¶ The eyght bookes of Caius Iulius Caesar contey­ning his martiall exploytes in the Realme of Gallia and the Countries bordering vppon the same translated oute of latin into English by Arthur Gol­dinge G.

¶ Imprinted at London by Willyam Seres Anno. 1565

¶ TO THE RYGHTE honourable Syr VVillyam Cecill knight, principal Secretorye to the Quee­nes maiestie, and maister of her highnes Courtes of wardes and liueries. Ar­thur Golding wisheth helth and encrease of honor.

ALBEIT (RIGHT HO­norable) that the difficultnes of this praesent worke, considering mine owne want of experience not only in matters of war, but also in diuers other things wherof this history entreateth, did dissuade & in maner discourage me frō enterprising the trāslatiō therof yet notwithstanding forasmuche as I perceiued it to be a worke, for the pleasure and profitablenes therof much desired of many, and that suche of my simple trauels, as I haue heretofore besto­wed in like matters, haue bene well accepted at your hand, as well boldened by youre fauo­rable encouragement: as also remembring that earnest endeuor ouercometh al thinges: I Went [Page] in hand therewith. Not entring at the first be­ginning of the History, but about the middes of the fifth booke where master Brend (whose Copie from your honor came to my handes) preuented by death did leaue. The which lat­ter part at such time as I had finished, and was come to perusing it ouer & correcting it with my friendes, there were of them that counsel­led me to begin the worke new againe from the first beginning, and to put it out wholy in mine owne name wherunto although I could not willingly be persuaded at the first: yet af­terward when I had somwhat more depelye weyed the reasons that they alledged: conside­ring with my selfe how I had sufficient ley­sure, and that I had ouercome a pece of no lesse difficultye alreadye, than the former part was: least I mighte haue semed to seeke excuse of slouthfulnes, or to refuse paines of wilfulnes, r [...]ther than [...]o defend my selfe by vnablenesse: I agreed to their aduice, And therevpon laying aside maister Brendes copie, to vse it rather as a counseller whan the thing was done, than as a praesident in doing▪ I haue begonne the whole worke new againe, and accordinge to the first [Page] Authors meaning (as nere as I could) translated it throughout. wherin how mi doings may be liked of others I know not. This I most hum­bly desier your honor, that you will take my paines & trauel in that behalf in good worth. For I haue not done it, bicause I thoughte my self of more skill and experience than maister Brend (which I confesse miyeres geue me not) neither bicause I wold in defacing his glorye, (which were a point of lewdnesse) go aboute (as the latin prouerb sayth) to pricke oute the crowes eyes. But I haue done it, partly moued by the persuasions aforesaid, and partly bicause I was defirous to haue the body of the whole Storye compacted vnyforme and of one stile throughout. For so I thought it shuld be both more allowable among such as are of know­ledge, and also more acceptable to the reader, when neither part of the worke might be an eye sore to the other. Furthermore forasmuch as it is knowen vnto many, that the said Copy was committed vnto mee, I haue forborne to build vpon that foundation, least I might haue ministred occasion to such as loue cauilling, to say I had eyther hatched other birdes egges, or [Page] els praesumed to finyshe the pycture of Venus that Appelles left vnperfect. The whiche my doinges I submit vnder your fauorable protec­tion: not doubting but that youre Honour of your accustomed goodnesse and gentelnesse to wardes me, will pacientlye beare with myne errours where any happen, and so regarde my paynfull trauell, as that my boldnesse maye no whit offend you. At Powles Belchamp the .xxi. of October. Anno. 1565.

Your Honours alwais most humbly to commaund Ar­thur Golding.

TO THE READER.

WHEREAS CAESAR in hys descryption of Gallia made in the be­gynnyng of this work, may seeme dysagreable wyth other Authors, I thought it expediēt for the better vn­derstanding of thys History, as well to set oute a more ample description of Gallia, as also to declare what sū ­dry Nations haue since Cesars tyme possessed the same. Neuertheles gen­tell reader, thou shalt not looke for a particuler declaration of the shifting remouing and expulsing of euery se­uerall kind of people, nor of the alte­ration of the state of euerye seuerall coūtry in that Region: for that wold ryse to an infinite volume, more tedi­ous than profitable, & it is more than I were able to performe. But I pur­pose to set before thine eies (as briefly and plainly as my slēder knowledge will geue me leaue) the boundes of [Page] that noble countrye, with thalterati­on of such states as haue borne chiefe preheminence and souereintye in the same. Fyrst and formest therfore it is to be considered, that in the 693. yere after the building of Rome (as affir­meth Eutropiꝰ) which was the .3905 yere since the creation of the worlde, and the eyght and fifteth yere before the byrth of our sauiour Chryst, Iu­lius Cesar the author of thys worke, (who afterward brought the state of Rome to a monarchie) being created Consull, was sent by the Senate as Lieuetenant General with an army against the Galles inhabiting on the hyther side of the Alpes: whom wyth in ten yeres space he vtterly subdued and brought in peaceable subiection to ye Romane empier. the whole processe wherof, he setteth forth so plainly, sincerely, and purely in theis Cō ­mentaries, without eyther affectatiō of vainglorye to himselfe, or suppres­singe the deserued commendation of others: yt it is to be doubted whether he atcheued hys affayres wyth more [Page] felicity and valiantnesse, or reported them with more indifferency & faith­fulnes. And forasmuch as hys entent in thys worke, was only to entreate of the matters of that country which he had in commission to conquer, he suppresseth in his discription of Gal­lia, not only that part which the Ro­manes cal Cisalpina bicause it lyeth on the same side of the Alpes that I­taly and Rome doth, but also ye Pro­uince of Narbon, as Coūtries which by comming in subiection to the Ro­mane Empier, were nowe rather to be coūted part of Italy thā of Gallia. For the auncient Gallia conteyned not onelye▪ whatsoeuer is included within the mountaine Pirenes, the Ocean, the Rhine and the Alpes: but also extended ouer the Alpes to the riuer Rubicon. And therfore by a ge­neral diuisiō it was wont to be deui­ded into Gallia Cisalpina & Gallia Trāsalpina. Cisalpina was also cal­led Togata bicause thīhabiters therof after the maner of ye Romans wēt in gownes. It is nowe called Lom­bardye [Page] of the Lombardes a people of Germany dwellyng somtyme about the middes of the riuer Albis on the westside therof, where as be now the territories of the Byshoprickes of Magdeburg and Halberstade, who in the time of the Emperor Iustine the second, in the yere of our Lord 569. beinge called into Italye by Narses themperors Lieuetenant there, toke possessions of that country and reig­ned therin by the space of twoo hun­dred and fower yeres vnto the yere of our lord 773. at which time Char­les kynge of Fraunce surnamed the great, toke Desiderius laste kinge of Lombardes prisoner and annexed his seniory to the dominion of Fraunce. Gallia Trāsalpina wherof this His­torye entreateth, hath (according to Ptolomies description) on the west ye Mountaynes Pirenes nowe called Ronnceuall whyche deuyde it frome Spayn, and the west Ocean. On the East it hath partly the Alpes whiche deuide it from Italy, and the Ryuer Rhyne whych parteth it from Ger­many. [Page] On the north it hath the Bri­tysh Ocean and on the South it hath a part of the midland Sea called Li­gusticū. This is now called Fraūce, and it is deuyded into fower partes, Prouince, Aquitaine, Celticke, and Belgycke. All that lieth from the ri­uer Rhone and the mountaines Ce­menii (now called the mountaines of Auuerne) unto the midland Sea be­twene the ryuer Uarus whyche run­neth out of the Alpes by the city Ni­cea,Of some called the Leuāt sea and the Riuer Illyberis in the mountains Pirenes, beareth ye name of the Romane Prouince, & was also called Braccata of a kinde of short cote which the people of that country did cōmōly go in. It conteyneth Sa­uoy, Delphiuoys, Languedocke, and Prouince. Aquitai [...]e lyeth betwene the mountaines Pirenes and the ry­uer Loyre, whiche risinge out of the Mountaines of Auuerne falleth into the west Ocean: and is bounded on thoneside wyth the sayd mountaines of Auverne, which deuide it from the Prouince, and on thotherside wyth [Page] the west Ocean. It conteyneth Poy­ters, Xanton, Lymosin, Berrey, Au­uerne, and Angolesme, wyth the du­chies of Guien and Gascon somtime the inheritance of the kings of Eng­land. Celtick, (which was also called Lugdunensis of Lugdunum the chief City of that country now called Li­ons standyng vppon Soan not farre from the place where it falleth into Rhone,) runneth throughe the mids of Fraūce from the west Ocean and the Britysh sea, vnto the vpper part of the Rhine: & is bounded on thone­side with the riuer of Loyre, the Moū tain of Auverne and the riuer Rhone whych separate it from Aquitain and Prouince, and on thotherside wyth the riuers of Sene and Marne which growyng into one chanel a littell a­boue Paris do fall into the Brityshe Ocean and deuide it from Belgick. It conteyneth littel Britaine, Nor­mandy, Burgūdy, Swicerland with others. Belgicke hath on the South the foresaid riuers of Sene & Marne, on the East the neyther parte of the [Page] Rhyne, and on the west and north si­des the British or english Ocean. It conteyneth Picardy, Arthoys, Flaū ­ders, Braband, Holland, Gelderlād, Lorreine. &c. with al the low country bordering vpon the Rhine, and also the Ile of Fraunce whose head citye of Paris standeth vppon the Ryuer Sene, wherof all the whole country of Gallia toke the name. This coun­try hath alwais bene renowmed, not only for the fertility of ye soile, the tē ­peratenesse of the aire, and the abun­dance of all thynges for mens neces­sities and pleasure: but also (and that chieflye for the valiantnesse in armes and practise in Cheualry of thin habi­ters, whereby they both enlarged the boundes of their territorye, and also darkened the glory and drowned the name of other Realmes that were neybours vnto them: In somuch that the Grekes the chiefe Registerers of worthy actes, called all thinhabiters from the riuer of Danow northward by the name of Celtes or Galles. Of this countrye were those Galles that [Page] vnder the first Brenne (who is repor­ted to haue bene a Briton) burned Rome ye .365. yere after the buildyng therof in the time of the elder Dēnis king of Sicil. Of this countrye were those Galles that vnder the seconde Brenne a hundred and nyne yeares after the foresayde burnyng of Rome slew Ptolomie kyng of Macedonie, & in thassault of Delphos were oppres­sed with thunder lightning and tem­pestes. Out of thys countrye issewed those Galles whych beynge called to the aide of the kynge of Bithinia (as Trogus reporteth) after they had vā ­quished hys enemies, parted his kingdome with him calling the countrye Gallogrece or Galatia, and themsel­ues Gallogrekes or Galatians. Of whō the prowesse was so redowted, that the kinges of the East made not anye warres wherein they hyred not the Galles to serue them: and if they were put from their kingdomes, thei resorted not to anye other than the Galles for succor. And as that mar­ciall ofspring held the kinges of Asia [Page] occupied there: so their mother coun­trye in Europe not onelye troubled their neighbours, but also vexed and disquietted euen the victorious Ro­manes, vntyll suche time as Iulius Cesar through his greate prowesse & good fortune, brought theym in sub­iection to the Romane Empyer. Frō the whyche tyme it receiued both the lawes and lāguage of the Romanes and bare their yoke obediently, vntyl the .viii. yere of themperor Honorius whych was the .406. yere after thin­carnation of Chryste, at the whyche tyme the Frenchmen who as then dwelt vpon the Rhine on the further side, being sēt for against one Lucius a Romane president for rauishing a Senators wyfe in the Citye of Tri­ers, toke the city, and within a while after subdued al Belgicke vnder thē. This was the beginning of ye Frēch dominiō in Gallia, which as it after­ward by litle & litle came in subiectiō to thē toke ye name of Fraūce of thē. For although that mencion be made of them in the liues of diuers Empe­rors [Page] before, and that from the reigne of Galien, themperours from tyme to time had much a do with them: yet notwithstanding they aspyred not to any souereinty before the said reigne of Honorius. Of the Original of thē are diuers opinions. Some thinke they inhabited the country by the ri­uer Sala towards the riuers Mene & Rhyne, and that in hope of conquest and desier of spoyle, at suche tyme as thempier began to decline and wax weak, they ioyned vnto them the Al­manes and troubled Themperours of the west, by whome they were al­ways repressed, to their great slaugh­ter and domage. Strabo placeth their countrrye betwene the Norikes and Uindelicians. Othersome affirme thē to haue bene a multitude of al sortes of people of Germanye vnited in leage togither, defending their liber­ty against the Empier, whereof they tooke their name, as frank and free people that wold not be bond or sub­iect to any mā. But whatsoeuer they were, or wheresoeuer theyr dwelling [Page] was before they came ouer ye Rhine, sure it is that since they passed into Gallia, they haue with greate good fortune encreased, aud pollitiquelye maintained their state vnto this day. For after they had laid the foundati­on of theyr kingdome at Triers vn­der Pharamund, first ouermatchyng the Almanes their late fellowes and confederates, and anon after subdu­ing the Burgonions who somewhat before them entring into Gallia had seised into theyr possession the coun­tryes of the Heduans and Sequans wyth a part of the auncient Romane Prouince, whych kepeth their name & progenie vnto thys day, they made them selues Lordes of all Gallia. In processe of time also theyr kinges be­came lords of al Germany & Panno­nie, and were inuested wyth ye sword of the Empier, whiche they held cer­taine discents frō Charles the great, who receyued the title and diademe imperiall at Rome vpon Christmas day in the yere of our Lord God. 800 But worldly things neuer continue [Page] at one stay. Partly by ciuil dissentiō, and partlye by outwarde warre, and partly by composiciō and gyft of kin­ges, not onelye the name and title of Thempier, but also al the Prouinces beyond the Rhine, yea and manye on this syde ye Rhine to, were sequestred from the crowne of Fraunce. For in the time of Char [...]es the simple about the yeare of our Lord .886. the Nor­mannes (who are supposed to haue bene people eyther of Denmarke or of Norwey) inuadinge Fraunce vn­der theyr Duke Rollo, (who after­warde beynge christened was named Robert) partly by force and partly by composition seised into their possessiō that part of the Realme which vnto thys day beareth of theym the name of Normandy: In the which country the posteritye of the saide Rollo reig­ned as Dukes a longe discent, vntill Duke Willyam surnamed the Ba­llard conqueryng this Realme in the yere of Christes incarnation .1967. brought his ryghte wyth hym into England, with the Princes whereof [Page] it continued vntill suche time as the Frenchmen recouered it agayne in ye reigne of king Henry the sixth. The Uandales also inuaded a part of Belgicke, to the whyche at theyr depar­ting thence into Spaine they left the name of Flaunders. Many other na­cions likewise haue settled themsel­ues in Fraunce, who being ouermatched by the Frenchmen are growen into the same name with them. But no one Nation since their firste com­mynge thyther, hath so often and so sore afflicted theym as our Englishe Nation hath done: whose kinges di­uers times before, but specially from the time of king Edward the thyrd, haue contended with theym, not so muche for anye one part or Prouince of the country, as for the substance of the crowne & possession of the whole Realme, descended to our kinges by ryghte of inheritance. And they haue both gayned and hild it many yeres, vntill fortune chaunging her copye, hath transferred the possession again to the Frenchmen, the right remay­nyng [Page] styl to the Crowne of Englād. In theis oure dayes we see howe not only Flaunders which hath of longe time continewed so, but also all the countryes bordering vpon the Rhine and many cities nere vnto the Alpes are alienated from the Crowne of Fraunce. Whereof some are vnder the iurisdiction of the Spanysh king, some are imperiall, and other some are free. Thus as fortune of warre disposeth, the boundes of thys kinge­dome haue sometime bene enlarged and sometime streightned: the whych who so desireth to know more parti­culerly, I remit him to the reading of such Chronacles and Antiquities as entreat therof. I trust this shall suf­fice for an introduction to thys histo­rye: my paynes in translatyng wher­of, I desier thee to accepte in good part, and to vse them to thy behoofe. And as for the old names of ye cities, Townes, Countryes, Hylles and Ryuers, howe they be called at thys daye, together wyth a dyscription of certayne Romane Engynes hereaf­ter [Page] mentioned in this booke, I refer thee partlye to the Notes in the Margent, and partlye to the table in the end of thys worke, where thou shalt find them or at the least the most of them in order of the Alphabete.

Farewell.

¶ Errours escaped in the printing.

Fol. 14. b 5. for supersticions read suspicions

Fol. 16. a. 21: for emcāped read encamped.

Fol. 16. b. 15. for sarued read serued.

Fol 18. b. 12. for being read were.

Fol. 24. b. 1. for mannes read mennes.

Fol. 25. a. 18. for holding their heades, reade holding downe their. &c

Fol. 43. a. 20. for making read leauing.

Fol. 44. b. 26. for wherof read therof.

Fol. 51. a. 21. read, he led hys army. &c.

Fol. 64. a. 19. for accomt read accompt.

Fol. 64. b. 18. for Carunes read Carnutes, and in al places after for Caruntes read Carnutes.

Fol. 65. a 14. for to read and.

Fol. 69. a. 19. for Uuel [...]es read U [...]elles, and so in all places after.

Fol. 69. b. 9. for to broyle read the broyle.

Fol. 70. b. 12. for conueying read comming.

Fol. 71. a. 15. for Naunets read Nannets.

Fol. 73. a. 17. put out, the, before lynnen.

Fol. 82. b. 10. for Biggerones read Biger­rones.

Fol. 84. a. 11. for Teucthers read Tencthers and so in all places after.

Fol. 97. a. 16. for the to read to thee.

Fol. 105. a. 11. put out, that,.

Fol, 120. a. 27. for Aucalits read Ancalits.

[Page]Fol. 121. a. 16. read he sent. &c.

Fol. 133. b. 23. for driue read driuē.

Fol. 135. b. 13. for redlly read redily.

Fol. 144. b. the last line, for psent read spent.

Fol. 147. a. 1. for the, read them.

Fol. 153. b. 21. for parter read partes.

Fol. 160. a. 8. read, one of the greatest.

Fol. 164. a. 9. for Minuitius read Minutius

Fol. 177. b. 4. for Lemoni [...]es read L [...]monikes

Fol. 189. b. 14. &. 25. for Gebenua read Ge­benna.

Fol. 189. b. 26. read, inasmuch as.

Fol. 195. a. 1. for manes read meanes.

Fol. 196. b. 19. read, and both of them. &c.

Fol. 200. b. 13. for lur [...]d read allured.

Fol. 207. b. 1. read, of our souldiers. &c.

Fol. 217. b. in the. 6. 7. & 8. lines wheras the sentence is thus, all such forasmuche as there were neyther woods nor Moun­taynes to hyde them, they were as s [...]ain, reade thus: they were all s [...]aine by cure horsmen, sauing such as h [...]d themselues in the woods and mountaines.

Fol. 219. a. 10. put out, the people of,.

Fol. 221. b. 24. for Aleria [...]ead Alexia.

Fol. 226. b. 6 for Uellāniās read Uellauniās

Fol. 234. a. 13. for copasie read cōpasse.

Fol. 253. a. 16. put out, by,.

Fol. 256. a. 23. for perisisted read persisted.

Fol. 260. a. 4. put out, he,.

Fol. 263. a. 21. read, it was astonied. &c.

Fol. 268. a. 8. read, did cut of. &c.

FINIS.

THE FIRST BOOKE of Caius Iulius Caesars Cōmen­taries of the warres in Gallia.

ALL The whole countrey of Fraunce GALLIA IS deuided into thre par­tes: Of the whiche, one is inhabited by ye Belgies. An other by the Aquitanes, and the .iii. by them who in their toung are called Celtes, and in our Galles. All theis dyffer eache from other in Language, Customes, and Lawes. The ryuer of Geronde deuideth the Celtes from the Aqui­tanes: and the riuers of Seane and Marne do deuide them from the Bel­gies. Of all theis, the Belgies be moste puissante, as they whiche are furthest distant from the delycatenes and ciuilitie of the Prouince, and vnto whom is little or no resort of mar­chauntes, to bringe in thynges that might effeminate their mindes. Be­sides that, they border vpon the Ger­manes, [Page] inhabitinge beyonde the Ri­uer of Rhyne, with whom they be at continuall warre. The same thyng also is a cause why the Now called Swiszers. Heluetians hauing dayly conflict with the Ger­manes eyther in their owne defence, or by the way of inuasion, do in pro­wesse excell the reste of the Galles. That parte which is sayde to be pos­sessed of the Celtes a coū tri of Fraūce lying betwen Gascognie & the countries of Germany. Celtes, taketh his be­ginning at the Riuer of Rhone, & is enclosed with ye water of Gerownd, with the Ocean Sea, and with the bowndes of the Belgies: bordering also vpon the Rhyne in the coūtryes of the Sequanes and Heluetians, & it bendeth towardes the North. The Belgia the low coūtries of Germany, frō Treuorse & Mens to Flaūders & those partes. Aquitane the countries of Gascognie & Guien. Belgies begynne at the vttermost bowndes of Gallia, and extende to the neathermost parte of the Rhyne, and they lye North and East. Aqui­tane stretcheth from the ryuer Ge­rownde to the mountaines Pyrenes and the Spanishe sea, betweene the north & the west. There was among the Heluetians one Orgetorixa man of the greattest nobilitie and wealth [Page 2] in all the countrie. Hee in the tyme that Two chiefe honors of the state yerely chaunged. Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso were Consuls of Rome, blyn­ded with desyre of souerayntie, con­spired with the nobilitie, and perswaded the Citie whereof he was, to re­moue out of their countrye with all the power they coulde make: Alled­ging that it was an easye matter for thē to conquere all Gallia, in asmuch as they excelled al ye rest in prowesse. It was the easyer for him to brynge them hereunto, bicause the Swiszers.Helue­tians dwell in suche a countrie as on all sides is by nature fortyfied. For on the one side they ar enclosed with the riuer of the Rhyne a very broade and deepe water, which deuideth thē from the Germanes: on an other side with the highe mountayne Mount saint Claude or mount Iou. Bourgomōs Iura, whiche is betweene theym and the Mount saint Claude or mount Iou. Bourgomōs Sequanes, and on the thirde syde with the lake Leman and the Ryuer Rhone, whiche deuydeth them from our prouynce. By meanes hereof it came to passe, that they cowlde not raunge verye farre abrode, nor with [Page] their ease make rodes agaynste their neyghboures: whiche was a greate griefe vnto them, beinge a people de­sirous of warre. For in respecte of their multitude, and of the renowne of their puissaunce & force in armes, they thought them seluis enclosed in a streight, as whose Countrie passed not. CCxl. miles in length, and an hūdred & foure score miles in bredth. Perswaded with theis reasons, and moued with the Authoritie of Orge­torix, they determyned to make pro­uysion of all thynges meete for their voyage: As namely in byinge of all the cartes and caryage beastes they could come by, in employing al their growndes to tyllage, to the intent to furnyshe theim selues abundantely with corne in their iourneye: and in confirmyng peace and aliaunce with the cities adioynyng. For the perfor­mance of theis thinges they thought twoo yeeres to be sufficyent: decree­inge by lawe to sette forwarde the thirde yeere. To brynge theis mat­ters to effect was Orgetorix chosen: [Page 3] And he tooke vppon hym to goe in ambassade to the Cities. Hee in that iourney perswaded Casticus a A Bourgo­nion.Se­quane, the sonne of Catamantalis, (whose father had reigned many ye­res amonge the Sequanes, and was accompted a frend to the Senate and people of Rome) to take vppon him the soueraintie in his own countrie, the which his father had helde before him. Also be perswaded Dumnorix the Heduan the brother of Diuitia­cus (who at that time bare chief auc­thoritie in his countrie, and was in greatest fauoure with the commonaltie,) to attempt the like, and therev­pon gaue hym his dawghter in ma­riage. He proued that it was an ea­sie matter for theym to brynge their enterprises to passe, for as muche as he shoulde obteyne the gouernement of his owne Citie, and it was not to be dowted but that ye Swiszers were able to do more than all Fraunce be­syde, wherfore he shulde be able with his power and with his army to warrant them kyngedomes. Perswaded [Page] with this Oration, they gaue their faith one to an other, and confirmed it with an othe: Hopynge assuredly that seinge three of the strongest and puissanteste nations of all Fraunce had bent their force together, it could none otherwyse come to passe, but that they must nedes be Lordes of all the whole countrie. When this mat­ter was bewrayed to the reste of the Heluetians, accordynge to their cu­stome they commytted Orgetorix to prison to answere to his complaynt. If he were caste, the lawe condemp­ned hym to be burned with fire. At the daye appointed for the pleadinge of his case, Orgetorix called to the Sessions all his kynred and alyance, to the number of ten thousande men, together with all his reteynours and dettours, of whom he had a great cō ­pany. By them he so wrought, that he came not to aunswere his endite­ment. When the Citie beynge stir­red herewithall, sowghte to mayn­teyne thexecution of their lawes by the sworde, and that the magistrates [Page 4] were raysinge a power of men out of the coūtrie for the same purpose, Or­getorix dyed: not without suspition (as the Heluetians thinke) of killing hym selfe. After his deathe, the Hel­uetians neuerthelesse proceded with their fore determined purpose of de­partinge out of their countrie. And when they thought them selues in a sufficiente readinesse for the matter, they sette on fyre all their Cities, to the numbre of twelue, and all their villages, which were about iiii. hun­dred, together with the reste of their priuate buyldinges. Likewyse they burned all their corne, sauinge that which they ment to cary with them, to thintent that al hope of returning home being taken away, they shuld more willingly aduenture them sel­ues to abyde all perilles. Commaun­demente was geuen that euery man should cary with him so much meale as woulde serue hym for three mon­thes. Moreouer they perswaded the People about Basil. Rawracians, People about Basil. Tulingians and People about Basil. Latobrigians their nexte neygh­boures, [Page] to followe the same trade in burnyng their townes and villages, and to accompany them in this their voiage, receiuynge also into league and confederacie the People of Toule in Lo­raine. People of Losanne. People of Burbone, Bauier or Boeme in Almaine. Boyans, who not longe ago had inhabyted on the further syde of the Rhyne, and were nowe lately come ouer into the coast of Noricum, and had there beseeged the Citie Norinberg. Noreia. There were but onely twoo wayes for theym to passe at oute of their countrie, the one by the Burgoniōs. Sequanes narrowe and vneasy betweene the mountayne Iura and the riuer of Rhone, scarce so broade as that a cart might well be dryuen through it, so ouerhanged with the highe mountaine that a verye fewe had bene able to stoppe them of their passage: Thother throughe our pro­uince, far more easy and readier, by­cause that the riuer of Rhone which runneth betweene the borders of the Heluetians and the Nowe the people of Sauoye & Del­phinoyes. Allobrogians (who were lately come vnder the Romaine Empire) hath diuerse foordes and shallowe places to passe at. The [Page 5] vttermost towne of thAllobrogians and next to the borders of Heluetia is Geneua, out of the whiche towne is a bridge into Swiszerlande. They thought verely they shuld either en­treate the Allobrogians bicause they seemed not as yet to loue the people of Rome from the harte, or else they wolde compell them by force to geue them passage throughe their coūtrie. When all thinges were in a ful rea­dines for their iorney, they appoyn­eted a daye when their whole num­bre shoulde meete all together at the Riuer of Rhone, the which day was about the .xxviii. of Marche, Lucius Piso, and Aulus Gabinius, beinge then Consuls of Rome: When ty­dinges hereof was brought vnto Ce­sar, that they wente aboute to passe through our Prouince, he made haste to departe from the Citie, and with all spede possible went into the The coūtrie of Fraunce at the foote of the Alpes. fur­ther gallia to Geneua, wher he gaue order for the musteryng and leuying of as manye souldyers as coulde be made through all the Prouince, (for [Page] there was but one legiō at that time in the further Gallia) and commaun­ded the bridge at Geneua to be hewē downe.Alegion. Assoone as the Heluetians were aduertised of his cōming, they sente of the greateste princes of their countrie in ambassade to him, amōg whom the chiefe were Numeius and Ueredoctius, who had in commissi­on to saye vnto hym that the Helue­tians were minded to passe through the prouince without any harme do­ing, bicause they had none other way to go: desyringe hym to geue theym leaue to passe with his fauour. Ce­sar remembryng how Lucius Cassi­us the Consull had heretofore by the Heluetians bene slayne, and his ar­mie vanquished & compelled dishono­rably to crepe vnder a yoke, thought it not conuenient to graunt their re­queste For it coulde not sinke in his head that men bearinge a rooted en­mitie in their harts ageinst ye people of Rome, woulde after libertie ones giuen them to passe through the pro­uince, absteyne from iniurie and e­uyll [Page 6] doynge: Notwithstandynge to thintente to haue respite to assemble his souldiers that he had appointed to be leuied, he answered the Ambas­ssadours that he wold take a further time to brethe vpon the matter: and that if they were mynded to cōmune any further with hym, they shoulde returne to him agein at the vi. day of Aprill next following. In the meane whyle, with that legion that he had about him and with suche souldyers as were assembled out of Prouince, he drewe a diche and made a wall of xvi. foote hie, ninetene myles longe from the lake Leman, whiche falleth into ye riuer of Rhone, vnto the moū ­ntaine Iura, which deuideth the bor­ders of the Borgoniōs frō the Swis­zers. Assone as this worke was fully fynished, he raysed towres vppon the wall and put men of warre in them, to the intente the better to resiste the Heluetiās, if they attempted to passe ageinst hys wyll. When the day ap­poynted to the Ambassadoures was come, and thambassadours returned, [Page] He made them aunswere that with­out breaking the custome and exaumple of the people of Rome, he coulde not giue any man leaue to passe tho­rough the Prouince: which thing if they attempted by force, he told them he woulde withstande theim. The Heluetians disapointed of this their hope, assaied to get ouer the Ryuer, some in barges ioyned together, and som in boates, wherof they had made great store before hande, and other­some at the foordes where the water was shallowest: and this dydde they often times by daye, but oftener by nighte. Howbeit beinge repulsed by the strength of our fortification, and the continuall resort of our souldiers whiche helde theim euer at the swor­des poīt, they left of their enterprise. There was yet one waye left by the Bourgoniōs Sequanes, the whiche nathelesse they coulde not passe ageinst the Se­quanes willes by reason of the strei­ghtes. Whom when they coulde not of thē selues entreate, they sent mes­sengers to Dumnorix the Hedui people of Burgūdie about Autum Heduane [Page 7] that by his intercession they myghte preuaile in their suite. Dūnorix was very wel beloued, and for his libera­litie was able to do muche with the Sequanes, and he bare good wyll to the Heluetians, because he had ma­ryed the daughter of Orgetorix out of that countrie. Moreouer being led with desyre of soueraintie, he sought innouation of thinges, endeuoringe by his benefytes to make manye Ci­ties beholden vnto hym. And there­fore he toke the matter vppon hym, and obteined leaue of the Sequanes for the Heluetians to passe throughe their countrie, causynge hostages to be gyuen on bothe sydes, the Sequa­nes that they shoulde not trouble the Heluetians in theyr passage, and the Heluetians that they should go qui­etly without offringe iniurie or euyll doinge. Anon worde was broughte vnto Cesar that the Heluetiās were minded to passe through the coūtries of the They are nowe bothe namid Bur­gonious. Sequanes & They are nowe bothe namid Bur­gonious. Heduanes into the borders of Santow which is not farre from Tholouse a Citie in Pro­uince. [Page] If that were suffered, he knew well it wolde be greately to the noy­aunce of the Prouince, to haue suche warrelike people auncient ennemies of the Romaynes, so neere neygh­bours vnto it in Chāpion and corne countries. For theis considerations, he lefte his lieuetenaunt Titus La­bienus behinde hym to the defence of the fortification alreadye made, and he him selfe with all speede returned into Italy, where he leuied two Le­gions a newe & drewe out of the gar­rysons aboute Aquileia three other that wyntered there, and with those fiue legyons tooke his neereste waye ouer the Alpes towarde the further Gallia. There the People of Tarantaise in Sauoie. Centrones, the People of Tarantaise in Sauoie. Caroceles, & the People of Tarantaise in Sauoie. Caturiges ha­uing taken the higher places before, went about to stoppe hym from pas­singe with his armye. But in many of theise battelles they wente by the worst, and so Cesar in seuen dayes marched from Ocelum whiche is the furthest towne of the hithermost pro­uynce, vnto the borders of the * Uo­contians [Page 8] whiche are in the further Prouynce. From thens he conduc­ted his army among the A people bor­deringe vpon Tarantaise Delphine & Sauoye. Allobrogi­ans, and from the Allobrogians to the Secusianes, whiche are the firste people oute of Prouince beyonde the ryuer Rhone. By that tyme had the Heluetians with all theyr hoste pas­sed the streyghtes and the countrie of the People of Sauoye and Daulphine. Bourgoniōs Sequanes, and beynge entred the borders of ye People of Sauoye and Daulphine. Bourgoniōs Heduanes wasted their fieldes. The Heduanes feeling thē selues to weake to make defence ageinst theym, sente messengers to Cesar to desyre succour: alledgyngs that their desertes towards the peo­ple of Rome had alwaies ben suche, that it stode not with their honour to suffer theyr Landes to be destroyed, theyr chyldren ledde into captiuitie, & theyr townes to be sacked, in ma­ner within the sighte of theyr armie. The same tyme that the Heduanes made this complainte, the People about Neuers. Ambar­ries beyng neere friends and alies of the Heduanes, aduertised Cesar that their fi [...]ides were already wasted, & [Page] that they had much a do to kepe their ennemies out of their walled Tow­nes. Furthermore the Allobrogians whiche had landes and possessions on thother syde of Rhone,People of Sauoye and Dausph [...]ne. came flyinge vnto Cesar & tolde him that nothing was left them saue the bare groūde. Caesar moued with theis matters, thoughte it not good to forslowe the time vntyll the Heluetians hauinge spoyled his friendes, were come a­mong the Sātones.People of Gascognie & nere Tolouse There is a riuer nowe called Saone, whiche through the boūdes of the Heduanes and Se­quanes entreth into Rhone, so mildely and gently, that it is not possyble to be discerned by sight whiche waye the streame runneth. The Helueti­ans with boates and shallops ioyned together had passed the same, where­of when Cesar was aduertised by his espialles, at suche tyme as three par­tes of theyr armye were alreadie fer­ryed ouer the Ryuer, and the fourthe parte was yet behynde, Aboute the third watche of the night, he set out of his campe with three Legiōs, and [Page 9] came vpon that parte that hadde not yet passed the Ryuer: and settynge vppon them vnwares and out of or­der, slewe a great number of theym, the rest toke them to flyghte and hyd them selues in the next woods. The Canton where this was doone was called Nowe called Zurich, Tigurine. For all the whole countrie of Heluetia is deuyded into iiii. Cantons or shyres. This same one Canton remouynge out of their Countrie in the tyme of our fathers, slew Lucius Cassius the Consul, and sent his army vnder a yoke. So, whether it were by chaūce or by the pro­uidence of the goddes immortal, the selfe same parte of Heluetia whiche had brought so dishonorable a repro­che vppon the Romaynes, was the fyrst that suffred punishement for it. Wherein Cesar reuenged not onely the displesure done to the whole state of his Countrie, but also the displea­sure done to hym selfe in priuate, for as much as ye Tigurines in the same battell that Cassius was slayne, slew also his Lieuetenaunt Lucius Piso, [Page] the graūdfather of Lucius Piso, Ce­sars father in lawe. After this discō ­fiture, to thintent he might ouertake the rest of the Heluetian host, he cau­sed a bridge to be made vppon Arar, and so passed ouer his armye. The Heluetians abasshed at his sodeyne approche, whē they perceiued he had done as much in one day as they wer scarce able to do in twenty, that is to saye, passed the ryuer, sent ambassa­doures vnto hym, whereof the chiefe was Diuico, whoo in the battell a­gienste Cassius was captayne of the Heluetians. The effect of his treatie was, that if ye people of Rome would be contented to make peace with the Heluetians, they would departe into what quarter so euer Cesar woulde appointe them, and there remaine at his pleasure. But if he were purpo­sed to pursewe thē with battell, they willed him to cal to remembrance as well the domage that the Romaines had receyued by their nation in tyme past, as also the auncient prowesse of the Heluetians. And wher as he had [Page 10] assailed one Cantō vnbewares at su­che time as the rest beinge passed the Ryuer coulde not reskewe their fel­lowes, it was noo matter whye he should greatly glory in his own pro­wesse, or despise the Heluetians, who had ben in such sorte trained vppe by their fathers and auncestours before tyme, as to contende rather by man­hod than by deceyte, or to couet con­quest by suttletie. Wherefore it was good for hym to be well aduised that throughe his ouersyghte the place of their presēt being toke not his name and were made famous by the destructiō of the people of Rome and thvt­ter slaughter of his armie. To these thinges Cesar made answere in this wise. That he had so muche the lesse nede to dowt what he shoulde do, in that hee perfectely remembered the thinges which the Heluetian ambas­sadours hadde made mention of: the which greued him so much the more, as the people of Rome had lesse de­serued them. For if their conscience had accused thē of any wronge done, [Page] it had ben noo harde matter to haue shonned thinconuenience. But herin they were deceiued, that neither they knewe them selues to haue commit­ted any thinge why they should be a­fraide, nor thoughte it meete to be a­fraid without cause. But admitte he coulde be contented to forget the for­mer reproche done vnto the Romay­nes, was it reason hee shoulde also winke at their wrongefull dealynge ageyne of newe, in attemptynge to make theim selues passage throughe the Prouince by the sworde whether he wolde or no? in that they had mo­lested the Heduanes, the Ambarri­ans, and the Allobrogians? their glorying so presumptuously in their for­mer victorie, and their vauntinge of escapinge so longe vnponnyshed for their wrongefull dealynges, hadde brought them to the point they were at. For the gods immortal are wont sometime to graunte greater prospe­rytie and longer respite from ponny­shement vnto suche as they are myn­ded to chastyse for their offences, to [Page 11] thentēt that when the change came the griefe therof might touche them more nearer the heart. Nowe albeit thynges were as they were, yet not­withstanding if they wold geue hym pledges, that he might perceiue they were willing to performe the things they promysed, and moreouer make satisfaction aswel of the iniuries and displeasures done to the Heduanes & their adherentes, as also to the Allo­brogians, he was contented to make peace with theim. Diuico replyinge saide that the Heluetians hadde bene taught of their auncestors, to take and not to geue pledges: wherof the people of Rome could beare witnesse them selues. When he hadde geuen this aunswer, he departed. The next day they remoued their Campe from the place where they were, and so did Cesar likewise, who sent out all his horsemen to the number of .iiii. thou­sand (whiche he had assembled out of all the Prouince and among the He­duanes and their adherentes) to dis­couer towardes what part his enne­mies [Page] were drawen. They pursuinge ouer greedely the rerewarde of their enemies, encountred with the Heluetian horsmen in a place of disaduan­tage, and lost certayne of their com­pany. The Heluetians being puffed vp with the successe of this skirmish, bycause that with fiue hundred horse­men they hadde geuen repulse to so many of our horsemen, began to stay more boldely then they were wonte, and sundrye tymes out of their rere­ward, to prouoke our men to the en­counter. Howbeit Cesar restrayned his Souldiers, & thought it inoughe at that presente to prohibit his ene­mies from wasting and spoylinge of the Countrie. So they continued on their iorney by the space of .xv dayes together, in such sort that there was not paste a fiue or six miles distaunce betweene the rerewarde of our ene­mies, & our foreward. In the meane while Cesar called dayely vppon the Heduans, for the grain that they had promised him by their common con­sent. For by reason of the colde (for [Page 12] asmuche as Gallia as is saide before is situate vnder the north clime) not onely the corne was not rype in the fieldes, but also there was not suffi­cient forrage to be gottē. As for that corne whiche he had broughte with hym by the Ryuer Arar, coulde not handsomely serue his turne, bicause the Heluetiās had withdrawen them selues another waye, from whom he was not minded to depart. The He­duans made delaies from day to day, saying it was a gatheringe, it was a bringinge, it woulde be there out of hande. When Cesar perceiued hym self to be dalyed withall to long, and that the daye was at hande that it shoulde be measured and deuided vn­to his souldiours, callinge vnto him their chiefe noblemen and Prynces, of whom he had a great company in his Campe, and amonges other, Di­uitiacus & Liscus who at that tyme held the principall office, which they call Uergobret, whiche is an offyce that lasteth but frō yere to yere, and for the tyme hath absolute power of [Page] life and deathe, he sharpely blamed theim that wheras there was not a­ny corne to be bought, nor to be got­ten in the fieldes, in suche a time of necessitie, his enemies being so neere at hand, he was not succored nor re­lieued by them, specially considering that for the most part at their entre­tance he had taken this war in hand. Wherfore so muche the iuster cause he had to complaine, in that he was disappointed by them. Then at the lengthe Liscus prouoked thereto by Cesars wordes, disclosed that which hitherto he hadde concealed: Howe there were certaine persons of great aucthoritie among the common peo­ple, that could do more than the ma­gistrates. Who with their lewd and sedicious talke did put the people in suche feare, that they delyuered no [...] the corne, as they ought to haue done by promis. Alledgynge that if they could not nowe atteine the souerein [...]tie of Gallia theim selues, it wer [...] more reason to preferre therunto th [...] Galles rather than the Romaines. [Page 13] For out of all doubt, might the Ro­maines ones get the maystrye of the Heluetians, they would bringe the Heduanes vnder coram as wel as al the rest of the Galles. By these per­sons our counselles and all that was done in our camp were bewrayed to the ennemy. Whose doinges it laye not in their hande to bridell: for al­beit that vtter necessitye compelled hym to declare thus much vnto Ce­sar, yet was he not ignorante what perill he procured hym selfe in doing therof, whiche was the onely cause whye he hadde concealed the matter as longe as he could. Cesar percey­ued by these wordes of Liscus, that Dumnorix the brother of Diuitiacus was noted. But because he woulde not haue those matters debated in ye presence of many, he soone dismissed the counsell, kepyng Liscus stil with him. When he had him alone, he re­quired those thinges of hym that hee had towched in the counsell: and he vttred theim more at large and more boldely. Cesar made pryuie enquirie [Page] for the same thinges at other mennes handes, and founde them to be true in dede: as that Dumnorix him selfe was a man of singular audacitie, and in great fauoure with the cōmonal­tie for his liberalitie, desyrous of alteratiō, & that he had taken to ferm for many yeres to come at a small pryce as well the customes for all thynges that were conueyed in and out of the Realme, as all other taxes & imposi­tions of the Heduanes, bycause that whē he had ones beaten the pryce no man durst set in his fote ageinst him. By meanes wherof he had not onely his owne pryuate substance, but also gotten abundantely wherewith to shewe him selfe lyberall abrode, in so much that he founde a great number of horsemenne alwaies at his owne charges and kept theim about hym, and that he was able to deale lybe­rally not onely with his owne coun­trie, but also among the Cities that were his neighbours. By meanes of whiche aucthoritie he had bestowed his mother in maryage to a man of [Page 14] the greatest linage and power in all Berrey, taken a wife from amonge the Heluetians, and had maried his suster by the mother syde and diuerse other of his kynneswomen into other Cities, the whiche affinitie was an occasion that hee fauoured and wys­shed wel to the Heluetians, and bare ill wyll to the Romayns, whom na­turally he hated in his harte, bycause that by their coming his power was abated, and his brother Diuitiacus restored to as muche fauour and esti­mation as euer he hadde before. For might the Romains haue il successe, he was in good hope throughe helpe of the Heluetians to be made kinge: where as if the Romaynes obteyned the superioritie, hee was oute of all hope, not onely of being kinge, but also of that estimation ye he then had.

Moreouer Cesar lerned by in­quirie, that in the battel of horsemen whiche he loste a fewe dayes before, Dumnorix and his horsemen began fyrst to flye: (for he was capteyne of the men of Armes that the Heduans [Page] had sent to thayde of Cesar) and that by their running away the rest of the men of armes were discomfited. The whiche thinges being knowen, whē as besyde these superstitions, he had other matters of certeintie to charge him withall, as that he had ledde the Heluetians throughe the countrie of Burgundie, that hee had caused ho­stages to be giuen betwene thē, and that he had done all the said thinges not only without commaundemente of hym & of the Citie, but also with­out their knowledge, for as much as he was accused to hym by the chiefe magistrate of the Heduanes, hee thoughte it sufficiente cause eyther to ponnissh hym himselfe, or to com­maund the citie to se him ponnished. But there was one thing that with­stode all these matters: namely that Cesar knew his brother Diuitia [...]us to beare earnest good wil to the peo­ple of Rome, and that he hartely lo­ued hym, and that he was a man of syngular faithefulnesse, iustice, and modestie. Wherefore he was verrye [Page 15] lothe to offende his mynde with the ponnishemente of his brother. And therefore he called Diuitiacus vnto him, and remouinge his accustomed interpreters, commoned with him by Caius Ualerius Troacillus chiefe gouernour of the Romane Prouince in Gallia, his familiar friend whom he chiefly trusted vnto in al thinges. Fyrst he put him in rememberaunce what had bene spoken before his face in the counsell of the Galles concer­ninge his broother Dumnorix, and shewed him what euerye man seue­rally had reported of hym, to him in secret. Desiryng & perswading hym, that without his displesure, he might vppon sufficient tryal of the matter, either procede ageinst him him selfe, or else cause his Citie to proceede a­gainst him according to his desertes. Diuitiacus embracinge Cesar with many teares, began to entreate him that he wold not deale ouer streight­ly with his brother. He said he knew those thinges to be true, and no man was more sory for it than he, because [Page] that where as he was of greate esti­mation hym selfe bothe in his owne countrie and in al Gallia beside, and his brother could do little or nothing by reason of his youth, his broother had bene aduaunced by his meanes only: the whiche his welth and au­cthoritie although he had abused, not only to the decaye of his estimation, but also well neere to his owne de­struction, yet not with standinge he was sore troubled inwardely, bothe for the loue he bare to his brother, & for thopinion of the common people. For if Cesar should chaunce to deale any thinge roughely with him, (hee standing so highely in his fauour as he dyd,) euery man woulde thinke it were done by his consent & procure­ment, wherby it wolde come to passe that he should loose the hartes of all the Galles. As he was making thys request vnto Cesar with many wor­des weeping, Cesar toke him by the right hand, and comforting hym de­sired him to make noo more intrea­tance, assuringe hym that hee set so [Page 16] much by him, that at his requeste he was contēt to pardon both the iniu­rie done to the common weale, & also his owne griefe, to order all as hee thought good. Herevppon hee called Dumnorix aside: & taking his broo­ther to him, declared what matters he had to charge him with, laying before him what informatiōs were put vp against him, & what complaynt y citie hadde made of him: he warned him to auoide all causes of suspition hereafter, vpon trust wherof he tolde him he wolde (for his brother Diui­tiacus sake) remit all that was past. This done he set good watche about Dumnorix, to thintēt to know what he did & with whom he had any con­ference. The same day being certifi­ed by his skowtes that his ennemies were emcāped vnder the side of a hyl about .viii. myles from his camp, he sent to viewe the nature of the hyll, and what comminge there was to it on euery side rounde aboute. Worde was brought him agein that it was verye easye. Aboute the ende of the [Page] thyrd watch he commaunded Titus Labienus his liuetenant to take the same menne for his guides that had viewed the ground before and knew the way, and with twoo Legions in all haste possible to take the toppe of the hyll, declarynge vnto hym what his purpose was to do. In the end of the fourth watche, he him self by the same waye that his ennemies hadde gone, went toward them, and sente all his men of armes before hym. Publius Considius who was coun­ted most expert in feates of chiualrie (as he that had sarued first in the ar­mye of Lucius Sylla and afterward vnder Marcus Crassus) was sent be­fore with the skowtes. At the daw­ning of the day, when T. Labienus had gotten the toppe of the hill, and that he was not paste a myle and a halfe from the camp of his enemies, who (as he lerned afterwarde by hys prisoners) knewe neither of his com­ming, nor of Labienus being there, Considius came ronning to him vp­pon the spurre, and made report vn­to [Page 17] him, that the hill which he would that Labienus shoulde haue taken, was possessed by his ennemies: the whiche he perceiued by the armes & antesignes of the Galles. Hereupon Cesar withdrue his armye into the next hill, and set his men in order of battell. Labienus (for as muche as Cesar had expresselye commaunded him that he should not ioyne battell with his enemies before suche time as he saw his armye nere vnto their Camp, to thintēt that assault might haue ben made vpon them on all si­des at ones,) when he had taken the hill, stoode still waiting for vs, and absteined from feighting. At length when the day was well foorth, Ce­sar vnderstode by his espialles, that they were his own men that had ta­ken the mountain, and that the Hel­uetians had dislodged from thens, & that Considius of a childish fear had reported for a certainty the thing he had not seene. All that day he follo­wed after his enemies with like di­staunce as he had doone before, and [Page] encamped within thre miles of their Camp. The next day bicause that within twoo dayes after it behoued him to distribute corne to his souldi­ours, and forasmuch as he was not aboue eightene miles frō Beawbrai which is the greatest and welthiest Citie in all the countrie of the He­duanes, he thought good to make prouision for corne, & thervpon tur­ning from the Switzers, he toke his way toward Beawvray. This his doing was by certaine fugitiues of the hand of Lucius Aemilius Cap­tain of a troope of Gallian horsemē, bewrayed to the enemy. The Swit­zers, (whether it were that they thought the Romaines departed frō them for fear of them, (which semed to them so much the more lykely to be true, bicause ye day before hauing taken the higher groundes, they had not geuen them battel,) or that they were in hope to cut theym of from their prouision of corn,) altered their purpose, and turning backe againe, began to pursewe vs and to assail [...] [Page 18] our reregard, whē Cesar perceiued that, he withdrew his hoost into the next hil, and sent out his men of ar­mes to withstand the brunt of his e­nemies. In the meane while he or­dered his men vpon the mids of the hill in thre battels of fower legions of old expert souldiers: so that aboue him on the top of the hill he placed the two legions, which he had lately leuied in the hither Gallia, together with all the straungers that were come to his aide, and furnished all the hill with men of war. In this time also he caused all the baggage to bee brought together into one place, and the same to be fortified by them that stode in the higher battel. The Heluetrās folowing after with all their chariots, conueyed all their stuffe into one place, and they theim selues on a thick throng, hauing put our horsemen aside, cast themselues in a square battell, and preased vn­der our vauntgarde. Cesar sending first his owne, and then all other mens horses oute of sight, (to then­tent [Page] that putting them al in like pe­ril he might cut of al hope of flight) encouraged his men, and ioined bat­tell. His souldiors by throwinge darts from the higher grounde, did easily breake the battel of their ene­mies. The which being ones disor­dered, they charged vpon them with their naked swordes. It was a great trouble to the Galles when they should feight, that manye of their targets being striken through with one blowe of a dart, and fastened to­gether in such sort that after the yrō was bowed, they could neyther pull the Darte out, nor yet handsomlye seight by reason their left handes were troubled. So that in conclusi­on many hauing a long time weari­ed their armes, chose rather to cast their targets out of their hands, and to seight wyth their bodies naked. At length waxing faint with woū ­des, they began to lose ground, and bicause there was a hil nere at hand about a myle of from the place, they began to draw them selues thither. [Page 19] When they hadde gotten this hill, and that our men pursued still after them, the Boyans and Tulingians (to the number of a fiftene thousand men) who closed vp the battel of our enemies, and were a rescow to their reregarde, assailing vs on the open side as we passed by theim, enclosed vs about. That seing the Heluetiās which had recouered the hill, prea­sed forward againe, and began the battell a freshe. The Romaines tourninge their Standardes, were faine to encounter theym both ways at ones. The forewarde and mid­delwarde to resist theym that euen now were as good as vanquyshed and put to flight, and the rerewarde to withstand them that came new v­pon them. So the battell was fore fought a long while ere fortune in­clined to either party. At the last not able to withstand our force any lon­ger, thone part of theym retired to the Mountaine as they had begon, and thother part drew theim selues to their Chariots & their stuffe. For [Page] during all the time of thys battell, which was fought from seuen of the clock in the morning vntil the eue­ning, there was not any of vs could say he saw his enemy turne his face from him. Yea and about their stuffe the battell was prolonged, vntill it was farre on the night, bycause they had set against vs their Chariots in maner of a Rampire, & threw dartes from aloft at vs as we came toward them. And many of them from vn­der the Chariots and from among the wheles, did thrust at our menne with Pikes and Iauelins and wounded them. After long feight, we wan their cariages and their tentes also, in the which the daughter of Orge­torix and one of his sonnes were ta­ken prisoners. From this battell es­caped about an hundred and thirtie thousand men: which iourneying all that night long cōtinually without ceasing, came the fowrth day after into the borders of the Now called Langres. Lingones. Our men being faine to rest them­selues there three dayes for dressing [Page 20] of their woundes, and buriyng of such as were slaine, were not in case to pursue them. Howbeit Cesar sent letters and messangers to the Lin­gones, that they should not succour them wt victuals or any other thing: if they did, he sent theym woorde he would repute them for his ennemies no lesse than the Heluetians. After three dayes, himselfe folowed them with al his power. The Heluetians constreyned with penurie of al thin­ges, sent Ambassadours vnto him to offer submission. Who meting him by the way, when they had cast them selues at his feete, and with humble wordes & sorowfull teares besought him of peace, and that he had com­maunded them to abide his cōming in the same place where they then were, they obeyed. As sone as Cesar was come thither, he demaunded ho­stages, their armor, and the slaues that had fled vnto thē. While theis things were a serching out and bringing together, (for dooing whereof they had one nights respite,) about [Page] six thousande men of that Canton which is called Straws­brough. Uerbigenus, (whe­ther it were for feare leaste after surrendringe of their armour they shoulde bee ponnished, or that they were induced wyth hope of esca­ping scotfree, bicause they supposed that in so great a number as were there to be yelded, their flight wolde either be hidden or not perceiued at all) stale out of the Heluetian Camp the same first night, and tooke their way toward the Rhine and the bor­ders of Germanye. Whiche thing when Cesar hadde knowledge of, he commanded them by whose country they had passed, that if they wold he should hold them excused, they shuld seke them out and bring them backe againe. When they were brought backe ageine, he tooke them for hys ennemies, & as for all the rest, when they had deliuered hostages, armor, and runnagates, he tooke theym to mercy. He commaunded the Helue­tians, Tulingians, and Latobrigi­ans to return into their owne coun­trye [Page 21] from whens they came. And for asmuche as hauing wasted all their Corne and fruites, at home in their Countrye was nothing remaining wherwt to sustain hungar, he gaue in cōmaundement to the Allobrogians to furnish them with corne, and willed thother to repaire their cities & townes that they had burned. This thing he dyd chieflye for this intent, bicause he wold not haue ye place frō whēce ye Heluetians came, to lie vn­inhabited, least the Germanes that dwel beyond the Rhine, shuld for the goodnes of the soyle, remoue out of their owne Countrye into Switzer­land, and plant theym selues by the Prouince and the Allobrogians. At the request of ye Heduanes, he graunted that the Boyans (bycause they were knowen to be men of singular prowesse) shoulde be placed in their countrye, and the Heduanes not on­ly gaue them ground to occupy, but also afterward admitted them into like estate of fredome and liberty as they themselues had. In the camp of [Page] ye Heluetians wer found tables written with Greke letters, and brought vnto Cesar, wherein was expresslye conteyned a register of al the names and what was the nūber of al those that came out of their countrye, of such as were able to beare armor by them selues, of the children by them selues, of the old men & women seue­rally by them selues. Of al y which the grosse summe was, of Helueti­ans reckned by the poll twoo hun­dred threescore and three thousand: of the Tulingians sixe and thyrtye thousand: of the Latobrigians four­tene thousande: of the Rauracyans three and twenty thousand: of Boy­ans twoo and thirtye thousande. A­mong theis there were about fowre score and twelue thousand that wer able to beare armour. The whole summe of them al one with another, was thre hundred threescore & eight thousand, or therabouts. The num­ber of them that retourned home a­gaine (vpon muster taken as Cesar commaunded) was founde to bee an [Page 22] hundred and ten thousand.

