be gouerned by a particular Duke of their owne, as they had euer been in times past.

Not long after this marriage, the Earle of Dunois who had been the principall instrument of the peace, & a great furtherer of the mariage, & therby throughly reconciled to the K. suddenly died as he was on horsebacke for want of meat as it was said. When the K. had set all things in good order in Britaine, he returned into Fraunce and appointed that the Ladie Margaret of Flanders should remaine, accompanied with the Princes of Tarent in the castell of Melun vpon the riuer of Seine.

Maximilian was forewarned of al these French practises, and seemed to make no account of them; but when he perceiued this marriage to be accomplished, it doubled his hatred against the King, so far foorth, that he openly railed vpon him and vowed himselfe to destroy France with fire and sword, and presently inuaded Picardie. But the Lord of Cordes gouernor thereof, made head against him, and valiantly defended the countrey, to his owne honor and the profit of Fraunce. Further, Maximilian meaning a thorow reuenge vpon this realme, stirred vp the English men the ancient enimies of the crowne to passe into Fraunce, promising them great aide both of men and money out of his dominions. Wherefore I wil heere speake a word or two of the affaires of England, bicause the Englishmen are our next neighbors, and both in peace and war haue euer to do with vs, and we with them.

Of the troubles in England, and how the King of England passed the sea and besieged Bolloin, and of the peace betweene the King and him, and of the surprising of Arras and Saint Omers by the King of Romains men. Chap. 7.

KIng Edvvard the fourth, the same that met with King Levvis the eleuenth at Picquigny dying in the yeere 1483, left behinde him two sonnes being very yoong, and diuers daughters, the gouernment of the which sonnes togither with the realme was committed to the Duke of Glocester King Edvvaras brother: but he most [...]nnaturally murthered his two nephewes, slewe those of the nobilitie that he thought would impugne his proceeding, and vsurped the crowne. In the end the Duke of Buckingham (who had takerpart with the Duke of Glocester, who intituled himselfe King Richard) in all his actions, fell at variance with him, and sollicited Henry Earle [Page] of Richmond that had liued many yeeres in Britaine as a banished man; to passe ouer into England, promising him a great armie to ioine with him so soone as he should be landed. The Earle communicated this matter with Peter Landois, who wholie at that time gouerned the Duke of Britaine. The said Landois hoping that the Earle if by his meanes he obtained the realme of England, would giue him aide to reuenge him of his enimies; perswaded the Duke of Britaine to succour him in his enterprise, who furnished him of three great ships well manned with soldiers, which tooke sea and sailed towards England: but when they were readie to land, the Earle was aduertised that the Duke of Buckingham was beheaded, his army defeated, and all his faction ouerthrowen, and that King Richard lay with a great army vpon the sea coast attending his landing. Vpon which news the Earle of Richmond returned, thinking to recouer the coast of Britaine from whence he was departed, but tempest draue him vpon the coast of Normandy, where he was forced to take land. The Ladie of Beauieu being aduertised thereof, sent vnto him, desiring him to come to speake with the King, and so he did. The King curteously receiued him, and entertained him well. Afterward he returned to Vannes in Britaine there to remaine as before, attending some better opportunitie. But Peter Laudois seeing himselfe disappointed of his purpose, altered his minde, and practised with King Richard to deliuer the Earle of Richmond into his hands: who being aduertised thereof, vnder colour of going a hauking one morning with ten or twelue horses fled into France to King Charles, who not long after furnished the Earle of ships, and a good number of soldiers to accompany him into England, where by the helpe of the French and of diuers of his owne kinsmen, who had called him into England and tooke part with him, he slew King Richard in the field, & was himselfe crowned King in his place. This good turne of King Charles, togither with the desire the King of England had to liue quietly at home in his countrey, and to gather wealth, was the cause that King Henry during al the wars and troubles in Britain aboue mentioned, had not passed his forces into Fraunce: notwithstanding that he had been often earnestly sollicited thereunto, both by the Duke of Britaine, and the Earle of Dunois and others of that faction. For ordinarily when any troubles arise in Fraunce, our neighbors, especially the Englishmen, within a yeere are bidden to the banquet, and so was King Henry inuited, and had come long ago, if the reasons aboue rehearsed togither with some other respects, namely feare of domesticall troubles had not staied him at home.

But notwithstanding the K. of Englāds backwardnes heertofore to inuade France: yet in the yeere 1490. partly by the earnest sollicitation of Maximilian, who promised 1490. him great aide in his wars, and yet performed nothing: partly to content his owne people, who began to account him as too much affectionate to the French in that he had suffered them to the great preiudice of the realme of England, to vnite to the crowne of Fraunce the Duchie of Britaine: he passed ouer his armie to Calice, and from thence marched and laide his siege before Boloyne, whither the Lord of Cordes and the bastard of Cardonne Captaine of Arras, with a small army went to make resistance. Further, the King leuied his forces to succour the place, but bicause his armie proceeded but slowlie forward: the saide de Cordes and Cardonne tooke vpon them the defence of the tovne. The siege was nothing whot, for the which cause a heraultsent into the English came to treat of peace; from the which King Henry seemed nothing strange as well for the affection that he bare to the King, who had aided him to obtaine the realme of England; as also for that he feared sedition at home, & durst not long be absent out of his r [...]alme, bicause Maximilian had broken promise with him, and lastly bicause he hoped by this peace to receiue of [Page] the King a great summe of money, which he loued as well as any Prince in his time. De Cordes finding the King of Englands inclination to peace, went and communed with him in his campe: his demands were, first a great summe of money that he said he had lent the late Duke of Britaine: and secondarily, that the King should desraie al the charges that he had been at in these wars. All the which the King yeelded vnto, and order was giuen that the King of England should yeerely receiue a certaine summe of money, till all the summes by him demanded were cleerely paid and discharged, and thus returned the King of England home.

In the meane time while de Cordes and Cardonne were at Bolloin treating with the K. of England: the citizens of Arras knowing the garrison within the town to be but weake, practised to yeeld it into Maximilians hands, who sent certaine bands thither, the which in great diligence approched neere to the towne. When all things were in a readines, and the gates being so negligently guarded, that the traitors with their counterfaited keies had opened them, they began a song, whereby they willed the enimies to make haste, who presently repaired to the gates, and were receiued into the towne. Paul Carqueleuant a Briton, gouernor of the townein the absence of the bastard of Cardonne, at the enimies first entrie retired himselfe with his soldiers into the castel; but fearing least it should be taken by assault, he soone abandoned it, greatly to his reproch: for if he had held it but till the next day, diuers French bands had come thither to his reliefe. The towne was spoiled, and many slaine, neither were the churches spared nor the traitors houses. The author of this treason was a poore smith that dwelled vpon the towne wall, and had beene the onely man that was suffered to remaine in the towne by Levvis the eleuenth, when he transported the townes men as a colonie into Fraunce. Carqueleuant the gouernor, when the towne was surprised lay fast a sleepe, drowned in drinke and good cheere as it is said. The towne was spoiled by the soldiers bicause Maximilian was behinde with them for certaine moneths paie. Saint Omers was also taken at the same time, though some refer it to an other time, but whensoeuer it was taken, this is most certaine that the negligence of the watch was the losse thereof. For the enimies being led by George Deberfin made shew at their first comming before the towne, as though they would haue scaled it, at which time the French soldiers were ready to withstand them vpon the wals, being strong and very defensible both by nature and by Arte: whereupon the enimies vnder pretence of feare, retired into their campe; yea and further, when the French issued foorth to skirmish with them, they euer retired faining the like feare, which dissimulation they vsed by the space of eight daies, and by this their pollicie, caused the French to remit much of their accustomed industry and diligence: which when the Burgundians and Almaines perceiued, they with great expedition reared ladders against the wals and bulwarks of the town, which they easily entered, the watch being fast a sleepe, and in some place no watch at all. Then brake they open the gates, slew the French soldiers and the citizens, and so became Masters of the towne.

At the same time was Amiens also attempted by the Burgundians in the night, and like to haue been surprised by the like negligence of the watch: but Katherine de Liques (a woman of a manlike courage) awaked the watch out of their dead sleepe, by meanes whereof the alarme was sounded, and all the towne arose in armes, and part went to defend the wals, and the rest issued foorth and skirmished, and put to flight Maximilians bands, who plainly confessed that the diligence and industrie of one woman had wrong the victory out of their hands.

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Of the restitution of the Counties of Roussillon & Parpignan to the King of Spaine, of the Emperor Fridericks death, of the peace between the King of Romaines and the King, and of the Duke of Orleans deliuery out of prison. Chap. 8.

FErdinand King of Arragon desired nothing more than to recouer 1492 out of the Kings hands the counties of Roussillon and Parpignan, engaged by him (as he said) to King Lewis the eleuenth for fiftie thousand crownes. But the nobles of Fraunce would not condescend to this restitution, bicause the two Counties were a rampier for the realme on that side towards Spaine: adding that they were not engaged to King Lewis, but absoulutely solde. And notwithstanding that the King of Spaine alleaged that King Lewis by his last will and Testament had commanded the said Counties to be restored, knowing that they were wrongfully withheld: yet his perswasions and allegations little auailed. Wherefore he perceiuing that this way no good would be done, fell to practise with men of religion, hoping by their preaching of conscience to King Charles to win that of him that otherwise he saw no meanes to obtaine. Wherefore he corrupted with a great summe of mony Oliuer Maillard, or as others write Iohn de Mauleon, a frier Franciscane, confessor to the Lady of Beauieu the Kings sister, who vnder his coule of religion cloking his hypocrisie and couetousnes, perswaded hir, that except restitution were made of these territories to the King of Spaine, the King hir brothers gouerment could not prosper nor please God. She being mooued in conscience by this friers perswasions, brake this matter to Lewis of Amboise bishop of Alby, the Kings schoolmaster, who togither with hir so terrified the Kings conscience, that he did not onely make restitution of the said territories by the hands of the said bishop, whom he sent thither to deliuer them: but also freely released to the King of Arragon all the money that King Levvis his father had paid for them; with these conditions, that the said King of Arragon and his successors, should euer after loue and honor the realme of Fraunce, that he should make no war against it, nor aide with money, victuals, or councell any of the enimies thereof, nor permit them to haue passage through his dominions. And thus were these countries restored, greatly to the French mens griefe and dammage; but in truth the King the rather inclined to restore them, bicause hee began already by the perswasion of those that were about him to phansie a voiage into Italie, for the recouerie of the realme of Naples, which afterward tooke effect, though the King both now & long after this, kept his purpose secret to himselfe, and one or two more, which voiage I thinke was the principall cause that induced him to restore the foresaid countries, thereby to tie the King of Spaine to him, that he should not trouble him in his enterprise; but he misreckoned himselfe, for he was no sooner past the mountaines, but the King of Spaine forgot all his kindnes, and fell to practise a league with his enimies.

While these matters passed thus in Fraunce, Friderick the Emperor died, to The Emperor Frederick died 19. of August 1493. whom his sonne Maximilian succeeded, who notwithstanding was neuer crowned neither greatly desired so to be, although with a small request he might haue obtaied [Page] it. The Emperor Maximilian purposing to quiet the state of the Empire troubled by his fathers death, seemed more enclined to peace with the King than heertofore he had beene, which happened verie fortunately for the Kings affaires: for without Maximilian were pacified, his voiage into Italie must of force haue staide; but both the parties by this meanes inclining to concord, the peace was soone concluded: the Emperors daughter was restored vnto him, and the countie of Artois togither with all the townes he quarrelled. And thus the King being in peace with all his neighbours: namely, with the Emperor and the Kings of England and Spaine, and possessing the Duchie of Britaine quietly by his mariage, and by that meanes hauing no body to feare, began wholie to dispose himselfe to his voiage into Italie, whereupon his minde was altogither fixed.

Further, about this verie time the King at the earnest sute and continuall teares of his sister Iane a Ladie of singular pietie and chastitie, restored not onely to liberty, but also to his fauor and familiaritie, Lewis Duke of Orleans (husband to the saide Ladie,) taken prisoner at the battell of Saint Albin in Britaine, as before you haue heard: whereby as the King deserued great commendations for his clemencie in preseruing his enimie taken in battell and restoring him to his former dignitie and honor: so did he also thereby prouide that no discontented subiect at home should trouble his estate in his absence in his voiage to Naples: whereunto the historie of Commines now calleth vs, which from the death of King Lewis the eleuenth till this present, I haue supplied out of other good authors, bicause the said Commines being imprisoned, or in disgrace almost euer sithence King Lewis his death till the saide voiage of Naples, (whereat he was present) was silent and left nothing in writing to the posteritie of all those yeeres.

THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIE OF PHILIP DE COMMINES, TREATING OF THE PRINCIPALL ACTES OF KING CHARLES THE EIGHT, SONNE TO LEWIS THE ELEVENTH.

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THE PROLOGVE OF THE AVTHOR, containing that which he mindeth to treate of in this historie following.

TO continue the Historie written by me Philip de Commines of the reigne of King Lewis the eleuenth (whom God assoile,) I wil now declare the occasion that mooued King Charles the eight his sonne to make his voiage into Italie, wherat my selfe was present. The said King departed from Vienna in Daulphine the 23. of August, the yeere 1494. and returned into his realme about October, the yeere 1495. Before the enterprise was fully resolued on; the matter was often debated whether he should go or not: for the voiage seemed very dangerous to all men of wisdome and experience, neither did any allow therof, but the King himselfe, and one Stephen de Vers borne in Languedoc, a man of meane parentage, and vtterly vnacquainted with the wars, and all things thereunto appertaining. One other also being of the receit was a furtherer thereof till his hart failed him, namely the generall Brissonnet, who afterward by occasion of this voiage, was preferred to many goodly dignities and spirituall promotions, and created a Cardinall. The former had already gotten goodly possessions, for he was Seneschall of Beaucaire, and president of the Comptes at Paris: he had serued the King in his youth very faithfully, being a groome of his chamber, and by his meanes the generall was woon to fauor this voiage; so that they two were the onely authors thereof; for the which, fewe commended, but many blamed them: for all things necessarie for so great an enterprise were wanting. The King was yoong, a weake body, wedded to his owne will, slenderly accompanied with wise men or good captaines, and so vtterly vnfurnished of money: that before his departure, he borrowed of the banke of Soly at Genua a hundred thousand franks vpon great enterest, from Mart to Marte ¹. In diuers other places also he borrowed money as heereafter you shall heare. His army was vnprouided of tents and pauillions, and winter was begun when he entred into Lombardy. One onely good thing he had, to wit, a couragious company of yoong gentlemen: yet not in such obedience as was requisite. Wherefore we must of necessitie conclude that this voiage was gouerned by God alone, both at our going foorth, and our returne home; for the wisdome of the authors thereof aboue mentioned, serued to no great purpose: notwithstanding they might iustly vaunt themselues to be the occasion of the great honor and renowme their Master wan thereby.

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The Notes.

1 The interest of this money, as he saith in the end of the fourth Chapter, amounted in fovver moneths to fovverteene thousand franks. Further, there are at Genua certaine Marts in the yeere, from the one of the vvhich to the other, they let out their money: it is betvveene euery Marte fovver moneths.

How René Duke of Lorrain came into Fraunce to demaund the Duchie of Bar, and the Earledome of Prouence which King Charles held, and how he failed to enter into the realme of Naples, whereunto he pretended title as the King did, and what right both of them had thereunto. Chap. 1.

THe yeere of the Kings coronation ¹ being the 14. or 15. of his age, the Duke of Lorraine came into Fraunce, to demaund the Duchy of Bar which King Levvis the eleuenth had withholden from him, and likewise the Earledome of Prouence, left to the said King Levvis by the last will and Testament of King Charles of Aniou his cosen germaine ²; who died without issue. The Duke of Lorraine pretended title to it, as sonne and heire to the daughter of Rene King of Sicilie, Duke of Aniou, and Earle of Prouence, alleaging that the said King Rene had done him wrong ³, in preferring King Charles of Aniou being but his brother the Earle of Maines sonne, before him being his daughters sonne ⁴. The other answered, that by their ancestors testaments Prouence could not descend to the female. In the end Bar was yeelded to him, for the which the King demanded onely a summe of money. Further, bicause the said Duke of Lorrain was highly fauored, and friended by diuers of great authoritie in Fraunce, (especially by Iohn Duke of Bourbon, who was old, and desirous to marrie his sister) it was agreed that during the space of fower yeeres, in the which his title to the Earledome of Prouence should be examined, his estate should be wholy defraied by the King, and that he should haue charge of an hundred launces, togither with a yeerely pension of sixe and thirtie thousand franks during the said fower yeeres. I my selfe was present at the debating and ending of all these controuersies, being one of the commissioners purposely chosen for the determination thereof, both by the Kings neerest kinsmen, and by the three estates of his realme: so was also Stephen de Vers aboue mentioned, who bicause he had gotten certaine possessions in Prouence, caused the King (as yoong as he was) in the presence of his sister the Duchesse of Bourbon, to say to Monseur de Comminges, and to Monseur de Lau, (who were both also in the commission) and to my selfe, that we should do our endeuor, that he might not lose the Earledome of Prouence; which words he vttered before the agreement aboue mentioned was made.

Before the fower yeeres expired, certaine Lawyeres of Prouence brought foorth the testaments of King Charles the first, brother to Saint Levvis, and of other Kings of Sicilie ⁵ of the house of Fraunce. These Lawyeres (among other proofes) alleaged that not onely the Earledome of Prouence; but also the realme of Sicilie, with [Page] all the house of Anious other possessions, appertained of right to the King, and that the Duke of Lorrain had no right thereto (notwithstanding) others maintained the contrary. All these Lawyers depended wholy vpon Stephen de Vers, who nourished his Master in this language, that King Charles Earle of Prouence last deceased, sonne to Charles of Aniou Earle of Maine, and nephew ⁶ to King Rene: left Prouence to King Lewis by his last will and Testament, and that King Rene before his death made the said Charles his heire, preferring him before the Duke of Lorraine his daughters sonne, bicause of the testaments of King Charles the first and his wife Countesse of Prouence: wherein they had willed that the realme ⁷ and the countie of Prouence should not be seuered nor descend to the heire female, so long as there was issue male remaining. The like Testaments they alleaged also to haue beene made, by their next successors in the said realme, namely by Charles the second. During these fower yeeres space, those that gouerned the King, that is to saie, the Duke and Dutchesse of Bourbon, and certaine of the Kings chamber, namely Monseur de Grauille ⁸ and others, who at that time bare great sway in Fraunce; called to the Court to high authoritie and estimation, the said Duke of Lorraine to haue him for their support and aide: (for he was a hardie gentleman & more than a courtier,) not doubting but easily to rid their hands of him at their pleasure, as also they did when they found themselues strong ynough, and the force of the Duke of Orleans ⁹ and others (whom I neede not name) so weakned, that it was no more to be feared. But after the fower yeeres expired they could no longer hold the Duke of Lorraine, vnlesse they would put him in possession of the countie of Prouence, or assure him of it by writing at a daie, and continue still his pension of sixe and thirtie thousand franks: wherunto bicause they would not condescend, he departed the Court greatly discontented.

Fower or fiue moneths before his departure, a good ouerture was made vnto him if he would haue embraced it: for the whole realme of Naples rebelled against King Ferrande, bicause of his great tyrannie and his childrens, so far foorth that all the nobles and the third part of the realme yeelded themselues to the Church. Notwithstanding King Ferrande being aided by the Florentines pressed them sore: for the which cause the Pope and the saide Nobles of the realme that had rebelled, sent for the Duke of Lorraine purposing to crowne him King, and so forward the enterprise was, that the Gallies and the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula (who should haue conueighed him thither,) staied for him a long time at Genua: during the which space he was busied with these broiles in Court, and delaied his departure, notwithstanding that he had messengers with him from all the Nobles of the said realme, earnestly pressing him to come with speede. To be short, the King and his Councell shewed themselues willing by all meanes they could to aide and succour him, and gaue him sixtie thousand franks, (whereof he receiued twentie thousand but lost the rest,) and agreed also that he should leade with him the hundred launces that were vnder his charge, promising further to send ambassadors round about in his fauoure. Notwithstanding the King was now nineteen yeeres of age or more, and gouerned by those aboue named, who daily beat into his head, that the realme of Naples of right appertained to himselfe, which I write bicause diuers of meane estate raised great contention about this matter: as I vnderstood both by certaine of the ambassadors, sent to Rome, Florence, Genua, and other places in the Duke of Lorraines fauor; and also by the Duke himselfe, when he passed through Moulins where I then lay with Iohn Duke of Bourbon, bicause of the troubles in court. But his enterprise was now halfe lost through his long delaie. I went foorthwith to recieue [Page] him, notwithstanding that he had deserued no such curtesie at my hands: for he was one of those that chased me from the Court ¹⁰ with rough and discourteous words: yet now he made the most of me that might be, lamenting much the gouernment of the estate. He abode at Moulins two daies with Iohn Duke of Bourbon, and then tooke his iourney towards Lyons.

To conclude, his friends were so wearied and weakned bicause of his long delay, that the Pope made peace, and the nobles of the realme also, who vnder suretie thereof went to Naples where they were all taken prisoners: notwithstanding that both the Pope, the Venetians, the King of Spaine, and the Florentines had vndertaken to see the treatie kept and obserued, and had sworne and promised the Nobles safetie. The Prince of Salerne escaped and came into Fraunce, refusing to be comprehended in the treatie as one well acquainted with King Ferrands humor: but the Duke of Lorraine returned into his countrey with dishonor, and lost his credit with the King, lost his men of armes, and lost also the pension of sixe and thirtie thousand franks which he receiued for Prouence: and euen at this present being the yeere 1497. he liueth yet in this estate.

The Notes.

1 King Charles was crowned ann. 1484. in Iune.

2 This cosin german must be referred to King Lewis.

3 For King Rene made Charles his brothers sonne his heire, omitting this Duke of Lorraine his daughters sonne.

4 The pedegree in the end of the worke will make this title plaine.

5 The author vnder the name of Sicilie comprehendeth the realme of Naples also, bicause both the realmes bare the name of Sicilie, the one beyond, the other on this side the far.

6 By nephew he meaneth brothers sonne.

7 Vnderstand this of the realme of Sicilie and Naples.

8 This de Grauille was after Admirall of Fraunce.

9 Madam de Beauieu Duchesse of Bourbon was appointed by King Lewis and the three estates gouernor of King Charles hir brother; but the Duke of Orleans, called after Lewis the 12. withstood the decree, and was in armes with diuers noble men, demanding the gouenrment as the first Prince of blood, as in my Supply is mentioned at large, against these they heere named, called the Duke of Lorraine.

10 For Philip de Commines was a follower of the Duke of Orleans, as himselfe writeth in the last chapter of the last booke.

How the Prince of Salerne in the realme of Naples came into Fraunce, and how Lodouic Sforce surnamed the Moore and he, sought to perswade the King to make war vpon the King of Naples, and for what cause. Chap. 2.

THe Prince of Salerne fled to Venice (where he was well friended) accompanied with three of his nephewes, sonnes to the Prince of Bisignan ¹. There they asked counsell of the Seniorie, (as the Prince himselfe told me) whether it would please them that they should retire to the Duke of Lorraine, the King of Fraunce, or the King of Spaine. They answered, that the Duke of Lorraine was a dead man vnable to do them good, and that [Page] the King of Spaine should be too strong, if to the yle of Sicilie and the other places which he held in the Venetian gulfe he should ioine the realme of Naples; adding, that he was alreadie mightie vpon the sea: wherefore they aduised him to go into Fraunce, saying that with the Kings of Fraunce ² that had held the said realme, they had euer liued in perfect amitie and friendship, and found them alwaies good neighbors. But I supose, they thought not the enterprise would haue fallen out as afterward it did. Thus these noble men aboue named came into Fraunce, where they were curteously receiued, but their entertainment was small. They followed their sute earnestly the space of two yeeres, addressing themselues wholy to Stephan de Vers then Seneschall of Beaucaire and of the Kings priuie chamber.

One day they liued in hope, another in despaire; but their friends vsed great diligence in Italie, specially at Milan, whereof Iohn Galeas was Duke, not the great Iohn Galeas that lieth buried in the Charterhouse of Pauia, but he that was sonne to Duke Galeas and the Duchesse Bonne daughter to the Duke of Sauoy, a man of no great sense. The said Duchesse had the wardship of hir children, and my selfe haue seen hir there in great authoritie, being a widow, and gouerned by one Cico a Secretarie, and an ancient seruant of that house. This Cico had banished all Duke Galeas brethren for the said Ladies safetie and hir childrens; and among the rest the Lord Lodouic (afterward Duke of Milan) whom she reuoked being hir enimie, and in war against hir, togither with the Lord Robert of Saint Seuerine a valiant captaine, whom she had also banished by the said Cicos perswasion. To be short, at the request of a yoong man that carued before hir called Anthony Thesin, being a Ferrarian of very meane parentage, she called them all home through great simplicitie, supposing they would do the said Cico no harme, and the truth is that so they had sworne and promised. But the third day after their returne, they tooke him notwithstanding their oth, and caried him in an emptie caske through the town of Milan: he was allied by mariage to one of the Viscomtes ³, and if the said Vicomt had been in the citie at that present, some say they durst not haue taken him. Moreouer the Lord Lodcuic caused this matter so to be ordered, that the said Robert of S. Seuerin comming that way, should meete with this Cico as he passed through the towne in this estate, bicause he hated him extremely. Thus was he led prisoner to the castle of Pauie where he died.

They vsed this Lady very honorably in hir iudgement, seeking to content hir humor in all things; but all matters of importance they two dispatched, making hir priuie but to what pleased them, and no greater pleasure could they do hir, than to communicate nothing with hir.

They permitted hir to giue this Anthony Thesin what she would, they lodged him hard by hir chamber, he carried hir on horsebacke behinde him in the towne, and in hir house was nothing but feasting and dauncing; but this iollitie endured but halfe a yeere. She gaue many goodly things to this Thesin, and the couriers packets were adressed to him, which bred great disdaine in many, wherein the L. Lodouic, vncle to the two children (aspiring to the Duchie, which afterward also he obteined) nourished them as much as in him lay. One morning they tooke hir two sonnes from hir, and lodged them in a great tower within the castell called the rocke, wherunto consented the said Lodouic, the Lord Robert of Saint Seuerin, one called de Palleuoisin gouernor of the yoong Dukes person, and the captaine of the rocke ⁴, who since Duke Galeas death had neuer departed out of the place, neither did many yeeres after this, till he was taken prisoner by the Lord Lodouickes subtletie, and his masters folly, being of his mothers disposition. After the aboue named had lodged these children in the rocke, they seized vpon the treasure being at that time the richest in Christendome, [Page] and made hir yeeld account thereof. Moreouer, they caused three keies therof to be made, one of the which she kept, but the treasure after that day she neuer touched. They made hir also to surrender the wardship of hir children, and the said Lodouic was chosen their guardian. Further, they sent letters into diuers countries especially into Fraunce (which my selfe sawe) written to hir great dishonor: for they charged hir with this Anthonie Thesin, whom notwithstanding they sent away vnharmed, for the Lord Robert saued both his life and goods. These two great men entred not into the rocke at their pleasure, for the captaine had his brother in it with a garrison of a hundred and fiftie soldiers or better, & when they entred, the gate was straightly kept, neither entred they accompanied at any time with more than a man or two, and this endured a long space.

In the meane time great variance arose between the Lord Lodouic and Robert of S. Seuerin, (for vsually two great men can not long agree:) but Lodouic wan the garland, & the other departed to the Venetians seruice. Notwithstanding, afterwards two of his sonnes returned to the seruice of the said Lodouic, and the state of Milan, (namely Master Galeas, and the Earle of Caiazze) some say with their fathers consent, others say no: but howsoeuer it were, the said Lodouic highly fauored them, and both hath been and yet is very faithfully serued by them. You shall vnderstand that their father the Lord Robert of Saint Seuerin was issued of a base daughter of the house of Saint Seuerin, but in Italie they make no difference betweene a bastard and childe legitimate. This I write bicause they furthered our enterprise in Italy, aswell in fauour of the Prince of Salerne chiefe of the said house of Saint Seuerin, as also for diuers other respects, whereof heereafter you shall heare.

The Lord Lodouic declared immediately that he would by all meanes possible maintaine his authoritie, for he caused money to be coined, on the one side wherof the Dukes image was stamped, and on the other his own, whereat many murmured. This Duke was married to the daughter of Alfonse Duke of Calabria, and King of Naples after his father King Ferrandes death. His said wife was a Lady of a great courage, and would gladly haue increased hir husbands authority if she could, but hir husband lacked wit, and disclosed all hir actions. The captaine also of the rocke of Milan continued long in great authoritie, and neuer departed out of the place; for many iealousies were now arisen, so far foorth that when one of the children went abroad, the other abode within. To be short, a yeere or two before we entred into Italy, the Lord Lodouic hauing been abroad with the Duke, and purposing some mischiefe, waited vpon him at his returne home to the castle, according to his accustomed maner. The captaine came vpon the drawe bridge with his men about him, to kisse the Dukes hand as their maner is. The Duke at this time was somewhat without the bridge, in such sort that the captain was forced to step foorth a pace or two, where these two sonnes of Saint Seuerin, and others that were about them laid hold vpon him. They within drew vp the bridge, but the Lord Lodouic caused an end of a waxe candle to be lighted, & sware that he would smite off their heads ⁵ if they yeelded not the place before the candle were burned out; whereupon they deliuered it, and then he furnished it wel and surely for himselfe, but all in the Dukes name. Further, he endited the captaine of high treason, laying to his charge that he would haue put the place into the Emperors hands: and staied certaine Almains, charging them as practisers with the captaine about this enterprise, yet afterward dismissed them without farther harme. He beheaded also one of his owne secretaries, charging him in like maner as a dealer in the matter, and yet one other who he said had been a messenger ⁶ between them. The captaine he kept long in prison, yet in the [Page] end deliuered him, pretending that Duchesse Bonne had once hired a brother of the captains to kill the said Lodouic as he entred into the castel, whom the captaine withheld frō executing the fact, for the which cause he now saued his life. Notwithstanding if he had been giltie of so heinous a crime as a purpose to yeeld the place to the Emperor, who might haue laid claim to it, both as Emperor & Duke of Austrich (for that house pretendeth some title thereunto:) I thinke he would not haue pardoned him; for it would haue made a great alteration in Italie, and the whole estate of Milain would haue reuolted in one day. For when they liued vnder the Emperors, euerie household paid but halfe a ducat for tribute: but now they are cruelly and tyrannouslie gouerned, both the Spiritualtie, Nobilitie and Commons.

The Lord Lodouic seeing himselfe seized of the castell, and all the force of the countrie at his commandement, determined to attempt further; for he that possesseth Milan possesseth the whole estate, both bicause the chiefe of the countrie be resident there, and also bicause those that haue the charge and gouernment of the other places be all Milanois borne. Sure for the quantitie of this Duchie, I neuer saw a pleasanter nor plentifuller peece of ground. For if the Prince would content himselfe with the yeerely reuenues of fiue hundred thousand ducats; his subiects should be but too rich, and the Prince liue in suretie: but he leuieth yeerely sixe hundred and fiftie thousand or seuen hundred thousand, which is great tyrannie: and therefore the people desire nothing more than change of their Prince. Which the L. Lodouic considering, togither with the other reasons aboue rehearsed, and being already married to the Duke of Ferraraes daughter, by whom he had many children, determined to accomplish his intent, and endeuored to win friends not onely in the said Duchie, but also abrode in Italie. Wherefore first he entred into league with the Venetians for the preseruation of their estate, whereunto he was great friend to his father in lawes preiudice, from whom the said Venetians not long before had taken a little territorie called the Polesan, enuironed with water, and maruellously abounding with all kinde of wealth. This country being distant but halfe a league from Ferrara, the Venetians possesse yet at this day. There are in it two prety townes, which I haue been in my selfe, the one named Rouigue, the other Labadie. The Duke of Ferrara lost it in the war that himselfe first mooued against the Venetians: for notwithstanding that before the end of those wars, Alphonse Duke of Calabria (his father King Ferrande yet liuing) the Lord Lodouic with the force of Milan, the Florentines, the Pope, and the towne of Bolonia came to his aide: by meanes whereof the Venetians were brought altogither vnder foote, or at the least to great extremitie, being vtterly vnfurnished of monie, and hauing lost diuers places: yet the said Lodouic concluded a treatie to their honor and profit; for euery man was restored to his owne saue the poore Duke of Ferrara, who was forced to leaue vnto them the Polesan (which they yet hold:) notwithstanding that he had mooued this war at the request of the Lord Lodouic, and of King Ferrande whose daughter he had married. The report went that Lodouic receiued threescore thousand ducats of the Venetians for making this treatie. Whether it were so or no, I know not, but sure I am that the Duke of Ferrara was once perswaded that it was so: for at that time the said Lodouic was not married to his daughter. From that day forward amitie euer continued betweene the Venetians and the said Lodouic. No seruant nor kinsman of Iohn Galeas Duke of Milan sought to impeach and stop the Lord Lodouic from seizing the Duchie into his own hands, saue onely the Duchesse his wife, who was yoong, but a very wise Lady. She was daughter to Alfonse Duke of Calabria before mentioned, sonne and heire to Ferrande King of Naples. In the yeere 1493. the said Lodouic sent to King [Page] Charles the 8. now raigning, to perswade him to come into Italie to conquer the realme of Naples, and to vanquish and subdue those that possessed it: for so long as they florished and were of force, he durst neuer attempt that which afterward he accomplished. At that time the said Ferrande King of Naples and Alphonse his sonne were puissant, rich, of great experience in the wars, and accounted Princes of hautie courages, though afterward their actions declared the contrarie. The said Lodouic was also a very wise man, but maruellous timorous, and humble when he stood in feare, and void of all faith, if the breach thereof might turne to his profit. I speake as one that knew him throughly well, bicause I haue dealt with him in many matters. But to proceede, in the yeere 1493. (as before I said) the Lord Lodouic began to tickle this yoong King Charles, being but two and twenty yeeres of age, with the ambition and vaineglorie of Italie, shewing him what right he had to this goodly realme of Naples, which I warrant you he skilfully blazed and painted foorth. In all these negotiations he addressed himselfe to Stephan de Vers, then newly made Seneschall of Beaucaire, and maruellously enriched though not satisfied, and to the Generall Brissonet, a rich man, skilfull in matters of the receit, and great friend at that time to the said Seneschall, by whose meanes the Lord Lodouic perswaded the said Brissonet to become a priest, promising to make him a Cardinall, but the Seneschall himselfe he promised to make a Duke. And to set all these practises on foote, the said Lodouic sent in the same yeere to Paris a goodly ambassage to the King, the chiefe whereof was the Earle of Caiazze sonne and heire to the aboue named Robert of Saint Seuerin, who found there the Prince of Salerne his cosin: for the said Prince was chiefe of the house of Saint Seuerin (as I haue alreadie made mention) and liued in Fraunce, being banished by King Ferrande of Naples, as before you haue heard, and therfore trauelled earnestly that this voiage to Naples might go forward. With the said Earle of Caiazze came also Charles Earle of Belleioyeuse, and Master Galeas Viscount of Milan, who were both in very good order and well accompanied, but openly they vsed salutations onely and generall speeches. This was the first great ambassage that came from the Lord Lodouic to the King. True it is that he had sent before this, one of his Secretaries to negotiate with the King, to send his deputie into Italie to receiue homage of his cosin the Duke of Milan for Genua, which was granted him against all reason ⁸: notwithstanding I will not denie, but that the King of especiall fauor might assigne one to receiue it of him; for when this Duke Galeas was warde to his mother, I being then ambassador for King Lewis the 11. receiued his homage in the castell of Milan, hauing an expresse commission from the King so to do. But Genua was then out of the Duke of Milans hands, and held by Master Baptist de Campefourgouse; but at this present the Lord Lodouic had recouered it, and gaue to certaine of the Kings chamber eight thousand ducats for the inuesture thereof, who by receiuing the monie greatly preiudiced the King. For before the graunt of the said inuesture, they might haue seized Genua to the Kings owne vse, if they had would ⁹: but seeing they meant to take monie for it, they ought to haue demanded more: for Duke Galeas paide at one time for it to King Lewis my Master fiftie thousand ducats, whereof the King (whose soule God pardon) gaue me thirtie thousand crownes in reward. Notwithstanding they said they receiued these eight thousand ducats with the Kings consent, and Stephan de Vers Seneschall of Beaucaire was one of those that tooke the monie, happily to entertaine the better the Lord Lodouic for this enterprise, which he so much both fauored and furthered. After audience giuen openly at Paris to the ambassadors aboue mentioned, the Earle of Caiazze had secret communication with the King. The said Earle was in great credit at Milan, but his brother [Page] Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin in greater, especially in martiall affaires. His Master could now dispose of the estate of Milan as of his owne: for the which cause he offered the King great seruices and aide as well of men as mony, affirming the enterprise to be of no difficultie. This done, he and Master Galeas Viscount tooke their leaue and departed, leauing behinde them the Earle Charles of Belleioyeuse to entertaine the sute, who incontinent put himselfe into French apparell, and trauelled so earnestly in this busines, that many began to like of the enterprise. The King sent into Italie to Pope Innocentius, to the Venetians, and to the Florentines one named Peron of Basche, who had been brought vp in the house of Aniou vnder Duke Iohn of Calabria, and was maruellously affectioned to this voiage. These practises and runnings to and fro continued the space of seuen or eight moneths, and those that vnderstood of this enterprise, communed among themselues diuersly of it, but none thought that the King would go in person into Italie.

The Notes.

1 Antonel of Saint Seuerin Prince of Salerne, and Bernardin Prince of Besignan, were brethren. Guicciar.

2 He meaneth by Kings of Fraunce those Kings of the house of Fraunce, that had held the realme of Naples, to wit, the Dukes of Aniou.

3 Viscomte in both these places, and diuers others, is a proper name, not a name of honor, and signifieth as much as Biscomte, that is, tvvise Earle, bicause the Viscomti were Lords of Angiera and Milan.

4 This captaine meant no treason to the children as the others did, but consented to this deede, bicause he thought the children in more safetie vvith him than vvith their foolish mother.

5 The sense in mine opinion were better to read it qu'il luy feroit, then qu'il leur feroit, that is, that he vvould smite off the captaines head, if the place vvere not yeelded, for they vvithin vvere out of Lodouics povver.

6 The French had it in this sense. And another vvho said that he had been a messenger betvveene them: but vndoubtedly the place is corrupted and to be read as I haue amended it.

7 The Duke of Ferrara had married King Ferrandes daughter named Elenor.

8 Duke Galeas ought to haue come into Fraunce to haue done homage to the King in person, but bicause Lodouic vvould not let him depart out of his custodie, he found means that it should be done to one sent thither by the King as his deputie for that purpose.

9 Genua vvas forfeited, and vnder colour thereof, the Lord Lodouic had recouered it, but bicause it vvas held of the King (for the Genuois had giuen themselues to Charles the sixt, anno 1394. vvho sent thither for gouernor Iohn de Maingre, and aftervvard to Charles the seuenth, anno 1446.) it could be forfeited to none but to the King, but by giuing avvay this inuesture, he gaue avvay his right.

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How King Charles the eight made peace with the King of Romanes and the Archduke of Austrich, restoring to them the Lady Margaret of Flaunders, before he made his voiage to Naples. Chap. 3.

DVring this delaie aboue mentioned, peace was treated of at Senlis betweene the King and the Archduke of Austriche, heire of the house of Burgundie: for notwithstanding that they were in truce, yet a breach happened betweene them, bicause the King refused the King of Romaines daughter sister to the said Archduke (being verie yoong,) and married the daughter of Frauncis Duke of Britaine, to enioie peaceablie thereby the Duchie of Britaine: all the which at the time of this treatie he held, saue the towne of Renes and the said daughter being within in it; the which was gouerned by the Prince of Orenge hir vncle, who had made a marriage betweene hir and the King of Romaines ¹ and openly solemnised it in the church by a Practor. All the which happened in the yeere 1492. To this treatie aboue mentioned came a great ambassage in fauoure of the Duke of Austriche from the Emperor Frederick, who offered to be a mediator for the peace: the King of Romains sent thither also, ² and so did the Palzgraue, and the Swissers to pacifie this controuersie, being all of opinion that it would kindle a great fire: for the King of Romains seemed aboue all measure to be iniuried, hauing at one time hir taken from him whom he accounted his wife, and his daughter sent backe to him which many yeeres had beene Queene of Fraunce: but in the end the matter was quietly shut vp, and peace concluded. For all parties were wearie of war, especially Duke Philips subiects, who had sustained so many troubles, partly bicause of wars with this realme, and partly through their owne priuate diuisions, that they could no more. The peace was concluded but for fower yeeres, whereunto the King of Romaines agreed, to the end he might repose his subiects, and receiue againe his daughter: whom some that were about the King and the said daughter, made difficultie to restore. At this treatie I was present my selfe with the rest of the Kings Commissioners being these, Peter Duke of Bourbon, the Prince of Orenge, the Lord of Cordes, and diuers other noble personages, and promise was there made to restore to the said Duke Philip all that the King held in Artois: for so was it agreed when this mariage was treated of in the yeere 1482. that if it were not accomplished, all the landes that were giuen with this Ladie in maraige should returne againe with hir, or be restored to Duke Philip. But the said Archdukes men had alreadie surprised Arras and Saint Omer, so that onely Hedin, Aire, and Betune remained to be restored: the possession and seniorie whereof were presently deliuered them, and they put officers into them: but the King held still the castels, and might place garrisons in them till the fower yeeres were expired, which ended at the feast of Saint Iohn Baptist in the yeere 1498. at which time he was bound to restore them also to the said Archduke, and so he promised and sware to do.

Whether the alteration of these mariages agreed with the lawes of holy Church or no, let others iudge: for many Doctors of diuinitie said yea, and many nay: but were these lawfull or vnlawfull; sure all these Ladies were vnfortunate in their issue. [Page] Our Queene had three sonnes successiuely one after another in fower yeeres: one of them ³ liued almost three yeeres and then died, and the other two be dead also. The Lady Margaret of Austriche was afterward married to the Prince of Castile onely sonne to the King and Queene of Castile, and heire both of Castile and diuers other realmes. The said Prince died the first yeere of his marriage in the yeere of our Lord 1497. leauing his wife great bellied ⁴, who immediately after hir husbands death fell in trauel before hir time, and was deliuered of a dead borne childe; which misfortune the King and Queene of Castile and their whole realme lamented a long time. The King of Romanes immediately after this change aboue mentioned, married the daughter of Galeas Duke of Milan, sister to Duke Iohn Galeas before named, the which marriage was made by the Lord Lodouics onely procurement: but it displeased greatly both the Princes of the Empire, and many also of the King of Romanes friends, bicause she was not of a house noble ynough in their opinion to match with their Emperor. For as touching the Viscounts of whom the Dukes of Milan are descended, small nobilitie is in them, and lesse yet in the Sforces; for the first of that house was Francis Sforce Duke of Milan, whose father was a shoomaker ⁵ dwelling in a little towne called Cotignoles, but a very valiant man, though not so valiant as his sonne, who by meanes of the great fauour the people of Milan bare his wife, being bastard daughter to Duke Philip Marie, made himselfe Duke, and conquered and gouerned the whole countrie not as a tyrant, but as a good and iust Prince: so that in woorthines and vertue, he was comparable to the noblest Princes that liued in his daies. Thus much I haue written to shew what followed the change of these marriages, neither know I what may yet heerafter ensue further thereof.

The Notes.

1 Annal. Burgund. vvrite, vvith Philip the King of Romaines sonne, but the best vvriters agree vvith our author.

2 Maximilian vvas chosen King of Romaines, anno 1486. Funccius.

3 Of this childes death he vvriteth, lib. 8. cap. 13.

4 Of this Princes death he vvriteth at large, lib. 8. cap. 17.

5 Francis Sforces father (as some write) vvas first a cooke in the campe, after he became a soldier, and lastly for his valor vvas made a captaine and a knight.

How the King sent to the Venetians to practise with them before he enterprised his voiage to Naples, and of the preparation that was made for the said voiage. Chap. 4.

NOw to returne to the principall matter: you haue heard of the Earle of Caiazzes & the other ambassadors departure from the King at Paris, and of diuers practises entertained in Italy, and how the King as yoong as he was, greatly affected this voiage, notwithstanding that as yet he discouered his meaning but to the Seneschall and generall onely. Further, he required the Venetians to giue him aide and counsell in this enterprise, who answered him that he should be welcome into Italy: but that aide him they could not, bicause they stood in doubt of the Turke, (yet were they in peace with him:) and as touching counsell, it should be too great presumption in [Page] them to giue counsell to so wise a Prince, hauing so graue a counsell about him; but they promised rather to helpe him than hinder him. This they tooke to be a wise answer, and so was it I confesse. But notwithstanding that, they gouerne their affaires more circumspectly than any Prince or commonaltie in the world; yet God will alwaies haue vs to know that wisedome and forecast of man auaile nought, when he is purposed to strike the stroke. For he disposed of this enterprise far otherwise than they imagined, for they thought not that the King would haue come in person into Italy, neither stoode they in any feare of the Turke, notwithstanding their forged excuse: for the Turke then raigning was a man of no valor ¹: but they hoped by this meanes to be reuenged of the house of Arragon, which they hated extremely, both the father and the sonne, bicause by their perswasion (as they said) the Turke came to Scutary ². I meane the father of this Turke, called Mahumet Ottoman, who tooke Constantinople, and greatly endammaged the said Venetians. But apart to Alphonse D. of Calabria they had many other quarrels, for they charged him, first, as the onely author of the war the D. of Ferrara mooued against them, wherin they consumed such infinit treasure, that it had well neere cleane vndone them (of the which war a word or two hath been spoken before.) Secondarily, that he had sent a man purposely to Venice to poison their cesterns, at the least, as many as might be come vnto, for diuers of them be enclosed and locked. They vse there none other water, for they are inuironed with the sea, and sure that water is very good ³, as my selfe can witnes: for twice I haue been at Venice, and in my last voiage dranke of it eight moneths togither. But the chiefe cause of their hatred against this house of Arragon was none of these aboue rehersed; but for that the said house kept them frō growing great as well in Italy as Greece, on both the which countries they had their eies fixed: notwithstanding they had lately conquered the Ile of Cyprus vpon no title in the world ⁴. For all these considerations the Venetians thought it their profit, that war should arise betweene the King and the house of Arragon: but they supposed that it could not haue ended so soon as it did, & that it shuld but weaken their enimies, not vtterly destroy them: and further, that if the woorst fell, either the one partie or the other to haue their helpe, would giue them certaine townes in Pouille, lying vpon their sea coast: as also in the end it hapned, but they had well neere misreckoned themselues. Lastly, as touching the calling of the King into Italy, they thought it could not be laid to their charge, seeing they had giuen him neither counsell nor aide, as appeered by their answer to Peron of Basche.

In the yeere 1494. the King went to Lyons to attend to his affaires, but no man 1494. thought he would passe the mountaines. Thither came to him the aboue named Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin, brother to the Earle of Caiazze with a goodly traine, sent from the Lord Lodouic, whose lieutenant and principall seruant he was. He brought with him a great number of braue horses and armours to run in, and ran himselfe, and that very well, for he was a yoong and a gallant knight. The King entertained him very honorably, feasted him sumptuously, and gaue him his order. This done, he returned into Italy. But the Earle of Belleioyeuse remained still with the King to hasten the voiage. At Genua they began to arme a great nauie, whither the King sent the Lord of Vrfé Master of his horse, with diuers others. In the end he remooued to Vienna in Daulphine, about the beginning of August in the same yeere, whither the nobles of Genua resorted daily to him: wherefore to Genua he sent Lewis Duke of Orleans, now King of this realme, a yoong gentleman of goodly personage, but much giuen to his pleasures, of whom in this history ample mention shal be made. It was then thought that the said Duke of Orleans should haue led this [Page] armie by sea to land in the realme of Naples, by the conduct and direction of the aboue named banished Princes of Salerne & Bisignan. The whole nauie was fowerteene ships of Genua, besides a great number of gallies and galleons, and the King was as well obeied there in this case, as he should haue been at Paris: for Genua was vnder the state of Milan, where the Lord Lodouic gouerned all, hauing none to gainsay him, saue onely the Duchesse his nephewes wife, daughter to King Alphonse, (for about this present his father King Ferrande died.) But the said Lady preuailed little or nothing, both bicause men sawe the King in a readines either to passe into Italy himselfe, or to send his forces, and also bicause hir husband was a very simple man, and disclosed all hir dooings to the Lord Lodouic his vncle, who had already caused a messenger to be drowned sent by hir, to hir father.