When the war of the Heluetians was brought to an end, the Princes almoste of all the Cities of Gallia came ambassadors vnto Cesar, to reioyce wyth him in his good fortune. Declaryng that albeit the people of Rome had for wrongs done vnto them of old time by the Heluetians, iustly now punished them by battel, yet the thing had falne out no lesse to the behofe of the Realme of Gal­lia, than of the Romanes, inasmuch as the Heluetiās being in the floure of their prosperitye, had abandoned theyr natyue country, of purpose to make warre in all Gallia, to thin­tent that hauing gotten ye souerein­ty, they might take their choise of al the whole countrye, to plant and set themselues in that place that should seme most fruitful and commodious for them to dwell in, and to make al the rest of the Cities tributary vnto theym. They made request that it might be lawfull for thē to sommon a Parlament of Gallia at a certain [Page] day, and that it would please Cesar to ratify it with his consent: for they said they had certaine matters, whi­che they wold sew vnto him for by a common assent. When theyr request was graunted, they appointed a day for their meting, and bound theym selues with an othe, that they should not any of them disclose the matter, sauing vnto such as ought to be sō ­moned thervnto. After that thys coū sel was brokē vp, the same Princes of the Cities that had ben with him before, returned vnto Cesar, and de­sired they myght haue leaue to com­mon with him priuely and in secret, of matters concerning the welfare & well doyng both of him and of them al. Hauing obteyned theyr peticion, they cast them selues at Cesars feet, and weepyng tolde him that they sought & indeuored no lesse to haue the thyngs kept secret whyche they shoulde speake, then to obteyne the thyngs they sewed for, bicause that if it shoulde happen to be disclosed, they sawe they shoulde run in daun­ger [Page 23] of their liues for it. Diuitiacus the Heduan was speaker for theym. He declared how all Gallia was de­uided into two factions, of one of the whiche, the chiefe ringleaders were the Heduanes, & the men of Auuern of thother: Who had contended ma­ny yeares wyth tooth and nayle for the souereintye, and that at length the men of Auuerne and the Sequa­nes hadde waged the Germanes on their side, of whom at the first there came but fiftene thousand ouer the Rhyne. But afterward when those sauage and barbarous people hadde found a sauor in ye fertile soyle, good fare, and plentifull wealth of the Galles, they had tolled ouer mo of theyr countreymen, in so much as at that tyme, there were of them to the number of an hundred and twentye thousande: To whom the Heduanes and their confederates had diuerse tymes gyuen battell: wherin going by the wors, they had receyued great domage, for they had lost all theyr nobility, all theyr counsell, and all [Page] theyr men of armes. Through the calamities of whiche ouerthrowes, they which heretofore both by their owne prowesse, and by their aliance and frendshyppe wyth the people of Rome, had ben able to do most in al Gallia, were now brought to suche an after deele, that they were con­streyned to geue the noblest men of their countrye in hostage to the Se­quanes, and to bynd theyr Citye by othe, that they shoulde neyther re­quyre their hostages agayn, nor de­syre ayde of the Romanes, nor yet refuse to be their subiectes & vassales for euer. He himselfe onely of all the City of the Heduanes, was the man that coulde not by anye meanes be brought, eyther to be sworne, or to geue hys children for pledges. And therfore he had bene fayne to fly hys Countrye, and to resort to Rome to desyre helpe of the Senate, bicause he only was not restrained either by othe, or gyuing of hostages. How be it the Sequanes yt were cōquerours, were in worse case thē the Heduanes [Page 24] that were ouercome, in that Arioni­stus king of the Germanes had set­tled him selfe in their countrey, and had seyzed to hys owne behoofe the thirde part of the landes of Se­quanie (which is the best of all Gal­lia) and had now latelye commaun­ded them to surrēder one [...]ther third part, to thintent to prouide a place of habitaciō and continuance for the The people of Cōstance.Harudes, of whom fower & twenty thousande men were come to hym a few monethes before. And wythin few yeres it wold come to passe, that all the Galles should be dispossest of their country, and al the Germanes come ouer the Rhyne. For as the soyle of Gallia was not to be com­pared with the soyle of Germanye, so the vsuall fare of Germanye was not to be compared with the fare of Gallia. Now Ariouistus as soone as he had vanquished the power of the Galles, (whych was done at the battell of Amagetobria,) began to shew himselfe a proud and cruell conque­rour. For he demaunded all noble [Page] mannes sonnes for hostages: against whome he extended to monstruous villany and crueltye, if euery thing were not done at hys beck and plea­sure. He was a man altogether bar­barous, wrathfull, and harebraind, so that it was not possible to endure or suffer his gouernment anye len­gar. Onlesse there were any help in Cesar and the people of Rome, al the Galles should be driuen to do as the Heluetians had done, that is to say, fleete out of their owne countrye to seeke some other dwelling place and some other habitacion further of frō the Germanes, and to take in good worth what fortune so euer shoulde betyde theym. If thys geere shoulde come to Ariouistus hearing, he was well assured he wold take most grie­uous punyshment of al the hostages that were in his handes. Thonelye hope that remayned, was that Ce­sar might eyther by hys owne auc­thority and thaucthoritye of hys ar­mye, or by the fame of hys late victo­rye, or by the name of the people of [Page 25] Rome, set a staye that no mo of the Germanes shoulde be brought ouer the Rhine, and defend all Gallia frō thoppression & tirany of Ariouistus.

After that Diuitiacus had made this oracion, al that were present be­ganne wyth abundance of teares to desire succor of Cesar. Cesar marked that of all other, only the Sequanes did none of those things that the re­sidue did: but looked sadlye vpon the ground wyth theyr heades hanging downe. Wonderyng what shoulde be the cause therof, he demaunded it of them. The Sequanes gaue hym not a word to aunswer, but continu­ed styll in the same sadnesse holdyng theyr peaces. When he had often­tymes enquired of them and coulde by no meanes cause them to speake, the foresayd Diuitiacus the Heduan aunswered, that so muche the more miserable and grieuous was ye state of the Sequanes thā of al the rest, in that they alonly durst not euen in se­cret cōplayn of their misfortune, nor seke for succour, but trembled at the [Page] cruelty of Ariouistus being absent, asmuche as if he were there present: bycause (and if the worst shuld hap­pen) yet might all others saue them selues by flyght, but the Sequanes who hadde receyued Ariouistus into theyr country, and put al their wal­led townes in his hand, must abyde all the smart and vexation to thut­termost. When Cesar vnderstoode thys, he comforted the hearts of the Galles with fayre woordes, promy­sing them that he wold see a redresse in the matter. And he was in good hope, that (what by hys benefites & what by hys aucthoritye) he shoulde bryng Ariouistus to make an end of hys extorcion. Thys oration ended he dysmyssed the counsell. Besydes the premysses, manye other thyngs perswaded him to thinke vppon the matter, and to take vpon hym to re­dresse it. Fyrst and formest bycause he sawe the Heduanes (whome the Senate of Rome had oftentymes called theyr brothers and kynsfolk,) to be held in subiection and bondage [Page 26] of the Germanes, and vnderstoode that their hostages were wyth Ario­uistus among the Sequanes: yt whi­che thyng (consyderyng how great­ly the Romayne Empyre was then aduaunced) he thought wold redoūd to the great dishonor of himself and of the whole state. Moreouer he saw that if the Germanes should take it vppe of custome to passe the Rhyne, and to come in great numbers into Gallia, it wold turn to the preiudice of ye people of Rome: for he thought that such sauage and barbarous mē as they were, woulde not so brydle them selues, but that when they had subdued al Gallia, they would after the example of the Cimbrians an [...] Duchmen, passe into the Prouince▪ and so take theyr waye into Italy specially seinge there was nothyng betwene the Secusianes & our Pro­uince, but the ryuer of Rhone. The whych thyngs he thought meete to be preuented wyth all speede. Nowe was Ariouistus growen to suche a haultines and such a pryde, that he [Page] semed intollerable. Wherfore he demed it best to send Ambassadors vn­to hym, to demaunde of him that he should chose some place mydway be­twixt them where they might meete to haue communication. For he sent hym word that he had to talke with him concerning the common welth, & other weighty matters touchyng them both. Ariouistus aunswered to thys ambassade, that if he hymselfe had had any thing to do with Cesar, he wold haue come vnto hym: & that if Cesar had any thyng to doe wyth hym, he should come vnto hym. Be­sydes that, neyther durst he come in­to those parts of Gallia that Cesar [...]yd possesse, wythout an army, ney­ [...]her could he assemble an army into [...]ne place wythout greate prouision and charges. Moreouer he maruey­led what eyther Cesar or the people of Rome had to do to meddle in hys part of Gallia whych he had conquered by the sword. Upon the report of thys aunswere vnto Cesar, he sent Ambassadors to hym agayne wyth [Page 27] these instructions. For asmuch as being benefited so greatly by hym and the people of Rome, as that in the tyme of hys Consulshyp the senate had proclaymed hym king and theyr friend, he requited him and the peo­ple of Rome wyth thys gentylnes, that beinge requested he disdayned to come to communication, presu­ming that it was not for him to talk or be made priuie to matters of the common weale: these were ye things that he demaunded of hym. Fyrste that he should not conuey any num­ber of men hereafter ouer the Rhine into Gallia, secondly that he should render such hostages as he had of the Heduanes: and that he shoulde per­mit the Sequanes to render such as they had, with his fauor. And third­ly that he shuld not offer any wrong to the Heduanes, nor make any war agaynst theym or theyr adherentes. If he so dyd, both be & the people of Rome wolde continew hys friendes & wel wyllers for euer. Otherwyse, (for asmuch as ye Senate in the time [Page] that Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso were consuls, had decreed that whosoeuer had Gallia committed to hym for hys charge, shoulde defende the Heduanes and other fryendes of the people of Rome, so far foorth as he might do it to the furtherance of the common weale,) he would not wink at the iniuries of ye Heduanes.

Ariouistus replyed herevnto, that it was the lawe of armes, that such as were Conquerours shuld in such sort as they thought good reign ouer them that were subdued, whi­che might be perceiued by the people of Rome them selues, who were ac­customed to reigne ouer such as they had conquered, not at thappointmēt of others, but as they listed themsel­ues. Now lyke as he tooke not vp­pon hym to prescrybe vnto the Ro­manes howe they shoulde demeane themselues in their right, euen so no more ought the people of Rome to trouble hym in hys ryght. The He­duanes forasmuch as they had tried the fortune of battel, and were ouer [Page 28] come by hym in a pitched field, were become tributaries vnto him. Wherfore he thought that Cesar dyd hym great wrong, to dimynish hys reue­newes by hys comming. As for the Hostages of the Heduanes, he sayde playnly he wold not delyuer theym: Neyther wolde he on thother syde make any warre vpon them or their complyces to do them harme, so they kept touch with him in those things that they had couenaunted, and paid their tribute from yeare to yeare. If they dyd otherwyse, the Romaines (theyr brothers as they termed thē) should be to farre of to rescow them. And whereas Cesar sent hym word he wolde not wynke at the iniuries of the Heduanes, he said ageine that neuer man yet encountred with him but to hys owne vndoyng, and ther­fore come when he wold he shoulde be welcome. He wold make hym vn­derstande what force and puissance was in the vyctoryous Germanes, men altogether nouzeled in feates of armes, who in .xiiii. yeares together [Page] had neuer putte theyr heades vnder house roofe.

The same time that thys coun­termessage was brought vnto Ce­sar, came also Ambassadors to hym from the Heduanes and Treuires: The Heduanes complayninge that the Harudes whyche were latelye brought ouer into Gallia, did forray theyr countrye, and that they coulde not purchase peace at Ariouistus hand, no not vpō sufficient pledges: The Treuires that an hūdred town shyps of the Sweuians were come to the further side of the Rhyne, and went about to passe the Riuer, of whom the Captaines were Nasua & Cimberius, brothers. With ye which newes Cesar beynge sore moued, thought it stode him in hand to spede hys matters betymes, lest if the new power of the Sweuians shuld ioyne wyth the host that Ariouistus hadde before, he should haue more a doe to resyst them. And therfore furnishing himself of victell with as much hast as he could, he made toward Arioui­stus [Page 29] by longe iourneyes. When he was three dayes iourney onward of hys way, woorde was brought hym that Ariouistus wyth all the power he coulde make was goyng to take Besancon, whyche is the greateste towne belonging to the Sequanes, and that he was now marched three dayes iourney from hys owne bor­ders. Cesar thought it stode hym vp­pon to beware, that that happened not. For of all things mete for war, there was in that towne great scar­city, and the situacion therof was so strōg, that whosoeuer had it, might prolong the war at hys pleasure, by reason that the Ryuer Alduasdubis enuironed in maner ye whole towne like a paire of cōpasses. That roume that the ryuer enclosed not, (whych was the space of not aboue six hun­dred foote) was fortified wyth a hyll of a great heyghth, so that the foote of it on both sydes touched the very brym of the ryuer. Thys hyll was compassed wyth a wall in maner of a towre, and ioyned to the Towne. [Page] Hither came Cesar iorneying night and daye wyth as muche speede as might be, and taking the towne pla­ced a garryson in it.

Whyle he rested a fewe dayes at Besaucon to furnyshe hym self of grayne and victuall, through the en­quirye of oure men, and the talke of the Galles and of the Merchaunt­men, which reported the Germanes to be men of huge stature and byg­nes, of incredible force and courage, and of great practyse and experience in feates of armes, whereof they had oftentymes had tryall by encounte­ryng wyth them, and that they were not able to abyde the grymnesse of their countenaunces and the fierce­nesse of their lookes: sodeinlye there came such a feare ouer all the army, that it wōderfully troubled the min­des and appalled the courages of all men. This feare began first among the Tribunes, and chiefe offycers of the Campe, and suche other as had accompanyed Cesar in this voyage for frendshippes sake, and had small [Page 30] skyll or none in matters of warre: who feyninge, some one excuse and some another, of verye earnest busy­nes that thei had to do, desired leaue to departe with his fauour. Other­some for shame least they shoulde be thought to haue gone away for fear taryed styl. Howbeit these could nei­ther set a good countenaunce on the matter, nor somtyme kepe themsel­ues from wepyng: but hyding them selues in theyr tents, eyther they be­wailed their destiny secretly to them selues, or els wyth their acquain­taunce lamented the daunger that they were all like to fall into. And commonly through the whole camp was nothing but makyng and sig­ning of testaments. Throughe the talke and fearfulnesse of theis men, by littell and littell euen they that were of great skill and experience in the camp, namely the old beaten sol­diors, and the peticapteynes, & those that had the charge of the men of ar­mes, were sore troubled. Suche of them as wold seme to be lesse feare­full, [Page] sayd they feared not the enemy, but the narrownes of the wais, and the greatnes of the woods that laye betwene them and Ariouistus: or els they cast doubtes howe theyr grayne shuld be commodiously conueyed af­ter theym. Manye also tolde Cesar plainly, that whensoeuer he shoulde geue commaundement to dyslodge the Camp or to auaunce the Stan­dards, the Souldiors wold not be o­bedient to hys woorde, nor displaye their banners for feare. When Ce­sar vnderstood theis thyngs, he cal­led a counsel, and assembling thither the Capteines of all the bandes, re­buked theym very sharplye. Fyrst in that they tooke vpon them to be in­quisitiue or carefull, whether or for what purpose they should be led. As for Ariouistus, he had (in the tyme that he was Consul) sewed most earnestly for ye frendship of the people of Rome: and why than shuld any man misedeme, that he wold so rashly go backe from hys duty? He beleued ve­rily, that if he ones knewe hys de­maundes, [Page 31] and vnderstoode perfectly howe reasonable offers he woulde make hym, he wold not reiect, either hys good wyll, or the good wyll of the people of Rome. But if he wold be so mad and so far ouersene, as to make warre, why should they be a­frayd of him? or why should they dis­payre eyther of their owne prowesse or of his circumspectnes? The enemy that they had to do with, was no su­che, but that they had tryed what he was able to do twise before: First in our fathers days, when the Cim­brians and Duchmen were vanqui­shed by Marius in such sort that the whole army deserued no lesse prayse then the Graundcapteyne himselfe: And now of late againe in Italy at the hurlyburly of the bondmen, who were not a littel furthered throughe the practise & discipline whyche they had receyued at our handes. Wher­by it might be iudged, howe good a thyng it is to be constant: in asmuch as whō for a tyme beyng naked they feared wythout cause, euen the same [Page] afterward being both armed and vi­ctours, they nobly ouercame. And to be short theis were none other Ger­manes than those, whom the Hel­uetians had vanquyshed in diuers conflictes, not only where the Hel­uetians dwelt theymselues, but also often tymes euen at home at theyr owne doores, and yet the same Hel­uetians were not able to make their part good agaynst our army. But if the late discomfiture and flyghte of the Galles were ye matter that trou­bled any mans conscience, if they lo­ked wel vpon the matter, they shuld find that Ariouistus after he hadde many monethes together kept hym selfe wythin hys Camp, and in ma­risgrounds, and neuer come abroade into the field to offer battel, whē the Galles were now weary with long protracting of the war, and thought of nothing lesse then that they shuld haue had battel, set sodeinlye vppon them being disordred, and ouercame them more by cautele and pollicye than by force. The whyche pollicie, [Page 32] though it hadde taken place agaynst sauage and vnskylfull people, yet was not Ariouistus so folysh to loke that it should preuaile against oure army too. As for those that layd the cause of their feare to the heard con­ueying of theyr victuals and the na­rownes of the ways, they toke more vppon them then became them, that they durste presume to teache theyr graundcapteine what he had to do, as if he had not knowen what per­tayned to hys duty. And therefore he bade thē cast the care therof on him. The Sequanes, Lewks, and Peple about Langres. Lin­gones shoulde serue theyr turne of grayne, and besydes that corne was now rype in the fields. Concerning their iourney, they themselues shuld in short time be able to iudge. Wheras it was reported to hym that they wolde not be obedyent to hys com­maundement, nor auaunce their stā ­dards, he sayd he passed not of that matter. For he was wel assured that if any army refused to be obedient to their Captein, it was eyther bicause [Page] of hys ill successe and misfortune, or els bycause that by some manifest & notorious dede he was conuicted of auarice. That he had cleere hands, his whole lyfe, and that he had good successe, the warre against the Hel­uetiās did declare. And therfore that whych he was mynded to haue dry­uen of a longer tyme, he wold nowe put in execution out of hande. For the next night folowing, at ye fowrth watch he wold dislodge from thens, to thintent that without further de­laye he myght vnderstande whether shame and duty wer able to do more with them, or feare. And thoughe he wyst that noman els wolde folowe him, yet notwythstanding he wolde go wyth the tenth Legion alone, of whyche he doubted not, and woulde accept it for his chiefe band to garde his person. This Legion had Cesar shewed speciall fauor vnto, and for the valiantnesse of it he trusted most vnto it.

Uppon the makyng of thys o­ration, the mindes of them all were [Page 33] wonderfullye chaunged, and there grew in them a great chearfulnesse and desyre to feight. First of all, the tenth Legion by theyr Trybunes gaue him thanks for the good opini­on he had of them. affirmyng that they were most ready to set forward to the warre. Then the rest of the le­gions by theyr Tribunes and the Capteines of their chiefe bands, en­treated that they might make theyr purgation vnto Cesar: saying they neuer doubted, nor feared, no nor thought that it perteined vnto them to determine of the orderyng of the warre, but that it belonged altoge­ther to theyr graundcapteine. Cesar accepting their purgation, and ha­uing learned the waye perfectly by Diuitiacus (bycause that of all the Galles he trusted him best) to thin­tent he might leade hys army more then fifty myles cōpasse in open fiel­des, set forward immediatly after ye iiii. watch as he had said he wold do. The .vii. day, as he continued on his iorney still, hys espyals brought him [Page] worde, that we were wythin fowr [...] and twēty miles of Ariouistus host. When Ariouistus knew that Cesar was comming towards him, he sent Ambassadors to hym, declaring that whereas heretofore he had demaun­ded to come to communication, he was contented so to do seing he was come somewhat nerer, and that he trusted he might now do it wythout daūger. Cesar refused not the profer. For thinkyng he wold now come to amendment, consideryng he offered of his own voluntary wil, the thing he hadde before denied when it was requested, he was in great hope that for the great benifites whych he and the people of Rome had bestowed vpon hym, he wold vpon knowledge of hys demaundes desyst from hys stoubernnes. And therfore the .v. day after was appoynted for communi­cation. In the meane whyle as Am­bassadours were sent to and fro be­twene them, Ariouistus demaunded that Cesar should bring no foteman with hym to communication, for he [Page 34] sayd he was afrayd to be surprised of hym by treason: wherfore both par­ties to come wyth theyr horsemen, otherwyse he wolde not come there. Cesar bicause he neyther was wil­ling that the communication should be broken for any bymatter, nor yet durst put the French horsmē in trust with his lyfe, thought it most for his behofe to take all the Frenchmens horses from them, & to set vpon them the Legionary souldi [...]rs of the tenth Legion which he trusted most vnto, that if he stode at any nede, he might haue a faythfull band of hys friends about hym to gard hym. The which thing when he had done, one of the souldiers of the tenth Legion beyng somwhat merely disposed said, that Cesar did more than he had promy­sed. For wheras he had promised but to accept the tenth Legion in plare of the pretorian Cohort, he had pro­moted them to be men of armes.

There was a great playne, and in the same a bāke of earth of a good pretye bignesse. This place was al­most [Page] midway betwene both the cam­pes, and thyther they came to com­munication as is aforesayd. The le­gion that Cesar had brought thither on horseback, he placed about a two hundred paces from the sayd banke. And likewyse the horsemen of Ari­ouistus stood a lyke distance of. Ari­ouistus requested that they myght commune on horsebacke, and bryng eche of them ten persons with them to the parly. At suc [...]e time as they were come thither, Cesar in the be­ginning of his oration, rehersed the good turnes that Ariouistus had re­ceyued by hym and by the people of Rome: as that the Senate had vou­chsaued to geue hym the name and title of king, and to accompt hym as their frende, and also had sent moste honorable and ryche presents vnto hym, the whych thyngs he told hym had happened vnto fewe others, and were not wont to be bestowed vpon any, but such as ye Romanes thought had highly deserued theym for some great good turn that they had done. [Page 35] But he, when as he had neyther ac­cesse vnto theym, nor anye iust cause why he should desire any such thing at theyr handes, had atteyned those rewardes only of the mere curtesye and liberalitye of hym and the Se­nate. Moreouer he did him to vnder­stand how auncient and howe iuste causes of aliance and frendship there were betwene theym and the Hedu­anes: what decrees had bene made for them by the Senate, how often­tymes and how honorable: How the Heduanes had euer held the Soue­reintie of al Gallia, euen before such tyme as they desired our frendshyp: It was the custome of the people of Rome, that theyr friends and alyes, should not only not lose any thynge of their own by them, but also be en­creased in fauor, dignity, and honor. Now to haue that thyng wrung frō thē by force whych they had brought wyth theym, when they fyrst entred in frendshyppe wyth the Romanes, who coulde suffer it? Afterwarde he made the lyke demaunde as he had [Page] done by hys Ambassadours: that he should not make warre agaynst the Heduanes or theyr Alyes, that he shuld surrender theyr hostages, that if he could not send home agayne a­nye part of the Germanes, at least­whyse yet he shoulde suffer no mo to passe the Rhyne.

Ariouistus aunswered littel to the demaunds of Cesar: but vaunted much of his owne prowesse. He sayd he had passed the Rhyne, not of hys own head, but at the request and in­treatance of the Galles themselues: at whose pleasure he hadde lefte his owne countrye and kinred, not with out great hope & promise of reward for hys labor: And nowe he had set­led himselfe in Gallia by their con­sent: they had geuen him hostages of their owne freewyll, and he tooke such tribute of theim as conquerors are wont to ses [...]e theyr subiectes at by the lawe of Armes. He had not made war agaynst the Frenchmen, but the Frenchmen agaynste him. For all the Cities of Gallia were [Page 36] assembled to besege him, and had en­camped themselues against hym: all the whych power he had in one bat­tell ouerthrowne and vanquyshed. If they wold trye the matter by the sword againe, he was ready to cope wyth them. But yf they had rather haue peace, they did wrong to wyth­holde their tribute whyche they had paied vnto that time with their good wils. As for the frendship of the peo­ple of Rome, be thought it ought to be an ornament and stay vnto hym, and not an hinderance, and that he had requested it in hope to haue foūd it so. But yf the people of Rome shuld seke to release hys tribute, and to pull awaye hys vassals that had submitted thē selues to hym, he was euen as wyllyng to forsake theyr frendshyp as euer he was to request it. Whereas he broughte ouer great numbers of Germanes into France, he did it for to strengthen hymselfe and not to anoy the country. Wher­of there nedeth none other wytnes, than thys, that he came not but at [Page] theyr owne request, and that he had made no war vpon other but only defended hymselfe. He was come into Fraunce before the people of Rome, who vntill that time neuer led their host out of the borders of their owne Prouince. And what shoulde they meane to come wythin hys iurisdic­tion? For as well was thys part of Fraunce hys prouince, as the other part was ours. And therefore as he were not to bee borne wythall yf he shulde haue inuaded our marches, so dydde we hym wrong to intermedle within his iurisdiction. And wheras Cesar had saide that the Heduanes were proclaymed friends by the Se­nate, he made hym aunswer he was not so barbarous, nor so vnskylfull of things, but he knew wel inough, that neither the Heduanes ayded the Romanes in theyr late war against the people of Sauoy and Daulphine, nor the Romanes them in their qua­rels that they had wyth hym and the Sequanes. Wherefore he had good cause to mystruste that Cesar vnder [Page 37] the color of feyned frendshyppe, kept that army whych he had in Fraunce for none other pourpose, but to op­presse hym. But if he gate hym not away, and withdrew hys power out of those countreis, he wold take him no lengar for hys frende but for hys enemy. And yf he could kyll hym, he was sure he should do a great plea­sure to manye of the noble men and Prynces of Rome. The which thing he had perfect knowledge of by their messengers, of all whome he coulde purchase the good wil and frendship by his death. But if he wold depart, and leaue vnto hym the free possessi­on of Fraunce, he wold reward him hyghly for hys labor, and loke what warres soeuer he wolde haue made, he wold dispatch them wythout put­tyng hym to any trauell & daunger.

Cesar replyed manye things to thys purpose, why he myght not de­syst from hys enterpryse: alledgyng that it stoode not with hys custome nor wyth the custome of the people of Rome, to abandon their Alies [Page] that had wel deserued of them. Nei­ther coulde he see, why Ariouistus should haue more right to chalenge Fraūce than the Romanes. For Q. Fabius Maximus had hertofore vanquished the men of Auuerne and the People about Rhodes. Rutenes, and yet ye peple of Rome pitiyng them did neither make their country a prouince, nor put them to any tribute. But if so be that respect ought to be had to tyme of most an­tiquity, then had the Romanes most iust cause to reygne ouer Fraunce. Or if the iudgement of the Senate oughte to be obserued, then ought Fraunce to be free, for as much as it was decreed that beinge conquered by battell, it should styll enioy their owne lawes and customes. Whyle theis things were a debating in the treatye, it was told Cesar that Ari­ouistus horsemen were comyng to­ward the banke, and that riding a­gaynst our horsemen, they began to throwe darts and stones at theym. Wheruppon Cesar made an ende of talking, and wythdrew hym selfe to [Page 38] hys men: commaunding theym that they should not cast any thyng at all agayne at theyr enemies. For albeit that wythout any perill of hys cho­sen Legion, he sawe he myght haue encountred wyth the horsmen of his ennemies: yet notwythstanding he wold not geue occasion by puttyng his enemies to flyght, to haue it said that breakyng promis with them he had entrapped them vnder pretence of communication.

When it was reported to the common souldiers, how arrogantly Ariouistus had behaued himselfe in the treatie, forbidding the Romanes all Fraunce, and that hys men of armes had made assault vpon ours, insomuch that by meanes therof the communication was broken of, oure army began to be far more cheerfull and farre more desyrous to feight. Twoo dayes after, Ariouistus sent Ambassadours to Cesar, certifying him that he was desirous to entreat with hym concerning those thyngs that had bene begon to be talked of [Page] and not brought to conclusiō. Wherfore he wold he shuld eyther appoint a day to confer again: or yf he wolde not so do, that he shoulde sende some men of his with commission to com­mune wyth him. Cesar thought it not good to cōmune personally with him any more, the rather bicause the Germanes the day before had no stay of them selues, but that they threwe darts at our men. Agayn he thought that whomsoeuer of hys men he sent commissioner vnto hym, shuld go in great daunger, and shuld be cast in­to the hands of most sauage persons. It semed most expedient to send vn­to hym M. Ualerius Procillus, (the sonne of C. Ualerius Caburus, a yong gentilman of singular vertue and humanity, whose father had ben made free of the Citye by C. Ualeri­us Flaccus) bothe bycause he was trusty, and could speake the French tung perfectly (the which Ariouistus vsed much by reason of long conuer­sation among the Frenchmen,) and also bicause there was no cause why [Page 39] the Germanes shuld worke any euil agaynst hym. And with him he sent also M. Titius who vsed to resort as a guest to Ariouistus. To theis men he gaue in charge that they shoulde diligently mark and iustly report vnto him what Ariouistus said. Assone as Ariouistus saw thē in his Camp, he cried out to theym in the presence of hys army, asking them what they had to doe there, and whyther they came as spyes. When they went a­bout to make theyr aūswer, he wold not suffer them, but by and by com­mited them to ward. The same daye he remoued & encamped vnder a hils syde about a six myles from Cesars Camp. The next day after, he mar­ched wyth all hys power euen in the face of Cesars camp, and pitched his tents a twoo myles beyonde hym, of purpose to cut of his graine and vic­tuals that was to be brought to him out of Burgundye. From that daye forwarde by the space of fyue dayes together, Cesar brought oute hys men before his camp and had theym [Page] in order of battel, to thintent ye if Ariouistus lifted to geue battel he might haue liberty when he wold. But Ariouistus al this while kept his fotemē wythin the Camp, and sent out his horsemen dailye to skirmysh. This was the kinde of feight wherein the Germanes wer wel practised. They were of theym six thousande men of armes and as many footemen verye swift of foote and strong, whom the horsmen hadde chosen out of all the whole hoste, euery man one for hys faufgard. Theis they had always at hand wyth them in battell, and vnto theis they resorted for succour. If the horsmen wer any thing ouercharged theis stept euer in. If any of thē were sore wounded or vnhorsed, theis gar­ded him about. If the matter requy­red eyther to aduenture far forward or to retire quickly back, their swift­nes was such through continual ex­ercyse, that hanging vpon the horsemanes by thone hand, thei wold run as faste as the horses. When Cesar perceiued that Ariouistus kept hym [Page 40] self within his Camp, to thintent he wold not any lengar be stopped from his victuals, beyond the same place where the Germanes abode, aboute syxhundred paces from their Camp he chose a grounde mete to encamp in, and came thyther in three bat­tels. Two of theis battels he caused to stand styll ready in araye, and the thyrd he willed to fortify the Camp. This place was (as I sayde before) sixhundred paces from the ennemy. Thyther sent Ariouistus about syx­tene thousande footemen light har­nessed, wyth all hys horsmen, to put our men in feare, & to prohybit them frō fortifiyng their camp. Neuerthe­les, Cesar (as he had before determi­ned) commaunded twoo battelles to wythstand the enemy, and the thyrd to go through wyth ye worke. When he had fortifyed the Campe, he lefte two legions there, and parte of hys hyred Souldiors that were there for his ayde: and ledde hys other fower legions back again into his greater campe. The next daye, Cesar (as he [Page] had pourposed before) brought hys whole power out of both his camps, and marching somewhat from hys greater camp, set his men in order & profered to geue hys enemies battel if they wold. Whē he perceiued that they woulde not then come foorth neyther, about Noone he conueyed hys army into theyr Campes again. Then at the length Ariouistus sent part of hys power to assault ye lesser Camp. The encounter continued verye sharpe on both sydes vntyll the euentyde. At the sunne setting, after many wounds geuen and taken, A­riouistus conueyed hys army again into hys Camp. As Cesar made en­quirye of hys prisoners what should be the cause that Ariouistus wolde not encounter with him in a pitched field, he found that the occasion therof was this: bicause it was a custome among the Germanes, that theyr auncyent women should by castyng of lots and soothsaying declare whe­ther it wer for their behoof to feight or no: and that they sayde, the Ger­manes [Page 41] might not by anye meanes possible get ye victory, if they fought before the new mone. The next day Cesar left a sufficient power in eche of hys Campes to defend them, and set all hys lyght armed souldiors in the face of his ennemyes before hys lesser Camp, bicause he had a small number of Legionary souldyors in respect of the multitude of hys ene­myes, to thintent to vse the light ar­med souldiers for a showe. He him selfe wyth hys men ordred in three battels marched to the Camp of his enemies. Then were the Germanes constreined of necessity to bring their power out of their camp. And so they set seuerally wyth lyke distaunce be­twene thē, the The people of Constāce. Harudes, the People about Strausbrou [...]. Mar­comannes, the People a­bout Wormes Triboks, the People a­bout Spire. Uangions the People a­bout Sion in Ualoys. Nemets, the * Sedusi­anes, and the * Sweuians euery one by theym selues: and bycause there should be no hope left in running a­way, they enuironed all their whole battel with their carts and chariots. In them they placed theyr women, [Page] and they at suche tyme as the soul­diers shulde go forth to battell, hol­ding vp their hands and weping be­sought theym that they woulde not yeeld theym in bondage to the Ro­manes. Cesar assygned to euery Le­gion seuerally a Lieuetenant and a Threasoror, to thentent they should be as witnesses of euery mans vali­ant behauior. And he himselfe gaue charge vpon his enemies out of the right wing, bicause he perceiued his enemyes to be weakest on that syde. So assone as sygne of battell was geuen, our men set courageously vp­pon their enemyes. And on thother syde our enemies on the sodein came forth agaynst vs with such celeritie, that we had no leysure to discharge our darts at them: In so much that castinge asyde Dartes the matter came to hande strokes wyth naked swords. But the Germanes quickly knitting themselues close together, brake the force of our swords. Neuertheles there were very many of our men to be found, that flew stoutlye [Page 42] vpō them, and pulling their tergats out of their handes wounded theym aloft. Now whyle the battell of our enemies was on the left wyng dry­uen backe and put to flight, in theyr right wing by reason of their multi­tude they didde sore ouercharge vs. Whiche thynge when P. Crassus a noble yong gentilman Lieuetenant of the men of armes perceyued, (by­cause he was somewhat more at li­berty than they that were in the bat­tell,) he sent the rereward to the re­s [...]ow of our men that were in peril. By meanes whereof the feight was renewed, and all our enemyes too [...]e thē to flyght. And they neuer ceased flying, before they came to ye Rhine whych was about fyue miles from the place where ye field was fought. There also fewe of them eyther tru­sting to their strēgth assaied to swim ouer, or els fyndinge Botes saued themselues by rowing: among the which number Ariou [...]stus was one, who fynding a lighter tyed to the banke, fled away in it. Our horsmen [Page] ouertooke all the rest and slew them downe ryght. Ariouistus had twoo wyues, thone a Sweuian borne whom he hadde brought from home wyth hym, thother of Norimberge the suster of king Uoccio, whom he had maried in Fraunce, sent thither by her brother: both the whych peri­shed in that chase. The two daugh­ters of them also was one of theym slayne, and thother taken prisoner. Marcus Ualerius Procillus as he was led away by hys kepers bound wyth thre cheines, chaunsed to light into Cesars hand as he pursued the horsmen of hys enemies. The which thing was no lesse ioy to Cesar than the victory it self: that one of ye honorablest men of al ye Prouince of Gallia hys familar frēd, in whose house he had soiourned, was deliuered out of hys enemies hands and recouered agayne by him, and that misfortune had not layd anye such calamitye v­pon hym as myght haue abridged a­ny part of Cesars great gladnes and reioycement. He tolde Cesar that [Page 43] three times lots were cast vpon hym before hys eyes, whether he shuld be burned out of hand, or reserued vn­till an other time: and that it was hys good lucke to be saued by lotte. Marcus Titius also was found and brought vnto him again. When the brute of this discōfiture was blown ouer the Rhine, the Sweuians that were come to the riuer syde began to returne home again: whom amazed for feare, the Ubians whych are in­habiters on the Rhyne pursewing slew a great number of them. Cesar hauing in one Sommer dispatched twoo great warres, conueyed hys army into garrisons among the Se­quanes somewhat soner than the tyme of the yere required, and makyng Labienus for gene­rall in hys absens, hee him selfe went into Lumbardye to holde a parla­ment there.

FINIS.

THE SECOND BOKE of C. Iulius Caesars Commen­taries of his warres in Gallia.

DVRING THE TIME that Cesar wyntred in Lumbardy as we haue shewed before, it was oftentimes reported to hym by here say, and he was also certified by letters from Labienus▪ that al ye Belgies (which we haue declared to be the third part of Gallia) did cōfederate themselues against the people of Rome and giue hostages among themselues. The causes of their confederacye were theis. Firste they feared least after that all the rest of Gallia were sub­dued our army should come against them. Secondly bycause they were moued thereunto by dyuers of the Galles, who partly like as they wer lothe that the Germanes shuld haue [Page 44] taried any lengar in their country, so lykewise it greued them that the Romane army shuld winter and continue in Fraunce: and partlye were such as through vnconstancy & lightnes of minde, desired thalteration of the state: Of diuers also, who (wher­as nowe it was a common trade through all Fraunce, that whosoe­uer was of most power and most a­bility to hire men, made hymselfe a king) thought they shuld not so easly come by their purpose if we gate the souereinty. Cesar being moued with theis tidings and letters, leuied two new Legions in Lumbardy, and in the beginning of Sommer sent hys Lieuetenant Q. Pedius wyth them to conducte them into Fraunce. And assone as there began to be any store of forrage in the fields, he hym selfe came vnto hys armye. He gaue in charge to the Seuones and the rest of the Galles that were borderers vppon the Belgies, to learne what was done amongst them, and to cer­tify him therof. They all agreed in [Page] one report, that there was nothyng but musteryng of souldiors & assem­bling of their powers into one place Then thought he verily it was not for him to make any more staying in ye matter but euen to march against them. So when he had made his prouisiō of corn, he dislodged hys camp, and within fiftene dayes or therea­bouts, came into the borders of the Belgies. Assoone as he was come thyther, whych was vpon the sodein and soner than he was loked for, the men of Rhemes who are the vtter­moste of the Belgies next vnto the Celtes, sent Iccius and Antebrogius two of the chief of their City ambas­sadors vnto him, to declare vnto him that they submitted themselues and all that euer they had to the curtesy of the people of Rome to doe wyth theym what they wolde: affirming that they had neither bene of counsel with the rest of the Belgies, nor conspired with them againste the Ro­manes, & in token wherof they were readye both to geue them hostages, [Page 45] & to do whatsoeuer they would com­maund them, whether it were to re­ceiue them into theyr townes, or to furnish them with corne and other thyngs. They told him that the rest of the Belgies were all in armor, & that the Germanes whyche inhabit the further side of the Rhine, didde take their part, and that the madnes of them all was so great, that they were not able to withdrawe somuch as the People of Soyssons. Swessions being their bro­thers and nere kinsmen of their own bloud, who vsed the same lawes and customes that they did, and had all one state of gouernment and one magistrate with theym, but that they wold nedes support the same quarel that the rest of the Belgies didde. When he enquired of theym what and how great cities were in armor, & what they were able to do in war, he found the matter to stand in thys case. That the Belgies for the most part wer disceded of the Germanes, who passing the Rhine time out of mind, and setling themselues there [Page] bycause of the fertilitye of the soyle, draue out ye Galles that dwelt ther [...] before, and that they onlye had bene they, whiche (when al Gallia was troubled in the dayes of our fathers) kept the Duchmen and Cimbrians from entring within their borders. Wherupon it came to passe, that for the remembraunce of those thyngs they had chalenged great aucthority and tooke a pride in their owne do­ings for feats of cheualry & knight­hood. As touching theyr number, the men of Rhemes said they knewe all things for a certeintye: bycause that being alyed to them by bloud & mariage, they vnderstoode by their kinsfolk what number euery one of them had promised to find to ye war, in the parlamēt of the Belgies. The The peple of Beawvoyse. Bellouocanes were thei that excelled among them bothe in prowesse, aucthority, and number of men. For they were able to sende a hundred thousand well armed to the fielde: of the whych number they had promi­sed threescore thousande of the best: [Page 46] and therefore they required to haue the ordering of the whole war com­mitted vnto them. The The men of Soysons. Swessions were next neybors vnto theym, and possessed moste large and fruitefull grounds. Amongst whom had reig­ned (euen syns we might remember) a king called Diuitiacus, the puis­santest prince of al Gallia, who held the dominion not onlye of a greate parte of theis Countries, but also of Britaine: and nowe reigned among them one Galba, vnto whom for his iustice & wysdome the whole charge and administration of the war was by the consent of al men committed. They had walled townes to the nū ­ber of twelue, and promysed to set out fiftye thousande armed men: the The people about Tour [...] People of Arras. Neruians as many, who are to be counted the sauagest people of them all, and are furthest of: the People of Amyens. Atreba­tians fiftene thousande: the People of Turwin. Ambi­anes ten thousād: the People of Gelderland & Cleueland. Morines fiue and twenty thousande: the Menapi­ans seuen thousand: the People of Caui [...]. Caletanes ten thousande: the Uelocassians and [Page] People of verman [...]oys Ueromanduanes as manye: the Peop [...]e of Doway. Catuakes ninetene thousād: ye Cō ­drusians, Eburones, Ceresians, and Pemanes, whyche may be called all by thonly name of Germanes, they supposed to be about forty thousand.