This nauie did no seruice, notwithstanding that the charges thereof amounted to three hūdred thousand franks, for all the treasure that the K. could leuy was imploied that way, by means whereof he was vnfurnished as before I said, both of good counsell, of money, and of al things necessary for such an enterprise: yet God of his meere grace (as manifestly he declared) gaue it good successe. I meane not that the King was not wise of his age, but he was but two and twenty yeeres old, newly crept out of the shell. The two aboue named that gouerned him in all this voiage, to wit Stephen de Vers Seneschall of Beaucaire, and the generall Brissonnet, now Cardinall of Saint Malo, were men of meane estate, and of no experience, whereby so much the more appeered the woonderfull worke of God: our enimies on the other side, were accounted wise, of great experience in the wars, rich, accompanied with wise men and good captaines, and in possession of the realme. I meane King Alphonse (lately crowned by Pope Alexander a Spaniard, borne in the realme of Arragon) who had the Florentines ioined with him, and great intelligence with the Turke. He had also a son bearing armes, called Dom Ferrande, a courteous yoong gentleman, of the age of two or three and twenty yeeres, who was welbeloued in the realme, and a brother also named Dom Frederic, who succeeded the said Ferrande in this our age, and was a very wise man, and led their army vpon the sea. He had been long trained vp on this side the mountaines, and of him you had often assured me my Lord of Vienna by your knowledge in Astrologie, that he should be King, so that he once promised me fower thousand franks of yeerely reuenewes in the said realme, when that came to passe, which promise was made twenty yeeres before the prophesie tooke effect.

Now to proceede, the King altered his minde ⁵ through the Duke of Milans earnest sollicitation made both by letters by the Earle Charles of Belleioyeuse his ambassador, and by the two aboue named. Notwithstanding the Generall in the end began to draw backe, seeing all men of wisedome and vnderstanding to mislike this voiage for many respects, and especially bicause the Kings forces lay abrode in camp in August, vnfurnished of monie, and all other things necessarie: but the Seneschall alone carried the credit from them all, so far foorth that the King shewed a countenance of displeasure to the Generall three or fower daies, but he soone recouered his fauour againe. At this present died one of the Seneschals seruants of the plague, as men said; for the which cause he durst not repaire to the Kings presence to his great griefe, for no man sollicited the voiage: but on the contrarie side the D. & Duchesse of Bourbon were there, laboring all that in them lay to ouerthrow it, whereunto also the said Generall encouraged them, by means whereof one day the voiage was dashed, and another reuiued. In the end the King resolued to go, and I my selfe mounted on horsebacke with the foremost, hoping to passe the mountains the more commodiously with small companie: but I receiued a countermand, whereby I was [Page] aduertised that all was altered againe. The selfesame day were borrowed fiftie thousand ducats of a merchant of Milan; but the Lord Lodouic deliuered the money vpon assurance made to the said merchant for the repaiment: my selfe stood bound for six thousand, and others for the rest; but this monie was lent without interest. The King had borrowed before of the banke of Soly at Genua a hundred thousand franks, the interest wherof amounted in fower moneths to 14. thousand franks ⁶. But some said that the two aboue named had part both in the principall, and also in the interest.

The Notes.

1 This Turke was Baiazet the second.

2 Scodra in Latin a towne in that part of Dalmatia, now called Albania.

3 This is rainewater he meaneth.

4 VVhy they had no title appeereth by the Pedegree in the end of the worke.

5 For he was not minded at the first to haue gone in person.

6 That is after the rate of starling money, 14. pound in the hundred for fower moneths.

How King Charles departed from Vienna in Daulphin to conquer the realme of Naples in person, and what his nauie vpon the sea did vnder the leading of the Duke of Orleans. Chap. 5.

TO be short, the King departed from Vienna the 23. of August in the yeere 1494. and marched straight towards Ast ¹. At Suze Master Galeas of S. Seuerin came to him in poste, from whence the King remooued to Thurin, where he borrowed all the Duchesse of Sauoyes iewels, who was daughter to the late Lorde VVilliam Marques of Montferrat, and Duke Charles of Sauoyes widowe, the which he engaged for twelue thousand ducats. A few daies after, he went to Casall to the Marques of Montferrats widow, being a wise yoong Lady, daughter to the King of Seruia. The Turke had conquered hir countrie, and the Emperor, whose kinswoman she was (hauing as I suppose, taken hir into his protection) had bestowed hir in this house of Montferrat. She lent also hir iewels, the which were in like maner engaged for twelue thousand ducats. Heereby you may perceiue what successe this voiage was like to haue had, if God alone had not guided the enterprise. The King abode at Ast a certaine space ². That yeere all the wines of Italie were sower, which our men much misliked, neither could they away with the great heate of the aire. To Ast came the Lord Lodouic and his wife with a goodly traine to visite the King, where they abode two daies: and then the said Lodouic departed to a castell of the Duchie of Milan, a league from Ast called Nom, whither the Kings Councell repaired daily to him. King Alphonse had two armies abrode in the countrie, the one in Romaine ³ towards Ferrara, vnder the leading of his sonne, accompanied with the Lord Virgill Vrsin, the Earle of Petilhane, and the Lord Iohn Iames of Trenoul, who is now become French. Against these the King sent the Lord d'Aubigny ⁴ a valiant and wise Knight, with two hundred men of armes French, and fiue hundred men of armes Italians, being in the Kings seruice, vnder the leading of the Earle of Caiazze so often before mentioned, who was there as the Lord Lodouics lieutenant, and feared greatly the discomfiture of these forces: [Page] which if it had happened, we had repaired homewards incontinent, and he should haue had his enimies vpon his necke, whose intelligence was great in the Duchie of Milan.

The other armie was vpon the sea, vnder the leading of Dom Frederike King Alphonses brother, and lay at Ligorne and at Pise; for the Florentines tooke part as yet with the house of Arragon, and furnished them of certaine gallies. Moreouer, with the said Dom Frederike was Breto de Flisco, and certaine other Genuois, by whose intelligence he hoped to cause Genua to reuolt ⁵. And sure they had almost obtained their purpose at Specie and Rapalo neere to Genua, where they landed a thousand of their faction, by meanes whereof they had vndoubtedly atchieued their enterprise, if they had not been very speedily assailed. But the selfesame day or the next day, Lewis Duke of Orleance arriued there with certaine ships, and a good number of gallies, and one great galliasse being mine, the patrone whereof was one Master Albert Mely, and it caried the said Duke and the principall of the armie, and manie goodly peeces of artillerie; for it was very strong, and approched so neere the shore, that the very artillery almost discomfited the enimies, who before had neuer seene the like: for artillerie was at that time strange and new to the Italian nation. The soldiers landed also that were in the other ships: and from Genua where the whole armie laie, came a band of Swissers by land led by the Bailife of Digeon, who had ioined with him certaine of the Duke of Milans forces (vnder the leading of Master Iohn Lewis de Flisco brother to the forenamed Breto, and of Master Iohn Adorne:) the which (notwithstanding that they were not at the skirmish) shewed themselues valiant soldiers in defending a straight against the enimies. To be short, bicause our men came to hand-strokes with the enimies, they were discomfited and put to flight, and a hundred or sixscore slaine, and eight or ten taken prisoners: among the which was one Fourgousin sonne to the Cardinall of Genua. Those prisoners that were dismissed, were all stripped to their shirts by the Duke of Milans bands, and other harme had they none, for such is the law of armes in Italie. I saw all the letters that were sent both to the King and to the Duke of Milan making report of this skirmish. Thus was the enimies Nauie repulsed, which afterward approched no more so neer. At our mens returne, the Genuois thought to haue raised a tumult and slew certaine Almaines in the towne, certaine also of them were slaine, but the matter was soone pacified.

I must heere speake a word or two of the Florentines, who had sent twise to the King before his departure out of Fraunce meaning onely to dissemble with him, with their first ambassadors (being the Bishop of Arese ⁶, and one named Peter Sonderin) the King commanded me, the Seneschall, and the Generall to negotiate. Our demands were onely these: First, to giue the King passage through their countrie: and secondarily, to serue him with a hundred men of armes, paying them after the Italian intertainment, which was but ten thousand ducats the yeere ⁷. These ambassadors depended wholie vpon Peter of Medicis a yoong man of small wisedome, sonne to Laurence of Medicis who was dead, and had beene one of the wisest men in his time, and had gouerned this citie almost as prince, as did also at this present his sonne: for their house had continued thus already two mens ages, namely Laurence the father of this Peter, and Cosme of Medicis the first roote and founder of this house, a man woorthie among the woorthiest. And sure of their trade (being merchandise,) I thinke it hath beene the greatest house that euer was in the world: for their seruants and factors haue had so great credit vnder their name that it is woonderfull. I my selfe haue seene the proofe thereof both in Flaunders [Page] and England. For I knew one called Gerard Quanuese by whose onely helpe (in a maner) King Edward the fowerth kept the crowne on his head when ciuill wars were in the realme of England: for he lent him at times more then sixscore thousand crownes, little for his Masters profite, notwithstanding he recouered his principall in the end. Another also I knew named Thomas Portunay, who was pledge at one time betweene the said King Edward and Duke Charles of Burgundie for fiftie thousand crownes, and at an other time in another place for forwerscore thousand. I commend not the wisedome of merchants in thus doing, but I commend Princes that vse merchants well and keepe daie with them, for they know not when they shall need their helpe, and sometime a little money doth great seruice.

It seemeth that this house of the Medicis fel to ruine as mighty houses do in realms and Empires, for the great authoritie of this Peter of Medicis predecessors did him harme: notwithstanding the gouernment of Cosme the first of this house was milde and gentle, such as was agreeable with a free state. But Lavvrence this Peters father (whom we now presently write of) bicause of the great variance before mentioned in this historie, that was betweene him and them of Pisa and others (diuers of the Lib. 6. cap. 5. which at that time were hanged;) tooke a garde of 20. men for the defence of his person, by the commandement and leaue of the Seniory, who commanded nothing, but at his pleasure: notwithstanding he behaued himselfe in this great authoritie very discreetly and soberly, for (as I before said) he was one of the wisest men in his time. But this Peter who succeeded his father (supposing the like authority to be due to him of right) became terrible by meanes of this guard, and vsed great violence in the night, beating men as they went in the streetes, and abusing their common treasure, so had his father done also, but so wisely, that they held themselues in maner contented therewith.

In the second ambassage the said Peter sent to Lions, one called Peter Capon with diuers others, by whom he excused himselfe, as before he had done, for not accomplishing the Kings requests, saying that King Levvis the eleuenth had commanded the towne of Florence, to enter into league with King Ferrande in the time of Duke Iohn of Aniou, and to depart from their league with the said Duke: wherefore seeing by the Kings commandement they were entred into this league, which endured yet certaine yeeres; they could not abandon nor forsake the house of Arragon. But if the King hapned to come into their countrey, they promised to do him great seruices, which offer they made bicause they thought (as the Venetians did) that the King would not come into Italy. In both these ambassages there was some one enimy to the said de Medicis, especially in the latter this Capon, who oftē aduertised vs by what meanes the citie of Florence might be brought to rebell against the said Peter, and deliuered also his message in far woorse termes than indeed it was sent; and further, gaue aduise to banish all the Florentines out of Fraunce, and so were they ⁸. Thus much haue I written, to the end you may the better vnderstand that which afterward ensued: for the King became mortall enimy to the said Peter, and the Seneschall and generall had great intelligence with his enimies in the citie, especially with this Capon, yea and with two also of the said Peters cosin germaines being both of his owne name.

The Notes.

1 The King came to Ast the 9. of September 1494. Guicciar.

2 The King abode at Ast till the 6. of October. Annal. Franc. & Aquit.

3 Alphonse in person leuied men in Abruzzo to haue fought with Duke Aubigny, but [Page] in an assembly held between him and the Pope at Vicouare the third of Iuly, it was agreed that he should passe no further, but giue the charge of the armie to his sonne. Guicciar.

4 This Duke Aubigny was a Scottish man and a Steward, and of him the now King of Scots is by his father lineally descended.

5 Genua was euer diuided into the factions of Fregosi (called here in many places Fourgousi) Adorni, Dorei, and Spinoli.

6 The Italians haue Aretio, which is a towne betweene Florence and Perouse, but Guazzo de Regio which is a little towne neere to Parma.

7 That was after the rate of one hundred ducats for euery man of armes: for the Italian men of armes haue not their archers as the French, and therefore their wages is lesse by the halfe.

8 They gaue this counsell, to the end the Florentines being barred their trafficke in Fraunce, might murmur against Peter of Medicis: for what misfortune soeuer happeneth, the Prince is alwaies blamed as cause thereof.

How the King remaining yet in Ast, resolued to passe foorth towards Naples at the earnest sute of Lodouic Sforce. How Philip de Commines was sent ambassador to Venice: of the Duke of Milans death; after whose decease the said Lodouic seized vpon the Duchie, to the preiudice of a sonne the said D. left behinde him. Chap. 6.

I Haue told you alreadie what happened vpon the sea at Rapalo. Dom Frederike retired to Pisa and Ligorne, leauing his footemen behinde him whom he had landed. The Florentines waxed maruellous wearie of him; for they be and euer haue been better affected to the house of Fraunce, than to that of Arragon. Our armie that was in Romaine (notwithstanding that it were the weaker) furthered greatly our affaires; for it made Dom Ferrande D. of Calabria by little & little to retire: which when the K. perceiued, he resolued to passe forward, being earnestly sollicited therunto by the Lord Lodouic, and the others aboue named. The said Lodouic at his first meeting with the King spake thus vnto him: Sir, feare not this enterprise, there are in Italie but three mightie estates, one of the which taketh part with you which is Milan; another mooueth not, to wit, the Venetians, so that you haue onely to do with the force of Naples. But diuers of your ancestors haue ouerthrowen vs all three being ioined togither. Sir, if you will credit me, I will helpe to make you greater than euer was Charleman: for we will easily chase the Turke out of the Empire of Constantinople, hauing subdued the realme of Naples. And sure he said true of the Turke that now raigneth ¹, if all things had been well ordered on our side. Then the King began to gouerne all his affaires by the order and direction of the said Lodouic, wherewith certaine of our men, I meane some of the Kings chamber, and such like, were not a little discontented, which was great folly; for without him we could do nothing: and this that they did, was onely to flatter the Duke of Orleance, who pretended title to the Duchie of Milan ². But the Generall especially was highly offended therewith; for now he [Page] thought himselfe a great man, and some breach was happened betweene the Seneschall and him: for the which cause the L. Lodouic mooued both the K. and the saide Seneschall that the Generall might be sent home, which his words caused the saide Generall openly to babble against him, and to say that he would deceiue the whole companie: but silence would better haue becommed him. Notwithstanding as touching him, neuer wise man made account of him in matter of estate, both bicause he vnderstood not what it meant, and also bicause he was light of talke: but sure he was well affected to his Master. They concluded in the end to send abrode diuers ambassadors, and my selfe among the rest was appointed to go to Venice, but my dispatch was delaied awhile, bicause the King was sicke of the small pocks, and in danger of death: for an ague was ioined with his disease, but it endured not past sixe or seuen daies. Then I departed leauing the King in Ast, and verily beleeuing that he would passe no further: in sixe daies I went to Venice with my mules and carriage; for the way was maruellous faire. But I departed from the said towne of Ast in great feare, doubting the Kings returne home: notwithstanding God had otherwise disposed of this enterprise, for he went straight to Pauie, and passed through Casall, where the Marchionesse of Montferrat lay, which was a good Lady, and great friend to vs, but deadly enimie to the Lord Lodouic, and he also to hir. When the King arriued at Pauie, some small ielousie began to arise; for they would haue lodged him in the towne and not in the castell, but he would not lodge but in the castell, and so he did. Those that were neere about him haue told me, that he was there in some danger. Wherefore the selfesame night the watch was r'enforced, whereat the Lord Lodouic maruelled greatly, so far foorth that he communed thereof with the King, demanding if he had conceiued any suspicion of him. To be short, their behauiour was such on both sides, that their amitie could not long endure: but we babbled much more than they, not the King himselfe, but certaine of his neerest kinsmen ³. In this castell of Pauie was Iohn Galeas Duke of Milan, and his wife daughter to King Alphonse in very pitious estate: for hir husband being sicke, was held in this castell as vnder garde, and hir sonne who is yet liuing, with a daughter or two. The childe was then about fiue yeeres old, and him euery man might see, but no man might see the Duke: for my selfe passed that way three daies before the King, and could by no meanes be suffered to come to him. Euery body said he was extreme sicke: notwithstanding the King spake with him; for he was his cosin germane ⁴, and he hath told me that their communication was onely generall talke, bicause he would in no wise offend the Lord Lodouic; notwithstanding that he were very desirous to haue aduertised his said cosin of diuers matters. At the same time the Duchesse fell vpon hir knees before the said Lodouic, desiring him to haue pitie vpon hir father and brother. He answered that it could not be. But to say the truth, she might better haue intreated for hir husband and hir selfe, being at that time a goodly yoong Lady.

From thence the King remooued to Plaisance, where the said Lodouic receiued letters that his nephewe the Duke Milan lay at the point of death, wherefore he tooke his leaue of the King to go to him. The King desired him to returne, and so he promised to do. Before he came to Pauie the Duke died, whereupon he rid incontinent, as it were in poste to Milan. Al these newes I vnderstood by a letter that the Venetian ambassador resident with the said Lodouic sent to Venice, wherein also he aduertised the Seniorie that he meant to make himselfe Duke, whichboth the Duke of Venice and the Seniorie vtterly misliked, so far foorth that they asked me whether the King would not defend the childe; which though reason required that he should: yet I made the matter doubtfull, considering how necessary an instrument the said [Page] Lord Lodouic was at that time for the Kings affaires.

To be short, he made himselfe to be receiued at Milan as Duke, which was the onely end (as some said) why he had caused vs to passe the mountaines. Manie also charged him with his nephewes death, whose kinsfolkes and friends in Italy were in armes to haue taken the gouernment from him, which they would easily haue done, had not the Kings comming stopped them. For they were already in Romaine (as you haue heard.) But the Earle of Caiazze and the Lord of Aubigny made them to retire. For the said Lord of Aubigny had with him a company of a hundred & fifty or two hundred men of armes French, and a good band of Swissers. Dom Ferrande and his forces retired towards their friends, dislodging euer halfe a daies iourney before our men, and marched towards Furly ⁵, which belonged to a Lady being a bastard of Milan, and widow of the Earle Hieronime, nephew to Pope Sixtus ⁶. This Lady fauored them as the report went; notwithstanding after our men had taken by assault a little towne of hirs, being first beaten halfe a day with the canon: she reuolted to vs, being indeed well affected to vs before. Further, the people of Italy began in all places to take hart and to desire change and alteration: for they sawe that which before they had neuer seene, I meane the feate of artillerie, which they were vnacquainted with, & which in Fraunce was neuer more practised than at that time. The said Dom Ferrande approched still neerer and neerer to his realme, and went to Sesenne, a faire citie of the Popes in the Marque of Anconne; but the people spoiled his carriage & stuffe whensoeuer they tooke his men at aduantage. And through all Italy they would haue rebelled, if the wars had been ordered on our side without spoile: but all was done cleane contrary, to my great griefe, bicause of the honor and renowme the French nation might haue obtained by this voiage. For at our first arriuall the people honored vs as saints, supposing all faith and vertue to be in vs: but their opinion endured not long, partly bicause of the disorder and spoile our men vsed; and partly bicause of the slanderous reports our enimies made of vs in all places, charging vs that we forced women, and robbed and carried away money, and whatsoeuer we could lay hands on, of heinouser crimes they could not haue accused vs in Italy, for no nation is so ielous and couetous as the Italian. As touching women they belied vs, but the rest was not altogither vntrue.

The Notes.

1 He meaneth bicause he vvas a man of no vertue, as before is said.

2 VVhat right the Duke of Orleans had to it, the petegree in the end of the booke will declare.

3 He meaneth the Earle of Ligny, the King and vvho vvere sisters children.

4 King Charles his mother vvas Charlotte, and this Dukes mother Bonne, both daughters to the Duke of Sauoy.

5 It vvas corruptly in the French Sorly for Furly, vvhich the old Romaines called Forum liuii.

6 Octauian sonne to Hieronime of Riare, vvas Lord of Furly and Imola, vvith title of Vicar of the Church, but he vvas vnder the gouernment of Katherin Sforce his mother heere mentioned. Guicciar.

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How Peter of Medices yeelded fower of the Florentines strongest places to the King, and how the King restored Pisa being one of them to their ancient liberty. Chap. 7.

THe King (as before you haue heard) was at Plaisance, where he caused a solemne funerall to be made for his cosin germaine the Duke of Milan; for other thing wist he not what to do, the new Duke of Milan being departed from him. They that best vnderstood the course of these affaires, haue told me that the whole cōpany desired to returne home, aswel for that they were vnprouided of all things necessarie, as also bicause of diuers doubts that were arisen: for certaine that at the first seemed to haue great good liking of this voiage, began now vtterly to disallow thereof, namely the Lord of Vrfé Master of the horse, who was not with the King, but lay sicke at Genua: whence he wrote him a letter, giuing him therein to vnderstand of diuers doubts and iealousies whereof he was aduertised. But (as before I haue said in diuers places) God manifestly declared that he himselfe gouerned this enterprise. For suddenly in the necke of this letter, newes came to the King that the Duke of Milan would shortly return, and that the Florentines began to fauor vs in hatred of Peter de Medicis, who gouerned them as if he had been their Prince, to the great discontentation both of many of his owne neere kinsmen, and of diuers also the best citizens, namely the Capons, the Sonderini ¹, the Nerly, and in maner the whole citie. Wherefore the King departed from Plaisance and marched towards the Florentines territories, meaning either to cause them to declare themselues for him, or to take their townes being vnfortified, and lodge his men in them all the winter, which was already begun. Diuers small places yeelded vnto him, so did also the citie of Luques enimie to the Florentines, shewing him all pleasure and seruice that in them lay. Now you shall vnderstand that the Duke of Milan had two purposes in his head; first he sought by all meanes possible to staie the King from passing further that sommer ². Secondarily, he hoped to obtaine of him Pisa (a great and a faire citie) togither with Serzane, and Petresancte, which two places had been subiect to the Geneuois not long before, and were woon from them by the Florentines in Laurence de Medicis time.

The King passed through Pontreme one of the D. of Milans townes, and went to besiege Serzane the strongest and the best castle the Florentines had, but vnfurnished bicause of their great diuision. To say the truth the Florentines neuer beare armes willingly against the house of Fraunce: for they haue euer faithfully serued it & taken part with it, both bicause of their great traficke in Fraunce, & also bicause they haue euer been of the Guelphes faction ³. If this place had been well furnished the King must of necessitie haue broken his armie: for the countrie is verie barren & ful of hils, & victuals there were none to be gotten: besides that the snow lay maruellous deepe vpon the ground. After the Kings siege had lien before it three daies, the Duke of Milan came thither no composition being yet made betweene the Florentines and the King ⁴, and passed through Pontreme, where the townesmen and the soldiers of the garrison fell at such variance with our Almaines (led by one Buser) that certaine of the saide Almaines were staine: of the which braule sprang a great inconuenience, as heereafter you shall heare. For although I were not my selfe present [Page] at the doing of these things: yet vnderstood I of them both by the King, the Duke, and diuers others. The Florentines began now to practise, and appointed fifteene or sixteene to go to the King, saying, that they would no longer continue in this great danger, nor sustaine the displeasure of the King and the Duke of Milan, who had continually an ambassador resident at Florence. And Peter of Medices consented to the sending of this ambassage; for to say the truth, he could not remedie it, considering vpon what termes they stood: for if they had done otherwise, they had been vndone, being vnprouided of all things, and vtterly vnacquainted with the wars. When these ambassadors came to the Kings presence, they offered to receiue him into Florence and their other places, neither cared the greater part of them how the world went, so that we would come to Florence to chase away Peter of Medices; which matter they earnestly pressed, bicause they had good intelligence with the aboue named that gouerned then the Kings affaires.

On the other side Peter of Medices practised by a seruant of his owne named Laurence Spinelly, who was his factor at Lyons, and an honest man in his vocation, and had liued long in Fraunce: but of the state of our Court he could vnderstand nothing, no hardly they that had beene Courtiers all their liues, bicause of the often changes and alterations. This Spinelly negotiated with those that heeretofore had borne all the sway, namely, the Lord of Bresse afterward Duke of Sauoye, and the Lord of Miolans chamberlaine to the King. Soone after the aboue named ambassadors were returned to Florence, Peter of Medices accompanied with certaine of the citie, came himselfe to the King to make answer to our requests: for they within the citie sawe vtter destruction before their eies, vnlesse they yeelded to all the Kings demaunds; whose fauour they hoped to obtaine, by offering him some greater seruice than any of the other townes that had already receiued him. At his arriuall Monseur de Piennes a Flemming borne, and Chamberlaine to the King, and the generall Brissonnet were sent to treate with him, who required him to yeeld vnto the King the castell of Serzane, which presently he did. They required him further to lend the King Pisa, Ligorne, Petresanct, and Librefacto: whereunto he also agreed incontinent, neuer communicating the matter with his collegues, who supposed that the King should onely haue lodged in Pisa, and these other places to refresh himselfe, but not haue held them still: well, by this meanes they yeelded their whole estate and force into our hands. Those that negotiated with the said Peter haue told both me and others since, scoffing and iesting at him, that they woondred to see him so lightly condescend to so waightie a matter, granting more than they looked for. To conclude, the King entred into Pisa, and the aboue named ambassadors returned to Florence, where the said Peter caused the Kings lodging to be made in his owne house, which was the goodliest of a citizens or merchants house that euer I saw, and better furnished than any mans house in the world of his estate.

I must heere speake a word or two of the Duke of Milan, who now wished the King with all his hart out of Italy, notwithstanding that both already he had made his profit by him, and sought also still so to do: for he was in hope to obtaine of him, the places yeelded by the Florentines, and pressed him earnestly for Serzane, and Petresancte, which he said appertained to the Genuois: he lent him also at that present 30. thousand ducats, and he hath since told both me and others, that these places were promised him. But when he sawe that he could not obtaine them, he departed in great displeasure from the King, pretending that earnest busines called him home, which was the last time the King saw him: notwithstanding, he left Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin behind him, whom he ioined in commission in all matters with the [Page] Earle Charles of Belleioyeuse. The said Master Galeas while the King lay in Pisa, sent (by his Masters aduise) for the chiefe citizens of the towne to his lodging, where he perswaded them to rebell against the Florentines, and to desire the King to restore them to their ancient liberty, trusting by this meanes that Pisa would fall into the Duke of Milans clawes, vnder whose obedience it had been ⁵ in the time of Iohn Galeas the first Duke of Milan of that name, (a great and wicked tyrant though very honorable) whose body lieth buried in the charterhouse of Pauia by the parke ⁶, so high aboue the high altar, that men go vp to it by a ladder: certain of the monkes shewed me it, at the least his bones, which smelt, as naturally they should. Further, one of the said monkes who was borne at Bourges, called him Saint, as he talked with me; and I asked him in his eare why he called him Saint, considering he might behold painted round about him the armes of many cities which he had wrongfully vsurped ⁷, and seeing the image of him and his horse being of fine marble stood higher than the altar, and yet his body lay vnder his horse feete. He answered me softly, Sir, in this countrey we call all those Saints that haue done vs any good, and he built this goodly charterhouse church, which in very deed is the fairest that euer I saw, for it is all of fine marble. But to proceede, the said Master Galeas sought to make himselfe great, and so I thinke did the Duke of Milan also, bicause he had married his base daughter: for he manifestly declared that he would aduance him, as his owne sonne, bicause at that time his owne children were all very yoong. The said Pisans were I confesse cruelly handled by the Florentines, for they vsed them like slaues. They had subdued them about a hundred yeeres before, euen in the selfe same yeere that the Venetians conquered Padua, which was the first victory that they obtained vpon the firme land. And the fortune of these two cities was almost alike, for they had been ancient enimies to those whom now they serued, many yeeres before they were conquered, and almost of equall force with them. These Pisans consulted togither about this motion, and seeing themselues counselled by so great a personage, and being also of themselues desirous of libertie: a great number of them both men and women, came crying to the King as he went to masse, Libertie, libertie, desiring him with weeping eies to graunt it them. One of the Masters of the requests (who was a counsellor of the parliament in Daulphine named Robot) going before the King, or executing his office said vnto him, (were it bicause he had promised the Pisans so to do: or bicause he vnderstood not what they demanded) that it was a lamemtable case, and that of right he ought to graunt them their petition, adding, that neuer men were so cruelly handled. The King not vnderstanding well what this word meant, but bewailing in his minde the miserable estate of the Italian nation, and the cruelty that both Princes & commonalties vse towards their subiects (notwithstanding that in reason he could not graunt them their liberty, seeing the towne was none of his, but lent him vpon friendship at his great need:) answered that he was contented to grant their request, & so the counsellor aboue named declared vnto them: wherupon the people incontinent began to proclaim holiday in token of ioy, and went to their bridge which is a very goodly one built ouer the riuer of Arne, & threw down to the ground, & afterward into the riuer a great lion standing vpon a strong pillar of marble called maior, representing the Seniorie of Florence: vpon the which pillar they caused to be erected the image of a K. of Fraunce holding a naked sword in his hand, & treading the maior or lion vnder his horse feet. But after, when the K. of Romains entred the town, they did with the Kings image as now with the lion: for such is the nature of the Italian nation, to turne euer with the strongest. Notwithstanding these Pisans were then & yet are so cruelly handled that they are to be holden for excused.

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The Notes.

1 It was Fodormi in the French, but corruptly.

2 He meaneth that the Duke of Milan found delaies to cause the King to stay all the winter in the Florentines territories, hoping that their townes would yeeld vnto him (as indeede they did) and that then he might obtaine of the King such as he would.

3 The factions of the Guelphes and Gibellines began in Italie vnder the Emperor Frederike the second anno 1240. The Gibellines held for the Emperor, the Guelphes for the Pope.

4 This composition he speaketh of afterward in this chapter.

5 It was sold to this Iohn Galeas, and he sold it ouer to the Florentines.

6 This parke was made by the said Iohn Galeas after he had conquered Pauia: it was twenty miles in circuit, walled round about, and stored with all kinde of beasts, but now by meanes of the wars it is destroied: by this parke he built also the castell. In this parke was Francis the French King taken prisoner.

7 This Duke conquered in Italy 29. cities, among the which were Pauie, Bolonia, Verona, Senes, Perouse, Luques, Verceil, &c.

How the King departed from Pisa to Florence, and of the flight and ruine of Peter de Medices. Chap. 8.

AFter the King had soiourned at Pisa certaine daies, he departed to Florence, where they declared vnto him the great wrong he had done their estate, by restoring the Pisans to libertie against his promise. Those that were appointed to make answer heereunto excused the fact: saying, that the King had not well vnderstood with what conditions Pisa was deliuered vnto him, neither vnderstood he another treatie he made with the Florentines ¹: whereof you shall heare after I haue spoken somewhat of Peter de Medicis ruine, and shewed how the King entered into Florence, leauing a garrison in Pisa, and the other places lent him. The said Peter after he had yeelded to the King the places aboue mentioned with the consent of certaine of the towne, returned to the citie, supposing that the King would not hold them still, but restore them at his departute from Pisa, where he would but repose himselfe three or fower daies. Yet am I of opinion that if it had pleased him to winter there, they would willingly haue agreed thereunto, notwithstanding that Pisa be of greater importance to them than Florence it selfe, saue that their persons and goods be resident in Florence ². At the said Peters returne to Florence, euery man frowned vpon him, and not without cause: for he had dispossessed them of their whole force, and of all that they had conquered in a hundred yeeres, so that their mindes seemed already to foretell them the euils that afterward fell vpon them. Wherefore partly for this cause (which I suppose to be the principall, though they neuer vttered it) partly for the great hatred before rehearsed, which they bare him, and partly also to recouer their libertie, wherof they thought themselues bereaued by him: they determined to banish him the towne, forgetting all the benefits of Cosmus and Laurence de Medicis his ancestors. The said Peter hauing no certaine intelligence of this their determination, yet doubting [Page] it, went to the palace with his ordinarie garde to aduertise them of the Kings comming, who was about three miles from the towne: but when he came to the palace gate and knocked, one of the house of Nerly (being the father and many sonnes whom my selfe knew well, all of great wealth) refused to let him in, saying, that if he would enter alone he should, otherwise not; and he that made him this refusall was armed. The said Peter returned incontinent to his house, and armed both himselfe and his seruants, determining to make resistance against his enimies in the towne. Whereof he also aduertised one Paule Vrsin, who was in pay with the Florentines (for the said Peter was by his mother of the house of Vrsins, and both his father and he had euer giuen entertainment to certaine of them) but immediately after, they heard the people crie, Libertie, libertie, and sawe them come towards his house in armes. Whereupon (following good aduice) by the helpe of Paule Vrsin he departed the towne, which was a miserable departure to him: for in power and wealth both he and his ancestors, since the time of Cosmus de Medicis the first of that house, had been in maner equall with great Princes: and this day fortune began to frowne vpon him, so that he lost both honor and riches. At this present my selfe was at Venice, and by the ambassador of Florence there resident, vnderstood of all these newes, which greatly displeased me; for I had loued his father well. If the said Peter had followed mine aduice, all this had neuer happened: for immediately after my arriuall at Venice I wrote vnto him, offering to make his peace with the King; for I had commission by mouth both from the Seneschall of Beaucaire and the Generall so to do: and I am well assured the King would haue held himselfe contented with passage through their countrie, at the most with Ligorne, and (that being obtained) haue agreed to all the said Peters demaunds. But he by the perswasion of the aboue named Peter Capon, answered me in maner with scoffes. The said ambassador the next day deliuered a letter to the Senate of Venice, the contents whereof were, that the said Peter was banished the towne, bicause he sought to make himselfe Lord thereof by aide of the house of Arragon and the Vrsins, and diuers other matters they charged him with that were vntrue. But such be the chaunces and changes of this world, that he that is in aduersitie, hath not onely his enimies to pursue him, but his friends also become his foes, as appeered by this ambassador named Paule Anthony Sonderin, (one of the wisest men in Italie) who but the day before talked with me of this Peter as if he had been his soueraigne Lord, yet now declared himselfe his enimie. True it is that it was by the Seniories commandement; for of himselfe particularly he made no declaration. The next day I was aduertised that the said Peter came to Venice, and that the King in great triumph was entred into Florence. Moreouer, the Senate of Florence commanded their ambassador to take his leaue of the Seniorie of Venice, and returne home with all speede. The letter himselfe shewed me, and then departed. Two daies after his departure arriued Peter de Medicis in his doublet and his hose, or in one of his seruants clokes. The Venetians stood in great doubt to receiue him; so much feared they the Kings displeasure. And notwithstanding that they could not of their honor refuse him, yet made they him stay two daies without the towne, being very desirous to vnderstand of me, how the King would take it, if they receiued him. I for my part desired to do him good, and the King had written nothing to me against him: wherefore I answered them, that I thought he was fled for feare of the people, not of the King. Whereupon he entred the towne, and the next day after he had been with the Seniorie, I went to visit him. They lodged him well, and permitted both himselfe and fifteene or twenty of his seruants that accompanied him, to weare their weapons in the towne ³. And notwithstanding that Cosmus [Page] aboue mentioned had stopped them in times past from taking of Milan, yet vsed they him very well, and reuerenced him for the honor of his house, which had beene of so great estimation and renowme through all Christendome. When I sawe him me thought he seemed a man of no great stuffe, he discoursed to me at large of all his misfortunes, and I, as well as I could, comforted him. Among other things, he told me that he had lost all, and that aboue all his other mishaps this most grieued him, that a factor of his in the towne had refused to giue him credit for cloth but to the value of 100. ducats to apparell his brother and himselfe, which was a strange thing, considering his estate and authoritie: for by the space of threescore yeeres the estimation of his house had been so great, that greater it could not be. Soone after, by meanes of the Lord of Bresse afterward Duke of Sauoye, the said Peter receiued good newes; for the King wrote vnto him, willing him to repaire to his presence. Notwithstanding the King was first departed from Florence, as now you shall heare, but somwhat I was forced by the way to speake of this Peter de Medicis.

The Notes.

1 This is ironicè spoken, bicause the King brake this second treatie also, mentioned in the very next chapter, notwithstanding that he vnderstood it well ynough.

2 It stood them in such steede, bicause it was strong, and the key of their countrie, and standeth neere the sea very commodiously for their traffick.

3 For through the Venetians dominions no man may weare his weapon without leaue.

How the King entred into Florence, and through what other townes he passed till he came to Rome. Chap. 9.

THe next daie the King entered into Florence where the said Peter had prepared his owne house to receiue him, but the Lord of Ballassat who was sent thither before to make the Kings lodging, vnderstanding of the saide Peters departure: fell to spoile all that he found in his house, pretending that his banke at Lyons ought him a great summe of money. Among other things he tooke one whole Vnicornes horne, valued at sixe or seauen thousand ducats, and two great peeces of another, with a number of other goodly things, which others seeing did the like. Into another house in the towne the said Peter had conueied all his goodliest stuffe, but the people spoiled that also. The Seniorie had part of his richest iewels, twenty thousand ducats in coine that lay in his banke in the towne, diuers faire pots of Agate, and such a number of goodly Camayeux excellently well cut, (all the which my selfe once saw) as is woonderfull, togither with three thousand medales of gold & siluer weying 40. pound weight, the number and goodnes wherof I thinke all Italy could not match. All that he lost that day in the citie, amounted to a hundred thousand crownes and better. The King being in Florence (as you haue heard) made a treatie with the citizens to their great good liking as I suppose. The conditions were these: They gaue him sixe score thousand ducats, whereof they paied him fiftie thousand presently, and the rest at two paiments very shortly after, they lent him all the places aboue mentioned, they changed their armes being the red flower deluce, and gaue the Kings armes. And he [Page] for his part receiued them into his safegarde and protection, and promised & sware vpon the altar of Saint Iohn to restore their places vnto them within fower moneths after he should be entred into Naples, or sooner, if sooner he returned into Fraunce. But the matter fell otherwise out, as heereafter you shall heare.

The King staied not long at Florence, but went to Senes, where he was honorably receiued; and from thence to Viterbe, where Dom Ferrand (who as you haue heard retired towards Rome) was once minded to haue lodged & fortified his campe, and to haue fought if he had seene his aduantage, as I was aduertised both by King Alphonses ambassador, and also by the Popes legate being at Venice. And sure I looked euer when King Alphonse being accounted a valiant Prince, should haue come thither in person, leauing his sonne in his realme: for in mine opinion the place had beene greatly for his aduantage, considering he should haue had his owne realme, the dition of the church, and the places and territories of the Vrsins on his backe. Wherefore I was maruellously astonished when I receiued letters from the King that he was entred the towne of Viterbe, and likewise the castle, which soone after his entrie into the towne a commander yeelded vnto him ¹, by meanes of the Cardinall Petri ad Vincula (who was gouernor thereof) and of the Colonnois. And then began I to my selfe that God was fully purposed to accomplish this enterprise, so far foorth that I repented me that in my letters I had aduised the King not to refuse an honorable composition, for they offered him ynough. But to proceede, Aquependant, Monteflascon, and all the places round about yeelded before Viterbe, as I was aduertised both by the Kings and also the Seniories letters (who were daily informed by their ambassadors of all that hapned) diuers of the which they shewed me, or caused one of their secretaries to report vnto me. From thence the K. marched to Rome, through the Vrsins territories, which were all yeelded to him by the Lord Charles Vrsin, who said that he had commandement from his father ² (notwithstanding that he were then in K. Alphonses seruice) so to do, & that so long as Dom Ferrand should haue passage granted him through the dominions of the Church, and should be in the said dominions; so long he would accompanie him and no longer. Thus liue they in Italy both Princes and captaines in continuall practise with their enimies, and turning euer as they see fortune encline. Further, the King was receiued into Brachane, the said Virgile Vrsins principall castle, which was faire, strong, and so well furnished of victuals, that I haue heard the King oftentimes commend both the place and the good entertainment he found there. For his army was in such extremity and penurie of victuals that in greater it could not be. To be short, who so shall consider how often this army was vpon the point to returne home since the time it first arriued at Vienna in Daulphine, and by what means and ouuertures the iourney was still continued: I thinke he will confesse that God was the leader thereof.

The Notes.

1 Vn commandeur, is one that hauing Ecclesiasticall liuings may not marrie, and yet is not compelled to be a priest, as the Grandeprior in Fraunce, and all the Knights of Saint Iohns of Ierusalem.

2 His father vvas Virgile Vrsine, of vvhom heerafter more mention is made.

[Page]

How the King sent the Cardinall Petri ad Vincula to Ostie; what the Pope did at Rome in the meane time, and how the King entred into Rome maugre all his enimies. Chap. 10.

FRom Brachane the King sent the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula to Ostie, wherof he was Bishop: the place was of great importance, and held by the Colonnois, who lately had recouered it from the Pope, whose forces not long before had taken it from the said Cardinall. It was of no defence, notwithstanding it hath since held Rome in great subiection a long time by the said Cardinals aide ¹, being great friend to the Colonnois, who ioined at that time with vs, partly by meanes of the Cardinall Ascanio brother to the D. of Milan and Vicechancellor, and partly in hatred of the Vrsins whose enimies they be and euer haue been. These two factions breed great troubles in the Church dominions, as do in Fraunce the factions of Luce and Grandmont, and in Holland of Houc and Caballan ²: but were it not for this diuision, the said dominions were the best countrie for the subiects in the world, for they pay no subsidies, and other duties but few. Further, they are alwaies well gouerned, for the Popes are euer wise themselues, and haue wise men about them: but bicause of these factions many great and cruell murthers are often committed, as within these fower yeeres we haue seene a number on both sides. For since the time I now write of, the Coulonnois became our enimies, though to their great dishonor: for they possessed of the Kings gift in the realme of Naples, namely in the Earledome of Taillecouse, and other places which the Vrsins had held before, 20000. ducats and better of yeerely reuenues ³. Further, all their other demands were granted them, as well charge of men of armes as pensions. Wherefore they fell from vs very traiterouslie, and vpon no occasion. But you shall vnderstand that they had euer been partakers with the house of Arragon & other enimies of Fraunce, bicause they were Gibelins, and the Vrsins had euer been friends to Fraunce bicause they were Guelphes. To Ostie the King sent with Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula, Peron de la Basche steward of his house, who landed but three daies before at Plombin, and brought with him by sea twentie thousand ducats, parcell of that money the Duke of Milan lent the King. Vpon the sea with the Kings army (being very small) remained the Prince of Salerne, and one called the Lord of Sernon in Prouence whom tempest draue into Corsique ⁴, with their nauie all to rent and torne, where they staied so long in repairing it, that it did no seruice, notwithstanding the great treasure emploied thereon, for before it arriued at Naples, the King was entred the towne.

At Ostie with the said Cardinall were fiue hundred men of armes, and two thousand Swissers led by the Earle of Ligny (the Kings cosin germaine by the mother,) the Lord of Alegre, and diuers others, who thought to haue passed the riuer of Tybre there, & to haue inclosed Dom Ferrand within Rome by aide of the Coulonnois, the principall of the which house were at that time Prospere and Fabrice Coulonne, and the Cardinall Coulonne, accompanied with two thousand footemen, whom the King paied by the hands of the aboue named Basche. The said footemen they had leuied at their owne pleasure, and mustred at Sannesonne, a towne of their owne.

You shall vnderstand, that many matters concur heere, and of euery one somwhat [Page] is to be said. Before the King entred into Viterbe, he had sent to Rome Monseur de la Trimoille his chamberlaine, the president Ganay keeper of the seale, and the generall Bidaut, to enter into intelligence with the Pope, who practised continually after the manner of Italy. They being in Rome, the Pope in the night receiued Dom Ferrand with his whole forces into the towne, whereupon our ambassadors and some fewe of their seruants were staied: but the selfe same day the Pope dismissed them. Notwithstanding he held still in prison the Cardinall Ascaigne his vicechauncellor, and brother to the Duke of Milan, and Prospere Coulonne, some said by their owne accord. Of all these accidents I was aduertised incontinent by the Kings letters, but the Seniorie more amplie by their ambassadors. All this hapned before the King entred into Viterbe, for neither party staied aboue two daies in a place. But as touching our affaires they prospered better than we could wish, and no maruell: for the Lord of Lords gaue them successe, as all men might manifestly perceiue.

This army that lay in Ostie could do no seruice bicause of the foule weather; further, you shall vnderstand that the force which the Lord of Aubigny led, was returned to the King, and himselfe also, neither had he further charge thereof. The Italians were also dismissed that had been with him in Romaine, vnder the leading of the Lord Rodolph of Mantua, the Lord Galeot of Mirandula, and of Fracasse brother to the L. Galeas of Saint Seuerin, the which with their said company being to the number of fiue hundred men of armes, were well paied by the King, for they serued him as before you haue heard. The King after his departure from Viterbe, remooued to Naples ⁵, which the Cardinall Ascaigne held. Further, it is most certaine that while our men lay in Ostie, aboue twenty fathomes of Rome wals fell to the ground on the same side they should haue entred. The Pope seeing this yoong King come thus suddenly with such successe, agreed that he should enter the citie, (for to saie the truth he could not otherwise choose) and desired a safe conduct ⁶, (which the King willingly granted) for Dom Ferrand Duke of Calabria, and onely son of K. Alphonse, who in the night retired to Naples, the Cardinall Ascaigne conueying him to the gate ⁷. Then the King entred the citie in armes, as a Prince hauing power to dispose of all things at his pleasure, and diuers Cardinals with the gouernors and Senators of the towne came foorth to receiue him. He lodged in Saint Markes pallace, which is the Culonnois quarter, who were his friends and seruants at that time. But the Pope retired into the castle of Saint Ange.

The Notes.

1 This Cardinall was afterwards Pope Iulius the second, and prooued a deadly enimie to the French. Further, this towne of Ostie distressed Rome, by meanes that being the very entrie into the riuer of Tyber, it kept all victuals from comming to Rome by vvater, for the vvhich cause the olde Romanes called the towne Ostia, bicause it vvas the very doore or mouth as it vvere of the riuer.

2 The factions of Houc and Caballan began in Holland 1444. Berlandus. Reade Meyer lib. 16. fol. 300. pag. 2.

3 The King gaue to Fabrice Colonne the countrie of Albe and Taillecousse, vvhich vvere before Virginio Vrsins, and to Prosper the Duchie of Tracette, and the citie of Fondi.

4 This Corsique being corrupted in the French, vve haue restored according to Panlus Iouius. Guicciar. hath Corse.

5 This is not the citie of Naples, but a little tovvne called in the Annales of Fraunce Neple, in Latin Nepesum, of the Italians Nepi.

[Page] 6 Ferdinande Duke of Calabria refused the pasport. Guicciar.

7 Ferdinande vvas sonne to Hypolitie sister to Duke Galeas of Milan, to the Lorde Lodouic, and to this Cardinall.

How King Alphonse caused his sonne Ferrande to be crowned King, and then fled himselfe into Sicilie: with a discourse of the euill life that his father the olde Ferrande and he had led. Chap. 11.

WHo would haue thought that this proude King Alphonse (hauing beene trained vp all the daies of his life in martiall affaires) that his son and al these Vrsins, whose faction was so great in Rome, would thus haue abandoned the citie through cowardise, especially seeing they knew and vnderstood perfectly, that the Duke of Milan began to wauer, and the Venetians to stir and to treate of a league, which had then been concluded (as I was certainly informed) if they had made any resistance at Viterbe or Rome, to stay the King but a few daies: but God meant to shew that all these proceedings, passed far the reach and compasse of mans braine. And heere note by the way, that as the citie wall fell downe, so did fifteene fathoms also of the vaumure of the castell of Saint Ange, as I haue beene aduertised by diuers, especially by two Cardinals there present. Now I must returne to speake a word or two of King Alphonse.

So soone as the Duke of Calabria called the yoong Ferrande, was returned to Naples, his father King Alphonse iudged himselfe vnwoorthie longer to raigne, bicause of the euils he had committed, and the manifold cruelties he had vsed against diuers barons and Princes of his realme. For you shall vnderstand, that whereas his father King Ferrande and he had taken (notwithstanding their safe conduct) to the number of 24. of them, and had held them in prison from the time of their rebellion against the said Ferrande ¹ till the hower of his death: this Alphonse immediately after his fathers decease for a surplusage of all crueltie, caused them miserably to be murthered, and with them two other whom his father had also taken vnder safe conduct, the one Duke of Sesse ² a man of great authoritie, and the other Prince of Rosane, who had married the said Ferrandes sister, and had issue by hir a sonne, a very goodly gentleman. True it is that the said Prince had wrought great treason against him, for the which he had well deserued death, if he had not been taken vnder safe conduct: but King Ferrande to rid himselfe of all feare, tooke him (that notwithstanding) being come to him by his commandement, and laide him in a maruellous stinking prison, and afterward his said sonne also being betweene fifteene and sixteene yeeres of age. Thus had the Prince of Rosane liued a prisoner when King Alphonse came to the state, about fower and thirty yeeres. But the said Alphonse immediately after his coronation, commanded these prisoners to be led into an Iland neere to Naples called Iscle ³ (whereof heereafter more mention shall be made) and there villanously to be slaine, all saue one or two whom he held still in the castell of Naples, namely, the said Prince of Rosans sonne, and the noble Earle of Popoli. I haue diligently inquired after what sort he caused them thus cruelly to be murthered; (for many supposed they had been yet liuing, when the King entred into the good towne and citie of Naples) and diuers of their principall seruants haue informed me, that [Page] he caused them villanously and horribly to be slaine by a Moore of Afrike, not sparing these ancient Princes: some of the which had beene prisoners about fower or fiue and thirtie yeeres. Further, the said Moore immediately after the execution done, departed into Barbarie, to the end no man should know what was become of them. To be short, neuer was man more cruell than this King Alphonse, more wicked, more vicious, more filthie, nor a greater glutton. Notwithstanding his father had been the more dangerous: for no man could be acquainted with his humor, nor know when he was pleased or displeased; so that at feasts and bankets he tooke and betraied men: as for example, the Earle Iames sonne to Nicholas Picinio, whom after that sort he tooke and murthered villanously, being ambassador to him from Duke Francis of Milan, whose base daughter he had married. True it is that the said Francis was consenting to the murther (notwithstanding he were his father in law) for they both feared the said Earle Iames, bicause the Braciques ⁴ in Italie were wholy at his deuotion. After the like maner also tooke this Ferrande the Princes of his realme aboue mentioned, and as touching pardon or mercie neuer was any to be obtained at his hands, as diuers of his neerest kinsmen and friends haue often told me; neither had he at any time pitie or compassion vpon his poore people, to ease them of paiments and subsidies. Moreouer, he vsed within his realme all trade of merchandise himselfe, so far foorth that he deliuered swine to his people to feede, which they were constrained to fat to further their sale: and if any of them happened to die, they were forced to make them good. In those places where the oile oliue groweth (namely in Pouille) he and his sonne bought it all vp at their owne price: and in like maner the corne yet greene vpon the ground, which they sold againe as deere as was possible; and if the price thereof happened to fall, they constrained their subiects to buie it: besides that, during the time of their sale, all other were forbidden to sell. If any of their noblemen were a good husband, and thought to spare some good thing for himselfe, they would foorthwith desire to borrow it; and if he made refusall, he was constrained to deliuer it perforce: so that they vsed to take from them the races of their horses (wherewith that countrie aboundeth) and to cause them to be broken & kept to their own vse: yea and that such numbers as well of horses as of mares and colts, that they were esteemed many thousands, which also they sent to feede in diuers places in the pastures of their noble men and other their subiects to their great losse and dammage. Both of them had forced many women; and as touching the Church, they had it in no reuerence, neither would obey the lawes thereof, so far foorth that they sold Bishoprikes for monie; as for example, the Bishoprike of Tarente sold to a Iew by King Ferrande for thirteene thousand ducats, to bestow vpon his sonne, who (he said) was a Christian. Abbeies they gaue to faulconers and others, to bestow vpon their children, with this condition, that some of them should enter them a certaine number of hauks, and keepe them flying to their vse, and other some entertaine a number of soldiers, at their owne proper costs and charges. The sonne neuer obserued Lent, neither seemed to thinke there was any, and many yeeres togither neuer confessed himselfe, neither receiued the holy sacrament. To conclude, it was impossible for any man to commit more hainous crimes than both they had done; yet some reported the yoong Ferrande to be woorse than them both, notwithstanding that he were humble and curteous at his death; and no maruell, for he was then in great distresse.

The readers may happily thinke that I vtter all this of some priuate hatred against them, which in good sooth I do not, but rehearse it onely to continue my historie, in the verie beginning whereof I haue declared, that this enterprise could neuer haue [Page] been atchieued by those that were the chiefe managers thereof, had not God alone gouerned it, and giuen it good successe, to the end he might make this good yoong King being so slenderly prouided both of good counsell and all other things necessarie: his deputie to chastise these Princes so wise, so rich, of so great experience, so well accompanied with wise and noble personages whom the defence of the realme touched as neere as themselues, so allied and friended; yea and the which saw the storme a far off, and yet neuer could prouide for it, nor make resistance in any place. For out of the castle of Naples there was not one man that staied the King a daie and a night: whereupon Pope Alexander now liuing saide, that the French men came thither with wooden spurs, and chalke in their harbingers hands to make their lodgings without further trouble: which similitude of wooden spurs he vsed, bicause yet at this daie, when the yoong gentlemen of this realme rid about the streets on horsebacke, their Pages thrust little sticks into their showes or pantofles, wherewith they prick forward their mules. And to confesse the truth, this was so easie a conquest, that our men very seldom armed themselues in all this voiage. Besides that, from the Kings departure out of Ast, till his entrie into Naples, it was but fower moneths and ninteene daies. An ambassador would almost haue been as long in iourneying thither. I conclude therfore agreeably to the opinion of diuers holie religious men, and others, and to the voice of the people (which is Gods voice) that God ment to punish these Princes so visibly that euery man might behold it, to warne thereby all other Princes to liue well, and according to his commandements. For these Princes of Arragon lost both honor and realme, with great riches & goodly furniture of diuers and sundry sorts, the which is so dispersed heere and there, that a man can hardly tell what is become thereof: besides that, they ended their liues three in a yeeres space or little more (but I trust their soules be in Paradise.) For you shall vnderstand that this old Ferrande (bastard to King Alphonse, a wise, vertuous and honorable Prince) was maruellously disquieted when he saw this French war first mooued against him, which he could finde no meanes to pacifie. For he was wise and knew that he and his sonne had liued ill, and were maruellously hated in their realme: diuers also of those that were neerest about him haue informed me, that as he raced a certain chappell, he found a booke whereon these words were written; Truth vvith hir secret counsell ⁵; the which contained all the euils that afterward fell vpon him. There were but three that sawe the booke, for immediately after he had read it, he threw it into the fire. Another thing that greatly troubled him was this, his sonne Alphonse and Ferrand his sonnes sonne, could neuer be perswaded that the King would come into Italy. Wherefore they vsed proude and threatning words against him, and spake very contemptuously of him, saying, they would go as far as the mountaines to meete him. But one that stood by, wished that neuer King of Fraunce might come into Italy, for he had seene a poore man of the house of Aniou scourge it shrewdly, meaning Duke Iohn sonne to King René. King Ferrand had trauelled very earnestly the yeere before, by his ambassador called Camillo Pendolfo, to stay the King in Fraunce, offering to pay him yeerely a tribute of fiftie thousand ducats, and to holde the realme of him by homage and fealty. But when he saw that he could by no meanes obtaine peace, nor pacifie the estate of Milan, he fell into the disease whereof he died: notwithstanding in the midst of his pangues he confessed himselfe, and as I trust repented him of his sinnes. His sonne Alphonse who had been so terrible a Prince, so cruell, and so long trained vp in the wars, before the King departed from Rome, resigned his crowne, and was stroken with such feare, that in the night he neuer ceased to crie, That he heard the French [Page] men comming, and that the trees and stones sounded Fraunce. He neuer was so hardie as once to issue foorth of Naples, but vpon his sonnes returne from Rome, put him in possession of the realme, and caused him to be crowned, and to ride about the streets of the citie accompanied with the nobliest personages that were there, namely, with Dom Frederick his brother, and the Cardinall of Genua (between whom the new K. rode) and with the ambassadors there resident. He caused also all other solemnities belonging to the coronation to be accomplished, & then fled himselfe & sailed into Sicily with his mother in law (sister to K. Ferrand of castile now raigning, to whom the said realm of Sicily was in subiection) to a house that she had there: which was strang news through the whole world, especially at Venice where I then was. Some said he went to the Turke; others thought his departure to be, to the end his son who was not hated in the realme, might the better win the harts of the people. But mine opiniō was euer that he fled for very cowardise: for a cruel man was neuer hardy, as appeereth in histories by Nero & others, who before their death fel into great feare and desperation. To be short, this Alphonse made such haste to be gone, that he said to his mother in law the selfe same daie that they departed (as diuers of his seruants haue told me,) that vnlesse she would depart with speede, he would leaue hir behinde him. And when she desired him to staie but three daies onely, to the end she ⁶ might be a whole yeere in his realme: he answered that rather than he would tarie any longer he would throw himselfe headlong out at the windowes, asking hir if she heard not how euery man cried Fraunce. Thus he embarked in his Gallies with his said mother in law and departed, carieng with him all sorts of wines, (whereunto he was maruellously giuen,) and of all kinds of seeds for gardens. But as touching his mooueables and goods he left no order for them, but the greatest part remained in the castle of Naples: notwithstanding certaine iewels he carried also with him, and a little money. And in this estate sailed he and his mother in lawe to hir said house in Sicilie, whence he departed and went to Messine, whither he called and led with him diuers religious men, vowing himselfe to be no more of this world. Aboue all other orders of religion he loued especially those of the Mount Oliuet (who are clad in white) as they themselues told me at Venice, where the body of Saint Heleine lieth in their cloister. Moreouer, he began to lead a maruellous holie life, & to serue God howerly both daie & night with the said religious men as they do in their couents. He vsed also great feasting, abstinence, and almes, and soone after fell into a sharpe sicknes of excoriation and the stone, in such sort that the said religious men reported that they neuer saw man so tormented. Notwithstanding he endured patiently all these pangues, being fully resolued to haue spent the rest of his life in an Abbey at Valence the great in Spaine, & there to haue registred himselfe a religious man. But he was so tormented with this disease, that he died soone after: and it is to be hoped bicause of his great repentance, that his soule is ioifull in Paradise: his sonne also died soone after him of an ague ioyned with a fluxe, and I trust they are both in better case then they were in this world. But marke heere by the waie that in lesse than two yeeres space, fiue wore the crowne of Naples, to with the three aboue named, Charles the 8. King of Fraunce, and Dom Frederick (brother to the said Alphonse) now raigning.

The Notes.

1 That is since the time that they rebelled, vvhen they sent for the Duke of Lorraine, vvhereof mention is made in the first chapter of this seuenth booke.

2 Iouian Pontan in the vvars betvvene Duke Iohn of Aniou, and this old Ferrand, [Page] maketh the Duke of Sesse and prince of Rosane but one.

3 The Italians haue Ischia, vvhereof Plinie vvriteth thus, lib. 3. cap. 7. Ischia insula est è Regione Veliae alio nomine aenotris dicta: others vvrite that it vvas first named Aenaria. Iouius vvriteth that the Ile is named Aenacia, and that Ischle is the name of the castle in the Ile: it is thirty miles from Naples, Guicciar. Sabellicus saith Procyta alias Ischla, but Plinie maketh Procyta and Ischia tvvaine.

4 These were soldiers so named of Bracio de Fortibraci, a great captaine in his time.

5 Hovv this booke vvas strangely reuealed by a vision of one Cataldus (who had been bishop of Tarente more than a thousand yeeres before) to a yoong childe, vvho thereof enformed the King, read Alexander in diebus genialibus, lib. 3. cap. 15.

5 This she, Guicciar. vnderstandeth he, meaning that she desired Alphonse to tary three or fovver daies, to the end he might haue been King a vvhole yeere.

How the yoong Ferrand after he was crowned King of Naples, went and encamped at Saint Germain, to resist the Kings comming, and of the treatie that King Charles made with the Pope at Rome. Chap. 12.

NOw to the end all these things may be plaine and euident: you shall vnderstand that K. Ferrand being crowned, became as it were a newe man, supposing all old iniuries and offences to be forgotten by his fathers flight: wherefore he leuied all the force he could, aswell horsemen as footemen, and came to Saint Germain, which is the very entry into his realme, and a strong place, and of great defence, through the which the Frenchmen had passed twise before ¹. There he encamped and manned the towne, and then his friends began somwhat to recouer their spirits. The towne is strong, both bicause of a little riuer ² which somtime is passable on foote, somtime not, and also bicause of the hill hanging ouer it.

The King was yet at Rome, where he remained about twenty daies busied with a number of matters. He had with him at the least eighteene Cardinals, besides diuers others that repaired to the citie from all parts. The names of these Cardinals were the Cardinall Ascaigne, the Popes vicechauncellor, and brother to the Duke of Milan, the Cardinall Petri-ad-Vincula (the which two were deadly enimies to the Pope, and great friends each to other) the Cardinals of Guese ³, Saint Denis, Saint Seuerin, Sauelli, Coulonne, and diuers others, all the which would needs haue proceeded to a new election, and deposed the Pope, being within the castle of Saint Ange, against the which the artillery was twise bent, as I haue heard the noblest personages there present report, but the King of his goodnes euer withstood it. The place was not of defence, for the seate thereof is vpon a little hill made by force of man: besides that, these Cardinals alleaged that the wals thereof were fallen down by miracle, and charged the Pope that he had obtained this holy dignitie by simonie, and they said true; but Cardinall Ascaigne himselfe was the chiefe merchaunt that solde it, and receiued a great summe of money for his part, togither with the Popes house where he lodged before he was Pope, being then Vicechauncellor, and all the furniture thereof, and his said office of Vicechauncellor, with diuers places of the patrimonie of the Church. For there had been great controuersie between them [Page] two for the said dignitie ⁴. Notwithstanding I thinke they would both willingly haue agreede to chuse a newe Pope of the Kings naming, yea and a French man; so that I know not whether the King did well or euill in concluding peace, though all things considered I suppose he tooke the best course: for himselfe was yoong, and vnprouided of men sufficient to manage so waightie a matter as the reformation of the Church, though I confesse his power to haue been sufficient thereunto. Sure if he could haue reformed it, I thinke al men of wisedome and vnderstanding would haue accounted it a good, a woorthie, and a holie worke. But there were too many things requisite to so high an enterprise, notwithstanding the Kings will was good, and yet is if he had good assistance.

The King being in Rome made a treatie with the Pope, which could not long endure, for it was vnreasonable in some points, and serued for the chiefe colour of the league, whereof heereafter you shall heare. By the said treatie peace was concluded betweene the Pope and his Cardinals, and all other their adherents and partakers. And it was agreed that the Cardinals should receiue all rights and duties belonging to their Cardinals hat as well absent as present: and that the Pope should lend the King fower places, to wit, Terracine, Ciuita-vechia, Viterbe (which the King already held) and Spolete, but this last he neuer deliuered notwithstanding his promise. All the which places the King sware to restore at his returne from Naples, as also he did notwithstanding that the Pope had abused him. By this treatie he deliuered also into the Kings hands the Truks brother: for the safe keeping of whom he receiued yeerely of the Turke sixtie thousand ducats, and held him also by meanes of his said brother in great feare ⁵. He promised further to put no Legate into any fortified place or towne of the Church without the Kings consent. Certaine other articles there were touching the consistorie or college of Cardinals which I ouerpasse. For the performance of all these conditions, the Pope deliuered his sonne the Cardinall of Valence in hostage to the King, who accompanied him as his Legate, and the King did vnto the Pope the dutie of a sonne, with all humilitie and obedience. Further, the Pope created two Cardinals at his request, the one the generall Brissonnet, so often before named, lately made bishop of Saint Malo, and the other the bishop of Mans, of the house of Luxembourg, who was heere in Fraunce.

The Notes.

1 He meaneth in their voiages to Naples vnder the house of Aniou.

2 This riuer is called Liris or Gariliano.

3 Gurcense Gazzo, and I suppose our author write it Gurse, but the letters of the ancient copie being defaced, the vnskilfull corrector at the first Printing gessing but at the vvord, changed R into E. Guicciar. hath Gurce.

4 The Pope before his papacie had been Vicechauncellor. Ascanio and he stroue for the dignitie, but in the end Ascanio relented, being recompensed as heere is mentioned. Notvvithstanding, seeing an occasion against the Pope offered by the Kings comming, his rancor brake foorth a newe.

5 Gemes or Gemin Ottoman heere mentioned, brother to Baiazet the second, rebelling against his brother fled to the Soldan of Aegypt for aide, but being vanquished he fled to Rhodes, from whence he was sent into Fraunce to King Lewis the eleuenth, to the end he might not escape; for the Turke for his safe keeping paid yeerely to the knights of the Rhodes, 40000. crownes. K. Lewis gaue him to Pope Innocent the 8. So her remained till this present, that he was deliuered to K. Charles, at Rome in the Popes hands.

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How the King departed from Rome towards Naples, what hapned in the meane time in diuers parts of the said realme: and through what places he passed till he came to Naples. Chap. 13.

THese matters being thus ended, the King remooued from Rome, in great amity & friendship with the Pope in apparance, at which time eight Cardinals departed also out of the citie highly displeased with this treatie, namely the said Vicechauncellor Ascaigne, and the Cardinall S. Peter-ad-Vincula, with sixe of their faction. But many thought that Ascaigne did but dissemble, and that in deed he was in good amitie with the Pope; notwithstanding I am able to affirme nothing thereof, for his brother had not as yet declared himselfe our enimie. From Rome the King remooued to Iannesanne, and from thence to Belistre, where the Cardinall of Valence escaped away.

The next daie the King tooke Chastelfortin by assault and put all that were with in it to the sword, bicause the place belonged to Iames Comte who was reuolted from the King, notwithstanding that he had taken his pay: for the Comtes haue euer been partakers with the Vrsins. From thence he marched to Valmonton a town of the Colonnois, and from thence remooued and lodged about fower miles from mont Saint Iehan, which is a towne held of the Church, but belonging to the Marques of Pescaire and very well fortified: notwithstanding after it had beene beaten seauen or eight howers with the cannon; it was taken by assault, and all that were within it or the greatest partslaine, and there the Kings whole force ioyned togither ¹. Then he marched towards Saint Germain sixteen miles thence, where this newe King Ferrande (as you haue heard) laie in campe with all the force he could leuy. And indeed this was his onely refuge, and the place where he must fight or neuer, bicause it was the verie keie as it were of his realme, and a place much for his aduantage as well bicause of the riuer as of the mountaine. Further, he had sent men to defend the straight of Cancello, lying among the mountaines sixe miles from Saint Germain: yet notwithstanding all this preparation before the Kings arriuall at S. Germain, he raised his campe and departed in great disorder abandoning both the towne and the passage.

Our vaward was led that day by the L. of Guise, the L. of Rieux was sent to this strait of Cancello against the Arragonnois, but they also before his comming abandoned the place: and then entered the King into S. Germain. K. Ferrande rid straight to Capoua, where they refused to giue his soldiers entrance, but receiued his person with a fewe that attended vpon him; he staied not there, but desired them to continue true and faithfull subiects to him, promising the next daie to returne, and so departed towards Naples fearing the rebellion that afterwards happened. All his force or the greatest part should haue tarried him at Capoua: but the next daie when he returned he found them all departed. The Lord Virgile Vrsin with his cosin the Earle of Petillane, went to Nola, where they and all their company were taken prisoners by our men. They alleaged that they had a safe conduct and that we did them wrong, so had they indeed, but their safe conduct was not yet in their hands: notwithstanding they paied no ransome, but much they lost when they were [Page] taken, and sure in mine opinion they had wrong done them.

From Saint Germain the King remooued to Mingamer, and to Triague, and lodged at Calui, two miles from Capoua, whither they of Capoua came and yeelded themselues by composition, and the King entered into the towne with his whole army. From Capoua the next daie he marched to Auersa, being in the midway between Capoua and Naples, and fiue miles distant from each of them. Thither came they of Naples and yeelded themselues in like maner by composition, hauing receiued assurance of the King that their ancient liberties should not be infringed nor empaired. The King sent thither before him the Marshall Gié, the Seneschall of Beaucaire, the president Ganay keeper of the Seale, and certaine Secretaries: whereof King Ferrande being aduertised, and seeing the people and Nobles of his realme in armes against him (who also at his first arriuall thither had spoiled his stable being maruellous great) tooke sea and sailed into Iscle, an Iland eighteen miles from Naples ²: then the King was receiued into the towne with great ioy and triumph. For all the people came foorth to meete him, yea, and those first that were most bound to the house of Arragon, namely all the Carraffes, who held of the saide house of Arragon to the value of forty thousand ducats of yeerely reuenues, partly of inheritance, and partly of gift from the Prince; for the Kings of Naples may giue away their crowne lands, so do they also other mens, and I thinke there are not three in the realme whose lands be not crowne lands or other mens.

Neuer people shewed so great affection to Prince or nation as they shewed to the King: the reason whereof was, bicause now they thought themselues deliuered from all tyranny, so that they voluntarily yeelded vnto vs. For al Calabria became French incontinent, whither Monseur d'Aubigny and Peron of Basche were sent themselues alone without any force. All the countrey of Abrousso ³ yeelded likewise, the town of Aquila (which hath euer been great friend to the French) being the first beginner. In like maner all Pouille turned sauing the castle of Brandis, which was strong and well manned, and Gallipoli which had a garrison in it, otherwise the people would haue turned also. In Calabria three places held for King Ferrand, two of them were Mantie and Turpie (ancient partakers with the house of Aniou) the which at the first had set vp the armes of Fraunce, but bicause the K. gaue them to the L. of Persi, and would not receiue them as percell of the demaines of his crowne ⁴, they reared vp againe the armes of Arragon. The third was the castle of Reges, which held also for King Ferrande. But it was our owne fault that ought held, for we sent no forces thither: no, I am well assured that into Pouille and Calabria, there went not men sufficient to haue defended one castell for the King. Tarente yeeded both castle & towne, so did also Otrante ⁵, Monopoli, Trani, Manfredonne, Barle, & all the other places, the aboue named onely excepted. Moreouer the people came from their cities three daies iourney to meet our men and to yeeld themselues. To be short, the whole realme sent to Naples, and all the Princes and noble men repaired thither to do homage to the King, sauing the Marques of Pescaire ⁶ whose brethren and nephewes came notwithstanding. The Earle of Acri, and the Marques of Squillazo, fled into Sicilie bicause the King had giuen their lands to the Lord of Aubigny. At Naples also arriued the Prince of Salerne newely come from the sea, but hauing done no seruice. Thither came also his brother the Prince of Bisignan and his sonnes, being accompanied with the Dukes of Melfe, of Grauine, and the olde Duke of Sora, who not long before had solde his Duchie to the Cardinall Petriad Vincula, whose brother yet at this day possesseth it ⁷. To Naples also repaired the Earles of Montorio, of Fondi, of Tripalda and of Celano (who had long been [Page] banished out of the realme, and was now newely returned with the King.) The Earle of Troy was there in like maner (who was a yoong gentleman of Scotland, brought vp in Fraunce) and the Earle of Popoli whom we found prisoner at Naples. The yoong Prince of Rosane before mentioned, after his long imprisonment with his father (who had lien in prison fower and thirtie yeeres) was at the length deliuered and went with King Ferrand, whether willingly or by constraine I know not. To Naples came also besides these aboue named, the Marques of Guefron with all the Caldoresques, and the Earles of Matalon and Merillano, the which had, both they and their ancestors, euer gouerned the house of Arragon. To conclude, thither repaired all the nobles of the realme, the three aboue named onely excepted.

The Notes.

1 For the Coulonnois and certaine of the Kings captaines had been sent about to come vpon King Ferrandes backe. These tooke the tovvne of Aquila, and all those parts, and heere ioyned againe vvith the King, bicause they looked for the battell.

2 Guicciar. saith thirtie miles.

3 Samnium or Samnites.

4 These vvere lands held in Capite of the King of Naples.

5 Hydruntum first yeelded to the French, then reuolted againe. Guicciar.

6 Alphonse Daualo, Marques of Pescare. Guicciar.

7 Iohn de Rouuere prefect of Rome vvas the cardinals brother, and he it vvas that held this Duchie.

How King Charles was crowned King of Naples, of the faults he committed in the defence of the realme, and how an enterprise attempted on his behalfe against the Turke, was discouered by the Venetians. Chap. 14.

KIng Ferrand at his departure from Naples, left the Marques of Pescare with certaine Almains to defend the castle ¹, and sailed himselfe for aide into Sicilie to his father. Dom Frederic lay still vpon the sea with a few gallies, and came twise to parle with the King vnder safe conduct. His demands were that some part of the realme might remain to his nephew with the title of King ², and that he himselfe might enioy all his owne lands and his wiues. His request in respect of himselfe was not great, for his partage was small. The King offered him possessions in Fraunce both for him and his nephew, and I thinke would willingly haue giuen them a good and a great Duchie: but they would not accept this offer, neither would he grant their demands. For what treatie soeuer had been made, they would haue broken it, when they had seen their aduantage, being still resident in the realme. The Kings artillerie was bent and shot against the castle of Naples, within the which were onely the Almaines, for the Marques of Pescare was departed thence. And if we had sent but fower cannons to the Ile of Iscle ³ we had taken it, & then al had been ours: for from thence returned al the mischiefe ⁴; but if that had been once woon, all the other places they held, being not past fower or fiue, would haue yeelded. But our men fell to feasting, to iusts and banketing, & were so puffed vp with pride, that they accountcd the Italians no men. [Page] Moreouer, the King was crowned and lodged in Capouane, and went sometime to Mont Imperial ⁵. True it is that he shewed great grace and fauor to the subiects of the realme, for he abated their charges. And I thinke verily the people of themselues would not haue reuolted from vs (notwithstanding their great inconstancie) if we had contented a fewe of the nobles: but them no man regarded; besides that they were very roughly vsed at the gates. Those that were best dealt with, were the Carraffes the house of Arragons greatest friends, for their estates were but somwhat diminished: but the offices and pensions of the rest cleane taken away; yea the partakers with the house of Aniou woorse handled than the Arragonois. Further, into the county of Merillano a commandement was sent, for the which the president Ganaye, and the Seneschall newly created Duke of Nola, and Lord great cchamberlaine of the realme, were burthened to haue taken money. By the said commandement euerie man was confirmed in his possession, and the partakers with the house of Aniou barred from their lands, vnlesse they could recouer them by proces. Further, as touching such as had made entries vpon their own head, (as for example the Earle of Celano) aide was giuen to the parties greeued, to dispossesse them againe by force. All estates and offices were bestowed vpon two or three Frenchmen, and all the prouision of victuales within the castell of Naples ⁶, when it yeelded (being maruellous great) giuen to euery man that demanded it, at the least all that the King knew of.

In the meane time the Almaines by practise yeelded the castle ⁷, in the which they obtained infinit riches, the castle of Oeuf ⁸ was also taken by battery. By these faults aboue rehearsed a man may manifestly perceiue that this great conquest was atchieued by the meere grace of God, and not by their wisdome that gouerned the enterprise: but these foule faults were the works of men puffed vp with pride and vainglorie, and not vnderstanding from whence all this their honor and good successe sprang. Wherefore they proceeded according to their nature and experience, by meanes whereof their good fortune changed as suddenly and as visibly, as men may see the day spring in Island or Norway ⁹, where the daies in sommer are of greater length than in any other place, in such sort, that within a quarter of an hower after the one daies shutting in, the next day light beginneth to appeere. Euen so in as short space did euery wise man perceiue the alteration of our good and prosperous successe, whereof all Christendome should haue reaped great profit and honor if we had acknowledged it to proceed from him, who was indeed the giuer thereof. For the Turke then raigning (and yet liuing) might as easily haue been chased out of Europe, as King Alphonse was out of his realme, both for that he was a man of no valor, and also bicause the King had with him the said Turkes brother, whom he feared aboue all men liuing. But his said brother died soone after the Cardinall of Valences escape: whereupon the report went that he was poisoned when the Pope deliuered him to the King. Further, there were so many thousand Christians in Greece readie to rebell, as a man would hardly beleeue, for from Otrante to Valonne ¹⁰ are but 60. miles ¹¹, and from Valonne to Constantinople but eighteene reasonable daies iourneies, as diuers that haue trauelled the way haue enformed me. Betweene them are no strong places, at the most not aboue two or three, for all the rest be razed. Those countries are maruellous populous, and they that inhabite them be Albanois, Sclauons and Greekes, who vnderstood of our Kings good successe by their friends that were at Venice and in Pouille, vnto whom also they sent letters, and looked daily, but for messengers to mooue them to rebell. Whereupon the King sent thither the Archbishop of Duras ¹² an Albanois borne, who found a maruellous number ready to reuolt, being sonnes or nephewes of many noble and valiant men of those [Page] parts, namely the sonnes of Scanderbeg, the nephewes of the Emperor of Constantinople, and the nephewes of the Lord Constantine, (now gouernor of Montferrat) who were also Nephewes or cosins to the King of Seruia. In Thessalia more than fiue thousand would haue rebelled, yea and Scutary should haue been surprised by intelligence that the Lord Constantine had within it, as himselfe aduertised me at Venice, where he lay hidden many daies in my lodging. And sure he would easily haue atchieued his enterprise: for Macedonie and Thessaly were his inheritance ¹³, which was the patrimony of Alexander the great, Valonne also is part thereof, and vpon his dominions Scutary and Croye ¹⁴ border, the which in his youth his father ¹⁵ or vncle engaged to the Venetians, who lost Croye, and yeelded Scutary to the Turke by treatie. The said Lord Constantine lay himselfe within three leagues of Scutarie, and the enterprise had been executed, had not the said Archbishop of Duras staied at Venice too long after the Lord Constantines departure. I daily pressed him very earnestly to depart, for he was a man light of talke, and vaunted in all places, that he would do some feate woorthie of immortall fame and renowme. But as the deuill would, the selfe same day that the Venetians were aduertised of the Turkes brothers death, whom the Pope had deliuered to the King: they determined to send word thereof to the Turke by one of their Secretaries. And bicause they knew well that he should be highly rewarded that first brought this newes to the Turke: they commanded that no ship should passe that night betweene the two castles, which make the very entrie into the gulfe of Venice ¹⁶, where also they caused watch and ward to be kept, bicause they feared the departure of some of the small boates, as gripes and such like, whereof there were a great number of the ports of Albany, and of their Iles adioining to Greece. But the selfe same night this poore Archbishop would needes depart to this enterprise of the Lord Constantine, (who taried his comming) conueighing with him great store of swords, bucklers, and iauelins, to furnish those with whom he had intelligence (for they are not permitted to haue weapons in those countries:) but as he passed betweene the two castels aboue mentioned, he was taken and put into one of them, both he and his men: notwithstanding the ship that caried him was suffred to passe. Letters were found about him which discouered the enterprise, & the L. Constantine hath told me since, that the Venetians aduertised thereof both the Turkes garrisons that lay in those parts, & the Turke himselfe also, & had it not been for the gripe that was permitted to passe (the patron wherof was an Albanois, who informed him of all that was hapned) he had himselfe been taken, but he escaped by sea, and fled into Pouille.

The Notes.

1 He meaneth Castelnouo: for there are in Naples fower castels. The castell of Capoana where the King lodged: Castel nouo situate partly in the sea, partly on the land with a citadelle by it: Castel del ouo situate on a rock in the sea with a great tower called of the French Prince faulay, and betweene the castels Nouo and Del ouo is a fort vpon a rocke in the sea with a strong tower. The fourth is castel S. Ermo, and aboue Naples is an abbey that looketh into the towne called S. Martin, in maner of a castell.

2 Guicciar. saith he desired Calabria for his nephew without title of King.

3 The King sent to Iscle, but the Frenchmen finding the towne desolate through negligence neuer assaulted the castell.

4 He meaneth bicause all Ferrandes partie was retired thither.

5 The French Corrector supposeth that this should be en mantean Imperial, bicause some write that he was crowned Emperor of Constantinople at Rome: but I thinke rather [Page] he meaneth Mont de la Crote, or the hill Vesuuius, whither the King often walked for recreation, and per aduenture bicause of the singularities which he sawe there, named one of these hils Mont Imperial.

6 He meaneth Castel nouo.

7 The Almaines yeelded the castell vnder condition, that they might haue King Ferrandes mooueables that were within it.

8 This castell was so named, bicause it was built in forme of an egge.

9 For Island and Norway, the vnskilfull corrector had chopped in Holland and Auuergne, making the author report a meere vntruth.

10 Oricum in Latine as some write, as others Apollonia.

11 Others write but 55.

12 Dyrrachium.

13 But the Turke held them from him.

14 Troy in times past the strongest towne in Epirus.

15 His fathers name was Commenus.

16 He meaneth two castels standing at the entrie into the calme sea, which is within the naturall banke that defendeth the towne from the rage of the sea without the banke, the said castels be hard by Venice.

A discourse somewhat out of the course of the historie, wherein Philip de Commines author of this present worke, treateth amply of the estate and gouernment of the Seniorie of Venice, and of those things that he saw there, and were done there during the time of his ambassage to the said Seniorie for the King. Chap. 15.

I Will now leaue the King in Naples, hauing atchieued his enterprise, and will speake somewhat of the Venetians, and the cause of mine ambassage thither. My departure from Ast to Venice was, partly to thanke them for the good answers they had made to two of the Kings ambassadors sent thither, and partly to keepe them still his friends, if it were possible by any meanes: for bicause of their great forces, wisedome, and good gouernment, they might easily haue mated his enterprise in Italie; but they being his friends, none in the countrie were to be feared. The Duke of Milan helped to dispatch me, and wrote to his ambassador there resident (for he hath one there continually) to accompanie me, and to giue me instructions to whom I should addresse my selfe. His said ambassador receiued monethly of the Seniorie an hundred ducats, and had his house well furnished, and three barges (at their charge) to conuay him vp and downe the towne. Their ambassador hath the like allowance at Milan, saue that he hath no barge; for at Milan men ride altogither on horsebacke, but at Venice they are caried by bote. In my iournie thitherward, I passed through their cities, namely Bresse, Veronne, Vincense, and Padua, with diuers others; at euery one of the which I was very honorably entertained, bicause of the personage I represented: for alwaies either the potestate or the captaine came to receiue me, accompanied with a goodly traine: but they both issued neuer foorth of the towne; for the captaine vsed to come [Page] no further than the gate. After I was entred the towne, they conuaied me to my lodging, commanding the host that I should be plentifully serued, and all my charges they defraied, entertaining me with very honorable words. But if a man consider what he must bestowe vpon drums and trumpets, he saueth not much though he lie vpon free cost, notwithstanding the entertainment is very honorable. The same day I entred into Venice, they sent as far as Chafousine ¹ to receiue me, which is a place fiue miles from the towne, where men leaue the botes that conuay them downe the riuer from Padua ², and enter into other little botes very proper and neate, couered with tapestrie, and furnished within, with goodly hangings and veluet cushions to sit vpon. Thus far the sea floweth, and this is the neerest passage from the firme land to Venice: but their sea is maruellous calme (vnles a tempest happen to arise) which is the cause that so great plenty of all kinde of fish is taken there. I woondred to behold the seate of this citie, so many steeples, so many religious houses, and so much building, and all in the water; but especially that the people had none other passage to & fro in the town but by botes, wherof I thinke there are to the number of 30000. but they be very small. Further, about the citie (I meane within the compas round about of lesse than halfe a French league) are 70. houses of religion, as well of men as women, all in Ilands sumptuously built, richly furnished within, and hauing goodly gardens belonging to them. Those within the citie I comprehend not in this number; for within, there are, besides these, the fower orders of friers, and threescore and twelue parishes, besides a number of chappels of the companies of occupations, commonly called Confrairies ³. And sure it is a strange sight to behold so many great and goodly churches built in the sea. To the said place of Chafousine came fiue and twenty gentlemen to receiue me, sumptuously apparelled in silke and scarlet, the which welcommed me with an oration, & conuaied me to the church of Saint Andrew neere to the towne, where as many other gentlemen met me, being accompanied with the ambassadors of Milan and Ferrara: and heere also they receiued me with an oratiō, & afterwards led me into other botes which they call flat, being much greater than the former, two of them were couered with crimosin sattin, and decked within with arras, ech of them being large inough to haue receiued 40. persons. They placed me between these two ambassadors, (for the midst in Italy is the honorablest place) and conuaied me along through the great streete called the great chanell ⁴, which is so large that the gallies passe to & fro through it, yea I haue seen hard by the houses ships of foure hundred tun and aboue. Sure in mine opinion it is the goodliest street in the world and the best built, and reacheth in length from the one end of the towne to the other. Their buildings are high and stately, and all of fine stone ⁵. The ancient houses be all painted; but the rest that haue been built within these hundred yeeres, haue their front all of white marble, brought thither out of Istria an hundred miles thence, and are beautified with many great peeces of Porphire ⁶ and Sarpentine ⁷. In the most part of them are at the least two chambers, the seeling whereof is gilded, the mantletrees of the chimneies very rich, to wit, of grauen marble, the bedsteds gilded, the presses painted and vermiled with golde, and maruellous well furnished with stuffe. To be short, it is the most triumphant citie that euer I sawe, and where ambassadors and strangers are most honorably entertained, the commonwealth best gouerned, and God most deuoutly serued; so far foorth, that notwithstanding they haue diuers imperfections, yet thinke I verily that God prospereth them, bicause of the reuerence they beare to the seruice of the Church. In the companie of these fiftie gentlemen I passed to Saint Georges, which is an abbey of reformed blacke monks where I lodged. The next day they returned againe to me, and [Page] led me to the Seniorie, where I deliuered my letters to the Duke, who presideth in all their assemblies, being honored as a King ⁸, and all letters are directed to him, but of himselfe he cannot do much. Notwithanding this Duke is of great authoritie, yea greater than euer was any of his predecessors ⁹; and no maruell, for he hath beene Duke these twelue yeeres ¹⁰: and for my part I euer found him a vertuous and a wise man, of great experience in the affaires of Italie, and a courteous and gentle person. This was all that I did the first day, saue that they led me into the palace, and shewed me three or fower chambers, the feelings whereof were richly gilded, and likewise the beds and presses: and sure it is a very stately and sumptuous building for the greatnes thereof: for it is all of square marble, and all the front vermiled with gold, and likewise the edges and borders of the angles, about the bredth of an inch. There are moreouer fower goodly hals within it richly gilded, and a number of faire lodgings, but the court is very small. The Duke out of his chamber may heare masse at the high altar of the chappell of Saint Marke ¹¹, which is the goodliest and richest church in the world, bearing but the name of a chappell: for it is built throughout of the curious worke called Musaique, or Marqueterie ¹²; the art also whereof they vaunt themselues to be authors of: and sure they haue diuers workmen thereof, as I my selfe can testifie. In this chappell is their treasure so famous through the world, being onely things appointed for the furniture of the church; among the which are twelue or fowerteene Rubie ballais, the greatest that euer I saw: for two of them waigh the one aboue seuen hundred, and the other aboue eight hundred carrets, but they are vnpolished. There are twelue other stones like to little pillers set in gold, and garnished and bordred with excellent good stone. Moreouer, twelue crownes there are of golde, wherewith in times past at certaine feasts in the yeere twelue women decked themselues (whom they called Queenes) the which went about these ylands and churches: but the said Queenes, and the greatest part of the women of the citie, were stolen and caried away perforce by theeues that came out of Istria or Friole ¹³, being borderers vpon the Venetians, the which lurked priuily behinde these yles: but their husbands pursued these theeues, and recouered their women, and offered all these crownes to Saint Marke, and built also a chappell vpon the place, whither the Seniorie resorteth yeerely the same day they obtained this victorie. Sure this is a goodly furniture for the church: for besides these things aboue rehearsed, there are diuers other iewels of gold, and a sute of Amethists and Agates, & a few Emeraulds. But this is no such treasure to make account of as ready monie; and yet of monie they haue no treasure: for the Duke himselfe told me before the Seniorie, that it is among them a capitall crime to make mention of treasure in coine. And sure in mine opinion they do therein very wisely, for feare of diuision that thereby might arise among them. Afterward they shewed me their treasure, namely their Arsenal ¹⁴, where they arme their gallies, and prepare all other furniture necessary for their nauie, which vndoubtedly is the goodliest thing at this day in the world, and the best in order for that purpose.

To be short, I abode there eight moneths vpon their charge, as did all the other ambassadors there resident. And sure thus much I dare boldly say of them, that they are men of such wisdome, and so inclined to inlarge their dominions, that vnlesse they be looked to in time, all their neighbors shall repent it too late: for the Kings comming into Italy, and the wars that haue been betweene him and them since that time (which yet endure) haue made them much skilfuller in fortification and defence of places euer they were before. Besides that, they haue of late enlarged their Seniorie, for they haue seuen or eight cities engaged to them in Pouille, which I [Page] doubt me they will neuer restore. At the Kings first comming into Italy they could not be perswaded that places might be taken so easily, and in so short space: for they made not war with such expedition ¹⁵; but both they and diuers others haue fortified since, and do daily fortifie many places in Italy. They cannot grow mightie vpon a sudden as the Romaines did, for their bodies cannot endure such labor and trauell as theirs could, bicause they are vnaccustomed therunto, by reason that none of them go into their wars vpon the firme land ¹⁶ (as the Romaines did) saue their prouisors and paimasters which accompanied their generall ¹⁷; assist him with their counsell, and prouide all things necessary for their armie. True it is that their armies vpon the sea are led ¹⁸ by their gentlemen, who are captaines of their gallies and ships; and consist wholy of their owne subiects. Moreouer, another good order haue they as touching these prouisors whom they send in person with their armies vpon the land, whichis, that they imploie in that seruice no man of such courage and vertue as may seeme woorthy to be their Prince (as the Romaines did) whereby they auoid all factions in the citie, which sure is a great point of wisedome. And vndoubtedly against ciuill contention they haue maruellously well prouided diuers and sundry other waies, for they haue no Tribunes of the people, as they had in Rome, which partly were cause of their ruine. But the people at Venice beare no swaie, neither are called to counsell in any matter ¹⁹: for all their officers ²⁰ be gentlemen, saue their secretaries ²¹. And the greatest part of their people be strangers. Moreouer, they vnderstand by T. Liuius what imperfections were in the state of Rome; for they haue his historie, and his body lieth buried in their palace at Padua. For these reasons and diuers others which I could alleage, I say yet once againe, that they are in the way to be great Lords in time to come.

I must now declare the cause of mine ambassage to them, which was, to thanke them for the good answers they had made to two ambassadors sent thither by the King: and for the good comfort they had giuen him, in willing him vpon their word to proceede with his enterprise. All the which was done before he departed out of Ast. At my arriuall I discoursed vnto them of the ancient league that had beene betweene the Kings of Fraunce and them. And further, I offered them Brandis and the towne of Orante, vnder this condition, that when we deliuered them better townes in Greece, they should be bound to restore these. They vsed very honorable termes both of the King and his affaires, supposing that he could not enter far into Italie. And as touching the offer I made, they answered that they were his friends and seruants, and would not sell him their friendship, (and in deede as yet we had not the places offered.) Further they said, that they had force sufficient in a readines to moue war against him, if they were so disposed, but they would not so do; notwithstanding that the ambassador of Naples daily sollicited them thereunto, and offered them in consideration thereof, whatsoeuer they would demaund. Moreouer, King Alphonse (who then raigned) confessed that he had many waies misbehaued himselfe towards them, and declared vnto them the great danger themselues should be in, if the King obtained his purpose. The Turke on the other side sent an ambassador to them with all speede, (whom I my selfe saw diuers times) the which at the Popes request threatened them, vnlesse they declared themselues the Kings enimies. They gaue euery one of these good answers, notwithstanding at the first they stood in no feare of vs, but laughed at our voiage: and the rather bicause the Duke of Milan sent them word by his ambassador, that they should not trouble themselues about this enterprise: for he would finde meanes to send the King home with emptie hands. The like message sent he also to Peter of Medicis, as himselfe told me. But when both [Page] they and the Duke of Milan sawe all the Florentines places, especially Pisa in the Kings hands, they began to feare & to consult how to stop him from passing further: but their matters were long in debating, and in the meane time while ambassadors passed to and fro betweene them, the King marched forward. The King of Spaine in like maner began to feare, bicause of the yles of Sicilie and Sardinia. And the King of Romaines enuied our Kings good successe: for diuers there were that put him in doubt of the crowne imperiall, saying, that the King would take it, and had required the Pope to giue him leaue so to do, but this was most vntrue. Notwithstanding for these doubts, these two Kings sent honorable ambassages to Venice, I being there, as you haue heard. The King of Romaines, bicause he was their neighbor, sent first: the principall of his ambassage was the Bishop of Trente, accompanied with two knights and a doctor of the law: they were very honorably and solemnly receiued, and their lodgings made and furnished as mine. Moreouer, they had ten ducats a day allowed them for their diet, and their horses which they had left behinde them at Treuis, were kept vpon the Seniories charge. Soone after arriued also a worshipfull knight of Spaine ²² well accompanied and well apparelled, who was in like maner honorably receiued, and his charges defraied. The Duke of Milan, besides his ambassador there resident, sent thither the bishop of Come, and Master Francis Bernardin Viscount, all the which began at the first to negotiate togither couertly and in the night by their Secretaries: for they durst not as yet openly discouer themselues against the King, especially the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, bicause they doubted what successe the league which was in communication should haue. These ambassadors of Milan came to visite me, and brought me letters from their Master, pretending that they were come, bicause the Venetians had sent two ambassadors to Milan, whereas they were woont to haue but one resident there: no more had they in the end; and this was but a colour of their lying, deceit, and false dealing: for they were all assembled togither to conclude a league against the good King, but so many strings could not be tuned on a sudden. They desired me afterward (if I could) to informe them what the cause was of the King of Spaines and the King of Romanes ambassadors arriuall, to the end they might aduertise their Master thereof. But I had intelligence already from diuers places, both by the said ambassadors seruants and others, that the ambassador of Spaine had passed through Milan disguised, that the Almaines gouerned their affaires wholy by the Duke of Milans counsell and aduice, and that the ambassador of Naples deliuered howerly packets of letters from his Master. For you must vnderstand, that the treatie of their league was begun before the King departed from Florence, and I spent monie largely to haue intelligence of all their doings, and wrought by good instruments, so that I knew already all their articles, which were propounded but not agreed vpon: for the Venetians are very long in their resolutions. For these causes I seeing the league in such forwardnes, would no longer pretend ignorance therein, but answered these ambassadors of Milan, that sith they vsed such strange termes to me, I thought good to say thus much vnto them, that the King would not lose the D. of Milans friendship if by any meanes it might be kept, and that I as his seruant would do my dutie to my Master, and excuse him of the euil reports which peraduenture had been made of him to the Duke their Master, who I thought was misinformed: saying further, that he ought well to bethinke himselfe, before he lost the recompence of the great seruice he had done the King: for the Kings of Fraunce were neuer ingrate; adding also, that the speaking of a foolish word ought not to dissolue their friendship, the continuance whereof was so necessarie for them both. Wherefore I desired them to [Page] open vnto me their griefes, that I might aduertise the King thereof before they proceeded further: they sware all vnto me and protested, that there was no such matter as I imagined; but they lied, for they were come thither to treat of the said league.