Cesar encouraging the men of Rhemes & making them liberal pro­mis of recōpence, cōmaunded al their senate to come before him, & al their noble mens sons to be deliuered to hym for hostages: al yt which things were of them diligentlye performed by a day appointed: Then he greatly cōmended Diuitiacus the Heduane, and declared vnto hym how much it was for the profyt of the common weale, for the armies of their enemi­es to be kept a sunder, that he were not constreyned to encounter wyth so greate a power all at ones. The whyche thing myght be brought to passe, if the Heduanes wolde wyth theyr host enter into the marches of the Bellouacanes and waste theyr country. With theis instructions he sent him away: and when he vnder­stood [Page 47] by such skoults as he had sent abroade, and by the information of the men of Rhemes, that al ye power of the Belgies being assembled into one place, was coming toward him, and was not now far from hym, he made al the hast he could to passe his army ouer the ryuer The riuer of Aesne. Axona, whych is in thuttermost bounds of the men or Rhemes, and there pytched hys Camp. In doing wherof he brought to passe, that the bankes of the ryuer fortified thone syde of hys Campe, and that no enemy could come vpon the backe of hym to do any hurt be­hynd, and that victualles myght be conueyed to hym from Rhemes and other Cities wythout daunger. Up­pon the same Riuer was a brydge. There he set a garrison of men, and lefte hys Lieuetenant Q. Titurius Sabinus wyth sixe cohorts on tho­ther syde of the riuer: commaunding him to fortify his camp with a Rampire of twelue foot in heighth, and a trench of eyghtene foote in bredth. Eight myles from this Camp was [Page] a Citie belongyng to the menne of Rhemes called Called Brai in the county of Rhetell. Bibrar, the whych the Belgies in their waye began to assaulte wyth greate violence. The townesmen had much a do to holde out that day. The maner of assault among the Celts, is al one with the maner of the Belgies. They, assone as they haue beset the walles about wyth theyr multitude, and that they haue slung stones on al sides, in such sort that the wal is left naked of de­fendants, do cast theyr shieldes ouer theyr heads, & approching to the ga­tes vndermine ye wals. The whiche thyng was easy to doe at that time. For there was such a multitude of them that threw stones and Darts, that no man was able to stand vpon the wall. Assone as night had made an end of thassaulte, Iccius of Rhe­mes a man of great byrth and fauor in his Countrye, who at that tyme was Capteine of the Towne, one of theym that came of ambassade vnto Cesar to entreat for peace, sent vnto hym by messengers, that if he dydde [Page 48] not reskew hym, he was not able to hold out any lengar. The same daye about midnyght, Cesar vsynge for guydes the same persones that came of message from Iccius, sent certain Numidians and archers of Now called Candye. Creta, and slingars of the Iles Now called maiorica & minorica. Baleares to succor the Townesmen. By mea­nes of whose coming, on thone syde the men of Rhemes in hope to make their part good became more earnest to abyde the pushe, and on thother syde the enemyes for the same cause were out of all hope of winning the Towne. Wherefore tarying there but a whyle, when they had wasted the fields of the men of Rhemes, and set on fyre all theyr villages & buil­dings that they could come by, they marched with al theyr whole power toward Cesars Campe, and wythin lesse than two myles of hym pitched theyr tents: the whyche as myght be perceyued by the smoke and fyres, occupyed more than eight myles in bredth. Cesar at the first both for the multitude of hys ennemyes and for [Page] the singular opiniō that was bruted of theyr manhoode, determined, not to be to hasty in geuing them battel. Notwythstanding, he daylye put in proofe by skirmishing with his hors­men, both what hys ennemyes by their manhode coulde do, and what hys owne men durst doe. When he perceiued our men to be nothing in­ferior to theyr ennemyes, then in a certayn place before hys camp of na­ture mere and conuenient to sette a battel in, bicause the same hil where his tents were pitched rysing verye littell aboue the playn, was no bro­der before than wolde suffice to set the forefront of a battel in, and was steepe on bothe sydes, and rysing a slope in the front, by lyttel and littel came againe to a playne, he drewe from thone syde of the hil to thother a dyche ouerthwart, of a fower hun­dred paces or therabouts, and at the ends of the diches rered vp bulwar­kes and furnished theym wyth ordi­nance to thintent that when he had ordered his battels, his ennemyes a­bounding [Page 49] in multitude, should not on the sydes enclose his men as they were feighting. Thys done, he left in hys Camp the two Legions that he had last leuied, that wheresoeuer shoulde be anye neede of succor they myght be led thither, and set hys o­ther six Legions in battel ray before hys Camp. His ennemyes lykewyse bringing forth their power, set them in order also. Nowe there was be­twene our army and the army of our enemyes a good prety marisse. This our ennemyes looked euer when we shuld haue passed ouer. And our man were ready wyth theyr weapons to assayle them being troubled, if they had aduentured fyrst ouer it. In the meane whyle the horsemen of bothe sydes encountred betwene the twoo battels. After much streining of cur­tesy whyche part shoulde passe ouer first, and none aduenturing to passe, Cesar hauing gotten thupper hand of hys enemies horsemen, conueyed al hys men agayn into their Camp. From that place, his enemies immediatlye [Page] toke theyr waye to the ryuer Nowe called Disne in Guien. Arona, the whych was shewed be­fore to be behind our Camp. There finding foordes, they attempted to passe ouer part of their host: of pur­pose if they coulde, eyther to wynne the bulwarke that Q. Titurius Ce­sars Lieuetenant kept, and to cutte downe the brydge: Or at leastwyse if they could not so do, to spoyle the fields of the men of Rhemes whych greatly furthered vs in our warres, and to kepe our men from their vyc­tuals. Cesar being aduertised herof by Titurius, led ouer the brydge all his men of armes, & Numidiās light harnessed, hys slingars and archers, and marched to them himself. There was a sharp encounter in that place. Our men setting vpō theyr enemies troubled in the riuer slew a greate number of them. The residew ende­uoring like desperate personnes to passe ouer vpon their carkesses, they repulsed with force of weapons, and the horsemen enclosyng such as had fyrst passed, slew theym euerichone. [Page 50] When our enemyes perceyued that their hope deceyued theym bothe in wynning the Town, and of passing the riuer, and sawe our men wolde not aduenture into a place of dysad­uauntage to feight wyth them, and that theyr owne vyctuals began to fayle them, they called a counsell by whych they determined that it was best for euery man to returne home to hys owne house, and into whose borders so euer the Romanes should enter first, with their army, to resort thyther out of all partes to defende them: to thyntent they myght rather trye the matter in their owne coun­try than abrode, and haue their own household prouision and store of vic­tuals alwayes at hand to maintaine theim wyth. To consent vppon thys poynt, together with thother causes this reason also moued them: bicause they vnderstood Diuitiacus and the Heduanes approched neere the bor­ders of the People of Beawvoys [...] Belloua [...]anes, who wold not by any meanes be perswa­ded to tary any lengar, but that thei [Page] wold go & succor their owne. When this thing was fully agreed vppon, about the second watch, wyth great tramplyng and noyse departing out of their Camp, wythout any certain order or gouernement, euerye man preasing to be formest on his iorney, and making hast to be at home, they demeaned them selues in such wyse as that theyr departure myght seme lyke a running away. Cesar hauing forthwyth knowledge hereof by hys spyes, and mystrustynge some trea­son, bicause he perceyued not as yet what should be thoccasion why they departed, kept hys army & hys hors­men styll within his Camp. By the dawning of the daye, when he was better assured of the matter by hys skoults, he sent all his horsemen be­fore to stay their rereward and made Q. Pedius, and L. Aurunculeius Cotta Lieuetenants ouer them: commaunding his Lieuetenant T. La­bienus to follow immediatlye after theym. Theis ouertakynge the hyndermost and chasing them ma­nye [Page 51] myles, slew a great number of theym as they fled. Whyle the rerewarde (wherevnto we were by that time come) stayd and valeantly with stood the force of our Souldiors, the formest, bicause they semed out of daunger and were not restreined by awe or commandement of any man, assone as they heard the noyse, brake theyr aray, and tooke theym euerye man to hys heles to saue hymselfe. So without anye daunger, our men slew a great multitude of them, and mo had slaine if the day had ben len­gar. About the sunne setting they retired from the chace and returned in to theyr Camp, as was commaun­ded. The next day folowyng, before hys ennemyes coulde recouer theym selues from their feare and flight, led hys army into the country of the People o [...] Soyssons. Swessions who wer borderers vpō the men of Rhemes, and after a lōg iorney came to Noyon.Nouiodnue. Wher­as he attempted to haue wonne this towne by assault in his way, bicause he hard saye it was vnfurnished of [Page] men of warre to defende it, the dich was so brode and the wall so highe, that although there were but fewe to defend it, yet was he dysapoynted of his purpose. Wherfore fortifying hys camp he made An instru­ment of war made of tim­ber & hurdles for men to go vnder safelye to the walles of a towne. Uines, and be­gan to make prouision of thinges meete for the siege. In the meane while al the multitude of the Swes­sions that escaped from ye chase came the next night into the Town. How beit when the Uines wer with good expedition brought to the town, and the Rampyer caste vp, and Turrets reered, the Galles being abashed at the hugenesse of the workes such as they had neyther sene nor heard of before, and the celeritye of the Ro­manes, sent Ambassadors to Cesar offring to yelde vp the towne, who at the intreatance of the men of Rhemes obteyned theyr sute. Cesar ta­kyng for pledges the chief of the Ci­ty, and two of king Galbas sons, v­pon deliuery of al ye armor out of the towne,People of Soyssons. receyued the Swessions to mercy, and led hys host agaynst the [Page 52] People of Beawvoys.Bellouacanes: who hauing con­ueyed them selues and all that they had into the towne of Beawvays. Bratuspan­tium, at suche tyme as Cesar was come wythin fyue miles with hys army, al the elder sort of them com­ming out of the towne held vp their hands vnto Cesar and wyth pitious voyce made token to him that they submitted thē selues to hys pleasure do wyth them what he wold, & that they wolde not stande in contension with the people of Rome. Also when he came nere the town, and pytched hys tents there, the children and women holding abroade theyr handes from the wall, after theyr maner de­sired peace of the Romanes. Diuiti­acus (for after the departure of the Belgies he had dysmissed the host of the Heduanes and was retourned vnto Cesar) spake for theym in thys wyse. That the Bellouacanes had at all times continued faythfull and friendlye to the whole state of the Heduanes: and that but for the per­swasiō of their noble men (who made [Page] them beleue that the Heduanes wer brought in bondage by ye Romanes and suffered all kinde of villany and despight at theyr handes) they hadde neuer withdrawen themselues from the Heduanes, nor made warre a­gainst the Romanes. The authors of thys counsell bycause they percei­ued how great calamitie they hadde therby brought vpon theyr country, were fled into Britaine. Wherefore not only the Bellouacanes but also the Heduanes in their behalfe, be­sought hym to vse hys clemency and gentilnes towards them. The which thing if he wold vouchesafe to do, he should bryng the Heduanes in fur­ther credit and authoritie among all the Belgies than euer they were, as by whose ayde and furtherance they were wōt to maintain their warres if any happened.

Cesar for the honor he bare to Diuitiacus and the Heduanes, pro­mysed to receyue them to mercy and to saue them harmlesse. And bicause it was a great City, excelling amōg [Page 53] the reste of the Belgies as well in authority as in multitude of people, he demaunded six hundred pledges. The which being deliuered and all the armor brought out of the town, he marched from thence into the coasts of the Ambianes: who wyth­out delay yelded themselues and all that they had vnto hym. Upon their Countrye bordered the The peop [...]e [...] bout Tournei Neruians of whose nature and condicions Ce­sar founde thus muche by enquirye. That there was no recourse of mer­chants vnto them: That they suffred no wyne nor other suche thyngs as tend to riot, to be brought in vnto them, bycause they were of opinion that by such things the courage was apalled, and the stoutnesse thereof weakened. That they were sauage people & of great valeantnes: often rebuking & finding much fault with the residew of the Belgies, for yeel­ding theymselues to the people of Rome, and casting away theyr aun­cient prowesse: and stoutly affirming that they wold neither send ambassadors, [Page] nor take peace vpō any condicion. Whē he had iorneyed a thre dais throughe theyr countrye, he vnder­stood by hys prysoners that the riuer Sambre. Sabis was not past ten myles of from hys Camp. Beyond the which riuer all the Neruians were gathe­red together and there abode the comming of the Romanes, together with the People of Arras. Atrebatians and People of vermandoys Uero­manduanes theyr nexte neighbors. For both those people they had per­swaded to abyde the lyke fortune of war with them. Moreouer they loo­ked for a power of the People a­bout Bosle­duke. Aduaticks, who were comming towards them. The women and suche as by reason of their yeares were vnmete for the fyelde, they had bestowed in suche a place as there was no accesse vnto with an army by reason of ye fennes. When he knew theis things▪ he sent his skoults and peticapteyns before, to chose a ground mete to encampe in. Now whereas very manye of the Belgies that had yelded themselues and many of the other Galles that [Page 54] wayted vpon Cesar, iorneyed toge­ther with him, certain of them (as it was after knowen by the prisoners) markyng the order & custome of the marchyng of our army those dayes, came by night to the Neruians, and shewed vnto theym that betwene e­uery legion went a great sort of ca­riages: and that it were no matter at all assoone as the first Legion were come into their camp, and the rest of the Legions were yet a great waye of, to set vppon it vnder theyr bur­dens, the whych beyng put to flight and their stuffe taken from theym, it wolde come to passe that the reste shuld be out of hart to stand against them. It was a furtherance to the counsell of them that made thys re­port, that the Neruians of auncient tyme being able to make no power of horsemen, (for euen at thys daye they passe not for it, but all theyr strength consysteth in the force of footmen) to thentent they might the easlyer trouble the horsmen of their borderers whensoeuer they came for [Page] anye bootye within theyr marches, cutting yong trees half a sunder and bowyng downe theyr toppes to the ground, and plasshing the boughes that growe thicke oute of the sydes wyth bushes and thornes betwene thē, they brought to passe that theis hedges were as good a defence to them as a w [...]l: for they were so thick that it was impossyble not onelye to enter, but also euen to see throughe theym. When by thys meanes the passage of our armye was stopped, the Neruians thought the foresayde counsell not to be ouerslipped. Thys was the nature of the place that we had chosen to encamp in. A hil a like leuell from the top down to the bot­tom stretched to the Ryuer * Sabis that we spake of before. From the same riuer with lyke leuelnesse vp­warde rose another hyll directlye a­gainst this about two hundred fote: the bottom whereof was open, and thupper part so thycke wyth wood that it coulde not easlye be seene in­ward. Within those woods our en­nemyes [Page 55] kept them selues close, and in the open grounde were to be s [...]ne a fewe stales of horsemen by the ry­uers side: and the riuer was aboute three foote depe. Cesar sending hys horsmen before, folowed after wyth all hys power. But the manner and order of theyr araye was otherwyse than the Belgies had reported it to the Neruians. For inasmuch as the enemy was at hande, Cesar (as hys rustome was to do) ledde six legions alwayes in a readinesse vncombred wyth the cariage of any thing: after theym he placed the stuffe of all the host: and lastly the two legions that were last leuied were a rereward to the whole army & garded the stuffe. Our horsmen with the slingars and bowmen passing the riuer encoun­tred wyth the horsemen of our enne­mies. While they receyled backe to their company in the woods, & from thence agayne issued out vpon oure men, who durst not pursew them a­ny further then the playne and open ground extended, in the mean time, [Page] the sixe Legions that went before, hauing theyr woorke measured out vnto them began to fortifiye theyr Camp. As sone as they that lay lur­king in the woods espied the formest cariages of our armye, which was the tyme agreed vpon among them selues to geue the onset vpon vs, for the performance wherof they had set themselues in order of battel within the woods and encouraged one an­other before hande, sodeinlye they came flying out with al their power and charged vpon our horsmen. Ha­uing easly put them back & disordred them, with incredible swiftnes they came running down to the riuer: in­somuch that well nere all at one in­stant our enemies were in ye woods, in the Riuer, and in hand with vs. Wyth lyke swyftnesse also they rose against the hil to our Camp against them that were occupied about their work. Now was Cesar dryuen to do al thyngs at ones. The banner was to be displayed: whych was the tokē when weapon was to bee taken in [Page 56] hand: warninge was to be geuen by the sounding of a trumpet: the soul­diors were to be called backe from the worke: such as were gone abrode to fetch turfe were to be sent for: the battel was to be set in aray: the soul­diors were to be encoraged: & signe of battell was to be geuen. Of the whych thyngs a great part was in­terrupted by shortnesse of the tyme and the hasty assault of our enemies. Agaynst theis distresses two thyngs were a helpe. Firste the knowledge and experience of the souldiors, by­cause that throughe theyr practise in former battels, they coulde as good skyll to teache theym selues, as be taughte of others what was to bee done: and secondlye bycause Cesar had geuen commandement to euery Lieuetenant seuerally that none of them shoulde be so hardye to departe from the worke & from their seueral legions, vntil such time as the camp were fortified. Theis men by reason of ye hasty approch of their enemies, looked for no commaundement from [Page] Cesar, but ordred al things by them selues as seemed best by their owne discretions. Cesar hauing commaunded such things as were nedeful, ran encoraging hys souldiors what way soeuer chaunce led hym, and came to the tenth Legion. He made no len­gar protestacion to his souldiors but that they should haue in remēbrance theyr auncient prowesse: and that they shoulde not be discouraged in theyr harts, but valeantly wythstād the brunt of theyr enemyes. And by­cause hys ennemies were no further of than a man might throw a Dart, he gaue thē a signe of encountryng: ye whych done, as he was goyng to another part to encourage them like wyse, he found them feightyng al­redy. For the tyme was so short, and the enemy so earnest to feight and so nere at hand, that there wanted ley­sure not only to place theym vnder theyr antesignes, but also to put on theyr skuls, and to pul their tergats out of their cases. Looke what part euerye man by chaunce lighted into [Page 57] from his worke, and what antesigne he sawe fyrst, there he stayed, least in seking for hys owne companye he should lose the tyme whych was to be spent in feighting. When he had set his men in aray, rather according as the nature of the place, and the fal of the hyl, and the necessity of the tyme wold suffer, than as the reasō and order of battell required, so that his legions in diuers places at ones were fayne to encounter their enne­mies one in one part and another in another, the perfect syght and view being also hindred by reason of thick hedges that were betwyxt thē, there could not any certain rescow be pla­ced any where, neyther coulde it be sene what was nedeful to be done in euery part, nether could any one mā see the order & execution of all thin­ges. And therefore in so great vncer­teinty of things ensewed also diuers haps of fortune. The Souldiors of the ninth and tenth legions as they stood in the ryght syde of the battel, after the darts were throwen, dydde [Page] quickly driue down from the higher ground into the riuer, the * Atreba­tians (for they by chaunce were mat­ched wyth them) then out of breath wyth running and fortrauelled and sore wounded: and preasyng after them slew a great part of them with their swordes, as they were troubled in passing the water. Moreouer they sticked not to passe the riuer wyth them: but boldly aduenturing into a place of disaduauntage, they renued the battell agayn against their ene­myes that returned vpon them and made resistence, whom finally they put to flyght. Also in another part, two other legions the eleuenth and the eyghth hauing driuen backe the * Ueromanduanes (with whom thei encountred) from the hygher ground fought harde vpon the banks of the ryuer. And al our whole Camp wel nigh being left naked on ye forefront and on the left side, seing that in the right wing stood the .xii. legion, and wythin a lyttell waye of it the .vii. legion: All the Neruians in a verye [Page 58] thycke battell by the conduct of Bo­duognatus who was generall of the field, made towarde the same place. Of whom some began to assault our Legions on the open syde, and some to get to the hyghest place of oure Campe. The same tyme our horse­men and oure light harnessed foote­men and such as were with theym, (who (as I tolde you) were put to flyght at the first shocke of our enne­myes,) as they were retyring into their Camp met theyr ennemyes ful in the face, and fledde agayne from them another way. And the varlets and pages who from the highe gate of our Camp and the top of the hyll had seene oure men passe the Riuer with conquest, going out to gather the spoyle, when they looked backe and saw the enemies in our Camp, tooke theim to their beles as fast as they could. Therewithall was also heard a noise and a rose of them that came wyth the cariages, and euerye man scattred awaye for feare some one way and some another. All the [Page] which things strake such a feare in­to the harts of the horsemen of Tri­ers, who are reputed for men of sin­gular prowesse among the Galles, and were sent from their City to aid Cesar, when they had sene that our Camp was replenished with a mul­titude of our enemies, oure Legions sore layd at and in maner beset roūd about, and that our pages, our hors­men, our slingars of Numidie, fled scattring here and there euery way, thinking there was no hope of reco­uery with vs, toke theyr way home, and reported to their Citie that the Romanes were put to flyght & van­quyshed, and that their enemies had wonne their Camp and all theyr ca­riages. Cesar as he went from en­couraging the tenth Legion to the ryght wyng, when he perceyued his men to be sore pressed, and the Ante­signes gathered together into one place: the souldyers of the .xii. Legi­on to be pestered so thycke together that one could not feight for another: al the Centurions of the iiii. Cohort [Page 59] slayne, the antesigne bearer kylled, and the antesigne lost: the capteynes almost of all thother Cohorts eyther wounded or slain, among the which number P. Sextus Baculus a verie valeant Gentilman chief captein of a band was hurt wyth so many and so sore wounds that he was now not able to stand on his legs: the residue to wax somewhat faint, and diuers forsaken of the hindermost to wyth­drawe out the battell and eschewe feightyng: hys enemyes geuing no entrance to such as came vp against the hyll on the forefronte from the lower grounde, and laying sore to them on both sydes, so that the mat­ter was brought to a narrow yssue, and no help that could be mynistred to releue theym: toke a tergat from one of the hyndermost souldyors (for he was come thither without a ter­gat) and aduauncing hym selfe into the forefront of the battel, called vp­pon the Centurions by name, and encouraging ye rest of the souldiors, he commaunded the antesigne to be [Page] aduaunced and the bands to set them selues more at large, to thintēt they might ye easlyer wyeld their swords. By his comming the souldiors be­ing well chered and gathering cou­rage agayne, when euerye man for hys part in the syght of hys graund capteine euen at thuttermost extre­mitie, endeuored to employ hys tra­uell, the brunt of the enemye was a littell stayd. Cesar perceyuing that the seuenth Legion whych stoode by hym was likewise sore ouerlaide by the enemy, admonyshed ye Tribunes that the Legions shuld by lyttel and littel knit them selues together and turnyng their antesignes aduaunce them toward the enemy. By meanes wherof whē as one helped another, and that they were out of feare of being enclosed of the ennemy behynd, they begā to stand more boldly at defens & to lay their hāds better about them. In the meane season, the soul­diors of the two Legions whiche in the rereward were a defence to the cariages, hearing of the battell ran [Page 60] thyther a pace & were spyed by oure enemyes in the top of the hyll. And Titus Labienus hauing wonne the tents of our enemyes, and beholding frō the higher groūd what was done in our camp, sent the tenth legion to the reskew of our men. Who lear­ning by the flyght of oure horsemen and pages in what case the matter stood, and in how great daūger both the Camp, and the Legions, and the Captaine hym selfe was, made as much hast as was possible. Upon the comyng of them there ensewed such an alteration of thynges, that euen such of our men as for griefe of theyr wounds were falne downe, leaning vpon their shieldes began to feight againe a fresh: the pages perceiuing their enemyes amased ran vpon thē armed being vnarmed themselues: and the horsemen to thentent wyth valeātnes to wipe away the reproch of theyr former flyght, did in al pla­ces put theym selues into the battell before ye Legionary souldyors. How beit the enemies euen in thuttermost [Page] perill of theyr lyues shewed suche manhode, that as fast as the formest of them were ouerthrowen, the next vnto them bestrid theym and fought vpon theyr bodyes: the whych being lykewyse cast downe, and the deade carkesses heaped one vpon another, those that remayned standyng vpon thē as it had bene a hyl threw darts at our men and latchyng our Darts sent them agayn at vs: so that there was good cause to deeme them men of so hault courage, who durst passe so broade a ryuer, clymb vp the high banks, and march vp into a place of most disaduauntage for themselues: all the whych thyngs the noblenesse of theyr courage of most hard, hadde made very easy. Thys battell beyng dispatched, and the nation and name of the Neruians being brought al­most to vtter destruction, the elder sort who (as we tolde you) with the women and chyldren were gathered together into out Ilands & fennes, when they heard of this battel, thin­kyng that nothyng was able to stay [Page 61] the conquerors, nor nothyng able to saue such as wer vanquished, by the consent of all that were lefte alyue sent ambassadors vnto Cesar, & yel­ded them selues to hys mercy, alled­ging in declaration of the great ca­lamity of theyr country, that of syx hūdred Senators they were brought to three, and of threescore thousand men there were scarce fiue hundred left that were able to beare armor. Whom Cesar to thentent it myght appeare he had shewed pity to wret­ches and such as submitted themsel­ues vnto him, preserued verye care­fully, graunting them to enioy styll theyr country & towns, and streight­lye commaunding the borderers to restrein themselues and theyrs from doyng them any wrong or harme.

The Aduaticks (of whom we haue written before) commyng with al their power to aid the Neruians, when newes was brought them of thys discomfiture, brake of theyr ior­ney and returned home: and abando­ning vp all theyr Townes and Ca­stels [Page] conueyed all their goods into one towne of nature excellently wel fortified: the which on al parts roūd about hauing most high rockes and steepe fallings, had left on one syde an ascent gentlye rising by littel and littel, not passing two hundred fote brode. This place they had fortified with a double wall of a very great heighth, & therupon had laid in a re­dines stones of a great masse & logs of timber sharpened at both endes. Them selues were the ofspryng of the Cimbriās and duchmen, who at such time as they toke their voyage through our Prouince into Italye, bestowed suche stuffe and cattell of theyrs as they coulde not carye and dryue wyth them on thys syde the ri­uer Rhyne, and left syx thousand of their companye behind for the saufe kepyng & defence of the same. Theis after the death of their companions, beyng many yeres together dysqui­etted by theyr neybors whyle they somtime inuaded and sometime de­fended, concluding peace by general [Page 62] consent, chose this place to inhabit and settle themselues in. And at the fyrst comming thither of our armye, they made often salyes out of the towne, & skyrmished wyth our men. Afterward being enuironed wyth a Rampyre of twelue foote, of fiftene myles compasse about, & beset with castels as thycke as one could stande by another, they helde themselues wythin the towne. When they saw the Uines framed, the mount raysed and a turret a buylding a farre of, at the first they began to laugh at it & to make a continuall seoffyng at it frō the wall, that so huge an engine should be rered so great a distaunce of, demaunding in maner of scorne, wyth what handes or wyth what strength, specially men of so small a stature (for in respect of theyr owne ta [...]nes and goodly personages al the Galles for the most part accompt vs but dwarfs) hoped to place a towre of such workmanshyp vpon the wall of the towne. But when they saw it remoued and approchyng nere the [Page] walles, abashed at the straunge and vnaccustomed sight therof, they sent ambassadors to Cesar for peace: who spake to this effect. That they bele­ued, the Romanes did not make way without the assistens of the Goddes, whych coulde with suche expedicion set forwarde engines of so greate a heighth and bring theim to encoun­ter at hande. Wherefore they sayde they submytted theym selues and all that they had vnto theyr curtesy: desyring and humbly beseching that if of his mere clemency and gentil­nes which by report he had extended towards other, he could vouchesafe to saue the Aduaticks, he wolde not bereue them of theyr armor. For al­most al their neybors were enemyes vnto theym, and had spight at theyr valeant dooings, from whom they were not able to defend themselues yf they shuld deliuer vp theyr armor. So that it were better for theym (yf they shuld be put to that extremity) to suffer ani displeasure whatsoeuer, at the hands of the people of Rome, [Page 63] than to be butcherlye murthered by theym among whom they had bene wont to reigne like lordes.

Cesar made aunswer herunto, that he wold saue their Citye rather of hys owne accustomed gentilnesse then for any desart of theirs, so that they yeelded before the battell Ram touched the wal: but no condicion of yelding should be accepted wythout deliuery of their armor. For he wold do by thē as he had done by the Ner­uians, and geue commaundement to their neighbors that they shoulde not offer any kinde of wrong to such as had submitted them selues to the people of Rome. When word herof was brought to the Citye, they sayd they were contented to do whatsoe­uer shoulde be commaunded theym. Herupon casting a great quantity of armor ouer the wall into the diche that was before the town, insomuch that the heapes of armor dydde ryse welnere to the top of the wall and the rampier, and yet (as afterwarde was found) concealing and kepyng [Page] styll wythin the towne, aboute the third part, they set open their gates, and for that daye vsed theym selues peaceably. Toward night Cesar cō ­maunded the gates to be shet, & hys souldiors to get thē out of the town, that the townesmen shoulde not re­ceyue any displeasure by them in the night tyme. But they hauing layde theyr heads together before (as afterward was vnderstood) forasmuch as they beleued that our mē vpon their submission wold eyther set no watch nor ward at all, or at leastwyse kepe it more slightly, partlye with suche armor as they had reteyned and con­cealed and partly with tergats made of bark or wrought of wicker, which vppon the sodeine they had couered ouer wyth leather as the shortnes of the time required, in ye third watch, wheras the ground was least steepe to come vp the hill to our fortificati­ons, yssued sodeinly out of the town wyth al their power. But sygnifica­tion was soone made hereof by fyres (as Cesar had commaunded before) [Page 64] and spedye resort was made thither from the bulwarkes. Neuerthelesse oure enemyes stood stoutly to theyr tacklyng as became valeant men to do in the last hope of theyr welfare, feightyng in a place of disaduaun­tage, agaynst such as threw darts at them from the towres and mounts, consideryng there was none other shyft to saue thē selues then by their manhode. In conclusion wyth the slaughter of a fower thousand men, the rest were dryuen backe into the towne. The next daye after, when Cesar came to break open the gates and no man stood at defence, he sent in our souldiors, & sold all the spoile of the town. Such as had bought it, made an accomt to hym of the nūber of thre & fifty thousand folk by ye pol.

The same time, P. Crassus whō he had sent with one legion to ye Ue­nets, People of Uannes. Uuels People of Perche. Osisines People of Landriguer. Curioso­lits, People of Cornewall. Sesuvians, People of Roane. Aulerks, People a­bout Renes. Al peoeple of Britaine and Normandye. and Rhedones (which are hauen townes & stand vpon the Ocean sea,) aduer­tised hym that all those Cities had [Page] yelded & wer brought in subiection to the people of Rome. After that theis things were dispatched & al Gallia brought in peaceable obedience ther went such a report and estimatiō of thys warre among other barbarous people, that from such natiōs as in­habited beyond the Rhine were sent Ambassadors vnto Cesar, profering to geue him hostages and do what so euer he shuld commaund them. The which ambassades Cesar (for asmuch as he had then hast into Italy & A part of a country now called Scla­uony. Il­lyricum,) commaunded to repaire to hym agayne in the beginning of the next sommer. And so when he had distributed hys legions into garrisons for the winter season among ye The country about Char­ters. Ca­runes, The country of Aniow. Andiās, & The coūtri about towres beneth the ryuer of Loyre Turones which wer cities nere to those places where he had made war, be toke his way in to Italy. And for theis things vpon ye sight of Cesars letters, general supplycation was proclaymed in Rome for fiftene days, whych thyng before that time had hapned to no man.

FINIS.

THE THIRD BOKE of C. Iulius Caesars Commen­taries of his warres in Gallia.

AT SVCH TYME AS Cesar tooke his iorney into Italy, he sent Ser­uius Galba wyth the twelueth Legion and part of hys horsemen a­gainst the People be­twene Geneua and S. Mawryce. Antuats, The country about S. Mawrice. Ueragrines, The country about Sion in Ualoys. Being al people in & about the Alpes. and Sedunes which inhabit al the countryes frō the borders of the Al­lobrogians to the lake Leman, and the riuer Rhone, vnto the top of the Alpes. The cause of his sending thi­ther was that he wold haue ye ways ouer the Alpes whych Merchaunts could not passe without great daun­ger and great [...] paying, here­after set open. By gaue him leaue to place one Legion there in garrison if he thought good so. Galba hauing foughte certayn prosperous battels [Page] and wonne dyuers of their fortresses by force, after that ambassadors had bene sent to hym from all sydes, and that hostages were deliuered & peace stablyshed, determyned to leaue two Cohortes in garryson among the Antuats, and he hymselfe to winter wyth the rest of the Cohorts of that legion in a town of the Ueragrynes called Nowe called Martanach and of some Sion in Ualoys. Octodure, the which being situate in a valley & not much plain ground about it, is enuironed on all sydes wyth very hygh mountaines. Now wheras thys village was de­uided in two parts wyth a ryuer, he appointed thone parte of it to the Galles to winter in, & thother part left voyd by them he assigned to hys Cohorts, the whych place he fortifi­ed wyth a trenche and Rampyre. When a good part of the Winter was now past, and that he had com­maunded corn to be brought thither, sodeinlye he was aduertised by hys espials, that all the Galles were in the night time departed out of that part of the village whych he had li­mited [Page 66] vnto them, and that the hilles that ouerloked the towne, were held by an innumerable multitude of the Sedunes & Ueragrines. There were some causes that moued the Galles, to renew the war thus vpon the so­deyne, and to conspyre the destructiō of this legion. First perceyuyng the Legion to want of the full number, bycause two Cohorts were takē out of it, and many seuerally were absēt that were sent abrode to fetch in vic­tuals, they disdeined our smal num­ber. Secondlye by reason of the dis­aduantage of the place, in that they should runne downe vppon vs from the hyl vnto the valley and cast their darts at vs, they thought it was not possible for vs to abide the first brunt of them. Moreouer it grieued theym that theyr children were taken from theym in the name of the hostages, and perswaded themselues that the Ro­manes wēt about to ceaze into their hands the tops of the Alpes not so much for passage, as for a perpetual possession, and so to lay those places [Page] vnto their prouince, which bordered vp on them. Galba vpon the receit of theis tidings, when as his winter work and fortifications were not yet fullye fynished, nor sufficient of corn and other victuals prouided, by rea­son that after submission made and pledges deliuered he thought there had bene no warre to be feared, cal­led a counsell wyth all spede and de­maunded euery mans opinion what was to be done. In the whych coun­sell, bicause so much sode in daunger had happened vnloked for, and that they myght see almost al the hygher grounds keuered wyth armed men, agaynst whom there could come no succor vnto thē, no nor anye victuals be conueyed in for theyr reliefe, the wais being foreclosed by the enemy, in manner dispairing of lyfe, some wer of this opinion that it was best to abondon al theyr stuffe and carya­ges, and so yssuing out to endeuor to scape wyth theyr lyues by the same way that they came thither. Howhe­it it semed good to the greater part, [Page 67] to reserue this counsel til there were none other shyft, and in the meane whyle to try how the matter wolde fall out, and to defend theyr Camp. By and by after, so that there was scarce so much respit as to order and dispose the things they had determi­ned, the ennemyes at a watch worde geuen, came running down on al si­des, and threw stones and darts into the trenche. Oure men at the fyrst while their strength was fresh, stode stoutlye at defence, insomuche that they sent not any dart from the Rā ­pyer, but it was bestowed to some purpose: and what part of the Camp soeuer semed to be dysfurnyshed of defenders or ouercharged wyth ene­myes, thyther they ran & reskowed. But herin they had the dysaduaun­tage, that our ennemies when they were wearyed wyth continuance of feyghting, wold wythdrawe them out of the prease, and other succeded fresh and lustye in theyr steades. Of the which things our mē could none do by reason they were so few. In so [Page] much that not only he that had bene weary had no respyt to conuey hym selfe out of the battell, but euen he that was wounded had no liberty to draw himself somwhat aside out of ye place wher he stode, to refresh or ease hymself. When they had fought by the space of syx h [...]es & more with­out ceassyng, & that not only strēgth but also weapons began to faile our men, and that our enemyes preased more earnestly vpon vs, insomuche that our men waxing faint, they be­gan to breake downe the Rampire and fyll vp the trenche, and that the matter was brought to vtter extre­mity, P. Sextius Baculus capteyne of the chyef band, who as we tolde you before was nere spent with woū des in the battell against the Ner­uians, and lykewyse C. Uolusenus Trybune of the souldyors, a man of great wysdome and prowesse, came runnyng vnto Galba, and told him that there was no way to saue them selues but one, whyche was to issue out and to seke succor at theyr vtter­most [Page 68] refuge. Galba therfore callyng together the Centuryons, gaue the souldiors quickly to vnderstand, that they should by littel and littel cease from feighting, and only receiue the darts that were throwen at theym, and refresh themselues of theyr la­bor and trauell: the whyche done he commaūded that assone as warning was geuen them, they should yssue out of their Camp, and think to saue themselues by their manhode. They did as they were bidden. And issuing sodeinly out at al the gates, assayled theyr enemyes wyth such force, that they could neyther tell what to doe, nor gather theym selues together. Thus fortune chaunged her copy in such wyse, that they fetched in on e­uery syde and slew those that stoode in good hope and possibility of wyn­ning theyr Campe: and hauyng of thirty thousande menne and aboue, (the which number is certeinly kno­wen to haue come to thassaulte of our camp,) slayn more than the third [Page] part, they put the rest to flyght and made them so amazed, that they suf­fred them not to stay, no not in the hygher grounds. So hauing ouer­throwen all the power of theyr ene­myes, and turned them out of theyr harnesse, they retyred into theyr Camp and fortifications. After thys encounter, bycause Galba wold not to often put hym selfe to the curtesye of fortune, remembryng he came to wynter there for another purpose, & perceyuing he had met with other aduentures than he looked for, but chiefly moued thereunto wyth scar­cety of corne and other vyctuals, the next day he set all the houses of that village on fyre, and takyng hys way into the Prouince, without any ene­my to trouble him or stay him by the waye, brought hys Legyon saufe a­mong the Antuats, and from thence to the Allobrogiās, & there wintred.

Aft [...]r that theis thyngs were dyspatched, when Cesar thoughte there had ben no cause of tumult & rebellion left in Gallia, considering [Page 69] how the Belgies were vanquished, the Germanes dryuen out, and the Sedunes ouercome in ye Alpes, and so in the beginning of wynter was gone into Illyricum, for that he had a desyre to vsit those Nations also, and to knowe those countryes, there arose a sodein war throughout Gal­lia. The cause of that war was this. A yong gentilmā called P. Crassus, lay in garryson wyth the seuenth le­gion nere vnto the Ocean sea amōg the Andians.The peple of Aniow. He, bycause in those quarters was small store of grayne sent out diuers of hys chyef offycers and Tribunes into the Cities thera­bouts to fetch corne and vyctuals: of the whych number were T. Terra­sidius sent to the Uuelles, M. Tre­bius Gallus sent to the Curiosolits, Q. Uelanius and T. Silius sent to the Uenets. This City bereth great authority ouer all these countries on the Sea coast, bothe bicause the Ue­nets haue manye shyppes where wyth they are wont to sayle into Britaine: and also bycause they ex­cell [Page] all the residewe in knoweledge and experyence of Sea matters: and moreouer bycause those fewe hauous (as many as be of them) in that ra­gyng and mayne sea be all in theyr possessyon, whych is a cause that all they that are accustomed to sayle those seas, do paye custome to them. Theis Uenets began to broile in de­teyning of Silius and Uelanius, bi­cause they thought that by theyr meanes they should recouer the ho­stages that they had geuen to Cras­sus. Their next neibors moued with thautority of theyr example, (as the Galies wyll in deede attempt thin­ges sodeinlye and vppon a heade) for the same cause deteyned Trebo­nius and Terasidius: and oute of hande dyspatchyng. Ambassadours confedered them selues together by theyr noblemen, to do nothyng but by common aduyre, & to abyde thut­termost, what fortune so euer shulde followe: perswading wyth the rest of the Cities to chose rather to con­tinew in the lyberty which they had [Page 70] receyued from theyr auncetors, than to cōtinue in bondage vnder the Ro­manes. When they had quicklye al­lured all the Seacoast to be of theyr mynde, they sent a generall ambas­sade to P. Crassus, theffect whereof was, that if he wold haue his men agayn he shuld rēder vnto them their hostages. Cesar being certifyed of theis procedings by Crassus, bicause he was at that time somwhat far of, commaunded Galleyes to be builded in the meane season vpon the Riuer of Loyre whych falleth into the O­cean Sea, & rowers to be fetched out of Prouince, and maryners and ship masters to be takē vp. Theis things being spedelye brought to passe, he hym selfe as soone as the time of the yere would suffer hym, came to hys army. The Uenets & the rest of the cōfederate cities hauing knowledge of Cesars coming, & therwithal wei­yng what an heinous offēce thei had committed against him in deteining and castyng in pryson hys ambassa­dors, (which name had alwais here­tofore [Page] ben accompted hollye and in­violable amōg al nations) according to the greatnesse of the daunger, de­termyned to lay for the war before hand, and specially to prouyde thin­ges necessary for shyps: the whyche they did with so much ye better hope, bycause they had greate trust in the strentgh of the place, from whence they knew all accesse wyth an army by land was cut of by salt marshes, & conueying thyther by water wold be very combersome, bycause the Romanes were vnacquainted wyth those countryes, and there were few hauons to harbrough in by the way: and also they beleued verelye, that our army should not be able to tarye any long time among them bycause there was so small store of grayne. Yea & though all theis things shuld fal out contrary to their expectation, yet notwythstanding they were able to do much wyth theyr shyps, wher­as the Romanes had not any power of shyppes, nor yet knowledge of the shallowes, hauons, and Ilands that [Page 71] were in those places where they wēt about to make war: And they knew ryght wel it was another maner of matter to sayle in the narrowe seas then in the mayne and open Oc [...]an. When they had thus taken aduyce, they fortifyed theyr townes: they cō ­ueyed theyr corne out of the country into the townes: they gathered toge­ther as many ships as they could vnto Uannes where it was knowen that Cesar wold first begin ye wars: they alyed vnto them for theyr more assistence in that war, the People of Landriguer. Osisines the The country about Liseaux Lexobians, the The country about Naūts Naunets, the The country about Au­ranches Ambiliats, the The country about Toro­wan. Morines, the Dia­blinters, and the The country of Leondul [...]. The Gu [...] ­ders and Cleues. Menapians: and they sent for succor out of Britaine whych is situate ouer agaynst those countryes. Theis thyngs aboue mē ­cioned were such as myght greatlye trouble and set back the war. Howe beit there were manye thyngs that enforced Cesar vnto thys warre. As namely the wrongfull deteyning of the Romane knights: the rebellion after submission: the going back frō [Page] promys after pledges delyuered: the confederacy of so many cities: and in especially least through hys negly­gence in this behalfe, the rest of the country myght take courage to doo the lyke. Therfore forasmuch as he perceyued howe all the Galles in a maner wer geuē to newfanglenes, and stirred vp to make war vpon e­uery lyght occasion, and that al men of nature are desyrous of libertye, and hate the state of bondage: he thought it conuenient to deuide hys host and send them farther abroade, before anye mo cities were confede­rate together. And therupon he sent hys Lieuetenant T. Labienns with a band of horsmen agaynst the Tre­uires whych are next ye riuer Rhine: geuing hym in charge to goe to the men of Rhemes and the rest of the Belgies, and to kepe them in theyr duty, and to prohibit the Germanes (who were reported to be sent for to ayde the Belgies) from passyng the ryuer if they attempted to ferry ouer by force. P. Crassus wyth twelue [Page 72] Legionary Cohorts and a great cō ­pany of horsemen, he commaunded to take his iorney into Aquitaine, to thentent there shuld not out of those countryes be sente anye ayde to the Celts, and so puissant Nations bee ioyned together. He sent hys Lieue­tenant Q. Titurius Sabinus with thre Legions agaynst the * Uuels, *Curiosolyts, & Lexobians, to kepe that power from ioyning wyth the rest. He made Decius Brutus a no­ble yong gentilman admyrall of his Nauie and of the French fleete whi­che he had assembled from amonge the The people of Poyters. Pictones & The people of Xanton. Santones, and the rest of the Nations vnder the Ro­mane iurisdiction: cōmaundyng him to set forwarde agaynst the Uenets assone as might be: and he himselfe marched thitherward with his army by land. The situaciō of the townes for the most part was such, that be­ing set in thuttermost nookes and mountaines reaching into the sea, there was no comming to theym on foote, by reason of the rysyng of the [Page] tydes, which euer happened twice in twelue houres space: nor yet wyth shyppes bycause that at the fallyng of the tyde, the shyps were beaten vppon the shallowes: so that both wayes thassault of the townes was hyndered. And if at anye tyme ouer­come perchaunce with the greatnes of our works, when we had shet out the sea with Ietties and mounts raised as hygh as the towne wals, they begā to haue distrust in theyr estate, by and by arriued a great number of shippes, whereof they had plenty at pleasure, and caried awaye all that they had, and conueyed them selues into the next townes, where they defended them agayne wyth the same aduantages and commodities of the places. This they did so muche the more easlye for the most parte of the sommer, bicause our ships were kept away wyth tempests and much a do we had to sayle in the mayne and o­pen sea against so great tides, wher­as were hauens fewe or none at all. For their shyps were builded and [Page 73] decked in thys wyse. The keles of them were somwhat flatter than the keles of our shyps, to thentent they myght the easlier abide ye shallowes and the falling of the tyde. Theyr foredecks wer very streight vpright, and so were also theyr sternes, made so for the nones for the better aby­dyng of the greatnes of the waues, and of the tempestes. All the whole shyp was made of hart of Oke, able to endure anye force or displeasure were it neuer so great. Their seats were of planks a foote depe, fastened with nayles an ynch thyck. In stead of Cables ye anchors were tyed with cheines of yron. In stead of the linnē cloth their sayles were of leather, or els of raw hides drest thinne: whych happened for want of hemp and fla [...] and bycause they knewe not the vse of them, or els (whiche hathe a more likelyhode of trueth,) bycause they thought that in so great tempests of the Ocean and in so great rage of ye winds, shippes of so great burthen coulde not well and handsomlye be [Page] guided with sailes of linnen. Then­counter betwene theis ships and our nauy was such, that onlye in swift­nes and rowyng with ores we were to good for them. But al other thin­ges accordinge to the nature of the place and the violence of the tempe­stes, were more handsome and agre­able for theym than for vs. For ney­ther could ours hurt them with their stemmes, they were so strong made, neyther coulde a weapon easlye be throwen vp into theym by reason of their heighth: and for the same cause they might not well be kept among rocks. Moreouer it came to passe, that when the wind began to be boi­sterous, and that they had put them­selues to the wether, they were both able the better to endure the tēpest, and staid more saufly in shallow pla­ces, and when the tide fayled theym they feared nothing at all the stones and rocks: of all the whyche thyngs the mischaunce was to be feared of our fleete.

When Cesar had won manye [Page 74] townes, perceyuing that he spent all that greate trauell in waste, for as­muche as though he toke their tow­nes yet they euer scaped hys han­des, so that he could not hurt them, he determined to tary the commyng of hys nauy. The which assoone as it was assembled and came wythin kennyng of our ennemyes, about a two hundred and twentye of theyr shyps in very good readynesse, and throughly furnyshed wyth all kynd of artillery launching out of the ha­uen, set theym selues agaynst ours. Now wist not Brutus that was ad­mirall of the fleete nor anye of the Tribunes or peticapteynes wherof euery one had hys shyp appointed to hym seuerally, what was to be don, or by what meanes they might maintein the battel. For wel thei knew y wyth the stemmes of their ships they could not anoy their enemies: & albe it thei had raised vp turrets, yet wer the foredecks of the French ships far aboue them: so that neither any dart could be cast any thyng handsomlye [Page] from bylow, & such as were throwne downe by the Galles fel wyth grea­ter force. One thing whych our men had prepared before did vs good ser­uice: which were sharp hookes faste­ned vnto long steales, not vnlyke in fashion to Countrye Sithes. Wyth theis they tooke hold vpon the cords that held ye saleyards to the mastes, and drawing them vnto them, cut them a sunder as the Galleyes were driuen forward wyth force of ores, so that of necessitye the sayle yardes must nedes fall downe: to thintente that the French ships disappointed of their sayles and tackling wherin cōsysted their chief hope, they might at one time be marred for doing any more seruys. Then remayned then­counter consysting only in manhod, wherin our souldiors easly surmounted. And that so much the more bycause the thing was done in ye sight of Cesar and all his army, insomuch that no dede, wer it done any thyng valeantly, could escape vnnoted. For the army stood vppon all the hylles [Page 75] and al the high grounds, from whēce there was any perfect vewe into the sea. The sailes being (as we said) cut downe, when as two or three of our galleies were alwais about one ship of our enemies, our souldiors endeuored most earnestly to boord thē. The whych thing when the Frenchmen perceyued, after that many of theyr ships were won from them, and that they could finde no remedye agaynst that mischief, they endeuored to saue themselues by flight. But whē their shyps were nowe turned to take the winde, sodenly the sea became so stil and calme, that they could not styrre out of the place. The whyche thing happened for our purpose as wel as we could wish. For our men ouerta­king theym one by one did in such wise boord them, that verye fewe of all the whole nūber escaped to land, and that was by reason the night came so fast on, the battel being con­tinewed almoste from fower of the clocke to the sunne going downe. In the which battel was dispatched the [Page] war of the People of Uannes in Britaine. Uenets and of al the sea coast. For not only al ye youth, yea & al that were of further yeres in whō was anye wisdome and estimation, wer assembled thyther: but also they had brought thither all the shyppes that were to be gotten anye where: the which being lost, the rest had neyther whither to resort for saufgarde, nor wyst how to defēd their townes. And therfore they yelded themselues and al that they had vnto Cesar. U­pon whome he determined to take the greater punishment, to thintent the barbarous people should hereaf­ter take better hede how they demeaned themselues otherwise than well toward ambassadors. wherfore put­ting al their Senate to death, he sold the rest vnder a garlond for bondmē.

While theis things were a do­ing about Uannes, Q. Titurius Sabinus with that power which he had receiued of Cesar, was come among the People of Perche. Uuels. The Gouernor of them was one Uiridouix, & he had ye chyef charge of all those Cities that had [Page 76] rebelled, out of the which he had ga­thered a puissant army. And in theis fewe dayes the People of Roane. Aulerks, People of Eureux. People of Liseaux. Eburo­uiks, and Lexobians hauing kylled their Senotors bycause they wolde not be the authors of thys war, had shet their gates & ioyned themselues wyth Uiridouix. Besydes theis, a great multitude of vnthrifts and cut throtes were flocked thither out of all Gallia, of those sorte of rascals whom hope of spoile and desyre of warre had wythdrawen from hus­bandrye and daylye labor. Sabinus therefore helde him selfe wythin his Camp in a place mete for all purpo­ses: When Uiridouix being encam­ped against him a two myles of, did daily bring forth hys armye and of­fer him battell: insomuch that now, Sabinus began not only to be despi­sed of his enemies, but also to be cri­ed out vpon and taunted of his own souldiors. And he gaue hys enemies so much cause to think that he stood in feare of them, that now they durst approche euen to the trenche of hys [Page] Camp. The which he did bicause he thought it was more then a Lieue­tenant ought to doe, to encounter with so great a multitude of enemi­es specially in thabsence of his gene­rall, onlesse it were in an indifferent place or vppon some occasion of ad­uauntage geuen. When he had thus confirmed thē in this opinion of his fearfulnesse, he chose out a mete per­son for the purpose, a suttle fellowe, one of the Galles that he had in his retinew for his ayd, and persuaded him with great rewards and large promises, to steale ouer to his enne­mies, geuing him instructions what he should do. Thys fellow comming thither like a runnagate, reported what feare the Romanes stoode in: and declared howe sore the Uenets had distressed Cesar him selfe, assu­ring them that the next nyght after at the furthest, Sabinus wold steale priuelye with his armye out of hys camp and take his way toward Ce­sar to succour him. When this was hearde, they cryed out all with one [Page 77] voice, that so faire an occasiō of good successe ought not to be let slip, and that the Camp was to be assaulted out of hande. Manye things pricked forward the Galles in this deuice: as the pawsyng of Sabinus the dayes before: the warranting of the runa­gate: the want of victualles for the whiche they hadde made verye slen­der prouision: the hop [...] of the good successe of the warres about Uānes: and bicause men commonly are wil­ling to beleue such thyngs as they woulde haue come to passe. Moued with theis perswasions, they wolde not suffer Uiridouix and the reste of the Capteynes to depart out of counsell, before they had graunted theym that they should arme theym selues and march to our Camp. The which thing being agreed vnto, they came meryly toward vs wyth theyr shreds and fagots that they had gathered to fyll vp the dyches, as if the vycto­ry had bene theyr own out of al cry. The place where our tents wer pit­ched, was somewhat highe, & rysing [Page] [...] [Page 77] [...] [Page] by littel and littel from the bottome about a thousand paces. Hyther they came runnyng a great pace, to thin­tent they wolde geue the Romanes as littel leysure as they could to ga­ther together and arme themselues: insomuche that by that tyme they came there, they were cleane out of breath. Sabinus after he had encou­raged hys men, gaue them token of encounter whyche they sore desired. And perceyuyng hys enemyes to be troubled wyth the burthēs that they bare, commaunded yssue to be made out vpō them sodenly at two gates. It came to passe by meanes of thad­uauntage that we had of the groūd, through thunskylfulnes of our ene­myes that had ouerweried thēselues before, and through the prowesse of our owne souldiors practysed in for­mer conflicts, that they were not a­ble to abyde one pushe of vs, but by and by tourned their backs. Whom combered in that sort our men freshe and lusty encounteryng with, slew a great number of them: and our hors­men [Page 78] ouertaking the rest left but few of theym, that saued theym selues by flyght. So all at one tyme Sabinus was certified of the battel on the sea and Cesar of Sabines victorye: and immediatly therupon all the Cities yelded to Titurius. For as the harts of the Balles are cherefull and for­ward to take warres in hand: so are theyr courages faynte and nothyng stout to beare out aduersities.

At the same tyme almoste, P. Crassus comming into Aquitaine, the which (as is sayd before) both for the largenesse of the Countryes and multitude of people, is to be counted a third part of Gallia, when he per­ceyued that he must make warre in such a place, where a few yeares be­fore Lucius Ualerius Preconius a Lieuetenant was put to flyght and his army slayn: and from whence L. Manlius the Uiceconsull was glad to scape by flyght wyth the losse of all hys stuffe and cariages: he sawe it stode him in hand to looke well a­boute hym and to take good heede. [Page] Wherfore hauing made prouisiō of graine, gotten aid as well of horsmē as footmen, and moreouer called vnto him by name many valeant per­sonages oute of Tolowse, Cara­cassone, and Narbone which are Ci­ties bordering vpon the Prouince of Gallia, he led his army into the coū ­try of the People a­bout Tolouse Sontiats. The Sontiats hauing knowledge of hys comming before, assembled a great power both of footmen & also of horsmen where­in consisted their chief strength, and encountryng our army by the way, first begā the battel wyth theyr hors­men. The which being put to flight, as our men of armes chaced theym, sodenlye they shewed their footmen whom they had laid in a valley for a stale. They setting on our men disor­dered, began the battell again. The feight was long and cruel: the Son­tiats for the trust they had in theym selues by reason of their former vyc­toryes, thynking that the welfare of Aquitaine consisted in their manhod and prowesse: and our men desyring [Page 79] to shew what they could do without their Generall, and without the rest of their Legions, hauing but a yong man to theyr Capteine. At length our enemyes ouercome wyth woun­des tooke them to flyght. Of whom after that a great number had bene slayne. Crassus in his way began to assault the head Citie of the Sonti­ats: and when he saw theym stande stoutly at defence, he builded Uines and Towres. They on thother syde somtime issuing out, and sometyme drawyng Mines to the Mount and Uines (in which feat the Aquitaines are very cunning, bicause that amōg thē in many places are yron mynes) when thei perceiued our men to take so good hede of them that they could nothyng at all by those meanes a­uaile, sent Ambassadors to Crassus and desyred that he wold take theym to mercy. The whych request obtey­ned, they deliuered their armor as was commaunded them. Whyle the mindes of all oure men were busyed herabout, out of another part of the [Page] towne Adcantuan chief gouernor of the Citie wyth syxhundred sworne brethren whome they call Soldures (whose state and condicion is suche that they participate and enioy alike all commodities of thys lyfe, wyth them to whō they haue vowed their frendship, and that if any thing hap­pen vnto them otherwyse then wel, that they come to anye mysfortune, eyther they take part wyth them in theyr aduersitye, or elles kyll theym selues: In somuche that wythin the compasse of mans remembrāce there hath not any of thē bene found, that whē his frend (to whō he had sworn himselfe) was slaine wold refuse to dye,) entended to make a saly vppon vs. But our souldiors warned bi the great shout that was raysed by such of our company as warded on that syde, resorted to their weapons, & af­ter a sharp encoūter draue him back into the towne: and yet neuertheles he obteyned of Crassus the lyke be­nefyt of submyssion as other of the Townesmen had done. After that [Page 80] Crassus had receyued their armor & hostages, he toke hys waye into the Marches of the * Uocatians & * Ta­rusatians.