The next day I went to the Seniorie to commune with them about their league, and to tell them my opinion thereof. Among other things I alleaged, that by the league concluded betweene the King and them, and the late King Lewis his father and them, they might not maintaine the one the others enimies: wherefore they could not conclude the league now treated of without breach of their promise. Then they caused me to withdraw my selfe a little, and at my returne the Duke saide vnto me, that I must not beleeue all that I heard in the towne: for all men liued there in libertie, and might speake what them listed; and that as touching them they neuer meant to enter into league against the King, neither heard euer of any such matter: but on the contrarie side they sought to conclude a league betweene the King, and these two other Kings and all Italy, against the Turke, at the common charges of them all, and that if any in Italy refused to pay that he should be rated at, the King and they would constraine him thereunto by force. Moreouer, they said that they trauelled to conclude a good peace for the King, to wit, that he should receiue of Dom Ferrand presently a summe of money, which they offered to lend, so that they might haue engaged for it, those places in Pouille which now they possesse, and that the realme should be held of the King by the Popes consent ²³, and pay him yeerely a certaine tribute. And further, that he should hold in it three places, and I would to God the King would then haue giuen eare to this offer: but I answered them that I durst not deale therein, bicause I had no commission nor authoritie so to do. Moreouer, I desired them not to be hastie in concluding this league, bicause I would aduertise the King of these their ouertures. I required them also (as I had done the others) to open vnto me their griefes, and not to dissemble them as they of Milan had done. Then they told me plainly that they were greeued bicause the King held certaine of the Popes townes, but much more bicause of the Florentines places, especially Pisa, saying, that the King himselfe had written both vnto them and diuers others, that he would take nothing in Italy, but the realme of Naples onely, and afterward go against the Turke: but now it plainly appeered that he would conquere all that he could in Italy, and leaue the Turke in peace. They said further, that the Duke of Orleans (whom the King had left behinde him in Ast) put the D. of Milan in great doubt and feare, and that his seruants vsed maruellous threatning words against him. Notwithstanding they promised to conclude nothing before they receiued answer from the King, at the least not before a conuenient time to receiue answer were expired, and they dealt more honorably with me than they of Milan had done ²⁴. Of all these matters I aduertised the King, and receiued a cold answer from him: from that daie forward they began daily to assemble togither, bicause they knew their enterprise to be discouered. The King was yet at Florence, and if he had found any resistance at Viterbe (as they thought he should) they would haue sent men to defend Rome: yea or if King Ferrand had not abandoned Rome, as they thought vndoubtedly he would neuer haue done: but when they heard of his departure thence they began to feare. Notwithstanding the ambassadors of these two Kings pressed them earnestly to conclude, saying, that otherwise they would depart, for they had been there fower moneths daily negotiating with the Seniorie. In the meane time I labored all that might be to ouerthrow their league.

But when the Venetians saw all these places yeelded, and were also aduertised, that the King was entred into Naples, they sent for me, and told me these newes, [Page] seeming greatly to reioice thereat: notwithstanding they said that the castell was very wel furnished, and I perceiued by them, that they hoped assuredly it would haue held good. Moreouer, they licensed the ambassador of Naples to leuie men at Venice to send to Brandis; and they were euen vpon the point to haue concluded their league, when suddenly they receiued letters from their ambassadors, that the castell was yeelded also to the King. Then they sent for me againe in a morning, and I found fiftie or sixtie of them assembled togither in the Dukes chamber, who lay sick of the collicke. He told me these newes with a cheerfull countenance, but none of the rest could dissemble so cunningly as himselfe: for some of them sate vpon a lowe bench leaning vpon their elbowes, other some after one sort, and others after another; their outward countenances bewraying their inward griefe. And I thinke verily when word came to Rome of the battell lost at Cannas against Hannibal, that the Senators which remained in the citie, were not more astonished nor troubled than these: for none of them once looked vpon me, none of them gaue me one word but the Duke alone; so that I woondred to behold them. The Duke asked me if the King would performe that which he had alwaies promised both by his letters and by me: I assured him that he would, and opened certaine ouertures of peace, and offered my selfe to trauell therein, trusting to put them out of all doubt, and so departed.

Their league was as yet neither fully concluded, nor fully broken off; for the which cause the Almaines would needes haue departed in great heate. The Duke of Milan would not yet condescend I wot not to which of their articles: notwithstanding in the end he sent word to his ambassadors to seale with speede to all; and thus at the length was their league concluded. During the space that these practises were thus entertained among them, I had from time to time aduertised the King of them all, pressing him earnestly to resolue either to tarrie in the realme, and to make prouision of greater forces of footemen and money; or in time to retire homeward before his enimies were all assembled, leauing the principall places well manned. I aduertised also the D. of Orleans (who lay in Ast with his houshold seruants onely, for his companie was with the King) of all that was done, willing him to put men into the towne, and assuring him that they would incontinent assaile him. I wrote also to the Duke of Bourbon (whom the King had left regent in Fraunce) to send men to Ast with all speede possible to defend the towne, bicause that place being lost, no aide could come to the King. In like maner I aduertised the Marchionesse of Montferrat of all these proceedings (who was a great friend to vs, and deadly enimy to the Duke of Milan) to the end she might aide the Duke of Orleans with men, if neede so required: for Ast being lost, the Marquisats of Montferrat and Saluces were also lost.

Their league was concluded one night very late ²⁵. The next morning the Seniorie sent for me earlier then they were accustomed. And when I was come and set downe, the Duke told me, that in the honor of the holy Trinitie, there was a league concluded betweene our holy father the Pope, the Kings of Romaines and Castile, them, and the Duke of Milan, for three purposes. The first, for the defence of the estate of Christendome against the Turke; the second, for the defence of Italy; and the third for the preseruation of their own estates, whereof he willed me to aduertise the King. They were assembled to the number of a hundred or more, and looked vp with cheerfull countenances, and sate not as they did the day they aduertised me of the taking of the castle of Naples. The Duke tolde me moreouer that they had written to their ambassadors that were with the King, to take their leaue and to returne home, their names were Master Dominic Loredan, and Master Dominic Treuisan. I was maruellously troubled with this newes, for I stood in doubt both of the Kings [Page] person, and of all his companie, supposing their armie to haue been readier than in deed it was, as did themselues also. I feared further least the Almaines had been at hand; and not without cause; for if they had, vndoubtedly the King had neuer departed out of Italy. I was resolued not to speake much in this heate; but they so prouoked me that I was forced to change my minde; and then I said vnto them, that both the night before and diuers other times, I had aduertised the King of their league, and that he also had sent me word that he had intelligence thereof both from Rome and from Milan. They looked all maruellous strangely vpon me, when I said that I had aduertised the King thereof the night before: for there is no nation vnder the sunne so suspicious as they, nor so secret in their affaires, so that oftentimes they banish men vpon suspicion onely, for the which cause I said thus much vnto them. I told them moreouer that I had sent word thereof both to the Duke of Orleans and to the Duke of Bourbon, to the end they might put men into Ast: which words I vttered hoping to delay their going thither. For if they had indeed been as ready as they vaunted and supposed themselues to haue been: they must needs haue taken the towne, for it was vnmanned both then and long after. Then they told me that they meant not to attempt ought against the King, but onely to defend themselues, adding that they would not haue him thus to abuse the world with words, in saying that he would nothing but the realme of Naples, and afterward go against the Turk: and yet do cleane contrary, and seeke to destroy the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines, and hold also the places of the Church. Wherunto I answered that the Kings of Fraunce had euer inlarged & augmented the dition of the church, and defended it, and that the King my Master would rather do the like than the contrarie. Wherfore these (I said) were not the reasons that mooued them to enter into this war, but that they desired to trouble the estate of Italy, thereby to make their owne profit, as in the end I thought they would; which words they tooke in euill part as afterward I was aduertised: notwithstanding it appeereth by those townes in Pouile which they haue in gage of King Ferrand to aide him against vs, that I said true. At this instant I would haue risen to depart, but they caused me to sit downe again, and then the Duke asked me if I would make any ouerture of peace, bicause the day before I had offered so to do, but that was vnder condition that they should haue staid the conclusion of their league fifteene daies, to the end I might aduertise the King thereof, and receiue his answer thereunto. Our communication being ended, I returned to my lodging, & then they sent for the ambassadors of the league one after another, and as I came foorth from them I met with the ambassador of Naples, who ware a faire new gowne and shewed a cheerefull countenance, so had he great cause to do, for these were good newes for him. After dinner all the ambassadors of the league accompanied with their seruants met togither, at the charges of the Seniory, vpon the water (which is all the pastime of Venice) I thinke they were in all fortie boates, euery ambassador hauing his boate garnished with a flagge of his Masters armes. I saw all this company passe vnderneath my window with goodly melodie. And the ambassadors of Milan (at the least one of them) who had been woont verie often before to beare me companie; made a countenance now as though he knew me no more. By the space of three daies I neuer stirred out of my lodging, neither any of my seruants: notwithstanding that, not one man in the towne gaue me or any of mine a foule word at any time. The same night they made great pastime with squibs, which were set on fire a high in the steeples and turrets of the towne, and a number of torches were lighted in the top of these ambassadors houses, and diuers peeces of artillery discharged. I was in a couered barge vpon the water to behold [Page] all this triumph, about ten of the clocke at night, especially before these ambassadors lodgings, where was banketting and great cheere: notwithstanding this was not the greate festiuall day, on the which their league was proclaimed: for the Pope had giuen commandement that the proclamation thereof should be deferred till Palmsunday, and that euery one of the confederated Princes when it should be proclaimed, and the ambassadors that should be present thereat, should beare in their hands an oliue branch in token of peace and confederacie as he said. He commanded further, that vpon that day it should be proclaimed both in Spaine and in Almaine. Moreouer, at Venice they made a scaffold of wood, which they raised a great height from the ground, as they vse to do vpō Corpus Christi day, & it was richly hanged, and reached from the palace to the end of the market place of Saint Marke. Vpon this scaffold (after the Popes ambassador had soong masse, and giuen full absolution to all men that should be present at the said proclamation) they went on procession, the Senators and the ambassadors being all very well apparelled: for vnto diuers of the said ambassadors the seniorie had giuen crimosin veluet gowns, especially to the Almaines, and new gownes also to all their seruants, but they were very short. After their returne from procession, a great number of pageants and deuises were shewed, representing first Italy, and then all these Kings and Princes, and the Queene of Spaine. And as they returned from beholding the said pageants, at a Porphire stone where all their proclamations are made, they proclaimed the said league, and the Turks ambassador hard it, standing close at a window, and hauing his dispatch, saue that they staied him to behold this triumph. At night he came to talke with me by meanes of a certaine Greeke, and was with me fower howers in my chamber, being very desirous that his Prince and the King my Master might enter togither into amitie. I was twise inuited to this feast, but I excused my selfe. I remained in the towne about a moneth after this proclamation, being aswell entertained as at my first arriuall. Afterward the King sent for me, and I tooke my leaue and departed, being safely conueied by them, and vpon their charges to Ferrara, where the Duke came foorth and receiued me, and feasted me two daies, and defraied me. The like did Master Iohn de Bentiuole at Bolonia, whither the Florentines sent for me. Wherfore I departed thence and went to Florence there to abide the Kings comming, of whom I will now returne to speake.

The Notes.

1 Liccia or Lizafusina Italians.

2 The riuer is called Brenta.

3 I thinke he meaneth not the Confrairiez des Sainctz which be but fiue, as Contaren. writeth lib. 5. but rather I suppose, bicause our author saith many Confrairies, that euery companie in Venice hath a chappell, as in London they haue hals.

4 I suppose it to be that which they call Riuo alto.

5 There are in Venice 200. palaces able to lodge Kings.

6 A kinde of red marble full of white spots called Leucosticos or Porphyrites: it is knowen to euery man.

7 A greene stone, I suppose it to be also a kinde of marble, which is greene as Porphire is, red and spotted also with white for the most part as that is: it is called Ophytes.

8 Of the Dukes office reade Contaren. lib. 2.

9 This Dukes name was Augustinus Barbaricus or Barbadicus, he was chosen anno 1486. and was after some the 77. after others the 74. Duke.

10 Reckon these twelue yeeres not at the time that the author was at Venice, but at the [Page] time that he wrote this historie: for at his being there, he had beene Duke but eight yeeres.

11 Saint Marks church is described by Contaren in the very end of the fourth booke.

12 Mousaique or Marqueterie, Musaea, Musaica, or Musina in Latine, works wrought of stones of diuers colours and diuers mettels into knots and deuises so curiously, that they seeme all one, and not to be wrought in togither by art.

13 Forum Iulii.

14 This Arsenall is described by Contaren lib. 4.

15 He meaneth, bicause they vnderstood not the feate of artillerie.

16 The Venetians armies vpon the land are all strangers. Contaren. lib. 5.

17 Their Generall vpon the land is also a stranger.

18 Contaren. ibidem.

19 Vnderstand any matter of waight.

20 Vnderstand their principall officers.

21 Their Chauncellor also is no gentleman, neither may a gentleman be Chauncellor or Secretarie. Contaren. lib. 5.

22 The King of Spaine vsed this colour for breach of his league with King Charles, bicause there vvas a clause that they should not be bound to any thing preiudiciall to the Church, and the realme of Naples vvas held of the Church. Further, another clause there vvas, that he should not resist King Charles his conquest, if it appeered by law the crowne of Naples to appertaine to him, vvhich he sought not to prooue, but proceeded by force.

23 This is added, bicause the realme of Naples vvas held of the Church.

24 He meaneth, bicause they dealt plainly vvith him, but they of Milan had dissembled. Notvvithstanding the French had it thus: They shewed greater honor to me than to them of Milan: but in mine opinion it vvas the Printers fault, vvho for que ceulx de Milan, had put qu'a ceulx de Milan: for sure the sence is much better thus.

25 Their league vvas concluded in Aprill. Guicciar.

THE EIGHT BOOKE CONTINVING THE DISCOVRSE OF THE PRINCIPALL ACTS OF KING CHARLES THE EIGHT.

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Of the order and prouision the King left in the realme of Naples at his returne into Fraunce. Chap. 1.

TO continue the better this my historie, and to informe you of all that happened, I must now returne to speake of the King, who from the time he entred into Naples till his departure thence, thought onely vpon sports and pleasures, & those that were about him vpon their owne priuate profit and gain: notwithstanding his yong yeers excused him; but on their behalfe, no iust excuse can be made: for he committed all his affaires to their gouernment. And if they had aduised him to leaue well furnished in the countrie at his departure but three or fower castels onely, namely that of Caietta, and one or two more; yea but the castell of Naples alone (the prouision whereof he had giuen away as already you haue heard) the realme had neuer been lost: for if the castell of Naples had been kept, the towne had neuer reuolted. So soone as he vnderstood the league aboue mentioned to be concluded, he commanded his whole forces to repaire to him, and appointed fiue hundred men of armes French and 2500. Swissers ¹, and a few French footemen for the defence of the realme, determining with the rest to returne home the same way he came; but the confederates made preparation to stop his passage. The King of Spaine had sent and daily did send certaine Carauels ² into Sicilie, the which notwithstanding that they were but slenderly manned, had before the Kings departure, put men into Reges in Calabria neere to Sicilie. I had eftsoones aduertised the King that there they would land; for the ambassador of Naples had so informed me himselfe, supposing they had already been landed: but if the King had sent thither in time, he had taken the castell; for the towne held for him. Out of Sicilie came certaine bands also to Mantia and to Turpia, all through our owne fault, bicause we had sent no forces thither. In like maner the towne of Otrante in Pouille (which had once set vp the armes of Fraunce) seeing the league concluded, and themselues seated neere to Brandis and Gallipoli, and no meanes possible to leuie men to put into their towne, reared vp againe the armes of Arragon; and Dom Frederick being at Brandis, sent a garrison thither. To be short, fortune began now to frowne vpon vs, which but two moneths before so highly had fauored vs, in such sort, that through the whole realme they began to reuolt, as well bicause of the league, as also of the Kings departure, and the small forces he left behinde him, which was nothing in respect of the number of soldiers, though diuers of the captaines were of great valor. He appointed for his lieutenant generall in the said [Page] realme, the Lord of Montpensier of the house of Bourbon, a valiant and a hardy knight, but of no great sense, and so careles, that he kept his bed euery day til noone. In Calabria he left the Lord of Aubigny a Scottish man borne, a vertuous, wise, honorable, & a valiant knight, him he created high Constable of the realme, and gaue him (as before you haue heard) the Earldome of Acri, and the Marquisat of Squillazzo. He had made Lord great Chamberlaine of the realme at his first comming thither, the Seneschall of Beaucaire, called Stephan de Vers, who was also captaine of Caietta, Duke of Nola, and Lord of diuers other seniories. Further, all the treasure of the realme passed through his hands, so that his charge was much too waightie for him; but sure he was well affected to the defence of the realme. He created the Lord Don Iulian Lorrain a Duke, and left him in the towne of Saint Angelo, where he behaued himselfe passing well. He left in Manfredonia Master Gabriell of Montfaulcon, a man of whom he made great account; and to all these he gaue goodly possessions: but this Gabriell behaued himselfe very childishly; for at fower daies end he yeelded the towne for lacke of victuals: notwithstanding that at his entrie into it he found it very well furnished; besides that it was seated in a countrie abounding with all kinde of graine. Diuers sold all the prouision they found in the castels, and the report went that this Gabriell fled himselfe, and left VVilliam of Vilneufue for defence of the towne, whom his owne seruants sold to Dom Frederick, who put him into the gallies, where he remained a long time. At Tarente the King left George of Suilly, who carried himselfe there very gallantly, and died of the plague: and this citie held for the King, till famine forced it to yeeld. In Aquila he left the bailife of Vitry, where he did great seruice: and in Abruzzo master Gracian des guerres, who likewise made good proofe of his valor there. They were all left vnfurnished of monie: for order was giuen that they should receiue their pay there, of the reuenues of the crowne, but all was too little. Notwithstanding the K. left the Princes of Salerne and Bisignan very well appointed, who did him good seruice as long as they were able. He delt also very bountifully with the Coulonnois: for he granted them al their demaunds, & put aboue thirty places into their hands & their friends, which if they would haue defended for him, as both by dutie & oth they were bound, they had don him great seruice, and purchased to themselues both honor and profit. For I thinke they were not so highly aduanced these hundred yeeres, as by the King at that time: yet notwithstanding before his departure they began to practise with his enimies. True it is that they serued him in fauour onely of the Duke of Milan, bicause they haue euer been of the faction Gibilin, but they ought not in respect thereof, to haue dealt faithlesly with him, who so highly had aduanced and pleasured them, not only this way but diuers others. For in their fauor he had prisoners with him vnder garde, the Lord Virgill Vrsin, and the Earle of Petillane ³, with diuers others of the Vrsines their enimies, yea and that against all right and reason: for notwithstanding that they were taken prisoners, yet knew the King right well that they had a safe conduct, the benefit also whereof he meant they should enioy, as himselfe well declared: for he was determined to leade them no further than Ast, and there to release them. All this did he at the Coulonnois request, and yet before his returne to Ast they shrunke from him, yea they were the very first that reuolted, though they could alleage no cause that mooued them thereunto.

The Notes.

1 Guicciar. saith, the King left behinde him halfe his Swissers, part of his French footmen, 800. French launces, and 500. Italian men of armes.

[Page] 2 These are certaine ships hauing both saile and ore, the which are very much vsed in the meridionall seas.

3 Virginio Vrsin and the Earle of Petillane followed the King onely vpon their word not to depart without leaue.

How the King departed from Naples, and passed againe through Rome, whereupon the Pope fled to Oruiette: of the communication the King had with Monseur D'Argenton at his returne from Venice: how he tooke aduise whether he should restore the Florentines places to them or not: and of the Sermons woorthie of memorie of Frier Ierom of Florence. Chap. 2.

THe King hauing giuen order for his affaires, as he thought good, put himselfe vpon the way homeward with the rest of his forces, ¹ being (as I suppose) nine hundred men of armes at the least (comprehending therein the ordinarie retinue of his house) two thousand and fiue hundred Swissers, so that I thinke the whole armie contained seuen thousand men taking paie, besides the traine of the Court being to the number of fifteen hundred able to do seruice ². The Earle of Petillane who tooke the iust muster of them, told me after the battell (whereof you shall heare) that the whole force was nine thousand men. The King marched straight to Rome, where the Pope would not tarie his comming, but was first determined to haue gone to Padua into the Venetians dominions, so far foorth that his lodging was made there. But afterward he altered his minde: for both the Venetians and the Duke of Milan sent him certaine bands of men to Rome, where (though they arriued in time) yet durst he not abide; notwithstanding that the King meant him no harme, but would haue done him all honor and seruice, and had also sent an ambassador thither purposely to desire him to staie. But he retired to Oruiette, and thence to Perouse, leauing the Cardinals at Rome to receiue the King, who staide not there ³ neither harmed any man. The K. wrote vnto me that I should meet him at Sene, whither I repaired accordingly, he receiued me of his goodnes verie graciously, and asked me (somewhat merily) whether the Venetians would send to stop him vpon the waie: for his army consisted altogither of yoong men who thought none in the world comparable to them. I answered, that the seniorie told me at my departure in the presence of one of his secretaries named Lourdin, that they and the Duke of Milan would put forty thousand men into the field, not to offend him, but to defend themselues: adding further that they aduertised me the day I departed from Padua by one of their prouisors, who came with their army that they sent against vs, that their force should not passe a certaine riuer in their dominions neere to Parma ⁴ called (as I remember) Olye, vnlesse he inuaded the Duke of Milan. The said Prouisor and I gaue secret tokens each to other, by the which messengers might passe to and fro betweene vs, if need should so require to treat of some good end: for I would breake off no ouuerture of peace, bicause I knew not what might happen to the King my Master. At this our communication was present one Master Lewis Marcell, who by the seniories appointment accompained me out of their dominions, and gouerned for that [Page] yeere the Motz viere ⁵, which is a certaine treasure they haue: in like maner certaine of the Marques of Mantuas men, who caried money to their Master, were also present at it, but they heard not our talk. From these or frō som others I brought the K. in writing the number of their horsemen, footmen, and Estradiots ⁶, and the names of their captaines: but few of those that were neerest about him credited my words.

After the King had reposed himselfe two daies at Sene, and well refreshed his horses and his company, I earnestly pressed him to depart: for his enimies were not yet assembled, and I feared onely the Almaines arriuall, of whom the King of Romaines mustered great force, and leuied great summes of money for their paiement. But notwithstanding all my solicitation, the King put foorth two matters to his councell which were soone debated: the one, whether he should restore the Florentines places to them and accept the offers they made for the restitution of them, being these, to pay him the thirtie thousand ducats remaining yet vnpaide of the summe they gaue him ⁷; to lend him besides, seauen tie thousand, and to serue him as he passed out of Italie with three hundred men of armes, and two thousand footemen vnder the leading of Master Frauncis Secco, a valiant knight and in good credit with the King. My selfe and diuers others were of opinion that he should accept these conditions, retaining onely Ligorne in his hands till his returne to Ast. And if he had so done, he might haue paied his soldiers, and reserued money ynough to haue withdrawen part of his enimies forces, and then haue fought with them. But this resolution tooke no place; for Monseur de Ligny a yoong man cosin german to the King ouerthrew it, not alleaging any reason to the contrarie, but onely for pitie of the Pisans. The other point debated was a matter that Monseur de Ligny himselfe caused to be propounded by Gaucher of Tinteuille, & by one of the factions of the Senois, the which desired the said Monseur de Ligny for their captain. For you shall vnderstand that these Senois are euer in diuision, and gouerne their common wealth more fondly than anie other towne in Italie ⁸. I being first asked mine aduise said, that I thought it best for the King to march forward, & not to busie himself with these foolish offers which could not stand him in steed one week to an end: alleaging further that bicause this was an imperiall towne, we should by this meanes prouoke the whole Empire against vs. All the rest were of the same opinion, yet was the cleane contrarie done: for the Senois receiued Monseur de Ligny for their Captaine, and promised him yeerely a certaine summe of money, whereof he neuer receiued peny. This foolish matter staied the King there sixe or seauen daies, during the which space he solaced himselfe with the Dames. Further, he left there three hundred of his men diminishing his force by so much, and then remooued to Pisa passing by Poggibonzia a castle of the Florentines. But they whom he left at Sene were chased thence within a moneth after.

I had forgotten to tell you how I being at Florence iourneying towards the King, went with one of the stewards of his house named Iohn Francois a wise and discreet person, to visite a Frier Iacobin called Frier Hieronime ⁹, a man of holie life (as all men reported) abiding in a reformed couent where he had remained fifteen yeeres. The cause why I went to commune with him was, for that he had euer preached very fauorablie on the Kings behalfe, so far foorth that his words had staide the Florentines from reuolting from vs, for neuer preacher caried so great credit in any citie: he had euer assured them of the Kings comming, whatsoeuer was said or written to the contrarie; affirming that he was sent of God to chastice the tyrants of Italie, and that no force should be able to withstand him. He preached further that the King should come to Pisa and enter into the towne, and that the selfe same daie the [Page] estate of Florence should be altered as also it happened: for the same daie was Peter of Medicis banished the towne. Diuers other things also foretold he long before they happened, namely, the death of Laurence of Medicis: all the which he saide he vnderstood by reuelation. He preached yet further that the estate of the church should be reformed by the sword. This is not yet come to passe, but was very neer, and he auoweth still that it shall be. Many found great fault with him bicause he saide that God reuealed these things to him, but some beleeued him: sure I for my part take him for a holie man. I asked him whether the K. should passe out of Italie without danger of his person, seeing the great preparatiō the Venetiās made against him, whereof he discoursed perfectlier than my selfe that came from thence. He answered me that the K. should haue som troble vpon the way, but that the honor therof should be his, though he were accompanied but with an hundred men, and that God who had guided him at his comming, would also protect him at his returne. Adding notwithstanding that bicause he had not done his dutie in the reformation of the Church, but had suffered his men to spoile and rob the people, as well those that tooke his part, voluntarily receiued him into their cities, as his enimies: God had pronounced sentence against him, and would shortly scourge him. Neuerthelesse he bad me tell him that if he would haue compassion one the poore people, and endeuour himselfe to keepe his men from doing euill, and punish the offenders (as he was bound by his office to do,) that then God would reuoke his sentence, at the least mittigate it: adding thereunto that he ought not to thinke it a sufficient excuse, that he in his owne person did no harme. He said moreouer that himselfe would go and tel the King thus much, and so indeed he did, and perswaded with him to restore the Florentines places to them. When he spake thus of Gods sentence, the death of my Lord the Daulphin came suddenly to my minde, for I saw no other thing that could greatly trouble the King. Thus much I haue written to the end it may yet more manifestly appeere, that this voiage was in deed a meere miracle of God.

The Notes.

1 He departed from Naples the 20. of May. Annal. Franc. Guicciar.

2 The King departed Naples with 800. French launces, two hundred gentlemen of his garde, a hundred launces vnder Triuulce, three thousand footmen Swissers, a thousand French, and a thousand Gascoines. Guicciar.

3 He arriued at Rome the first of Iune, and a bode there two daies. Annal. Franc.

4 For Parma it is better to reade Creme or Bergame: for the Venetians dominions lay not neere to Parma; besides that the riuer Olio is not neere Parma: for the Pau runneth betweene Parma and it, so that the Venetians must haue passed the Pau after they had passed Olie, before they could haue come to Parma.

5 The French Corrector readeth it Montvieil, called in Italian Monte Vechio, which is a certaine treasure the Venetians haue to pay the interests due vnto the ancientest creditors of their commonwealth, as appeereth in the booke of Donato Giannotti.

6 VVhat these Estradiottes were looke after Cap. 5.

7 They had giuen the King 120000. ducats, as mention is made Cap. 9. lib. 7.

8 The people of Sene were diuided against the order of Montenoue, which held a gard of soldiers in the palace. The citizens promised de Ligny 20000. ducats a yeere, to protect them against the said Montenoue, but foorthwith after the Kings departure the faction of Montenoue chased Ligny and his men out of the towne. Guicciar.

9 This Friers surname was Sauanarola, who hath written many goodly homilies and sermons: he was borne at Ferrara.

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How the King retained in his hands the towne of Pisa, and certaine other of the Florentines places: and how in the meane time the Duke of Orleans entred on the other side into Nouarre, a towne of the Duchie of Milan. Chap. 3.

AFter the King was entred into Pisa, (as you haue heard) all the Pisans both men and women besought their guests for Gods loue to make intercession to the King, that they might no more returne vnder the Florentines tyrannie, who in truth handled them extremely; but diuers cities in Italy that be in subiection to others, are as euill intreated as they: besides that, the Pisans and Florentines had been in wars togither the space of three hundred yeeres before the Florentines subdued them. These lamentable words before mentioned ioined with teares mooued our men to pitie, and caused them so far foorth to forget the Kings promise and oth made vpon the aultar of Saint Iohn at Florence, that all sorts of men busied themselues in this matter, euen the poore archers and the Swissers, who also threatned those that they thought perswaded the King to performe his promise, namely the Cardinall Saint Malo, so often before named generall of Languedoc, whom I my selfe heard an archer threaten. There were in like maner that gaue very rough language to the Marshall of Gié. The president Gannay by the space of three daies and more, durst not lie in his lodging. But the Earle of Ligny aboue all the rest fauored the Pisans cause, who came in troupes weeping and lamenting to the King, in such sort, that we all pitied them, and would willingly haue releeued them, if it had lien in vs so to do. One day after dinner, fortie or fiftic gentlemen of the Kings house assembled themselues togither, and went with their partisans into the Kings chamber, where he was playing at tables with Monseur de Pienncs, accompanied onely with two groomes of his chamber. One of these gentlemen sonne to Sallezard the elder, spake as mouth of the rest to the King, desiring him to be gratious Lord to the Pisans, and accusing certaine of those lately named as traitors to him. But the King with so stout language commanded them to depart, that after, the like neuer hapned. The King spent sixe or seuen daies needlesly in the towne of Pisa, and then changed the garrison, and made captaine of the Citadelle one Entragues, a man of lewd conditions, seruant to the D. of Orleans, whom he thus preferred by Monseur de Lignis sute, and left with him in the said Citadelle certaine footemen of the Duchie of Berrie. Further, the said Entragues procured such friendship (I suppose by his money) that he was also made captaine of Petrosancte, and of another place neere to it called Mortron ¹, and in like maner of Librefacto, which is neere to Lugues. The castle of Serzane being very strong, was put at the request of the said Earle of Ligny, into the hands of a bastard of Roussi, and an other place called Serzanelle, into the hands of another, being both his owne seruants. In these places the King left a great part of his forces: notwithstanding that he shall neuer haue such need of men, as he had at that time. Moreouer, he refused the Florentines aid and offers aboue mentioned, and draue them into vtter despaire. Yet was he aduertised before his departure from Sene, that the Duke of Orleans (whom he had left behind him in Ast) ² had taken the city of Nauarre in the Duchie [Page] of Milan, and therefore was well assured that the Venetians would declare themselues his enimies: for they sent him word that if he inuaded the Duke of Milan, they would aide the Duke with their whole force, according to their league lately made, and their force was great and in a readines. Now you shall vnderstand that presently vpon the conclusion of their league, the Duke of Milan thought to haue surprised Ast, supposing to finde it vtterly vnmanned: but my letters had hastened the forces that the Duke of Bourbon sent thither, and the first that arriued were about fortie launces of the Marshall of Gies companie, which had tarried behinde in Fraunce, and came thither in good time. Soone after them arriued also fiue hundred footmen, sent thither by the Marques of Saluce. The comming of the which staied the Duke of Milans forces led by Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin, who hearing these newes retired to Nom, a castle of the Duchie of Milan, two miles from Ast. In the necke of these arriued also three hundred and fiftie men of armes, and certaine gentlemen of Daulphine, and two thousand Swissers, with certain franke archers of the said countrey of Daulphine, so that their whole number was 7500. men taking paie. But they lingred so long vpon the way that they serued not to the purpose they were sent for. For the K. sent for them to come & succor him, but instead of aiding him he was forced to aid them. The K. had also giuen commandement to the D. of Orleans & his captaines not to attempte any thing against the Duke of Milan, but onely to defend the towne of Ast, & to meete him at the riuer of Thesin to helpe to conuey him ouer it, for that was the onely riuer to trouble him. But notwithstanding all that the King writ to the Duke of Orleans, this enterprise of Nouarre (which is but ten leagues from Milan) liked him so wel, that he was contented to giue eare thereunto, and was receiued into the citie in great triumph both of the Guelphes and Gibelines, which his exploit the Marchionesse of Monferrat greatly furthered. The castle held two or three daies and then yeelded also. But if in the meane time, the Duke had gone or sent to Milan (where he had good intelligence) he had been receiued into the towne with greater ioy, than euer he was into his castle of Blois, as diuers of the noblest men of the countrey haue enformed me. And the three first daies he might haue gone thither in safetie, for when Nouarre was taken, the Duke of Milans whole force lay yet at Nom neere to Ast, and returned not to Milan till the fourth day after. But I suppose the Duke beleeued not all the intelligence he receiued thence.

The Notes.

1 The French corrector supposeth it should be Motron, but the author himselfe aftervvard chap. 14. calleth it againe Mortron. Guicciar. hath it Mutron.

2 The Duke of Orleans immediately after the skirmish vpon the sea at Rapalo, fell sicke of an ague, and returned to Ast: and passed no further vvith the King, tvvo gentlemen called Opizins brought the Duke of Orleans into Nouarre. Guicci.

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How King Charles passed diuers dangerous straights in the mountains between Pisa and Serzane: how the towne of Pontreme was burned by his Almaines, and how the Duke of Orleans behaued himselfe in the meane time at Nouarre. Chap. 4.

YOu haue heard already of the Kings departure from Sene to Pisa, and of al that he did at Pisa. Thence he remoued to Luques where the citizens honorably receiued him, and there he abode two daies. Afterward he marched to Petrosancte (which Entragues held) making no account of his enimies, neither himselfe nor those that carried all the credit with him. He passed maruellous straights in the mountaines betweene Luques and Petrosancte, which a handfull of footemen might easily haue defended against him: but our enimies were not yet assembled. Neere to the said Petrosancte is the straight of Seire on the one side, and the straight of Roctaille on the other, being great deepe salt marshes, where we were forced to passe ouer a narrow way, like to a causey in a standing poole: and this was the straight that betweene Pisa and Pontreme I most feared, and which was reported to be most dangerous: for one cart set ouerthwart the way with two good peeces of artillerie, and but a handfull of men, might haue stopped our passage, had our force beene neuer so great. From Petrosancte the King remooued to Serzane, where the Cardinall Saint Peter ad vincula offered to make Genua reuolt, and desired to haue some part of the Kings forces sent thither. The matter was debated by the Kings Councell, my selfe being present at it in the companie of a great many wise men and good captaines: all the which concluded, that no eare should be giuen to this enterprise, bicause if the King obtained the victorie, Genua would yeeld of it selfe; and if he were ouerthrowen, it could do him no seruice: and this was the first time that I perceiued any of them to doubt the battell. Report was made to the King of our resolution; yet notwithstanding thither he sent the Lord of Bresse afterward Duke of Sauoy, the Lord of Beaumont, the Lord of Polignac my brother in lawe, and the Lord of Ambeiou of the house of Amboise, with sixe score men of armes, and fiue hundred crossebowe men newly come out of Fraunce by sea. But I woondred that so yoong a Prince had no trustie seruants about him, that durst boldly tell him into how great danger he put himselfe by diminishing his force after this sort: for as touching me, me thought he beleeued not all that I said.

We had a small armie vpon the sea returning from Naples, vnder the leading of the Lord of Myolens gouernor of Daulphin, and one Stephan de Neues of Montpellier. They were in all about eight gallies, and sailed to Specie and Repalo, where at this present they were all defeated and led prisoners to Genua, in the selfesame place where we had vanquished King Alphonses forces at the beginning of this voiage, and by the selfesame men that tooke part with vs at that battell, namely Master Iohn Lewis de Flisco, and Master Iohn Adorne: but if the matter had been well ordred, they should haue been with the King, and all little ynough. The Lord of Bresse and the Cardinall aboue mentioned went and lodged in the suburbes of Genua, thinking that their faction within the towne would haue risen in their fauor. But the Duke of [Page] Milan and the Adornes that gouerned the towne, and Master Iohn Lewis de Flisco (a wise knight) had giuen so good order to preuent this mischiefe, that our men were in great danger to be defeated heere also, as the others were before vpon the sea: for their number was small, and had it not been bicause the faction that ruled at Genua durst not issue foorth of the towne, for feare least the Fourgouses should rebell and shut the gates vpon them, vndoubtedly they had all been slaine; for this notwithstanding they were in great distresse vpon the way as they retired to Ast: besides that, they were not at the battel with the King, where their seruice might haue stood him in good stead. From Serzane the King marched to Pontreme, through the which he was forced to passe, bicause it is the very entrie into the mountaines. The towne and castell were well fortified, and the seate of them maruellous strong, but within them were not past three or fower hundred footemen; for if they had beene well manned, they had beene impregnable. Wherefore Frier Ieroms prophesie prooued true, which was, that God would leade the King by the hand, till he were out of danger: for it seemed that his enimies were blinded and bereft of their wits, in that they defended not this straight. To the said place of Pontreme the King sent his vaward led by the Marshall Gie, accompanied with Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul, whom the King had receiued into his seruice at Naples after King Ferrandes departure thence, with whom he was them in pay: he was a gentleman of Milan of a good house, a good captaine, a very valiant man, and a great enimie to the Duke of Milan: for he was banished by him when King Ferrande receiued him into his seruice. By the said Master Iohn Iames his meanes, the place yeelded immediately without batterie, and the garrison that was within it departed. But a great inconuenience happened there: for (as before is mentioned) when the Duke of Milan passed last that way, they of the towne and certaine of our Swissers fell at variance (of whom about forty at that time were slaine) for reuenge whereof, the said Swissers at this present (notwithstanding the composition) slue all the men they found in the towne, spoiled it and burnt both victuals and all that was within it, and aboue ten also of themselues being drunke, neither could the Marshall Gie by any meanes make them to retire. They besieged the castel also, meaning to haue done the like to those that were within it, being the said Master Iohn Iames of Treuoules seruants, whom he had put into it when the garrison of the enimies yeelded it, neither would the said Almaines depart thence till the King himselfe sent to them. It was great pitie that the towne was thus destroied, both bicause of the dishonor we receiued thereby, and also bicause there was great plentie of victuals within it, whereof we were already in great distresse ¹, notwithstanding that the people were no where against vs, saue onely the people of the countrie neere to Pontreme, bicause of the harmes we did there. Now to proceede, if the King would haue followed the said Master Iohn Iames his aduise, diuers places of the Duchie of Milan would haue yeelded, and diuers gentlemen of the countrie haue reuolted to him: for he gaue him counsell to reare vp in euery place the yoong Dukes armes, whom the Lord Lodouic held in his hands, being sonne to Iohn Galeas the Duke that last died at Pauia, as before you haue heard. But the King refused so to do, for the fauor he bare to the Duke of Orleans, who pretended and doth yet pretend title to the said Duchie. Thus marched the King beyond Pontreme, and lodged in a little valley neere to a village that had not ten houses in it; the name whereof I know not. There he abode fiue daies vpon no occasion, his armie being almost famished, and his battell lying thirty miles behinde his vaward in the middest of huge and sharpe mountaines, ouer the which such great cannons and culuerins passed then, as neuer had passed before. For Duke Galeas in his time conueied [Page] ouer but fower faulcons, waying not past fiue hundred pound a peece, which was a great woonder in those daies.

I must now returne to the Duke of Orleans, who after he had taken the castell of Nouarre, staid there a few daies to no purpose, and then went to Vigesue, neere to the which were two little townes that sent vnto him, offering to receiue him, but by wise aduise he refused their offer. They of Pauia sent also twise to him to the same end, and them he should not haue refused. Moreouer, he marched in order of battell before the said towne of Vigesne, where the Duke of Milans whole force lay, being led by the two brethren of Saint Seuerin, so often aboue named. The town is hardly so good as Saint Martin-de-Candé, which is not woorth sixe pence. I my selfe arriued there not long after, at which time the Duke of Milan being there with certaine of his captaines, shewed me the place where both the armies had stood in order of battell hard by the towne and within the towne. And if the Duke of Orleans had marched but an hundred paces further, they had retired beyond the riuer of Thesin, for they stood hard by the riuer side, and had built a great bridge of boates ouer it. Moreouer, I saw them at my being there, beat downe a great bulwark of earth which they had made on the other side of the riuer to defend the passage; whereby it appeered that they were fully minded if the Duke had marched forward, to abandon both the towne and castle, which had been much to their disaduantage. This is the place where the Duke of Milan vseth most to be resident, and sure it is scituate in the pleasantest countrey for all kinde of pastimes, especially hauking and hunting, that euer I sawe. But peraduenture the Duke of Orleans thought the place strong where his enimies lodged, and himselfe to haue passed far ynough: wherefore he retired to Trecas, the Lord whereof (who had charge vnder the Duke of Milan) and my selfe communed togither of these affaires a fewe daies after. To the said towne of Trecas certaine of the principal of Milan sent to the Duke of Orleans, promising to receiue him into the towne, and offering for performance thereof, to deliuer their children in hostage. Which their enterprise they might easily haue executed, as diuers of great authority being then within the towne and acquainted with all their practises haue aduertised me: saying that the Duke of Milan could not haue found men ynow to haue defended the castell of Milan for him, bicause both nobles & people desired the destruction of this house of Sforce. The Duke of Orleans also and his men haue enformed me of these practises aboue mentioned, but they had no great affiance in those that negotiated with them, and they lacked a man that vnderstood these affaires better than themselues: whereunto I also adde, that the said Dukes captaines were not all of one opinion as touching this enterprise. With the Duke of Milans forces ioined two thousand Almains, whom the King of Romanes sent thither, and a thousand Dutch horsemen vnder the leading of master Frederic Capelare, borne in the countie of Ferrette. Their arriuall so much encouraged Master Galeas and his companie, that they went before Trecas to present the battell to the Duke of Orleans, who refused it (notwithstanding that his force were greater then theirs,) bicause his captaines as I suppose would not hazard the battell, fearing least the losse therof should be the Kings destruction, of whom they could heare no newes, bicause the passages were all stopped: wherefore they retired to Nouarre, giuing no order for their prouision of victuals, no not for the preseruation of the store they had within the towne already, much lesse for any new supplie, whereof notwithstanding they might plentifully haue been furnished at that time in the countrey about without money, whereas afterward they were greatly distressed through their owne follie. To conclude, their enimies came and lodged within halfe a league of them.

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The Notes.

1 The cause of their lacke vvas the barrennes of the countrey.

How the Kings great artillerie passed the mounts Appenines by the Almains helpe, of the danger the Marshall of Gie was in with his vaward, and how the King arriued at Fornoue. Chap. 5.

YOu haue heard how the King vpon no occasion laie in a valley on this side Pontreme fiue daies togither, in great distresse of victuals. Our Almains did there one great peece of seruice: for those that committed this foule fault at Pontreme, fearing that they had thereby procured themselues the Kings indignation for euer; came and offered to passe the artillerie ouer these monstrous waies in the mountaines, for so may I well terme them, bicause they were so high and steepe that there lay no beaten way ouer them. I haue seene all the highest mountaines both of Italy and Spaine, which vndoubtedly are not comparable to these. The Almains made this offer vpon condition that the K would pardon their fault, which he promised to do. We had fowerteene great and massy peeces of artillery, and immediately after we were out of the valley, we mounted vp such a maruellous steepe and vpright hill, that our mules could hardly clime vp to it. But these Almaines coupled themselues two and two togither with stronge cordes, and drew a hundred or two at a time, and when one companie was wearied, a fresh succeeded. Besides this, all the horses appointed for conueiance of the artillery helped them, and euery man of the Kings house that had any train, lent a horse to conueigh it ouer with the more speed: but had it not been for the Almaines, the horses would neuer haue passed it ouer. To say the truth they conueighed ouer not the artillerie onely, but the whole army, for had it not been for them there could not a man haue passed. But it is no maruell if they drew with good courages, bicause thereby they passed as well themselues as vs, whereof they were no lesse desirous than we. They did much harme I confesse, but their good seruice far surmounted their euill deeds. The greatest difficultie was not to draw vp the artillerie, for when they were at the top of the mountaine, they might behold a great deepe valley vnderneath, for the way is such as nature hath made, and by Arte it was neuer holpen. Wherefore vndoubtedly the difficultie was much greater in conueighing the artillerie downe than in drawing it vp; for both horses and men were forced to draw countermount at the taile of euery peece: besides that, carpenters or smiths were continually working vpon them, for when a peece fell, great trouble it was to hoise it vp againe. Many gaue aduise to breake all the great artillerie, but the King would in no wise agree thereunto.

The Marshal of Gie who lay with our vaward thirtie miles before vs, pressed the King to make haste: but it was three daies before we could ioine with him. The enimies campe lay directly in his face within halfe a league of him, who in mine opinion should haue had a good bootie if they had assailed him. Afterward he lodged in the village of Fornoue to keepe them from assailing vs in the mountaines, for the which purpose the village serued well, bicause it is at the foote of the mountains, and the very entry into the plaine. Notwithstanding we had a better protector than him, [Page] I meane God, who put an other conceit into our enimies heads: for so great was their couetousnes that they resolued to tarie vs in the plaine, to the end none of vs should escape, supposing if they had assailed vs in the mountaines, that we would retire to Pisa and the Florentines places that we held. But therein they were much deceiued, for we were too far from those places; besides that, if our force and theirs had ioyned and fought, they might haue pursued as fast as we could haue fled, especially knowing the countrie better then we did: hither to in all this voiage we had no war ¹, but now it began. For the Marshall of Gie aduertised the King that he was past the mountaines, and had sent fortie light horse to giue an alarme to the enimies campe thereby to discouer their actions, who were incontinent encountered by the Estradiots ², the which slew a gentleman of ours named le Beuf, and cut off his head and hung it at one of their launces, and caried it to their prouisors to receiue a ducat for it. These Estradiots are soldiers like to the Turkes Ianizaries, and attired both on foote and horsebacke like to the Turks, saue that they weare not vpon their head such a great roule of linnen as the Turkes do called Tolliban. They are rough soldiers, for both they and their horses keepe the fields winter and sommer. They were all Greekes come from the places that the Venetians hold there, some from Naples ³ in the countrie of Morea, some out of Albain, and some from Duras. Their horses are excellent good, for they are all Turkish. The Venetians vse their seruice much and trust them well. I saw them all when they landed at Venice, and mustered in an Ile wherein the Abbey of Saint Nicholas standeth: they were to the number of fifteen hundred, and are valiant men, and trouble an army exceedingly with their alarmes when they are so disposed to do. These Estradiots followed the chase euen to the Marshals lodging, and entered into our Almaines campe, of whom they slew three or fower, and caried their heads away with them, for such is their maner. Bicause when the Venetians were in war with the Turke Mahomet Otthoman this Turkes father that now raigneth: he commanded his men to take no prisoners, but gaue them a ducat for euery head, and the Venetians did the like, which maner I thinke they now vsed, the more to terrifie vs, as indeed they did. But the said Estradiots were no lesse daunted themselues with our artillerie: for one faulken shot slew one of their horses, whereupon they retired incontinent, for they vnderstood not the feat of artillerie: but in their retract, they tooke a Captaine of our Almaines prisoner, who was mounted on horsebacke to see if they retired. He was stricken through the body with a launce, for he was vnarmed. He was a wise fellow, and they led him to the Marques of Mantua Generall of the Venetians armie, being then accompanied with his vncle the Lord Rodolphe of Mantua, and the Earle of Caiazze Captaine of the Duke of Milans forces, who knew this Captaine that was taken very well. Now you shall vnderstand that our enimies whole force was abrode in order of battell ⁴, at the least all that was assembled: for all their forces were not yet come togither, notwithstanding that they had lien there eight daies making their musters, so that the King had leasure ynough to haue returned into Fraunce without all danger, had it not been for the long abode he made to no purpose in the places aboue rehearsed. But God had otherwise disposed of this busines.

The said Marshall fearing to be assailed, encamped vpon the mountaine, hauing with him onely eight score men of armes and eight hundred Almaines as he told me himselfe: and as touching vs we could not haue succoured him, for it was a daie and a halfe after before we could ioine with him bicause of our artillerie ⁵. The King lodged by the way at two yoong Marquesses houses. Our vaward laie vpon the hill in great feare waiting howerly when their enimies (who stood in order of battell, [Page] a pretie way from them in the plaine) would assaile them. But God who alwaies manifestly declared that he would preserue the company, tooke away our enimies senses from them▪ for the Earle of Caiazze asked our Almaine who it was that led this vaward, and how great the force was, for he knew our number as well as our selues, bicause he had been with vs all the sommer. The Almaine made the force great, and reported them to be three hundred men of armes, and fifteen hundred Swissers: whereunto the Earle answered that he lied, alleaging that in the whole armie were but three thousand Swissers, and that it was vnlike we would send the halfe before with the vaward. Then this Almaine was sent prisoner to the Marques of Mantuas pauilion, and they consulted whether they should assaile the Marshall or no. But the Marques crediting the Almaines report, alleaged that their footemen were not able to match our Almaines, and that part of their force was yet vncome, without the which they should do wrong to fight. And further, that if they should happen to be discomfited, the seniorie might iustly be displeased: wherefore he liked better to tarie vs in the plaine, seeing we could passe no way but iust before them: of which opinion were also the two prouisors, against whose aduise they durst not fight: but others said that if this vaward were defeated, the King must of necessitie be taken: notwithstanding in the end they agreed all to tarie vs in the plaine, trusting that not one of vs should escape. All this I vnderstood by the parties themselues aboue named: for after the battell we and they met togither, and the Marshal of Gie and my selfe had great communication with them about these affaires. Thus they retired into their campe, being well assured that within a daie or two the King would passe the mountaines and lodge in the village of Fornoue. In the meane time al the rest of their forces arriued, and we could not passe but hard before them: so straight and narrow was the way. When we came downe the mountaines we beheld the champaigne countrey of Lombardy, which is the pleasantest, best, and fruitfullest soile in the world. But notwithstanding I call it champaigne; yet is it verie troublesome for horsemen, bicause it is full of ditches like to Flaunders, yea fuller I thinke: but withall it is much pleasanter and plentifuller both of good corne, good wines, and fruits, for their grounds beare euery yeere. We were right glad to behold it, bicause of the great famine and penurie we had sustained in our iourney euer since our departure from Luques. But our artillerie tired vs exceedingly as we came downe the hill, so steepe and painfull was the way. Our enimies campe was well furnished of tents and pauilions, which made it shew maruellous great, and sure so was it: for the Venetians had performed their promise made to the King by me, which was that they and the Duke of Milan would put fortie thousand men into the field, at the least if they performed it not fullie, they failed not much thereof: for in this army were fiue and thirtie thousand taking pay, fower parts of fiue being of Saint Marke ⁶.

They were at the least two thousand men of armes barded, euery one of them accompanied with fower men on horse back, bearing crosse bowes or some other weapons ⁷, their Estradiots and light horse men, were to the number of fiue thousand, the rest were footemen, and they lodged in a strong place well fortified, and wel furnished with artillerie.

The King came downe the mountaine about noone, and lodged in the village of Fornoue, vpon sunday being the fift of Iuly, the yeere 1495. We found in the village great plenty of meale, wine, and prouender for horses, brought thither by the people 1495. of the countrey, who receiued vs friendly euery where (for no honest man did them harme) & victualed vs with bread & wine & some fruit, wherby they somwhat [Page] eased the armie: but their bread was little and blacke, and they sold it deere, and three parts of their wine was water. I my selfe caused some of their victuals to be bought for me, which notwithstanding I durst not taste of, bicause we suspected they meant to poison vs, so that at the first no man durst aduenture to eate of them; and the suspition increased, bicause two Swissers were found dead in a seller, hauing drunke themselues to death, or taken cold after they had drunke. But before midnight the horses began first to feede, and afterward the men, and then we refreshed our selues well. I must heere speake somwhat in the honor of the Italian nation, bicause we neuer found in all this voiage that they sought by poison to do vs harme, yet if they would we could hardly haue auoided it. We arriued at Fornoue (as you haue heard) vpon sunday at noone: the King lighted & ate and dranke, a little to refresh himselfe, but a number of gentlemen there were that hardly could get a morsell of bread, for there was small store of other victuals than such as we found in the place, whereof till midnight (as before you haue heard) none of vs durst taste.

Immediately after dinner, certaine of their Estradiots came and gaue vs a hot alarme euen within our camp. Our men were as yet vnacquainted with them, for the which cause all our armie came foorth into the field in very good order, and in three battels, vaward, battell, and rereward, the one being not aboue a bowles cast from the other, so that ech of them might with speed haue succoured other: but in the end this hot alarme prooued nothing, wherefore we returned to our lodging. We had a few tents and pauilions, and our campe lay in length auauncing it self towards theirs: besides that, there was a wood through the which the enimies might come vnder couert almost to vs ⁸, by meanes whereof twentie of their Estradiots might easily giue vs an alarme at all times, and so I warrant you they did, for they lay continually at the end of our campe. We encamped in a valley, betweene two little hils ⁹, through the which ran a riuer, that a man may easily passe ouer on foote, vnlesse it happen to arise, as it doth often vpon the sudden in that countrey, but the waters tarrie not long, the riuers name is Tarro. Al the said valley is grauell and great stone, very troublesome for horsemen, and not aboue a quarter of a league broade. Vpon the hill on the right hand lay our enimies (hardly halfe a league from vs) so that we were forced to passe iust before them, the riuer running betweene vs: for notwithstanding that on the backe side of the hill on the left hand (vnderneath the which we encamped) there lay another way that we might haue taken; yet would we not so do, least we should seeme to flie, but encamped in the valley at the foote of the said hill, in the face of our enimies. Those in our campe that were of the wiser sort began now to feare, in such sort, that about two daies before, they had desired me to go and parle with the enimies, taking one with me to view them, and to number how great their force was. I was loth to take this iourny vpon me, bicause without safe conduct I could not go in safetie. Wherefore I answered that both at my departure from Venice, and the same night also that I arriued at Padua, I was entred into good intelligence with their prouisors, so that I thought they would not refuse to commune with me in the midway betweene both the armies: but if I should offer my selfe to go to them I should thereby too much encourage them; adding further, that this matter was mooued too late. Notwithstanding, the selfe same sunday that the King arriued at Fornoue, I writ to their prouisors (one of the which was named Master Luques Pisan, and the other Master Melchior Treuisan) desiring them that vnder safe conduct, one of them would come and parle with me, according to their offer made at our departure from Padua, (as before you haue heard.) They answered that they would willingly haue satisfied my request, if the war had not been begun vpon the [Page] Duke of Milan: notwithstanding, they promised that one of them (whether of the twaine should be appointed) would come into some place in the midway to commune with me if we so thought good; which answer I receiued the same sunday at night: but those that had all the credit with the King, made no account thereof. As touching my selfe, I durst not take too much vpon me, nor presse the matter too earnestly, least they should charge me with cowardise: wherefore I waded no further in it that night; notwithstanding, that I would with all my hart haue helped the King and his army out of that straight, if I might haue done it without danger.

About midnight the Cardinall of Saint Malo, whose pauilion was hard by mine, told me as he came from the King, that we should depart the next morning by break of day, & that the King would command a cannon to be shot into the enimies camp as we passed along by them, to signifie that he was there ready to present them battell, and so march forward without any more adoe. And I suppose that this aduise proceeded from the Cardinall himselfe, as a man vnable to talke of the wars, neither vnderstanding what they meant. But it had been requisite that the King should haue assembled the wisest men and best captaines in his armie, to debate so weighty a matter as this was. And yet perhaps that should haue beene but to small purpose neither; for I sawe many matters debated in this voiage, the which were executed cleane contrary to the resolution. I answered the Cardinal that if we approched so neere them, as to shoote into their campe, vndoubtedly men would issue foorth on both sides to the skirmish, the which could neuer be retired without battell: alleaging further, that this was cleane contrarie to that I had already begun with their prouisors, and it greeued me, that we should take this course: but such had mine estate been euer since the beginning of the Kings raigne, that I durst not wade too far in any matter, least I should haue procured my selfe the displeasure of them that were in authoritie about him, which was so great where he liked, that it was but too great.

The selfesame night we had two other great alarmes all through our owne fault, bicause we had giuen no order against their Estradiots as we ought to haue done, and the vse is to do in the wars against light horsemen: for twenty of our men of armes with their archers would haue matched two hundred of them; but they were as yet strange to vs. There fell also this night a terrible raine, and such lightening & thundering as was neuer since the world began; so that heauen and earth seemed to go togither, or that this foreshewed some great inconuenience to ensue. For notwithstanding that we knew well, that the reuerberation of these great mountaines (at the foote of the which we lay) made this thunder seeme greater than indeede it was; and further, that thunder and lightening be naturall in a hot countrie, especially in sommer: yet seemed they at that present the more dreadfull and terrible to vs, bicause we sawe so many enimies encamped before vs, we hauing none other meanes to passe through them but by battell, our force being so small as it was; for we were not aboue nine thousand able men good and bad: of the which two thousand were noble mens seruants of the campe; but I comprehend not in this number pages nor straglers, nor such kinde or people.

The Notes.

1 For you heard before how easily without blowes they entred into Naples.

2 It seemeth that this word is deriued of the Greeke, for [...] in Greeke signifieth a soldior.

3 This Naples is a towne in Morea or Peloponnesus vnder the Venetians gouernment, [Page] called in times past Nauplia, and now Neapolis Romanie.

4 For they were come foorth of their campe with intent to haue assailed the Marshall.

5 Vnderstand this day and a halfe after he lodged vpon the mountaine, not after his first arriuall there: for from his first comming, it was three daies before the King ioined with him, as he said a little before.

6 That is to say, of the Seniorie of Venice, which haue Saint Marke for their patrone.

7 He said Lib. 7. cap. 5. and saith also againe in this booke cap. 15. that the Italian men of armes were allowed no archers: but note that this that the Venetians did heere, was contrarie to the ancient maner of Italie, and that they did it to imitate the French.

8 The Kings campe lay among sallowes and willowes. Annal. Franc. & Aquit.

9 Of the seate of both the camps reade Guicciar. fol. 38. pag. 2.

Of the battell of Fornoue, wherein the enimies of Fraunce were put to flight, and how the Earle of Petillane, who the same day brake the Kings prison, relied them togither againe. Chap. 6.

THe monday morning about seuen of the clocke, being the sixt day of Iuly, the yeere of our Lord 1495. the noble King mounted on horsebacke calling often for me. At my comming to him I found him armed at all peeces, and mounted vpon the brauest horse that euer I saw, called Sauoy, which some said was a horse of Bresse. Duke Charles of Sauoy gaue him to the King: he was blacke, and had but one eie, and of a meane stature, but tall ynough for him he carried. This yoong Prince seemed that day altogither another man than either his nature, person, or complexion would beare: for naturally he was, and yet is very fearfull in speech, bicause he had euer been brought vp in great awe, and with men of meane estate: but this horse made him seeme great, and he had a good countenance and a good colour, and his talke was stout and wise: whereby appeered (as I then called to minde) that Frier Ierom told me truth, when he said that God would leade him by the hand, and that he should haue somewhat to do vpon the way, but that the honor thereof should be his. His words to me were these; if these men will parlament, go and commune with them, and bicause the Cardinall was there present, he named him to accompanie me, and the Marshall of Gie, who was out of patience bicause of a broile that had happened betweene the Earles ¹ of Narbonne and Guise, the which Guise somtime had led certaine bands, and ought of right to haue led the vaward ², as all men said. I answered the King, that I would do his commandement, but that I neuer saw two so great forces so neere togither, depart without battell.

Our whole armie marched foorth vpon the plaine in good order, the one battell neere to the other as the day before: but as touching the force, it seemed but a handfull to that I had seene with Duke Charles of Burgundie, and King Lewis this Kings father. Vpon the said plaine the Cardinall and I withdrew our selues aside, and endited a letter to the two Prouisors aboue named, the which was written by one Master Robertet a Secretarie of the Kings, and in good credit. The contents of our letter were, that it appertained to the estate and office of the Cardinall to procure peace, and vnto me also hauing so lately been ambassador at Venice; for the which cause I [Page] might as yet take vpon me the office of mediator betweene the King and them. We signified further to them on the Kings behalfe, that he would but passe foorth his way without doing harme to any man: wherefore if they minded to parlament, according to the order taken the day before, we for our parts were willing thereunto, and would imploy our selues to do all the good we could. The skirmishes were already begun round about vs, and after our armie had marched awhile, softly passing along before them, the riuer running betweene them and vs (as you haue heard) we approched so neer to them, that we came within a quarter of a league of their camp, within the which they stood all in martiall aray: for their maner is to make their campe so large, that they may all stand in order of battell within it.

They sent foorth incontinent part of their Estradiots and crossebowe men on horsebacke, and certaine men of armes, the which came along vpon the way almost vnder couert, towards the village of Fornoue (out of the which we were departed) meaning there to passe this little riuer, and to assaile our carriage, which was so great, that I thinke it laded aboue 6000. mules, horses, and asses. They had set their battels in such order many daies before they fought, that better they could not be ordered: for they were so placed, that their great number halfe assured them of the victory, bicause they assailed the K. & his army on euery side, in such sort that not one of vs could haue escaped if we had been broken, considering the straight we were in. Those aboue mentioned came and assailed our carriage, and on the left hand came the Marquesse of Mantua, the Lord Rodolph his vncle, and the Earle Bernardin of Dalmouton, with all the flower of their armie, being to the number of sixe hundred men of armes, as they themselues afterward confessed, all the which entred into the plaine directly behinde vs. Their men of armes were all barded, and furnished with braue plumes and goodly bourdonasses ³, and well accompanied with crossebowe men on horsebacke, Estradiots, and footemen. Against the Marshall of Gie and our vaward, marched the Earle of Caiazze with fower hundred men of armes (accompanied as the others aboue mentioned) and with a great band of footemen: with him also was another companie of two hundred men of armes, led by Master Iohn de Bentiuoille of Bolonia his sonne, a yoong man, who before had neuer seen the wars, for they were as slenderly prouided of good captaines as we. This yoong Bentiuoille was placed there, to giue a new charge vpon our vaward immediately after the Earle of Caiazze. With the Marquesse of Mantua was also a like companie of men of armes for the same purpose, vnder the leading of Master Anthony of Vrbin bastard to the late Duke of Vrbin. Besides these there remained yet in their campe two great troupes of men of armes, as I vnderstood the next day by themselues when they and I communed togither, and I saw them also with mine eies. And this they did bicause the Ven [...]tians would not hazard all at once, nor vnfurnish their campe. Notwithwanding in mine opinion it had beene better for them to haue aduentured their whole force, seeing they meant to fight.

I will now tell you what became of the letter, the Cardinall and I sent to their campe by a trumpeter. The Prouisors receiued it, and immediately after they had read it, brast foorth the first peece of our artillerie, then shot theirs which was not so good as ours. The said Prouisors incontinent sent backe our trumpeter, accompanied with a trumpeter of the Marquesses, who brought word that they were content to parlament, if we would cause our artillerie to cease, saying, that they on their side would do the like. I was then a great way from the King, who rid about heere and there, and sent backe these two trumpeters with answere, that he would make the artillerie to cease, and gaue commandement to the Master of the ordinance to stay [Page] the shot, and so all ceased awhile on both sides. But soone after vpon a sudden they discharged one of their peeces, and then shot ours againe freshlier than before, and we approched three of our peeces neerer to them. After the two trumpeters were arriued at their campe, they tooke ours and sent him to the Marquesses pauilion, resoluing to fight. For the Earle of Caiazze (as those that were present haue informed me) said that it was now no time to parlament, seeing that we were halfe vanquished already; and one of their Prouisors was of his opinion, and agreed to fight (as I haue heard himselfe report) but the other would not consent thereunto. The Marquesse in like maner desired the battell, but his vncle, who was a vertuous and a wise gentleman, and loued vs well, and bare armes against vs with an euill will, withstood it to the vttermost of his power; but in the end they agreed all to fight.

Now you shal vnderstand, that the King had put his whole force into his vaward, in the which were three hundred and fiftie men of armes, and three thousand Swissers (the onely hope of our army) with whom he commanded three hundred archers of his garde to ioine themselues on foote, and likewise certaine crossebowe men on horsebacke of the two hundreth that were also of his garde, which was a great diminishing of the safety of his person. In our army were but few footemen besides these, for all that we had were placed in the vaward. On foote with our Almaines were the Lord Engelbert brother to the Duke of Cleues, Lornay, and the bailife of Digeon, the said Almains captain, and before them marched our artillerie. Heere they whom we left in the Florentines places, and those that were sent to Genua would haue don good seruice, contrary to the opinion of all men. Our vaward had now marched almost as far as their campe, so that all men thought they should haue begun the battell: but our two other battels were not so neere it, nor so well placed to haue succoured it as the day before. Further, bicause the Marques of Mantua (who was entred into the plaine and past the riuer) was directly vpon our backe, about a quarter of a league behinde our rereward, marching with his force softly and close togither, which was a maruellous pleasant sight to behold; the King was forced to turne his backe to his vawarde, and his face towards his enimies, and so to approch neerer to his rereward, and retire from his vaward. I was then with the Cardinall attending an answer of our letter, but I told him I perceiued it was no time to staie any longer there; wherfore I departed being hard by the Swissers, and went to the King. But before I could come to him, I lost a page who was my cosin germaine, and a groome of my chamber, and a lackey which followed a prety way behinde me, so that I saw not when they were slaine.

I had not riden aboue a hundred paces, when suddenly a cry began to arise in the selfe same place from whence I was departed, or but little beyond. For you shall vnderstand that their Estradiots at this very instant came to our carriage, an [...] entred into the Kings lodging where were three or fower houses, in the which they slew or hurt fower or fiue soldiers, but the rest escaped, they slew also about an hundred of our straglers, and put our carriage in great disorder. When I came to the King, I found him dubbing of knights, but bicause the enimies were at hand, we caused him to cease, and then I hard the bastard of Bourbon named Mathew (who was in good credit with the King) and one Philip de Moulin (a poore gentleman but very valiant) call the King, saying, passe foorth sir, passe foorth: whereupon he went into the forefront of his battell, and placed himselfe before his standard, so that (the bastard of Bourbon excepted) I sawe none neerer the enimies then himselfe. Our enimies marched lustely forward, in such sort that within lesse than a quarter of an hower after my arriuall, they were come within a hundred paces of the King, who was as euill [Page] garded & as euil waited on, as euer was Prince or noble mā; but mauger the deuil, he is wel defended whom God defends. And sure the prophesie of the reuerend father frier Hierom prooued true, who told me (as before you haue heard) that God led him by the hand. His rereward stood vpon his right hand, being recoiled somwhat from him; & the neerest companie to him on that side was the D. of Orleans companie, being to the number of 80. launces led by Robinet of Frainezelles, and Monseur de la Trimoilles company, being about forty launces, and the hundred Scottish archers of his garde, who thrust themselues into the presse as men of armes. I my selfe stood vpon the left hand with the gentlemen, pensioners, and seruants of the Kings house. This rereward was led by the Earle of Foix: but as touching the names of the other captaines, I passe them ouer for breuitie.

Within a quarter of an hower after my arriuall, the enimies being so neere the King, as you haue heard, charged their staues, and began a soft gallop. They were diuided into two troupes; one of the which charged the two companies of our horsemen, and the Scottish archers standing on the Kings right hand; and the other, the King himselfe; so that both they and the King were charged almost at one instant: we that stood vpon the left hand charged them vpon the flanke greatly to our aduantage; and vndoubtedly it is impossible for men to meete roughlier than we met. But the Estradiots that accompanied them, seeing our mules and carriage flie towards our vaward, and their companions ⁴ get all the bootie, turned their horses that way, and forsooke their men of armes, who by meanes thereof were vnfollowed; whereby it manifestly appeered, that God meant to preserue vs: for if these fifteene hundred light horsemen had broken in amongst vs with their Cimeterres (which are terrible swords like to the Turks) vndoubtedly we had beene defeated, our number being so small. The Italian men of armes, immediately after they had broken their staues fled, and their footemen or the greatest part shrunke aside, and fled also. At the selfesame time that they charged vs, the Earle of Caiazze gaue a charge also vpon our vaward, but they met not so roughly as we: for at the very instant that they should haue couched their staues, they began to faint, and disordered themselues in such sort, that fifteene or twenty of them being scattered amongst our bands, were taken and slaine by our Almaines; the rest were but easily pursued: for the Marshall of Gie endeuored to keepe his forces togither, bicause he saw yet a great troupe of enimies not far from him. Notwithstanding part of his men followed the chase, and part of the Earle of Caiazzes men that fled, passed ouer the place where the Marques & we had fought, with their swords in their hands; for they had throwne awaie their staues. But they that assailed the King fled immediately after they had charged, and were maruellous swiftly pursued, for we all followed the chase: part of them tooke [...]way to the village from whence we were departed, the rest fled the next way to their campe, we all pursuing them, saue the King who staid behinde with a few men, and put himselfe in great danger, bicause he followed not after them with vs. One of the first that was slaine of their side, was the Lord Rodolph of Mantua, vnckle to the Marques, who should haue sent word to the aboue named Master Anthonie of Vrbin, when he should march; for they thought that this battell would haue endured as their battels in Italie do; which their error serued the said Master Anthonie for a good excuse: but to say the truth, I thinke he saw ynough to stay him from marching. We had a great number of straglers and seruants following vs, all the which flocked about the Italian men of armes being ouerthrowen, and slue the most of them. For the greatest part of the said straglers had their hatchets in their hands, wherewith they vsed to cut wood to make our lodgings, with the which [Page] hatchets they brake the visards of their head peeces, and then claue their heads, for otherwise they could hardly haue beene slaine, they were so surely armed; so that there were euer three or fower about one of them. Moreouer, the long swords that our archers and seruants had, did that day a great execution. The King tarried vpon the place where the charge was giuen, accompanied with seuen or eight yoong gentlemen, whom he had appointed to attend vpon him, for neither would he follow the chase, neither retire to his vaward bicause it was somwhat farre off. He escaped wel at the first encounter, cōsidering that he was one of the foremost, for the bastard of Bourbon was taken within lesse then twenty paces of him ⁵, and led prisoner to the enimies campe.

The King abode in the said place maruellous weakely accompanied: for he had with him not a man more than one groome of his chamber called Anthonie des Ambus, a little fellow and euill armed: the rest were scattered heere and there, as himselfe told me at night euen in the presence of those that were appointed to waite vpon him, who deserued great reproche for leauing their Prince in such estate. Notwithstanding they arriued in time, for a certaine small broken troupe of Italian men of armes passing along vpon the plaine (where they saw no man stirring) came and assailed the King and this groome of his chamber: but the King being mounted vpon the brauest horse in the world for a man of his stature, remooued to and fro, and desended himselfe valiantly: and at that very instant certaine of the rest of his men being not far from him arriued, whereupon the Italians fled, and then the King followed good aduise and retired to his vaward, which had neuer mooued out of their first place. Thus the King with his battell had good successe: and if his vaward had marched but one hundred paces farther, our enimies whole armie had fled. Some said they ought so to haue done, but others held opinion that they did best to staie.

Our company that followed the chase pursued the enimies hard to their campe, which lay in length almost as far as Fornoue, and not one of vs receiued a blow saue Iulien Bourgneuf, whom I saw fall dead to the ground with a stroke that an Italian gaue him as he passed by (for he was euill armed:) whereupon certaine of vs staied, sayieng, let vs returne to the King, and with that word all the whole troupe stood still to giue their horses breath, which were very wearie bicause they had chased a great way, and all vpon sharpe stones. Hard by vs fled a troupe of thirty men of armes, whom we let passe quietly fearing to assaile them. When we had brethed our horses, we rid foorth a fast trot towards the King, not knowing what was become of him, but after a while we descried him a far off. Then caused we our seruants to light on foote, and gather vp the launces wherewith the place lay strawed, especially with Bourdonasses, which were not much woorth, for they were hollow and hardly so waightie as a iauelin, but trimly painted, and by this meanes we were better furnished of launces than in the morning. Thus as we rid towards the King, by the way we met a broken band of the enimies footemen crossing ouer the fielde, being of those that had lien hid among the hils, and had led the Marques of Mantua vpon the King backe: many of them were slaine, and the rest escaped, and waded through the riuer, and we staied not long about them. Diuers of our men cried often during the whole conflict, remember Guynegate, which was a battel lost in Picardie in the time of K. Levvis the eleuenth, against the K. of Romanies ⁶, through the folly of our men, who fell to spoile the enimies carriage: notwithstanding in that battell no whit of their carriage was taken nor spoiled: but in this, their Estradiots tooke all our carriage horses, of which notwithstanding they led away but fiue and fifty being [Page] the best and best couered, namely al the Kings, and all his chamberlains. They tooke also a groome of the Kings chamber called Gabriell, who had about him the ancient iewels of the Kings of Fraunce, which he then caried with him, bicause the King was there in person. True it is that a number of coffers were also lost, but they were ouerthrowne and spoiled by our owne men, for we had in our campe a great many varlets and harlots that stripped the dead bodies, and spoiled all that they could come by, but as touching the enimies they tooke onely those aboue rehearsed. There were slaine on both sides (as I haue been credibly enformed both by them and certaine of our owne men) to this number. We lost Iulian Bourgneuf, the sergeant porter of the Kings house, a gentleman of the Kings house, and nine Scottish archers, of horsemen of our vaward to the number of twenty, and about our cariage three or fower score horse-keepers. And they lost three hundred and fiftie men of armes, slaine vpon the place: but not one of them was taken prisoner, which chance I thinke neuer hapned before in any battel. Of their Estradiots few were slaine, for they turned al to the spoile as you haue heard. There died of them in all three thousand and fiue hundred men, as diuers of the best of their army haue enformed me: others haue told me more, but sure they lost many gentlemen: for I sawe my selfe a role wherein were the names of eighteene gentlemen of good houses, and among them fower or fiue of the Marques owne name which was Gonzague, besides the which, the Marques lost also at the least three score gentlemen of his owne dominions, all the which were horsemen, and not one footeman among them. It is strange that so many were slaine with hand strokes; for as touching the artillerie, I thinke it slew not ten on both sides. The fight endured not a quarter of an hower, for so soone as they had broken or throwne away their launces they fled all: the chase continued about three quarters of an hower. Their battels in Italy are not fought after this sort, for they fight squadron after squadron, so that a battell endureth there somtime a whole day, neither party obteining victorie.

The flight on their side was great, for three hundred of their men of armes and the greatest part of their Estradiots fled, some to Rege ⁷ (being far thence) and others to Parma, being about eight leagues off ⁸. In the morning the very same hower that the two armies ioined, the Earle of Petillane & the Lord Virgile Vrsin escaped from vs. The said Virgile went but to a gentlemans house thereby, where he remained vpon his word, but the Earle fled straight to our enimies, and to say the truth, we did them both great wrong to leade them with vs after this sort. The Earle being a man well knowne among the soldiers (for he had alwaies had charge both vnder the Florentines and vnder King Ferrand) began to crie Petillane Petillane, and ran after them that fled aboue three leagues, saying that al was theirs, and calling them to the spoile, by the which meanes he brought backe the greatest part of them, and put them out of all feare, assuring them vpon his word that there was no danger, so that had it not been for him alone, their whole armie had fled: for the word of such a man newly departed from vs was no small staie to them. The said Earle (as himselfe hath since told me) gaue aduise to assaile vs again the same night, but they would not harken thereunto. The Marques hath also since communed with me of these affaires chalenging this aduise as his: but to say the truth had it not been for the Earle alone they had all fled the same night.

When we were come to the King, we discouered a great number of men of armes and footemen standing yet in order of battell without their campe, whose heads and launces onely we could descrie. They had stood there all the day, and neuer mooued from that place, notwithstanding they were further from vs than they seemed: for [Page] they and we could not haue ioined without passing the riuer, which was risen and arose howerly, bicause all the day it had thundered, lightened, and rained terribly, especially during the battell and the chase. The K. debated with his captaines whether we should assaile these new discouered enimies or not: with him were three Italian knights, one named Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul, who is yet liuing, and behaued himselfe that day like a woorthy gentleman; another Master Francis Secco a valiant knight, in pay with his Florentines, and of the age of 72. yeeres; and the third Master Camillo Vitelly, who with his three brethren was in seruice with the King, and came vnsent for from Ciuita de Castello, as far as Serzane (which is a great iourney) to be at this battell: but perceiuing that he could not ouertake the King with his companie, he came himselfe alone. These two latter gaue aduice to march against these enimies newly discouered: but the Frenchmen were of a contrarie opinion, saying, that they had done ynough, and that it was late, and time to make their lodgings. But the said Master Francis Secco maintained stoutly his opinion, shewing people that passed to and fro vpon the high way that leadeth to Parma (the neerest towne that the enimies could retire into) whom he affirmed to be enimies flying thither or returning thence, and indeede he said true, as we vnderstood afterward; and sure both his words and countenance shewed him to be a hardy and a wise knight. For all their captaines confessed to me (yea some of them before the Duke of Milan himselfe) that if we had marched forward, they had all fled; by meanes wherof we should haue obtained the goodliest, honorablest, and profitablest victorie that happened in ten yeeres before: for if a man could haue vsed it well, haue made his profit of it, haue behaued himselfe wisely, and entreated the people gently; the Duke of Milan by the space of eight daies after, should not haue had any one place to hold for him in his countrie, except the castell of Milan, yea and I doubt of that too: so desirous were his subiects to rebell. The like would also haue happened to the Venetians, so that the King should not haue needed to take care for Naples: for the Venetians should not haue been able to leuie a man out of Venice, Bressa, and Cremone, which is but a small towne, bicause all the rest that they held in Italie would haue reuolted. But God had performed that which Frier Ierom promised, to wit, that the honor of the field should be ours; for considering our small experience and euill gouernment, we were vnwoorthie of this good successe that God gaue vs, bicause we could not then tell how to vse it: but I thinke if at this present, which is the yeere of our Lord 1497. the like victorie should happen to the King; he could tell better how to make his profit thereof.

While we stood debating this matter, the night approched, and the band of our enimies, which we saw before vs, retired into their campe, and we for our part went and lodged about a quarter of a league from the place of the battell. The King himselfe lay in a farme house, being an old beggerly thing; notwithstanding the barnes about it were full of corne vnthreshed, which I warrant you our army quickly found. Certaine other old houses there were also, which stood vs but in small stead: euery man lodged himselfe as commodiously as he could; for we had no lodgings made. As touching my selfe I lay vpon the bare ground vnder a vine, in a very straight roome, hauing nothing vnder me, no not my cloke: for the K. had borrowed mine in the morning, and my carriage was far off, and it was too late to seeke it. He that had meate ate it, but few there were that had any, vnlesse it were a morsell of bread, snatched out of some of their seruants bosoms: I waited vpon the King to his chamber, where he found certaine that were hurt, namely the Seneschall of Lyons and others, whom he caused to be dressed. Himselfe was merrie and made good cheere, [Page] and each man thought himselfe happy that he was so well escaped: neither were we puffed vp with pride and vaineglorie, as before the battell, bicause we sawe our enimies encamped so neere vs. The same night all our Almaines kept the watch, and the King gaue them three hundred crownes; whereupon they kept the watch very diligently, and strake vp their drums brauely.

The Notes.

2 Vicount of Narbonne. Ferron.

2 Rereward after the French corrector, the leading whereof Iouius giueth to two that straue for it. Ferron and our author to Narbonne (otherwise called Earle of Foix) alone. Annal. Franc. to Monseur de la Trimoille Vicount de Touars and to Monseur de Guise: but it appeereth lib. 7. cap. 13. when the K. thought to haue fought with Dom Ferrand at Saint Germain that Monseur de Guise led the vaward, so that I know not how it is best heere to be read.

3 Bourdonasses were holow horsemens staues vsed in Italy, cunningly painted: our author himselfe in this Chapter describeth them at large.

4 By their companions he meaneth the Estradiots that had assailed the Kings corriage at the first.

5 Annal. Franc. write that this bastard Mathew, Monseur de Ligny and Monseur de Piennes were armed like to the King and continually about him.

6 Of this battell he writeth lib. 6. cap. 6.

7 Vnderstand not Rege in Calabria, but Rege neere to Parma called in Latin Regium Lepedi, and I doubt me the vnskilfull corrector at the first printing of the worke chopped in this parenthesis, supposing the author to meane Rege in Calabria, wherefore I had rather leaue the parenthesis out.

8 The French corrector supposeth this number to be also corrupted.

How the Lord of Argenton went himselfe alone to parle with the enimies when he saw that those that were appointed to go with him would not go: and how the King returned safe and sound with his army to the towne of Ast. Chap. 7.

THe next morning I determined to continue our treatie of peace, desiring nothing more than the Kings safe passage. But I could get neuer a Trumpeter to go to the enimies campe, partly bicause nine of theirs were slaine in the battell being vnknowen, & partly bicause they had taken one of ours, and slaine another, whom the King (as you haue hard) sent to them a little before the battell began: notwithstanding in the end one went and caried the Kings safe conduct with him, and brought me one from them to commune in the midway between both the armies, which me thought was a hard matter to be brought to passe, but I would not seeme to draw backe nor make difficultie therin. The King named the Cardinall of Saint Malo, the Lord of Gie Marshall of Fraunce, and the Lord of Piennes his Chamberlaine to accompany me: and they named for them, the Marques of Mantua Generall of the Venetians army, the Earle of Caiazze (who not long before had taken part with vs, and was captaine of the [Page] forces the Duke of Milan had there) and Master Luques Pisan, and Master Melchior Treuisan prouisors of the seniorie of Venice. We approched so neere them, that we might easily descry them fower vpon the plaine. The riuer ran between vs and them, which was risen exceedingly since the day before: on their side there was not one man without their campe but themselues onely, neither any on ours, but onely we & our watch which stood ouer against them. We sent a herault to them to know whether they would passe the riuer, whereunto me thought it a hard matter to perswade either partie, for I supposed both parties would make difficulty therein as well appeered by them: for they answered that the place of communication was appointed in the midway betweene both the armies, and that they were come already more than the halfe way: wherefore they would not passe the riuer, nor put themselues in such danger being all the principall of their armie. They also of our side alleaged the like doubts, making no lesse account of their persons than the others. Wherfore they willed me to go to them, giuing me no instructions for my direction: I answered that I would not go alone, but would haue some body with me to testifie of all that should be done. Wherfore being accompanied with one Master Robertet the Kings Secretarie, and a seruant of mine owne, and an herault, I passed the riuer: for notwithstanding that I wel perceiued I should do no good, yet thought I by this means to acquite my selfe towards them, being come thither by my procurement. When I came to them, I told them they were not come halfe the way according to their promise, wherefore I desired them, at the least to come to the riuers side, assuring my selfe that if we were once so high togither, we should not depart without communication. They answered, that the riuer was so brode, and ran with so great violence and noise, that no talke could be heard from the one side to the other; wherefore they would go no neerer to parlament, neither could I by any meanes bring them one foote further: but they willed me to make some ouerture, which I had no commission to do. Wherefore I answered, that alone I could do nothing; but if they would propound any conditions of peace, I would make report thereof to the King. While we were in this communication, one of our heraults arriued, who brought me word that the Lords aboue named that had accompanied me, were ready to depart, and willed me to make what ouerture I thought good; which I refused to do, bicause they vnderstood further of the Kings pleasure than I did: for they were neerer him than I was, and had also talked with him in his eare at our departure: notwithstanding as touching these affaires which I now speake of, I vnderstood what was to be done in them as well as the best of them. The Marquesse of Mantua entred into great communication with me of the battell, & asked me (if he had been taken) whether the King would haue slaine him. I answered, no; but haue entertained him well, alleaging that he had good cause to loue him, seeing the honor he had woon by his assailing him. Then he recommended vnto me the prisoners we had, especially his vncle the Lord Rodolph, whom he supposed to be yet liuing: but I knew well the contrarie; notwithstanding I answered, that all the prisoners should be well intreated, and recommended in like maner to him the bastard of Bourbon whom they had taken. Small entertainment would serue all the prisoners we had; for we had none, which I suppose neuer happened before in any battell. But the said Marquesse lost there of his kinsmen to the number of seuen or eight, and of his owne companie at the least sixscore men of armes. This talke being ended, I tooke my leaue of them, saying, that before night I would returne againe; whereupon we made truce till night.

At my returne to the King with the said Secretarie, they asked me what newes, and [Page] the King sate in counsel in a poore chamber where nothing was concluded, but each man beheld other. The King talked with the Cardinall in his eare, and afterward bad me returne againe to the enimies to see what they would say. But bicause this communication of peace proceeded of me, the enimies looked that I should make some ouerture and not they. Afterward the Cardinall bad me conclude nothing, but that speech was needlesse, for I was not like to conclude any thing, bicause they gaue me no direction: notwithstanding I would not replie to the Kings commandement, nor breake off my iourney; for besides that I was sure to do no harme, I was in some hope to gather somwhat by our enimies countenances, who vndoubtedly were more afraid than we, and happily might passe some speeches that would turne both the parties to good. Wherefore I tooke my iorney thitherward, and came to the riuers side almost at night, where one of their trumpeters met me, and aduertised me that the fower aboue named sent me word to passe no further that night, bicause their watch was already set, being altogither of Estradiots, who knew not one man from another, wherefore I might happily endanger my selfe, if I passed further: notwithstanding the trumpeter offered to tarry with me all night, to the end he might conuey me thither the next morning: but I sent him backe againe, saying that the next morning I would returne to the riuers side where I willed him to tarie me, or if the K. should otherwise determine, I promised to send thither a herald to aduertise them therof; for I would not bring this trumpeter into our campe, partly bicause I would not haue him priuy to our actions there that night: and partly bicause I knew not what the King meant to do, for I sawe whispering in his eare, which put me in some doubt, wherefore I returned to aduertise the King what I had done.

Euery man supped with that he could get, and slept vpon the ground. Soone after midnight I repaired to the Kings chamber, where I found his chamberlaines readie to mount on horsebacke, who told me that the King would depart with all speed towards Ast, and the Marchionesse of Montferrates territories, willing me to stay behinde, to hold the Parlament according to my promise: but I made my excuse, saying, that I would not willingly kill my selfe, but be on horsebacke with the foremost. Soone after the King arose and heard masse, and mounted on horsebacke. Not past an hower before day, a trumpeter sounded Bon guet, but at our dislodging nothing was sounded, neither needed it, for euery man was in a readines. Notwithstanding this was sufficient to haue put the whole army in feare, at the least those that were acquainted with the wars: for besides this we turned our backes to our enimies, seeking wholie our owne saftety, which is a dangerous matter in an armie. Further, the waies at our departure from our lodging were very cumbersome, in such sort that we were forced to march ouer mountaines, and through woods, and by-waies, for we had no guides to lead vs: my selfe heard the soldiers aske the ensigne bearers, and him that executed the office of Master of the horse, where the guides were, who answered that there were none. To say the truth we needed none, for as God alone had guided the armie at our going foorth: euen so (according to Frier Hieromes prophesie) meant he to do at our returne: otherwise it is not to be thought that such a prince would haue ridden in the night without a guide, in a place where ynow might haue been had. But God shewed yet a manifester token that he meant to preserue vs, for our enimies vnderstood nothing of our departure till the afternoone, but waited for this parlamenting I had begun: besides that, the riuer was risen so high, that it was fower of the clocke at after noone before any man durst aduenture ouer to follow vs, and then passed the Earle of Caiazze with two hundred Italian light horse, in such danger bicause of the force of the water, that one or two [Page] of his men were drowned, as himselfe afterward confessed. We trauelled ouer hils and through woods, and were constrained by the space of sixe miles to marche one by one after another in the narrow waies, and then came we to a goodly large plain, where our vaward, artillerie, and carriage lay, which seemed so great a band a far off, that at the first we stood in feare of them, bicause Master Iohn Iames of Trenoules ensigne was square and white, like to the Marques of Mantuas the day of the battel. The said vaward was in like maner afeard of our rereward, which they saw a farre off forsake the high way to come the next way to them, whereupon both they and we set our selues in order of battell: but this feare soone ended, for the scoutes issued foorth on both sides, and discried one an other incontinent. From thence we went to refresh vs at Bourg Saint Denis, where we our selues made an alarme of purpose to retire our Almains out of the towne, least they should haue spoiled it. Thence we remooued and lodged all night at Florensole, the second night we encamped neere to Plaisance, and passed the riuer of Trebia, leauing on the other side of the riuer two hundred launces, all our Swissers, and all the artillerie except sixe peeces, which the King passed ouer with him. For he had giuen this order, to the end he might be the better and more commodiously lodged, thinking to command them to passe at his pleasure, bicause the riuer is commonly very shallow, especially at that time of the yeere: notwithstanding about ten of the clocke at night, it arose so high that no man could passe ouer it, neither on horsebacke nor on foote, neither could the one company haue succoured the other, which was a great danger, considering how neer our enimies were to vs. Al that night both they and we sought to remedy this mischiefe, but no helpe could be found till the water fell of it selfe, which was about fiue of the clocke in the morning, and then we stretched coardes from the one side to the other to helpe ouer the footemen, who waded in the water vp to their necks: immediately after them passed also our horsemen and our artillerie. This was a sudden and dangerous aduenture, considering the place where we were, for our enimies lay hard by vs, I meane the garrison of Plaisance, & the Earle of Caiazze, who was entred in thither, bicause certaine of the citizens practised to put the town into the Kings hands, vnder the title of the yoong Duke sonne to Iohn Galeas, Duke of Milan that last died, as before you haue heard. And vndoubtedly if the King would haue giuen eare to this practise, a great number of townes and noble men would haue reuolted by Master Iohn Iames of Treuoules meanes: but he refused so to do, bicause of the fauour he bare the D. of Orleans his cosin, who was already entred into Nouarre, although to say the truth on the other side he desired not greatly to see his said cosin so mightie, wherefore he was well content to let this matter passe as it came. The third daie after our departure from the place of the battell the K. dined at the castle S. Iohn & lodged all night in a wood. The fourth day he dined at Voghera, & laie that night at Pontcuron. The fift day he lodged neere to Tortone and passed the riuer of Scriuia which Fracasse defended with the garrison of Tortone, being vnder his charge for the D. of Milan. But when he vnderstood by those that made the K. lodging that he would onely passe without doing harme to any man, he retired again into the town, and sent vs word that we should haue as great plenty of victuals as we would; which promise he also performed: for all our armie passed hard by the gate of Tortone, where the said Fracasse came forth to welcom the King, being armed, but accompanied onely with two men: he excused himselfe very humbly to the King, that he lodged him not in the towne, & sent out great store of victuals, which refreshed well our army, & at night came also himselfe to the Kings lodging. For you shal vnderstand, that he was of the house of S. Seuerin, brother to the Earle of Caiazze and Master [Page] Galeas, and had not long before been in the Kings seruice in Romania, as you haue heard. From thence the King remooued to Nice de la Paille in the Marquisat of Montferrat, whereof we were right glad, bicause we were then in safetie, and in our friends countrie. For these light horsemen that the Earle of Caiazze led, were continually at our backe, and traueiled vs maruellously the three or fower first daies, bicause our horsemen would not put themselues behinde to make resistance: for the neerer we approched to the place of safetie, the more vnwilling were our men to fight; and some say, such is the nature of vs French men. Wherefore the Italians write in their histories, that the French men at their arriuall are better than men; but at their returne woorse than women. The first point vndoubtedly is true: for they are the roughest men to encounter with in the world, I meane the horsemen: but all men at their returne from an enterprise are lesse couragious than at their departure from their houses. Now to proceede, our backs were defended by three hundred Almaines, hauing among them a great band of harquebusiers on foote, with whom also a number of harquebusiers on horsebacke were ioined: these made their Estradiots, being but few in number, to retire. Further, notwithstanding that their whole armie which had fought with vs, marched after vs as fast as they might, yet could they not ouertake vs, both bicause they were departed from the place of the battell a day after vs; and also bicause of their barded horses, so that we lost not one man vpon the way. The said armie neuer came within a mile of vs; wherefore seeing they could not ouertake vs, and peraduenture not greatly desirous so to do, they marched straight towards Nouarre, whither both the Duke of Milan and the Venetians had already sent certaine bands, as before you haue heard. But if they could haue ouertaken vs neere to the places of our retrait, peraduenture they might haue sped better than in the valley of Fornoue.

I haue shewed before sufficiently in diuers places how God guided this enterprise, but yet for further proofe thereof, a word or two more. You shall vnderstand therefore, that notwithstanding that from the day of the battell till our arriuall at the said place of Nice de la Paille, the lodgings were vnorderly and vnequally made; yet euery man lodged with patience as commodiously as he could, without strife or contention. Of victuals we had great lacke: notwithstanding they of the countrey brought vs some, who might easily haue poisoned vs if they would, both in their meates and wines, and also in their wels and waters, which were dried vp sometimes in a moment, bicause they were but small springs. If they had minded to haue poisoned them, they would sure haue done it; but bicause they did it not, it is to be thought that our Sauiour and redeemer Iesus Christ tooke from them all desire to do it. I saw such thirst in our armie, that a number of footemen dranke of stinking puddles in the villages through the which we passed. Our iourneies were long, and our drinke foule standing water, which notwithstanding our men were so greedy of, that they ran into the pooles vp to the girdlestead to drinke. For you shall vnderstand, that a number of people followed vs, being no men of war, bicause our carriage was maruellous great. The King departed from his lodging euery morning before day, and I remember not that euer he had guide. Moreouer, he rode till noone before he baited; and euery man made prouision for himselfe, and looked to his owne horse, and was forced to prouide prouender for him, and to beare it to him in his armes, as my selfe did twise; and two daies I ate nothing but naughty blacke bread: yet was I none of those that stood in most neede. Sure one thing was especially to be commended in this armie, to wit, that neuer man complained of necessitie, yet was this the miserablest voiage that euer I saw; notwithstanding that I haue been in diuers sharp & hard [Page] voiages with Charles Duke of Burgundie. We marched no faster than the great artillerie, the mending whereof often troubled vs: besides that, we lacked horses to draw it; but at all times when we stood in neede, we borrowed of the gentlemen in our armie, who willingly lent theirs; so that there was not one peece nor one pound of powder lost. And I thinke neuer man saw artillerie of such greatnes passe so speedily ouer such places as this did. All this disorder both in our lodgings and all other things, happened not for lacke of wise and expert men in the campe, but it was their chaunce to haue least credit at that time; for the King was yoong and wedded to his owne will, as before you haue heard. To conclude therefore, it seemed that our Lord Iesus Christ would, that the honor of this voiage should be attributed wholy to him. The seuenth day after our departure from the place of the battell, we marched from Nice de la Paille, and encamped all togither hard by Alexandria; our watch that night being very strong. The next morning before day we departed and went to Ast: the King and his houshold lodged in the towne, but the soldiers encamped without: we found the said towne of Ast furnished of all kinde of victuals, wherwith the whole armie was well refreshed, which vndoubtedly stood in great neede thereof, bicause they had indured great hunger, thirst and heate, and lacked sleepe; besides that, their apparell was all tottered and torne. Immediately after the Kings arriuall thither, before I slept, I sent a gentleman called Philip de la Coudre (who somtime had been my seruant, and serued then the Duke of Orleans) to Nouarre, where the said Duke was besieged by his enimies, as you may vnderstand by that which is aboue rehearsed: but the siege was not yet so straight but that men might passe in and out, bicause the enimies onely endeuor was to famish the towne. I aduertised the Duke by this gentleman, of diuers treaties that were entertained betweene the King and the Duke of Milan, in one of the which my selfe negotiated by the Duke of Ferraraes meanes; wherefore I aduised him to repaire to the King, hauing first assured his men whom he should leaue behinde him, either shortly to returne, or bring force to leuie the siege. Within the said towne were with him to the number of 7500. soldiers both French and Swissers, being as goodly a band, so many for so many, as euer was seene. The King the next day after his arriuall, was aduertised both by the said Duke of Orleans and others, that the two armies were ioined togither before Nouarre: wherefore the said Duke desired aide, bicause his victuals daily diminished; for the which they had giuen no order at their first entrie into the towne. For they might then haue recouered ynow in the townes about, especially corne; and if their prouision had been made in time, and well looked to, they should neuer haue been forced to yeeld the towne: for if they could haue held it but one moneth longer, they had come foorth with honor, and their enimies departed with shame.

How the King sent ships to the sea to succour the castels of Naples, and why the said castels could not be succoured. Chap. 8.

AFter the King had reposed himselfe a fewe daies in Ast, he remooued to Thurin, dispatching at his departure from Ast one of the stewards of his house called Peron de Bache with a commission to arme certaine ships to the sea ¹, to succour the castels of Naples which held yet for vs. The said Peron did as he was commanded, and appointed monseur d'Arban Admirall of the Fleet, which sailed as far as the citie of Pruce: ² where (our [Page] men being within the view of our enimies:) a sudden tempest arose which would not suffer the two armies to ioine, by meanes whereof this Nauie did no seruice: for the said d' Arban returned to Ligorne ³, where the most part of his men fled to land and abandoned their ships. But the enimies many came to the hauen of Bougen ⁴ neere to Plambin, whence it departed not the space of two moneths, so that our men might without all danger haue succoured the said castels: for the nature of this hauen of Bougen is such, that a ship cannot come foorth of it but with one winde which bloweth seldome in winter. The said Arban was a valiant soldier and a very good sea man ⁵.