Then the sauage people agreued that wythin so few days after oure coming thyther we had won a town both by situacion and mans hand so wel fortified, sent out ambassades on all sydes: confedered themselues to­gether: gaue hostages one to ano­ther: and prepared men of war. Fur­thermore ambassadors were sent to the Cities of the hythermost part of Spain next vnto Aquitaine, and ayd of Souldyors and Capteines were waged from thence. At whose com­ming they began to set forwarde the war with great authority and great multitude of people. Those wer cho­sen to be Capteines that had serued all theyr tyme wyth Q. Sertorius, and therfore were demed to be men of singular knowledge in feates of armes. Theis according to the cu­stome of the people of Rome, practy­sed to take places of aduauntage, to [Page] fortify theyr Camp, and to cut oure victuals of frō vs. The whych thing when Crassus perceyued, conside­ring that his owne armye by reason of the slender number therof coulde not conuenientlye bee sent diuers wayes abroad, and that hys enemye might both raunge abroad at plea­sure and also forlay the wayes, & yet leaue sufficient defence in hys camp besydes, whyche was a cause that grayne and victual could not wel be conueyed vnto hym, and moreouer that the number of hys ennemyes daily encreased, he thought it best to trie ye matter by battel wythout any further lingering. Hauing propoun­ded thys matter in counsel, when he perceyued al of them to be of ye same opinion, he appoynted the next daye to geue battel in. As sone as the day began to breake, he brought foorth his army and orderyng them in two battels placed hys aydes in the mid­dle ward, waiting what his enemi­es entended to do. They albeit that in consideration of their multitude, [Page 81] and theyr auncyent renowne in che­ualry, and the small number of oure men, thought they might haue geuē vs battell sauflye, yet notwithstan­ding they thought it a surer way, by forlaying the wayes and cuttyng of our victuals to get the vyctory wyth out bloudshed. And if the Romanes for penury of corne and vyctuals be­gan to retyre, they determyned to assayle them cowardly as they were troubled in marchyng wyth theyr burthens on their necks. The Cap­teines lyked thys counsell so well, that as often as ye Romanes brought their men into the fielde, they kept them selues wythin theyr Campe. Crassus perceyuyng that, when he by his prolonging of tyme and hys enemyes by pretending such feare, had made our Souldiors more cou­ragious to feyght, insomuche that it was hard at euery mans mouth that they wold to their ennemies campe wythout any further delay, after he had geuen encouragement vnto thē, led them thither with willing harts [Page] There while some filled vp ye diches, some by throwyng darts thick draue the defendantes downe from theyr Rampyres and fortifications, and that the straunge souldiors whome Crassus trusted not greatly vnto to feyght, in mynystrynge stones and weapons vnto others, and in bryn­ging turfe to make the mount, made a showe as though they had fought in dede, and whyle on the contrarye part our enemies fought sloutly and vnfearfullye, and that the weapons whych came [...]om aboue lighted not any where in vaine, oure horsemen raunging about the Camp of our e­nemyes, brought Crassus word that theyr camp was not so strongly gar­ded at the chief gate, and that it was easye to enter at it. Crassus exhor­tyng the capteines of the men of ar­mes to encourage theyr men wyth promis of greate rewardes, declared vnto them what he wold haue done. They according to theyr commission taking foorth fower Cohorts which beyng left to defende the Camp had [Page 82] not ben wearyed wyth labour, and leadyng them a great way about bi­cause theyr enemyes should not spye theym from theyr Camp, whyle all theyr mynds and eyes were occupy­ed earnestly in feighting, came quickly to that side of the fortificatiō that we spake of before: And breaking it downe were entered all wythin the camp of theyr ennemies, before they could be perfectly discerned by them, or that it could be knowē what they were a doyng. Then was hearde a great noyse from that part: where­with our men recoueryng strength, which commonly happeneth in hope of victory, begā to assault them more fiercely. Our enemyes being besette on all sydes, and past hope of all re­couery, cast themselues downe from their fortificatiōs, intending to saue themselues by flyght. Whom oure horsmen ouertakyng in the champiō fields made such a slaughter of thē, that of fiftye thousande which were knowen to be assembled thither out of Aquitaine and from among the [Page] The peoples of Byscay. Cantabres scarce the fowrth parte was le [...]te aliue: and so when it was far in the night, he returned into his Camp.

When thys discomfiture was heard of, the most part of Aquitaine yelded vnto Crassus, and of theyr owne accord sent him pledges: in the whych nūber were the People of Tarbes. Tarbelles, ye People of Tarbes. Bigerrons, the People of Bierne. Precianes, the People of Bierne. Uocats, the People a­bout Tur [...]e. Tarusats, thePeople a­bout Turfe. Flu­stats, the People of Agenoys. Garits, the People of Agenoys. Auscians, the People of Aux. Garumnes, the People of Aux. Sibuzats, and the People of Aux. Cocosats. A fewe of the Cities that were furthest of vpon confidēce in the time of the yere bycause wyn­ter was at hand, draue of from doo­yng so.

The same time almost, Cesar albeit that ye sōmer was nygh spent, neuertheles forasmuch as when all Gallia was brought to peaceable o­bedience, the People of Tyrwyn. Morines and Guelders & Cleues. Mena­pians only remayned that bare ar­mor against him, and had neuer sent ambassadors to hym for peace: thyn­kyng that war might soone be dys­patched, [Page 83] ledde his hoste thither. But they determined to make war wyth hym far after another sort than the rest of the Galles had done. For in asmuch as they vnderstood how the greatest nations that had geuen him battell in the field, had bene vanqui­shed and put to flyght, and percey­ued thē selues to haue mayne woods and marisgrounds, they conueyed themselues and all that they had in­to the same. To ye entrance of which woods when Cesar was come, and had begon to fortify hys camp, and that no enemy in the while appered, as oure men were dispersed aboute their work, sodenly they came flying out of all parts of the wood, & gaue charge vpon our men. Our men ta­king weapon quicklye draue theym back into the woods, and after they had slayne a great number of them, they folowed them so farre in some­what vnhandsome places, that they lost a few of their company. The rest of the dayes ensuyng, Cesar began to fell the woods: and to thentent [Page] no assault shoulde sodenlye be made vpon our men vnwares from eyther syde as they were workīg vnarmed, all the wood that was cut downe he caused to be layd wyth the [...]ops tur­ned to the ennemy, and stacked it vp on both sides like a rampire. When with wonderful spede we had in few dayes ryd a great deale of grounde, so that we had nowe gayned theyr cattel and hyndermost cariages, and yet they withdrewe theym still into thicker woods, such tempests ensued that of necessity we were constrey­ned to leaue of our woorke, and the rayne contynued so long that oure men were not able to lie any lengar in the fields. And therfore when Ce­sar had wasted all their country, and burnt vp theyr townes & buildings, he led backe hys armye agayne and placed them in garrison among the * Aulerks and * Lexobi­ans and thother cities that had made this last warre.

FINIS.

THE FOVVRTH BOKE of C. Iulius Caesars Commen­taries of his warres in Gallia.

THE WINTER THAT folowed, whiche was the same yeare that Cneus Pompeius & M. Crassus were Cō ­sulles, the * Usipits Germanes and lykewise the * Teue­theres, wyth a greate multitude of men passed the Ryuer of Rhine not farre from the place where it falleth into the sea. The cause of theyr flee­tyng was for that they hadde manye yeares together bene vexed and op­pressed with war by the Sweuians, and could not be suffred to tyll theyr lande in quiet. The Nation of the Sweuians is of all the Germanes greatest and most warlike. They are reported to haue a hundred shyres, from eche of the whych they yearlye [Page] take a thousand armed men and send them out of their country a warfare: they that tary at home doe find both them and themselues. Theis againe ordinarily the next yere after go to the warres, and thother remayne at home. So neither the tillage of their land, nor the discipline and practise of war is decayed. Howbeit among them there is not any pece of priuate or seueral ground. Neither is it lawful for thē to abide aboue one yere in a place to dwel: neyther do they liue much by corne, but for the most part by mylke and cattell, and they vse hūting very much. The which thing for the kind of meat, and daily exer­cise, and lyberty of lyfe, (inasmuche as frō their childhod being acquain­ted with no duety nor nurture, they are not in any thyng broken of their willes,) doeth bothe nouryshe theyr strength, and maketh theym men of vnmeasurable big bodies. And now they haue brought thē selues to such a custome, that euen in most cold places they haue none other rayment [Page 85] than leather Ierkins, whych are so short that a great part of theyr bodi­es are left bare: and that they washe them selues in the runnyng waters. They suffer merchants to resort vn­to them, but that is rather bycause they wolde haue chapmen to vtter such things vnto as they haue got­ten in the warres, than for any nede they haue of ought to be brought in vnto theym. Moreouer the beastes which the Galles do most delight in and whych they pay for excessiuely, the Germanes occupy not if they be brought to thē out of any other country: but such as are bred among them though they be littel tittes & yll sha­pen, they make by dailye exercise to be very good of labor. In encountres of horsemen, oftentimes they lyght from their horses and feight a foote: accustoming their horses to keepe a standinge, vnto whome they retyre quickly again when nede requireth. Neyther in their maner is any thing counted more shameful or cowardly, than to vse saddels. And therefore a [Page] very few of them dare aduenture a­gainst saddled horses be there neuer so great a number of them. In anye wyse they suffer no Wyne to bee brought in vnto them, bycause they thinke that thereby men are weake­ned and disabled to endure paynes. As touchyng theyr publyke estate, they count it the greatest praise that can be, for the fieldes to lye waste a great waye of from the marches of their country. For that is as muche to say, that a great number of cities were not able to withstand their pu­yssance. And therfore from one syde of Sweueland it is reported that the fields lye wast sixhundred miles of together. On another syde dwel iust by theym the People of the countrye about Colon on thother [...] of Rhyne Ubians whose Citie was sometyme both large and flori­shing according to the maner of the Germanes, & they be somwhat more ciuill than other people of the same nation and sort, bycause they border vpon the Rhyne, and merchants re­sort much vnto them, and they them selues by reasō of their nerenesse vn­to [Page 86] Gallia, are inured wyth theyr maners. Albeit that the Swenians many times and in many battels put them to theyr shyftes and coulde not dryue them out of theyr countrye by reason of the largenes and puissance of their Citie: yet notwythstandyng they made theym tributaries, and brought them lower, and made them weaker.

In the same cace were the U­sipits & Teucthers whom we spake of before, who when they had many yeres withstood the force of ye Swe­uians, were for all that, at the laste put out of their possessions, and after three yeres wandering in many pla­ces of Germany, came to the Rhine wheras the Menapians did inhabit. Theis Menapians had lands, hou­ses, and townes on bothe sydes the Riuer. Howbeit being striken wyth feare at the commyng of so great a multitude, they remoued out of their [...]ouses that they had beyond the ry­uer, and dysposing garrisons on this side the Rhine, prohibited the Ger­manes [Page] to passe ouer. They hauing tryed al meanes, when as they durst neyther attempt to passe by force for want of ships, nor could get ouer by stelth for the Menapians which watched thē, made as though they wold haue returned home into their own countrye: and going back three days iorney, returned againe, and coming all that waye on horsebacke in one night, surprised the Menapians no­thing at al knowing or mystrusting any such matter, who being aduer­tised by their skoults of ye departure of the Germanes, had wythout feare retourned into theyr dwellings on thothersyde of the Rhine. Theis be­ing slaine, they tooke their shyppes, and passyng the streame before that part of the Menapians whych were quietlye at home in their houses on this side the Rhine could be certified of theyr doings, tooke all their hou­ses and kept theym selues the rest of the winter wyth theyr prouision.

Cesar being aduertised herof, and mistrusting the infirmity of the [Page 87] Galles, bicause in taking of counsel they be variable, & for the most part are desyrous of alteration, thought it not expedient to put them in trust with any thing. Thys is a common custome among the Galles, to com­pell euen wayfairyng menne to stay whether they will or no, and to en­quire what euery of them hath hard or knoweth of euery matter. And for the common people to come flocking about merchantmen in Cities, and to constreine them to tel out of what countryes they come, & what things they know of there. And being mo­ued with theis light reports and here sayes, they fal to counsel oftentimes euen of most weighty matters: wher of they must nedes repent them by and by after, seing they are so fondly led by vncertaine rumors, and that diuers persons tell thē forged newes to fede their fancyes wythall. The whych custome when Cesar vnder­stood, to thintent he might not mete with some worse match than he had made alredy, he went sooner to hys [Page] army than he was wont: When he came thither, those things that he mystrusted wolde come to passe, he found done in dede. That is, howe ambassades were sent from manye Cities to the Germanes, & that they were entreated with to depart from the Rhine, the which don they shuld haue at their hands whatsoeuer thei wold demaund. With hope whereof the Germanes being moued, raun­ged now further abrode, & were come into the borders of the People of Liege or Lukeland. Eburones and People a­bout Aix be­twene U­treight and Iuliers. Condrusians, whyche are re­teiners to the Treuires. Cesar cal­ling before him the Princes of Gal­lia, thought it conuenient to dissem­ble those things that he knew: and therupon appeasyng theyr courages wyth fayre language and quickning their spirits wyth comfortable wor­des, he commaunded theym to finde hym a number of men of armes, in purpose to make war wyth the Ger­manes. When he had made prouisi­on of corne, and taken muster of hys horsemen, he marched toward those [Page 88] places in the which he heard that the Germanes were. Assone as he came wythin a few dayes iorney of them, there came ambassadors from them, theffect of whose oration was: That the Germanes wolde neyther begin to quarrell first wyth the people of Rome, nor yet refuse to cope wyth them if they were assayled: It was the custome of the Germanes deliuered frō theyr auncesors, that who soeuer made war vpon them, to make resistence by force and not by entre­tance: Neuerthelesse they had thus much to say for thē selues, that they were come agaynst theyr wils as mē cast out of house and home: If the Romanes wold take theim in [...]o fa­uor, they might be profitable frends vnto them, wherefore they required either to assigne them lāds, or els to suffer them to enioy such as they had alreadye gotten by conquest: to the Sweuians onelye they gaue place, whom not euen the Goddes immor­tall were able to match: For in all the earth besyde there was not anye [Page] mā whom they could not ouercome.

Cesar replyed hereunto as he thought good. But the conclusion of his oration was: That there coulde be no frendshippe betwene him and them as long as they abode in Gal­lia: And that it coulde not be trew that they which were not able to de­fend their owne country, should kepe possession of an other mannes: and though they coulde, yet were there not in Gallia any lands that coulde be geuen, (specially to such a multi­tude) wythout doing wrong vnto o­thers: But it shoulde be lawfull for them (if they woulde) to settle them selues in the borders of the Ubians whose ambassadors were then wyth hym to complayne of the iniuries done by the Sweuians and to desyre help of him: the which thing he pro­mysed to obteyne of the Ubians for them.

Thambassadors said they wold make report herof to their company, and vpon good aduyce taken in the matter, returne againe to him after [Page 89] the thyrd day: desiring that he wold not in the meane tyme approch any nerer to them with hys camp. Cesar aunswered that they myght not ob­taine so muche as that at hys hand. For he knewe that they had sent a great part of their horsmen certaine daies afore ouer ye Maze to the Brabander [...] Am­biuarits to fetch in prayes & forage. The returne of which horsmen they loked for, & therfore (as he thought) sought to haue delayes in the mat­ter. The ryuer Maze spryngeth oute of the mount [...]ine People of Langres. Uosegus whych is in the borders of the People of Langres. Lingones, and receyuing an arine of the Rhine to it whych is called walin. Uacalos, ma­keth the Iland of the Hollanders. Batauians, and not passing lxxx. myles fro thēce runneth into the Ocean. Now the Rhyne ryseth among the People of Granpunter Leponti­ans who inhabit the Alpes and from thence runneth swift a long race by the borders of the People of Uawd. Nantuats, Hel­netiās, Sequanes, People of Me [...]z. Mediomatrik [...], People of Strawsoorg Triboks, and Treuires: and when it commeth nere the Ocean, it deuy­deth [Page] it self into many streames, ma­king many great Ilands: whereof a great sort are inhabited by wyld and sauage peoples: of ye which some are thought to liue by fyshe and birdes egges: and lastly falleth wyth many heads into the Ocean.

At such time as Cesar was come wythin twelue myles of hys enne­myes, thambassadors according to appointment returned vnto hym. Who meting hym in hys iorney en­treated him verye earnestlye that he shoulde procede no further. When they coulde not get graunt thereof, they requested hym to sende out of hand to hys horsmen that were the foreryders of hys host, to commaund them that they shuld not seight, and that he wold geue them leaue to send ambassadors to the Ubians: whose Noblemen & coūsellers if they made them assurance by othe, vpon suche condicion as Cesar should prescribe, they were contented to stand to it. To bring theis things to passe, they desyred three dayes respit. All theis [Page 90] things Cesar thought tended to this one end, that by dryuing of of those three days, theyr horsmen that were then absent might returne. Notwithstandyng he promysed to go no fur­ther forward but fower myles that day, to haue fresh water for hys Camp: willing theym to repayre to him the next Morning betymes, to knowe further of hys pleasure tou­chyng theyr demaunds. In the mean time he sent to the Capteines of his horsmen that were rydden before, to warne them that they shoulde not make any assault vpon theyr enemi­es: and that if any assault wer made vpon them, that they should forbeare them vntill he might come nerer to theym wyth his whole power. But our enemies, assoone as oure horse­men came wythin theyr syght, of whom there was the number of fiue thousād, wheras they had not aboue eyght hundred horsemen in all, by­cause those that were gone ouer the Maze for forrage were not yet retur­ned, whyle our men feared nothing [Page] bycause theyr ambassadors were but newly before departed from Cesar, and that they had entreated hym for a truce, gaue a quycke charge vpon our men and put them out of aray. And when our men returned agayn to theyr defence, they according to their custome lyghted a fote, and go­ring our horses and dismoūting ma­ny of their maisters, put the rest to flyght: and in such wyse chaced them in their feare, that they neuer ceased flying vntyll they came in the sight of our army. In that encounter wer slayne of our horsmen threescore and fowertene, among whome was one Piso of Aquitaine a verye valeant Gentilman borne of a noble house, whose Graundfather had obteined the Souereinty of hys owne Citye, and was proclaymed friend of oure Senate. Thys Piso reskowing hys brother beset wyth enemyes, delyue­red him out of daunger: & he hymself being cast from hys horse that was wounded, resisted valeantly as long as he could. But at length being en­closed [Page 91] after he had receyued manye wounds, he fell downe. The whyche hys brother (who nowe was gotten out of the battell perceyuing a farre of, put spurres to hys horse and das­shyng in among hys ennemyes was slain also. After that this battel was fought, Cesar determined neyther to heare thambassadors, nor to accept any of the profers, of such as deceit­fully and traiterously desiring peace, had wilfully moued war: Againe, to tary vntyll the power of hys enemi­es were encreased and their horsmen returned, he thought it the point of extreme madnesse: and consideryng the infirmity of the Galles (among whom he perceyued howe much au­thority hys enemies had gotten by that one skyrmish) he thought it not good to geue them respit, to practise new deuises. When he had determi­ned vpon theis matters and made hys Lieuetenants and Threasoror priuy to his purpose, to the entent he should not haue any mo dayes of de­lay in encoūtring with his enemies, [Page] there happened the best oportunity yt could be deuised for his purpose: whi­che was this: the next day folowing, earlye in the morning, ye Germanes vsing the like dyssemblyng & falshod yt they had done before, came to our Camp in great number accompany­ed wyth all theyr nobles and aun­cient men: both (as thei said) to purge themselues, of that contrarye to the former treaty and contrary to theyr owne sute, there had bene a battell fought, the day before, & also to haue wroght some new fetch, to haue got­ten a truce if they could haue cōpas­sed it by wile. Cesar being glad that they were falne into his hands, commaunded them to be put in sauf ke­pyng. And thervppon he led all hys power out of hys camp, commaun­ding hys horsmen to folow after his host, bycause he thought them disco­raged wyth their late conflict. Thus with his men in thre battels he marched the space of eyght myles wyth such spede, that he came to the camp of the Germanes before they coulde [Page 92] vnderstande what was done. Who being dismayed in all things vppon ye sodein, both for our hasty approch, and for the departure of their owne men, hauing leysure neyther to take counsel nor yet to arme themselues, were so troubled that they wyst not whether it were best for them to go forth wyth theyr power against the enemy, or to tary and defende theyr Camp, or els to saue themselues by flight. Our men vnderstanding their feare by the rore and shuffling that was amōg them, and prouoked with their traiterous dealing the day be­fore, dashed into their Camp. In the which place, such as could quicklye arme them selues resisted our men a whyle and mayntayned the battell amonge their stuffe and cariages. But the rest of the multitude of wo­men and children (for thei came from home and passed the Rhine tag and rag) beganne to flie here and there euerye way, after whom Cesar sent his horsmen to ouertake them. The Germanes hearing the crye behinde [Page] them, when they saw their company murthered, threw away theyr har­nesse and forsaking their standerds fled out of their camp: and whē they came to the metyng of the Maze and Rhine, being past hope of fliyng a­ny further, after that a great num­ber of them were slaine, the rest cast themselues into the streame, & there being oppressed with feare, weary­nes, and the force of the water, peri­shed. Our cōpany wythout the losse of any one man, sauyng that a fewe were wounded, wheras there was to the number of fower hundred and thirty thousand of our enemyes one and other, returned out of this dread full battell into their Camp. And there Cesar gaue lycence to depart to such as he had deteined. But they fearing that the Galles whose fields they had wasted wold punish theym and deale cruelly with theym, sayde they wold tarye still with him: and Cesar being content therwith graū ­ted them theyr liberty.

After that this battell against [Page 93] the Germanes was dispatched, Ce­sar thought it expedient to passe the Rhyne for many causes, wherof this was the iustest, that forasmuch as he saw the Germanes so easly persua­ded to come into Gallia, he wolde haue theym stande in some feare of theyr owne thinges at home also, when they should perceyue that the people of Rome both could and durst passe the Rhine wyth an army. And to further thys matter withall, that company of horsmen of the Usipits and Teucthers, which I said before, were gone a forragyng and to fetch booties on thother side of the Maze, and were not at the battel, after the dyscomfyture of their company, had retired ouer the Rhyne into the bor­ders of the The people about Nassaw & Hessen in Germany. Sicambers, and ioyned themselues wyth them. Unto whom when Cesar sent ambassadors, desy­ryng them to deliuer into hys hands such as had moued war against him and the realme of Gallia, they made aunswer that the people of Rome had nothyng to do beyond ye Rhine. [Page] For if he thought the Germanes did him wrōg to come into Gallia with out his leaue, why should he chalēge any souereinty or authority at all on thother syde of the Rhyne. Moreouer the People a­bout Colon on the fur­ther side of the Rhyne. Ubians who alonly of the peo­ple beyond the Rhyne sending Am­bassadors vnto Cesar had entred in Leage wyth him and geuen him ho­stages, made earnest sute to him that he wold succor thē agaynst the Swe­uians who sore oppressed them. Or yf he could not so do, being occupyed about other weighty affaires of the people of Rome, they desyred that he wold do no more but only bryng his army ouer the Rhine: for in so doing he should pleasure them as much as yf he had succored theym, and also put them in good hope for euer after. For they said that the name and esti­mation of the Romaine army was so great, synce Ariouistus was cha­ced, and now of late this other ouer­throw geuen, that the fame & frend­shyp of the people of Rome, might be a protection to them euen among [Page 94] the furthest Nations of Germanye. wherfore yf he wold come, they pro­fered a great number of Boates to ferrye ouer his armye in. Cesar for theis causes whych I haue shewed, determined to passe the Rhyne. Howbeit to passe in Boates he thought it not wythoute peryll, and besydes that he thought it stode not with his honour nor wyth the honour of the people of Rome so to do. And therfor albeit it was a very hard matter to make a bridge, by reason of ye brode­nesse, swiftnesse, and depenesse of the streame, yet notwythstanding be thought eyther to goe that waye to worke, or els it was not for hym to passe at all wyth hys army. Wher­vppon he framed a Brydge in thys wyse.

He fastened together a two fote space one from another two peces of tymber of a foote and an half square somwhat sharpened at ye lower end, measured according to the depth of the water. Theis being let down in­to the riuer wyth pulleyes, he made [Page] to be beaten fast in wyth Commaunders not plōme vpryght like a post, but shoryng lyke the side of a roof of a house, so as they might leane with the ronning of the stream. Likewise directlye agaynst theim, he set other two fastened together in lyke sort, a forty foote distance of beneth, with theyr heades into the streame. Be­twene bothe theis according to the distance that was betwene ye iointes of the two peces of timber, were let in beames of ii. fote square to streine theym out fastened on both sydes at thends wyth two braces, the whych being ones closed and fastned on the wrong side, the strength of the work was so great, and the thyngs were so framed, that the greater violence of water that bare agaynste it, so much the closer did the ioynts shet & hold the faster together. Upon theis were fastned Ieests of streyght tim­ber, whych were couered ouer wyth rafters and hurdles. And yet besides this, both on the neather part of the streame there were pyles driuen one [Page 95] ouerthwart another the whiche be­ynge set vnder in steade of a Iettye, and ioyned to the whole woorke, might break the force of the stream, and other likewise somwhat aboue the bridge: to thentente that if the Germanes should cast in any body­es of trees into the water, or sende anye shyppes downe the streame to breake downe the woorke, theis shoulde be a defence to abate the vi­olence of those thynges, that they hurted not the brydge. Wythin ten days after that the stuffe was begon to be brought together, the woorke was fully finished and the host con­ueyed ouer.

Cesar leauing a strong garrison at ech end of the brydge, marched in­to the borders of the Sicambres. By the waye there came Ambassadors to hym from many Cities, to whom desiring peace & frendshyp he made verye curteous answer, and wylled them to bryng hym hostages. The Sycambres from that time that the bridge was begon to be builded, pre­paring [Page] them selues to flyght, had (by the counsell of such of the Usipits & Teucthers as they had with them) fleeted out of theyr country, and ca­rying all theyr goodes wyth theym, had hyd themselues in woodes and wildernesses. Cesar tarying but a few dayes in theyr borders, after he had burned vp all theyr townes and buildings, and cut down their corn, retired into the country of the Ubi­ans. Where promisyng theym hys helpe yf they were troubled by the Sweuians,Now called Swoabes. he learned thus much at theyr hands. How that the Sweui­ans after they knew by their skoults that the brydge was a makyng, cal­led a councel after theyr maner, and sent messangers euery way to geue warning that they shuld depart out of theyr townes, & cary theyr wyues and chyldren and all that euer they had into the woodes, and that as many as were able to beare armor should come together into one place, the whych was appointed almost in the heart of those countryes whych [Page 96] the Sweuians possesse, where they determined to abide the comming of ye Romanes & to geue them battell. The whych thyng when Cesar vn­derstode, forasmuch as he had accom­plished al those things for the which he hadde passed hys armye ouer the Rhine, namely in putting the Ger­manes in fear, in reuenging hymself vppon the Sicambres, and in resk [...] ­wing the Ubians, after he had spent but eightene dayes beyond ye Rhine, thinking he hadde done sufficientlye both for his honor and for his profit, he retyred into Gallia and hewed downe the brydge.

Although there were but a littel of the Sommer remaining, and that in those countryes (bicause al Gallia lyeth somwhat northward,) wynter beginneth betimes: yet notwithstan­ding he determined to make a voy­age into Britaine, bicause he vnder­stood that in all the warres that hee had had in Fraunce, our ennemyes had alwayes bene aided from thens. Albeit that the season of the yeare [Page] meete for warrefare fayled, yet he thought it might be greatly for hys behoof, to go vnto the Iland and see what maner of men they were, and to view the places, hauons, and ry­uages, al the whych things were al­most vnknowne to the Galles. For lightly there cometh not any man to them except merchantmen, neyther is any thing knowē to the merchant men themselues sauing the sea coast and those countryes that lie agaynst Gallia. And therfore when he hadde called the merchants of al quarters before hym, he could not learne, nei­ther how byg the Iland shoulde be, neyther what and how puissant na­tions inhabited it, nor what order they kept in theyr warres, nor what lawes and customes they vsed, nor what hauo [...]s there were able to re­ceyue any great number of shippes. To know theis things, he thought good to sende Caius Uolusenus be­fore wyth a galley, ere he hazarded hymselfe thyther: to whom he gaue cōmaundement that hauing serched [Page 97] out all things, he shoulde wyth all spede returne vnto him. And he hym self toke his iorney to the The peple of Torowan and the country about Ca [...]yce. Morines, bycause that from thence is the shor­test cut into Britain. Hither he com­maunded that shyps from all places of the sea coast nere therabouts, and that hys fleete whiche he had buyl­ded the last sommer against the Ue­nets should assemble. In the meane time his purpose beyng knowen and caryed into Britayne by the Mer­chants, there came ambssadors from many cites of the Ile vnto him, pro­feryng to geue hym hostages, and to submit themselues the to Empyre of the people of Rome. Whose message beyng heard, he made theym very li­berall promyses, and encouraging them to continue in the same minde styl, sent them home agayne, & with theym one Comius, whom hauing vanquished the * Atrebatians he had made king there, whose counsel and valeantnes he liked well of, both bi­cause he tooke hym to be faythful to him, & also bicause he was thought [Page] to be a mā that was able to do much in those countryes. He gaue hym in commission to go to as many Cities as he could, and to persuade them to alie them selues with the Romanes, and to tel them it should not be long ere he came thyther. Uolusenus ha­uing viewed the coast, as farre as he had liberty to do (whyche durst not styrre out of his shyppe and commit hymselfe to the barbarous people,) returned the fyfth day vnto Cesar, and made report vnto him what he had sene. Whyle Cesar taryed there for the furnishing of his nauie, there came ambassadors from a great part of the * Morines to excuse theym of their foly hertofore vsed, in that they being rude people and vnskilfull of our custome had moued war against the people of Rome, promising to do whatsoeuer he wold commaund thē. Cesar thinking that theis thyngs fell luckelye on hys side, bycause he wold neither leaue an enemy behind hys backe, nor could well make war bycause the tyme of the yere was so [Page 98] far spent, nor demed theys tryflyng busynesses worthy to be preferred before yt weighty affayres of Britaine, charged them wyth a great nūber of hostages. The which being brought, he receyued their submissiō. Hauing assembled together about fowerscore hulkes, and as manye as he thought suffycient to conuey ouer two Legi­ons, he distributed all the Bailyes that he had to the Threasoror & hys Lieuetenants, and the chief officers of hys Camp. There were also be­sides theis, eightene mo hulks, whi­che were held by the wynd an eyght myles frō that place that they could not come al into one haue. Theis he assigned to his mē of armes. The rest of his army he cōmitted to his Lieueteuants Q. Titurius Sabinus & L. Aurunculeius Cotta to lead against the Menapians, and such townes of the Morines from whence there had come no ambassadors vnto him. And he commaunded P. Sulpitius Ru­fus another Lieuetenant of hys, to kepe the hauon wyth such a crew as [Page] he thought sufficiēt for the purpose.

When he had thus set thyngs in order, hauing gotten a seasonable wether to saile in, he loosed from the shore almost about the thyrd watch: commaunding hys horsemen to goe to the further hauon and there to take shippyng and folow after hym. Which charge being by them execu­ted somewhat slowly, he hymselfe a­bout fower of the clock arriued with hys formest shyps in Br [...]taine, and there he sawe all the hylles couered wyth armed men. The nature of the whych place was such, and the Sea was so enclosed wyth narrow hyls, that a Dart might be throwen from the hygher groundes vnto the ry­uage. Thinking this to be no mete place to take land at, he rode at an­chor vntil it was nine of the clocke, awayting the comming of the rest of hys shyps. In the meane season cal­lyng his Lieuetenants & Tribunes together, he declared to them what he had vnderstoode by Uolusenus, and what he wold haue done: war­ning [Page 99] them (as the order of war, and specially sea matters required) that forasmuch as they should haue a so­deine and vncerteyne remouing, all thyngs should be done by them at a becke, as the tyme wold serue. Whē he had dismissed them, hauing gottē both wynde and tyde wyth hym at ones, he gaue them signe to way vp theyr anchors, and goyng forwarde about an eyght myles from thence, arryued at an open and playn shore. But ye Britons hauing knowledge of Cesars meanyng, sent theyr hors­men and wagoners before, (the whi­che kynd of furniture they common­ly vse in battell) and folowyng after wyth al the rest of theyr power, pro­hibited oure men to take lande. By meanes herof we were in great per­plexity, for as much as our shyps by reason of their greatnesse coulde not come nere ye shore for wāt of water: so that it behoued oure souldiors in vnknowen places, wyth troubled hands, ouerladen wyth the great & weightye burthen of their harnesse, [Page] both to leape out of their ships, and to stand in the waues, and to feight with theyr enemies: wheras they on the contrary part standing vpon the drye grounde, or wading but a littel way into the water, hauing al their limbes at liberty, in places throughly knowen to theym, might boldlye cast Dartes at vs, and ouercome vs wyth theyr horses whych were inu­red to the purpose. Our men some­what abashed at theis thynges, as thei that were altogether vnacquainted with thys kind of feight, shewed not the like courage and chierfulnes that they were wont to vse in pyt­ched fyelds. The whych thing when Cesar perceyued, he commaunded that the Galleyes wherof the facion was more straunge to the sauage Britons, and the mouing more redy and wieldsome, should be remoued a lyttell from the shyps of Burthen, and rowed forth, and set agaynst the open side of his ennemies, and there wyth slyngs, shot of arrowes, and o­ther artillery to disorder theym and [Page 100] send them further of whyche thinge did greatly aduantage our men. For the rude people abashed at the facion of the Galleyes, the rowing of them wyth ores, and the straunge kind of artillery that was in them, stood stil on a heape, and a littell gaue backe. But when our men staied and semed to make curtsy, chiefly for the depe­nes of the water, the chief standerd-bearer of the .x. Legion making ear­nest protestacion to the Goddes, that the thing whych he purposed to doe might happen luckely to the legion, sayd, leap downe my fellowes onles you wyll betray our standerd to the enemy: surely I wyll do my dutye to thuttermost for my common wealth and for my graundcapteine. When he had spokē this with a loud voice, he threw hymself out of the shyppe and began to carrye the standerd a­gainst the ennemies. Then our men encouragynge one another, not to suffer such a foile, leaped euerichone of them out of the vessel. Those that were in thother formest ships seyng [Page] them do so, followed after them and approched to theyr enemies. Then­counter was sharpe on bothe sides. Howbeit our men for as muche as they were able neither to kepe aray, nor to take sure foting, nor to folow theyr standerds, inasmuche as some comming out of one shypp and some out of another, they were fayne to cluster themselues vnder that stan­derd that came next to hande, were muche troubled. But our ennemies being perfect in al the flete and shal­low places, assone as they espyed frō the shore any of our companye com­myng out of theyr shyps one by one alone, put spurres to their horses, and ran vppon them being troubled in the water, and where they sawe few, there wold they come by companies and enclose them: & other some from the open side threw darts at the whole rout of vs. The whych when Cesar perceyued, he commaunded the Cockbotes & Brigantines to be furnished with souldiors & sent them to succor such as he saw in daūger. [Page 101] Assoone as oure men were gotten to drye land, the rest of theyr companye folowed hard after them, and char­ging fiercely vpon the enemies put theym to flyght: but they coulde not chase them far, bicause our horsmen could not kepe theyr course, and at­taine to the Ilande, the whyche one only thyng Cesar myssed of hys ac­customed good fortune. Our enemy­es ouercome in thys battell, assone as they had recouered themselues frō the chase, sent Ambassadors by & by vnto Cesar for peace, proferyng to geue hym hostages, & to do whatsoeuer he wold commaūd them. With theis ambassadors came also Comi­us of Arras, whom we shewed you before to haue bene sent by Cesar into Britaine. For at such tyme as he came of message from Cesar, they layd hand on hym assone as he came out of hys shyp, and cast him in pry­son. But after the foresayde ouer­throw, they set him at libertye, and whē they came to sew for peace, they laid the fault therof vpon the cōmon [Page] people defiryng pardon of their vn­skilfulnes and folly. Cesar blaming thē in that hauing of their owne ac­cord sent Ambassadors to hym into Gallia to sew for peace, they hadde wythout cause moued war agaynst hym, said he was contented to beare with their folly, commaunding them to geue him pledges: of ye which they deliuered one half out of hande, and thother half whych was to be fet­ched out of the further partes of the country, they sayd they wold deliuer wythin few daies after. In ye meane season they bade that euery mā shuld returne home to hys own dwelling: and the noble men resorting to Ce­sar from all sydes, submitted them­selues and their Cities vnto hym.

Peace beyng by thys meanes stablyshed, after the .iiii. day of oure arryuall in Britayne, the eightene shyps that we spake of before, which hadde the horsemen to conuey ouer, loosened frō the further hauen with a soft wynd. The whych when they approched so nere Britayne that we [Page 102] myght see them out of our camp, so­deinly there arose so great a tempest that none of them was able to kepe hys course, but some were driuen backe agayne to the place they came fro, and othersome were caste wyth great daunger downe to the lower part of the Iland whych is towarde the sonne settyng: the whych neuer­thelesse after they had cast Anchor, beyng fylled wyth waues, were of necessity in the dead of the night constreined to take the maine sea agein, and so made toward the maine land. It chaunced that the same night the mone was at the ful, which is wont to cause spryng tydes in the Ocean, and that was vnknowen to our mē. So at one instant the tide filled both those galleyes wherin Cesar had cō ­ueyed ouer his army, and also those which he hadde drawen into harbo­rough: and besides that, the tempest shaked the shyppes of Burthen that rode at Anchor. Neyther could oure men eyther rule or helpe the matter by any meanes possible, when ye most [Page] of our shyps were thus broosed and weather beaten and the residew vn­meete to sayle in hauing loste theyr cables, anchors, and all the reste of theyr tackling, the whole armye (as it must nedes come to passe in such a case) was greatlye disquietted. For there were none other ships to cōuey them ouer in agayne, and al thyngs wanted wherwyth to repayre those, and forasmuch as euery man looked assuredly to winter in Gallia, there was no prouision of grayne made in those quarters agaynst the winter. The whych thyngs being knowen, the prynces of Britaine whych after the discomfiture had assembled to execute Cesars commaundements, conferryng vpon the matter among themselues, when they vnderstode that the Romanes wāted both hors­men, ships, and victuals, and percei­ued by the smalnes of our camp, that there was but a thin company of vs, whych were in dede conueyed in so much the lesse roume, bycause Cesar had suffred hys Legions to bryng o­uer [Page 103] no stuste nor baggage wyth thē: They thought it best to rebell, and stopping vs from victuals to prolong the matter vntyll wynter, beleuing verely that if they myght ge [...]te the maistry of theis, or shet them vp frō returning, no man would hereafter be so bold to passe into Britaine to make warre vpon them. Wherfore cōspiring together again, they began to steale thēselues by littel and littel out of ye Camp, & to assemble theyr men priuely out of the country. But Cesar although as yet he knew not what they were about to do, yet not wythstanding both vppon the mys­chaunce of his ships and in that they made delay in deliueryng their ho­stages, he misdemed that whych af­ter came to passe in dede: and there­fore he layd before hande to haue a remedy agaynst all mischyeues. For he both gathered corne dayly out of the country into hys camp, and also wyth the tymber and yron of suche ships as were forest battred, he men­ded the rest, and suche other things [Page] as were necessary for the same pur­pose, he wylled to be brought from the mayne land. In accomplishinge whereof, hys souldiors wrought so earnestly, that with ye losse of twelue ships, the rest were so well mended that they might well be sayled in.

Whyle theis thinges were a dooyng, as one of the Legions whi­che is called the seuenth and was or­dinarilye sent out for forrage, was one day abroad, no suspicion of war vnto that time rysing, when some of the men were yet in the fieldes and some coming homeward to ye camp, those that warded at the gates of the camp, brought Cesar word that they saw a greater dust than customably was wōt to be raised, the same way that ye Legion was gone Cesar mis­doubting the trueth of the matter, that the disloyal Britons were prac­tising of some newe deuyse, com­maunded those Cohorts that war­ded, to go with him on the way, and two other to supplye theyr roumes, and the rest to arme themselues and [Page 104] folowe quickly after hym. When he had gone a good prety way he might perceiue that his men were ouercharged with enemies, & had much a do to hold out, & that there was throw­ing of darts on all sides at ye Legion whych had cast thēselues close toge­ther. For in asmuchas in all other quarters ye corn was reaped down, & none stāding any where saue in thys one place, our enemies mistrusting yt our men wold come hither, had lyen lurking in the woodes all the night before, and when they saw our men had layde downe their weapons and disseuered themselues busy in mow­yng and reapyng downe corne, they brake out vpon them sodenlye, and after they had slaine a fewe of them, they chased the rest beinge out of a­ray, and also enclosed theym wyth their horsmen and waggons. Thys is their order of feight in waggons. Fyrst they ryde rounde about on all parts casting of darts: & often tymes with the terriblenes of their horses and ye ratlyng noise of their wheles, [Page] they breake the aray. And when they haue wound themselues in amonge the troopes of horsemen, they leape oute of their wagons and feighte a­foote. In the meanewhile the wago­ners withdrawe themselues some­what out of the battell, and set their wagons in such order, that if they be ouercharged by the ennemye, they may haue spedye and handesome re­cours vnto them. By meanes wher­of they are both as readye to remoue as the horsemen, and as stedfaste to stande in the battel as the fotemen & supply both dutyes in one. And they are come to such a perfectnes by day­lye practise and exercise, that euen in steepe and fallinge places they wyll stoppe their horses ronnynge a full galloppe, and guyde them and turne them in a short roome, and runne v­pon the Uergies, and stand stedfastly vppon the beames, and quicklye re­couer them selues backe agayne in­to the wagons. Wyth the whiche thinges whyle oure men were trou­bled for the straungenesses of the [Page 105] feight, Cesar came in very good sea­son to the rescow: For at his coming the enemyes stood stil, and our men toke hart to them. Notwithstanding forasmuche as he thought the tyme serued not then for hys purpose to meddel wyth his enemies or to geue them battel, he kept himselfe in hys place, and anon after conueyed hys Leg [...]ons into hys Camp agayne. As theis things were a doing, & that al our men were occupyed, the rest that were in the fields went theyr waye. For many days after there folowed such cōtinual stormes, that we were fain to kepe our Camp, and our ene­myes could not come forth to battel.

In the mean time ye Britons sent messengers abroad into al quarters, publyshing euery where what small number was of vs, and what opor­tunitye both of winning [...], and setting themselues at libertye for e­uer was offred, if they could turn the Romanes out of their camp. H [...]rup­pon assebled a great power of [...]orse­men and fotemen, and came to oure [Page] Camp. Albeit that Cesar perceyued that the same thyng was like to happen whych had come to passe a fewe dayes ago, that if hys enemyes were put to flight, yet should they by their quicknes scape daūger, yet notwyth­standing forasmuch as he had gottē a thirtie horsmē which Comius of Ar­ras whom we haue spoken of before had brought ouer with hym, he sette his Legions in battel ray before his Campe. When the matter came to be tryed by the sworde, our enemies were not able to stande any while a­gaynste the force of our Souldyers, but turned their backes. Whom we purse winge as farre as our strength wold geue vs leaue to run, slew very many of them, and after we had bur­ned vp all the howses a greate waye aboute, we retyred into our Campe. The same daye came ambassadours frō our enemies to Cesar to entreate for peace: whom hee charged wyth double number of Hostages, & com­maunded them to bring them to him into Gallia. And forasmuche as the [Page 106] It is ye tyme whē the daye and night are all of one length which is twyce in the yere in March and September.Equinoctial drew nere, he thought the wynter season was not for hym to sayle in, his ships being so weake as they were, wherfore hauing got­ten a mete weather, somewhat after midnight he loosened from the shore with his shippes: the which came eueryecheone of them safe to lande. But that twoo of the shippes of burthen could not attaine to the same hauon that the rest dydde, and were dryuen somewhat lower. Out of the whych when as a threhundred souldiers be­yng set a lande were going towarde their Camp, the Morines whom Ce­sar at his setting forth into Britaine had left in quiet, allured with hope of spoile, came about them, not with so greate a nomber to speak of at the firste, and bad them put of their har­nesse if they loued their liues. When they on thother syde castynge theim­selues in a ringe stode at defence, so­denly at the cry that was made, ther came together aboute sixe thousande men. The whiche thinge Cesar hea­ring of, sent all his horsemen out of [Page] his Campe to theyr rescowe. In the meane whyle our men withstode the force of theyr enemyes feightyng ve­rye valeantlye by the space of more then fower howers: in ye which time fewe of them beinge wounded, they slew very many of them. But assone as our horsemen came within sight, our enemies casting away their weapons turned their backes and a great number of them were kylled. The next day, Cesar sent his lieuetenant T. Labienus with those Legions that he had brought ouer againe out of Brittaine, agaynste the Morynes that had made insurrection. Who hauing not any place to fly vnto for succour by reason their fennes were dryed, which kind of refuge they had vsed the yere before, came almost all in subiection to Labienus. But Q. Titurius, and. L. Cotta two other of Cesars Lieuetenantes which had led certeyne Legions against the Menapians, hauing wasted al their fiel­des, cutte downe all their corne, and burnt vp al their buildings, bycause [Page 107] the Menapians had al hid theymsel­ues in the thicke woodes, returned vnto Cesar. Cesar appointed that al his Legions should winter amonge the Belgies. Onelye two cities of Brittaine sent hostages thither, the rest refused to do it. After theis thinges were done vppon the sight of Cesars letters, the Senate proclaimed a general supplication for twentye dayes.

FINIS.

THE FYFTH BOOKE of C. Iulius Caesars Commen­taries of his warres in Gallia.

THe same yere that Lucius Domitius and Appyus Claudyus were Consulls, Ce­sar departinge frome hys winter garisons into Italye, as he was yerely wonte to do, commaunded his Lieuetenan­tes in whose charge he had lefte hys Legions, that they shoulde in the wynter season cause as manye news shippes to be buylded as they could, and the olde to be mended, declaring of what receite and fasshyon he wold haue them made. For the more spe­dye loading and vnloading of them, he made them somewhat lower than those that we are wonte to occupye in our Seas: and that so much the rather, bycause that through the often [Page 108] chaunge of the tydes, he had percey­ued that the Seas wente rougher there. For the better carying ouer of thynges of greate weight and num­bers of horses, he made theym some­what broader then those that we vse in other seas. All theis he commaun­ded to be made in such wise that they might be spedelye driuen wyth ores: whereunto their lowenesse did great­lye further. Suche thynges as were necessarye for the arming out of the shippes, he caused to be brought out of Spaine. And after that he hadde helde a parliament of the hither Ga­lia, he tooke his iourney into Illyri­cum,Now called Lumbardy. because he harde saye that the marches of the Prouince were wa­sted by rodes made by the Pirustes.Certain peo­ple of Illiricū now called Scla [...]ony. When he came thither, he comman­ded the Cityes to fynde hym men of warre, and appoynted theym a place to mete all at together. The whiche thing being blowen abroad, the Py­rustes sent ambassadours to him, de­claryng that none of those thynges had bene done by the common cōsent [Page] of their maiestrates, and that neuer­thelesse they were contente to make him amendes for the wronges that were done, at hys pleasure. Cesar accepting their profer, charged theym with hostages, and wylled theym to brynge them in by a certaine day: de­claring vnto them, that vnlesse they did so, he would persecute their City with the sworde. When the hosta­ges were brought in by the day limitted, he appointed dayesmen betwene the Cities to consyder of the matter in variance, and to [...]esse the penalty. Hauinge dispatched theis matters, and held a counsel there, he returned agayn into the hither Gallia, & from thence went to hys army. When he came thyther, as he went about all hys winter garrysons, he found that through the singuler diligence of his souldiers wanting in maner al thin­ges that should haue furthered thē, about syx hundred ships of the facion afore declared and eight and twenty o [...]her galieyes were finished, and as good as at the poynt to be set a flote [Page 109] wythin fewe dayes after. Wherfore commending his souldyers and such as had ben the ouersears of the wor­kes he told them what he wold haue done, and wylled them all to assem­ble at the hauen of Ca [...]ice: frō whēce he vnderstoode to be the handsomest passage into Britaine, as the which was not distant past a thirtye myles from that place. For yt doing hereof, he left such a number of souldiers as semed suffycient, and him selfe wyth fowre well appoynted Legions and eyght hundred horsemen, went into the country of the Treuires, bicause they neither came to the Parliamen­tes, nor did him homage, & were re­ported to rayse ye Germanes on tho­therside of the Rhine. Thys City is able to make mo horsemen than all Gallia besides, and hath also a great power of footemen, & (as we shewed hertofore) bordreth vpon the Rhine. In that Citye two were at stryfe for the souereintye, Induciomarus and Cingetorix. Of whō the one as sone as it was knowen that Cesar wolde [Page] come thyther wyth hys army, repai­red vnto hym, makyng faythful pro­myse that he & all his should become his liegemen, & cōtinue faithful frendes to ye people of Rome for euer: ad­uertising him what was done amōg the men of Triers But Inducioma­rus leuyed both horsemen and foote­mē, and bestowing saufly such as for theyr yeares were not able to beare armor, in the forest of Ardeine which from the Riuer of Rhine kepeth on styl of great wydenesse throughe the middle of the countrye of the Treui­res, vnto the entrance of the borders of Rhemes: determyned to laye for warre. Notwithstanding, after that diuers of the noble men of that coū ­trie partly moued wyth thauthority of Cingetorix, and partly afrayde at the comming of oure armye, had re­payred vnto Cesar and made sute to hym for theyr owne peculier cases, bycause they coulde not prouyde for theyr whole Countrye: Inducioma­rus fearyng least he should be aban­doned of all men, sent Ambassadors [Page 110] to Cesar: certifying him that ye cause why he woulde not depart from hys men & come vnto hym, was to then­tent he myght the eas [...]yer keepe hys country in obedience, least by the de­parture of al the noblemen, the com­mon people might for lacke of good counsel do amisse. Wherfore the Ci­tye was at his pleasure, and if Ce­sar wold geue him leaue, he woulde come to him into his Camp, & there put into hys hands both himself and hys City. Albeit that Cesar knewe welinough the very truth of the matter, what thynges feared him frō his determined purpose, yet notwitstan­dyng bicause he wold not be compel­led to spend the Sommer about the Treuires, seyng he had all thynges in a readines for his warres in Bri­tayne, he commaunded Inducioma­rus to come to him with two hūdred hostages: the whych being brought, and amōgst them hys son and al his kinsfolk, whom he had called out by name: he comforted Induciomarus and exhorted him to continue in hys [Page] allegeance. And yet neuertherles he called the noble men of Tryers vnto hym and reconciled them one by one v [...]to Cingetorix. The whych thyng partly he thought he was bounde to do of dewe deserte, and speciallye he thought it shoulde be muche for hys owne behofe, to set such a one in au­thority and estymacion in hys coun­trye, whose syngul [...]r good wyll to­wardes hym he had had tryall of be­fore, Induciomarus tooke thys mat­ter to heart, that hys owne estimaci­on should be diminished among hys countrymen, and therefore whereas he hated vs in hys hearte before, the griefe hereof made hym to hate vs much more deadly.