While the King lay at Thurin, diuers treaties were entertained between him and the Duke of Milan: in one of the which the Duches of Sauoy was a dealer, she was daughter to the Marques of Montferratte, and a widow, and mother to the yoong Duke of Sauoy then liuing. Others negotiated also as well as she: and among the rest my selfe laboured for conclusion of the peace as before I haue made mention; and the confederats, that is to say, the captaines that were in the enimies campe before Nouarre, desired to deale with me, and sent me a safe conduct. But enuie euer raigneth in Princes courts; for the Cardinall so often aboue named, ouerthrew all that I did, and would that the Duches of Sauois negotiation should go forward, which was committed to the said Cardinals hoste, who was Treasurer of Sauoy, a wise man and a faithfull seruant to his Mistres. This treatie endured so long without effect that in the end all hope of peace ceasing, the Bailife of Digeon was sent ambassador into Swisserland to leuy there fiue thousand men.

I haue made mention already how the Kings Nauie that departed from Nice in prouence to succour the castels of Naples, could not succour them for the reasons there rehearsed. Wherefore the Lord of Montpensier and the other gentlemen that were with him in the castels vnderstanding of this misfortune, espied a conuenient time when the army that the King left behinde him in diuers parts of the realme lay neere to the said castles, and by helpe therof salied foorth (leauing within force sufficient for their defence according to the proportion of their victuals which was very smal) and departed themselues with two thousand and fiue hundred soldiers, appointing Ognas and two other gentlemen captaines of the castles. The said L. of Montpensier, the Prince of Salerne, the Seneschall of Beaucaire, and the rest that were with them departed to Salerne, for the which cause King Ferrand said, that he might lawfully put to death the hostages deliuered to him a few daies before, whose names were these, the Lord of Alegre, one called de la Marche-d' Ardaine, the Lord de la Chapelle d'Aniou, one named Roquebertin Catelin, and one Genly: for you shall vnderstand that not past three moneths before, the said King Ferrand was entred into Naples by intelligence, or rather through the negligence of our men, who vnderstood of all their practises in the towne, and yet neuer sought to countermine them. But heereof I will write no farther, bicause I speake but vpon report: for notwithstanding that I had mine intelligence from the principall of those that were there, yet do I not willingly discourse long of any matter, that I haue not been present at my selfe. The said K. Ferrand being in Naples, was aduertised that the King was slaine at the battell of Fornoue, as were our men also within the castle by the Duke of Milans letters, to the which credit was giuen: notwithstanding that they reported no thing but lies. And thereupon the Coulonnois (whose maner is, alwaies to turne with the strongest) reuolted incontinent from vs, though sundry waies bound to the King, as before you haue heard. Wherefore our men (partlie through these vntrue reports, but especially bicause a great number of them were retired into the castell, being vtterly [Page] vnfurnished of victuals, and partly also bicause they had lost their horses, and all their goods within the towne:) made a composition, the sixt day of October in the yeere 1495. after they had been besieged three moneths & fowerteen daies, promising if they were not succoured within a certaine space, to depart into Prouence, and yeeld the castels without making further war, either by sea or land vpon the realme of Naples; for the performance of which conditions they deliuered these hostages aboue named; and yet within twentie daies after the composition, departed as you haue heard: for the which cause King Ferrand said that they had broken the composition in that they departed without leaue: and notwithstanding that our men maintained the contrary, yet were the hostages in great danger and not without cause. For although I will not denie but that our men did wisely to depart notwithstanding the composition; yet had they done much better if the day of their departure they had yeelded the castles for their hostages safetie, and receiued again the said hostages. For the castels held but twenty daies after they were departed, partly for lacke of victuals; and partly bicause they despaired of succours. To conclude, the losse of the castell of Naples, was the losse of the whole realme.

The Notes.

1 This Peron vvas sent to Nice, being a hauen tovvne in Prouence to prepare this nauie.

2 I suppose this to be some hauen tovvne not far from Naples, or rather thinke it should be read the Ile of Prusse, vvhereof mention is made cap. 14. vvhich Guicciar. calleth the Ile of Poreze.

3 To the Ile of Elbe, Guicciar.

4 The place is corrupted, for this hauen is aftervvard called Bengon: vvherefore the French Corrector readeth it (as Blondus and the description of Italy lead him) Porto Barato pres Piombino.

5 Guicciar. saith, Arban vvas vnskilfull on the sea, and I doubt this place be corrupted heere.

Of the great famine and miserie the Duke of Orleans and his men were in at Nouarre: of the Marchiones of Montferrats death, and likewise of Monseur de Vendosmes: and how after long deliberation the King enclined to peace, to saue those that were besieged. Chap. 9.

THe King being at Thurin (as you haue heard) and at Quiers, (whither he went sometime to solace himselfe) attended daily for newes of the Almains whom he had sent for, and trauelled to recouer the Duke of Milan, whose freindship he much desired, neither cared he greatly for the Duke of Orleans successe, who began now to be sore distressed for victuals, and wrote daily for succours bicause the enimies were approched neerer the towne. Besides that their force was increased with a thousand Almain horsemen, and eleuen thousand footemen called launce Knights, leuied in the King of Romaines dominions: the horsemen being led by Master Frederic Capelare of the countie of Ferrette (a valiant knight who long had been trained vp both in Fraunce and Italy,) and [Page] the footemen by a couragious knight of Austriche called Master George d'Abecfin ¹, the selfe same that tooke Saint Omer for the King of Romaines. The King therefore seeing his enimies forces daily to increase, and that no honorable end could be made, was aduised to remooue to Verceil, there to deuise some way to saue the Duke of Orleans and his company, who (as before you haue heard) had giuen no order at all for their victuals at their first entrie into Nouarre. And sure the Duke should haue done much better, in following the aduise I gaue him at the Kings returne to Ast, as before is mentioned; which was to depart out of Nouarre, putting all that were vnable to do seruice out of the towne, and to repaire himselfe to the King: for his presence would much haue furthered his affaires, at the least those that he had left behinde him, should not haue suffered such extreme famine as they did: for he would haue made a composition sooner, when he had seene no remedie. But the Archbishop of Rouen, who had been with him in Nouarre from the very beginning; and for the furtherance of his affaires was come to the King, and present at the debating of all matters; sent him word daily not to depart, bicause shortly he should be succoured, grounding himselfe wholy vpon the Cardinall of Saint Malos promise, who had all the credit with the King. Good affection caused him to write thus, but I was well assured of the contrarie. For no man would returne to the battell, vnlesse the King went in person; and as touching him he desired nothing lesse: for this was but a priuate quarrell for one towne which the Duke of Orleans would needes retaine, and the Duke of Milan needes haue restored, bicause it is but ten leagues from Milan; so that of necessitie one of them must haue had all. For there are in the Duchie of Milan nine or ten great cities, the one neere to the other. Further, the Duke of Milan said, that in restoring Nouarre, and not demanding Genua, he would do any thing for the King. We sent meale oftentimes to Nouarre, whereof the halfe was euer lost vpon the way; and once sixtie men of armes were defeated going thither, being led by a yoong gentleman of the Kings house, named Chastillon: some of them were taken, some entred the towne, and the rest hardly escaped. It is impossible to expresse the great miserie of our men within Nouarre; for euery day some died of famine, and two parts of them were sicke, so that pitious letters came from thence in cipher, though with great difficultie. They receiued euer faire promises, and all was but abuse. But those that gouerned the Kings affaires desired the battell, not considering that no man was of that opinion but themselues: for all the best men of war in the armie, namely, the Prince of Orenge lately arriued, and to whom the K. gaue great credit in martiall affairs, and all the other captains, desired to make a good end by treatie. For winter approched, we were vnfurnished of monie, the number of the French was small, and many of them sicke; so that they departed daily, some with the Kings leaue, and some without leaue: but notwithstanding all these inconueniences, all the wise men in the campe could not disswade those aboue mentioned, from sending word to the Duke of Orleans not to depart the towne; whereby vndoubtedly they greatly endangered him. And this they did, bicause they trusted vpon the great force of Almaines, whereof the Bailife of Digeon assured them; to whom also certaine of them sent word to bring as many as he could leuie. To be short, their companie was diuided, and euery man said and writ what him listed.

Those that would haue no peace, nor meeting to treate thereof, alleaged that the enimies ought to make the first ouuerture, and not the K. but they on the other side said, that they would not first begin: in the meane time the misery of our men in Nouarre daily increased, in such sort, that now their letters made mention only of those [Page] that died daily for hunger, and that they could hold the towne but ten daies, and afterward eight daies, yea and once they came to three daies, but they had first passed their day before prefixed. To be short, so great extremitie hath not been seene of long time, no I am sure that a hundred yeeres before we were borne, neuer men sustained so great famine as they.

In the meane time died the Marchionesse of Montferrat (a great friend to the French,) wherupon some strife arose in that countrey for the gouernment, the which on the one side the Marques of Saluce demanded, and on the other the Lord Constantine vnckle to the said Marchionesse, who was a Greeke, and she a Greekesse, daughter to the King of Seruia, but the Turke had destroied them both. The said Lord Constantine had fortified himselfe in the castell of Casal, and had in his hands the late Marques his two sonnes, begotten of this wise and beautiful Lady, the which died the 29. yeere of hir age, hir eldest sonne being but nine yeeres old. Other particular men also aspired to the gouernment, so that great part taking arose about that matter in our campe. The King commanded me to to thither, and determine the controuersie for the childrens safetie, and to the contentation of the greatest part of the people. For he feared that this variance would make them call the Duke of Milan into their countrey, greatly to our discontentment: for the friendship of this house of Montferrat stood vs in great stead. I was loth to depart before I had brought into better tune those that contraried the peace: for I considered both the inconueniences aboue rehearsed, and also that winter approched, and feared least these Prelats should perswade the King to aduenture another battell, whose power was small, vnlesse great force of Swissers hapned to come, and though so many came as they vaunted of, yet seemed it to me a dangerous case to put the King and his estate into their hands. Further, our enimies were mightie, and lodged in a strong place, and well fortified. Wherefore all these points being well weighed, I aduentured to perswade the King not to hazard his person and estate for a trifle. I desired him to remember the great danger he was in at Fornoue, which could not then be auoided bicause necessitie forced him to fight: but now (I said) there was no such necessitie. I aduised him further, not to refuse a good end, bicause of this fond obiection, that he ought not first to breake the ice, for if it so pleased him, I would finde meanes that ouuertures should be made in such sort, that the honor of both parties should be saued. He bad me repaire to the Cardinall; and so I did: but the Cardinall gaue me strange answers, and desired the battell, assuring himselfe of the victorie: and further alleaging that the Duke of Orleans had promised him ten thousand ducats of yeerly reuenues for one of his sonnes, if he obtained the Duchie of Milan. The next day, as I went to take my leaue of the King to depart to Casal (being distant from thence about a daies iourney and a halfe) I met with Monseur de la Trimoille by the waie, whom I aduertised of my communication had with the King: and bicause he was neere about him, I asked his aduise whether I should presse forward the matter, whereunto he earnestly perswaded me, for al men desired to repaire home. The King was in a garden, and when I came to him, I began to perswade with him (as the daie before) in presence of the Cardinall, who answered me that it appertained to him being a church man, to be the first moouer of the King to peace: whereunto I replied that if he would not, I would. For I perceiued well that both the King and those that were neerest about him desired to returne home. Then I tooke my leaue, and at my departure told the Prince of Orenge (who had the principall charge of the army) that if I entred into any communication of peace, I would addresse my selfe wholy to him. This being done I tooke my iourney towards Casall, where I was well [Page] receiued by the whole kinred of this house of Montferrat, and found the greatest part of them inclined to the Lord Constantine, whose gouernment was thought by them all most conuenient for the childrens safetie, bicause he could pretend no title to the succession as the Marques of Saluce did. I assembled by the space of certaine daies both the Nobles of the countrey, the Spirituall men, and the Burgesses of the good townes, and at the request of them, at the least the greatest part of them, declared the Kings pleasure to be, that the Lord Constantine should remaine gouernor. For I was sure they would not withstande the Kings commandement, both bicause of the force he had then on that side the mountaines, and also bicause of the good affection the whole countrey beareth to the house of Fraunce.

About three daies after my arriuall at Casal, the Marquesse of Mantua the Venetians Generall, sent the steward of his house thither to condole the late deceased Marchionesse death: for the said Marquesse was of kin to this house of Montferrat. The same Steward and I entered into communication how we might agree these two armies without battell: for both the parties disposed themselues to fight, and the King lay in campe neere to Verceil, but to say the truth he did but passe the riuer onely ² and lodge his campe, which was vtterly vnprouided of tents and pauilions: for our men had brought foorth but few with them, and those few also were lost. Moreouer the ground was wet, both bicause winter approched, and bicause the countrey lieth low. The King lodged in his campe but one night, and the next day returned to the towne: but the Prince of Orenge abode still with the army, so did also the Earle of Foix, and the Earle of Vendosme, who fell into a fluxe there whereof he died, which sure was great pitie: for he was a goodly gentleman, yoong, and wise, and was come thither in poste, bicause the brute ran that there we should fight. For you shall vnderstand that he had not beene with the King in this voiage into Italy. Besides these the Marshall of Gie abode also in the campe and diuers other captaines, but the greatest force were the Almaines that had beene with the King in this voiage: for the French men would by no meanes lodge abrode, the towne being so neere; besides that, diuers of them were sicke, and many returned home some with leaue, & some without leaue. Nouarre was distant from our campe ten great Italian miles, containing six French leagues at the lest, the way is cumbersome: for the ground is tough and soft as in Flaunders, bicause of ditches that are on both sides of the way, much deeper than the ditches of Flaunders. In winter the waies there are very foule, and in sommer maruellous dustie. Moreouer, betweene our campe and Nouarre, there was a little place which we held, called Bourg, about a league from vs, and another that they held about a league from their campe, called Camarian. But the waters were risen so high, that a man could hardly passe between vs and them.

The Marquesse of Mantuas steward aboue mentioned that was come to Casall and I, continued still our communication of peace, and diuers reasons I alleaged to him to perswade his Master to shun the battell. First, I put him in minde of the great danger he had beene in at Fornoue: secondarily, I told him that he fought for them that neuer had aduaunced him, notwithstanding the great seruices he had done them: wherefore his best way should be to incline to peace, which I for my part promised to further on our side as much as in me lay. He answered, that his Master desired nothing more than peace, but that we must make the first motion thereof, as word had been sent me heertofore, considering that their league, that is to say, the Pope, the Kings of Romanes and Spaine, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan were more woorthie than the King alone. I answered, that to make such a ceremonie [Page] about so small a trifle, was meere follie: notwithstanding if any ceremonie were to be obserued, that the King ought to haue the preheminence and honor thereof, considering that himselfe was there in person, and the others had but their lieutenants there. But to auoid all such fond cauillation, I offered that he and I iointly as mediators (if he so thought good) would breake the yce, so that I were sure his Master the Marquesse of Mantua would agree therunto, and proceeded accordingly. Whereupon we concluded, that the next day I should send a trumpeter to their campe, by whom I should write to Master Lucas Pisan, and Master Melchior Treuisan the two Venetian Prouisors, the which are officers appointed to consult with their captains, and to prouide things necessarie for their armie. According to the which resolution, the next morning I writ vnto them the effect of that I had said before to the steward: for I had good colour to continue still a mediator, bicause I had promised so to do at my departure from Venice. Besides that, I was sure the King desired peace, and me thought that also our affaires required it. Lastly, there are euer men ynow to breake off a good appointmēt, but few that haue skil & wil withal to trauel for the pacifying of so great a controuersie, nor that will endure so many hard speeches as are vsed of them that deale in such affaires; for in great armies all are not of one humor. The said Prouisors were glad of these newes, and promised that I should shortly haue answer of my letter: whereof foorthwith they sent word to Venice in post, and receiued answere with great expedition from the Seniorie, and not long after, sent an Earle that serued the Duke of Ferrara, to our campe. The said Duke had men in their armie; for his eldest sonne was in pay with the Duke of Milan ³, but another of his sonnes with the King our Master. This Earles name was Albertin, and he pretended openly, that the occasion of his arriuall was to visite Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul, with whom he had a sonne in seruice ⁴. He addressed himselfe to the Prince of Orenge, according to the stewards agreement and mine at our departure from Casal, and aduertised him that he had a commission from the Marquesse of Mantua, the Prouisors, and the other captaines of their armie, to demaund a safe conduct for the said Marquesse and others, to the number of fiftie horses, to come and treate with such as it should please the King to appoint; for they acknowledged that it was reason they should first come to the King and his Commissioners, and declared also that they would do him that honor. Afterward the said Earle desired to commune with the King apart: which his request being granted; he then counselled him not to make peace, reporting our enimies armie to be in so great feare, that shortly they would raise their siege & depart: by which words he seemed rather desirous to break off the treatie than to further it; notwithstanding that his commission openly were such as you haue heard. At this communication M. Iohn Iames of Treuoul was present, who bicause he was great enimie to the Duke of Milan, would also gladly haue broken off the treatie. But aboue all others, the Duke of Ferrara the said Earle Albertins Master (being newly arriued at the Duke of Milans campe, who had married his daughter) desired war; for he was great enimie to the Venetians, bicause they withheld from him diuers countries, namely, the Polesan and others. After the King had communed with this Earle, he sent for me, and debated with his Counsell, whether he should grant this safe conduct or not. Those that would gladly haue broken off the treatie, as Master Iohn Iames, and others (who spake in fauor of the Duke of Orleans, as they pretended) desired the battell, saying, that they were sure the enimies would shortly dislodge bicause they starued for hunger: but the greatest part of those that gaue this aduise were clergie men, who would not haue been at the battell themselues. Diuers others, and my selfe among the rest, were of the contrarie [Page] opinion, saying, that we should sooner starue for hunger than they, being in their owne countrie. And as touching their dislodging we answered, that their force was too great to flie for feare of vs, & by that means to cast themselues away. Wherfore these words (we said) proceeded of men that would haue vs fight & hazard our liues for their particular quarrels. To be short, the safe conduct was granted and sent, and promise made, that the next day by two of the clocke at after noone, the Prince of Orenge, the Marshall of Gie, the Lord of Piennes, and my selfe should meete the said Marquesse and his collegues betweene Bourg and Camarian, neere to a towne where they kept their watch, to the end we might there commune togither. According to the which appointment the next day thither we went, accompanied with a good band of soldiers: and there the said Marquesse of Mantua and a Venetian that had the charge of their Estradiots met vs ⁵, and gaue vs very courteous language, saying, that for their parts they desired peace. Further, we there concluded, that to the end we might the more conueniently commune togither, they should send certaine Commissioners to our campe, and afterward the King certaine of his to them: whereunto they agreed, and sent vnto vs the next day on the Duke of Milans behalfe Master Francisco Bernardin Viscomte, and with him one of the Marquesse of Mantuas Secretaries; with whom we aboue named, and the Cardinall of S. Malo began to negotiate. They demanded Nouarre where the Duke of Orleans was besieged, and we Genua, saying, that it was held of the King by homage, and that the Duke of Milan had taken it by confiscation ⁶. Then they made their excuses, saying, that they had attempted nothing against the King, but onely in their owne defence, that the Duke of Orleans had taken the said citie of Nouarre with the Kings forces, and had first mooued this war: and further, that they thought their Masters would neuer agree to such conditions, but willingly do any other thing to content the King. They were with vs two daies and afterward returned againe to their campe, whither the Marshall of Gie, Monseur de Piennes and I, were sent after them, to demand the said citie of Genua; and as touching Nouarre, we offered to deliuer it to the King of Romans men that were in their campe, vnder the leading of Master George de Pietreplane, and Master Frederick Capelare, and one named Master Haunce. For we could not succour it but by battell, and that we desired not: wherefore this offer we made to discharge our selues of it with honor; for the Duchie of Milan is held by homage of the Emperor. Diuers messengers ran to and fro betweene our campe and theirs, but nothing was concluded. Notwithstanding I lodged euery night in their campe; for the Kings pleasure was that I should so do, bicause he would breake off no ouerture. In the end all we aboue named returned againe to them, being accompanied with the President of Gannay, and Moruillier Bailife of Amiens, which two went with vs to pen the articles in Latin; for hitherto I had negotiated with them in such bad Italian as I had. Our order of proceeding was this. When we arriued at the Dukes lodging, he and the Duchesse came foorth to receiue vs at the end of a gallerie, and then we entred all before him into his chamber, where we found two long ranks of chaires, set neere togither the one before the other; in the one of the which they sate downe, and we in the other. They sate in this order; first one for the King of Romanes, then the ambassador of Spaine, then the Marquesse of Mantua, and the two Prouisors of Venice, and an ambassador of Venice, then the Duke of Milan and his wife, and last of all the ambassador of Ferrara: of their side none spake but the Duke alone, and of our side but one. But our maner is not to proceede so calmly nor so orderly as they: for we spake somtimes two or three togither; but then the Duke vsed to reclaime vs, saying ho, one to one. When we came to pen our articles, all that [Page] was agreed vpon, was written by one of our Secretaries, and likewise by one of theirs, which also at our departure the two Secretaries read, the one in Italian and the other in French, and likewise at our next meeting, as wel to the end that nothing should be altered, as also for the more expedition: and sure it is a good maner of proceeding in great and waightie affaires. This treatie endured about fifteen daies or more: but it was agreed the first day, that the Duke of Orleans might depart out of the towne, and the selfesame day we made truce, which continued from day to day till the peace was concluded. Moreouer, the Marquesse of Mantua put himselfe in hostage into the Earle of Foix his hands, rather for his owne pleasure, than for any doubt we had of the Duke of Orleans person. But they made vs first sweare that we would proceed in the treatie of peace vprightly and sincerely without dissimulation, onely to deliuer the said Duke.

The Notes.

1 All the Italians name him Georgio di Pietrapiana. The author himselfe also afterward nameth him Petreplane, which variance ariseth, bicause the one is his surname, the other the name of his seniorie.

2 This riuer is called Seruo, Guicciar. nameth it Stesie.

3 His eldest sonnes name was Alfonse. Guicciar.

4 He vsed this colour openly, bicause the Venetians would not seeme first to seeke peace.

5 This Venetians name was Bernarde Contaren. Guicciar.

6 Seeing it was forfeited, it ought of right to haue been forfeited into the Kings hands, of whom it was held, but not to the Duke of Milan.

7 The Marquesse of Mantua put himselfe in hostage, bicause the Duke of Orleans was to passe through the Italians campe. Guicciar.

How the Duke of Orleans and his company were deliuered by composition out of their great miserie in Nouarre where they were besieged: and of the Swissers arriuall that came to succour the King and the said Duke of Orleans. Chap. 10.

THe Marshall of Gie accompanied with certaine of the Duke of Milans seruants, went to Nouarre, and caused the Duke of Orleans with a small traine to come foorth of the towne, whereof he was right glad. They within the towne were so miserably persecuted with famine and sicknes, that the said Marshall was forced to leaue his nephew called Monseur de Romefort in hostage with them, promising that within three daies they should all come foorth. You haue heard already how the Bailife of Digeon was sent into Swisserland to leauy fiue thousand men among their Cantons, the which were not yet arriued when the D. of Orleans came forth of Nouarre: for if they had, vndoubtedly in mine opinion we had fought. But notwithstanding that we were certainly aduertised that there came a much greater number than we sent for: yet could we not tarie their comming bicause of our mens great distresse in Nouarre, where there died at the least two thousand of famine and sicknes: the rest also being so poore and miserable that they seemed rather dead carcasses than liuing creatures. And I [Page] thinke verily (setting the siege of Hierusalem aside) that neuer men sustained such hunger as they did. But if at their first entrie into the towne they had made good prouision of Corne, (whereof the might haue recouered plentie in the villages there about) they should neuer haue beene brought to such extremitie: but on the other side, their enimies haue been forced to depart with great dishonor.

Three or fower daies after the Duke of Orleans departure out of Nouarre, it was agreed by both the parties that all the souldiers should likewise be permitted to come foorth, and the Marques of Mantua, and Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin, Captaines, the one of the Venetians, the other of the Duke of Milans forces, were appointed to conueigh them in safetie, and so they did. Further, as touching the towne of Nouarre it was put into the citizens hands, who were sworne to receiue into it neither French nor Italian, before the treatie of peace were fully concluded. Moreouer, thirtie of our men remained still in the castell, whom the Duke of Milan permitted to haue victuals for their money from day to day. Vndoubtedly a man would neuer beleeue the great miserie they were in that came foorth of the towne, vnlesse he had seene them. Horses they brought foorth but fewe, for they were in maner all eaten, and there were hardly sixe hundred men among them able to do seruice, notwithstanding that there came foorth 5500. A great number lay by the waies whom the enimies themselues releeued. I for my part for the value of a crowne saued fiftie of them, as they lay succourlesse in a garden neere to a little castle that the enimies held called Camarian, where I caused porrige to be giuen them, which so well refreshed them that in the said garden there died but one, and afterward vpon the way about fower, for it was ten miles from Nouarre to Verceil; whither when they arriued, the King bestowed his charity vpon them, and commanded eight hundred francks to be deuided among them, and paide them also their wages, as well the dead as the liuing, and the Swissers in like maner, of whom about fower hundred died in Nouarre: but notwithstanding all this their good cheerishing three hundred of them died at Verceil after their returne, some by feeding too greedily after their long famine, and some by sicknes, so that a great number lay dead vpon the dunghils of the towne. About this present, after all our men were come foorth of the towne, except thirty that remained in the castle: (some of the which also daily sallied foorth) arriued the Swissers, eight or ten thousand of the which came and lodged with vs in our campe, where were already two thousand that had beene with the King in this voiage of Naples: the rest of their company being to the number of ten thousand encamped neere to Verceil. The King was aduised not to suffer these two bands to ioine togither, in the which were to the number of twentie and two thousand men: so that I thinke so many soldiers of their countrey were neuer togither before. For the opinion of all those that knew their countrey was, that they left but few able men behinde them, & sure the greatest part of these came whether we would or not, in such sort that their wiues and children would haue come with them, had not the straights at the entrie into Piemont been defended to stop them. A man may doubt whether this their comming proceeded of good affection or no, bicause the late King Lewis had bestowed great benefits vpon them, and was the cause of the great honor and renowne they haue won in the world. True it is that there were some old men among them, that had borne great good will to King Lewis: for there came a number of Captaines aboue seauentie two yeeres of age, the which had serued against Duke Charles of Burgundy: but the chiefe cause of their comming was couuetousnes and pouertie. To say the truth all the able men that they could leuie came, and such a number of tall [Page] fellowes they were, and so goodly a bande, that me thought it impossible to discomfite them, otherwise than by famine or cold, or some such distresse.

Let vs now returne to the principall matter, to wit the treatie. The Duke of Orleans (after he had well refreshed himselfe eight or ten daies, being accompanied with men of all sorts) supposing his honor to be stained, bicause such a number of men as were with him in Nouarre, had suffered themselues through meere folly to be brought to so great extremitie, began to wish that we might fight, and talked verie stoutly of the battell, and one or two more of his followers. Further, Monseur de Ligny, and the Archbishop of Rouen (who gouerned the said Dukes affaires) and two or three other meane personages, suborned certaine Swissers to come and offer themselues to fight. But no reason could be alleaged why we should so do: for the Duke of Orleans had no men in the towne more than the thirty remaining in the castle, so that there was no cause why we should aduenture the battell; for the King had no quarrell, neither meant to fight but onely for sauing the said Dukes person and his seruants. Besides this, our enimies were mightie, and it was impossible to assaile them in their campe, as well bicause they were entrenched round about, and their trenches full of water, as also bicause of the strong seat thereof. Moreouer, they had no enimies to inuade them but vs onely, for they stood now in no more feare of the towne. They were aboue 2800. men of armes barded, and fiue thousand light horsemen, and 11500. Almaines led by good captaines, to wit, Master George of Pietreplane, Master Frederick Capelare, and Master Haunce, besides great force of footemen of their owne countries; so that they seemed to speake but vpon a brauery, that said we might take them in their campe, or that they would flie. Besides all this, another thing there was greatly to be feared, to wit, least these Swissers if they ioined all togither, should take the King and the noble men of the armie, being but a handfull in respect of them, and leade them prisoners into their countrie; for some apparance there was that they meant so to do, as you shall heare at the conclusion of the peace.

How the peace was concluded betweene the King and the Duke of Orleans on the one side, and the enimies on the other: and of the conditions and articles thereof. Chap. 11.

WHile these matters were thus debated to and fro among vs, in such heate that the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orenge fell at variance about them, so far foorth that the Duke gaue him the lie: the Marshall of Gie, the Lord of Piennes, the President Gannay, the Lord Moruillier, the Vidasme of Chartres, and my selfe returned to the enimies campe and concluded peace ¹: which notwithstanding that we perceiued by manifest tokens to be vnlike long to endure; yet necessitie forced vs to conclude it, both bicause of diuers reasons aboue alleaged, bicause the winter constrained vs thereunto, bicause we lacked monie: and also to the end we might depart with an honorable peace, the which should be sent abrode into the world in writing, as the King had concluded with his Councell, the Duke of Orleans being there present. The articles of the peace were these. That the Duke of Milan should beare the King his faith for Genua [Page] against all men: and that in respect thereof, he should arme two ships to the sea at his owne proper costs and charges, to succour the castels of Naples which held yet for the King. And further, that the next yeere he should furnish the King of three ships, and serue him in person in the conquest of the said realme, if the King himselfe happened to returne to conquer it againe. That he should giue passage to the Kings forces. And if the Venetians would not accept the peace within two moneths, but continue to defend the house of Arragon; that then he should take part with the King against them, and imploy his person and subiects for the Kings seruice, vnder this condition, that all that should be conquered of their dominions should be his. That he should release to the King fowerscore thousand ducats of the hundred and fower and twenty thousand that he had lent him in this voiage. That for performance of these conditions, he should deliuer to the King two hostages of Genua. That the castell of Genua should be put into the Duke of Ferraraes hands, as neuter for two yeeres, and that the Duke of Milan should pay the one halfe of the garrison within it, and the King the other: and further, if the said Duke of Milan should refuse to do such seruices to the King for Genua, as he was bound to do by this treatie; that then it should be lawfull for the Duke of Ferrara to put the said castell into the Kings hands. Last of all, that the said Duke of Milan should deliuer to the King two other hostages of Milan. These he deliuered, and so would he also the others of Genua, if the King had not departed so suddenly; but so soone as he sawe him gone, he made delaies.

After we were returned from the enimies campe, and had aduertised the King that the Duke of Milan had sworne the treatie, and the Venetians taken two moneths respit to accept or refuse it (for more they would not condescend vnto) the King sware it also, and the second day after determined to depart, being very desirous both he and all the companie to returne into Fraunce: but the selfesame night the Swissers that were in our campe assembled togither each Canton apart, and strake vp their drums, standing in order of battell by their ensignes, as their maner is in their consultations. All the which I write vpon the report of Lornay, who was then, and long time before had been one of their captaines, and vnderstandeth well their language, and lodged that night in their campe, and came and aduertised the King of all these their actions.

Some of these Swissers gaue aduise to take the King and all his companie, that is to say, the principall of the armie; others would not agree thereunto, but gaue counsell to demaund paiment for three moneths, saying, that the King his father had promised them this paiment as often as they should depart out of their countrie with ensigne displaied: others were of opinion to take the principall of the armie, not touching the Kings person. This last opinion tooke place, so far foorth that they began to dispose themselues to execute it, a great number of their men being already within the towne: but before they had fully concluded, the King departed and went to Trin, a towne in the Marquisat of Montferrat. Sure they did vs great wrong, to demaund three months paiment (wheras K. Lewis had promised them but one;) especially hauing done no seruice. To be short, in the end we made an agreement with them, but they that had been with vs at Naples, had first taken the Bailife of Digeon & Lornay (who had euer been their captaines) demaunding paiment of 15. daies for their departure. But the others had three moneths pay, amounting to fiue hundred thousand franks; for the which summe, they were contented to take pledges and hostages. All this disorder happened by practise of certaine of our owne men, who mooued them thus to do, bicause they misliked the peace, as one of their captaines [Page] came and told the Prince of Orenge, who aduertised the King therof.

When the King arriued at Trin, he sent the Marshall of Gie, the President Gannay and me, to the Duke of Milan, to desire him to come and speake with him. We alleaged many reasons to perswade him thereunto, saying, that by this meanes the peace should be fully confirmed: but he gaue foorth diuers reasons to the contrarie, and refused so to do; excusing himselfe vpon certaine speeches vttered by Monseur de Ligny (who had aduised to take him prisoner when he was with the King at Pauia) and likewise by the Cardinall, who had all the credit with the King. But notwithstanding that many foolish words were indeede spoken, I know not by whom; yet sure I am that at this present the King greatly desired his friendship. He was in a place called Bolie, and agreed to speake with the King, so that a grate might be betweene them built vpon a bridge ouer a riuer. Vpon receipt of which answer the King departed to Quiers, where he staied but a night or two, and then tooke his iourney to passe ouer the mountaines, and sent me againe to Venice, and others to Genua to cause the two ships to be manned ², which the Duke of Milan was bound to lende him: but he performed no whit of that he promised; for after the King had beene at great charges in arming of men to the said ships, the Duke would not let them depart; but on the contrarie side sent two to our enimies.

The Notes.

1 This treatie of Verceil was concluded the 9. of October.

2 The Duke was bound to arme these ships, but the King would haue manned them with his owne men.

How the King sent the Lord of Argenton to Venice with certaine conditions of peace which they refused: and of the Duke of Milans false dealings. Chap. 12.

MY ambassage to the Venetians was to know whether they would accept the peace, and agree to these three articles. First, to restore Monopoly to the King, which they had lately woon from vs ¹. Secondarily, to reuoke the Marquesse of Mantua, and the forces they had in the realme of Naples, from King Ferrandes seruice. Lastly, to declare King Ferrande to be none of their confederates, bicause none were comprehended in their league but the Pope, the King of Romans, the King of Spaine, and the Duke of Milan. When I arriued at Venice, they receiued me very honorably, though not so honorably as at my former being there, and no maruell; for then we were in peace, but now in hostilitie. I did my message to the Duke, who welcommed me, and told me that shortly I should receiue mine answer, but that he would first consult with the Senate. Three daies they commanded generall processions and publike sermons, and dealt great almes, desiring God of his grace to direct them into the wisest course; which maner of proceeding (as I was there informed) they vse ordinarily in such like cases. Wherefore I must needes confesse, that this citie seemed to me the most deuout, as touching matters of religion, that euer I came in, and their Churches the best decked and trimmed; so that heerin I account them equall with the ancient Romanes, and amfully perswaded, that thereof springeth the greatnes of their Seniorie: [Page] which sure is woorthie rather to increase than diminish. But to returne to mine ambassage, I abode there fifteene daies before I was dispatched. The answer I receiued was a refusall of all my demaunds, with this excuse that they were not in war with the King, neither had done any thing but in defence of their confederate the Duke of Milan, whom the King sought to destroy. Afterward they caused the Duke to commune with me apart, who offered me a good composition, to wit, that King Ferrande by the Popes consent should hold the realme of Naples of the King by homage, and pay him yeerely fiftie thousand ducats for tribute, and a certaine summe of monie presently, the which they offered to lend, meaning to haue in gage for it the places which they now hold in Pouille, namely Brandis, Otrante, Trani, and the rest. And further, that for performance of these conditions, the said Dom Ferrande should deliuer to the King, or leaue in his hands certaine towns in Pouille, they meant Tarente which the King yet held, and one or two more that the said Ferrande should haue deliuered, which townes they offered vs on that side of Italie, bicause it was the furthest from vs, notwithstanding that they pretended the offer to be, bicause they stood commodiously to inuade the Turke: whereof the King had put men in great hope at his first entrie into Italie, saying, that he attempted this conquest of Naples, to the end he might with the more expedition transport his forces against the said Turke, which was a wicked deuice, and a meere lie; for he meant nothing lesse, but from God no man can hide his thoughts. Moreouer, the Duke of Venice offered me, that if the King would attempt any thing against the Turke, he should haue free accesse to these places aboue named, that all Italy should be contributors to the wars; that the King of Romanes should inuade also on the other side, and that the King and they would gouerne Italie in such sort, that no man should refuse to pay that he should be rated at; and further, that they for their part would aide him vpon their owne proper costs and charges with an hundred gallies vpon the sea, and fiue thousand horses vpon the land.

I tooke my leaue of the Duke and the Seniorie, saying, that I would make report of their answer to the King. Then returned I to Milan, and found the Duke at Vigesue, and the Kings ambassador with him, who was one of the Stewards of his house named Rigaut Dorelles. The Duke came foorth himselfe to meete me, vnder colour of going a hunting: for they vse there to receiue ambassadors with great reuerence, and lodged me in his castle very honorably. I desired to commune with him apart, and he promised that I should so do, though halfe against his will as it seemed. The castle of Naples held yet for the King: wherefore I meant earnestly to presse him for the two ships promised vs by the treatie of Verceil, the which were readie to depart, he in outward apparance seeming-willing thereunto: But Peron of Basche Steward of the Kings house, and Stephen de Neues (who were at Genua for the King) so soone as they vnderstood of my arriuall at Vigesue, wrote vnto me, complaining of the Duke of Milans falshood, who would not suffer the two ships to depart which he had promised vs, but on the contrary side had sent two to aide our enimies. They aduertised me further, that one day the gouernor of Genua made them answere that he would not suffer the saide ships to be manned with any French men, and another day that he would put into each of them but fiue and twentie at the most, with diuers such like dissimulations, dalliyng and delaying the time till the castle of Naples were yeelded, which the Duke knew well to be victualled but for a moneth or little more. And as touching the armie that the King leuied in Prouence, it was not able to succour the castle without these two ships: for the enimies lay before it with a great Nauie, as well of their owne, as of the [Page] Venetians, and the King of Spaines. Three daies I abode with the Duke, and one day he sate in counsell with me, seeming to be discōtented that I misliked his answer touching the said ships, and alleaged that by the treatie of Verceil he had promised to serue the King with two ships, but not that they should be manned with French men. Whereunto I answered that this seemed to me a verie slender excuse: for if he should lend me a good mule to passe the mountaines withall, and afterward make me lead hir in my hand and not to ride vpon hir, but looke vpon hir onely, what pleasure did he me? After much debating, he and I withdrew our selues into a gallery, where I declared vnto him what great paines, both I and others had taken to conclude this treatie of Verceil, and into how great danger he brought vs by contrariyng thus his promise, and causing the King by that meanes to lose these castles, and consequently the whole realme, whereby he should also ingender perpetuall hatred between the King and him. Further, I offered him the Princedome of Tarente and the Duchie of Bary, the which Duchie he held already. Lastly, I shewed him the danger he put both himselfe and the whole estate of Italy into, by suffering the Venetians to hold these places in Pouille ². And he confessed I said true, especially touching the Venetians: but his last resolution was that he could finde no faith nor assurance with the King.

After this communication I tooke my leaue of him, he accompaning me vpon the way about a league. But euen at our very departure he deuised yet a cunningerly than all the rest (if a man may vse such termes of a Prince,) for bicause I seemed to depart sad and Melancholick: he said vnto me (as a man suddenly altered) that he would do me a friendly turne to the end the King might haue good cause to welcom me: for the next day he would send Master Galeas to Genua (more I could not wish when he named him to me) to cause the two ships to depart, and ioine with our armie, by meanes whereof he would saue the King the castle of Naples, and consequently the whole realme, as he should indeed if he had done as he promised. He said further, that immediately after their departure he would aduertise me thereof with his owne hand, to the end I might be the first man that should bring newes to the King, of this great seruice that I had done him, adding also that the Courrier should ouertake me with his letters before my arriuall at Lyons. In this good hope departed I and tooke my iourney to passe the mountaines, thinking euerie Poste that came after me to be the same that should haue brought me these letters. Notwithstanding I doubted somewhat thereof, knowing the nature of the man so well as I did. But to proceed in my voiage, I came to Chambery where I found the Duke of Sauoy who honorably entreated me, and staied me with him a day. Afterward I arriued at Lyons (without my Courrier) to make report to the King of all that I had done, whom I found banketting and iusting, and wholy giuen to sport and pastime. Those that had misliked this treatie of Verceil were glad that the Duke of Milan had thus deluded vs: for their credit increased thereby, but me they potted at, as in such cases is vsuall in Princes courts, greatly to my griefe and discontentment.

I made report to the King by mouth, and shewed him also in writing the Venetians offers aboue rehearsed, whereof he made small account, and the Cardinall who gouerned all, much lesse. But that notwithstanding I mooued it to him afterward againe: for me thought it better to accept this offer then to lose all. Besides that, the King had no men about him able to deale in so waightie an enterprise ³: for those that were able and of experience, they that had all the credit neuer or very seldome called to counsell in any matter. The King would gladly they should oftner haue beene called, but he feared to displease those that were of authority about [Page] him, especially those that gouerned his treasure, namely the said Cardinall and his brethren and kinsmen. Wherefore let all other Princes learne by the example of this, how fit and conuenient it is for themselues to take paines in the gouerning of their owne affaires; at the least sometimes, how requisite it is to call more than one or two to counsell, according to the varietie of the matters that are debated; and how necessarie it is to hold their counsellors almost in equall authority: for if one of them be so great, that the rest feare him (as one was both then and euer since about King Charles) he is King and Lord in effect, and the Prince himselfe is euill serued, as this King was by his gouernors, who sought onely their owne profit and little regarded his, whereby himselfe was the lesse esteemed and the worse thought of.

The Notes.

1 The Venetians hauing sent aide to King Ferrand had won Monopoly and Pulignane. Guicciar.

2 For King Ferrand since King Charles his departure had in ingaged to the Venetians 6. townes in Pouille vnder certaine conditions which are rehearsed heerafter. cap. 14.

3 He meaneth the enterprise of succouring the castle of Naples.

How the King after his returne into Fraunce forgot those that he left behinde him in the realme of Naples: and how the Daulphin died, whose death the King and Queen much lamented. Chap. 13.

I Returned to Lyons the yeere 1495. the twelfe of December, where the King was already arriued with his army a yeere and two moneths after his departure out of his realme. The castles of Naples held yet for him as before you haue heard, and Monseur de Montpensier his lieutenant there, was yet at Salerne in the realme of Naples with the Prince of Salerne: likewise Monseur de Aubigny was yet in Calabria where he had done great seruice: notwithstanding that he had been sicke almost euer since the Kings departure. Master Gracien des Guerres was yet also in l' Abruzzo, Dom Iulian at Montsaint-Ange, and George of Suly at Tarente: but they were all so distressed as a man would not beleeue. Besides that, they could hardly receiue any newes or letters out of Fraunce, and those few they did receiue, were but lies and faire promises without effect. For the K. as you haue heard they dispatched nothing himselfe: and if it had beene furnished in time but of the sixte part of the money that was spent afterward, they had neuer lost the realme. But in the end when all was yeelded, they receiued forty thousand ducats onely, for part of a yeeres pay already passed: and yet if this small summe had come but a moneth sooner, the miseries and diuisions they afterward fell into, and the dishonor they receiued, had neuer chanced. All the which inconueniences hapned bicause the King dispatched nothing himselfe, neither would giue the messengers audience that came from them. And as touching his seruants to whom he committed the gouernment of his affaires: they were men of small experience, idle, and negligent, and some of them I thinke had intelligence with the Pope, whereby it manifestly appeered, that God had now altogither withdrawen his grace from the King, which at his going to Naples he had poured down so plentifully vpon him.

[Page] After the King had soiourned at Lyons about two monethes, word was brought him that the Daulphin his sonne lay at the point of death, and within three daies after that he was dead, which newes he tooke heauily as nature would: notwithstanding his sorrow soone ended. But the Queene of Fraunce and Duchesse of Britaine called Anne, lamented the death of hir sonne, and that a long time, as much as was possible for a woman to do. And I thinke verily that besides the naturall griefe that women vse to conceiue in such cases, hir minde gaue hir that some greater euill hung ouer hir head. The King hir husband (as I haue said) mourned not long, but sought to comfort hir, by causing certaine yoong gentlemen to daunce before hir, of the which the Duke of Orleans was one, being of the age of fower and thirty yeeres, who seemed to reioice at the Daulphins death, bicause he was heire apparant to the crowne next after the King: for the which cause the K. and he saw not one another in a long time after. The Daulphin was about three yeeres olde, a goodly childe, bold in speech, and no whit fearing those things that commonly children vse to feare. Wherefore (to be plaine with you) his fathers sorrow soone ended: for he began already to doubt if this childe grew to yeeres, and continued in his noble conditions, that happily he might diminish his estimation and authoritie: for the King himselfe was a man of very small stature and no great sense, but of so good a nature, that it was impossible to finde a gentler creature.

Heerby you may perceiue in how miserable estate Kings and Princes liue, who stand in feare of their owne children. King Lewis the eleuenth who was so wise and vertuous a Prince, stood in feare of this King Charles his sonne, but he prouided well for it, and afterward died, leauing his said sonne King, being but fowerteene yeeres of age. The said King Lewis also had put King Charles the seuen his father in feare of him: for being but thirteene yeeres of age, he mooued war against him with certaine noble men and gentlemen of the realme, that misliked those that bare the sway in Court, & gouerned the estate, as K. Lewis himselfe hath eftsoones told me: but this broile soone ended. Afterward also being come to mans estate, he fell at great variance with his father, and retired himselfe into Daulphine, and from thence into Flaunders, leauing the countrie of Daulphin to the said King his father, as I haue made mention about the beginning of this historie written of King Lewis the 11. Wherefore it is manifest that no creature is exempt from trouble, but that all men eate their bread in trauell and sorrow, as God promised vs that we should soone after he had created man, the which promise he hath truly performed to all sorts of men. But great diuersitie there is of troubles and sorrowes: for those of the bodie are the lesse, and those of the minde the greater: the sorrowes of wise men are of one sort, and the sorrowes of fooles of another; but much greater griefe and passion endureth the foole than the wise man, and lesse comfort receiueth he in his sorrowes, though many suppose otherwise. The poore man that trauelleth and toileth his body to get foode to sustaine himselfe and his children, and paieth customs and subsidies to his Prince, should liue in too great descomfort and despaire, if Princes and great men had nothing but pleasure in this world, and he nothing on the contrarie side but trauell and miserie. But God hath otherwise disposed thereof; for if I should take vpon me to rehearse the sundrie griefes, sorrowes, and passions that I haue seene diuers great personages sustaine, as well men as women within these thirty yeeres onely, a great volume would hardly containe them. I meane not such great persosonages as Bocace writeth of in his booke ¹, but such as we see abound with wealth, & liue in health and prosperitie; yea such as those that haue not beene conuersant with them as I haue been, would account in all respects happie: b [...] I haue often s [...]ne [Page] their sorrowes and griefes arise of so small occasions, that they that were vnacquainted with them would hardly beleeue it, the most part being grounded vpon ielousies and reports, which is a disease that lurketh secretly in great Princes Courts, and traineth with it infinite mischiefs both to their owne persons, their seruants, and all their subiects, and so much shorteneth their liues, that hardly any King of Fraunce since Charles the great hath passed the age of sixtie yeeres. For the which cause, when King Lewis the eleuenth approched neere to that age (being sicke of this disease) he accounted himselfe a dead man. His father King Charles the seuenth, who had done so many noble acts in Fraunce, conceiued an imagination in his sicknes, that his seruants went about to poison him, and therefore refused to receiue sustenance. Likewise his father King Charles the sixt was troubled with so many suspicions, that he lost his wits, and all by reports. And sure this is a fault greatly to be blamed in Princes, that in these cases they cause not such matters as concerne themselues (be they of neuer so small importance) to be ripped vp: which if they did, they should not so often be troubled with false tales. For if they would examine the parties the one before the other, I meane the accuser, and him that is accused, no man durst report any thing to them that were vntrue. But some Princes there are of so doltish disposition, that they will promise and sweare to the accusers neuer to disclose their reports, whereby they are often troubled with these anguishes before mentioned, and hate and iniurie their trustiest and faithfullest seruants and subiects, at the pleasure and vpon the complaint many times of lewd and naughtie persons.

The Notes.

1 Of vnfortunate noble men.

How the King was aduertised of the losse of the castle of Naples: and how the Florentines places were sold to diuers men: of the treatie of Atelle in Pouille, to the great dammage of the French: and of the death of King Ferrande of Naples. Chap. 14.