Cesar hauing set theis matters at a stay, came with his army to Ca­lyce. There he vnderstode howe for­ty of hys shyppes whych were made about Meawlr, could not kepe theyr course by reason of a rēpest, but were driuen backe agayne to the place frō whence they set forth. All the rest he found redye to sayle and throughlye [Page 111] furnyshed of all thynges. Thyther came the horsmen of all Gallia, to ye number of iiii. thousand, and the no­blemen of all the Cities: of whom a very few, of whose trustynes towar­des hym, he had had proofe before, he determined to leaue in Gallia, & to carye the rest wyth him for pled­ges, bicause be feared least in his ab­sence they should make any broile in Gallia. There was together wyth others, Dumnorix the Heduan of whom we haue spoken before. Him in especiallye Cesar determined to haue with him, bicause he knew him to be a man desyrous of alteration, & desirous of souereinty, of great cou­rage and of great authority amonge the Galles. Besides this, the sayde Dumnorix in an open assemblye of the Heduanes had sayde that Cesar had put the gouernment of the City into his handes: the whych woordes the Heduans tooke in great displea­sure, and yet they durst not send Ambassadors to Cesar eyther to refuse it or to entreate him to the contrarye. [Page] Thys fact Cesar learned by suche in whose houses he had lodged when he was in that countrye. At the fyrst he made verye earnest sute and entrea­tance that he might be left behind in Gallia, partlye bicause (as he alled­ged) being vnaccustomed to sayle he feared the saltwater, and partly by­cause he sayd he was letted by vow. Afterward, when he sawe that Ce­sar stode stifflye in deniall of hys re­quest, al hope of preuayling being vtterly taken away, he fell to perswa­ding with the princes of Gallia, cal­ling them backe one by one, and ex­horting thē to tary still in the maine lande, and putting them in feare it was done for some further fetch that Gallia was thus robbed of all her nobilitye at ones: for it was Cesars dryft to thys end, that whom he was ashamed to put to death in the open syght of Gallia, he myght cary them ouer into Britaine and there choppe of al theyr heads. Wherfore he plighted his faith vnto them, and demaū ­ded theim to be sworne to hym, that [Page 112] what so euer they should perceiue to befor the profyt of their coūtry, they should do it by cōmon aduice. Theis thynges were reported to Cesar by diuers persones. Whervpon Cesar, for asmuche as he made so great ac­compt of the Heduans, determyned by some meanes or other to brydle Dumnorix and to fear him from his pretensed purpose: & bycause he sawe there was no end of hys madnes, he thought it stode him in hand to fore­see that he hurted not the common weale and him. And therfore abiding there about a .xxv. dayes, bicause his sayling was hindered by the North­west wynde, whyche customablye in those coastes, bloweth at all times, he dyd hys good wyll to haue kepte Dumnorix in obedience, and yet ne­uertheles layd to know all his deui­ses and practises. At lēgth obteining a mete season, he commanded all his power both of horsmen and fotemen to go a boord. Whyle all mens min­des were busyed heraboutes, Dum­norix wyth the Heduan horsmen be­gan [Page] to depart homewarde out of the camp wythout Cesars leaue. When Cesar heard tidinges therof, staying hys vyage and setting al other thin­ges asyde, he sent a great part of his horsemen after him to pursew hym, cōmaunding to fet him backe again: and if he made any resistence, & wold not be ruled, he bade kyll him: for he thought he would not deale like an aduysed person in hys absence, that durste disobey hym in hys presence. Dumnorix being called backe made resistence and began to defende him­selfe wyth hys sword, callyng vppon his men for helpe, and crying often­times out, that he was a free man & of a free Citye. Notwythstandinge, they (as was commaunded them) be­set hym about and slew him: and so all the Heduan men of armes retur­ned vnto Cesar.

After that this matter was dis­patched, leauynge Labienus in the maine land wyth thre Legions, and twoo thousand horsmen, to kepe the hauēs and prouyde graine, & to learn [Page 113] what was done in Gallia, and to deale aduisedly as tyme and occasion should require: Cesar hymselfe with fyue Legions & like number of horsemen as he left in the mayne land, at the sunne going downe loosened frō the shore, and beinge dryuen wyth a soft Southwest wind, the which also about midnight fell, could not kepe hys course, but beyng caryed further wyth the tyde, about the dawnynge of the day beheld Britaine left a litle on the left hand. Then folowing a­gain the chaunge of the tyde, he en­deuoured by force of Ores to attaine to that part of the Ilande, where he had found to be best landing the last sommer before. Wherin the courage of our souldyers was much to be cō ­mended, in that wyth their shyps of burthen being heauy loden, through continual rowyng without ceasing, they made away as fast as the Gal­leyes. So wee arryued in Britayne wyth all our ships euen about hygh noone, neither was there any enemy sene in that place. Howbeit (as Ce­sar [Page] vnderstode afterward by hys pri­soners,) there was a great power assembled thither: the whych beyng a­bashed at the number of oure shyps, wherof together with the victailers shyppes and suche as euery man had made for hys owne occupying, were aboue eyght hundred in syght all at one tyme, withdrew them selues frō the riuage and hid them in the high­er groundes. Cesar after he had set his army a lande, and taken a place mete to encamp in, whē he had lear­ned of hys prisoners in what place the power of his enemies abode, left ten Cohortes & thre hūdred horsmen at the seas side to kepe his ships, and immediatly after the thyrde watche, marched to warde hys ennemyes, so much the lesse fearing hys shyps, bi­cause he had left them ryding at an­chor in an woosye and opē shore: and he appoynted Q. Atrius to see to the sauf keping of his ships. Himself af­ter he had gone about a twelue mi­les in the nyght time, discouered the host of his enemyes. They comming [Page 114] wt theyr horsmen & chariots to a ry­uers side, began to beat vs backe frō the hygher ground and to encounter with vs. But in the end being put to repulse by our horsmen, they hyd thē selues in the woods, where they had gotten a plot excellently wel fortifi­ed both by nature and mans hande, the which place (as it should appere) they had prepared before hande as a hold for their own ciuil warres. For by cutting downe the trees euerye where, they had foreclosed al the en­trances in: and they themselues issu­ing out of the woodes here some and there some a few in a cōpany, made defēce, and wold not suffer our men to come wythin theyr fortifications. Neuertheles the souldiers of the vii. legion making a shed and casting vp a banke to theyr fortifications, won the place, and draue theim out of the woodes, wyth the receyte of a fewe wounds. Howbeit, Cesar forbade his men to pursue them ouer farre, both bycause he knewe not the nature of the place, & also bicause the greater [Page] part of the day beyng now spent, he wold haue some time left for ye forti­fying of hys camp. The next day fo­lowing early in the morning, he sent hys horsmen & fotemen forth in thre battels, to pursue them yt were fled. They had not gone but a littel way insomuch y the hindermost were yet in fight, whē certaine horsmen came from Q. Atrius to Cesar, bringing him word that the last night there a­rose a marueylous tempest, whyche had shaken almost all hys ships and cast them a land, so that neyther an­chor nor Cable could holde, nor the shipmen & gouernors endure against the violens of the storme: by meanes of the whych beating together of his shyps, much hurt was done. When Cesar heard theis newes, he whylled hys Legions and horsmen to be cal­led back, and to cease of their iorney: and he himself returned to his ships: where he sawe as muche in manner wyth hys eyes, as was reported to him by messages and letters: so that wyth the losse of a forty shyppes, the [Page 115] rest might with much a doe be men­ded. And therefore he chose suche as were Shypwryghtes, out of his Le­gions, and cōmaunded others to bee sent for out of the mayne lande. Also he wrate vnto Labienus, that he should make as many shyppes as he could, wyth the help of those Legiōs that he had. Moreouer althoughe it were a worke of great toyle and la­bor, yet notwithstanding he thought it most for hys behoofe, to haue all hys ships drawen a land, and ioyned in one fortification with hys Camp. In doyng herof he spent ten dayes, not respityng hys souldiers frō their labour, so muche as the nyght tyme. When he had drawen hys shippes a land, & throughly fortified his camp, he left the same power to garde hys ships, that was there before, and re­turned himselfe to the place he came fro. At hys comming thither, a grea­ter power of the Britons was assembled out of all coastes into the same place. The chief gouernement of the Realme and ordering of the warres [Page] was by common aduyce commytted to Cassibelan, whose Seniorie is se­uered from the Cityes towarde the sea coast by a ryuer whyche is called Tems about fowerscore miles of frō the Sea. Thys Cassibelan in tymes past had contynuall warre wyth the Cities adioyninge: but the Britons being moued wyth our coming, had chosen him to be their souereine, and made him General of the warres.

The inner part of Britaine is inhabited of suche as by wytnesse of their auncient recordes were borne and bred in the Ile: and the sea coast by such as haue passed thither out of Belgicke to fetch bootyes & to make war: Al the whych wel nere, are cal­led by the same names that the Ci­ties are where they were borne and from whence they first came, remay­ning there styl when the warre was done, and tillinge the grounde. The country is maruelously wel repleni­shed with people, and there be verye many buildings almost like in faci­on to the buildings of Gallia. There [Page 116] is great store of cattell. The coyne that they vse, is eyther of brasse, or els ringes of iron sysed at a certayne weight in stead of money. In the in­ner partes of the Realme groweth tynne: and in the sea coast groweth yron: but hereof is small store. The brasse that they occupye is brought in from beyond the sea. There is timber of all kindes as is in Gallia sa­uing Beech and Fyrre. They think it a heinous matter to tast of a hare, and a hen, and a goose. Neuertheles they cherish theym for their mindes sake and for theyr pleasure. The aire is more tēperate in those places than in Fraunce, and the cold lesser. The Iland is in faciō threecornerd, wher­of one side is toward Fraūce. Thone corner of thys syde which is in Kent where for the most part ships ariue out of Fraunce, is toward the East: and thother nethermore is towarde the South. Thys syde conteyneth a­bout fyue hundred myles. Another side lyeth towarde Spaine & the sun going downe: on the whyche syde is [Page] Irland lesse then Britain (as is sup­posed) by thone half. But the cut be­twene theim is a lyke dystance as is the cut betwene Fraunce and Bri­taine. In the middes of this course is an Iland called Man. Also there are reported to be many mo lesse Iles a­bout Britaine: of the whyche Iles, some haue writtē that in the winter season when the daies are shortest, ye nightes are a full mooneth long to­gether. We coulde learne nothinge therof by enquiry: but we saw it try­ed bi how reglasses of water, that the nyghtes were shorter there, then in the firme lande. The length of thys side is (according to thopinion of the inhabiters) seuē hundred miles. The thyrd side is northward: and agaynst it lyeth no land: but the point of that side butteth most toward Germany. This they esteme to be eyght hūdred myles long. And so the circuit of the whole Iland is two thousand miles. Of all the inhabitantes of thys Ile the ciuilest are the Kentysh folke, the whych country marcheth altogether [Page 117] vpon the sea, and differeth not greatly from the maner of Fraūce. Those that dwell more into the heart of the Realme, for the moste part sowe no corne: but liue by mylke and flesh, & clothe themselues in leather. Al the Britons doe dye themselues wyth woade, which setteth a blewish color vppon them: and it maketh thē more terryble to beholde in battell. They weare their heare long, and shaue al partes of theyr bodyes sauing ye head and the vpper lip. They haue ten or twelue wyues a peece, common a­mong themselues, specially brothers wyth brothers, and Parentes wyth theyr children. But the issue that co­meth of them, is accompted hys that first maryed the mother whē she was a mayde.

The horsmen and wagoners of our enemyes gaue a whote skirmish to our men by the way: but yet in su­che wyse, that our men were euerye way to good for them, and draue thē into the woodes and hylles: howbeit by folowing them euergredilye we [Page] lost diuers of our company. But thei after takinge breath a whyle, when our men thought of no such thyng, as they were busy in fortifiing theyr Campe, sodeinlye burst oute of the woodes, and geuing a charge vpon them that were set to warde before our camp, fought egrely with them: insomuche that Cesar was fayne to send two Cohortes, & those the chief of twoo Legions, to the rescow: the wh [...]ch being placed but a litle waye one from another. When our men begā to be discouraged at the straūge kind of feight, brake through ye mids of oure enemies by fine force, and re­couered from thence sauf. The same day was Quintus Laberius Durus the Tribune slaine: and yet by sen­ding many Cohorts to the rescowe: our enemyes were put to the worse. In al this kind of conflict forasmuch as it was fought in the syghte of all men and in the open face of our cāp, it was perceiued that our men by reason of the weight of theyr armor, for that they could neither pursew them [Page 118] when they gaue backe, nor durst de­part from their antesignes, were not mete inough to encounter wyth such a kind of enemy: and that the men of armes could not feight, but in great peril, bicause our enemyes wold ma­ny a time and often lose grounde for the nonce, and when they had egged our men a littel from the maine bat­tel, wold leape out of theyr chariots and feight a foote, whych was an vnequall match. And they kept such an order in their feighting on horsback, that whither our men fled or chaced, they were alwayes in lyke daunger. For they neuer fought in great companyes together, but scatterynge a great way of one from another, and had stales lying in diuers places one to serue anothers turne, and freshe & lusty men came alwaies in ye roumes of such as were weary.

The next day the enemies stood aloofe in the hils far from our camp: and shewed themselues here a fewe and there a few, and began to assaile our horsmen more faintly than they [Page] had done the daye before. But about midday, when Cesar had sent forth a Lieutenant of his called Caius Trebonius wyth three Legions, and all his men of armes for forrage, sodēly they came flying vpon the forragers on all sides, in suche sorte that they wold not from our Legions and our Antesignes. Howbeit our men layde so sore to their charge that they put them to the foile, and neuer left pur­sewyng them, vntyll suche tyme as our horsemen taking courage vppon the ayde when they saw the fotemen at hande behind them, draue their e­nemyes headlong, and slew a greate number of them, geuing them no respit either to gather themselues toge­ther, or to stay any where, or to leap out of their Chariots. Immediatlye vpon this discomfiture, such as were assembled from al quarters to ayd in this war, departed: neyther did oure enemyes at any time after that, en­counter wyth vs wyth theyr whole power. Cesar hauing knowledge of theyr entent, marched wyth hys ar­my [Page 119] to the Tems, into the Seniory of Cassibelan. This riuer can be passed but only in one place a fote and that very hardly. When he came thither, he saw a great power of hys enemy­es in battell raye on thother syde of the riuer. Nowe was the banke stic­ked ful of stakes sharpned at the fore end, and lykewyse other stakes of the same making were driuē in the channell and hidden wyth the water. Ce­sar hauing vnderstanding hereof by hys prysoners and runawayes, sent in his horsmen before, and commaū ­ded his footemen to folow immediatly after them. But our souldiers wēt with such spede and force hauing no more than only their heades aboue ye water, that the enemy being not a­ble to withstand the violence of oure fotemen and men of armes, forsooke the bankes and toke them to flyght. Cassibelan (as is aboue mencioned) dispairyng of hys good successe by feighting in playn battel, sent away all his greater powers, and kepinge styll a fower thousande wagoners, [Page] watched whiche waye we went, and drew somwhat aside out of the way, hiding him selfe in combersome and woodye places: and where so euer he knew our men shuld march, he draue bothe cattell and people from thence in to the woods. And when our hors­men raunged any thing frely abrode into the fields for forrage or to harry the countrye, he sent hys wagoners by all wayes and pathes out of the woodes vpon our men of armes and encountred with them to their great preiudice: through the feare whereof he kept theym short from raunging at their pleasure. So the matter was brought to thys passe, that Cesar wold not suffer his horsmen to stray any farnesse from his maine battell of fotemen, & aduentured no further to anoy his enemies in wasting their fieldes, & burning their houses, than he was able to compasse by the tra­uell of his footemen as they were a­ble to iorney.

In the meane whyle, the Tri­nobantes, which is ye strongest City [Page 120] well nere of all those countries, (out of the which City a yong gentilman called Mandubrace vpon confidence of Cesars help coming vnto him in­to the maine land of Gallia, had sca­ped death by flyght which he should haue suffred at Cassibelans hand, as his father Imanuence had done, who had reigned in that Citye) sent Am­bassadours to Cesar, promysing to yeld vnto hym and to do as he shuld cōmaund them: and they desired him to defende Mandubrace from the ti­ranny of Cassibelan, and to send him into the City, to take the gouerment and souereinty therof vpon him. Ce­sar sessed them at forty hostages, and besides that, to finde grayne for his army: and he sent Mandubrace vnto them. They executed hys commaun­dement out of hande, and sente hym both his ful number of hostages, and also grayn for his army. When Ce­sar had defended the Trinobantes, and saued them harmelesse from hys souldiers, the * Cenimagues, * Se­gontians, * Aucalits, * Bibrokes, & [Page] * Cassians sending Ambassadors to Cesar yelded them selues vnto him. By them he learned that not far frō ye same place was Cassibelans town fortified with woodes & marisgroun­des: into the whiche was gathered a great nūber of men and cattel. Now the Britons call it a Towne, when thei haue fortified a cōbersome wood with a dich and a Rampyre: and thi­ther they resort to eschew the inuasi­ons of theyr enemies. To this place marched Cesar with his Legions, he found it excellētly wel fortified both of nature and by mans deuise. Ne­uertheles he entēded to geue assault vnto it in two places at ones. Oure ennemyes after they had taryed a while, beinge not able to endure the force of our men, fled out at another part of the town. A great number of cartell was found there, and manye being taken in the chace, were slain.

While theis things were a do­ing in theis quarters, Cassibelan sēt messengers into Kent, (whyche wee shewed before to lye vpon the sea, in [Page 121] the which coūtry were fower kings, Cingetorix, Caruill, Taximagull, and Segonax) commaunding theim to raise al ye power they could make, and sodenly to set vppon and assault our camp by the seas side. Assone as they came to our camp our men breakyng out vpō them slew a great sort of them, and taking Cingetorix their noble Capteine, prisoner, conueyed themselues backe agayne in saufty. When Cassibelan heard of thys battell, for as muche as he had taken so many losses, and had had his coūtry wasted, but chieflye moued wyth the rebellion of the Cities, sent Ambas­sadors by Comius of Arras to Cesar to entreate with him of submission. Cesar in asmuch as he had determy­ned to passe the wynter in the firme land bicause of ye sodein commotions in Gallia, and for that there remay­ned not much of the sōmer, the whi­the he perceyued, might easly be trif­led out by his enemies: commaunded to send hym hostages, and sessed the Realme of Britaine, at a yerely try­bute [Page] to be paid to ye people of Rome: geuing streight charge and cōmaun­dement to Cassibelan, that he did no displeasure to Mandubrace nor to ye Trinovants. Assone as he had recei­ued the hostages, he conueyed his ar­my agayn to the sea, where he found his ships repayred. When he had set them a flote agayne, for asmuche as he had a greate number of prisoners and many of his ships were perished bi tēpest, he determined to ferry ouer hys army at two conueyes. And so it chaunced that of so great a fleete, at so many viages, neyther thys yeare nor the yeare before there was not any one ship missing that caried ouer our souldiers: but of those that shuld haue bene sent backe agayne empty from the maine land when they had set the souldiers of the first conuey a shore, & of those that Labienus rau­sed afterwarde to bee made, whyche were to the number of threescore, ve­ry few could attain to the place, and all the rest were cast back. The whi­che when Cesar had a whyle taryed [Page 122] for in vayn, least through the season of the yeare he myght be disapointed of sayling, bycause the Equinoctiall was at hand, he was fayne to packe vp his souldiers in lesse roume closer together. And so taking thoportuni­ty of a verye calme weather that en­sewed, he launched foorth in the be­gynning of the second watch, and by the breake of the daye came saufe to land wyth al hys whole fleete.

When he had drawen his ships into harbrough and held a counsel of the Galles at Amiens o [...] Saint Quintins. Samarobrina, foras­muche as that yeare there was some dearth of corn in Gallia by reason of the drowght, he was compelled to place his army in garison otherwise than he had done the yeres before: & to disperse hys Legions into mo Ci­ties. Of the which he committed one Legion to his Lieuetenaunt Caius Fabius to be led amōg the Morines: another to Q. Cicero to be conueyed to the Neruians: the third to L. Roscius, to be conducted to ye Essuans: ye fowrth he bade shuld winter among [Page] the men of Rhemes wt T. Labienus in the marches of Triers. Three he placed in Belgicke, and appoynted Lieuetenants of them his Threaso­rer. M. Crassus, and Lu. Munatius Plaucus, and C. Trebonius: he sent one legion which he had last of al le­uyed beyonde the Riuer Po, and fiue Cohorts among the Eburones, the greatest part of whose country is be­twene the Maze and the Rhine, and were vnder the dominion of Ambio­rix and Cativulcus: ye charge of these souldiers he commytted to his Lieuetenants Q. Titurius Sabinus, & L. Aurūculei [...]s Cotta. By distributing his Legions in this wise, he thought he myght make best shift wt the scarsenes of corn. And yet the garrisons of al these legiōs, sauing of that whych he gaue vnto L. Roscius to be led in to the most quiet and peaceable part of al, were conteyned within ye space of one hundred miles. In the meane season vntil he knew that his Legi­ons were settled and their garrisons fortified, he determined to abyde in [Page 123] Gallia.

There was among the Carunts a man of great birth called Tasgeti­us, whose auncestours had reigned in that City. Unto thys man for his singuler prowesse and good wyll to­wardes hym, forasmuch as he hadde done hym very good seruice in al his warres, had Cesar restored ye roume of hys auncestors. Now at thys time in the third yere of hys reigne his e­nemyes ayded by many of the Citye slew him openly: the whyche thynge was complained of to Cesar. He fea­ryng in asmuche as the matter tou­chyng many men, least the Citye by theyr compulsion should rebel, com­maunded Lucius Plaucus to depart wyth all spede wyth one Legion out of Belgicke to the Caruntes, and to lye in garrison there all the winter tyme: and to apprehende suche as he knew were accessary to the murther of Tasgetius & to send them to him. In the meane tyme he was certyfied from all his Lieuetenants & Threa­sorours to whom he had committed [Page] the charge of hys Legions, that they were settled in garrison & theyr gar­risons fortified.

About a fiftene dayes after they were settled in garrison, there was begon a sodein vprore and rebellion by the meanes of Ambiorix and Ca­tivulcus: who at suche tyme as they had bene prest to entertain Sabinus and Cotta at the marches of theyr kingdome, and had brought thē corn to the place where they lay in garri­son: moued thereunto by the messen­gers of Induciomarus of Triers, raysed theyr people, and sodenly sur­prising those that were sent abroade for wood, came wyth a great power to assault our Camp. But when our men had taken them quickly to their weapons, and gotten vp vppon the Rampier, and had by sēding out the Spanish horsmen on thone side, ouer matched thē in skirmishing on hors­backe, oure ennemies dispayring in theyr successe, wythdrew theyr men from thassault. Then after their ma­ner they cried out vnto vs, that some [Page 124] of our company should come & speak with them for they saide they had to commune with vs in matters concernyng the state, wherby they hoped al controuersie might be decided. Here­vpon were sent vnto theym to talke wt them Caius Carpineius a knight of Rome one of Titurius familier frends, & one Q. Iunius a Spaniard who dyuers tymes before was wont at Cesars commandement to resort to Ambiorix: before whom Ambiorix spake in thys wyse.

That he confessed himself great­lye in det to Cesar for hys benefites towards him, in that by his meanes he was discharged of the pensiō that he payed to the Aduatickes hys next neyghbors, and for that his own son and hys brothers sonne whome the Aduatickes vnder the name of hostages had held in bondage and cast in­to prison, were by Cesar released & sent home agayn: And that touching thassault of their campe, he had done nothyng of his owne head or volun­tary wyll, but by compulsion of hys [Page] Citie: amonge whome hys state was such, that the people had as much authority ouer him, as he had ouer the people: who were enforced to thys war vppon thys occasion, by reason they were not able to wythstand the sodayne insurrection of the Galles: wherof hys humblenesse myght be a suffycyent proofe. For he was not so foolyshe to thynke that he wyth hys power were able to ouercome ye peo­ple of Rome: but it was the purpose of all the Galles to doe that whyche was done, and thys was the day ap­poynted to assault all Cesars garri­sons at ones, to thentent one legion shoulde not succour another: Galles could not lightly deny the request of Galles, specially seing the deuice se­med to tend to the recoueryng of the liberty of all Gallia: whō forasmuch as he had satisfied for the natural af­fection he was bounde to owe to hys country, he now had also considera­tion of hys dewty, and for the bene­fites of Cesar, admonished theym, and prayed Titurius for the mutual [Page 125] enterteinment that had ben betwixt them, that he wold loke to the sauf­gard of himself and of his souldiers. A great number of hyred Souldiers of the Germanes were passed the Rhyne alreadye, and would be there within two days after: wherfore ad­uise thēselues whether they thought it good or no to departe wyth their souldiers out of theyr wintring pla­ces eyther to Cicero or to Labienus, of whom thene was not past a fiftye myles of & thother a littell further, before the next borderers perceyued it: he promysed them thus much, and assured them thereof by othe, that he wold geue them fre passage through hys coūtry: in doing wherof he shuld both do a pleasure to his countrye in disburdening it of garrisons, and re­quite Cesar for hys desertes.

Assoone as thys Oration was ended, Ambiorix departed: And Car­peneius and Iunius reported to the Lieuetenants what they had heard: who being very sore moued at the so­deynnesse of the matter, althoughe [Page] those thynges were spoken by the e­nemy: yet they thought thē not mete to be passed ouer lightly. But speci­ally it moued thē, for that it was not in maner to be beleued that the city of ye Eburones being base & of no re­putaciō, durst wilfully without assi­stence make war agaynst the people of Rome. And therfore they propounded the matter in coūsel, where was much debating of it to & fro. L. Au­runculeius & most of the Tribunes and Capteines of the chyef bandes, thought it was not mete to attempt any thing rashlye, nor to depart out of theyr garrisons wythout expresse commaundement from Cesar: decla­ring that they were able to withstād neuer so great a power, yea euen of the Germanes, hauyng theyr winte­ryng places fortified: an euidēt profe wherof was, that they had valeantly wythstode the first push of theyr ene­myes, putting them to many foyles, and they wanted no victuals: In the meane whyle succor wold come oute of the next garrisons and from Ce­sar: [Page 126] and in conclusion what greater poynt of lyghtnesse or what greater shame coulde there be, than in suche wyse to bryng theyr chief matters in question, vpon the motion of the e­nemye.

Titurius earnestly replyed here­vnto, that it should be to late for thē to do so, when a greater power of e­nemyes accompanied with the Ger­manes were assembled agaynst thē, or when any displeasure was taken in the next garrysons. The tyme of consultacion was short, & he thought that Cesar was gone into Italy: for otherwyse he thought that neither ye Caruntes wolde haue conspyred the death of Tasgetius, nor yet that the Eburones (if he were in the country) wolde haue come so proudlye to oure Camp: As for hys owne part he had not eye to his enemies saying, but to ye thing it selfe: for the Rhine was at hand and he knew wel that the Ger­manes were greatlye grieued wyth the death of Ariouistus and our for­mer victories: besides that ye Galles [Page] freted inwardly to be brought in subiection of the Romane Empyre with so many reproches and displeasures as they had receiued, and to haue the renowm of their former chiualry de­faced: finally who could think ye Am­biorix would haue enterprised such a matter withoute assured hope? But howsoeuer the world should fal out, he was sure his opinion could bring no harme. For if there were no euyl meant toward thē, they might with out perill go to the next legion: or yf all Gallia conspired wyth the Ger­manes, then was there no waye to saue themselues but only in making away wyth spede. As for the counsel of Cotta and such as were of contra­ry opinion, to what purpose was it? through the which, if not present pe­ryll, yet assuredlye famin was to be feared by long siege.

When thys disputacion was had on both partes, and that Cotta & the capteines of the chief bandes re­sisted earnestlye, do as ye lyst if you nedes wyll (ꝙ Sabinus): & that was [Page 127] sayd wyth a lowd voice, that a great sort of the souldiers myght wel hear hym: for I am not he that most fea­reth the perill of death among you. Theis shalbe wyse: and if any thing chaunce amysse, they shall aske ac­compt at thy hand, in as muche as if thou woldest let them, ioyning them selues with the next garrisons wyth in a daye or two at the furthest, they myght ioyntly together with theym sustayne what soeuer the fortune of battel should lay vpon them: and not peryshe by famine and swoorde lyke people cast of and banished from the rest of theyr companye. After theis wordes there was rising on all han­des: and holde was layd vpon them both, entreatāce was made that they wold not throughe theyr wilful dys­sention, cast all into vtter daunger. It made no matter whether they went foorth, or whether they taryed still, so they were al of one mind and opinion: but on the contrary part in disagreeing was no likelyhod of wel doing. The matter through disputa­cion [Page] was prolonged vntil midnight: at the lēgth Cotta being persuaded, yelded to Sabinus, and therupō the sentence of Sabinus taking place, it was proclaymed that they should set forth by the break of day. The rest of ye night was consumed in watching, euery Souldyer loking about what he had to carry with him, and what he should be constreyned to leaue be­hind him of such furniture as he had prepared for winter. Al things were deuysed in suche sorte as that they could not tary wythout peryll, and that the daunger might be augmen­ted by werying of the souldiers with watching. Assone as daylight appe­red, they set foorth of their camp like men fully perswaded that the coun­sell had bene geuen them, not by Ambiorix their enemy, but by some spe­cial frend of theyrs, in as slight aray as could be, and with as much bag­gage as they were able to cary. Our enemyes vnderstanding of theyr ior­ney by theyr noyse in the night and their watching, layd a bushment in [Page 128] twoo seuerall places of aduauntage secretly in the woodes about a twoo myles of, and there awayted the cō ­ming of ye Romanes. Assone as part of our army was entred into a great valley, sodenly they shewed themsel­ues on both sides the valley, and be­gan to assayle the hindermost of vs, and to keepe the formost from rysing vp the hyl agayne, and to encounter wyth vs in a place of the most disad­uauntage that could be for vs. Then Liturius, as he that had laid for no­thing before, trembled and ran vp & downe to set his men in order: but it was so fearfully and after such a fa­cion, as if he [...]ad bene at hys wyttes end: the whiche thing is commonlye wont to happen vnto such, as are cō ­pelled to take counsell when ye thing should be presently executed.

But Cotta, who seemed to haue forsene that these things might come to passe by the way, and for the same cause wold not be author of the ior­ney, was not to seke in anye thynge that was for the saufrye of them all. [Page] For both in calling vpon the souldi­ers and in encouraging them he exe­cuted the office of a Graundcaptein: and in feightinge he performed the dewty of a souldier. And forasmuche as by reason of the length of their a­ray, he was not able in his own person to see al things done, and to forecast what was to be performed euery where, he caused it to be proclaymed that they shoulde forsake theyr bag­gage, and cast them selues in a ring. The which counsell although in su­che a case it be not worthy to be re­proued: yet it fel out ilfauoredly. For it both abated the courage of our mē. and made oure enemyes more chier­full to feight, by reasō it might seme that that thing was not done but v­pon great feare and vtter dispayre. Moreouer it happened (as it must ne­des come to passe,) that the souldiers commonly went from theyr antesig­nes, and ran to catch and snatch frō among the cariages, such thyngs as euery of them did set most store by, so that there was nothinge but crying [Page 129] and wepynge. But the barbarous Galles were not to learne howe to demeane themselues. For theyr cap­teines caused it to bee proclaymed through all the fielde, that no man shuld styrre out of his place: the pray was theirs, & all that the Romanes had, was reserued for them, and therfore get the victory and al was their owne. Our men were equal to them both in number and prowesse: and albeit they were destitute both of good captein and of good fortune, yet they reposed all hope of welfare in theyr manhod: and as often as any Cohort issued out, a great slaughter of ene­myes was made on that side. The whych thing when Ambiorix percei­ued, he caused it to be cryed, that his men should throw Dartes a far of, & not encoūter at hand: and what way so euer the Romanes preased vpon thē, to geue way, for that by meanes of ye lightnes of theyr harnes & their dayly exercise, the Romanes coulde do them no harme: and to pursew thē when they retired again to theyr stā ­derdes. [Page] The whyche precept was so diligently obserued by them, that as often as anye Cohort of ours brake out of the ryng, & charged vpon thē, our ennemyes flew backe as fast as they could. In the mean whyle there was no shyfte but that part must be made naked and open to receyue the Dartes that were sent. Again assone as they began to retyre to the place they came fro, they were enclosed both by theym that had geuen place vnto them, and by them that waited at hand vpon them. And if thei went about to kepe theyr ground, neyther coulde theyr manhode auayle them, neyther could they standing so thyck together, auoyd the Darts that such a multitude did cast at them. And yet being afflicted with so many incom­modities at ones, & being sore wounded, they stood stil at defence: & when a great parte of the daye was spent, wheras they fought from the breake of day vnto eyght of the clocke, they committed not any thing that might seme vncomlye for them to do. Then [Page 130] T. Balbuentius who the yeare be­fore had had the leding of one of the chyef bandes, a valeaunt personage and of great authoritie, was thrust throughe bothe the thyghes wyth a Iaueling. Q. Lucanius of the same degree, feighiing manfullye, as he was rescowing his son that was be­set with enemies, was likewise slain Lucius Cotta one of the Lieuete­nantes, as he was encoraging al the Cohorts rank by rank, was woun­ded full in the mouth wyth a slyng. O. Tituriꝰ being moued with theis thinges, when he had espied Ambio­rix a far of encoraging his men, sent hys interpreter C. Pompeius vnto him, to desier him that he wold spare him and his souldiers. Ambiorix be­ing spoken vnto, made answere, that if he were desirous to common wyth him, he shuld haue good leaue: for he hoped he shoulde be able to wey so much with his people, as to saue his souldiers, and as for hymselfe, shuld haue no harme at all: for thassurance wherof he gaue him his faith. Titu­rius [Page] communicated the matter wyth Cotta, who was wounded, that if he thought it good they might depart out of the battel, and iointly go talk with Ambiorix: for he was in hope to entreate hym for the saufgard of thē selues & of their souldiers. Cotta said plainly he wold not go to hys armed enemy, and stood styfflye vppon that point. Sabinus commaunded suche of ye Tribunes as he had about him at that presēt, and the peticapteines of the chyef bandes, to wayte vppon him. And when he came nere to Am­biorix, being willed to put of hys ar­mor he did so, and commaunded hys men to do in likewise. In the meane tyme, while they debated among thē selues, as concerning the cōdicions, & that Ambiorix for the nones made a long protestacion, he was by littel and littell enclosed about and slaine. Than accordinge to theyr custome, they cryed victory, and made a great shout, and therwyth geuing a freshe charge vpon our men, brake oure a­ray. There Lucius Cotta feighting [Page 131] valiantly was slayne, and the moste part of his souldiers with him. The remnant retyred into theyr camp frō whence they came. Of whom L. Pe­trosidius, the chiefe standerdbearer, when he sawe himselfe ouercharged wyth the multitude of his enemyes, threw the standerde into the trench, and feighting right valiantly with­out the Campe, there was slaine. The others with much a do endured thassault vntil nyght: & in the night time being in dispaire of all succour, they slew themselues euerychone. A few that escaped fro the battel, came by vnknowen wayes throughe the woodes, to Tit. Labienus where he wintred, and certified him howe all things had falne out. Ambiorix be­ing puffed vp with this victorye, im­mediatly with his horsemen set forth towarde the Aduatickes, who were borderers vpon hys kingdome, & ne­uer rested iorneying day nor night, commaunding his fotemen to folow after as fast as they could. When he had opened the matter, & styrred the [Page] Aduatikes, ye next day after he came among the Neruians, and exhorted them that they shuld not let slip this occasion of setting themselues at ly­berty for euer, and of reuenging thē vpon the Romanes for the wronges they had taken at their handes. He told them that twoo of theyr Lieue­tenants were slayn, and a great part of their army brought to nought, af­firminge that it were no matter at al to come sodenly vpon the Legion that wintred wyth Cicero, & to put them all to the sword, for the perfor­mance wherof he profered himself to be their helper. With this oracion, he easlye persuaded the Neruians. Whervpon immediatly dispatching messengers to the Centrones, Gru­dies, Leuakes, Plewmosians & Gor­dunes, (all ye which were vnder their dominion) they raised as great a po­wer as they coulde, and vpon the so­dein came spedely to the place where Cicero wintred, before that any ink­linge of the death of Titurius was brought vnto hym. It happened vn­to [Page 132] hym also (as it cannot otherwyse be) that many of his souldiers which were gone abrode into the woods to fetch fewel & timber, were cut short by the sodeyne approche of the enne­myes horsmen. Theis being entrap­ped, the Eburones, Neruians, and Aduatikes, with the cōfederates and clients of them all, began to assault the Legiō wyth a great power. Our men toke them quickly to theyr weapons, and gate them vpon the Ram­pier. With much a do they helde out that day, bicause their ennemies put all theyr hope in speede, and if they myght get thys victory, they beleued they shuld be superiours euer after: By and by Cicero dispatched letters to Cesar, promising great rewardes if any wold cōuey them to him. But al the waies were so forlaid, that the messengers were taken. Ye wyll not think what spede & diligēce was vsed in ye camp: for of that stuffe y had ben conueied thither for ye fortifiing of it, were raised in ye night time about .cxx Towres, and whatsoeuer wāted els [Page] of the worke was finished. Our ene­myes the next daye assembling a far greater power, assaulted oure camp agein, and filled vp the dich: and our men made resistence in like sorte as they had done ye day before. The like was done diuers dayes after: no part of the nyght season was discontynu­ed from labour: not the sicke, no nor the wounded hadde any time to rest. Whatsoeuer was nedefull to ye next days assault, was euer laid for & pro­uided in a redines the night before. A great sort of stakes hardned in ye fier, a great nūber of Pikes for defence of ye wal, were new made: towres were plauncherd, & battlements and port­colyses of timber set vp. Cicero him­selfe being a man very sickly, tooke not so much leysure to rest hymselfe as the nyght time: insomuch that his souldiers of theyr owne accord, were faine in maner to compel him by en­treatance to spare himselfe. Thē the Captaynes and noble men of the Neruians, whych had any entrance of communycation and cause of ac­quain­tance [Page 133] with Cicero, bare him in hand that they were desirous to speake wyth him▪ Hauing leaue to doe so, they declared the same thinges, that Ambiorix had talked of wyth Tytu­rius. That is to say: how all Gallia was in armes, howe the Germanes were passed the Rhine, and how Ce­sar and the rest of the Romanes wer beseged in theyr wintering places: making report moreouer of ye death of Sabinus. And for the more credit, they shewed them Ambiorix. They sayde they were in a wrong box, yf they loked for any help at the hands of them, whyche were in hazard and not able to help themselues. Neuer­thelesse that they were so well myn­ded toward Cicero and the people of Rome, that they woulde refuse no­thīg saue only their wintring amōg them, the whych custome they wold be loth should be continued. It shuld be lawfull for them wythout any let on their behalfe to depart in sauftye out of theyr wyntering places, and to go into what quarters they wold [Page] wythout feare. Cicero made none o­ther aunswer herevnto but thys on­ly, that it was not the custome of the people of Rome, to take any articles at theyr armed enemyes hand: but if they wold lay down their weapons, and vse hys helpe in the matter, and send cōmissioners vnto Cesar, there was good hope (considering his vp­rightnes) that they shoulde obtayne theyr requests at his hand. The Neruians disapointed of this their hope, enclosed the place where ye Romanes wyntred, wyth a Rampier of .xi. fote and a dich of xv. fote. Theis things they had learned of vs: partly by be­ing conuersant amonge vs certaine yeares before, and partly by the in­structiōs of certain of our army, whō they had taken prisoners. Neuerthe­lesse forasmuch as they had not suffi­cient Iron toles necessary for the cō ­passing of ye matter, they were driue to cut vp turfes with theyr swords, & to scrape vp the earth with their hā ­des, & to cary it away in their clokes. Whereby is geuen to vnderstande, [Page 134] what a multitude of men were of them. For in lesse than thre howres, they finished a fortificatiō of xv. foote ten myles compasse. The rest of the dayes folowinge, they began to pre­pare and make Towres of ye heighth of the Rampier, and hokes & vaultes of boordes as theyr sayde prysoners had taught them: The seuenth daye of this siege being a very windy day▪ They begā to cast balles of wyldfier out of slings, and burning darts vp­pon our cabanes, which were coue­red with thatche after the facion of Gallia. Theis cabanes tooke fier lightly, the whych by violence of the wind was carryed ouer al the camp. Our enemyes ensuing with a great noyse, as if ye victory had bene theirs out of all crye, began to driue theyr Towres and engines forward, and to scale the Rampier wyth ladders. But the valiantnesse and courage of our souldiers was suche, that when the fier rounde about them scorched them, and that the multitude of ar­tillery ouerwhelmed them, and that [Page] they sawe all their baggage yea and all theyr substāce burned before their faces, yet there was not anye man that sloonke away to saue himselfe, no nor scarce any that looked backe: but euery man most valiantlye and courageously entended to their feighting. Thys was the sorest daye that our men endured, howbeit this was the end therof, that ye same day were the greatest number of our enemies wounded and slaine, as they had clu­stred and thronged themselues vnder the Rampier, in suche sorte that the formest could not retyre for thē that were behind. Nowe when the flame began a litle to fal, and that in a cer­teine place, a towre of our enemyes was brought so nigh ye it touched the Uamure, the Capteines of the thyrd Cohort, drew backe out of the place where they stode, & remouing theyr souldiers, began with signes & voice to cal the enemy in, if he wold aduē ­ture: but there was none of thē that durst approche. Then were they on all sides dystroubled with casting of [Page 135] stones, and the Towre was set on fier. There were in that Legion two Centurions valiaunt Gentelmen, which at that time approched to the forefront of the battel, whose names were Titus Pulfio, & L. Varenus, Theis twayne were at continual debate a­mong them selues, whyche of them should be preferred before other, and at all times striued wyth great con­tencion and hartburning whyche of them should be placed hyghest. Now at suche time as thencounter was sharpest about their fort, Pulfio said to Uarenus: Uarenus what stickest thou? or what other place doest thou loke for, for the trial of thy manhod? this day shal decide our cōtrouersies. When he had spoken theis wordes, he proceded out of the fortifications, & where he saw his enemye thickest, he ran fiersly vpon them. Then could not Uarenus hold himselfe wythin the trenche, for feare least all men shoulde speake shame of him, and so he folowed hym. Pulfio leauing a meane space betwene hym and hys [Page] enemies, threw a dart among them, and strake one of them throughe as he was coming out of the battell a­gaynst hym. His companions seing him dead of the stripe, did couer him wyth their shieldes, and threw darts on al sides at Pulfio, geuing him no respit to retire backe. Pulfios target was stricken through, and the Dart stacke fast in his sword gyrdel. This chaunce turned aside hys scabberde, and so troubled his ryght hand that he could not redily draw his sword, and his enemies beset him about as he was thus entangled. That seing his ennemye Uarenus, succored hym and relieued him in daunger of hys lyfe. Immediatly all the preace tur­ned themselues from Pulfio to him, bicause thei thought that Pulfio had ben striken through wyth the Dart. Uarenus drew hys sword and came to hand strokes, where, hauing slain one, he put the rest somwhat backe. As he folowed ouer gredely vppon them, he slyded into a lowe plot and fell downe. Then Pulfio rescowed [Page 136] him again being enclosed: & so bothe of them in saufgard, hauinge slaine many of their enemies, retyred with great prayse into their camp. Thus fortune tossed them both, as well in contention as also in encounter, that eyther of them being enemies should neuertheles help to saue the others lyfe, in suche sort that it was not to be iudged, whych of them was to be preferred before thother. The gre­uouser and sharper that the assaulte daily was, (inespecially forasmuche as a greate number of hys Souldy­ers beinge eyther deade or maymed wyth woundes, the matter was dri­uen to so hard a point, that fewe re­mayned able to make defence,) so much the oftner were letters & mes­sengers dispatched toward Cesar: of whom some beyng taken by the ene­my, were put to death with tormen­tes euen in the sight of our souldiers There was wythin a Neruian cal­led Uertico, borne of a worshippeful stocke, who at the first beginning of the siege had fled to Cicero, and had [Page] serued him very faithfully. This mā persuaded a slaue of his with hope of liberty and great rewardes, to con­uey letters to Cesar. The fellow ha­uing them closed in a Iaueling, wēt hys way wyth them, and bicause he was a Galle, he was conuersant a­mong the Galles without suspiciō, and so escaped vnto Cesar. By hys meanes vnderstandinge was geuen of the peryll that Cicero and his Le­gion were in. Cesar vpon the receit of the letters, whych was about .xi. of the clocke in the morning, dyspat­ched out of hand a Pursiuant to hys Threasoror Marcus Crassus, who wintered among the Bellouacanes, about. xxv. myles of from hym. He commaunded him to set forth wt his Legion at midnight, & to come vnto him in all hast. Crassus came foorth with the messenger. He sent another to his Lieuetenant C. Fabius, wyl­lyng hym to bringe his Legion into the borders of ye Atrebatiās, through which coūtry he knew that his way dyd lye. Also he wrate to Labienus, [Page 137] that (if he myght doe it without do­mage to the cōmon welth,) he shuld come with hys Legion into the coast of the Neruians. The rest of hys ar­my, forasmuch as it was somewhat further of from hym, he thought not meete to tarye for. He gathered vnto him about fowre hundred horsemen out of the next garrisōs. About three of the clocke, beinge certified of the coming of Crassus, he marched that day .xx. myles. He gaue Crassus the charge of Samarobrina, and left one Legion with him, bicause he had left there, the cariages and baggage of his army, thostages of the cityes, the publick wrightings, and al ye graine that he had prouyded to sustayne the wynter wythal. Fabius as was cō ­maunded, making no long tarience in hys iorney, met hym with hys Le­gion. Labienus hauing vnderstāding of the death of Sabinus, and the slaughter of the Cohorts, forasmuch as all the power of ye Treuires were assembled agaynst him, fearing least if he shuld in such sort haue departed [Page] out of garryson, as that he myghte seeme to be fled, he shoulde not haue bene able to sustaine the force of hys enemyes, specially whom he knewe to be puffed vp with theyr late victo­rye, wrate againe vnto Cesar, howe daungerous a matter it was to lead his Legion out of the place where he wintered: Certifiyng hym moreouer what was done among ye Eburones and declaring that all the whole po­wer of the Treuires, aswel horsmen as fotemen, had encāped themselues not passing thre myles of from hym. Cesar allowing his coūsel, although he had no mo but two Legiōs where he loked for three, yet notwythstan­dyng perceyuing there was none o­ther hope to saue al, but only by ma­king speede, came by great iorneyes into the borders of the Neruians. There he learned by hys prysoners how the world went wyth Cicero, and in howe great peryll the matter stoode. Then he persuaded one of the Gallian horsmen with great rewar­des, to conuey a letter vnto Cicero, [Page 138] the whych he wrate in greke letters, to thintent that if it shoulde happen to be takē by the way, our purposes should not be disclosed to the enemy. And if he could not come at Cicero, he aduised him to tie the letter to the thong of a Iaueling, & so to throw it into his camp. The contents of ye letter were, that he was come foorth wt hys Legions, and would be shortlye wyth him: exhorting him to perseuer in hys accustomed valiantnes. The Gall for feare of daunger, threw in the letter wyth a Dart as was com­maunded hym: The which by chaūce sticked in a towre, & for two days to­gether was not perceiued of our mē, vntil the third day y a certain Soul­dier espied it, & taking it doun caried it to Cicero. Whē he had red it ouer, he rehersed it again in the open assē ­bly of hys souldiers, to the great cō ­fort and reioycement of them all. A­non after they might se the smoke of our fiers a far of: the whiche thyng put them clerely out of doubt of the approch of our legions. The Galles [Page] hauing knowledge therof by theyr scoultes, forsoke the siege, and with al theyr power went to mete Cesar. They were to the number of three­score thousande armed men. Cicero after leaue geuen, requested of Uer­ti [...]o (whom wee spake of before) the foresayd Gall to cary letters againe vnto Cesar, warning him to be very circumspect and diligent in makyng of his iorney. He wrate in his letters howe theyr ennemies were departed from hys camp, and were bent who­ly towardes hym. Cesar receyuinge theis letters about midnight, aduer­tised his men therof, and encouraged them to thencounter. The next mor­ning by the breake of the day, he dis­lodged hys camp, and proceding the mountenance of fower miles or ther abouts, espyed a multitude of hys e­nemies on the further side of a great valley and a ryuer. It was a matter of great peryl, to encounter wyth so greate a power in a place of disad­uauntage. The whych considered, in asmuch as he knew that Cicero was [Page 139] deliuered from beseging, and that he had therefore the lesse nede to make hast, he stayed and fortified hys camp in a place of as much aduaūtage for him as he could choose. The whyche albeit it were of it self very slender, scarsly of seuen thousand men, speci­allie hauing no baggage: yet he ga­thered them as close together as he coulde in the narrowe wayes, of set purpose to bringe him selfe in most contēpt of his enemies. In the mean tyme sending out hys scoults into al parts, he serched what way he might beste take, to passe the valley. That day after certeine lyght skirmyshes betwene the horsmen at the waters side, eche part kept stil their ground: The Galles bycause they looked for a greater power whych was not yet come, & Cesar, if perchance throughe the pretence of fearfulnes, he myght allure hys enemies to aduēture ouer to hys side, to the entent to encoun­ter with them on the hyther side of the valley before his camp: Or if he coulde not bringe that to passe, than [Page] that he myght trye out the wayes wher he might with lesse peryl, passe the Ualley and the Ryuer. By the breake of the next day the horsemen of our enemyes came to our Camp, and encountred wyth our horsemen. Cesar of set purpose cōmaunded his horsmē to geue back and retire into theyr camp. Therewythall he bade that his Camp should be fortified on al sides with a higher Rampier, and the gates to be dāmed vp, & in doing therof to make hasty thronging and heauing and shoouing wyth as mu­che pretence of feare as might bee. Through all the whych thyngs the enemyes being entyced, conueyed o­uer theyr army, and put them selues in battell ray in a place of disaduan­tage. Also when they saw oure men wythdrawen from the Rāpyer, they began to approche nerer, and threw Dartes into our fortifications on all sides. Moreouer sending Heraultes about, they made proclamation, that if there were anye Gall, or any Ro­mane, that would turne to them be­twene [Page 140] that and three of the clock, he should be taken to mercy: but if they taryed after that howre, they should haue no fauor shewed them. Finally they set so light by vs, that whereas our gates were dāmed vp but with single rowes of Turfe for a showe: whiche they thought had bene done so substancially, that it had not bene possible for them to breake throughe them, some of them fel in hand with pulling downe the Rampier, & some wyth fillyng vp of the diches. Then Cesar issuing forth at all the gates, and sending out his horsemen, didde quickly put hys ennemyes to flyght, in such sort that none of them taryed to feight, of whom he killed a great number, & made all the rest to throw away theyr weapons. Notwithstan­ding he wold not pursew them ouer far, for feare of the woodes and Ma­rysses that were betwixt them, wise­ly foreseyng that it wold be greatly to hys hinderaunce, to forsake that place: and so wythout anye losse or hurt of hys men, he came the same [Page] day in saufty vnto Cicero. He won­dred to behold the Turrets, vaults, and fortifications that hys enemyes had made. And when the legion was brought forth, he foūd that the tenth souldier was not left aliue without a wound: by all the whych thynges he might easly deme, with how great peryll, and wyth how great valiant­nes thyngs had bene attempted and propulsed. Wherfore he highly com­mended Cicero and his Legion according to theyr desert, calling out such of the Centurions and Tribunes of the souldiers seuerally by name, as he had learned by the report of Cice­ro, to haue behaued themselues most valiantlye. As concerninge the mys­chaunce of Corta and Sabinus, he learned the trueth more exactlye by hys prisoners. The next day in an o­pen assembly he declareth the whole matter as it was done, and comfor­ted and encouraged his souldiers. He told them that the losse whych was rece [...]ued throughe the faulte and rashnesse of the Lieuetenant, was [Page 141] so much the lesser to bee made accōpt of, in asmuch as the displesure being by the fauor of the Goddes immortal and through theyr prowesse recoue­red, neyther theyr enemies had anye long continuance of their ioye, nor themselues long cōtinuance of their sorow. In the meane while, the men of Rhemes with incredible swiftnes caryed tydings to Labienus of Ce­sars victory, insomuch that whereas he was about threescore miles from the place where Cicero wintred, and that Cesar came thyther after the nyneth howre of the day, before the next midnyght, there arose a noyse before the gates of his camp, wherby the men of Rhemes gaue vnderstanding to Labienus of ye victory, with great reioycing for the same. When newes hereof was brought to the Treuires, Induciomarus (who was fully minded to haue assaulted La­bienus in his camp the next day,) fled away in the night, & conueyed home all his army againe. Cesar sent back Fabius wyth hys Legion into hys [Page] wintring place, and himself determined to winter about Samarobrina with thre legions in thre seueral garrisons. And forasmuch as all Gallia was in such an vprore, he determined to tary with his army al the winter. For after ye time that the displeasure which we had receiued by the death of Sabinus was blowen abrode, al­moste all the Cities of Gallia be­gan to consult of war, sending mes­ssengers and ambassadours into all partes, laying wayte to know what others purposed, and deliberatinge where it were best to begin the war. They held night counsels in places far from resort. Neither passed there anye part of al the whole winter al­most, but that Cesar was continual­ly troubled with tidings of the me­tinges, conspyracies, and insurrecti­ons of the Galles. Amōg other thin­ges he was aduertised from L. Ros­cius Thresorer of the host, whom he had made captaine of the .xiii. Legi­on, that a great power was assēbled out of the Cityes of littel Britayne [Page 142] to assaile him, and that thei were not past an eyght myles from the place where he wyntred: but as soone as they heard newes of Cesars victory, they departed in suche sorte, as that theyr departure myght seme to be a running away. But Cesar sommo­nyng before him the noble men of e­uery citie, partly by putting them in feare in declaryng that he knewe of their doings, & partly by entreating them gentlye, kept the greater part of Gallia in dew obedience & quiet­nes. Notwithstanding the Senones, whych is a citie verye stronge and of much authority among the Galles, laid wayt by commō consent to haue slayne Cauarine whom Cesar had made kyng ouer thē, whose brother Moritasgus, held the kingdome at ye coming of Cesar into Gallia, as ma­ny of his auncestors had done before. The which thing when he foreseing had fled vnto Cesar, they pursewed hym to ye vttermost borders of theyr territory, and vtterlye expulsed him both frō hys kingdome and country, [Page] and therwythall sending Ambassa­dours vnto Cesar to excuse the mat­ter, when as he commaūded al their counsell to come before him, they re­fused to obey him. So much it auay­led among those barbarous people, that there were some found, whyche durst geue thaduenture to rebel. For herevpon ensued suche an alteration of mindes throughe all Gallia, that (setting aside the Heduanes and the men of Rhemes whom Cesar had e­uer in chief estimaciō, thone for their continual faithfulnes toward ye peo­ple of Rome frō of olde time, thother for their late frendship in theis wars of Gallia) there was in maner no ci­tye, whych we had not cause to sus­pect. And I do not thynke that thys their doing is a matter so much to be wondred at, partly for manye other causes, but inespecially, considering howe great a corsye it was to theyr hartes for them which bare awaye the renowne of cheualry and feates of warre from all other nations, to haue lost so much of that theyr esty­macion, [Page 143] that they should be brought in subiection and bondage to the people of Rome, the Treuires and In­duciomarus, let passe no part of all the whole winter, wythout sending Ambassadors ouer the Rhine, styr­ring the Cities to war, and promo­sing monye, affirming that a great part of our army was slain, and that the remnant was verye small. How beit they were not able to persuade anye of the Germanes to passe the Rhine, who aunswered, that they had learned twyse alredy by expery­ence, namelye in the war of Arioui­stus, and the passynge ouer of the Teuctheres, that it was not for thē to trye the courtsye of fortune anye more. Albeit that Induciomarus were disappointed of thys hope, yet notwtstanding he nothing forslowed to muster souldiers, to train them before hand, to get horses of hys neighbors, and to allure to him with pro­mis of great rewards the outlawes & condēned persons of al Gallia. By meanes wherof he gate himself such [Page] estimacion through all Gallia, that Ambassades resorted to hym from al places, sekyng hys fauor and frend­shyp as wel in publyque affayres as pryuate matters. When he sawe such voluntary resort vnto hym, and that on thone side the Senones and Caruntes were prycked forward wt remorce of conscience for theyr hey­nous offens, and that on thotherside the Neruians and Aduatickes pre­pared war agaynst the Romanes, so that he should haue ynow that wold be glad to assyst hym of theyr owne accorde whensoeuer he began to set forward, he sommoned a counsell in armour. This is the manner of the Galles when they begin any wars, wherin by a common law, al ye yong stryplinges are wont to come toge­ther in armor: and he that commeth last of theym, is in the open syght of the rest, with all kinde of most cruell torments put to death. In thys counsell he condemned his sonne in lawe Cingetorix, a Prince of the contra­rye faction, (whom wee declared be­fore [Page 144] to haue forsakē him and yelded vnto Cesar) for a traitor, and did confiscate hys goods. When thys was done, he declared in the counsel that he was sent for by the Senones and Caruntes and diuers other cityes of Gallia. He sayd he wolde go thyther through the Countrye of the men of Rhemes and wast theyr fieldes, and ere euer he so dyd, that he wolde as­sault the Camp of Labienus: & ther­wythall he gaue commaundement what he wold haue done. Labienus forasmuch as he had encamped hym­selfe in a place bothe by nature and mannes hand very strong and defen­fible, feared not anye daunger that could happen to hym & to hys Legi­on. Neuertheles he minded not to let slyp any occasion, that might turn to hys furtherance. And therfore being enformed by Cingetorix & his alies, of the oracion that Induciomarus had in the counsell, he sent Messen­gers to the cities nere hand, & called the horsmen about hym from al par­tes, appoynting them a certayn day [Page] to mete together. In ye meane while Induciomarus wyth all hys horse­men went vp and down almost eue­ry day before hys camp, sometime to vew the situacion of the Camp, and somtyme to commune wyth them or to put them in feare, and diuers ty­mes he wold cause hys horsemen to throw theyr Dartes all at ones into the Trench. Labienus held his men styll wythin the fortification, and by all meanes he could deuise, gaue his enemyes occasion to thynke that he stoode in feare of theym: Now when Induciomarꝰ euery day more proud­ly and disdeinfully then other, came before hys Campe, Labienus one night taking in the horsemen of all the cities therabout which he had sēt for, layd so narrow watch for the ke­ping of all his mē wtihin the camp, that the matter coulde not by anye meanes be horne abrode or bee be­wrayed to the Treuires. In ye mean season Induciomarus accordinge to hys daylye custome, resorted to the Camp, and there ꝑsent a great part [Page 145] of the day. His horsmen threw theyr dartes, & wyth most spightful words prouoked our men to come foorth to feyght with them. When they sawe that our men gaue them none aun­swer, at theyr pleasure about the E­uening, they brake their aray, & de­parted wythout order. Then Labie­nus sending out sodenly al his hors­men at two gates, gaue them com­maundement and expressly charged them, that when their enemies were dyscomfited and put to flyght, (the which he foresaw wold come to passe as it did in dede) they should al set v­pon Induciomarus, and that they should not hurt anye other man, be­fore they saw hym deade, bycause he wold not that he shuld haue leysure to escape while they were occupyed about thothers. He promysed great rewards to them that slew hym, and he sent his fotemen after, to the ayd and succor of hys horsmen. Fortune fauored the deuice of the man. For inasmuch as all made assault vppon hym alone, Induciomarus was ta­ken [Page] tardie euen in the foord of the ri­uer, and there slayne, and hys heade car [...]ed into our Camp. The horsemē in theyr retire, slew as many as they coulde come by. When this thyng was ones knowen, all the hostes of the Eburones and Neruians that were assembled together, depar­ted, and so by thys meanes for a while after, Ce­sar had all Gal­lia in better quyet­nes.

FINIS.

THE SYXTH BOKE of C. Iulius Caesars Commen­taries of his warres in Gallia.

CESAR FOR MANY consideratiōs loking for a greater broile in Gal­lia, determyned to make musters by hys Lieue­tenantes M. Sillanus, C. Antistius of Rhegiū, and T. Se­stius. Moreouer he requested of Cn. Pompeius the Proconsull, that for asmuch as he abode wyth authority about the Citie for defencs of the cō ­mon weale, he should commaund to repayre to theyr standerdes, and to come vnto hym, all suche as beynge bound by othe to the Consul, he had leuyed in Callia Cisalpina. For he thought it should be greatly auayle­able herafter to make al Gallia stād in awe, if it might appeare to theym that Italy was of such power and a­bilitye, [Page] as that it could not only re­payre and amend in short space anye losse receiued by the warres, but also make it self stronger than it was be­fore. The whych thyng when Pom­pey both for the cōmon weales sake, and for frendships sake, had graūted vnto, hauing spedelye made muster by hys Capteines, and not only rai­sed but also conueyed thither as hee was, three Legions before wynter was done, and also hauing dowbled the number of those Cohortes that he had lost wt Q. Titurius, through hys celerity and power, he gaue to vnderstand what the disciplyne and ryches of the Romanes were able to doe. After that Induciomarus was slayn (as I tould ye before), the Tre­uires cōmitted the souereinty to hys next kinsmen, who ceased not to sol­licit their neighbors the Germanes, and to promis theym monye. When they could not obteine theyr purpose of theyr neyghbours, they sought to them that were further of. At the last hauing found some cityes plyable to [Page 147] theyr desyer, they bounde the one to another by othe, and wrought sure wyth hostages and mony. They en­tred society and aliance wth Ambio­rix. The whych thinges when Cesar vnderstode, and sawe moreouer that on all sides warre was rered against hym: that the Neruians, Aduatickes and Menapians, with thassistance of all the Germanes on thys syde the Rhine were in armes: that the Se­nones came not at hys commaunde­ment, but toke counsel with the Ca­runtes and other borderers agaynst hym: and that the Treuires with of­ten ambassades went about to rayse the Germanes: he thought it stode him in hand to lay for the warres be­tymes. And therfore ere wynter was fully spēt, he brought together fowre Legions that were nerest to hym, & sodenlye inuaded the borders of the Neruiās, and there before they could eyther assemble to resist hym, or flye to saue themselues▪ hauing taken a great bootye of men and cattell, the whych he gaue to his souldyers for a [Page] pray, and wasted their fieldes, he cō ­pelled them to submit themselues to hym, and to geue hym hostages. Ha­uing quicklye thus dyspatched thys busines, he conueyed hys Legions a­gayne into theyr winteryng places. In the beginning of the spring som­moning a counsell of al Gallia, whē as all thother came, sauing the Se­nones, Caruntes, and Treuires: cō ­iecturing thys to bee a beginning of war & rebelliō, to thintent he might seeme to set al other things a part, he adiourned the parlament to Lu­tetia of the Parisians: They were next neyghbors to the Senones, and had priuileged ech other in theyr ci­ties within mans remembrance: but it was thought they were no parta­kers of thys counsell. Thys matter being openlye pronounced from the bench, he went the same daye wyth hys Legions agaynst the Senones, and by great iorneyes came thither. Acco Prince of the contrarye faction hauing knowledge of his comming, commaunded the common people to [Page 148] get them into the Townes. As they wer about to do so, before they could dyspatch, tidings came that the Ro­manes were at hande, by meanes whereof constreyned of necessitye to cease from theyr enterprise, they sent messengers to Cesar to entreat with him. They made theyr accesse vnto him by the Heduanes, whose coun­trye had continued faythfull from of olde time. Cesar at the sute of the Heduanes was the wyllynger to beare wyth them, and accepted their excuse, for as muche as he thought that the sommer tyme was rather to be employed aboute the warre that was at hand, then about examinati­on of matters. And so he commaūded theym to geue him a hundred hosta­ges, the whyche he deliuered to the Heduanes to be kept. Thither also the Caruntes sent Ambassadors and hostages, vsing for theyr intercessors the men of Rhemes, vnto whō they were as it were reteyners, and they receiued like aunswer. Cesar holdeth out his parlament stil, and cōmaun­deth [Page] the cities to find hym horsmen. Hauing thus pacified thys parte of Gallia, he applyed hymselfe wholye wyth thought and mind to the wars of the Treuires and of Ambiorix. He commaunded Cauarine to accompa­ny hym with the horsmen of the Se­nones, least there shoulde ryse anye vprore in ye country, eyther throughe his irefulnes, or for malice that they bare against him. When he had set theis matters at a stay, forasmuche as he knew certainly that Ambiorix wold not encounter with him in battell, he forecast in hys minde how he might come to the knowledge of all hys other deuises. There were the Menapians bordering vppon the E­burones fensed in wyth continuall fennes & woodes round about them, who only of al the people of Gallia, had neuer sent ambassadors to Ce­sar to entreat for peace, and he was sure that Ambiorix soiorned amōgst theym. Also he had vnderstanding, that by meanes of the Treuires, he had entred in league wyth the Ger­manes. [Page 151] He thought it mete to disap­point hym of theis helpes, ere he as­sailed him by battel: lest either being brought to vtter dispayre, he myght hide himselfe among the Menapiās, or otherwyse he himselfe be compel­led to feight wyth thinhabiters on the further side of the Rhine. When he had determined vpon thys deuise, he sent all the baggage of hys army to Labienus amonge the Treuires, and bade two Legions go thyther to him. Himself wyth fiue Legions ha­uing nothing to comber thē, set for­ward agaynst the Menapiās. There hauing not raised any power bicause they trusted in the strengthe of the place, they fled into the woodes and Marysses, & conueyed al theyr goods thyther. Cesar deuyding hys armye wyth C. Fabius hys Lieuetenaunt, & Ma. Crassus hys Threasorer, and quicklye makinge bridges, assayled them on three parts at ones, and set­ting their houses and villages a fier, gate a great bootye of men and cat­tell. By meanes whereof the Mena­pians [Page] were enforced to send Ambas­sadors vnto him to entreat for peace. Receiuing theyr hostages, he threat­ned to take them for hys enemyes, if they receyued eyther Ambiorix, or hys Ambassadors wythin theyr bor­ders. When he had set these thyngs at a stay, he left Comius of Arras wt a troope of horsemen, as a Warden among the Menapians, and him self went agaynst the Treuires. Whyle Cesar was doyng theis thinges, the Treuires hauing assembled a great host of horsmen and footemen, were about to set vppon Labienus who with one Legiō had wintred in their borders. And now they were not past a two dayes iorney from him, when they vnderstoode that two Legions mo sent thither by Cesar, were come vnto hym. Wherfore encamping thē selues about xv. miles of, they deter­mined to tary for the aid of the Ger­manes. Labienus hauinge knowe­ledge what hys ennemyes purposed to do, and hoping that through their rashnes some occasion of battel wold [Page 150] be geuen, left fiue Cohorts to defend the stuffe, and setting foorth toward his enemy wyth .xxv. Cohorts and a great power of horsmen, encamped himself within a mile of him. There was betwene Labienus and hys en­nemyes a riuer wyth steepe bankes, hard to be passed. This riuer he nei­ther purposed to passe himselfe, ney­ther thought he that hys ennemies wold passe it. Euerye day they were in greater hope than other of ayde. Labienus sayd in an open assembly, that forasmuche as it was reported that ye Germanes were nere at hand, he wold not put both his own goods & the goods of hys army in hazard, and therfore wold the next morning by break of the day dislodge his cāp. Theis things were sone reported to the enemy, as it is commonlye seene that among so many Gallian horse­men as he had, nature compelleth some of them to beare fauor to theyr countrye affayres. Labienus in the night time callinge to hym the Tri­bunes and chief officers of his camp, [Page] declared vnto them what he minded to do. And to thintent the eas [...]yer to bleare hys ennemyes eyes wyth sus­piciō of fearfulnes, he bade that they should remoue wyth more noise and hurlyburly, than the custome of the Romanes was to do. By thys mea­nes, he made his remouing seme like a running away. Theis things also (as it happeneth where two armyes encampe so neere together) were by spies before daylight caried to the e­nemy. The rereward was scars out of the camp, but that the Galles en­couragyng one another, not to lette their hoped pray slyppe out of theyr handes: In asmuche as it wold be to long to waite, lingaring for the ayd of the Germanes sith the Romanes were in such a fear, and it stode not wyth their honor to be so cowardly, that wyth so greate a power as they had, they should be afrayd to assayle so small a handfull, specially beyng troubled & flying away: boldly pas­sed ouer the riuer, & in a place of dis­aduaūtage gaue vs battel. Labienus [Page 149] mistrustyng as much before, to then­tent to toll them all ouer the Riuer, kept on his way softly with like pre­tence of feare as he had vsed before. At length sending the stuffe and ca­riages somwhat before, and settyng them vpon a littel hil, ye haue (ꝙ he) my Souldiers, the occasion that ye wyshed for. Ye hold your enemy in a place vnhandsome and of disaduaū ­tage. Nowe let vs peticapteines see lyke valiantnes in you, as you haue oftentymes shewed before youre Graundcapteine: think that he were now here, and presently beheld your doyngs with his eyes. Wyth theis words he commaunded the standerd to be turned toward the enemy, and the battels to be aduaunced. And sē ­ding a few horsmen away for the de­fence of the Cariages, he placed the rest on the sides of his battels. Oure men raising a great showt, quicklye discharged theyr darts at theyr ene­myes. When contrarye to theyr ex­pectacion, our enemyes saw vs whō they beleued to haue ben fled, return [Page] vpon them with force of armes, they were not able to abide so much as ye onset, but at the fyrst meting taking themselues to their heles, fled to the next woodes: whom Labienus pur­sewyng wyth hys horsemen, slew of them a great number, and toke ma­ny mo, and wythin fewe dayes after recouered the Citye. For the Ger­manes that were comming to theyr ayde, hearyng of the discomfiture of the Treuires, retired home agayne. The kinsfolk also of Induciomarus who were thauthors of thys rebelli­on, departed out of the City, and ac­companied the Germanes. And so ye souereinty and rule of the countrye, was betaken to Lingetorix, who (as we haue declared) continued alwais faythull from the beginning. After that Cesar was come from the Me­napians among the Treuires, he determined for two causes to passe the Rhine: of the which one was bicause they had sent ayd to the Treuires a­gaynst him▪ thother was to thentent that Amb [...]orix should not haue anye [Page 152] recourse vnto them. Theis matters being determined vpon, he purposed to make a bridge a littell aboue the same place, where he had passed hys army before. When the maner how he wold haue it done was ones kno­wen and the thing set in hād wyth, hys souldiers plied the worke so ear­nestlye, that it was finished wythin few dais after. Then leauing a strōg garrison amōg the Treuires for the defence of the bridge, least they shuld make any assault vppon the sodeine, he passed ouer the rest of hys armye both horsmen and fotemen. The U­bians who before had geuen him ho­stages, and submitted themselues vnto hym, sent Ambassadors vnto hym to make their purgacion, declaryng that they had neyther sent any ayde out of theyr Citie to the Treuires, nor broken theyr allegeance in anys point: requesting and beseching hym to spare theym, and that for the ha­tred of the Germanes in generall he wold not punish thē being innocen­tes, as if they had bene offenders: If [Page] it were his pleasure to demaund any mo hostages, they were ready to de­liuer them. When Cesar had exami­ned the matter, he foūd that the aide was sent by the Sweuians. Wher­vppon when he had receyued theyr satisfaction, he enquired of the passa­ges and wayes into Sweuia. In the meane time within few dayes after, the Ubians aduertised him that all the Sweuians had assembled theyr power together into one place, and that they had sent commaundement to all nations that were vnder theyr dominion, to send them ayde of hors­men and footmen. When he knewe thys, he prouided for grayne, & chose a place mete to encamp in. He com­maunded the Ubians to wythdrawe theyr cattel out of the fieldes, and to conuey al that thei had into the tow­nes, hopynge that those barbarous and vnskylfull people, constreyned for wante of vyctualles, myght bee brought to feight to theyr own hyn­deraunce and vndoing. Moreouer he wylled them to send often spyes into [Page 153] Sweuia, & to learne what was done there among theym. They fulfilled hys commaundement, and wythin a few dayes after, brought hym word that al the Sweuians, after the time they had certayne vnderstandyng of thapproch of the Romain army, had withdrawen themselues with al the power whych they had leuyed amōg theyr confederates, to the furthest part of al theyr country: In the whi­che place was a wood of excedyng greatnes called Now called Swartswald Bacenis, the whi­che ran a great way inward, and be­yng cast of nature as a wal betwene them, kept the Cherusciens from do­yng wrong or inuading the Sweui­ans, and lykewyse the Sweuians from doyng wrong or inuading the Cherusciens: at the entrance of the whych wood, the Sweuians deter­mined to abyde the comming of the Romanes. Now forasmuch as I am come to thys place, I thynke it not amysse to entreate of the facions of Gallia and Germany, and to shewe how those Nations dyffer one from [Page] another. In Gallia, not onely in all Cityes, and in al villages, & al quar­ters, but also almost in euerye house are factions. And the heades of theis factions are they, whom they esteme worthyest to haue it: at whose arbi­trement and determination, theyr matters of greatest weight and im­portaunce, as well in counsell as o­therwise, are disposed. And this mat­ter semeth to bee so ordeined of olde time for this consyderatiō, that none of the communalty shuld want help against hys superiour. For no man wyll suffer that such as perteine to hym, should be oppressed or deluded by falsehod, if he shuld otherwise do, he were like to beare no sway amōg them. To be short thys is the maner of all Gallia. For all the Cities are deuided into two parter. When Ce­sar came fyrste into Gallia, the He­duanes were ye ringleaders of thone factiō, and the Sequanes of thother. The Sequanes being but weake of themselues, bycause that of old time ye chyef authority belōged to the He­duanes, [Page 154] & many reteiners hung vpon their sleeue, alied vnto thē Ariouistus & the Germanes, whō to theyr great losse, with large promises they allu­red vnto them. Now when they had fought many battelles luckelye, and slayne all the Nobility of the Hedu­anes, they surmounted so muche in power, that they wythdrew to them many that were alyed to the Hedu­anes, and tooke theyr noble mennes sonnes in hostage, & compelled them to sweare openlye that they shoulde take no counsell agaynst the Sequa­nes, and held in possession part of the marches which they had takē wrōg­fully, and finally obteyued the soue­reinty of al Gallia. Through which necessitye Diuitiacus being dryuen to seke help, & comming to Rome to the Senate for the same intent, re­turned home without speding of his purpose. But at the coming of Ce­sar when thinges were altered, the Heduanes had theyr hostages redeli­uered, theyr old alyes and confedera­tes restored, new brought in by Ce­sar, [Page] (bicause that they whych had en­clined to their frendship, saw theym selues to be in better case, and more vpryghtly dealt wythall,) and theyr estate enlarged in all other thynges wyth fauor and dignitye, so that the Sequanes were fayne to bisburden themselues altogether of the Soue­reintye. In their place succeded the men of Rhemes: whom forasmuche as it was perceiued to be as farre in fauor wyth Cesar as any other, they which by reason of old grudge, could by no meanes agre wt the Heduans, yelded themselues into the tuicion of the men of Rhemes, and they verye earnestly defended them, therby esta­blishing their new and sodenly got­ten souereinty. The case stode so at that time, that ye Heduanes held the chief place, and the Rhemians helde the next place of dignity vnto them. In all Gallia there be two sortes of men, that are made anye accompt of or had in any estimation. For the cō ­munalty is kept vnder in maner like slaues, and of themselues they dare [Page 155] doe nothing, neither are they taken to counsell in any matter. Manye of them when they be eyther oppressed with Det, or with the vnreasonable­nesse of taxes and tallages, or wyth wrongs done by those y are mightier than they, do yeld themselues in bō ­dage to the Noblemē. And they may lawfully deale with thē in al points, as with their slaues. But of the fore­sayd two sorts, thone are Druides, & thother are Knightes. The Druides are occupied about holy things: they haue the dooing of publicke and pri­uate sacrifices, and do interprete and discusse matters of Religion. Unto them do resort great nūbers of yong men to learne at theyr handes, and they be had in great reuerence. For they determine almost of all contro­uersies and matters in variance, as well publyque as pryuate. And if there happen anye thyng to be done amysse, if there be any murder com­mitted, if there ryse any controuer [...]y concerning inheritaunce or boundes of landes, they take the matter into [Page] theyr handes, and awarde eyther re­compence or penalties in the case. And if there be any be he priuate person or be it corporation, that wil not stand to their iudgement, they inter­dite him, which punishment among them is coūted most grieuous. They that are so interdited, are accompted in the number of wicked and vngra­cious folke: All men shonne them, al men eschew theyr company and communication: least by communicating wyth them, they should defyle them selues and receiue any harme by thē: if they demaund law, they maye not haue it: neyther may they enioy any honor. Ouer all theis Druides there is one Primate, whych hathe chyefe authoritye ouer theym. When he is dead, if there be any of the rest that excelleth in worthines, he succedeth. Or if there be many equal, he is cho­sen by voyces of the rest of the Dru­ides. And dyuers times they stryue for the souereinty by force of armes. Theis men at a certeine time of the yere, in the borders of the Caruntes [Page 156] (whose country is coūted the middel of all Gallia,) do sytte together in a place hallowed, wherunto resort frō all places, all such as haue any con­trouersies: and loke what is decreed & iudged by them, that they stand to. This order of disciplyne is thought to haue had beginning in Britaine, and from thens to haue ben brought into Gallia. And at thys daye, they that are desirous to know the thyng more exactly, do commonlye repayre thyther to learne it. The Druides customablye are exempted from the warres. Neither doe they pay taxes and tallages wyth other folke: for they are priuileged from the wars, and are free from al other burthens. Allured wyth so great rewards, ma­ny euen of their owne accorde do re­gister theym selues in the order, and diuers are sent thyther by their pa­rentes and kinsfolk. There they are reported to learne a great number of Uerses by hart. Wherfore it cōmeth to passe, that diuers contynew .xx. yeres in learning. Neyther do they [Page] thinke it lawfull to put theym in wrighting, wheras in al other thin­ges, for their accompts, as wel pub­lique as priuate, they vse the Greeke letters. This order they seeme (in myne opinion) to haue taken for two considerations. Partly bycause they will not haue their discipline publi­shed among the commō people, and partly bicause they wil not that they whych shal learne, trusting to much to their bookes, should haue the lesse regard of remembrance: for as much as it happeneth welnere to most mē, that vppon trust of the helpe of their booke, they are slacker in learning things by hart, & lesse passe to beare them in minde. Thys is one of the chiefest things that they labor moste to beate into mens heades, that the Soules dye not, but doe after death passe frome one to another: and here by they thinke men shoulde be moste stirred vnto vertue, when the feare of death is not accompted vpon. Al­so they dispute manie other thinges: as of the starres, & of their mouing: [Page 157] of the bignesse of the worlde and the earth: of the nature of thyngs: of the strength and power of the Goddes immortall: and doe teache them to yowgeth. The other sorte is of knighthod. Theis when nede is, and when any war chaunceth, (which before the comming of Cesar chaunced almost euery yere, eyther vpon occa­sion of wrong done by them vnto o­ther, or to withstand other that wold do them wrong) they geue thēselues all to feates of armes, and amonge them as any man is of greatest birth & abilitie, so hath he about hym most seruauntes and reteyners. And thys is thonly grace and power that they knowe. All the whole Nation of the Galles is very sore addicted to Reli­gion: and therfore they that are dys­eased wyth grieuous maladies, and they that are in perill or in battel, do eyther offer or vowe to offer men in sacrifice, and do vse the Druides as ministers in such kind of sacryfyces: bycause they thynke that onlesse one mans life be payde for the lyfe of an [Page] other, the wrath of the Gods immor­tall cannot be appeased. And of theis kinds of sacryfices, they haue certein solemne rites to be vsed opēly. Other some make vnmeasurable huge ima­ges: whose bodies being hollow and made of wycker, they stuffe wt quicke men, and setting the images on fier, doe smoolder the men wythin them wyth the flame whyche enuironeth them on al sides. They thinke that the punishment of such as are taken in stealing or robbing, or in anye o­ther fault, is more acceptable to the Goddes immortall, howbeit when store of suche kind of people sayleth, they fal to the punishment of such as are giltles. Of al Gods thei worship chiefly Mercurie: and of him there be many images. They report hym to be the fynder out of al artes: they re­port hym to be the guide of wayfai­ryng men: hym they beleue to haue most power to the gayning of mony and in merchandise. Next hym they honor Apollo, and Mars, & Iupiter, and Minerua. Of theis they haue in [Page 158] maner the same opinion, that other Nations haue: that is to saye: That Apollo driueth awaye diseases: that Minerua trayneth folke in the prin­ciples of workes and handycraftes: that Iupiter holdeth the souereintye of heauē: that Mars hath the charge of warres. Unto Mars, at such time as they are toward feighting a field, for the most part they vow such thin­ges as they shall take in the battell: those thynges that they take aliue, they offer in sacryfice: all the rest of their things they bryng together in­to one place. In many Cityes are to be sene great stackes of such thinges pyled vp in hallowed places: and it seldome or neuer chaunceth, that a­ny man is so irreligious that he da­reth eyther hide any thyng that is so taken, or pilfer any thing away that is so pyled: and a most grieuous pu­nishment wyth extreme torments is appointed for y offence. The Galles report themselues to be al yssued frō Dis the father of hell, and they saye that the Druides do so tel them. And [Page] for that cause they determine ye space of all tymes, not by the number of dayes but of nyghtes: & they obserue theyr birth days and the beginnings of monethes and yeres in such wise, that the day euer foloweth after the nyght. In their other trades of ly­uing, they differ from others in thys point, that they suffer not their sons to come in their presence openly, vn­til such tyme as being men growen, they bee able to supplye the roumes of souldiers: & they count it a shame, that the son as longe as he is a boy, should be sene abrode in hys fathers company. Loke how much mony the men do receiue wyth their wyues in name of their dowrye, they make an estimate of their own goods and lay so muche in valew thereunto: all the whyche is occupyed together in one stocke, and thencrease thereof is re­serued, and whych of them soeuer o­uerliueth other, the stock with then­crease of the former yeares, falleth to the Suruiuor. The men haue o­uer their wyues lyke as ouer their [Page 159] children, authority of life and death. And when a householder of any no­ble linage deceaseth, hys kinsemen come together, and as touching hys death (if there be any suspiciō of the matter) haue hys wiues in examina­cion as if they were slaues. And yf they find them culpable, they put thē to death wyth fier, and all kinde of torments that can be deuised. Theyr burying after the maner of ye Galles is honorable and sumptuous. All things that they thinke the party de­lighted in when he was aliue, they throw into the fier wyth hym, euen liuing thinges and all. And a littell before the time of our remembrance, it was the custome that when the fu­nerals were fully accomplished, the slaues and reteyners whom they set most by, were also burned wyth thē. Suche Cities as are estemed to go­uerne their cōmon weales best, haue enacted by law, that if any man vn­derstande oughte by the borderers concerninge the common weale by fame or vncertain report, he shal de­clare [Page] it to the Magistrate, and in a­nye wise not make any other bodye priuy vnto it: bicause it is well kno­wen, that rash felowes and suche as haue no skyll, are made afrayd with false rumors, and stirred to mischief, and take vppon theym to consult of the matters of greetest weight. The Magistrates kepe secret such things as they thinke good, and shewe vnto the people such things as they deme mete for thē to know. It is not law­full to talke of the common weale, but in the way of counsel. The Ger­manes do much dyffer from this cu­stome. For they neyther haue Dru­ides to beare authoritye in dyuyne matters, nor yet passe vpon sacryfi­cing. They accompt them for Gods, whome they beholde, and by whose meanes they are manifestlye helped, that is to wete, the sunne, the fyer & the mone: as for the rest, they neuer somuche as ones hearde of them. All theyr whole lyfe consisteth in hun­ting, and in the practise of feates of armes. Frō their childhod they geue [Page 160] them selues to labor and hardnesse. Those that continue longest wyth­out companye of women, receyue greatest commendation among thē. For hereby they thinke that the sta­ture and power is nourished, and the sinewes strengthned. They count it one of greatest shames that may be, to haue to do wyth a woman before thage of .xx. yeres. The whyche can by no meanes be hiddē, bicause they both wash themselues indifferently men and women together in the running waters, & also do weare hides or littel short garments scars able to couer any part of their bodies. They geue not themselues to tillage: but the chiefest part of their diet, consy­steth in whitmeate and flesh. There is not any mā that hath any certain quantity of ground, or any boundes of hys owne. But the Magistrates and Princes frō yere to yere, assigne to companyes and kinredes of folke which haue kept together, so muche lande as they shall thinke sufficient, in what place is pleaseth them, and [Page] compel them the next yeare after, to remoue some other where, and they alledge manye reasons for theyr so doyng. First, least allured with con­tinuall custome of taryinge in one place, they shoulde wythdraw theyr mindes from warre and set them vp­pon husbandry. Secondly, least they should couet to get muche land into theyr handes, and the welthyer sorte driue the poorer out of theyr possessi­ons. Thirdly, that they shuld not be ouer curious in their buildinges, for thauoidance of cold & heat. Fowrth­ly, that there shuld not grow any co­uetousnes of monye, frō whence are wont to spring partakinges and de­bates. And finally, to thintēt to kepe the common peple from grudge and hartburning, when euery man seeth that he may be as rich as the richest. It is the greatest prayse to a Citye, to haue their borders a great way of wasted, in such sort that it may seme like a wyldernes. Thys they thinke a point of prowesse, to compel theyr neighbors perforce to forsake theyr [Page 161] groundes, in such wyse that no man dare inhabit nere them. Besides that they deme themselues to be the more in saufty, al feare of sodein inuasion being taken away. When a City ei­ther defendeth or inuadeth, there be officers chosē for the war, who haue authoritye of life and death. In the time of peace there is no cōmon Ma­gistrate: but the Lords of euery shire and towne, do minister law amonge their tenantes, and determine con­trouersies. It is counted no shame to rob, so it be without the boundes of euery Citie, for they hold opinion it is a good exercyse, to keepe their youth from slouthfulnes. And at such time as anye noblemā in open coun­sell profering himselfe to be a Cap­tein, willeth thē to shew themselues that are willinge to folowe hym, by and by rise vp suche as like the man and the quarell, & promis him theyr help: and they are much commended of the people for their labour. If a­nye of them bee not as good as their word, they are estemed euer after for [Page] cowardes and traytors, and they are discredited in al respectes as long as they liue. They thinke it not lawful to hurt a straūger. Whoso resorteth vnto them, for what occasion so euer it be, they defend thē from wrong, & esteme them as holy. For euery mās house is open to them, and they may take meat and drinke at theyr plea­sure. It was so in tyme past, that the Galles surmoūted the Germanes in prowes, & made war vpō thē at their pleasure: & for thabundaunce of their people, for whom there was not lād inough to maintaine them at home, sent inhabiters on the further side of the Rhine: Insomuch that the moste plentiful places of all Germanye a­bout the wood Hartswald Hercinia, (the why­che I see was knowen by fame to E­ratosthenes and certaine Greekes, who call it Orcinia) the People of Languedock Uolces Tegtosages toke, and there planted themselues. The whyche Nacion at this present holdeth stil the same ha­bitacion, and is greatlye renowmed for iustice and chiualry: and euē now [Page 162] they continue in the self same pouer­tye, scarcetye, and pacience that the Germanes doe, and vse the like fare and apparel that they do. The nere­nesse of our Prouince, and the expe­rience of traueiling in straunge coū ­tryes beyond the sea, hath helped the Galles wyth many thynges to theyr enriching and commodity. By littel and littel beyng enured to yeeld, and being vanquyshed in many battels, they themselues wyl not make com­parison wyth thē in prowesse. This forest of Hercinia before mencioned, is as much in bredth as a lightfoote­man is able to iorney in nyne dayes: for otherwise it cannot be bounded, bicause they know not how to mea­sure iorneyes. It beginneth at the borders of the Heluetians, Nemets, and Rauraces, and so ryght by the coast of the riuer Danow, stretcheth to the border of the Daces and A­uartians. From thens it bendeth on the left hand quight another way frō the riuer, and by reason of his great­nesse toucheth the borders of manye [Page] Nations. Neyther is there any man of this hither part of Germany, whi­che is able to say, that he hath eyther sene or heard, where the ende of thys forest is: and yet there is that hath gone .lx. dayes iorney out right, and could neuer learn out of what place it shuld rise. It is certaine that there brede in it many kindes of wild bea­stes, whyche are not sene els where. Of the whyche theis are they that most dyffer from the rest, and seeme most worthye to be put in wryting. There is a kind of Ox in shape lyke a Stag, in the middes of whose fore­head betwene hys eares is one horn, much higher and streighter then any of the hornes that are knowen to vs: at the top wherof do spread out tines and braunches a great way of. The nature of the male and female is all one, the shape of body is all one, and the greatnesse of theyr hornes is all one. There be also beastes that are called Alces. The shape of them and the diuersitie of the colours of their coates, is like vnto Goates, but they [Page 163] be somwhat bigger, and are wyth­out hornes, and they haue legs with out knots or ioyntes, & therfore they lye not downe to rest theym: and yf they happen by anye chaunce to fall downe, or to be ouerthrowen, they cannot rayse nor help themselues vp againe. The trees are to theym in stead of Couches: to them they leane themselues, and so bowinge a verye littell, doe take their rest. By whose footing when the Hunters perceiue where their haunt is, they do eyther vndermyne, or els cutte wythin the ground, all the trees thereawayes, in suche sorte that by thupper part they may seme to stād fast stil: so that when they leane agaynst theym as they were wont to do, they ouerlade the weake trees with the weight of their bodies, and fall to the grounde wyth them. The third kind is of thē that are named Ures. Theis are of bignes somwhat lesse than Elephantes, in kind and color and shape like a Bull. They are of greate strength and swiftnesse. They spare neyther [Page] man nor beaste that cometh in their fight. The Germanes are very pein­full in making pittes to take them, and so kill them. Their yong men do harden themselues wyth thys trauell, and exercyse themselues wyth this kinde of hunting. And they that kill most of them, bringing forth the hornes for a witnes, do receiue great prayse. But as for to acquaint them with men, and to make them tame it is not possible, thoughe they take them neuer so yong. The largenesse of their hornes, and the shape and fa­cion of them, doth much differ from the hornes of our Oxen. Theis they gather most diligently, and binding them about ye brimmes wyth siluer, do vse them at their greatest feastes for cuppes. Cesar when he vnder­stoode by the Ubian spyes, that the Sweuians had wythdrawen theym into the woodes, fearyng scarcety of grayne, (bicause (as I sayde before) the Germanes passe litle or nothing vpon tillage,) determined to procede no further. Neuertheles to thentent [Page 164] he wold not put the barbarous peo­ple altogether out of feare of his re­turn, and also stay them from aiding the Galles, when he had repassed his army, he cut of the bridge the length of CC. foote toward that side of the riuer that was next the Ubians, and at the hither end of the bridge, buyl­ded a towre of .iiii. stories, wherein he left a garryson of .xii. Cohorts to de­fend the bridge, and strengthned the place wyth great fortifications. Of thys place and of the garrison there, he made Captein a yong Gentelmā called C. Uolcatius Tullus: And he himselfe as soone as corne began to wax ripe, setting forwarde to make warre against Ambiorix, sent before him L. Minuitius Basilius with al hys horsemen, throughe the forest of Ardeine (which is the greatest of all Gallia, and from the bankes of the Rhyne and the borders of the Tre­uires extēdeth to the Neruians, and is more than fiue hundred myles in length:) to try if he could get any aduauntage, by hasting his iorney, and [Page] by thopportunitye of the time. He gaue him warning that he shuld not suffer anye fiers to bee made in hys camp, least his comming shoulde be perceiued a farre of, sayinge that he wold folowe immediatlye after him himself. Basilius did as he was commaunded: and accomplishing his ior­ney wyth more speede than all men thought it had bene possible for him to do, toke manye tardye in the fiel­des, by whose information he went streight toward Ambiorix in a place where he was sayd to soiorne with a fewe horsemen. Fortune beareth a great stroke in al things but special­ly in war matters. For as it was a great chaunce that he should fall vp­pon him vnwares and vnprouided, & that they should se him present with their eyes, before they heard any in­cling at all of hys coming: so was it a great chaūce likewise that he shuld lose all the furniture for the warres that he had about him, and hys hor­ses and wagons bee taken, and yet himselfe escape the death. But thys [Page 165] came to passe, bycause the house be­ing enuironed wyth wood, (as the houses of the Galles for ye most part be, who to eschewe the heate of the weather commonlye do builde nere the woodes and riuers) hys friendes & houshold seruants in that narrow roume endured for a while the brunt of our horsmē, during ye which time, one of hys friendes set him on horse­backe, and the woodes hyd him that he could not be perceyued as he fled. Thus both in fallinge into daunger and in auoydyng the same, fortune greatly auayled. It is to be doubted whether Ambiorix of set purpose had not assembled his power about him, bicause he loked not for any encoun­ter, or whether the time disapointed hym, and the sodeine approch of our horsemen letted him, bicause he fea­red least the rest of our army had fo­lowed immediatly after them. But surely he sent messengers abrode in­to the Countrye, to bid euerye man shyft for himself: of whom some fled into the forest of Ardeine, and some [Page] into the marisses nere hande. Suche as were next the Ocean, hid theym selues in the Ilandes whych the tide was wont to make. Many forsaking their own country, committed them selues and all that they had to straū ­gers, whom they neuer saw nor herd of before, Cativulcus king of thone half of the Eburones, who had asso­ciated himself with Ambiorix, being now worne wyth yeares, and not a­ble for age to endure the trauell ey­ther of warfare or of flyght, cursinge and bannynge Ambiorix the author of that enterpryse, poysoned hymself with Iuce of yewgh, wherof there is abundance in Gallia and in Germa­nye. The Segnies and Condruses of the nation and number of Ger­manes, whyche are betwene the E­burones and Treuires, sent Ambas­sadors to Cesar, besechyng hym not to take them as hys enemyes, nor to esteme all the Germanes that were on thisside the Rhine, to be as in one case. For they thought of nothynge lesse than of warre, neyther had they [Page 166] sent any succor to Ambiorix. Cesar hauing tryed the matter by examy­nation of the prisoners, commaūded that if anye of the Eburones were fled vnto them, they shuld bryng thē backe agayn vnto hym. In so doing, he sayd he wold work no dyspleasure to theyr countrye. Then deuiding hys army into three partes, he besto­wed the stuffe of all hys Legions at Uaruta. It is the name of a castel almost in the middes of the country of the Eburones, whereas Titurius & Aurunculeius had wyntered before. Cesar lykyng well thys place for o­ther considerations, and also in that the fortificatiōs made there the yere before, remayned yet whole and vn­defaced, to thentent to ease hys soul­diers of theyr toyle, left here al their stuffe, and appointed for defēce ther­of, the .xiiii. Legion, which was one of the three that he had lastly leuied and brought with him out of Italy. Ouer this legion and camp he made Captein Quintus Tullius Cicero, & assigned vnto him CC. horsmē. Hauing [Page] thus parted hys army, he com­maunded T. Labienus to set foorth wyth three Legions toward the O­cean, into those coastes that border vpō the Menapians. He sent C. Tre­bonius wyth like number of legions to wast that country, that lyeth vpō the Aduatickes. And he himself with thother thre, determined to go to the Riuer Sambre. Sabis whych runneth into Maze, and to the further parts of the forest of Ardeine, whyther he hearde that Ambiorix was fled wyth a few horsmen. At his departure he promi­sed to returne agayne wythin seuen days after, at ye whych time he knew that corne was to be deliuered to the legion that was left in garrison. He requested Labienus and Trebonius that (if they might do it to the behofe of the common weale) they shuld al­so returne at the same daye, to then­tent that laying theyr heades again together, vpō serch made what their ennemyes went aboute, they might take some other counsel how to pro­cede in the warres. There was not [Page 167] (as we shewed before) anye hoste of men, nor anye garrison, nor anye towne that was able to defend it self by battell: But the common people being dispersed, wheresoeuer was a­ny blind valley, or any wilde wood, or anye vnhandsome maryshe where they hoped to find any defēce or sauf­gard, conueyed themselues thither. Theis places were knowen to the borderers, and the matter required greate circumspectnes, not so muche for the sauinge of the whole armye, (for there could not happen any peril to the whole power together by men amazed and dyspersed) as for preser­uation of euery souldier seuerallye. And yet this thing also in part made to the saufgard of our army. For as the desyer of spoile egged foorth ma­ny a great way from the Campe, so the woodes with their blind and vn­certeine pathes was a let that they could not come at them in any great companies. If they were desirous to haue the matter dyspatched oute of hand, and to haue the stocke of suche [Page] wicked people vtterlye rooted vp, it behoued them to sende foorth manye armies, and to let the souldiers de­uide themselues into manye compa­nyes. Againe if (according to the or­dinances and custome of the Romain army,) the bandes were to be kept to theyr standerds: the place it self was a defence to the barbarous people, who wanted no boldnes at al to lay ambushes priuilye, and to entrappe them being dyspersed. Wherefore in such distresses, as much as mans po­licy was able to reach, was foresene, that (albeit their hearts burned with in them to be reuēged) yet somwhat should rather be omitted in doynge displeasure to the ennemyes, than so to displease them as should redound to the hurt of oure souldiers. Cesar sent messengers to al the cityes nere abouts, to allure them foorth to the spoyle of the Eburones, promisinge thē that all that they could get shuld be their own: to thentent that in the forests he might rather put ye Galles themselues, than hys own souldiers [Page 168] in hazard of their liues: and also to thentent that being enuironed with a great number for thaccomplishing of such an act, the ofspring & name of ye country might vtterly be destroy­ed. Hervpō a great nūber assembled quickly frō al coastes. Theis things were a doyng in all quarters of the Eburones, and nowe approched the vii. day, at the whych day Cesar had promised to returne to his cariages, and the legion that he left wyth thē. Here it may be perceiued, how great a stroke fortune maye beare in the warres, and howe greate casualties she may moue. Oure ennemies (as I haue shewed) were scattered and a­mased in suche wyse that there was not any host of men, to put vs in any feare at all. The report was spred o­uer the Rhine amōg the Germanes that the Eburones were put to ha­uocke, and that euery man was cal­led to the spoyle come who woulde. Hervpō the Sicambres whych dwel vpō the Rhine, (whō we haue decla­red before to haue receiued ye Teuch­thers [Page] and Usipites after theyr dys­comfiture) raised two thousand hors­mē, and passed the Rhine in Craers and Barges, a thirty miles beneath the place where ye vnfinished Bridge was, at the which Cesar had left his garrison. They inuade the vttermost boūdes of the Eburones, where they recountred many as they fled scatte­red here and there, and gate a great bootie of cattell, whereof the barba­rous people are most gredye: where­withal being more allured, they pro­ceded further. Neyther maris groūd nor forrest was able to stay theis fe­lowes, which were trayned vp from their birthe in war & robbing. They enquired of their prysoners in what place Cesar was: by whom they vn­derstode that he was gone far of and that al the army was departed. And one of ye prisoners said: what meane you to hunt after this miserable and slender bootye? whych now yf ye lyst maye bee moste fortunate. In three houres yee maye come to Uaruta, where the Romaine armye hath be­stowed [Page 169] al their goodes. The garrison is so thynne, that they be not able to single man the wals, neither dare a­ny man put hys head out of ye trēch. Upon the hope of thys offer, the Germanes leauynge the praye that they had gotten, in a secret place, made towarde Uaruta, vsinge him for theyr guide, by whose declaratiō thei were informed of the matter. Cicero who all thother dayes before, hadde ac­cording to the commaundement of Cesar, with great aduisednesse kept hys souldyers wythin his camp, and had not suffred so much as a Uarlet or a Bage to passe out of the fortify­cation, the .vii. daye dystrusting that Cesar wold kepe promis with hym, bicause he hard he was gone further of, and no tidinges came to hym of hys returne, and moreouer moued wyth the wordes of such as termed hys pacience in maner a siege, if they might not haue liberty to passe out of their camp, loking for no such aduenture after the dyspersinge and almost vtter destroying of hys enne­myes, [Page] agaynst whō were gone forth nine Legions, as to finde any thyng wythin thre miles space that myght anoye him, sent out fiue Cohortes into the next cornfieldes to fetche in grayne, betwene the whych and hys camp there was no more but one lit­tel hil only. There were in the camp many that had bene left behynd out of thother Legiōs, bicause they were hurt and diseased. Of the which sort, such as within theis few dayes were recouered, beyng to the number of a CCC. were sent forth vnder the bā ­ner wyth the rest. Moreouer a great multitude of Uarlettes and a great sort of beasts for burthen whych had abiden in the Campe folowed after. The very same time by chaūce, came the Germane horsemen betweene them and home, and wythoute tari­aunce with like pace as they had rid­den all the way, endeuored to breake into the camp at the chiefe gate: and they were not espied by reason of the woodes that were on that side which letted the view, before they were so [Page 170] nere our Camp, that the Merchant­men whiche laye in hales vnder the Rampyer side, had no leysure to re­couer themselues wythin saufgarde. Oure men being taken vnprouided vppon the sodein, were so troubled, that the Cohorte was scars able to wythstand the fyrst brunt. Our ene­myes spred theim selues on all sides about, to see if they could finde anye entryng place, in so muche that our men had much a do to defēd ye gates: for the place was otherwyse so strōg of it self and so wel fortified, that it neded no defence. Al the whole camp was in a feare, and euery one demaū ded of another ye cause of the tumult, in so much that they wyst not which waye eyther to aduaunce their ban­ners, or whither they should assem­ble themselues. One reportes for a certeinty that the Camp was alredy taken: another holdes opinion that the Graundcapteine and hys armye being vtterly destroyed, ye barbarous were come thither as cōquerors: ma­ny deuised new supersticiōs to them [Page] selues by reason of the place, setting before theyr eyes, the mischaunce of Cotta & Titurius, who were slaine in the same Castell. Throughe thys feare wherewyth all oure men were strycken, the rude Germanes were confirmed in their opinion whyche they had conceyued vppon the report of a prysoner, that there was no strength wythin. Wherupon ende­uoring to breake in perforce, they en­couraged one another, not to let so good fortune scape out of theyr han­des. There was lefte behynde in the garrison sick, one P. Sestius Bacu­lus (who had had the leading of one of the chyef bandes vnder Cesar, of whom we haue made mētion in the former battels) & he had fasted nowe fiue dayes. He being in despaire both of hys owne lyfe, and of the liues of al his company, came out of his tent vnarmed and perceiuing hys enemi­es to preace sore vpō them, and that the matter stode in vtter peryll, toke weapon from such as stode next him, and set him self in ye gate. After him [Page 171] folowed the Centurions of that Co­hort whych warded in the Campe, & for a whyle endured the conflict with hym. But at ye length Sestius was so sore wounded that hys courage fay­led him, and he sanke downe, that much a doe there was to drawe him out of the preace and to saue his life. Duryng the time of this leysure, the rest toke heart to theym: in somuche that they durst set them selues vpon the Rampiers, and make a showe of defence. In ye meane whyle, our soul­diers that went out for forrage, ha­uing dispatched that they went for, in their returne heard ye noise, wher­vpon the horsemen came a false gal­lop before, & perceyued in how great daunger the matter stode. But now was there not any place of defence, whereunto they might recouer them selues in thys theyr feare. Suche as were but newly reteyned, and ther­fore were not skilfull in matters of war, retired backe to the Tribunes and Centurions, looking to receyue commaundement at theyr handes [Page] what they shuld do. There was not any of them so stout of stomack, that was not amased at the sodeinnes of ye matter. The barbarous people perceiuing ye banners a far of, ceased frō thassault. At ye first they beleued that our legiōs had bene returned, which thei had learned by their prisoners to haue ben gone a great way further of. Afterward disdeining ye smal nū ­ber of them, they set vpō them on all sides. The varlets ran vp to the next hill, from whence being easly driuen downe, they thrust theym selues a­mong the souldyers that were vnder their standerds, and therby put them in greater feare then they were be­fore. Some thought it best to cast thē selues in a wedge & to break through their ennemyes quicklye: affirming that forasmuch as their Campe was so nere at hande, althoughe some of them were cut of by the way & slain, yet the rest should saue themselues. Other some thoughte it best to get them to the top of the hyll, and there to take what soeuer shuld betide thē [Page 172] all together. Thys deuyse liked not the olde souldiers that went out vn­der the standerd wyth them, as wee told you before. Wherupon encou­raging themselues, and folowinge Capteine C. Trebonius a knight of Rome who had the charge of them, they brake throughe the myddes of their enemies, and came al sauf into the campe, wythout the losse of anye one man. The Uarlets and horsmen folowing after them with like force, were by the valiantnes of the soul­dyers likewyse preserued. But they which had gotten themselues to the top of the hyl, hauing no vnderstan­ding at al how to demeane themsel­ues, had neither the wyt to perseuer in ye deuice which they first allowed in standing styll to their defence vp­pon the hygher grounde, nor yet to vse the lyke force and celerity whych they saw doe good to theyr felowes: but for desier to recouer to their cāp, they caste themselues into a place of disaduauntage. The Centurious (of whom many for theyr prowesse and [Page] manhod, had from lower roumes of the other Legions, bene promooted to the hygher roumes of this legiō,) least they shoulde forgo the honor in armes which they had gotten before, feighting most valiantly spent their liues together. The enemyes bring by their force driuen aside, it came to passe that some contrary to all hope and expectation, came saufe into the Campe, and some enuironed by the Germanes, were vtterly destroyed. The Germanes beynge nowe paste hope of winning our cāp by assault, forasmuch as they saw our men pla­ced vppon the Rampyres, with that pray which they had bestowed in the woodes, ga [...]e them selues ouer the Rhine againe. Howbeit when oure enemies were [...]ght gone, there re­mained such a feare among our mē, that the same nyght when C. Uolu­senus sent thither wyth the horsmē, came to the camp: he could not make them beleue that Cesar was at hand wyth the army in saufgard. So sore were al their mindes rauished wyth [Page 173] feare, that in maner half beside them selues, they said plainlye, all the ar­my was put to the sworde, and that the horsemen had saued themselues by flyght: for it was not lyke that whyle tharmy was in good case, the Germanes durst adueture to assault our camp. Thys feare the comming of Cesar toke away. Uppon hys re­turne, being not ignorant how the world went, he found fault at the sē ­ding out of the Cohorts out of their fort & garrison: affyrming that there ought no gap (though neuer so smal) to be opened vnto fortune: forasmuch as fortune by the sodein approche of ye enemy, had bene able to haue done muche: yea and muche the more, in that thei had repulsed the barbarous people wel nere from the very Ram­pier and from the gates of the camp. Of all the whiche thynges this was most to be wondred al, that the Ger­manes whyche had passed the Rhine of none other purpose but to waste the countrye of Ambiorix, bendinge theym selues agaynst the Romane [Page] camp, profered thereby vnto Ambio­rix the greatest good turn that could haue ben wished him. Cesar making another voyage to disquiet hys ene­mies, assembled a great power out of the Cities nere at hand, and sent thē abrode into al quarters. Al ye townes and all the buildinges that came in any mans sight, were set on fier: bo­tyes were dryuen out of all places: corne was not only by such a multi­tude of men and cattel cōsumed, but also was throughe thunseasonable tyme of the yers, and through conti­nual rayne beaten out, or rotten vp­pon the ground: Insomuch that if a­nye had hyd them selues oute of the way for the time, yet were they lyke afterward (when tharmy was departed) to perysh for want of foode. And oftentymes it was come to ye point, (by reason of so greate a number of horsmē sent abrode into al quarters) that the prysoners sayde expresselye, not only that none of them saw Ambiorix flye away, but also constantly affyrmed that he was not gone oute [Page 174] of sighte. Insomuche that vppon hope of ouertakinge him, suche as thought to haue purchased greateste fauor at Cesars hande, endured infi­nite laboure, yea more than nature could well haue borne, but for theyr earnest desier whych surmounted all things, beleuing alwayes that they were at the very point to haue obteined the happynesse that they sought for. And yet he wound hymself from them continually into woodes or fo­restes, and hiding himself in ye night time, wythdrew him out of one coast into another, garded with no mo thā fower horsmen, whom only of al mē he durste put in trust wyth hys lyfe. When Cesar had in this sort wasted the countryes, wyth the losse of two Cohorts he reduced the rest to Rhemes in Champanie. Du­rocort amonge the men of Rhemes: and sommoning thyther a parlamēt of al Gallia, he determined to make streight examinacion cōcerning the conspiracy of the Senones and Ca­runts, and ther geuing sharp iudge­ment vpon Acco chyef ryngleader of [Page] that enterpryse, he punished him ac­cordinge to the auncient custome of the country. Many fearing to stād to the triall of the matter in iudgemēt, fled awaye, whom when he had pro­claymed traitors, he placed two Le­giōs in the borders of the Treuires, two amonge the Lingones, and the other six in the borders of ye Senones at Agendicum to wynter there: and hauing made prouision of graine for hys army, he went into Italy to holde a Parlament, as he was determined before.