THe Daulphin the Kings onely sonne died about the beginning of the yeere 1496. which was the greatest misfortune that euer happened or could happen to the King: for he neuer had childe after, that liued. But this mischeife came not without company, for at the very same time receiued he newes that the castle of Naples was yeelded by those that the Lord of Montpensier left within it, who were forced thereunto, partly by famine, and partly to recouer the hostages deliuered by the said Montpensier to King Ferrande, whose names were Monseur d'Alegre, one of the house de la Marche-d'Ardaine, one called de la Capelle de Loudonnois ¹, & one named Iohn Roquebertin, Catelan. They that were within the castle returned by sea into Fraunce. Another great dishonor and losse receiued the King also at the same time which was this. Entragues, who held the Citadelle of Pisa (being the fort that keepeth the towne in subiection,) deliuered the said Citadelle to the Pisans contrarie to the Kings oth ², who had twice sworne to the Florentines to restore vnto them the said Citadelle and their other places, namely Serzane, Serzanelle, Pietresancte, Librefacto, and Mortron, which [Page] they had lent him in his great necessitie at his first comming into Italy: at which time they gaue him also sixescore thousand ducats, whereof there remained vnpaid to vs but thirty thousand at our returne home, as before you haue heard. To be short, all these the Florentines places aboue named were solde: the Genuois bought Serzane and Serzanelle of a bastard of Saint Paul ³, Pietresancte Entragues solde to the Luquois ⁴, and Librefacto to the Venetians ⁵, to the great dishonor both of the King and all his subiects, and to the vtter losse of the realme of Naples. The first othe the King sware for the restitution of these places (as before you haue heard) was at Florence vpon the high aultar of the cathedrall Church of Saint Iohn: the second in Ast at his returne, at which time the Florentines lent him thirty thousand ducats (in his great neede) vnder condition that if Pisa were restored to them, he should repaie no part nor parcell of this summe: but they would make restitution of the iewels engaged to them for it, and lend him 60000. ducats more, which they promised to cause to be paid then presently in the realme of Naples, to the Kings forces there. They offered further, to entertaine continually in the saide realme at their proper costs and charges, three hundred men of armes to do the King seruice till the said conquest were fully atchieued, of the which conditions none were performed, bicause of this euill dealing aboue mentioned. Besides that, we were forced to restore the thirty thousand ducats that they lent vs, all the which inconueniences happened through disobedience and priuy whispering in the Kings eare, for some of those that were neerest about him, encouraged Entragues to sell these places.

At the selfe same time within two moneths ouer or vnder, in the beginning of this yeere 1496. the Lord of Montpensier, the Lord Virgill Vrsin ⁶, M. Camille Vitelly, and the rest of the French captaines, seeing all thus lost: put themselues into the field, and tooke certaine small places. But King Ferrande sonne of King Alphonse, who was entred into religion (as before you haue heard) accompanied with the Marquesse of Mantua, brother to the said Montpensiers wife, and Generall of the Venetians, marched against them. They found the saide Montpensier lodged in a towne called Atelle, a place very commodious for their prouision of victuals, and seated on a hill, vpon the which our enimies fortified their campe as men fearing the battell, bicause the said King Ferrand and his forces had been discomfited in all places, as was also the Marques of Mantua at Fornoua where we fought with him. The said Marques the Venetians had lent to K. Ferrand with a certaine summe of money, but of small value in respect of the places they had in gage for it, which were these sixe townes in Pouille of great importance, Brandis, Trani, Galipoli, Crana, Otrante, and Monopoly, the last of the which since the Kings departure they had woon from vs. Moreouer in the said summe of money they comprehended the wages of their soldiers that serued the said Ferrand, so that they hold these places for two hundred thousand ducats; yea, and now they require the charges they haue been at in the fortification and defence of them, so that I am fully perswaded they minde neuer to restore them: for they vse not so to do, when towns lie commodiously for them, as these do, being scituate vpon the Adriatike gulfe, so that by meanes of them they are Lords of the said gulfe, which is one of the things they chiefely desire; and no maruell, for it is from Otrante (which is the verie point of the said gulfe) to Venice at the least nine hundred miles. And notwithstanding that the Pope held certaine places also vpon the said gulfe intermingled among these Venetian townes: yet were all passengers forced to paie custome to Venice: wherefore the possession of these places is more beneficiall to them than the world weeneth: for they receiue [Page] yeerely from thence great plenty of corne and oile, which are two necessarie things for their prouision.

At the said place of Atelle aboue mentioned, our men fell at variance as well for their victuals which began now to diminish, as also for their paie, the soldiers were vnpaid for eighteene moneths and more, by meanes wherof they had liued in great miserie. To the Almains also much was due, but not so much: for all the money that Monseur de Montpensier could leuy in the realme was paied to them, yet notwithstanding they were vnpaid for a yeere and more, but they had spoiled diuers small townes whereby they were maruellously enriched. If the fortie thousand ducats promised them had been sent in time, or if they had knowne they should haue receiued them at Florence, this variance had neuer hapned, but now they remained altogither in despaire: diuers of our captaines haue enformed me that if our men would haue agreed to fight, they were like enough to haue obteined the victory: and if they had been discomfited, yet should not their losse haue been so great, as by the shamefull composition they made. Montpensier and Virgile Vrsin, who were the best men of war among them would haue fought, and euill hap it was to them that they did not: for King Ferrand brake the composition, and put them both in prison, where they miserablie ended their liues. They laid the blame that they fought not vpon Monseur de Persi a yoong gentleman of Auuergne, whom they accused as a mutinous knight, and disobedient to his captaine. You shall vnderstand that in this armie were two sorts of Almaines, the first were Swissers to the number of fifteene hundred, whom the King left there at his departure from Naples, the which serued faithfully euen til the hower of death, so that it was impossible for men to serue more valiantly than they did. The other sort were those whom we call commonly Launce knights (that is to say, seruants of the countrie) the which hate naturally the Swissers. They are of all parts of Germanie, as for example, of the countries lying vpon the Rhine, and of Swobland, some there were also of the countrie of Vaulx in Senonie ⁷, and some of Gelderland. These were to the number of eight hundred newly sent thither with two moneths pay, the which being spent before they came thither, and at their arriuall there no new pay being found: they seeing themselues in this distresse, declared that they bare vs no such good will as the Swissers do; for they practised with our enimies, and turned to King Ferrande, for the which cause partly, and partly for the diuision that was among our captaines, our men made a shamefull appointment with their enimies, the which King Ferrande sware to keepe and obserue, being forced so to do by the Marquesse of Mantua, who thought thereby to assure the person of his brother in lawe Monseur de Montpensier, yet notwithstanding the said Ferrande brake the treatie, as afterward mention shall be made more at large.

By the said composition they yeelded both themselues and all the Kings artillerie to their enimies, promising further, to cause to be rendred all the places that the King held in the realme, as well in Calabria where Monseur d'Aubigny was, as in L'Abruzzo where Master Gracian des Guerres was togither, with the townes of Caietta and Tarente; vnder this condition, that King Ferrande should send them by sea into Prouence with bag and baggage, which was not much woorth: but notwithstanding the composition King Ferrande commanded them all to be led to Naples, being to the number of fiue or sixe thousand persons or more. So shamefull a composition hath not beene made in our time, neither do I remember that euer I read of the like, saue that which the two consuls of Rome made (as rehearseth Titus Liuius ⁸) with the Samnites (whom I suppose to be those of Beneuent) at a place called then [Page] Furculae Caudinae, which is a certaine straight in the mountaines: notwithstanding the Romanes would not agree to the composition, but sent the two Consuls prisoners to their enimies.

If our force had fought and beene discomfited, yet should not their losse haue been so great; as by this composition: for two parts of them died either of famine, or of the plague in their ships in the yle of Prusse ⁹, whither they were sent from Naples by King Ferrande: and namely, there died Monseur de Montpensier himselfe, some say of poyson, others of an ague, which I rather beleeue. And I thinke verily that of all this companie neuer returned fifteene hundred: for of the Swissers which were thirteene hundred, returned but three hundred and fifty all extreme sicke. Their faith and loyaltie was greatly to be commended: for they all chose rather to die than to serue King Ferrande, and so a number of them died in the said yle of Prusse, some of heate, some of sicknes, and some of famine: for they were held there a long time in their ships, in such penurie and lacke of victuals, as is almost incredible. I saw them all that returned, especially the Swissers, who brought backe with the [...] all their ensignes: and sure it well appeered that they had endured great miserie; for they were all so extreme sicke, that when they came foorth of their ships to take the aire, they were faine to be staied vp from falling. It was also agreed by the said composition, that the Lord Virgill Vrsin should returne home to his countrie in safetie, and his son, & all the Italians that serued the King: yet notwithstanding the enimies detained him still, and his said legitimate sonne also; for he had but one: and as touching his base sonne called the Lord Charles (who was a very valiant gentleman) certaine Italians of their companie spoiled him as he repaired homeward. If this miserie had fallen but vpon them onely that made this composition, they had notbeen greatly to be moned. Immediately after King Ferrande had receiued this honor aboue mentioned, and married King Ferrande his grandfathers daughter, being a yoong maide of thirteene or fowerteene yeeres of age, begotten of the King of Castiles sister that now raigneth (so that his wife was sister to his owne father King Alfonse) he fell into a continuall ague, whereof soone after he died, and the crowne of the realme descended to King Frederick (the said King Ferrandes vncle) now presently raigning. It abhorreth me to write of such a marriage as this, notwithstanding diuers such haue beene contracted in this house of Arragon within these thirtie yeeres. King Ferrande died immediately after the composition aboue mentioned made in the towne of Ate [...]e, the yeere of our Lord 1496. The said Ferrande during his life, and Dom Frederick also after he came to the crowne, excused the breach of this composition, bicause Monseur de Montpensier had not performed the conditions thereof, nor rendred the places promised, which he could not to say the truth, Caietta and diuers others being out of his power. For notwithstanding that he were the Kings lieutenant, yet were not they that held these places for the King, bound to yeeld them at his commandement. Although all things well considered, the King should haue sustained no great losse, if they had then beene yeelded; for he spent afterward great treasure in defending and victualling them, and yet lost them in the end. I my selfe was present three or fower times at the dispatch of those that were sent to victuall and succour, first the castels of Naples, and thrise after the towne of Caietta. And I thinke I should not lie, if I said that these fower voiages cost the King aboue three hundred thousand franks: and yet all to no purpose.

The Notes.

1 Before cap. 8. he named him de la Chappelle d'Aniou, but if Loudonnois be in [Page] Aniou the places be reconciled.

2 The Venetians paid the monie, for the Pisans were not able to redeeme it: but after the Citadelle deliuered, the Pisans put themselues into the Venetians protection, who razed the Citadelle. Guicciar.

3 This bastards name was de Bienne. Guicciar.

4 Mutron was also sold to the Luquois. Guicciar.

5 Librefacto was sold to the Pisans, but the Venetians paid the monie. Guicciar.

6 This Virgill Vrsin is he aboue mentioned, who after the Coulonnois reuolt from King Charles, turned to him, and of his foe became his friend and seruant.

7 The French corrector readeth it Sionnie, meaning the countrie called in Latin Valesia Sedusiorum, whereof Sedunum called in French Sion, is the chiefe towne: or else he supposeth it should be Vaulx in Sauoy, whereof our author maketh mention lib. 5. cap. 1.

8 Decad. 1. lib. 9.

9 Procida it is named by Colleuntius, other Italians name it Ponze. I suppose it to be that, which Plinie lib. 3. cap. 6. calleth Proclita or Prochita, saying that it lieth in Sinu Puteolano not far from Naples, nor from the yle of Ischia. Boccace also Decame 2, nouell. 6. reporteth both Procida and Ponze to be neere to Naples. Guicciar. hath Pozzuole.

How certaine practises entertained by diuers noble men of Italy on the Kings behalfe, as well for the conquest of Naples, as of the Duchie of Milan, failed for lacke of sending thither: and how another enterprise against Genua sped euill also. Chap. 15.

THe King after his returne from Naples abode at Lyons a long time (as before you haue heard) holding iusts & turneies. It greeued him to lose the places in Italy aboue mentioned which he yet held, neither cared he what treasure he spent in defence of them, but he would take no paines himselfe in gouerning his owne affaires. Moreouer, he was aduertised daily of diuers practises entertained on his behalfe in Italy, which notwithstanding that they were both dangerous and chargeable: yet was he of power sufficient to haue atchieued them bicause his realme is populous, & plentifull of graine in Prouence and Languedoc, and hath also a number of other wealthie countries, where money might haue been leuied. But if any other Prince besides the King of Fraunce should attend to these Italian practises and aduenture to entermebdle in their enterprises, he should but vndoe himselfe, spend his treasure, and bring nothing to effect. For the Italians neither do nor can serue but for money, except it be a Duke of Milan, or one of the greatest Seniories: but a poore captaine be he neuer so well affectioned to the seruice of a King of Fraunce pretending title to the realme of Naples, or the Duchie of Milan, be he neuer so faithfull and trustie, yet shal he not be able to do him seruice any long time after his paiment faileth, bicause his men will forsake him, and the poore captaine shall be vtterly vndone: for the greatest part of them liue onely vpon the credit they win by the seruice of their soldiors, who are paied by their captaine, and he of him whom he serueth, which is the cause why they desire in Italy nothing but factions and ciuile wars. But as touching the practises aboue mentioned, you shall vnderstand that they began before the [Page] towne of Caietta was lost, to wit, immediately after the King perceiued that the Duke of Milan would not performe the conditions of the treatie of Verceil, and continued after the losse of the said towne, the whole space of two yeeres after the Kings returne home. As touching the said Duke of Milan, he brake not his promise altogither vpon malice and trecherie, but partly for feare: for he doubted that the King would destroy him if he obteined the realme of Naples: besides that, he accounted the King to be a Prince in whom was no constancie nor assurance. But to proceede, one of these enterprises aboue mentioned was to inuade the Duchie of Milan after this sort. Order was giuen that the Duke of Orleans should go to Ast to enter with a good band of men on that side, whom I sawe once so neere his departure, that his train was already gone. We were sure of the Duke of Ferrareas friendship, for he had promised to aide vs (notwithstanding that he were the Duke of Milans father in lawe) with fiue hundred men of armes, and two thousand footemen, which his promise vndoubtedly he would haue performed, to the end he might haue rid himselfe of the danger he was in, lying iust in the midst betweene the Venetians and the said Duke: for not long before (as I haue already made mention) the Venetians had taken from him the Polesan, and sought wholy his destruction: wherefore he would haue preferred his owne safetie and his childrens, before his sonne in lawes friendship; yea, and peraduenture he thought that the Duke of Milan seeing himselfe in this extremitie would make some appointment with the King ¹. Moreouer, by the said D. of Ferraraes meanes, the Marques of Mantua was become our friend, who lately had been and yet was generall of the Venetians, but in great ielousie with them, and he likewise being discontented with them, soiourned with three hundred men of armes with his father in law the Duke of Ferrare: for you shall vnderstand that he then had, and yet hath to wife the Duches of Milans sister, daughter to the said Duke of Ferrara. Master Iohn Bentiuoille who gouerneth Bolonia, and is as it were Lord thereof, promised to aide vs with a hundred and fiftie men of armes, and a good band of footemen, and to send to the Kings seruice two of his son [...]s, who were captaines of certaine companies of horsemen, and such was the seat [...] countrey that he might haue done great seruice against the Duke of Milan. The [...]orentines who sawe themselues vtterly vndone (vnlesse by large expences they recouered their losses) fearing to be disseased of Pisa and the other places aboue mentioned ²; would haue furnished eight hundred men of armes, and fiue thousand footemen vpon their owne proper costes and charges, and had already prouided their paiments for sixe moneths. The Vrsins and the Prefect of Rome brother to the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula (so often before named,) being in paie with the King, would haue furnished a thousand men of armes: but you shall vnderstand that their men of armes are not accompanied with archers as ours be, but their wages and ours are much a like: for a yeeres pay of one of their men of armes amounteth to a hundreth ducats, and the wages of one of ours is double as much bicause of his archers. These mercenary soldiers the King should haue paid, but as touching the Florentines they should haue paid their forces themselues. The Duke of Ferrara also, the Marques of Mantua and Bentiuoille, offered this aide vpon their owne charge, for they hoped to conquer in the Duchie of Milan as much as should counteruaile their coste. And if the Duke of Milan had been suddenly inuaded by the Duke of Orleans, and all these aboue rehearsed at one instant, his confederates (namely the Venetians) could not haue succoured him (though they would haue spent all their treasure in his defence) before he must haue been forced to reuolt to the K, who would haue kept these Italians in the field a long time. And the Duchy of Milan being [Page] once woon, the realme of Naples would haue yeelded of it selfe.

The stay of this goodly enterprise proceeded of the Duke of Orleans, who suddenly altered his minde the night before he should haue departed: for he had already sent before him all things necessarie for his person, and none remained to depart but himselfe onely: for the army was in a readines, their wages paid them, & they all gone before to Ast, being to the number of eight hundred men of armes French, and sixe thousand footemen: among the which were fower hundred Swissers. But the said Duke of Orleans being thus suddenly altered, besought the King twice to propound this matter againe to his counsell, and so he did, I my selfe was present at the debating of it both the times, and the whole Counsell concluded that he should go, not one man speaking to the contrarie: notwithstanding that there were present at each time ten or twelue Counsellors at the least. And sure so had it beene most conuenient, considering that we had therof assured our friends in Italy aboue named: all the which had beene at great charges, and were in a readines. But the Duke of Orleans being present at the debating of this matter himselfe, made answer (either by the aduise of some one, or for that he shunned this enterprise bicause he saw the King euill disposed of his body, whose heire he should be if he died) that he would neuer take vpon him this voiage for his owne particular quarrell, but willingly by the Kings commandement as his lieutenant, with the which answere the counsell arose. The next day and many daies after, the ambassadors of Florence and diuers others, pressed the King earnestly to command the Duke to depart. Whereunto the King answered, that he would neuer force him to the wars against his will. Thus was this voiage dashed to the Kings great greefe, both bicause of the great charges he had susteined; and also bicause he was in good hope (if it had proceeded) to haue been reuenged of the Duke of Milan, considering what intelligences he had already, and what other intelligences he might haue had at that time; by meanes of Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul, lieutenant generall for him and the D. of Orleans in these Italian wars, who was a Milanois borne, and very well beloued and friended in his countrie, where he had good intelligence with many both of his kinsemen and others. This enterprise thus failing, another succeeded, yea two or three at a clap against Genua: where the people are euer inclined to diuision; one of these enterprises was managed by Master Baptiste de Campefourgouse, who was chiefe of one of the factions in the towne, but banished, and his faction of no authoritie at that time, neither yet the house of Orie, who are gentlemen, and they of Fourgousi none. The said D'Ories take part with the Fourgouses, but none of them may be Duke, bicause they are gentlemen, for no gentlemen may be Duke of Genua: but this Baptiste had been Duke not long before, and lost the gouernment by the trecherie of his vnckle the Cardinall of Genua, who of late yeeres put the Seniorie of Genua into the Duke of Milans hands. So that at this present the Adornes gouerned Genua, who in like maner are not gentlemen, but haue often been Dukes by helpe of the Spinoles who are gentlemen; so that the gentlemen make the Duke of Genua, but cannot be Dukes themselues. This Baptista trusted that his faction would arise in his fauor, both in the towne and countrey, and that the towne being recouered, the soueraigntie thereof should remaine to the King, but he and his faction gouerne and banish their enimies. The other enterprise was this, diuers of Sauonne addressed themselues to the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula ³, and promised to yeeld the towne to him, hoping thereby to recouer their libertie; for they are vnder the Genuois gouernment, and pay tribute to them. If we had entred into this place, Genua should haue been greatly distressed, the countrey of Prouence being in subiection to [Page] the King, and Sauoy wholy at his deuotion. Wherefore the King being aduertised of all these enterprises, wrote to Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul to aide Master Baptist de Campefourgouse with force to conueigh him to the gates of Genua, to see whether his faction would arise in his fauor. And on the other side he was so earnestlie pressed by the Cardinal S. Peter ad Vincula, that he sent other letters at the selfe same time to the said M. Iohn Iames, comanding him to lend the said Cardinal men to conueie him to Sauonne: and the like commandement sent he him also by mouth by the Lord of Sernon in Prouence, who was great friend to the said Cardinall and a stout talker. Besides these two commandements, came yet a thirde, which was, that the said Master Iohn Iames should retire into some place where he might conueniently aide both these parties aboue mentioned, & yet attempt nothing against the Duke of Milan, nor the treatie of peace made the summer before with him, which commandement was cleane contrary to the two former.

Thus you see how great Princes affaires are gouerned when they vnderstand them not themselues, but command letters and dispatch men vpon a sudden before they heare matters well debated. For as touching the demaunds of Master Baptist de Campeforgouse and the said Cardinal, it was impossible to satisfie them both at once, for Baptist durst not go to the wals of Genua without great force, bicause the towne is very populous, and the people well armed, and hardy and valiant soldiers: wherefore if Master Iohn Iames should at the same time haue lent men also to the Cardinall, his armie had been diuided into three companies; for part of the force must haue remained with himselfe. In the meane time diuers bands arriued at Genua and at Sauonne, sent thither by the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, who both feared greatly the reuolt of Genua, as did also Dom Frederick and the Pope.

Besides these two enterprises, the said Master Iohn Iames had yet a third in his head, deuised of his owne braine, which was this, he would haue broken off both these other enterprises, and haue marched with the whole force straight against the Duke of Milan, and vndoubtedly if he had not beene countermaunded, he would haue done some great exploit. His enterprise he was already entred into, and had aduertised the King thereof, pretending that he could not otherwise aide them that should go to Genua or Sauonne to the enterprises aboue mentioned. Wherefore vnder colour thereof, he led his armie into the high way betweene Alexandria and Genua (which was the onely way the Duke of Milan could send to inuade our bands that should go to Genua and Sauonne) and three or fower small townes he tooke, which voluntarily receiued him, aduertising the King that this notwithstanding, he made no war vpon the Duke of Milan, seeing he was forced of necessitie (for the safetie of those that should go to the other enterprises) to do as he did: adding, that the King could not be said to make war vpon the Duke of Milan, for seeking to conquer Genua or Sauonne, bicause they were held of him and forfaited to him; but this enterprise was dashed by the Kings commandement. Further, to satisfie the Cardinall, the said Master Iohn Iames lent him part of the armie to conuey him to Sauonne, but he found the place manned, and thereupon gaue ouer his enterprise and returned. He lent men also to Master Baptist to conuey him to Genua, who assured him that his enterprise should take effect: but when he was three or fower leagues vpon the way, they that accompanied him began to be ielous of him, as well the Almaines as the French, wherein notwithstanding that they did him wrong, yet sure their companie being but small, should haue put themselues in great danger, if they had gone to Genua, and his faction had not happened to arise. Thus all these enterprises sped euill, and the Duke of Milan, who had been greatly distressed, if Master Iohn Iames [Page] had beene suffered to inuade him with the whole force, was now strong; for the Venetians had sent diuers bands to his aide. Whereupon our armie retired, our footemen were dismissed, and these little townes that were taken abandoned: and thus ended these wars, finally to the Kings profit, who consumed infinite treasure in them.

The Notes.

1 Vnderstand against the Venetians, by the which meanes he might haue recouered the Polesan, and the rest that they withheld from him.

2 For you must vnderstand that these practises began before their places were sold.

3 This Cardinall was borne at Sauonne.

Of certaine controuersies betweene King Charles and Ferrande King of Castile, and of the ambassadors that were sent to and fro to pacifie them. Chap. 16.

WHat happened from the Kings returne out of Italie (which was about 3. or 4. moneths before the end of the yeer 1495.) till the beginning of the yeere 1498. I haue already rehearsed: for all that space I was resident in the Court, and present at the dispatch of most part of those affaires. The King rode about from Lyons to Moulins, and from Moulins to Tours, holding tourneies and iusts in all places, and minding nothing else. Those that were of the greatest authoritie about him, were so diuided, that more they could not be; for some of them would that the conquest of Naples should still continue, bicause their profit and credit depended thereupon, namely, the Cardinall ¹, and the Seneschall ², who gouerned all the Kings affaires: on the otherside the Admirall, who before this voiage had borne all the sway with the yoong King, would in any wise that these Italian enterprises should cease, and trauelled to ouerthrowe them, knowing that the quailing of them would turne greatly to his profite, and be a meanes whereby he might recouer his former credit and authoritie, and the others fall into disgrace.

Thus passed the Kings affaires about a yeere and a halfe, during the which space he sent ambassadors to the King and Queene of Castile, who were in war with him, and whose friendship he greatly desired, bicause they were mightie both by sea and land. And notwithstanding that they did no great exploit vpon the land, yet had they sent great aide by sea to King Ferrande and King Frederick of Naples: for the yle of Sicilie is distant from Reges in Calabria but a league and a halfe, so that some hold opinion it was once firme land with Italie ³, and that the sea breaking in, made this straight ⁴ now named the Far ⁵ of Messine. The said yle of Sicilie was then and yet is, in subiection to the King and Queene of Castile, who sent from thence great aide to Naples, as well of great ships called Carauels that came out of Spaine, as also of men. Moreouer, in the yle of Sicilie itselfe a companie of men of armes was leuied, the which passed into Calabria with a certaine number of genetarios ⁶, and made war vpon the Kings forces there. Besides this, their ships were continually with the confederates nauie, by means whereof, when all their forces were togither, the King was much too weake for his enimies vpon the sea, but otherwise the King of Castile endammaged him not much. True it is that once a great companie of [Page] horsemen entred into Languedock, and spoiled the countrie, and lodged in it three or fower daies; but other exploit did they none. Then the Lord of Saint André in Bourbonnois, who defended those frontiers for the Duke of Bourbon the Kings lieutenant in Languedock, attempted to take Sausses a little towne in the countrie of Roussillon, bicause on that side they had inuaded the Kings dominions about two yeeres before. For you shall vnderstand, that the King had restored vnto them the said countrie of Roussillon ⁷, whereof the territorie of Parpignan is parcell, in the which this little towne of Sausses is situate. His enterprise was great and dangerous; for the towne was well manned though it were but small, and a great number of gentlemen of the King of Castiles house were within it; besides that, their armie being stronger than ours lay abrode in the fields encamped within a league of the place: yet notwithstanding the said Lord of Saint André so wisely and closely guided his enterprise that within ten howers he tooke the towne by assault, as my selfe can witnes, and at the breach were slaine thirtie or fortie Spanish gentlemen of marke, among whom was the Archbishop of Saint Iames his sonne, besides three or fower hundred common soldiers. They thought not that the towne could haue been taken so suddenly; for they vnderstood not the feate of our artillerie, which vndoubtedly is the best in the world.

This is all the exploit that was done between these two Princes, whereof though the effects were but small yet great was the shame and dishonor the King of Castile receiued thereby, his armie being so strong as it was: but where God is disposed to punish, commonly such small scoruges run before. For the said King and Queen of Castile were shortly after otherwise punished, and so were we also. But sure as touching them they much stained their honor in violating their othe giuen to the King, who had dealt so bountifully with them, by restoring them the countrey of Rousillon, the fortification and defence whereof had beene so chargeable to his father, who had it in pawne for three hundred thousand crownes, which summe also the King forgaue them, all to the end they should not impeach nor hinder his voiage to Naples. Moreouer, they renued the ancient league betweene Fraunce and Castile, which is between King and King, realme and realme, and man and man of their subiects, and promised not to hinder his said conquest, nor marie any of their daughters into Naples, England or Flanders, which straight offer of mariage proceeded of themselues: for a Frier Franciscan called Frier Iohn de Mauleon made this ounerture on the Queene of Castiles behalfe. Yet all this notwithstanding so soone as they saw the war begun, and heard that the King was at Rome, they sent ambassadors round about to enter into league against him, and namely to Venice, I being there present, where the league aboue mentioned was concluded betweene the Pope, the King of Romans, them, the Seniore of Venice, and the Duke of Milan: immediately whereupon they inuaded the Kings dominions, alleaging that such a promise was not to be performed, meaning the marriage of their children (being fower daughters and one sonne) into the houses aboue mentioned, which ouuerture notwithstanding proceeded of themselues, as before you haue heard.

But to returne to the matter. After these wars in Italy were ended, and all lost in the realm of Naples saue Caietta, which the K. yet held when these treaties of peace began betweene him and the King and Queene of Castile: but soone after lost also, and the wars in the countrey of Roussillon being in like maner ended, so that none sought to endammage other, but each partie to defend their own. They sent to King Charles a gentleman accompanied with certaine Monks of Montferrat, for all their affaires they gouerned by such men, either to saue charges thereby, or to dissemble [Page] by such instruments with the lesse suspition, as for example they did by Iohn de Mauleon the Frier Franciscan aboue named, who perswaded the King to restore vnto them the countrey of Roussillon. These ambassadors at their first audience, besought the King to forget the great wrong the King and the Queene had done him. I name alwaies the Queene bicause the crowne of Castile mooued by hir, and bicause hir authority was greater there than hir husbands: and vndoubtedly this was a very honorable mariage betweene the King hir husband and hir. Then these ambassadors began to treat of truce, desiring to haue all their league comprehended therein. The ouuertures they made were these: that the King should keepe the possession of Caietta, and the other places he yet held in the realme of Naples, and that during the truce he might victuall them at his pleasure. Further, that there should be a place assigned whither all the Princes of the league should send their ambassadors (at the least, as many as would) to treat of peace, the which being concluded: the said King and Queene meant to continue their conquest or enterprise against the Moores, and to passe the sea out of Granado into Africk, there to inuade the King of Fessa who was their next neighbour on that side. Notwithstanding some were of opinion that they meant rather to hold themselues contented with that they had already conquered, I meane the realme of Granado, which vndoubtedly was the greatest and honorablest conquest that hath been obteined in our time ⁸; yea such as their predecessors were neuer able to atchieue. And I wish with all my hart for the honor I beare them, that they had neuer mooued other war than this, but had faithfully performed their promise to the King. The King sent the Lord of Clerieux in Daulphine backe into Castile with their ambassadors, and sought to conclude a peace or truce wherein their confederates should not be comprehended: notwithstanding if he had accepted their offer made by these their ambassadors, he had saued Caietta, which had been sufficient for the recouerie of the whole realme of Naples, considering the great fauour he had there. The said de Clerieux at his returne brought a new ouuerture (for Caietta was lost before he entred into Castile) which was, that the King and they should renew their former ancient league, and attempt betweene them at equall charges the conquest of all Italie, wherat the two Kings should be togither in person: but they said they would first conclude a generall truce, wherein all their league should be comprehended, and then assigne a diet at some place in Piemont, whither euery of their confederates should send their ambassadors, to the end they might honorably depart from their said league. All this ouuerture as we suspected then and vnderstood perfectly afterward, was but meere dissimulation to win time, to the end King Ferrand while he liued, and afterward Dom Frederic newly crowned King might repose themselues: notwithstanding I thinke they wished with all their harts the said realme of Naples to be their owne, and sure they had better title to it, than they that possessed it ⁹. But vndoubtedly the house of Anious right which the King had was the best, although to say the truth considering both the seate of the countrey, and the disposition of the people that inhabite it, me thinke he hath best right to it that can get it, for they desire nothing but alteration. The King afterward sent the aboue named de Clericux back againe into Castile & one Michaell of Grammont with him, with certaine other ouertures. This de Clerieux bare some affection to these Princes of Arragon, and hoped to obtaine of them the Marquisat of Cotron in Calabria, which the King of Spaine conquered in the last voiage that his men made thither. The said de Clerieux pretended title to it, and he is a good plaine dealing man, and one that will easily giue credit, especially to such personages as these were. At his second returne [Page] he brought with him an ambassador from the King and Queene, and made his report to the King, which was, that they would hold themselues contented with that part of the realme of Naples that lies next to Sicilie (to wit, Calabria) for the right that they pretended to the said realme, and that the King should hold the rest: and farther that the said King of Castile would be in person at this conquest, and beare equall charges in all things with the King, and indeed he held then and yet holdeth fower or fiue strong places in Calabria, whereof Cotron is one, which is a good and a well fortified citie. I was present at this report, which seemed vnto most of vs but meere abuse and dissimulation. Wherefore it was determined that some wise man should be sent to them to sound the bottom of this ouuerture, and thereupon the Lord of Bouchage was ioined in commission with the former ambassadors: he was a man of deepe iudgement, and one that had been in great credit with King Levvis, and so is he also at this present with King Charles his sonne. The Spanish ambassador that came with de Clerieux would neuer auow his report, but answered that he thought the said de Clerieux would not make the report, if the King his Master and the Queene had not willed him so to do; which answer caused vs so much the more to suspect their dissimulation: besides that, no man would beleeue that the King of Castile would go in person into Italy, or that he either would or could beare equall charges with the King.

After the said Lords of Bouchage, Clerieux, and Michaell of Grammont with the rest of their collegues were come to the K. and Queene of Castiles court, they lodged them in a place where no man could com to commune with them, for the which purpose also certaine were appointed to watch their lodgings. But they themselues spake thrise with them: & when the said du Bouchage aduertised them of the report aboue mentioned made to the King by de Clerieux and Michaell of Grammont: they answered that they would willingly endeuor themselues to conclude a peace for the Kings honor and profit. And as touching the said report, they confessed that indeed such speech had passed them by way of communication but not otherwise, with the which answer de Clerieux being discontented and not without cause, aduowed his report to be true before them both, in the presence of the said Lord of Bouchage, who with the rest of his companions concluded a truce, (the King hauing two moneths respit to accept it or refuse it) wherin their confederates were not comprehended, but their sonnes in lawe, and the fathers of their sonnes in lawe, namely the Kings of Romanes and England ¹⁰ (for the Prince of Wales was at that time very yoong) were comprehended therein, they had fower daughters, the eldest of the which was a widow, and had been married to the King of Portugales sonne that last died, who brake his necke before hir as he passed a carrier vpon a ginnet within three moneths after their marriage. The second and the third were married the one in Flaunders, and the other in England, and the fourth is yet to marrie. After the Lord of Bouchage was returned, and had made his report, the King perceiued that de Clerieux had beene too credulous, and that he had done wisely in sending du Bouchage thither, bicause he was now assured of that which before he stood in doubt of. The said de Bouchage aduertised him further, that he could effect nothing but the conclusion of the truce, the which he had libertie either to accept or refuse at his pleasure. The King accepted it, and sure it serued him to good purpose: for it was the breach of their league which so much had troubled his affaires, and which hitherto he could by no means dissolue, notwithstanding that he had attempted all waies possible. Thirdly, the said de Bouchage informed the King, that the King and Queene of Castile had promised him at his departure to send ambassadors immediately after him [...]

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cause of their attainture was for that they had attempted to make him King of Portugale that now raigneth. These Lords therefore and gentlemen were by meanes of this marriage recompensed in Castile by the King and Queene, and their lands which they had forfaited in Portugale by attainture, assigned to the Queene of Portugale (now mentioned) daughter to the said K. and Queene of Castile. But notwithstanding all these considerations, the said K. & Queene repented them of this marriage: for you shall vnderstand that there is no nation in the world that the Spaniards hate more than the Portugales, so far foorth that they disdaine & scorne them: wherfore the said King & Queene lamented much that they had bestowed their daughter vpon a man that should not be beloued in the realm of Castile & their other dominions: & if the marriage had been then vnmade, they would neuer haue made it, which vndoubtedly was a great corrosiue to them, yet nothing so great as this, that she should depart from them. Notwithstanding, after all their sorrowes ended, they led their said daughter and sonne in law through all the chiefe cities of their realme, and made the said King of Portugale to be receiued for Prince, and their daughter for Princesse, and proclaimed them their successors after their death. Some comfort they receiued after all these sorrowes, for they were aduertised that the said Lady Princesse of Castile and Queene of Portugale, was great with childe; but this ioy prooued in the end double greefe, so that I thinke they wished themselues out of the world: for this Lady whom they so tenderly loued and so much esteemed, died in trauell of the said childe, not past a moneth agone, and we are now in October in the yeere 1498. but the childe liueth ⁴ and is called Emanuell after his fathers name. All these greatmisfortunes hapned to them in the space of three moneths.

Now to returne to the estate of Fraunce. You shall vnderstand that about fower or fiue moneths before the said Ladies death, a great misfortune happened also in this realme: I meane the death of King Charles the eight whereof heereafter you shall heare at large. It seemed therefore that God beheld both these houses with an angrie countenance, and would not that the one realme should scorne the other. For although the death of a Prince seeme but a trifle to many, yet is it sure far otherwise: for change of the Prince neuer happeneth in any realme, but it traineth with it great sorrowes and troubles; and notwithstanding that some gaine by it, yet an hundred fold more lose, bicause at an alteration men are forced to change their maner and forme of liuing: for that that pleaseth one Prince, displeaseth another. Wherefore (as before I haue said) if a man well consider the sharpe and sudden punishments that God hath laide vpon great Princes within these thirty yeeres, in Fraunce, Castile, Portugale, England, Naples, Flaunders, and Britaine, he shall finde that they haue beene heauier and greeuouser than happened in two hundred yeeres before: and whosoeuer would take in hand to discourse vpon all the particular misfortunes that I my selfe haue seene, and in a maner knowen all the persons as well men as women to whom they happened, should make thereof a huge volume and that of great admiration, yea though it contained onely such as haue chanced within these ten yeeres. By these punishments, the power of God ought to be the better knowen, for the plagues he powreth downe vpon great personages are sharper, grieuouser, and endure longer than those he sendeth to the poorer sort. To conclude therefore, me thinke all things well waied, that Princes are in no better estate in this world than other men, if they consider by the miseries they see happen to their neighbours what may happen to themselues. For as touching them they chastice their subiects at their pleasures, and God disposeth of them at his pleasure, bicause other than him they haue none ouer them: but happie is the realme that is [Page] gouerned by a Prince that is wise and feareth God and his commandements.

I haue briefly rehearsed the misfortunes that happened in three moneths space to these two great and mightie realmes, which not long before were so inflamed the one against the other, so busied in enlarging their dominions, and so little contented with that they already possessed. And notwithstanding that alwaies some (as before I said) reioice at changes, and gaine by them: yet at the first (euen to them) the death, especially the sudden death of their Prince is very dreadfull and dangerous.

The Notes.

1 This he seemeth to adde, bicause the empire was greater, but it was not the Emperors inheritance.

2 Vnderstand the two first murthers, of his wiues father and brother: for his sonne was dead before he slue his owne brother.

3 Vnderstand hir dowrie for hir first marriage.

4 But the childe died also afterward, and the crowne of Spaine descended to Iane the second daughter wife to Philip Duke of Austrich, and mother to the Emperor Charles the fift. Further, you shall vnderstand that our authors memorie failed him heere: for this Princes name was not Emanuel as Commines heere writeth, but Michael, according to all good authors and pedegrees both of Spaine and Portugale.

Of the sumptuous building King Charles began a little before his death, of the great desire he had to reforme the Church and himselfe, to diminish his reuenues, and to redresse the processes of the law: and how he died suddenly in this good minde in his castel of Amboise. Chap. 18.

I Will heere cease further to discourse of the affaires of Italie and Castile, and returne to our owne particular sorrowes and troubles in Fraunce, which notwithstanding were pleasant newes happily to those that gained by them. I will write of the sudden death of King Charles the 8. who being in his castel of Amboise, had begun the sumptuousest building, both in the castell and the towne, that any King tooke in hand these hundred yeeres, as appeereth by the towers, vp to the which men ride on horsebacke, and by the foundātion laid in the towne, the platformes whereof were drawen of such exquisitenes, that they well declared it to be a worke of maruellous charge, and that could not haue beene finished in long time. For you shall vnderstand, that the King had brought with him from Naples, many excellent workmen in all kinde of arts, especially grauers and painters, and sure it seemed by the foundation, an enterprise of a yoong King that thought not to die, but hoped of long life: for he ioined, togither all the goodly things that were commended to him, were they in Fraunce Italie, or Flaunders. Further, he continued still desirous to returne into Italie, and confessed that he had committed many errors in his voiage thither, and oftentimes rehearsed them, determining if his fortune were to returne againe and recouer his losses; to giue better order for the defence of the countrie. The recouerie also wherof [Page] (bicause he had great intelligence in all places) he purposed to attempt, and to send thither fifteene hundred men of armes, Italians, vnder the leading of the Marquesse of Mantua, the Vrsins, the Vitellies, and the Prefect of Rome brother to the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula. Moreouer, Monseur d' Aubigny who had done him so great seruice in Calabria, was ready to take his iourney towards Florence; for the Florentines offered to beare the halfe of these charges for sixe moneths, to the end the King with these forces aboue mentioned, might first take Pisa ¹, at the least the small places about it, and then all togither enter into the realme of Naples, from whence messengers came daily to him. Alexander the Pope that now is, practised with him, and offered to become his perfect friend; for there was a breach betweene him and the Venetians, so far foorth that he sent a secret messenger into Fraunce, whom myselfe conueied into the Kings chamber a little before his death. The Venetians were ready to practise against Milan: as touching Spaine, you haue heard how it was affected to him. The King of Romanes desired nothing so much as his friendship, and that they two might ioine their forces togither, to recouer that which appertained to them in Italie: for the said Maximilian was great enimie to the Venetians, bicause they withhold diuers things both from the house of Austrich (whereof he is heire) and also from the empire ².

Moreouer, the King was wel disposed a little before his death to lead his life according to the commandements of God, to reforme al abuses in the law & the Church, and to diminish his receits & reuenues, purposing to leuy of his people onely twelue hundred thousand franks ouer and aboue his demains, which sum the three estates granted him by way of subsidie at Towers at his first comming to the crowne, and this money he meant to employ vpon the defence of the realme. But as touching himselfe he would haue liued vpon his demaines, according to the maner of the ancient Kings of Fraunce, and so might he well haue done: for the demaines are great, yea so great, if they were well ordered, that they surmount a million of franks, certaine customes and subsidies being annexed to them. If this his determination had taken effect, he should thereby much haue eased his people, who pay at this present aboue two millions and a halfe of franks by way of subsidie. Moreouer, he tooke great pains in reforming the abuses of the order of Saint Benet, and other orders of religion: he called neere about him holy religious men, and often heard them preach: he would willingly haue brought to passe if he could, that a Bishop should haue had but one bishopricke, and a Cardinall but two, and that the clergie should haue beene resident vpon their benefices: but it had been a hard matter to reforme the church men. He gaue great almes to poore people a little before his death, as his confessor the Bishop of Angers (who was a woorthie prelate) enformed me. Lastly, he had built a publike audience where himselfe heard the sutes of all men, especially of the poore, and dispatched many matters: I my selfe sawe him in this place two houres togither but eight daies before his death, which was the last time that euer I sawe him: no matters of great importance were dispatched there, but by this meanes he held men in feare, especially his officers, some also of the which he displaced for extortion and briberie.

But the eight day of Aprill, the yeere 1498. vpon Palme sunday euen, the King being in this glory as touching the world, and in this good minde towards God: departed out of the chamber of Queene Anne Duches of Britaine his wife, leading hir with him to see the tennice plaiers in the trenches of the castle, whither he had neuer led hir before, and they two entred togither into a gallery, called Haquelebacs gallerie, bicause the said Haquelebac had in times past held watch and warde in it. [Page] It was the vncleanest place about the castell, for euery man made water there, and the entrie into it was broken downe: moreouer, the King as he entred, knocked his browe against the doore; notwithstanding that he were of very small stature. Afterward he beheld a great while the tennice playing, talking familiarly with al men. I my selfe was not present there, but his said confessor the Bishop of Angers, and those of his chamber that were neerest about him, haue enformed me of this I write: for as touching my selfe, I was gone home eight daies before to my house. The last word he spake being in health was, that he hoped neuer after to commit deadly sin, nor veniall if he could: in vttering the which words he fell backeward and lost his speech, about two of the clocke at afternoone, and abode in this gallerie till eleuen of the clock at night. Thrise he recouered his speech, but it continued not with him, as the said confessor told me, who had shriuen him twise that weeke, once of ordinarie, and once for those that came to be cured of the Kings euill. Euery man that listed entred into the gallerie, where he laie vpon an old mattresse of strawe, from the which he neuer arose till he gaue vp the ghost, so that nine howers he continued vppon it. The said confessor who was continually by him tolde me, that all the three times he recouered his speech he cried; My God, and the glorious virgin Marie, Saint Claude, and Saint Blase helpe me. Thus departed out of this world this mightie puissant Prince in this miserable place, not being able to recouer one poore chamber to die in: notwithstanding that he had so many goodly houses, and built one so sumptuous at that present. These two examples aboue rehearsed declare the greatnes of Gods power, and the shortnes and miserie of mans life, which traineth with it great cares, for the purchasing of worldly goods and honors, and shew withall that death is common to all men, the which a Prince can no more auoid than a poore plowman.

The Notes.

1. Vnderstand, to the end he might deliuer it to the Florentines.

2 They withhold from the house of Austrich a part of Istria and Furly, and from the empire Padoa and Veronne.

How the holy man Frier Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the Pope, and of diuers Florentines and Venetians his enimies. Chap. 19.

I Haue told you before in this discourse of our voiage to Naples, that there was at Florence a Frier Iacobin called Hierome, who had been resident there the space of fifteen yeeres, being a man famous for his holy life, and whom my selfe saw and communed with in the yeere of our Lord 1495. The said Frier as aboue is mentioned foretolde diuers things, and affirmed alwaies that the King should passe ouer the mountaines into Italie, and preached so openly, saying, that he vnderstood both this and all the other things whereof he spake by reuelation. He said further, that the King was chosen of God to reforme the estate of the Church with the sword, and to chastice Tyrants. But bicause he affirmed that he vnderstood these things by reuelation, many murmured against him, and he procured himselfe the displeasure [Page] of the Pope and of diuers others in the towne of Florence. He led the holiest life that any man could leade, as appeered both by his conuersation, and also by his sermons, wherein he preached against all kinde of vice, so that he reformed the loose liues of many in the said citie. But in this yeere 1498. about the selfe same time that King Charles ended his life, died also this Frier Hierom, within fower or fiue daies the one of the other. The cause why I write this vnto you, is for that he preached alwaies openly that the K. should return again into Italy, to execute the commission that God had giuen him, which was to reforme the Church by the sword, and to chase tyrants out of the countrie; and that in case he did it not, God would punish him cruelly; and all his former sermons, and all that he made at this present he put foorth in print, and are to be sold. This threatning that he vsed against the King, saying that God would punish him cruelly vnlesse he returned: the said Frier writ also diuers times to him before his death, and the like told he me with his owne mouth, when I spake with him at our returne out of Italie, saying that God had pronounced sentence against the King in heauen, vnlesse he executed that which he had commanded him, and restrained his men from spoile. Now you shall vnderstand, that about the time of the Kings death, the Florentines were at great variance within the citie: some desired the Kings returne, and waited daily for it, bicause of the great hope Frier Hierom gaue them thereof: but in the meane time they consumed themselues and waxed maruellous poore, by reason of the great charges they sustained in hope to recouer Pisa, and the other places that they had put into the K. hands, whereof the Venetians held Pisa. But other some gaue aduice to take part with the league, and vtterly to abandon the King, saying that they were abused, that it was folly to looke for his returne, and that Frier Hierom was an heretike, and a whoormaster, and that it were almes to put him into a sacke, and throwe him into the riuer; but he was so friended in the towne, that they durst not attempt it. The Pope also and the Duke of Milan writ often against this Frier, offering the Florentines to cause Pisa and their other places to be restored them, if they would depart from their league with the King, and take Frier Hierom and punish him. And by chance at that present a new Seniorie was chosen in Florence, whereof many were enimies to this Frier. For you shall vnderstand that the said Seniorie changeth at euery two moneths end. Wherefore the said Hieroms enimies suborned a Frier Franciscan to picke a quarrell to him and call him heretike, affirming that he abused the people, in saying he vnderstood any thing by reuelation: for proofe whereof he offered himselfe to the fire, and these words he spake before the Seniorie. Frier Hierom would not present himselfe to the fire, but a companion of his said, that he would enter into the fire for him: and then another companion of the Frier Franciscans presented himselfe on the other side: whereupon a day was assigned when they should enter into the fire. Vpon the which they both came accordingly, accompanied each of them with his couent; but the Iacobine brought the sacrament in his hand, which the Frier Franciscans and the Seniorie also commanded him to lay downe, which he refused to do: wherfore they returned againe to their couents. Then the people mooued by the said Frier Hieroms enimies, went with the Seniories commission and tooke him, with two others of his companions in his conuent, and at the very first racked him cruelly; they slue also the chiefest citizen in the towne called Francis Vallorie, bicause he was the said Friers great friend. Moreouer, the Pope sent his commission, whereby he authorized them to make their processe; and in the end they burned them all three. They charged him with these two points onely; first, that he raised discord in the towne: and secondarily, that he vnderstood [Page] by his friends of the councell, all that he vaunted to know by reuelation. For my part I will neither accuse them, nor excuse them for this deed; neither know I whether they did well or euill, in putting him to death: but sure he told many things that prooued true, which he could not receiue from the councel of Florence. And as touching the King, and the euils he said should happen to him, they came to passe as he prophesied: for first he tolde him, of the Doulphin his sonnes death, and after of his owne, as my selfe can witnesse, for I haue seene the letters he writ thereof to the King.