FINIS.

THE SEVENTH BOKE of C. Iulius Caesars Commen­taries of his warres in Gallia.

AFTER THAT GAL­lia was thus quieted, Cesar (as he was deter­mined before) went in­to Italy to hold a Par­lament. There he hard newes of the murther of Clodius: and vpon Certificat frō the Senate how all the youth of Italye did con­spyre together, he purposed to take musters of all the whole Prouince. Theis things were quickly reported into Gallia beyond the Alpes. More ouer (as the matter semed to require) the Galles forged besides theis ru­mors, that Cesar was deteyned by meanes of the Mutinies in the city, and that the dissentiōs were so great as that he could not come to hys ar­mye. Taking occasion herupon, such [Page] as before found themselues grieued to bee in subiection to the Romane Empier, began more freely & boldly to consult of warre. The Princes of Gallia calling secret counsels in fo­rests and places far from resort, foūd fault wyth the death of Acco: alled­ging that the like mischaunce might also light in theyr neckes. They be­wailed the miserable state of al Gal­lia, promysing and profering any re­ward that could be deuysed, to them that wold aduēture to begyn ye war, and wyth the hazarde of theyr liues wold assaye to set Gallia agayne in liberty. And thys matter (they sayd) ought to bee put in practise, before theyr secrete deuyses were disclosed: to thentent that Cesar might be ex­cluded from hys army. The whyche thyng was easy to bryng to passe, in that neyther the legions durst in the absence of theyr Graundcaptein styr out of their wintring places, neither could the Graundcapteine withoute saufconduct come vnto hys army. In conclusion they said it was better to [Page 176] be slain in the field, than not to reco­uer theyr auncient renowne of che­ualry, & the liberty whych they had receiued frō their auncestors. When theis matters had bene sufficientlye debated. The Caruntes profered to refuse no peril for the common weal­thes sake, promising to become the chyf Ringleaders in thys war. And forasmuch as the matter coulde not as than be assured by hostages, least it should be published, they demaun­ded assurance by othe and fidelitye: whyche was by layinge their Ante­signes & banners together, (for that is the solemnest ceremony that they vse in suche cases) leaste when they shoulde haue begon the war, the rest should forsake them. Than geuyng great prayses to the Caruntes, and taking an othe of as manye as were present, after time prefixed for ye per­formance of the matter, they brake vp theyr counsell: when the daye ap­poynted was come, the Caruntes vnder the conduct of Cotuat and Co [...]etodune desperate persones, at a [Page] watch word geuen came together to Genabum, and there slew the citizēs of Rome that abode there in ye waye of traffique and merchandise, (amōg whom was one C. Fusius Cotta a worshipful knight of Rome, who by the commaundement of Cesar was master of the Storehouse) and riffled al their goods. The fame herof was sone blowen through al the cities of Gallia. For when any great or no­table thynge happeneth, they geue knowledge of it bi shouting through all the fieldes and countries about. Others receiuing the noyse at theyr hande, send it in likewyse to theyr neighbors: & so it happened at that time. For those things whych were done at Genabum by the sun rising, before the firste watche was ended, were heard of in the country of Au­verne, whyche is distant the space of Clr. miles. By like meanes Uercin­getorix the son of Celtillus a yonge Gentilman of great authority amōg the people of Auverne (whose father had held the souereinty of al Gallia, [Page 177] and was for that consideration slain of his countrymen bicause he sought meanes to make himselfe king) cal­ling together his reteiners, did easly set them on fier. For assone as they knew of hys purpose, they ranne to weapon. Uercingetorix was wyth­stoode by hys vncle Gobanition and the rest of ye Princes, which thought it not good to try the courtesy of for­tune in that behalf, and was driuen out of ye town of Cleremount in Auverne. Gergobia. Neuerthelesse he ceased not from his enter­pryse, but in the coūtry toke musters of beggars & naughty packes. When he had raised this power, he met not any of the City, but he drew hym to his opinion. He exhorted them to put on armor for the liberty of their coū ­trye, and so hauinge gotten a great power, he dryueth hys aduersaries out of the city, by whom he had bene driuen out a littel before. Then they proclaimed him king: and he sending foorth Ambassadors euery waye, be­sought them to continue faythful in that they had promysed. It was not [Page] long ere he had alied vnto him, the Senones, the Parisians, ye Pictones, the Cadurkes, the Turones, the Aulerkes, the Lemonikes, ye Andies and all the residewe that lye vppon the Ocean. By generall consent the gouernement was put into hys han­des: vpon the offer of which authori­ty, he demaunded hostages of all the sayd Cities, and commaunded a cer­tayne number of men of warre to be leuyed and brought vnto him out of hād. He appointed how much armor euery Citye should haue in a ready­nes at home, and what they shoulde do before the time. Chieflye he made prouision for horsmē. And as he was very diligent in laying for thynges before hand, so did he wyth great se­uerity execute hys authority, & with extremity of punishment compelled such as were newters. For if there were any offence committed, he put them to death wyth fier and all kin­des of tormentes: and for light faul­tes he sent them home agayne wyth theyr eares cutte of, or wyth one of [Page 178] theyr eyes put out: to thentent they should be an example to the rest, and make them afrayd wyth the great­nes of their punishment. Hauing by meanes of theis punishments soone gathered a great power, he sent one Lucterius of Cahors a man of syn­guler audacitie with part of hys ar­my amōg the Ruthenes, and he him self went agaynst ye people of Bour­ges. At his coming, the mē of Bour­ges sent messengers to the Heduans (vnder whose tuicion they were) to desier succor, to thintent they might be the better able to wythstande the power of theyr enemies. The Hedu­anes by thaduice of the Liuetenants which Cesar had left with the army, sent succor both of horsmen and fote­men to the men of Bourges: who when they came to ye ryuer of Loyre, whych deuideth the Heduanes from them of Bourges, taried there a few dais, and bicause they durst not passe the riuer, returned home agayne, de­claring to theyr Lieuetenantes, that ye cause why they did so, was by rea­son [Page] they feared that the mē of Bour­ges wolde betraye them, whom they knewe to haue fullye determined a­mong thēselues, that if they had pas­sed the Riuer, they themselues shuld haue beset them on thone side, & the men of Auverne on thother. Whe­ther they told our Lieuetenants this tale bicause it was so in deede, or of trechery and falshod, for asmuche as the trueth is not knowen, I can not affirme it for a certeinty. Immediat­ly after their departure, the men of Bourges ioyned them selues wyth the menne of Auverne. When theis things were reported to Cesar in I­talye, after the time he vnderstoode that the matters about the city were through ye wise & valiant demeanor of Cn. Pompeius brought to a good poynt, he toke hys iorney into Gal­lia beyond the Alpes. At suche tyme as he was come thyther, he was in great distresse, by what meanes he might come to hys armye. For if he should sende for hys Legions to him into Prouince, he was assured that [Page 179] they shoulde be encountred wyth by the way, and he could not be thereto assyst them: And if he should aduen­ture to go to his army, he saw mani­festly that it was not wythout peryl for hym to commyt his life into the hands, no not euen of such as semed to bee at that time most in quiet. In the meane whyle, Lucterius of Ca­hors who was sent agaynst the Ru­thenes, reconciled that Citye to the men of Auverne. From thens conti­nuing his voyage against the Nitio­briges and Gabales, he tooke hosta­ges of them bothe: and assembling a greate power, purposed to make a rode into Prouince towarde Nar­bone. When Cesar hearde tidinges therof, all other deuises set a side, he thought it most expedient to preuent him in going to Narbone. When he came thither, he chered such as were fearefull, set garrisons amonge the Ruthenes in Prouince, the Uolces, the Arecomikes, ye men of Tholous, and about Narbone, whyche places bordered vpon our enemies: and commaūded [Page] part of hys power that was in Prouince, and the supplye whiche he had brought with him out of Ita­ly, to assemble in the countrye of the Heluians whych borders vppon the country of Auverne. Theis thinges being thus set in order, and hauyng repressed Lucterius, yea and remo­ued him, as who thought it to daun­gerous an enterprise for him to enter among oure garrisons, he tooke hys iorney against the Heluians. Nowe albeit that vpon the mountain The moun­taine of Ge­neua or of Auverne. Ge­benua, which disseuereth the men of Auverne from the Heluians, ye snow lay so deepe in that dead time of the wynter, that it was hard for him to passe, yet notwythstanding casting a side the snowe sixe foote depe, and so making waye, wyth great paine of his souldiers, he came to the borders of Auverne: and oppressing them vn­bewares, bicause they thought them selues as surelye defended with the mountaine Gebenua as if it had ben wyth a wal, in asmuch neuer erst, a­ny one man alone had found passage [Page 180] ouer it at that time of the yeare, he commaunded hys horsmen that they shuld dispers thēselues as far abrode as they could, & put their enemies in asmuch feare as might be. Quyck [...]y were theis things by fame and mes­sengers brought vnto Uercingetorix about whom flocked all the men of Auverne amazed, beseching him to prouide some remedie agaynst theyr misfortune, and not to suffer them to be spoyled of their enemye, specially seing he perceiued that all the brunt of the war was turned vppon theyr necks. Moued with their entreatāce, he remoued his camp from Bourges towards Auverne. But Cesar after he had taryed twoo dayes in those quarters, forasmuche as hys minde mysgaue him before, that Uercinge­torix wold do some such thynge, vp­pon excuse to rayse a newe supple­ment, and to get mo horsmen, he de­parted from hys armye, and left a yonge Gentylman named Brutus to be Capteine in his stead. Him he warned to let the horsemen scowre [Page] the Countrye euerye waye as farre as might be, promising so to vse the matter, that he wold not be past thre dayes from the camp. When he had ordered theis thinges in thys wise, none of hys mē witting whereabout he went, by as greate iorneyes as could be he came to Uienna. There hauing gotten a fresh crew of horse­men which he had sent thither many dayes before, wythout ceasing hys trauel day or night, he went through the countrye of the Heduanes vnto the Lingones, where two of hys Le­gions wintered: to thentent that yf the Heduanes also shoulde conspyre anye thing otherwyse than well a­gainst him, he might by celerity pre­uent them. When he came thyther, he sent to thother Legions, and as­sembled them all together into one place, before that any tidings of hys comming could be borne to the men of Auverne. Uercingetorix hauinge knowledge herof, conueyed his army again vnto Bourges: and proceding from thence, determined to assaulte [Page 181] Gergobine a town of the People of Burbone. Boyans, whom Cesar (hauing vanquished them in the battell against the Hel­uetians) had placed there, and put in subiection to the Heduanes. Thys matter put Cesar greatlye to hys shiftes what aduise he shoulde take. For yf he shoulde during the rest of the wynter kepe his Legions toge­ther in one place, it was to be feared least the hyred souldiers of the He­duanes being discomfited, al Gallia should reuolt, forasmuch as it might seme to hys frendes▪ that there was no hope of help and comfort in him: agayne if he should go ouer sone out of garrisō, it was to be doubted least he shoulde want v [...]ctuall for la [...]ke of cariage. Neuertheles he thought it better to endure al the distresses that might be, then by receiuing so great a foyle, to withdraw the good wyls of al hys friendes from hym. Wher­fore exhortinge the Heduanes to bring victuals after him, he sent messengers before to the Boyans, to certifye them of hys comming, and to [Page] encourage theym to continue fayth­full, and to sustain the brunt of their enemyes valiantly. He left two Le­gions and all the stuffe of his armye at Sens. Agendicum, and wyth the rest went toward the Boyans. The next day after, whē he came to Uellauno­dunum a towne of the Senones, to thentent he wold not leaue any back frend behind him, and that he might the more spedelye haue hys victuals conueyed to hym, he determined to assault it: and therevpon he entren­ched it about wythin ye space of two days: the third day when commissio­ners were sent out of the Towne to entreat wyth him for the geuing of it vp, he commaunded them to bring all theyr armor in to one place, to bring forth theyr beastes of cariage, and to deliuer him six hundred hosta­ges: and for the accōplishing hereof, he left behynd hym his Lieuetenant C. Trebonius. He himselfe to make the more spede in his voyage, tooke hys waye to Genabum amonge the Caruntes, who before that time hearyng [Page 182] nothing of the siege of Uallau­nodunum, for as much as they bele­ued that the matter wold haue asked a longer time to bring it to passe, began to leuie a power to send to Orleance. Ge­nabum for the defence of the towne. Cesar in two dayes came hither, and pitching his tentes before the town, bycause that day was to farre spent, delayed thassault till the next mor­ninge, wyllinge hys souldiers in the meane whyle to put all thyngs in a redynes for the purpose. And for bi­cause the towne of Genabum had a bridge ouer the riuer of Loyre, Cesar fearyng least they shoulde steale out of the towne in the night time, com­maunded two Legions to watch in harnesse. The townesmen somwhat before midnight stealinge secretly out, began to passe the Riuer. The which when Cesar was informed of by hys scoultes, by and by burninge downe the gates he sent in the Legions whych he appointed before in a redinesse, and wan the town: few or none of his ennemies escapinge his [Page] handes, but that they were all taken prysoners, bicause the Bridge and the wayes were so narrowe, that they could not readely passe awaye. He beat down the town and set it on fyer: gaue the spoyle of it to his soul­diers: passed hys armye ouer Loyre: & came into the marches of Berrey. When Uercingetorix vnderstode of Cesars approche, he raysed hys siege and went to mete him. He was pur­posed to haue besieged Noyowne in Berrey. Nouiodunū a towne in the Countrye of Berrey standinge in hys waye. Out of the whych towne when as ambassadors came vnto him to entreat for mercye and pardon of their liues, to thintēt to dispatche the rest of hys affaires with like spede as he had done many alredy, he commaūded them to bring together theyr armor, rēder vp their horses, & to geue him pledges. Part of the hostages being alredy deliue­red, while thother things were in executing, few of our Centurions and souldiers beinge let in to fetche out tharmor and horses, the horsemen of [Page 183] our enemies whyche were the fore­riders of Uercingetorixes host came wythin view. Whom assone as the Townesmen had espied, hopinge of rescow and succor, they gaue a great shout, and taking them to theyr weapons, began to shet the gates, and to place thēselues vpon the batlements of the wals. The Centurions with­in the towne vnderstanding by the signification of the Galles thēselues that they went about some treason, drew theyr swordes, and recouering the gates conueyed all theyr men a­way in sauftye. Cesar commaunded his horsmen to be led out of his cāp, and encountred wyth them on hors­backe. Now when he sawe hys men like to go by ye worse, he sent to their rescow the nōber of a CCCC. Ger­mane horsmen, whyche from the be­ginning he had oppoynted to bee al­wayes about himselfe. The Galles not able to susteyne their force, were put to flyght, and wyth the losse of many retired to theyr maine battel. The which also being put to flyght, [Page] the townesmen striken agayne with great feare, apprehēded such as they thought were the stirrers of the peo­ple to this trecherye, and bringinge them vnto Cesar, submitted them­selues vnto hym. When Cesar had dispatched theis matters, he went to Newcastel or Uiarron. Auaricum one of the greatest and strongest Townes in all the Coun­try of Berrey, situate in a most plentifull and ryche soyle: bicause that if he might come by that Towne, he was in good hope to bring the City of Bourges it self in subiection. Uer­ringetorix hauing receyued so many displeasures at Uellaunodunū, Ge­nabum and Nouiodunum, called his men to counsell. He tolde them that they must take a cleane cōtrary way in their warres to that whiche they had hitherto done. Thys one thyng was to be endeuored by all meanes, that the Romanes might be kept frō forrage and victuales. The whyche thyng was easy to bring to passe, in asmuch as they had a greater power of horsemen then they, and that the [Page 184] time of the yere shuld further them. There was no forrage abrode for them to cut downe: but of necessitye they must disperse thēselues to fetch it out of houses: in doynge whereof they might daily be licked vp by hys horsmen. Moreouer for the common wealthes sake, priuate commodities ought to be neglected, villages and buildings ought to be set on fyer, in all the coast from Boia round about euery waye, as far as the Romanes might seme to haue anye accesse for forrage. On the contrary part of all theis thinges they themselues shuld haue abūdance, bicause they shuld be founde wyth the goodes of them, in whose coūtry they shuld make war: Wheras the Romanes eyther shuld not be able to endure the scarcety, or els in straying far from their camp, shoulde euer run in daunger of com­ming shorte home. And it made no matter whether they slewe them out of hand, or put them beside their ca­riages, the whyche beinge ones lost, thei could in no wise be able to make [Page] war. Furthermore all such townes ought to be set on fier, as eyther by fortifiyng or situacion of the place, were not of sufficient strength to de­fend themselues from all daunger: to thentent they shoulde not eyther be lurking holes for such of their people as cowardlye slipt aside from the wars, or els be as things of set pur­pose appointed for the Romanes to sacke, and vittaile themselues with­all. If theis thinges semed greiuous and bitter, much more greuous and bitter were the consequentes to bee estemed: as namely the drawyng in­to captiuity of their wiues and chil­dren, the slaughter of themselues, which miseries must of necessity happen to them that be vanquished. By the consent of all men this counsell was alowed: and in one daye were burnt mo than xx. cities of the coun­trye of Berrey. The lyke also was done in the rest of the Cityes. In all partes were fiers sene: the which al­though it were a great grief to them al to endure: yet notwythstandinge [Page 185] this cōfort they set before their eies, that in getting thupper hande, they trusted to recouer quickly the things they had lost. There was much debating in the common counsel, concer­ning Auaricum whether it were better to burne it or to defende it. The men of Bourges fell downe at the feete of al thother Galles, beseching them that they might not be compel­led to sette on fier wyth theyr owne handes the goodlyest citye almost of al Gallia, which might be both a defence and a beawtye to the common weale. Alledging that they mighte easly defende it, bicause of the situa­cion of the place, by reason that wel neere on all sides it was enuironed with the riuer & with marisground, and had but onelye one way to come to it whych was verye narrowe. At their sute pardon was graūted, Uer­cingetorix at the first persuading the contrarye, but afterwarde relenting vnto them vppon their earnest en­tretance and for pitye of the people. Hereuppon were mete persons ap­pointed [Page] for the defence of the towne. Uercingetorix by easy and small ior­neies folowed after Cesar, and chose a place to encampe in fortified wyth woodes and marisgroundes, aboute xv. miles distante from Auaricum. There he vnderstode by hys spyes e­uerye howre of the day from time to time what was done at Auaricum, and likewise sent them word againe what he would haue done. He wat­ched vs continuallye when we went out for forrage or for corne, and so­denly assayled our men scattered, as they had occasion to go anye thynge far, and did vs great displeasure. Al­beit as much as could be foresene by reason, our men preuented them, by goyng forth diuers wayes at times vncertayn. Cesar planting his siege agaynst that part of the town where as was the narrow passage (as wee shewed before) betwene the riuer and the marris, began to cast vp a moūt, to make Uines, and to builde twoo Towres: for the nature of the place would not suffer him to entrench thē [Page 186] round about. For victuall he ceased not to call vppon the Boyans and Heduanes: of whom thone bycause they did it more then halfe against theyr wils, dyd not greatly help vs: and thother bicause they were of no great abilitie, inasmuch as their city was but small and weake, had sone consumed that whych they had. Al­beit that our army were brought in greate distresse for want of corne, through the pouerty of the Boyans on thoneside, and the slacknes of the Heduanes on thother side, together wyth the burning of the houses, in­so much that manye dayes together the souldyers wanted bread, & were fayne to appease their extreme hun­gar wyth fleshe of beastes onlye, the whych also they fet out of villages a great way of: Yet notwythstanding there was not heard amongst theym any talke vnsemely for the maiestye of the people of Rome, or theyr for­mer victoryes. But rather when Ce­sar as they were at their work, wold speake vnto them, and tell them that [Page] yf they toke thys famine grieuouslye he wold breake vp hys siege, they all be sought him he should not so do, for they had serued vnder him now ma­ny yeres together in suche sort, that they neuer yet tooke anye foyle, nor neuer departed from any place wyth out accomplishing theyr pourpose: Wherfore it should tourne to theyr great shame and reproch, if they left theyr siege which they had begon: it were better for them to abide all the sorowes that could be deuised, than not to reuenge the deathes of their countrymen, that were murdered at Genabum through the treasō of the Galles. The same things also dydde they talke to their Capteynes and ye Marshals of the host, to thentēt they should make report therof vnto Ce­sar. At such time as our towres were now nere vnto the walles, Cesar vnderstode by hys prysoners, that Uer­cingetorix hauing spent al hys for­rage, had remoued his Camp nerer vnto Auaricum, and that he himself wyth hys horsmen and the lyght ar­med [Page 187] fotemen that were wōt to feight among the horsmen, was gone forth to lye in Ambush, in that place whi­ther he thought our men shuld come the next day for forrage. Upō know­ledge whereof, Cesar setting foorth softly about midnyght, came in the morning to the camp of hys enemi­es. They hauing speedy warning by their skoutes of his coming, bestow­ed their caryages and stuffe in close woodes, and set al theyr army in or­der of battel, in an high and an open ground. When tidinges herof came vnto Cesar, he commaūded that his men should out of hand lay all their fardels on a heap together, and take them to their weapōs. The hil was somwhat rysing by littel and littell from the fote, and was enuironed al­most on all sides wyth a Lake verye harde and troublesome to passe, not aboue fiyftye foote broade. On thys same hyll hauing first broken all the bridges, the Frenchmen trusting to the strength of the place, kept them selues, and deuiding themselues in­to [Page] companyes euery city by himself, kept all the shallowes and passages of the lake wyth a good gard: fullye purposed in mind to assayle from the hygher groūd the Romanes sticking in the mier, if they attempted to get ouer by force: So that whosoeuer had sene howe nere they stode toge­ther, would haue thought they had ben almost redy to haue come to hād strokes: & he that had knowen thad­uauntage of thone part and the dis­aduauntage of thother, might well haue thought it to haue bene but a coūterfet brag. Cesar perceiuing his souldiers greatly offended, that their enemies should be able to loke vpon thē hauing no greater space betwixt them: and thervpō desiring earnest­ly a tokē of battel, declared vnto thē how great losse, & how great slaugh­ter of valiant men yt victory wold of necessity cost him. And when he saw them neuertheles so affectioned, that they wold refuse no peril for hys ho­nor, he thought himself worthye to haue ben cōdemned of to much wyc­kednes, [Page 188] if he shuld not haue set more by their lyfe, than by hys owne. And so comforting them, he conueyed thē backe agayne the same day into his camp, and went in hād wyth the ac­complishing of the rest of such thin­ges, as perteyned to the assault of the towne. Assone as Uercingetorix was returned home, he was accused of treason: as that he had remoued his Campe nerer to the Romanes: that he had departed wyth all hys horsemen: that he had abandoned so great an army without leauing any deputy in his stead: that vpon his de­parture the Romanes came wyth such spede and celerity: al the whych thinges could not haue happened by chaunce: or wythout aduice, onlesse he had bene desirous to haue the so­uereintye of Gallia by Cesars per­mission, rather than by theyr bene­fite. He aunswered to thys accusati­on in this wyse. wheras he had remoued hys camp, it was done for want of forrage, and that by their aduise. For that he came nearer to the Ro­manes, [Page] he was perswaded so to doe, by reason of thaduauntage of the place, which was so strong of it self, as that it neded none other defence. As for the horsmen there could be no mistre of their helpe in a fennye and moorysh ground, and they serued to a good purpose in the place whither they went. In that at hys departure he left no deputy behind him, he dyd it for the nones, least the same what soeuer he were, through the wilful­nes of the multitude, shoulde haue bene compelled to feight: whereunto of a certein fayntnesse of courage, he saw them all enclyned, bicause they were weary to endure that pain and trauel any lengar. If the Romanes came in the meane season by chaūce, they myght thanke fortune: if they were called by any mannes declara­tion, yet they had cause to thanke him, for that he had so placed theym that from the hygher grounde they might bothe view the slēder number of their enemies and despise their valiantnesse, and who hauing not the [Page 189] courage to feight, retired shamefulli into their Camp. It was no part of his desier to obteyne the souereinty at Cesars hand by treason, which he might get by conquest, in maner al­redy assured to hym & al the Galles. And yet he was contented to surren­der it into theyr handes agayne, yf they thought that he receiued therby more honour, than they did receiue saufty by him. To thentent (ꝙ he) ye may vnderstand that I forge not a­ny thing in this behalf, heare what the Romane souldiers say: And with that word, he brought forth certaine slaues whome he had taken a fewe dayes before as they went a forra­ging, and had tormented them with hungar & irons. Theis being taught before what aunswere they shoulde make to the demaundes, sayde they were souldiers of the Legions, and that enforced by famin and penurie they had stolne priuilye oute of the camp, to see if they coulde find anye corne or cattell in the fieldes: all the whole armye was constreined wyth [Page] like distresse, in so much that euerye manns strength began to faile him, and they were not able to holde out with their labor: Whereuppon the Graundcapteine was determined to dislodge his army within thre daies, if he saw no good to be done in thas­sault of the towne. Lo (ꝙ Uercinge­torix) these are the good turnes that ye haue by meanes of me, whom ye appeache of treason, by whose wor­kinge, withoute sheadinge of youre bloude, ye see that howge victorious army, welnere pined with hungar, against whose shamefull flighte and retire, I haue prouided before hand, that no citye shall receyue him into their territory. Than all the multi­tude cried out, and after their maner crashed their harnesse together, (whiche thing they are wont to do in his cace whose oration they like wel of) saying, ye Uercingetorix was theyr chief capteine, of whose faithfulnesse there was no mistrust to be had, and that the warre coulde not haue bene handled wyth greater pollicye and [Page 190] wisdom. They decreed that ten thousand men chosen out of al their host, shuld be sent into the towne: for they thoughte that the saufgarde of the whole commō weale, was not to be commited to the men of Bourges a­lone, bicause they perceiued that the whole staye of victorye rested almost in the keping of that Towne. The prowesse of our souldiers was not so greate, but that the deuyses of the Galles by al meanes preuented thē: as they are in dede a kinde of people most politicke, and moste apt both to conceiue and to work whatsoeuer is taught them. For wyth cordes they turned away our hokes, and hauing so stayed them, they drew them in to them wyth engines, and also abated our mountes wyth mines: so muche the more cunningly, bicause among theym are great yron mines, and all kind of mining is knowen and prac­tysed among theym. Moreouer they had rered vp towres vppon the wals round about on al sides, and had co­uered them wyth leather. Further­more [Page] issuing out oftentimes both by day and nyght, they eyther set fier on oure Rampier, or els assaulted oure Souldiers as they were busy about theyr work: And loke how much our Turrets grew in heighth by daylye raysing of the Rampier, so much did they build theyres higher, by piecing the timber worke of them. Also ha­uing discouered onr mines, they stopped them wyth stakes sharpened and hardened in the fier, and with boiled pytch, and wyth stones of vnmeasu­rable weight, & wold not suffer them to approche nere the walles. All the walles of the Gallian Cityes are builded in maner after thys facion. Greate postes of streight timber set on a row equally dystant a two fote space one from another, are let into the grounde and fastened agayne on the inside, and rammed surely with a great deale of earth. The spaces be­twene the postes are filled vp before wyth great stones, vpon the whyche being wel cowched and cemented, is wrought another layne, so that the [Page 191] forsayd distance may be continually kept, and the postes not touche one another: but beyng seuered wyth e­qual space, euery pece of timber may wy [...]h the stone woorke that lieth be­twene post and poste, be streightlye & iust closed: cōtinuing after the same sort, vntil the wall be finished to his full heighth. Thys kynde of worke­manshippe intermedled of stone and timber, keepyng theyr courses euen and directly by line and leuell, is no euil syght: partly for the bewtye and variety therof, but specially it is ve­ry commodius and profitable for the defence of Cities, bycause that the stonework withstandeth the fier, and the timberworke the battell Ram. The which timberwork being faste­ned on the inside wyth a like row of Rafters for the most part of xl. foote long, can neither be burst, nor pulled a sunder. Albeit that thassault were wyth theis so many thinges encom­bered, and that our souldiers during al the time were troubled wyth con­tinuall cold and raine, yet wyth rest­les [Page] labor they ouercome al theis thinges: & in xxv. daies made a Mount of CCCxxx. foote brode and lxxx. foote hyghe. Now when thys mount was at the point to haue touched the wal of the towne, and that Cesar of ordi­nary kept watch himself at ye work, exhorting hys souldiers not to cease at anye time from their labor, some­what before the thyrd watch, it was perceyued that the Mount smoked: for hys ennemies in dede vndermy­ning it had set it on fier. And at the same instant raysinge a great shout from all the wall, a salye was made out at two gates on both sides of the Towres: Some threw a farre of fier and dry stuffe from the wal vnto the Mount: some powred downe pytche and other such geere as lightlye ta­keth fier: so that reason was scarce able to teache, to what place were best to run first, or what thing was first to be helped. Notwithstanding, forasmuch as twoo Legions by Ce­sars commaundement did continu­ally watch before the Camp, & other [Page 192] two by turnes labored in the worke, it quiklye came to passe that some resisted them that issued out, and o­thersome drew backe the towres and cut of the Mount: & all the rest came running out of the Camp to quench the fier. Whyle in all places (the rest of the nyght being now spent) there was feighting yet styll, and that our enemyes were euer in better hope of victory, so much the rather, bycause they saw the penthouses of our tur­rettes burned downe, and that oure men could not with ease go vncoue­red to saue them, wheras they them­selues euer succeded freshe in the roumes of them that were wearyed, forasmuch as they thought that all the welfare of Gallia lay vppon the successe of that instant of tyme: there happened euen in our sight a thinge worthy memorye, whiche I thought not to be passed ouer. A certain Gall who standing before the town gate, receiued by hand balles of tallowe and pitch, and threwe them into the fier directly against the Turret, was [Page] strycken through the ryght side with the quarrell of a Crossebow and fell down dead. One of his next felowes steppyng ouer hym, supplied hys of­fice. Who being in like facion slaine wyth the quarrel of a Crossbow, the thyrde succeded, and so likewyse the fowrth: neither was that place lefte naked of defendantes, before suche time as the Mount being quenched, and our ennemyes quight driuen a­waye from that parte, an ende was made of feightinge. The Galles ha­uing tryed all thinges and brought nothinge to good successe, by the ad­uice and commaundement of Uer­cingetorix toke counsell the next day after to flye out of the Towne. The which thing if they attempted in the still of the night, they thought they might do it wythout any great losse of their men, bicause that the Camp of Uercingetorix was not far of frō the towne, and the marris whiche was al the way betwene thē, should stop the Romanes from pursewyng them. Now were they about so to do [Page 193] in the night time: when sodenly the maried women came running forth, and casting themselues at the fete of theyr husbandes wyth teares, be­sought theym moste piteouslye, that they would not abandon theym and theyr children to the crueltye of the enemy, whō the infirmitye of nature and want of strength wolde not suf­fer to make any shift for themselues by flight. When they saw them con­tinue in their purpose, (for it is com­monlye seene that in extreme perill feare oftentimes excludeth mercye) they began to shrieke out, and so to geue knowledge to the Romanes of the townesmens flight. Wherupon the Galles beinge striken in greate feare, least the wayes should be fore­layd by the Romane horemen, desi­sted frō their purpose. The next day when Cesar had moued forward his towre, and finished the works which he had purposed to make, there fell a great showre of rayne. The whyche he taking for a fit occasion to worke some feat, forasmuch as he had a lit­tell [Page] before perceiued the watch vpon the wall to be somwhat slightly set, commaunded his men also to goe a­bout their worke more loyteringly, and shewed them what he wold haue done. After he had encouraged his souldiers standing in a redines with in the Uines, nowe at the length to reap ye fruit of victory due to their so great trauels, he appointed rewar­des to such as first scaled the walles, and therwyth gaue them a tokē that they should to thassault. They made no more a do, but brake out sodēly on al sides, & quickly toke the wal. Our enemies dismayd wyth the sodennes of the matter, and beinge beaten frō the wall & the towres, clustred them selues together in the market and o­ther open places: of purpose that yf there were assault made vpon them from any side, they might be redy in aray to encounter them. When they sawe no man come downe into the plaine ground to them, but that they swarmed still all about the walles, fearynge leaste there shoulde be no [Page 194] meanes at al for them to scape, they threw away their weapons, and ran as fast as they coulde to the furtheste partes of the towne. There some of them as they pestered one another to get oute of the gates were slaine by the souldiers: and some being gotten out were slaine by the horsemen: for there was not anye man that gaue himselfe to the spoyle. So greatlye were they moued to wrathe, what wyth the murder that was commit­ted at Genabum, and what with the payne that they had taken in theyr worke, that they spared neyther olde men, nor women, nor children. In so muche that of al the whole number, whych was about fortye thousande, scarse eight hundred which at the he­ring of the first noyse had wound thē selues out of the Towne, came saufe vnto Uercingetorix. And yet he receiued those out of the chase verye late in the night and very secretlye, cau­sing them to be conueyed out of sight and to be saufconducted to theyr ac­quaintance by hys friends and noble [Page] men of the Cities, whom he had pla­ced far of in the way, as euery Citye had bene lotted to anye part of the camp from the beginninge, for feare least vpon theyr repayre, through pi­tifulnes of the common people, there might rise any sedicion in the camp. The next daye calling an assēbly, he comforted and exhorted theym that they should not be to much discoura­ged or troubled for the displeasure that had happened, forasmuch as the Romanes had not wonne any thyng by manhod or feighting in a pitched fielde, but by a certaine pollicye and cunning in assaultinge, whereof the Galles were altogether vnskilfull. They were muche deceiued, if there were any that in warre wold loke to haue alwayes good successe. As for hys owne part, he neuer liked it that Auaricum shuld be defended, as they themselues were able to wytnesse wt him. But it came to passe through thunaduisednes of the men of Bour­ges, and the ouer lyghte consent of the rest, that this harme was sustei­ned: [Page 195] and yet he wold find the manes ere it were longe to make all whole agayne, yea and that to theyr furtherance and commodity. For such Ci­tyes as nowe dissented from the rest of the Galles, wold he by hys indu­strye alye vnto theym, and make one coūsell of al Gallia, against the con­sent whereof, all the whole worlde shuld not be able to make resistence. The whyche thing he had in maner brought to passe alredy. Neuertheles it was but right and reason that for the sauftye of the common weale▪ they shoulde condescende to fortifie their campe, to thintent they might the easlyer withstand the sodeine in­uasions of their enemies. Thys ora­tion disliked not the Galles, chieflye for that Uercingetorix was not dys­maid in his minde at the receit of so great a losse, nor hyd himself out of sighte, nor eschewed the open face of the worlde. Yea he was thought to be a man of the more foresight and foreknowledge, in that before anye thyng was amisse, he was of opiniō [Page] first that Auaricum should be set on fier, and afterward that it should be abandoned. Therfore as aduersity is wont to diminish the authority of o­ther Capteines, so cleane contrarye wyse, his estimation was from daye to day augmented by receiuing this displeasure. And moreouer vpon his assurance, they had ye more hope that the rest of the Cities should be alyed with theym. Then first of all began the Galles to fortifye their campes, and they were so dismayde in heart, bicause they were men not acquain­ted with paynes takynge, that they thought all thinges that were com­maunded them, were to bee suffred and abiddē to thuttermost. And Uer­cingetorix endeuored to haue done no lesse by his good wil, than he pro­mised, whych was, to knit the rest of the cities in leage together, alluring the Princes and noble men of theym with giftes and large promises. For the performance wherof he chose out fit personages, euen suche as were easiest to be caught by suttel persua­sion [Page 196] or color of frendship. He caused al those to be newe armed and appa­relled, that had escaped when Auari­cum was won. And therewythall to thentent hys host whyche was sore dimynyshed, myght be supplyed a­gaine, he appointed euerye Citye to find him a certaine number of soul­diers, the whiche he commannded to be brought vnto his camp by a daye limited. Moreouer he caused serch to be made for al Archers (of whō there was a greate companye in Gallia,) and made them to be sent to him: By thys meanes was the losse taken at Auaricū sone supplied. In the mean season Teutomatus the son of Ol­louicon kinge of the The people about Moūtpellier. Nitiobriges, (whose father had bene accepted by our senate for their friende) came to him wyth a great power of his hors­men that he had hyred out of Aqui­taine. Cesar tariyng many dayes at Auaricum, and finding there great abundaunce of corne and other vyc­tual left by the citizens, releued hys armye of their trauell and penurye. [Page] Nowe at suche time as wynter was welnere spent, and that the very sea­son of the yeare called him foorth to warfare, so that he was fully purpo­sed to go agaynst the enemye, eyther to traine him out of his woods & ma­risses by some pollicy: or els to enui­ron him with a siege if it were possi­ble: The Heduanes sent certaine of their noblemen Ambassadours vnto him, desiring him to come and succor their city either thā out of hād or ne­uer. For ye matter lay in great peril, vpon this occasion: that whereas of olde time there was wont to bee but one magistrate created and he to ex­ercise thauthoritye of a king for that yere, now there were two that bare that office, both of them vaunted thē selues to be created by order of law. Of the which thone was called Conu [...]tolitane, a noble and lustye yonge gentilman, thother Cottus, born of an auncient howse, a man of verye great power and well alied, whose Brother Ualetiacus had borne the same offyce the yeare before. All the [Page 197] whole Citye was in armor, the Se­nate was deuided, the people was deuided, and ech of thē held hys faction a part by himself. If this controuer­sy shuld be nourished any long time, it wolde come passe that the Citye should run together by the eares a­mong thēseues. The remedie wher­of lay onelye in his spedye assistence & authority. Cesar albeit he thought it a daūgerous mater to leaue of his warres and to depart from his ene­my: yet notwythstanding bycause be was not ignorant how great incon­ueniences were wont to grow of dissention, leaste that so great and so neyghborly a city as that had ben to the Romanes, the whych he had al­ways cherished, and garnished by al the meanes he could deuise, shuld be put to the hazard of battell, and least the part that least trusted him, shuld sende for helpe to Uercingetorix, he thought it best to preuent the matter betimes. And for asmuche as by the lawes of the Heduanes, it was not lawful for them that were chief ma­gistrates, [Page] to absēt thēselues out of ye coūtry, to thentent he wold not seme to diminishe any part of their right or do any thing against their lawes, he went in proper persō vnto them, and called before him all their coun­sell, and them betwene whō the con­trouersie was. When almost all the Citye was assembled thither, & that information was geuen hym, howe by the consent of a fewe called toge­gether priuily in other place and o­ther time than was mete, thone bro­ther had subrogated thother in hys stead, contrary to the lawes whyche prohibited two of one linage beynge bothe aliue, not onelye to be created magistrates, but also to be admitted into ye Senate, compelled Cottus to geue vp hys offyce, and commaun­ded Conuictolitane (who accordinge to the custome of the City, vpon the ceasing of the former Magystrates had bene created by the Priestes) to enioye hys authoritye. After that he had made thys decree, hauing exthor­ted the Heduanes to forget all con­trouersies [Page 198] and dissentions, and that al theis other things set a part, they shuld bend themselues wholy to this war, assuring them that assone as he had subdewed Gallia he wolde re­ward thē according to their deserts: and willing them that with al spede they should send him all their horse­men and ten thousand fotemen, that he might place them in garrison for the defence of hys victuals: he deui­ded his army into two parts. Fowre Legions he committed to Labienus to leade amonge the Senones and Parisians: and he himself led six into Auverne to the towne of Cleremount in Auverne▪ Gergouia along the riuer The riuer of Alier. Elauer: of his hors­men, part he ga [...]e to hym, and part he kept to himself. The which thing being knowen, Uercingetorix brea­king all the bridges that were vpon that streame, began to make his ior­ney on thother side of Elauer. Now when eyther army was in sight of o­ther, and that they pitched their Cā ­pes one in maner right ouer against another, the enemy continually sen­ding [Page] forth scoults that the Romanes shuld any not where frame a bridge to passe ouer their host, Cesars affai­res were in great distres, lest ye riuer shuld cause him to lose the most part of the sommer, bycause that Elauer for the most part is not wont to fall so low that men may wade through it, before the latter ende of Haruest. Wherfore least that should happen, he pitched his cāp in a woody groūd, directly agaynst one of those bridges that Uercingetorix had caused to bee hewed downe, and the next day laye in Ambushe wyth two legions, sen­ding forwarde the rest of hys armye wyth all their cariages as had bene wont, sauing a few Cohorts, to thē ­tent that tharmy should seme to con­siste of hys full number of Legions. Hauing geuen theym commaunde­ment to go as farre forward as they could, when as he coniectured by the time of the day that they were now lodged in camp, he began to repayre the bridge vppon the same stoulpes that stode yet whole within the wa­ter. [Page 199] The whych worke being quikly brought of of hande, he passed ouer hys army, and taking a mete groūd to encamp in, called backe again the rest of hys host. Uercingertorix vnder standing the matter, to thentent he would not be compelled to feight a­gaynst hys wyll, went on before by great iorneyes. Cesar at fiue remo­uings from that place came to Ger­gouia, and there making a light skirmish the same day with his horsmē, after he had wel viewed the situaci­on of the Citye, whych stode vpon a very highe hill, and on all sides was harde to come vnto, he thoughte it was not possible to wynne it by as­sault: & he determined not to meddle with besieging it, before suche tyme as he hadde well furnished himselfe wyth prouision of grayne. But Uer­cingetorix pitchyng his tentes nere vnto the Citye vppon the top of the hill, had placed rounde about him a littel way one from another, the po­wer of euery Citye seuerally by the selues: so that it was a terrible sight [Page] to beholde, how euery littell knap of the hyll, was occupied as farre as a mans eye could reache. Also if there were any thing to be consulted vpō, or any thing to be put in execution, he commaunded the Princes of the Cityes whom he had chosen to be of his counsell, to come to him euerye morning by the breake of daye. And lightly he did not let passe any day, but that in skirmishing on horsback wyth archers mixt among them, he made a triall what courage and va­liantnesse was in euery of hys men. There was ouer agaynst the towne, a littel hill hard vnder the foote of the mountain, notably fortified, and on all sides, pared stepe, the whych if our men might come by, they were lyke to put theyr ennemyes for the most part from wateringe and from forrage at their plesure. But ye same place was kept by them with a slen­der garrison. Now in the dead of the [...]ight, Cesar stealing out of his cāp, did cast out the sayd garrison before that any rescow could come from the [Page 200] towne, and keping the place, lodged two Legions there, and drew a dou­ble trench of twelue foote from the greater camp to this lesse, so that mē myght walke from thone to thother euen alone wythout peril of sodeine surprisinge by the ennemye. Whyle theis things were a doing at Gergouia, Conuictolitane the Heduane (whome Cesar (as we haue shewed before) denounced chief magistrate,) allured with mony by the men of Auuerne, fell in communication wyth certain yong gentelmen, of whō the chiefe were Litauicus and hys bro­thers yong gentelmen of a very no­ble house. With theis he hath confe­rence first, exhorting them to remember that they were Gentelmen and borne to beare rule. The City of the Heduanes was thonly stay that dis­appointed all Gallia of most certain victorye, as by the authority wherof al the rest were kept in awe, and the whych being withdrawen from thē, there should be no place in al Gallia for the Romanes to rest in. He con­fessed [Page] he had receyued a greate good turn at Cesars hand, but yet in such wyse, as that he could haue done no lesse cōsidering the right of hys case: Howbeit he thought he was boūd to haue more respect to ye liberty of hys country: for why shuld the Heduans rather resort to Cesar to debate their lawes and customes before him, thā the Romanes resort to ye Heduanes? The yong men what wyth the ora­tion of the magistrate, & what with rewardes beinge soone lured, in so­much that they professed to become chief doers in the enterprise, sought meanes how to bring the matter to effect. And forasmuche as they were not in any hope that the Citye wold hastelye consent to rere war, it was thought good that Litauicus should haue the charge of those tenne thou­sande that were to be sent to Cesar, and that he should see them led, and that his brothers shoulde run before vnto Cesar. Howe all other thinges should be handled, they determined also. Litauicus hauing receiued the [Page 201] armye, when he came within a xxx. miles of Gergouia, called his soul­diers together sodenly, and weping sayd: Whither go we my souldiers? all our horsmen, all our nobilitye is destroyed. Eporedorix and Uirido­marus Princes of our Citye beinge appeached of treasō, are put to death by the Romanes, and theyr case not tryed: enquire the truth herof, of thē that haue escaped frō the slaughter thēselues. For I am so striken at the hart with sorow, for losse of my bro­thers and al my kinsfolk, which are murdered, that I am not able to vt­ter ye things that are done. Herewith al were brought forth such as he had taught before what he wolde haue said: who made report to the people, of the same thynges that Litauicus had spoken before: as that al the He­duan horsmen were slain, vpon pre­sumption that they had had commu­nication wyth the men of Auverne, and that they themselues by hiding them in the throng of the other soul­dyers, had escaped, euen when the [Page] slaughter was a doynge. Than the Heduanes cryed all together vnto Litauicus, requesting hym to coun­sell them what they shoulde doe. As who should say (ꝙ he) that it were a matter to bee taken counsell in, and that rather it stoode vs not in hande for our own saufty, to go forthwith to Gergouia and ioyne our selues wyth the men of Auverne. Can we thynke any other, but that after the committing of so heynous a cruelty, the Romanes are comming hyther­ward, to murder vs in likewise? And therfore if there be anye heart in vs, let vs reuenge the death of our fren­des that are most shamefullye mur­dered, and bathe our swordes in the bloude of theis traitors. Wyth that word he pointed to certaine Citizens of Rome, who vpon trust of hys de­fence were in companye wyth him. By and by he spoyled a great masse of corne and victualles: killeth them cruelly wyth torments: and sendeth messengers ouer all the countrye of the Heduanes, exciting theym wyth [Page 202] the same forged tale of the slaughter of theyr horsmen and noblemen: and exhorteth theym to reuenge theyr wronges in like sort as he had done. Eporedorix an Heduan a noble yōge gentelman of great authority in hys coūtry, and one Uiridomarus of like age and estymation, but vnlyke of birth, whom Cesar vppon the com­mendation of Diuitiacus, had raised from lowe degree to greate honor, came both together into the order of knighthod called therunto of him by name. Betwene theis two was con­tencion for the souereintye. And in the foresayd controuersye of the ma­gystrates, thone of theym had helde tothe & nayle with Conuictolitane, and thother wyth Cottus. Now E­poredorix hauing knowledge of Li­tauicus enterpryse, about mydnight bare woorde of it to Cesar. He be­sought hym that he wold not suffer the Citye to renounce the frendshyp of the people of Rome, throughe the lewd counsell of light yong men: the whych he foresawe woulde come to [Page] passe, if so many thousand men shuld ioyne themselues wyth his enemy­es, the welfare of whō neyther theyr kinsfolke might