Of the obsequies and funerals of King Charles the eight, and of the coronation of King Lewis the 12. his successor, with the genealogies of the Kings of Fraunce continuing to the said Lewis. Chap. 20.

THe Kings disease was a Catarre or an Apoplexie: his Phisitions hoped it would haue fallen down into one of his armes, the losse whereof they somwhat doubted, but feared no whit any danger of death: notwithstanding the contrarie to their expectation hapned. He had fower Phisitions, but gaue credit onely to the woorst of them, and that so great, that the others durst not vtter their minds: for they would gladly haue purged him fower daies before he died, bicause they sawe in his bodie the occasions of his death. Euery man ran to the Duke of Orleans, who was to succeede him as next heire to the crowne. But King Charles his chamberlains caused him to be richlie buried, and immediately after his death began solemne seruice for him, which continued both day and night: for when the canons ended, the friers Franciscans began; and when they ended the Bons-hommes ¹, which was an order founded by himselfe: his body remained at Amboise eight daies, partly in his chamber, which was richly hanged, and partly in the church. All solemnities belonging to his funerals, were more sumptuous than euer were any K. of Fraunce: for his chamberlains, officers, & those that were neere about him, neuer departed from his body till it was laid in the ground, which was about a moneth after his death, al the which space this solemne seruice continued; so that the charges of his funerals amounted to fiue and fortie thousand franks, as diuers of the receit haue informed me. I arriued at Amboise two daies after his death, and went to say my praiers ouer his body, where I abode fiue or sixe howers. And to saie the truth, I neuer saw so great mourning, and lamentation, nor that continued so long for any Prince as for him: and no maruel; for he had bestowed vpon those that were neere about him, namely his chamberlaines, and ten or twelue gentlemen of his priuie chamber, greater offices and gifts than euer did King of Fraunce, yea, too great to saie the truth. Besides that, he was the mildest and courteousest Prince that euer liued; for I thinke he neuer gaue foule word to any man: wherefore in better hower could he not die, both to leaue his fame behinde him in histories, and to be bewailed of those that serued him. And I thinke verily, that my selfe am the man whom of all other he vsed roughliest, but bicause I knew it to be the fault of his youth and not to proceede of himselfe, I could neuer loue him the woorse for it.

After I had staied one night at Amboise, I went to the newe King, with whom I had been more familiar than any man: and further, for his sake had susteined all my [Page] troubles and losses, which now he seemed little to remember: notwithstanding with great wisdome he tooke possession of the crowne, for he changed no pensions that yeere, though halfe the yeere were yet to come, neither displaced many officers, but said that he would maintaine euery man in his estate; whereby he wan great honor. Moreouer, with all speede possible he went to his coronation, whereat my selfe was present. And these that follow represented the peeres of Fraunce. The first was the Duke of Alençon, who represented the Duke of Burgundie; the second the Duke of Bourbon, who represented the Duke of Normandie; the third the Duke of Lorraine, who represented the D, of Guienne. The first Earle was Philip L. of Rauastaine, who represented the Earle of Flaunders; the second Engilbert of Cleues, who represented the Earle of Champaigne; the third the Earle of Foix, who represented the Earle of Tholouze. And the said King Levvis the twelfth now raigning, was crowned at Reims the 27. of Maie, the yeere 1498. and is the fourth that hath come to the crowne by collaterall line. The two first were Charles Martell, or Pepin his sonne, and Hugh Capet, who were both of them Masters of the pallace or gouernors of those Kings, whom they deposed from the crowne, which afterwarde themselues vsurped; the thirde was King Philip of Valois; and the fourth the King that now raigneth: but these two latter came to the crowne by iust and lawfull title. The first genealogie of the Kings of Fraunce beginneth at Meronee: two Kings had raigned in Fraunce before the said Meronee, namely Pharamond, who was first chosen King of Fraunce (for his predecessors were called Dukes or Kings of Gaule) and his sonne Claudio. The said Pharamond was chosen King the yeere of grace 420. and raigned ten yeeres, and his sonne Claudio eighteene, so that these two Kings raigned eight and twentie yeeres: and Meronee who succeeded next after, was not sonne, but cosen to the said Claudio. Wherefore it seemeth that the right line of the Kings of Fraunce hath failed fiue times: notwithstanding (as before I said) men begin the first line at Meronee, who was crowned King in the yeere of our Lord 448. from the which time to the coronation of King Levvis the twelfth are numbred 1050. yeeres. But if you reckon from Pharamond, you must adde eight and twentie more, which make 1078. yeeres since there was first King of Fraunce. From Meronee to the raigne of Pepin (when the line of the said Meronee failed) are numbred 333. yeeres. From Pepin to Hugh Capet raigned the true line of the said Pepin, and Charlemaine his son, the space of 237. yeeres. The right line of Hugh Capet raigned 339. yeeres, and ended in King Philip of Valois: and the right line of the said King Philip of Valois continued till the death of King Charles the eight, which hapned in the yeere of our Lord 1498. The said King Charles was the last of this line, the which had continued 169. yeeres, during the which space, these seuen Kings raigned in Fraunce, Philip of Valois, King Iohn, Charles the fift, Charles the sixt, Charles the seuenth, Levvis the 11. and Charles the eight, in whom the right line of Philip of Valois ended.

The Notes.

1 This vvas an order of religion deuised by the King.

[Page]

How Charles Duke of Burgundie was of the house of Lancaster as Commines mentioneth lib. 1. cap. 5. and in other places.

Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster.

⟨—m.⟩ Blaunch daughter and heire of Henry Duke of Lancaster and Darby.

Philippa.

⟨—m.⟩ Iohn the tenth King of Portugale, bastard to King Ferrande of Portugale.

Isabella.

⟨—m.⟩ Philip Duke of Burgundie.

Charles Duke of Burgundie, of whose wars and death this history treateth.

[Page]

How Elizabeth wife to King Edward the fourth, was neece to the Constable of Fraunce, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 5.

Peter of Luxembourg.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret Countesse of Saint Paul, Conuersane, Briane, Lignac, &c.

Petrus Earle of Saint Paul, &c.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter to William D. of Andre in Prouence.

Iaquelna, or Iaquette.

⟨—m.⟩ Iohn Duke of Bedford.

⟨—m.⟩ Richard Wooduile Earle of Riuers.

Elizabeth.

⟨—m.⟩ Sir Iohn Gray.

Thomas Marques Dorset.

⟨—m.⟩ Edward the fourth King of England.

Edwardus quintus R. Ang.

Lewis of Luxembourg, Earle of Saint Paul, Constable of Fraūce.

⟨—m.⟩ Iane daughter & heire to Robert Earle of Marle, &c.

Anthonie Earle of Roussv mentioned by Commines lib. 2. cap. 11. & lib. 4. ca. 4.

Iohn Earle of Marle slaine at the battell of Morat.

Peter Earle of Saint Paul and Brienne.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter to Lewis D. of Sauoye.

Marie.

Francis.

⟨—m.⟩ Marie daughter to Lewis Duke of Sauoye.

Lewis Ea [...] of Ligny.

[Page]

How Brabant, Lambourg, Luxembourg and Namurs came to Philip Duke of Burgundie, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13.

Brabant. Lambourg.

Iohn the first of that name Duke of Brabant and Lambourg. ¹

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter to Guy Earle of Flaunders.

Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lambourg.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter to Edward the first King of England.

Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lambourg.

⟨—m.⟩ Marie daughter to Philip of Valois King of Fraunce.

Iane the eldest daughter died 1397.

⟨—m.⟩ Wenceslaus son to Iohn King of Boheme ² died 1383.

Margaret.

⟨—m.⟩ Lewis Malea [...] Earle of Flaundres.

Margaret.

⟨—m.⟩ Philip the hardy.

Margaret wife to William Earl of Haynault.

Anthony slaine in the battel of Agincourt.

⟨—m.⟩ Iane daughter to Walleran Earle of Saint Paul & Ligny, the first wife.

Iohn succeeded his father in Brabant and Lambourg.

Philip succeeded his brother.

⟨—m.⟩ ³ Elizabeth the second wife.

Luxembourg. Iohn Duke of Burgundie.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret siste [...] to William Earl of Haynault & Holland.

Namurs. Philip Duke of Burgundie. ⁴

[Page]

How Holland, Hainault, and Zeland came to Duke Philip, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. where also the Queenes Maiesties title to the said countries is somwhat touched.

Holland, Hainault, Zeland.

William Earle of Holland, Hainault, and Zeland.

⟨—m.⟩ Iane sister to Philip of Valois after K. of Fraunce.

Philippa the eldest daughter, wife to Edward the third King of England.

William declared by the Emperor ann. 1337. Earle of Holland, Zeland, Hainault, and Lord of Friseland, slaine by the Frizons 1345.

Margaret, daughter as some write, to William, ¹ as others, sister.

⟨—m.⟩ Lewis of Bauier [...] Emperor.

William the eldest brother died without issue.

Albert succeeded his brother.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter to the Duke of Brida.

William succeeded his father.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter to Philip the Hardy.

Iaqueline daughter and heire had fower husbands, but died without issue, and to hir succeeded Philip D. of Burgundie.

Margaret.

⟨—m.⟩ Iohn Duke of Burgundy sonne to Philip the Hardy.

Philip Duke of Burgundy succeeded Iaqueline in all these Seniories, as heere mentioneth Commines.

A daughter married to the Duke of Iuliers.

[Page]

How Margaret of Flaunders was heire of Flaunders, Neuers and Rethel, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. & lib. 5. cap. 11. the which Margaret married with Philip the Hardy, yoongest sonne to Iohn King of Fraunce.

Ottho yoonger sonne to Hugh the fourth of that name Duke of Burgundy.

⟨—m.⟩ Isabella daughter & heire of Arnulfe Earle of Neuers, which Arnulfe died anno 1243.

Neuers. Yolande.

Flaunders. ⟨—m.⟩ Robert of Bethune the 22. Earle of Flaunders died 1323.

Lewis Earle of Neuers, Baron of Douzy, died before his father ann. 1322.

Rethel. ⟨—m.⟩ Mary daughter and heire of Iames [...] of Rethel.

Lewis Earle of Flaunders, Neuers, Rethel, slain at the battell of Crecy 1346.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret yoongest daughter to Philip le Longue, King of Fraunce.

Lewis Earle of Flaū ders, surnamed of Malain, slain by Iohn Duke of Berry brother to Charles the fift anno 1383.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter to Iohn the 3. Duke of Brabant.

Margaret daughter and heire heere mentioned married two Dukes of Burgundie, as in the next leafe more at large shall appeere.

⟨—m.⟩ Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundy the first husband.

⟨—m.⟩ Philip the Hardy yoongest sonne to Iohn K. of Fraunce.

[Page]

How Arthois and the County of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret aboue mentioned, and how she married two Dukes of Burgundy, and how Philip the Hardy hir second husband obtained the Duchy of Burgundie after the death of Philip Duke of Burgundie hir first husband.

Burgundie Duchie. Robert Duke of Burgundy died 1308.

⟨—m.⟩ Agnes daughter to King Saint Lewis.

Margaret the eldest daughter.

⟨—m.⟩ Lewis Huttin King of Fraunce.

Iane wife to Phillip Earle of Eureux.

Iane.

⟨—m.⟩ Philip of Valois King of Fraunce.

Iohn King of Fraunce. ³

Philip the hardie second husband to the Ladie Margaret.

Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundie.

⟨—m.⟩ Iane the eldest daughter.

Philip died afore his father anno 1346.

⟨—m.⟩ Iane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Auuergne.

Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather, died 1361.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter and heire, hir second husband was Philip the hardie.

Burgundie Countie. Othelin Earle of Burgundie died 1303.

Arthois. ⟨—m.⟩ Maude daughter to Robert Earle of Arthois. ¹

Iane succeeded hir mother in hir widowhood, and was poisoned immediately after hir mothers death.

⟨—m.⟩ Philip the long King of Fraunce

Iane the eldest daughter.

⟨—m.⟩ Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundie.

Philip died afore his father anno 1346.

⟨—m.⟩ Iane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Auuergne.

Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather, died 1361.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter and heire, hir second husband was Philip the hardie.

Margaret. ²

⟨—m.⟩ Lewis Earle of Flaunders

Lewis of Malain Earle of Flaunders.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter to Iohn D. of Brabant.

Margaret daughter and heire, hir second husband was Philip the hardie.

⟨—m.⟩ Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather, died 1361.

Blaunch.

⟨—m.⟩ Charles le bel K. of Fraunce.

[Page]

How the King of Portugale was cosin germane to the Duke of Burgundy, as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 7.

Ferdinand the ninth King of Portugale.

Iohn a bastard, but King of Portugale.

⟨—m.⟩ Philippa daughter to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster

Isabella.

⟨—m.⟩ Philip Duke of Burgundie.

Charles Duke of Burgundy.

Mary daughter and heire to D. Charles.

⟨—m.⟩ Maximilian Emperor.

Edward King of Portugale.

⟨—m.⟩ Iane sister to Alfonse King of Arragon, Naples, and Sicile.

Leonora.

⟨—m.⟩ Frideric the third Emperor.

Maximilian Emperor.

⟨—m.⟩ Mary daughter and heire to D. Charles.

Alfonsus King of Portugale, the same that came into Fraunce for succours.

[Page]

How the Duke of Cleues was the Lady of Burgundies neerest kinsman by his mother, as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 16.

Iohn Duke of Burgundy.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret sister to William Earle of Hainault and Holland.

Mary.

⟨—m.⟩ Adolf the first D. of Cleues.

Adolfe Lord of Rauastain.

⟨—m.⟩ Betrice daughter to Iohn Duke of Cuymbria in Portugale.

Philip Lord of Rauastain mentioned in many places of this historie.

⟨—m.⟩ Mary base daughter to Philip Duke of Burgundy.

Iohn Duke of Cleues the D. heere mentioned.

⟨—m.⟩ Isabella daughter to Iohn E. of Neuers.

Iohn duke of Cleues the Dukes sonne, for whom the marriage with the Lady Mary should haue beene made.

Philip Duke of Burgundy.

⟨—m.⟩ Isabella daughter to Iohn K. of Portugale.

Charles Duke of Burgundy.

⟨—m.⟩ Isabella daughter to Charles Duke of Bourbon.

Mary Duchesse of Austrich, so often mentioeed in this historie.

⟨—m.⟩ Maximilian Emperor.

[Page]

How King Henry the 7. was right heire of the house of Lancaster, contrary to Commines who affirmeth the contrary Lib. 5. cap. 18. togither with the excuse of Commines error.

Edward the third King of England.

Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster.

⟨—m.⟩ Blaunch daughter and heire to Henry D. of Lancaster.

Iohn Duke of Bedford

Henry the 4. Rex Angliae.

Henry the 5. Rex Angliae.

Henry the 6. Rex Angliae.

Edward Prince of Wales.

Thomas D. of Clarēce

Humfrey Duke of Glocester.

⟨—m.⟩ Katharine the third wife.

Iohn Earle of Sommerset.

Iohn Duke of Sommerset the eldest sonne.

Margaret countesse of Richmond.

Henry the 7

Edmund made D of Sommerset, bicause his brother died without issue male.

Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded by K Edward the fourth.

Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded also by K. Edward the fourth.

A daughter maried Humfrey Duke of Buckingham

Iohn slaine at the battell of Teukesbury.

The excuse of Commines error.

The line of Henry the fourth being failed in Prince Edward, the right of the house of Lancaster came to the house of Sommerset, as heere is set foorth: but after the d [...]th of Iohn Duke of Sommerset, who died without heire male, Edmund his brother was made Duke of Sommerset. Wherefore Commines knowing Henry the 7. to claime the right of the house of Lancaster as heire of the house of Sommerset, and seeing others to be Dukes of Sommerset and not him: supposed them to be of the elder house to him; yet notwithstanding was Henry the 7. neerer heire than they, being by his mother descended of the elder brother, though they being of the male line obtained the title of Sommerset before him. But this in my fansie bred Commines error, and thus much in his excuse.

[Page]

The title the Duke of Lorraine had to the realme of Sicilie, countie of Prouence, and Duchy of Bar, mentioned by Commines Lib. 7. cap. 1. and the Kings title thereto: togither with the whole quarrell betweene the house of Arragon and Aniou: and why the house of Aniou had the best title, as mentioneth Commines Lib. 8. Cap. 16.

Naples Charles Earle of Aniou and Main brother to King S. Lewis, King of Naples and Sicilie.

Prouence. ⟨—m.⟩ Betrice heire of Prouence.

2 Charles surnamed the Boiteux, King of Naples.

Hungarie. ⟨—m.⟩ Mary daughter & heire to Stephen King of Hungary.

Charles Martell King of Hungarie the eldest brother.

Cornumbert King of Hungarie.

Lewis King of Hungarie.

Andrew strangled by Queen Iane his wife.

4 ⟨—m.⟩ Iane succeeded Robert hir grandfather.

3 Robert King of Naples the yoonger brother.

Charles sans terre died before his father.

4 Iane succeeded Robert hir grandfather.

⟨—m.⟩ Andrew strangled by Queen Iane his wife.

Mary. Boccace his Conc.

Margaret

5 ⟨—m.⟩ Charles King of Naples and Hungarie.

7 Iane succeeded Ladislaus hir brother, died anno 1433.

6 Ladislaus King of Naples died 1414.

Lewis D. of Durazzo.

Charles of Durazzo executed by Lewis King of Hungarie.

5 Charles King of Naples and Hungarie.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret

7 Iane succeeded Ladislaus hir brother, died anno 1433.

6 Ladislaus King of Naples died 1414.

Clementia.

⟨—m.⟩ Charles Earle of Valois.

Philip of Valois King of Fraunce.

Iohn King of Fraunce.

Lewis of Aniou adopted by Q. Iane the first, slaine an. 1385.

Lewis of Aniou troubled K. Ladislaus, died anno 1417.

Bar. Yoland heire of Bar by Yoland hir mother.

Marie.

⟨—m.⟩ Charles the 7 K. of France.

Lewis the 11 K. of France

Charles the 8. K. of Fraunce

Reue so often mē tioned in this historie, adopted by the last Qu. Iane, after Lewis his brothers death.

Lorraine. ⟨—m.⟩ Isabella daughter and heire to Charles D. of Lorraine.

Iohn Duke of Calabria died before his father.

Nicholas died before his grandfather.

Yoland wife to Frederic of Vandemonne.

Rene. This is hee that claimed Prouence and Bar of K. Charles.

Charles Earle, of Maine mentioned Lib. 1. cap. 3.

Charles, whom king Rene made his heire of Naples, Prouence, and Bar, and he after made King Lewis his heire lib. 7. c. 1.

Lewis the third of Aniou Duke, adopted by Iane the second, died anno 1433.

[Page] Heereby appeereth that the Duke of Lorraine had the best title to Prouence, as heire to Lewis the first of that name Duke of Aniou, to whom Queene Iane gaue it: to Naples likewise as heire to the house of Aniou, by being daughters sonne to Rene, to whom Queene Iane the second left it by hir last will and testament, of Bar he was heire as heire to Yolande his great grandmother: and as touching the testaments of the two first Charles kings of Naples, who, as it is alleaged, so vnited Prouence, that it could not be seuered from the realme of Naples, nor descend to the heire female as long as a male was liuing. First, the example of Queene Iane who succeeded Robert hir grandfather diuers males liuing, prooueth there was neuer any such testament: besides that, king Charles was no more heire male to those kings than the Duke of Lorraine, for they both descended of them by a woman, namely Clementia, wife to Charles of Valois. So that the King had no colour to Naples or Prouence, but at this da [...]e the whole title of the house of Aniou thereto, resteth in the now Duke of Lorraine, who is lineally descended of king Rene. Lastly, the reason whereupon Commines groundeth the house of Anious title to the realme of Naples to be best: is onely bicause Lewis of Aniou was made heire thereof by Queene Ianes last testament, which reuoketh all former testaments.

The storie of this pedegree of Naples and Sicilie.

1. Charles brother to Saint Lewis King of Fraunce obtained Prouence by marriage of Betrice daughter to Raymond, or Robert, or Berengarius Earle of Prouence, who made hir his heire, though she were his yoonger daughter, after Vrbanus the fourth Pope of Rome called him into Italie against Manfredus King of Naples and Sicilie, whom Charles slew in battell, and after beheaded Conradinus also, who quarreled the realmes of Naples & Sicilie: but soone after Peter King of Arragon, who had married King Mansridus daughter, reuolted Sicilie from him, flew all the French men in an euening, and possessed Sicilie, as his posteritie namely King Philip doth yet at this day. Charles was crowned King of Naples by Vrbane the fourth, anno 1255. and after confirmed by Clement the fourth, and died anno 1274.

2. Charles his sonne in his fathers time seeking to recouer Sicilie, was taken prisoner by King Peters forces. and caried into Arragon, where he should haue been executed in reuenge of Conradinus death (as 200. gentlemen and nobles taken with him were) had not Constance king Peters wife saued his life: after he was restored to Naples, paying for his raunsome 30000. marks, and married the daughter and heire of Stephen king of Hungarie, by whom he had nine sonnes and fiue daughters, whose ofspring looke in Onufrius pag. 309. he died anno 1319. These two kings are they that our author mentioneth lib. 7. cap. 1. that were said to haue made testaments that Prouence could not be seuered from the realme of Naples, nor descend to the female as long as there was an heire male liuing, which appeereth to be false in the example of Queene Iane.

3. Robert king of N [...]ples crowned by Clement the fift, died without issue male anno 1342. and left his realme to Iane his sonnes daughter, vnder condition that she should marrie Andrew yoonger sonne to Cornumbere king of Hungarie hir cosin germain remooued: heere is to be obserued that this Robert was yoonger sonne to king Charles, but the said king gaue to Charles his eldest sonne his realme of Hungarie, and Naples to this Robert. In his time liued Petrarcha and Boccace.

4. Iane daughter to Charles sans terre succeeded hir grandfather Robert, and married Andrew sonne to the king of Hungarie as hir said grandfather had appointed, whom within three yeeres she strangled: whereupon Lewis king of Hungarie his brother came into Italy, chased Q. Iane out of Naples, executed Charles of Durazzo as consenting to his brothers death, and carried Charles his sonne with him into Hungarie; after whose departure, Iane by helpe of Pope Clement returned and recouered Naples, but after she fell out with Pope Vrbanus the sixt, who chased hir into Prouence, where she adopted Lewis of Aniou sonne to King Iohn of Fraunce, and so returned to Naples, against whom the Pope called out of Hungarie Charles sonne to Charles of Durazzo, who recouered Naples, but Prouence Lewis enioied: she was hanged ann. 1381.

5. Charles (sonne to Charles of Durazzo beheaded) was led prisoner into Hungarie by king Lewis, as before is mentioned, after whose death, he succeeded him in Hungarie as his next heire male: he was inuested King of Naples by Vrbane the sixt against Queene Iane, whom he tooke prisoner anno 1381. and hung at the same window she had hung hir husband, and beheaded also Marie Queene Ianes sister (whom Boccace was enamored of) as consenting to hir sisters husbands death: he slew in battell anno 1385. Lewis of Aniou, adopted by Queene Iane, after he fell at variance with Pope Vrbane. He was slaine in Hungarie by the treason of the old Queene king Lewis his wife and hir daughter at a feast, anno 1386 his wife was Margaret Queene Ianes sister.

6 Ladislaus lost Hungarie by his fathers murther, but was at length receiued and crowned king of Naples by Pope Boneface the ninth, anno 1, 90. and then he chased Lewis the second out of Italie, who after his fathers death was come thither and had got some part of the realme. After Ladislaus fell out with Alexander the fift, and tooke Rome, whereupon the Pope gaue the realme of Naples to Lewis of Aniou, who returned and vanquished Ladislaus and recouered Rome, but not knowing how to vse the victorie, Ladislaus recouered himselfe, forced Lewis to retire into Fraunce, and then againe tooke Rome, and died anno 14 [...]4.

7. Iane the second succeeded hir brother Ladislaus, after she fell out with the Pope, who called Lewis of Aniou the third of that name against hir, then she adopted Alfonse of Arragon, who chased Lewis out of Italie, but Alfonse and she falling at variance, she adopted Lewis of Aniou hir enimie, who recouered Naples, anno 1424. and raigned with hir till anno 1432. or 1433. when they both died: and then she made Rene brother to Lewis hir heire: but he being then prisoner with Philip Duke of Burgundie, could not come to Naples, and then Alfonse being dismissed out of prison by Philip Maria Duke of Milan, where he was also prisoner at the same time, preuailed and conquered Naples, and was inuested by Pope Eugenius. Since the which time the Aniouins haue but quarelled Naples, and as for the succession of this Alfonse, you shall see it in the last pedegree in the end of this worke.

[Page]

Why the Venetians had no right to the realme of Cyprus, as Commines writeth Lib. 7. cap. 4.

1 Peter taken prisoner by the Genuois, but deliuered vnder condition to pay them a yeerely tribute.

2 Ianus so named, bicause he was born at Genua, which was founded by Ianus.

Anne married Lewis Duke of Sauoy.

Iohn.

Amadis Duke of Sauoy right heire of Cyprus by his mother after Charlotte was dead.

Philip Duke of Sauoy.

Charles Duke of Sauoy.

Phibbert Duke of Sauoy.

4 Lewis married Charlotte: he was crowned King, but was chased away by Iames the bastard. He died sans issue

⟨—m.⟩ Charlotte maried first Iohn King of Portugale, who was poisoned, & then this Lewis. She died sans issue.

3 Iohn liued like Sardanapalus.

Charlotte maried first Iohn King of Portugale, who was poisoned, & then this Lewis. She died sans issue.

4 ⟨—m.⟩ Lewis married Charlotte: he was crowned King, but was chased away by Iames the bastard. He died sans issue

5 Iames a bastard, by the Soldan of Aegypts helpe chased Lewis his sisters husband out of Cyprus, and made himselfe King.

⟨—m.⟩ Katharine daughter to Marke Comaire Senator of Venice: the Venetians adopted hir, and vnder that colour conquered Cyprus, hir husband and sonne being dead.

6A sonne borne after his fathers death, of whom the Venetians were tutors, but was poisoned, as some write, by them as his father had beene. After his death the Venetians conquered Cyprus, vnder colour of adoption ann. 1473. or as Meyer saith fol. 349. anno 1470.

Heereby appeereth that the Duke of Sauoy hath the right to Cyprus, not the Venetians: for Iames husband to their adopted daughter was a bastarde and an vsurper: and their adopted daughter a stranger to the crowne, and could pretend no title to it, Sed malè parta, malè dilabuntur.

[Page]

The house of Medices, whereof so ample mention is made Lib. 7. Cap. 5.

Iohn of Medices.

Cosmus mentioned Lib. 7. cap. 5. died anno 1464. the [...]8. yeere of his age.

Countessin [...] of Bardy.

Peter. Commines seemeth to ouerpasse this man.

⟨—m.⟩ Lucretia Tornaboni

Julian slaine in Florence, Commines Lib. 6. c. 5.

Iulius called Pope Clement the seuenth.

Laurence so often mentioned in Commines.

⟨—m.⟩ Clarice Ʋrsine.

Iohn called Pope Leo the tenth.

Peter fled out of Florence when K. Charles came thither.

⟨—m.⟩ Alfonsine Vrsine.

Clarice married Philip S [...]rozzi.

Laurence made Duke of Vrbin by Pope Leo the tenth.

⟨—m.⟩ Maudeleine daughter and heire to the Earle of Boloine.

Alexander D. of Florence slaine by his cosin Laurence of Medices.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret base daughter to Charles the Emperor.

⟨—m.⟩ Octauio Farnese Pope Paulus nephew, secōd husbande to Margaret.

These were both bastards.

Iulia married Restagno Canteline a gentleman in L'Abruzzo.

Iulius married a Lady of the county of Piombi.

Alexander.

Iulian.

Katharine Q. mother of Fraunce.

Iulian Duke of Nemours married Philibert sister to Louyse King Francis mother Duches of Nemours.

Hippolitus a Cardinal but a bastard.

Laurence.

Peter Francis.

Iohn.

⟨—m.⟩ Katharine Sforce.

Iohn the valiant soldier.

⟨—m.⟩ Maria Salu [...]ti.

Cosmus chosen Duke of Florence after Alexanders death, and confirmed by Charles the Emperor.

⟨—m.⟩ Leonor of Toledo daughter to Peter Duke of Alua.

Isabella Duches of Ferrara, and two other daughters.

Francis D. of Florēce died 1584.

Ferdinand.

Iohn a Cardinal

Gracian.

Peter

[Page]

[Page]

How Lewis Duke of Orleans, called after King Lewis the 12. pretended title to the Duchie of Milan, as Commines mentioneth Lib. 7. cap. 6. and in diuers other places.

1 Iohn Galeas made first Duke of Milan by the Emperor Wenceslaus. This is he that lieth buried at Pauia, Commines Lib. 7. cap. 7 died anno 1402.

⟨—m.⟩ Elizabeth daughter to the King of Boheme the first wife.

Valentine.

⟨—m.⟩ Lewis Duke of Orleans brother to Charles the sixth.

Ian [...].

Iohn Duke of Angoulesme.

Charles Duke of Angoulesme

Francis King of Fraunce

⟨—m.⟩ Claude the eldest daughter.

Francis died before his father.

Henry the second King of Fraunce, &c.

Charles died before his father.

Orleans. Charles Duke of Orleans.

Lewis the 12. K. of Fraunce.

Claude the eldest daughter.

⟨—m.⟩ Francis King of Fraunce

Francis died before his father.

Henry the second King of Fraunce, &c.

Charles died before his father.

Reneé married Hercules Duke of Ferrara.

Philip Earle of Vertu.

Margaret wife to Richarde Earle of Estampes.

⟨—m.⟩ Katharine Visconti the second wife.

2 Iohn Maria succeeded his father: died sans issue, he was slaine by his people.

3 Philip Maria succeeded his brother: died without lawfull issue. Appointed by Testament King Alfonse of Naples his heire.

Blaunche a bastard

Sforce. 4 ⟨—m.⟩ Francis Sforce, notwithstanding Philips Testament vsurped the Duchie by fauor of the people.

Hyppolita married Alfonse King of Naples.

5 Galeas slaine in the Church of Milan.

⟨—m.⟩ Bo [...] daught [...] to the Duke of Sauoy.

Blaunche married Maximilian the Emperor.

6 Iohn Galeas died when K. Charles came into Italie.

⟨—m.⟩ Isabella daughter to Alfonso King of Naples.

Francis led into Fraunce by Lewis the 12.

Bonne maried Sigismund K. of Poland.

Katharine married Iohn de Medices.

Iohn the valiant soldier in Charles the fifts time.

Cosmus Duke of Florence.

Ascanio a Cardinall.

7 Lodouic called King Charles into Italie. Died prisoner in France vnder Lewis the twelfth.

⟨—m.⟩ Betrice daughter to Hercules Duke of Ferrara.

8 Maximilian recouered the Duchie from Lewis the 12. after carried away prisoner by King Francis.

9 Francis restored by Charles the Emperor: died sans issue.

Philip.

Octauian.

The French King claimeth from Valentine, who ought to haue succeeded hir brother Philip Maria, before Blaunche being his base daughter.

After this Duke Francis death, the Emperor Charles seased the Duchie, partly by composition with Duke Francis at his restitution, which was to make the Emperor his heire if he died without issue, and partly by gift from Philip Maria, who by his [...]estament gaue it to Alfonse king of Naples, whose heire the Emperor was: and partly in right of the house of Austrich, which pretended title to it, as writeth Commines Lib. 7. cap. 2.

[Page]

The pedegree of Hercules Duke of Ferrara, of whom so often mention is made in this historie.

The familie of Este ancestors of this Nicholas gouerned Ferrara from the yeere 1202. or not long after, it is held of the Pope.

Nicholas Lord or Marques as some call him of Ferrara.

Obizone was made generall of the church, and had therefore a pension of ten thousand ducats.

Nicholas vanquished Bernabo Visconti. Succeeded his father.

Albertus succeeded his brother.

Nicholas a bastard, vnder him was a councell at Ferrara, whereat the Emperour of Greece was present.

Lionello a bastard succeeded his father.

⟨—m.⟩ Daughter to Iohn Francesco Gonzaga.

2 Nicholas succeeded Borso, but his vncle Hercules right heire expelled him, and seeking to recouer the state, he was taken and beheaded by Sigismundus his other vncle.

1 Borso a bastard succeeded his brother, bicause his brothers son was yoong, he was created the first Duke of Ferrara by the Emperor Frederic.

3 Hercules expelled Nicholas his nephew he was generall to the Florentines, Venetians, and Milanois. This is he so often mentioned in this historie.

⟨—m.⟩ Leonora daughter to Ferdinand King of Naples.

Betrice married Lodouic Sforce Duke of Milan.

Alfonse.

⟨—m.⟩ Lucretia daughter to Alexander the 6. Bi [...]op of Rome.

Franciscus.

Hippolitus a Cardinall.

5 Hercules.

⟨—m.⟩ Renee daughter to Lewis the 12. King of Fraunce.

6 Alfonsus D. of Ferrara.

Luigi Cardinall of Este.

⟨—m.⟩ Laura.

Alfonsus.

Alfonsinus.

[...] Elizabeth married Francis Gonzaga the Marquesse of Mantua mentioned in this storie.

Sigismundus.

[Page]

The pedegree of Francis Marques of Mantua, so often mentioned in this historie.

The familie of Gonzagua had gouerned Mantua before this Francis, from the yeer 1328. vnder this Francis Iohn Galliazzo besieged Mantua a yeere, but preuailed not: this Francis serued the Duke of Milan and the Venetians.

Francis died anno 1407.

Iohn Francis first Marques of Mātua made by the Emperor Sigismundus, was thrice generall to the Venetians, died anno 1443.

⟨—m.⟩ Paola daughter to Malatesta, Lord of Rimini.

Luigi liued in the time of Frederick the third.

⟨—m.⟩ Barbara daughter to the Marques of Brandenburg.

Luigi.

Francis a cardinall.

Frederick was generall to the Duke of Milan and the Venetians.

⟨—m.⟩ Margarita Tedesca.

Francis in the age of 38. yeeres fought with Charles the 8. at Laro, died 1520.

⟨—m.⟩ Elizabeth daughter to Hercules Duke of Ferrara.

Hercules a Cardinall.

Frederick made general of the Church by Pope Leo, and so confirmed by his successors, made D. by Charles the fift, he died 1539.

Montferrat. ⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter and heire of William Paleologus, marques of Montferrat.

William.

Francis.

Lewis.

Frederick.

Ferdinandus generall of Milan to the Emperor Charles the fift.

Iohn Francis.

Rodolfe.

⟨—m.⟩ Margaret daughter to the Duke of Bauiera.

Charles troubled his brother, but was chased away by him, & died in very poore estate.

Lucedus was mishapen.

Alexander croked backed was a monke.

[Page]

How Ferdinand King of Arragon had more right to the realme of Naples than the Kings of the house of Arragon that possessed it, as writeth Commines Lib. 8. cap. 17.

1 Iohn the first of that name, King of Castile.

⟨—m.⟩ Daughter to Ferdinand the first, King of Portugale.

Castile. 2 Henry the third, King of Castile and Leon.

Mary wife to Alfonse King of Arragon and Naples.

3 Iohn the second.

4 Henry the fourth married a daughter of the King of Portugale.

Elizabeth put frō the crowne by hir aunt, Commin. Lib. 5. cap. 7.

5 Elizabeth succeeded hir brother, putting hir neece from the crowne as a bastard.

Castile and Arragon vnited. 4 ⟨—m.⟩ Ferrand King of Arragon, and Castile by his wife, so often mentioned in these Italian wars.

Katharine wife to Henry the eight, King of England.

Iane married Philip Archduke of Austrich.

6 Charles the fift Emperor.

Iohn married Margaret daughter to Maximilian the Emperor, died before his father.

⟨—m.⟩ Elenor daughter to Peter King of Arragon.

Arragon. 1. Ferrand Earle of Medina del Campo K. of Arragon.

This Ferrande obtained the realme of Arragon anno 1407. bicause his mother was daughter to king Peter, whose heire male failed in Martin his nephew, and notwithstanding that Martin had a daughter, yet Ferrande obtained the crowne to hir preiudice.

3 Iohn succeeded his brother in Arragon, but in Naples Ferrand his brothers bastard succeeded.

Ferrand King of Arragon, and Castile by his wife, so often mentioned in these Italian wars.

Castile and Arragon vnited. 4 ⟨—m.⟩ 5 Elizabeth succeeded hir brother, putting hir neece from the crowne as a bastard.

Katharine wife to Henry the eight, King of England.

Iane married Philip Archduke of Austrich.

6 Charles the fift Emperor.

Iohn married Margaret daughter to Maximilian the Emperor, died before his father.

Charles King of Nauarre sans issue.

Iane Queene of Portugale.

Mary married Iohn the secōd K. of Castile.

2 1 Naples Alfonse adopted by Iane Queene of Naples, who after adopted Lewis Duke of Aniou.

2 Ferrande the bastard succeeded his father in the realme of Naples, died a little before King Charles came into Italy.

5 Frederick succeeded his nephew Ferdinand, led after into Fraunce by Lewis the 12.

Ferdinand married Germain widow to King Ferdinand of Arragon.

3 Alfonse fled when K. Charles came into Italy.

4 Ferdinand chased from Naples by King Charles, but after recouered the realme, died sans issue.

Isabella wife to Iohn Galeas, Duke of Milan.

Elizabeth wife to Hercules Duke of Ferrara.

The King of Spaine had better right to Naples, than Alfonse that possessed it when King Charles came into Italie, bicause Alfonses father was a bastard, & King Ferrands father being the first Alfonses brother, ought to haue succeeded him before his base sonne. Further, you shall vnderstand, that after Frederick was led into Fraunce by Lewis the 12. the said K▪ Lewis enioied Naples, but within fower yeeres Ferrande King of Arragon by the great captaine Consaluo chased King Lewis out of the realme, and left it to his nephew Charles the Emperor, from whom the French K. could neuer recouer it: but at this day it is in the possession of the King of Spaine sonne to the said Emperor Charles.

Notes

1.

Lambourg was erected into a Duchie 1172. and Henrie the last Duke thereof (who died without issue 1293.) solde it to Iohn the first of that name Duke of Brabant. But Henrie Earle of Luxembourg father to Henrie the Emperor, the Bishop of Colyn, and one called the Earle Ghelric inuaded the Duchie of Lambourg, with them Duke Iohn fought neere to the castell of Voronc, and tooke the Earle Ghelric (who pretended title to Lambourg) and the Bishop of Colin prisoners: the Earle of Luxembourg with two of his brethren was slaine, the castell of Voronc razed, since the which time, Lambourg hath remained quiet vnder the Dukes of Brabant.

2.

Wenceslaus succeeded Iohn Duke of Brabant, but he died 1383. without issue, and after his wife dying anno 1393. left Brabant and Lambourg to Anthonie second sonne to Philip the Hardie, the said Ianes grand nephew by Margaret hir yoonger sister, after whose death and his two sonnes Iohn and Philip, Brabant and Lambourg descended to Philip Duke of Burgundie, as mentioneth Commines in the place aboue rehearsed.

3.

Elizabeth second wife to Anthonie Duke of Brabant, was daughter to Iohn Duke of Gorlic, brother to the Emperours Wenceslaus and Sigismundus, who partly in respect of this marriage, partly for money gaue to Duke Anthonie the Duchie of Luxembourg, but after his death, they and VVilliam Duke of Saxonie, who had married Sigismundus daughters daughter, sought to dispossesse hir of it: but Duke Philip of Burgundie euer defended hir, and after hir death succeeded hir as well by hir gift as also as heire to Duke Anthonie, (his two sonnes being dead) who had paid money to VVenceslaus and Sigismundus for it: afterward also Charles Duke of Burgundie bought the title of Isabella (wife to Cassimirus King of Polonia, and neece to the Emperor Sigismund) to the Duchie of Luxembourg to hold it without quarrell.

4.

As touching Namurs Duke Philip bought it for his money of diuers that pretended title to it, especially of Iohn Earle of Namur, who sold it to Duke Philip vnder condition to hold it during his life, which happened anno 1428.

1.

This Margaret Guicchiardin writeth to haue been daughter to VVilliam the yoonger Earle of Hainault, Holland and Zeland, but Annales Genealogiques Franciae say that she was sister not daughter to VVilliam, as do also other most approoued Authors. And if she were but sister, then the Queenes Maiestie being descended of Philippa the said VVilliams eldest sister, is right heire of all these countries. Meyerus lib, 12. fol. 140. pag. 2. and fol. 147. pag. 1. saith, that Margaret was sister not daughter to Duke VVilliam, which also is the more manifestly prooued, bicause the wife of this VVilliam was Iane the eldest daughter to Iohn Duke of Brabant, who ouerliued hir husband, and after married VVenceslaus brother to the Emperor Charles the fourth: which woman neuer had issue, yet finde we no mention of any other wife that VVilliam the yoonger Earle of Hainault had.

3.

Touching the Duchie of Burgundie, note that after the death of Philip Duke of Burgundie, nephew to Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundie, King Iohn of Fraunce being sonne to Iane the said Otthos yoonger sister, seazed the Duchie of Burgundie into his hands, excluding Iane daughter to Margaret the elder sister as suspected of bastardie, and after gaue the said Duchie to his yoongest sonne Philip the hardie for his aduancement in marriage with the Ladie Margaret of Flaunders.

1.

Touching the title of Arthois this is to be obserued, that Robert Earle of Arthois father to Maude, had a sonne named Philip, who died before his father, and left behinde him a sonne named Robert Earle of Beumont, who after his grandfathers death demanded the Countrey of Arthois: but this Maude by fauor of the French King obtained it, bicause she was adiudged neerer heire to the Earle Robert being his daughter, than the Earle of Beumont being his sonnes sonne: for spite whereof, the Earle of Beumont reuolted to the King of England, of him are descended the Earles of Eu.

2.

This Margaret being in hir widdowhood, succeeded in Arthois and the Countie of Burgundie of Philip hir sister Ianes sonnes sonne, and husband to Margaret hir sonnes daughter, to whom after hir death the said Seigniories descended.

Faults escaped.

[Page]

Page 3. line 1. reade to wit, a

pag. 7. lin. 13. r. armie. Of ead. lin. dele: lin. 28. r. Seniories

pag. 8. l. 9. dele and ead. p. l. vlt. r. of Coulches,

p. 11. l. 28. r. with them,

p. 13. l. 22. r. the best ead. p. l. vlt. r. Seniories

p. 14. l. 41. r. and La Marche,

p. 17. l. 8. r. flying:

p. 18. l. 12. r. them not ead. p. l. 13. r. before. My ead. p. l. 32. r. aduise

p. 19. l. 21. r. and in a

p. 24. l. 46. r. of Aniou

p. 27. l. 4. r. 6. of September. ead. p. l. 38. r. quirace

p. 28. l. 32. r. this companie,

p. 29. l. 5. r. scouts

p. 31. l. 43. r. ditch, notwithstanding the truce. No

p. 38. l. 5. r. florens ead. p. l. 26. r. cordingly:

p. 39. l. 31. dele with

p. 40. l. 2. r. his campe

p. 46. l. 9. r. the canon ead. p. l. 44. r. Noone drew

p. 47. l. 8. r. stayning ead. p. l. 31. r. 6 ead. p. l. 32. r. 5

p. 49. l. 7. r. vpon our ead. p. l. 38. r. After these

p. 50. l. 4. r. of the which

p. 54. l. 32. r. goodly

p. 59. l. 2. r. rased their wals but ead. p. l. 35. r. Romont:

p. 61. l. 36. r. Angien,

p. 63. l. 42. r. or Herbart,

p. 64. l. 38. r. Estelle

p. 66. l. 5. r. Ferrette,

p. 68. l. 34. r. haue had but ead. lin. r. sixtie thousand

p. 69. l. 25. r. hardinesse, ead. p. l. 43. r. bounds of

p. 74. l. 47. r. foorthwith

p. 77. l. 1. r. touching the

p. 78. l. 23. r. and Desmeries

p. 79. l. 9. r. Polence,

p. 80. l. 13. r. bounds

p. 82. l. 4. r. to Gaunt

p. 83. l. 9. r. his principall ead. p. l. 24. r. to repaire:

p. 84. l. 41. r. and receiued

p. 85. l. 48. r. in feare.

p. 87. l. 44. r. foorth on foote,

p. 91. l. 24. r. the very

p. 94. l. 13. r. what port the ead. p. l. 38. r. three thousand

p. 98. l. 35. r. the others

p. 106. l. 20. r. cause

p. 107. l. 2. r. foade

p. 109. l. vlt. r. six score soldiers

p. 111. l. 12. r. the onely

p. 117. l. 17. r. these Dutch

p. 118. l. 5. r. than in any

p. 120. l. 2. r. church. Then ead. p. l. 7. r. 1474. Meyer.

p. 127. l. 2 r. is it

p. 134. l. 2. r. stoutly denied.

p. 138. l. 43. r. a marrish

p. 139. l. 32. r. whereof

p. 150. l. 23. r. debebant,

p. 154. l. 21. r. preparation

p. 155. l. 38. r. most of the which

p. 16 [...]. [...]

p. 164. [...]

p. 165. l. 32. r. great

p. 176. l. vlt. r. Burgund. pa. 988.

p. 179. l. 13. r. ride

p. 186. l. 36. r. had good

p. 196. l. 33. r. begin.

p. 201. l. 39. r. to the king his

p. 205. l. 40. r. Burgundish

p. 208. l. 21. dele had

p. 224 l. 6. r. This second

p. 227. l. 23. r. in the towne

p. 240. l. 16. r. to proceed,

p. 243. l. 18. r. a number ead. p. l. 37. r. which is called

p. 253. l. 33. r. vantmures

p. 254. l. 25. r. Fougieres,

p. 260. l. 45. r. was sent

p. 261. l. 30. r. Dabecsin

p. 263. l. 16. r. commendation

p. 267. l. vlt. r. foorth to

p. 274. l. 17. r. Proctor. ead. p. l. vlt. r. they lawfull

p. 276. l. 21. r. first voiage

p. 278. l. 41. r. Treu [...]ul,

p. 280. l. vlt. dele Duke

p. 281. l. 3. dele Duke

p. 284. l. 21. r. also of the

p. 291. l. 16. r. Caballiau

p. 292 l. 40. r. Caballiau

p. 293. l. 19. r. vantmure ead. p. l. 43. r. Rosanes

p. 294. l. 9. r. Picinino,

p. 295. l. 12. r. ride about

p. 296. l. 14. r. for cruell

p. 297. l. 4. r. Aenaria,

p 306. l 38. r. their other ead. p. l. 48. r. places than they

p. 307. l. 8. r. accompanie ead. p. l 31. r. Otrante,

p. 313. l. 4. r. or Musiua

p. 316. l. 17. r. and two

p. 318. l. 16 r. and voluntarily

p. 319. l. 39. r. Luques.

p. 325. l. 18 r. Albanie,

p. 335. l. 7. r. the Florentines,

p. 342. l. 4. r. enimies nauie

p. 350. l. 3. r. they might

p. 380. r. Iane daughter & heire to Robart of Bar E. of Marle,

p. 391. r. Cosmus died the 80. yeere of his age.

We must intreate the Readers patience for these faults escaped, and that he will amend the booke according to this table, before he enter into the reading thereof.

Information about this book

Title statement

The historie of Philip de Commines Knight, Lord of ArgentonMémoires. English

Commynes, Philippe de, ca. 1447-1511.

Edition statement

1596

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A19191

ID [STC]

STC 5602

ID [STC]

ESTC S107247

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99842949

ID [PROQUEST]

99842949

ID [VID]

7649

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A19191)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 7649)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 204:13)

Source

— The historie of Philip de Commines Knight, Lord of Argenton, Mémoires. English, Commynes, Philippe de, ca. 1447-1511., Danett, Thomas, fl. 1566-1601..

Extent

[16], 396, [2] p. : geneal. charts

By Ar. Hatfield, for I. Norton,. Imprinted at London :: 1596.. (A translation of his "Mémoires".) (Translator's dedication signed: Thomas Danett.) (With a final errata leaf.) (Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.)

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Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial practices

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.