neglect, nor the Ci­tye make smal accompt of. Cesar be­ing striken in great heauines at this newes, bicause he had always borne a special fauor to the common weale of the Heduanes, wythout makinge any doubting in the matter, led out of hys camp fowre Legions wel ap­pointed and al his horsmen. Neyther had he leysure to drawe hys Campe closer together, in asmuch as ye mat­ter semed to stand altogether vppon spedy dispatch. So he left C. Fabius his Lieuetenant wyth two Legions to depend his camp: and when he had commaunded the brothers of Lita­uicus to be apprehended, he founde that they were fled to the ennemye a littel before. When he had encoura­ged his souldiers that they shuld not be discontented wyth the trauell of theyr iorney in the time of necessity, they went all very willingly, and at a xxv. miles ende espying the host of [Page 203] the Heduanes, he sent hys horsemen to them, to let them and stay theym of theyr iourney, geuinge streyght charge to them all, that they shoulde not flea any man. Eporedorix and Uiridomarus (whō they thought to haue ben put to death) he wylled to shewe themselues amōg the formost horsmen, and to cal to their acquain­tance. When this was knowen, and the deceipt of Litauicus brought to lyght, the Heduanes began to holde vp theyr handes, to geue significati­on that they wold yelde themselues, and throwing away their weapons, to desier to haue theyr liues spared. Litauicus wyth hys rete [...]ers, (to whome by the custome of the Galles it is not lawfull to forsake theyr maisters euen in most extremity) fled to Gergouia. Cesar after he had sent messengers to the City of the Hedu­anes to declare vnto theym that he had of his courtesie saued them whō by the lawe of armes he might haue put to the swoorde, and geuen three howres respit to hys armye to take [Page] theyr rest in, remoued hys Campe to Gergouia. He was scarce halfe on­ward on hys way, but that horsmen came to him from Fabius, and told him in how great daunger the mat­ter stode. They shewed hym that the Campe was assaulted with a great power, freshe alwayes succeding in the roumes of thē that were weary, and ouertrauelling oure men wyth continuall toyle, who by reason of the largenes of the camp, were fain to abide euermore at one part of the Rampyre wythout shifting of theyr places: manye were wounded wyth shot of arrowes, and all other kinde of artillerye: for the wythstandinge wherof t [...]eir engines did them great case: at theyr comming away, Fabi­us reseruing two gates, had caused the residewe to be stopped vp, & rered vp penthouses vppon the Rampire, preparing himself to the like aduen­ture agaynst the next daye. When Cesar knew this, he made such spede through the wyllingnes of his soul­dyers that the next morninge by the [Page 204] sunne risinge he returned into hys camp, while theis things were a do­ing at Gergouia, the Heduanes im­mediatly vpon the fyrst rumor that Litauicus spred among them, tooke no leysure to examine the trueth of the matter: But being driuē a head, some through couetousnes, and some through irefulnes and rashnesse, (as it is in dede a peculier fault ingraf­fed by nature in that sorte of people to take euery lyght report for a mat­ter of certainty) they riffled ye goods of the Romane Citizens, murdered diuers of theim, and tooke dyuers of theym prisoners to bee theyr slaues. The matter was not so soone set a broche, but Convictolitane helped to further it: and prouoked the people to a frenzie, to thentent that when they had commytted so heynous an act, they might be ashamed to be re­formed, Mar. Aristius Tribune of ye souldiers as he was taking his iour­ney towarde hys Legion, they con­ueied out of the towne of Cauillone, vpon faythfull promis of securitye, [Page] The like also they compelled theym to do that abode there in the way of traffique. And when they had theym wythout they set sodenly vpon them by the way and strypped them of all that euer they had. The Souldiers standinge at defence they besieged a whole daye and a night, & after that many were slaine on both sides, they raysed a greater multitude agaynste them. In the meane whyle when ti­dinges was brought that all theyr Souldiers were in Cesars power to do with them what he list, they came rūning to Aristius, and told him that nothing had bene done by commaū ­dement of the counsell, promising to make inquisition for the goods that had bene ryffled. They ceased vppon the goods of Litauicus and hys bro­thers as forfeited, and sent commis­sioners to Cesar to make theyr pur­gation: All the whych was done for none other entent but to get theyr people out of hys handes. For being defiled with so heynous a crime, and led wyth couetousnesse of the goods [Page 205] that thei had gotten, bicause the case appertained to many, and moreouer being afrayd of punishment, they began to consult secretly of warre, and sollicited thother cityes by ambassa­des. The whyche theyr doinges al­though that Cesar vnderstode, yet he spake vnto their Commissioners as gently as he could deuise, saying he had not any thyng the worse opiniō of the whole City, for those thynges that the common people had done of lightnesse for want of skill, nor yet that he bare the Heduanes any lesse good wyl than he did before. Loking in dede for a greater insurrection in Gallia, least he myght be beset of all the Cityes at ones, he toke counsell after what sort he might depart frō Gergouia, and gather to gether all his whole power agayne, that his departure rising vpon feare of rebel­lion, myght nor seeme a running a­way. As he was deuising her of, there seemed a fytte occasion to happen of bringing ye matter wel to passe. For as he came into hys lesser Camp to [Page] see how the workes went forwarde, he perceyued that the hyl where hys enemyes lay, the whyche heretofore could scarslye be sene for ye multitude that swarmed vppon it, was nowe quite naked and voyd of men. Won­dering at it, he demaunded the cause of hys runnagates, of whom a great number resorted to him day by day. It was the opinion of them all, (the whyche thing Cesar vnderstoode by hys spyes also) that the backe of the same hyll was in maner a leuell ground, but yet woody and narrow, by the whiche there was a waye to thotherside of the town. Thys place they stode greatly in feare of, & they thought none other, but that the Romanes hauing gayned one hyl from them alredy, if they shoulde obtayne thother also, they shoulde be as good as entrenched and foreclosed from stirring abroade, or goynge a forra­ging. Wherefore Uercingetorix had called them al thither to defend that place. When Cesar knew thys mat­ter, he sent foorth diuers troopes of [Page 206] horsmen about midnight to the same place: commaūding them to raunge abrode euery where, somwhat more disorderlye than theyr custome was to do. And in ye dawning of the day, he willed a great deale of stuffe to be taken out of the Camp, and the Mu­lettors wyth sallets on theyr heads, as it were for a showe of horsmen, to coast about the hylles. Among theis he appoynted a fewe horsemen to raunge somwhat abrode for the greater appearance, bidding them fetche a windlasse a great waye about, and to make al toward one place. Theis thinges might be sene a far of out of the town (as in dede Gergouia ouer­loked the camp very far) but it could not well be discerned so far of, what it shoulde bee. Moreouer he sent one Legion by the same side of the hyll: and when it had gone a littell way, he wythdrew it into a lower groūd, and there hid it among the woodes. The Galles mistrusted the matter more and more, and cōueyed thither al the power they could make for the [Page] strengthning of the place. Cesar perceyuing the camp of hys enemyes to be empty, rolled vp his banners, and hid the penons and antesignes of his souldiers, and conueying hys souldi­ers by slender companies out of hys greater camp into the lesser, to then­tent it should not be perceiued out of the towne, shewed the Lieuetenants of euery Legion, what he wold haue done. First and formost he gaue thē charge, to holde in theyr Souldiers, that neither for desier of feightinge nor hope of spoile, they straied to far. Declaring vnto them what displea­sure the disaduauntage of the place might worke them, the which might be auoided by swiftnesse and none o­therwyse. He sayd this attempt was to take thaduauntage of a present occasion offered, and not to geue bat­tell. When he hadde geuen theis in­structions, he gaue a signe, and at the same tyme sent vp the Heduanes by another waye on the ryght side of ye hyl. The wal of the town was dis­stant from the playne and from the [Page 207] first rising of it, but a thousande and two hūdred paces out right, if there had bene no windinges by the way. Now loke how much they were fain to fetch about for the easier climbing of the hyll, so much was the length of theyr way encreased. The Galles had drawen alonge almost from the myddes of the hyll, as nere as the ground wold suffer it, a wal of great stone of six fote hygh, to stop our so­deine irruptions: and leauing al the neather part bare, had replenished al the vpper part of the hyl, euen harde to the wall of the towne, wyth tents and pauilions as thick as one could be strayned by another. Our souldy­ers assone as the watcheword was geuen, stept quiklye to the wall, and passing slightlye ouer it, tooke three Campes. And they made such spede in performing theyr enterpryse, that Theutomatus king of the Nitiobri­ges being takē vnwares in his tent, as he lay at rest about midday wyth the vpper part of hys body bare, had much a do to wynd hymself out of ye [Page] handes of souldiers, that had entred for spoile, & yet his horse was woun­ded vnder hym. Cesar hauinge sped his purpose, commaunded the retreit to be blowen, and therwith the stan­derdes of the tenth Legion (to which he had geuē ye warning before, stode stil. But the souldiers of thother Le­gions hearing not the sounde of the Trumpet, bicause there was a good great bottom betwyxt theym, were neuertheles by theyr Lieuetenantes and Marshalles (as Cesar had com­maunded) held backe for a time. But in continuance puffed vp wyth hope of spedy victorye & the flight of theyr enemies, together wyth theyr pros­perous successe in former battelles, they thought there was nothinge so far aboue reach, whereunto by their prowesse they were not able to at­tain: so that in conclusion they could not be stayed from pursewing, vntil suche time as they approched to the walles of the Towne. Than in all partes of the City there arose a cry, insomuch that they whych were the [Page 208] further of: dismaid wyth the sodeine vprore, and mistrusting that theyr e­nemyes had gotten wythin the ga­tes, ran headlongs out of the town. And the maryed women casting ap­parell and monye from the wal, and auauncinge themselues wyth bare brestes, helde vp their handes to the Romanes, besechinge them to spare thē, and that they wold not (as they had done at Auaricum) destroy bothe women and childrē. Diuers of them also sliding downe the wall by theyr hands, yelded themselues to the souldiers. Luc. Fabius a Centurion of the eighth legion (who the same day as it is knowen, sayd to hys compa­ny that he was so encouraged wyth hys rewarde at Auaricum, that he wold not let it come to passe, that a­ny man should get vpon the wal be­fore him,) takinge vnto him three of his hand, and being lifted vp by thē, gate vp vpon the wal. Theis in like wyse did he drawe vp to him one af­ter another. In the meane whyle, they whych were resorted to ye other [Page] side of the town (as I shewed before) to strengthen it, assone as thei heard the first crye, beinge also hasted from thence by diuers messengers whyche told them that the towne was taken by the Romanes, sent theyr horsmen thither before, and folowed after thē selues as thick as hoppes. As euery of them came firste thyther, so tooke he hys place vnder the wall, and en­creased the number of his fellowes that were feighting: of whom when a great multytude was assembled, the women that late before stretched their handes to the Romanes from the wall, began to entreat their hus­bandes, and after the maner of Gal­lia to shewe theyr heare looce about theyr shoulders, and to bryng theyr children into theyr sighte. The Ro­manes were vnequallye matched, both in place and number, and ther­wythal being moreouer weary with trauell in running and feighting so long a space, they could not easly en­dure agaynst theym that were freshe and lustye. Cesar when he saw howe [Page 209] thencounter was in an vnindifferent place, and that the power of hys en­nemyes continually encreased, fea­ryng the successe of his men, sent to T. Sextius his Lieuetenant, whone he had left behind for the defence of his greter camp, that wythout delay he should bring forth hys Cohortes, and set them in aray vnder the foote of the hyll on the ryght hand of hys enemyes, to thintent that if he sawe our men driuen from their grounde, he shuld put ye enemyes in such fear, as they should haue lesse libertye to pursew them. And he himself remo­uing a littel forward with his legiō out of ye place where he stode, abode to see what end thēcoūter wold come vnto. At such time as the feight was sharpest, and that the ennemyes tru­sted to the place and their multitude, and our men in theyr manhode and prowesse: sodeinly on the open side of our menne appeared the Heduanes whō Cesar had sent vp on the ryght [...]ide by another waye, to thentent to stay the power of oure enemies from [Page] comming thither. Theis by reason of the likenesse of theyr armor, did greatly abash our men, & albeit they were knowen what they were by showing theyr right shoulders bare, whych is wont to be a token of them that are at peace wyth vs: yet not­withstanding our souldiers thought it had ben done by their enemies, to thētent to deceiue them withal. The same time L. Fabius the Centuriō, & such as had attained the wal wyth him, were enclosed and slain and cast downe from the wall. M. Petreius another Centurion of the same Le­gion, as he was about to break open the gates, being oppressed of the multitude and despairinge in himselfe, and besides that sore wounded in di­uers places, said to his companions that folowed him: Forasmuche as I cannot saue my selfe and you too, I wyll at leaste wyse prouyde for the saufgard of you, whom I being blinded wyth desier of vaine glorye haue brought in daunger. Sirs saue your selues whyle you may. Therewyth­al [Page 210] he thrusteth into the middes of his enemyes, and sleaing a couple out of hand, driueth the rest somwhat from the gate. As hys men went about to helpe him, it is but follye for you (ꝙ he) to goe about to saue my lyfe, in whom both bloud and strength fay­leth, and therfore get you hēce while you may, and recouer your selues to the Legion. Feighting in this wise, within a whyle after he fell downe, and wyth hys owne death saued the liues of hys men. Oure men beinge ouerlayd on all sides, wyth the losse of .xlvi. Centurions were throwen downe from the place. Neuerthelesse the tenth Legion whyche stode for a stale in a ground somwhat more in­different, stopped the Galles as they folowed the chace verye whotlye. At the receit of them againe stoode the Cohortes of the .xiii. Legion, whych T. Sextius the Lieuetenaunt had brought out of the lesser Camp, and placed in a higher ground. Assone as ye Legions came vpon plaine groūd, they turned their faces with displaid [Page] banners vpon theyr ennemies: And Uercingetorix wythdrewe hys men from the fote of the mountaine, into theyr fortifications. The same day [...] we lost littel lesse then seuē hundred of our souldiers. The next day Cesar calling hys army before hym, repro­ued the rashnesse and gredines of his souldiers, in that they toke vpon thē to be theyr owne maisters howe far they should go, or what they had to doe, and in that they would neyther stay themselues whē the retreit was blowen, nor suffer theymselues to be kept in order by theyr Marshals and Lieuetenants. He declared vnto thē what the disaduauntage of a place might do, and what he had counsel­led thē at Auaricum, where findinge hys ennemyes wythout a Captayne and without horsemen, he had let an assured victory slip out of hys hands, and all for doubt least neuer so littel losse might happen in thencounter, by meanes of the dysaduauntage of the ground. As much as he commended the hault courages of them, whō [Page 211] not the fortifications of the campes, not the heighth of the Mountaine, nor the wall of the towne was able to stay: so much agayn he disallowed theyr disorder and arrogancye, that they thought thēselues able to fore­see more as concerninge the victorye and the sequele of things: than their Graundcaptein: for he thought that modestye and obediens was no lesse requisite in a souldier, than manhod or haultnes of courage. Whē he had made this oration vnto them, and in the latter end encouraged them that they should not for this occasion bee disquyetted in minde, nor attribute that to ye manhod of thenemy, which had happened through the [...]saduaū ­tage of the place, being of ye same opinion for his setting forth yt he was of before, he led his legiōs out of ye cāp, & set them in order of battel in a mete place. When he sawe he could neuer themore thereby allure Uercingeto­rix into the indifferent grounde, he made a light skirmish with his hors­men (but that prosperously), and conueyed [Page] his armye into theyr Camp a­gayne. Hauinge done as muche the next day, deming it sufficiēt to abate the braggyng of the Galles, and to harten his souldiers againe, he dis­lodged from thence agaynst the He­duanes, and yet wold not hys enne­myes euen then pursewe him. The thirde daye he repayred the Bridges vpon the riuer Elauer, and passed o­uer his army. There falling in com­munication wyth Uiridomarus and Eporedorix Heduans, he vnderstode howe Litauicns wyth all his horse­men was gone to styr the Heduanes to rebellion. Wherfore it was nede­full that they went before, to keepe the Citye in obedience. Cesar albeit that by many ways he perfectly now vnderstode the falsehod of the Hedu­anes, and that by the departure of those that were with him he thought the whole City wold make the more hast to rebell, yet notwythstandinge he thought it not good to kepe them styl, least he should eyther seme to do them wrong, or geue them cause to [Page 212] thinke he stoode in feare of them. At theyr departure, he brieflye rehersed vnto them hys desertes towarde the Heduanes, as namely at howe lowe an ebbe he had found them, pestered vp in theyr Townes, amerced wyth the losse of their landes, bereft of all theyr men of warre, charged with a tribute, constreined to geue hostages with as much shame as could be: and to what good fortune, and to howe great preferment he had aduaunced thē: insomuch that they had not on­ly recouered their aūcient estate, but also (as it wel appeared) had aspired to suche dignitye and estimation, as they neuer knewe of in times past. Wyth this lessō he gaue them leaue to depart. There was a town of the Heduanes called Noyoune that stode vppon the riuer of Loyre in a conue­nient place. Hyther had Cesar con­ueyed al ye hostages of Gallia, grain, common threasure, and a great part of the furniture as well of hymselfe as of hys army. Hither had he sent a greate number of horses, bought be­fore [Page] in Spaine and Italy, purposely for this warre. When Eporedorir and Uiridomarus came thither, and vnderstode the state of the City, how the Heduanes had receyued Litaui­cus at Benwin. Bibracte, whych is a towne of chiefe authority among them: and that Conuictolitane the Magistrate and a great part of the Senate were come thyther to hym: and that am­bassadors by publike assēt were sent to Uercingetorix to conclude peace and frēdship with him: they thought that such an oportunitye was not to be let slippe. And therfore sleaing the kepers of Nouiodunum, and al such as came thither to bye and sell, they parted the horses and threasure a­mong them, thei caused the hostages of the Cityes to be conueyed to the Magistrate to Bibracte: the town it self (bicause thei thought themselues not able to kepe it) they set on fier, to thentēt the Romanes shuld haue no good of it: asmuch of ye grain as could be shipped vpon the sodeine, they ca­ried a way: the rest they either threw [Page 213] into the Riuer, or els burned it: they themselues leuied men out of ye next Prouinces, and set garrisons and wardes alonge the Riuer of Loyre, and sent forth horsmen to raunge o­uer all the coast, to thentent to cause vs to be afraid, if peraduenture they might kepe the Romanes from vic­tuals, or els bring them to so low an ebbe throughe penurye, as that they might be able to driue theym out of the Countrye. The whiche hope of theirs was greatly furthered, in that the riuer of Loyre was rysen so high wyth snow, that there was not any foord to passe at. When Cesar knew of theis thinges, he thought it mete to make spede, & to attempt to make Bridges, to thentent he might en­counter with them, before any grea­ter power were thyther assembled. For as to alter hys purpose, and to turne hys iorney into Prouince, he thoght it behoued him not at ye time so to do: partlye bicause the infamye and dishonor of the dede, & the mountayne Gebenua whych was betwixt [Page] him and the coūtry, and the crabbed­nes of the wayes were a let to hym: but inespecially for that he was sore afraid for Labienus, who was disse­uered from him, and for the Legions that he had sent foorth vnder hym. Wherefore takynge vnmeasurable great iourneyes night and day, con­trary to thopinion of all mē he came to the riuer of Loyre: & finding there a foord by hys horsmen such a one as wold serue the turne in such a tyme of necessitye, (for they could haue no more but theyr shoulders and armes free aboue the water to wielde their harnesse and weapons wythall) pla­cing his horsmē on ech side to breake the force of the streame, he so abas­shed hys ennemies at the firste sight, that he passed hys army sauflye: and finding plenty of corne and cattel in the fieldes, he furnyshed hys armye therewyth, and tooke hys iorney to­ward ye Senones, While theis thin­ges were in doyng wyth Cesar, La­bienus leauinge at Agendicum the supplement of Souldiers that came [Page 214] lately out of Italy, to thentent they should be a defence to the caryages, went wyth fowre Legions to Lute­tia, whych is a towne of the Parisi­ans situate in an Iland of the Riuer of Seane. Whose comminge beinge knowē to the enemy, a great power resorted thither out of ye Cities ther­about. The gouernment of ye whole host was committed to Camuloge­nus an Aulerk, who albeit he were almost wythered for age, yet for his singuler knowledge in feats of war, he was called to that honor. He per­ceiuing that the Lake which falleth into Seane was neuer drye but kept alwayes at one heighth, and that it greatly anoied al that quarter, setled himself there, intending to kepe our men from passing ouer. At ye fyrst Labienus wēt about to make Uinets, & to fil vp the lake with hurdles and turfe, & to force away to passe saufly ouer, but whē he perceyued it was to difficult a matter to bring to passe, he went secretly out of hys camp in the thyrde watche, and came to Melune [Page] ye same way that he had gone thence. It is a town of ye People of Sens. Senones stāding in an Iland of Seane, as we sayde a littell before of Lutetia. There ta­king about fiftye Barges, and faste­ning them quickly together, and putting his souldiers in theym, he so a­mazed the Townesmen wyth the straungenes of the matter, of whom the greater part had bene alredy cal­led out to the warres, that he tooke the Towne wythout resistence: and repayring the bridge which hys ene­mies had broken certayne dayes be­fore, conueyed ouer hys [...]my: & kept on his iorney downe the streame to­ward Lutetia. His enemies hauyng knowledge of the matter by such as fled from Melune, commaunded Lu­tetia to be burned, and the brydges of the towne to be cut downe: & they themselues remouing from the lake that was vpon the bank of the riuer of Seane, encamped directly ouer a­gaynst Lutetia in the face of Labie­nus Camp. By this time they heard that Cesar was dislodged from Ger­gouia, [Page 215] and rumors were brought of the rebelling of the Heduanes, and of the prosperous insurrectiō of Gal­lia. And nowe the Galles in theyr talke assured themselues for a troth, that Cesar beinge stopped of his ior­ney, and of passage ouer Loyre, was driuen for want of corne to make to­warde Prouynce. The people of Beawuoys also who of themselues had before times bene disloyall, hea­rynge that the Heduanes had rebel­led, began to rayse men, and prepare for the war openly. Then Labienus in so great alteration of things, per­ceyued that it behoued hym to work far otherwyse, thā he had heretofore done. Neyther studied he nowe anye more how to conquer anye thing, or howe he might egge his enemies to encounter, but how he might conuey again hys army sauf to Agendicum. For on thone side, the mē of Beaw­noys (which City is reputed in Gal­lia to be of very great force) were re­dy to sit on hys skyrtes: and agayne Camulogenus held thotherside with [Page] [...]ys army redye and well furnyshed: Moreouer there was a great Ryuer betwene him and home, so that hys army could neyther recouer to theyr garrisō, nor come by their stuffe and cariages. Being beset vppon the so­dein with so many distresses, he saw there was no helpe to be sought, but by valiantnes of courage. Hereupon he called a counsel toward the Eue­ning, and exhorting theym to put in execution diligently and polletique­ly suche thynges as he shoulde com­maund them, he appoynted the Ro­mane horsemen to take the Barges single that he had brought from Me­lune, and assoone as the first watche were ended, to go theyr wayes wyth them a fowre miles down ye streame wythout any noyse, and there to a­bide hys comming. Fiue Cohortes which he thought lest able to endure the brūt of battel, he left behind him to kepe his Campe. Thother fiue of the same legion, he commaunded to go vp the streame about midnight, wyth al the stuffe and cariages with [Page 216] a great noyse. Also he gate together botes, and caused them to be rowed vp the streame wyth muche noyse of beating wyth the ores. He hymself a littel while after, went forth secretly wyth thre Legions toward the same place where hee commaunded the Barges to ariue. Whē he came thi­ther, it fortuned by means of a great storme whych rose sodenlye: that the scoult watch of our enemyes as they were placed alōg the bankes on both sides of the Riuer, were surprysed vnwares by our men: and both oure fotemen and horsmen by the seruyce of the Romane horsemen whom he had appointed to haue the dooing of the matter, were quickly ferrried o­uer. Almost at one instant a littel be fore day light, tidings was brought to the enemy, that contrary to theyr custome, the Romanes made an vp­rore in their camp, and that a great company was going vp the streame, and a great noise of Ores heard that way, and that a littell beneath, men of warre were ferrying ouer in Bar­ges. [Page] When they had heard this, for­asmuch as they thought that the Le­gions were passing in three places, and that al of thē troubled wyth the rebellion of the Heduanes, prepared themselues to flyght, they also deui­ded their army into thre partes. For leauing a conuenient number for de­fence against oure camp, they sent a small bande toward Corbeit. Metiosedum, which should procede no further thā they saw the Botes go, and with all the rest of their power they went a­gainst Labienus. By the breake of day, bothe all our men were ferried ouer, and the battell of our enemyes appered wythin sight. Labienus ha­uing encouraged his souldiers to be mindfull of their auncient prowesse, and of so manye prosperous fieldes that they had fought, and to thynke wyth themselues that Cesar (vnder whose banner they had many a time and often foiled their enemies,) was there present, he bade blow vp to the battell. At the first encounter, on the right wing where the seuenth Legi­on [Page 217] stode, oure ennemies were driuen backe and put to flighte: on the lefte wyng, (whyche place the xv. Legion held,) albeit that the fyrst rankes of our enemyes were striken throughe wyth Dartes and fell downe deade, yet neuertheles the rest stode earnest­ly at defence, and there was not any man that made countenance to run his way. The Capteine Camuloge­nus himselfe was euer at hande, and encouraged them: While the victory hung yet in doubtfull ballance. The Marshals of the vii. Legion hearing what was done in the lefte wynge, shewed the Legion at the backe of theyr enemies, and aduaunced their banners agaynst theym. Yet for all that, there was not anye man euen at that time that forsoke his ground, but were all enclosed rounde about and slaine euerychone. Camuloge­nus also tooke suche fortune as hys souldiers did. Nowe they that were lefte for defence agaynste Labienus camp, when they heard that the bat­tell was ioyned, went to succor their [Page] fellowes, and tooke a hill: but they were not able to wythstand the force of our souldiers, specially being con­querors. So intermedling thēselues wyth the rest of theyr company that fled, al such forasmuch as there were neyther woodes nor mountaynes to hyde them, they were al slaine. Whē Labienus had dispatched this mat­ter, he returned to Agēdicum where the stuffe of ye whole army was left, and from thence he came with al his power vnto Cesar. Upō knowledge that the Heduanes rebelled, the war was encreased: Ambassades were dispatched into all partes: as far as eyther theyr fauor, authority, or mo­ny was able to stretch, they streined themselues to sollicit the Cityes. Hauinge gotten into theyr handes the hostages that Cesar had bestowed a­mong them, they put the neuters in feare that they would put them to death. The Heduanes requested Uercingetorix that he wold come to thē, and consult wyth them for thorder of the warre. When they had obteined [Page 218] theyr request, they sewed to haue the chief doing cōmitted to themselues: and they brought the matter so farre in controuersy, that a counsell of all Gallia was called at Beaw [...]e. Bibracte, to the which place resorted great num­bers of people from al quarters, and the matter was putte to voyces: by which it was concluded generallye, that Uercingetorix shuld be Graūd­capteine styll. From thys counsell were absent the men of Rhemes, the Lingones, and the Treuires. The men of Rhemes and the Lingones were awaye bycause they cleaued to the frendshippe of the Romanes: the Treuires by reason they were farre distant, and were infested by ye Ger­manes, whyche was the cause, that they came not of all the tyme of the warre, nor sent anye ayde to anye of bothe partyes. The Heduanes tooke the matter verye heauilye that they were set beside the souereintye: they lamented the chaūge of theyr estate, wyshinge that Cesar would pardon them. And yet hauing enterprysed ye [Page] warre already, they durst not wyth­draw thēselues to take counsel alone from the rest. Eporedorix and Uiri­domarus yong gentelmen of greate towardnes, coulde ill abide to be at the commaundement of Uercinge­torix. Howbeit hee commaunded all thother Cities to geue him pledges, and wylled them to bringe them in by a day. Ouermore he bade that all theyr horsmen to the number of .xv. thousand should wyth all spede pos­sible resort hither to him. As for fotemen he sayd he wold content himself wyth those that he had alreadye: for he wold neyther try the courtesye of fortune, nor put the matter to a pyt­ched field: But forasmuch as he had so good store of horsemen, it was an easy matter to compasse, to prohibit the Romanes from fetchinge corne and forrage, so that they could finde in theyr hearts to abide the destroy­ing of theyr owne corne and the bur­ning of theyr owne houses, through losse of which their priuate goodes, they sawe they shoulde attaine soue­reinty [Page 219] and liberty for euer. When he had set thyngs thus at a stay, he commaunded the Heduanes and Secu­sianes whych were borderers vppon the Prouince, to find him ten thou­sand footemen, and for an ouerplus, eyght hundred horsmen, ouer whom he made captein the brother of Epo­redorix, commaunding him to make war vppon the people of Allobrogi­ans. On thother side he sent the Ga­bales together wyth the nexte hun­dreds of Auverne against the Helui­ans: and the Ruthenes & Cadurkes to wast the borders of the Uolces in Arminacke. Neuerthelesse by secret messages and ambassages he sollici­teth the Allobrogians, whose min­des he hoped were not yet quietted syns the last war. Unto their noble men he promised monye, and to the City, the superiority of al the whole countrye. For a defence agaynst all theis chaūces, were prouided before hand two & twentye Cohortes. The whych being raysed out of the verye Prouince, were by the Lieuetenant [Page] L. Cesar in all places set as a Bul­warke against the enemy. The Hel­uians of their owne head encounte­ryng wyth their borderers, were put to the worse, and wyth ye losse of the Prince of their Citye C. Ualerius Denotaurꝰ the son of Caburus and manye other that were slayne in the field, were driuen to take their wal­led Townes. The Allobrogians placing diuers garrisons vpō the Riuer of Rhone, defended their borders wyth great care and diligens. Cesar bicause he perceyued hys enemies to be better furnished of horsmen than himself, and that all the wayes were so forlayd, that he could not be relie­ued wyth any thing out of Prouince or Italye, sent ouer the Rhine into Germanye, vnto those Cities which thother yeres before he had pacified, and demaūded of them horsmen, and fotemen light harnessed which were wont to feight amongest them. At theyr comming, forasmuche as they had not so handsome horses, he toke the horses frō the Marshals and Ro­mane [Page 220] horsmen, and from such as he had raised vpon the sodeine, and di­stributed them among ye Germanes. In the meane time that theis things were a doing, the fotemen out of Au­uerne and the horsmen that were en­ioyned to all Gallia assembled toge­ther. The number of theis men of war being very huge whē they were come together, at suche time as Ce­sar was passing toward ye Sequanes by the vttermost borders of Lāgres, that he might the easlyer succor the Prouince: Uercingetorix lodged in three campes about ten myles of frō the Romanes, and calling to coūsell the Capteines of hys horsemen, he tolde them the time of victorye was come: for the Romanes were flyinge into Prouince, and glad to get them out of Gallia. The whyche suffysed to obtein libertie for the presēt time, but littel or nothing auailed, to kepe peace and quietnes in time to come. For they wold returne agayne with a greater power, and neuer make an end of the warre. And therfore nowe [Page] was time to set vppon them, whyle they were troubled wyth their cari­ages. For if the fotemen aduentured to rescow theyr goodes, and made a­ny tarience about it, they coulde not continue on their iorney. Againe yf forsakinge their cariages (whyche he beleued wolde rather come to passe) they had regard to theyr liues, they must nedes be spoyled bothe of theyr furniture and of theyr honor. For as touching his enemyes horsmen, they myght well assure themselues that none of thē durst be so [...]olde as ones to put hys head out of ye battell. The which thing to thentent they myght with better courage attempt, he said he wold stand before his Cāp in bat­tel ray, with al his whole power to put his enemies in feare. The hors­men cryed out all at ones, that a so­lemne othe ought to be taken of thē, that he should not be receiued vnder anye roofe, nor haue recourse to hys chyldren, nor to hys parentes, nor to hys wyfe, that had not twyce at the least, rode through the battell of his [Page 221] enemies. When the matter was a­greed vppon and euerye man put to hys othe, the next day seuering their horsmen into three battels, twoo of them shewed them selues on the two sides, and the thyrd meeting vs face to face assaid to stop vs of our iorney. The whych thyng when Cesar hard of, deuiding hys horsemen likewyse into thre troopes, he cōmaunded thē to procede agaynst theyr ennemies. Al the thre battels fought at one in­stant. Our battell of footemen stode close together, and receiued the cari­ages in among the Legions. Looke wheresoeuer our men semed to be in daunger or to sore layde at, thyther Cesar wylled the standerdes to be aduaunced, and the battel to be turned that waye. The whiche thinge was both a stop to the ennemies that they could not pursew, and a [...]so an encouragement to oure men wyth hope of succor. At the length the Germanes on the right side gettinge the top of the hyll, draue theyr enemies down, and folowynge the chace vpon them [Page] hard to the riuer where Uercingeto­rix abode with his battel of fotemē, slew manye of them. When the rest perceiued that, fearinge to be enclo­sed about, they tooke them to flight. Thā was there nothing but slaugh­ter in al places. Three of the chiefest of the nobility of the Heduanes were brought prysoners vnto Cesar: Cot­tus the Lieuetenant of the horsmen who at the last election stode compe­titor agaynst Conuictolitane. Caua­rill who after the reuolting of Lita­uicus became capteyne of the foote­men, and Eporedorix who before the comming of Cesar had ben Captein Generall of the Heduanes in theyr warres against the Sequanes. After that all hys horsemen were put to flight, Uercingetorix retiring wyth hys armye in the same order that he had set theym before hys camp, begā forth wyth to take his iorney toward Aleria a towne of the Mandubians, cōmaunding his stuffe to be brought out the campe wyth all speede, and to folow after him. Cesar bestowing [Page 222] hys cariages in the next hil, and lea­uing there two Legions for the de­fence of them, folowed after him as far as the time of the daye wold suf­fer, and when he hadde slayne to the number of a three thousand or there­abouts of his enemies that were in ye rereward, ye next day after he pitched hys Camp before Alexia. When he had viewed the situacion of ye town, and put his enemies in feare, bicause theyr horsmen (in whyche part of the armye they put greatest truste) were put to flyght, encouraging hys soul­diers to the woorke, he began to cast a trenche about Alexia. The towne itself stode vpon the top of an hyll in a very high place, that it seemed not possible to be won, but by continew­ance of siege. At the fote of the sayde hil ran two riuers on two sides ther­of. Before the towne was a playn of a thre miles long. On al other parts the towne was enuironed wyth dy­uers hyls all of a like heighth, distāt a good pretye space one frō another. Under the wall, as much of the hyll [Page] as was toward the sunne rysing, the Galles had whollye occupyed wyth theyr tentes, & had drawen a trench and a wall of stone wythout morter of six foote in heighth all the waye. The compasse of that fortification whyche the Romanes were about, was eleuen miles. Their tents were pytched in places conuenient, & there were rered three and twenty castles, in the whych men warded al the day time, that there shuld not be any sa­ly made out vpon the sodein: and the same in the night season were kept with a strong watch and ward to defend them. At the begynninge of the woorke, there was an encounter of horsemen in the playne that wee spake of before of three miles longe betwene the hylles. Great prowesse was shewed on bothe partes. When our men were in anye daunger, Ce­sar sent in the Germanes to theyr rescow, and placed his footemen in battell ray before his camp, least the footmen of hys enemies shuld soden­ly breake out vpon them. Oure men [Page 223] perceiuing that the Legions stoode readye to rescowe them, tooke heart vnto them: insomuch that oure ene­mies being put to flight, did hynder one another wyth theyr multitude, and pestred themselues in getting in at ye narrow gates. The Germanes chased them egrely euē hard to theyr fortifications. Great slaughter was made: and many forsaking their horses, went about to passe the dyche, and to climbe ouer the wall. Cesar commaunded his Legions whom he had set before the Rāpyer, to auaūce thēselues somwhat forward. Wher­at the Galles that were within hold, were no lesse troubled thā they that were wythout. For they thought that we had made toward them, and therupon cryed by and by to harnes, and diuers of theym for feare rushed into the towne. Uercingetorix bade shet the gates, that the Campe were not left naked. The Germanes after they had slaine a greate number of men, and taken a greate sort of hor­ses, retired. Uercingetorix tooke ad­uice [Page] to sende away all hys horsemen by nighte, before the Romanes had finished their fortifications. At theyr departure, he gaue them cōmaunde­ment, that euery man should repaire home to his own country, and thrust foorth to the warres, all that euer were of yeares able to beare armor. He putteth them in remembrance of hys benefites toward them, desiring them hartely that they would haue regard of his welfare, and not aban­don him into the handes of hys ene­mies to bee put to torture, who had so wel deserued in seking the liberty of al Gallia: cōsidering that through their negligens fowerscore thousand chosen men were like to perish with him. Uppon accompt taken, he sayde he had corne scarse sufficient to fynd them .xxx. dayes: Neuertheles wyth sparing he thought he should be able to drawe it out somwhat further in length. When he had geuen theym this warning, he sendeth awaye hys horsmen secretly in the second watch by that way whither our work was [Page 224] not yet brought, & commaunded all the graine to be brought vnto him, vpon payn of death to such as were disobedient. The Cattell wherof the Mandubians had driuē thither great store, he distributed by the poll: the grayne he purposed to geue out by measure sparelye, and by a littell at ones: al his army whych he had pla­ced wythout the walles, he receiued into the towne. After this sort he ad­dressed himself to abide the succor of the Galles, and to take order for the war. Cesar hauing knowledge here­of by suche as fled vnto him and by hys prisoners, began a fortification of this sort. He drewe a diche of .xx. foote with streight sides: that looke howe muche distance was betwene the vppermost brewes of the dyche, so broade also was it in the bottom: All his other fortifications he with­drew CCCC. foote from that diche. He dyd it for thys purpose, that for­bicause he was driuen of necessity to take in so greate a grounde, as that hys whole worke shoulde not easlye [Page] be beset rounde about, nor hys ene­mye come hastelye wyth anye great number to his fortifications, eyther on the sodeyne or in the night time: or be able to throwe Dartes at oure mē as they were busy at their worke in the day time. Thys sayd space of CCCC. fote being left out, he drew two other diches of xv. foote broade a piece of the same depth: of the whi­che he filled the innermost wyth wa­ter conueyed from the Ryuer by the playne and lowe bottomes. Behynd them he cast vp a mount and a Rampier of xii. foote. The whych also he coped, & set vp Battylmentes vppon it, wyth great forked postes stycking out at the ioyning of the loopeholes and the Battilmentes, to hinder the cōming vp of thenemy. Moreouer he rered vp towres roūd about ye work, lxxx. fote distāt one frō another. We were driuē at that time to this extre­mity both to fetch in timber & grain, and also to make so great fortifica­tions all at ones, wherby our armye was diminished by going farre from [Page 225] our camp. And oftentimes ȳe Galles wold be busy with oure workes, and make salies vpō vs forcibly at many gates at ones. Wherefore Cesar thought it conuenient to adde some­what to theis workes, whereby they might be defēded with lesse number of souldiers. And hereuppon cutting of frō ye bodies of trees such boughes as were not very strong, and setting the toppes of them streight and ma­king theym verye sharpe, he caused long diches to be drawen of fiue fote depe: the trees being put into theis diches, and fastened in the bottome that they shuld not be pulled vp, stic­ked out wyth theyr boughes. There were fyue rowes of them ioyned and twysted one wythin another, so that whosoeuer ventured in, must nedes gore them selues vppon the sharpe pointes of the stakes. Theis they termed by the name of stockes. Before theis were digged in rowes inden­ted chequerwise of fyue pointes, pits of three foote depe growynge slope wise somwhat narrower toward the [Page] bottom than aboue. Wherein were pytched round stakes of the bignesse of a mans thyghe, sharpened aboue and hardened in the fier, in such ma­ner that they stycked not past fowre fingars aboue the grounde. And to thentent they should stand the strōg­lier and surer, euery one of thē were rammed wyth earth thre fote aboue the bottom of the pit. The rest of the pit was couered ouer wyth twigges and brushe, to hyde the conueyance wythall. Of thys sort were drawen out eyght rowes wyth three fote dis­stance betwene eche of them. Thys deuyse bicause of the likenesse of it to a Lilly, they called a lilly. Before theis were fastened altogether with in the grounde scatteringlye euerye where wyth a littell space betwyxt them, stakes of a fote long stickt full of Iron hokes, and theis they called gaddes. After that Cesar had fini­shed theis thinges, folowyng the le­uellest ground he coulde finde as the nature of the place gaue, he tooke in fowertene miles compasse, and fur­nished [Page 226] it wyth like kindes of fortifi­cations, on the outer side of theis, a­gaynst the forreine ennemye, so that not euen wyth a greate multitude, (if it shoulde so happen vpon his de­parture) hys bulwarkes and fortifi­cations could be assaulted rounde a­bout. And to thentent they shuld not be constreyned at theyr peryll to goe abrode from theyr camp, he commaū ded euerye man to conuey in before hand, as much corne and forrage, as wold serue him for .xxx. days. While theis things were a doing at Alexia, the Galles sommonynge a Parla­ment of their noblemen, decreed, not that so many as were able to beare armor (as Uercingetorir had appointed) shuld be called together, but that euery citye should be charged with a certaine number: least in such a con­fused multitude, they should be able neyther to rule them, nor to discerne one from another, nor to get suffici­ent victuall for them. And therefore they determined that the Heduanes and their adherentes the Secusians, [Page] Ambiuarets, Aulerkes, Brānouikes and Brannouians, shuld find .35000 men: the like nūber was enioyned to the men of Auverne, together with ye Cadurkes, Heleuteriās, Gaballes, & Uellannians, which were vnder the dominion of Auverne: To the Se­quanes, Senones, Bituriges, San­tons, Ruthenes, Caruntes, 12000. men a piece: To the Bellouacanes, 10000: as manye to the Lemouikes: To the men of Poyters, to the men of Turon, to the Parisians, and to ye Heluetians eight thousand a piece: To the Swessions, Ambianes, Me­diomatrikes, Petrocorians, Nerui­ans, Morines, and the Nitiobrigiās fiue thousand a piece: To the Auler­kes Cenomannues as many: To the Atrebatians .4000: To the Bello­cassies, Lexobians, and Aulerkes E­burones, thre a piece: To ye Raura­kes, and Boyans 2000. a piece: To al the Cities that border vpon ye O­cean & whyche after theyr maner are called Armorike, in the whych num­ber are the Curiosolites, Rhedones, [Page 227] Ambibarians, Cadetes, Osissines, Lemouikes, and Uuelles 6000. Of theis, the Bellouacanes sente not theyr number, bicause they said they wold in their owne quarrell and at theyr owne pleasure make war with the Romanes, and not bee at anye stranngers commaundement. Neuertheles at thentreatance of Comius, in respect that he had ben a soiourner among them, they sent two thousād. Thys Comius (as wee shewed be­fore) had done Cesar faythfull and profitable seruis certayne yeres past in Britaine. In recompence whereof Cesar had priuiledged his countrye from trybute, restored them theyr lawes and customes, and geuen him the Morines in rewarde. Notwyth­standing all thys, the consent of all Gallia was suche for the defence of their libertie, and for the recouery of their auncient renowne in feates of war, that neither benefites nor the remembrāce of frendship could moue them, but that all together wyth life and goodes they bent themselues to [Page] thys war: insomuch that they raysed a power of eight thousand horsmen, and aboute two hundred and fortye thousand fotemē. Theis were mus­stred in the borders of the Heduans, and the number taken, and Cap­teines appointed theym. Comius of Arras, Uiridomarus and Epore­dorix Heduans, and Uergasillaunus of Auverne Uercingetorixes susters sonne, were made Capteines Gene­rall, and vnto theym were assigned certayne chosen persones of the Ci­tyes as coūsellers for the war. They went al toward Alexia wt a chierfull courage in hope of a boone viage: for there was not among them al, that thoughte vs able to haue abidden so much as the sight of so huge a mul­titude, speciallye in a doubtfull en­counter, where the townes mē shuld breake oute and feyghte wyth vs on thone side, and such a power of hors­men and fotemen come vpon vs frō thopē field on thother side. But they that were besieged in Alexia, when the day was past that they loked for [Page 228] the succor of their country folke, ha­uing spent al their corne, & knowing not what was done among the He­duanes, sommoned a counsell, and consulted of the ende of their estate. After sūdry verdits geuen, of which some persuaded to yeld, and some to yssue out and feyghte wyth the ene­mye, whyle there remained strength in them: one Critognatus made an oration to them, whych for the hor­rible and singuler cruelty therof, se­meth worthy to be noted. This Cri­tognatus beynge borne of a noble house in Auverne, and acccompted a man of great authority said: As tou­ching the verdit of them that colour moste shamefull bondage wyth the glorious name of submission, I haue nothing to say: for I thynk them not worthye eyther to be accompted for our countrymen, or yet to be called to counsell. With theym haue I to do that persuade issuing out, vp­pon whose aduise semeth to be groū ­ded the remembrance of the aūcient prowesse of vs al. This is a faintnes [Page] of heart and not prowesse, not to bee able to suffer penury for a whyle. It is an easier matter to finde suche as will willinglye offer themselues to death, than such as can endure grief paciētly. And surely I haue so great regard of my worship, that I coulde wel allow this aduise, if I saw there were no further losse than of oure lyues. But in taking counsell, let vs haue a respect to all Gallia, whyche we haue raysed to succor vs. I praye you when fowerscore thousand of vs shalbe slayne in one place, what cou­rage shall our n [...]re friends and kins­folke haue, beynge constreyned to feight in maner vpon our carkesses? Bereue them not wilfullye of youre helpe, who for youre welfares sake haue not regarded theyr owne peril. Nor go not about through your own rashnes and folly, or rather through your faint hartednesse, to bringe all Gallia vnder fote, and to cast it into perpetuall bondage. Are ye in doubt of their faythfulnesse and constancy, bicause they are not come at the day [Page 229] appointed? For what purpose think you then, are the Romanes daye by day so busily occupied in those theyr outtermoste fortifications? is it but only for pleasure thynke you? Seing you can receiue no comfortable mes­sage from your Alies, inasmuche as all the passages are forlayd by the e­nemy, you nede no better wytnes of their approche, than the Romanes themselues, who being strickē with feare therof, sticke to theyr work day & night. You wil than aske me what is to be done? It is mine aduice to do as our auncestors dyd in the war of the Cimbrians & Dutchmen, though that war were nothynge like thys: who being dryuen into their walled townes and constreined with famin, did there prolonge theyr dayes and liue by the fleshe of such as for theyr yeares were vnmete for the warres, and wold not yeld thēselues to theyr enemyes. And yf we had no such ex­ample geuen vs heretofore, yet I woulde thynke it the greatest ho­nor that could be, to haue it founded [Page] by vs and left to posterity, in the be­half of our liberty. For what thinge was there euer like vnto that war? The Cimbrians hauyng wasted our countrye, and broughte vs to great misery, at length departed out of our coastes, and went into other landes, leauing styll vnto vs our lawes, cu­stomes, possessions, & libertyes. But the Romanes what other thing seke they, or what other thing desier thei, but euē of very spight to plant them selues in the landes and Cityes of such, as they knowe to be renowmed and puissant in battell, and to bring them into endlesse thraldome. For they neuer yet made war to anye o­ther end. And if you be ignorant of theyr dealing wyth Nations a farre of, loke vppon your next neighbour Gallia: the which being brought in­to thorder of one of their Prouinces, hath altred her lawes and customes, submitted her necke vnder the hea­ding are, and is oppressed wyth con­tinuall bondage.

After that euery man had said [Page 230] hys mind, they decreed that all such as eyther by sicknes or age were vn­necessary for the warres, should void the Towne, purposing to make al ye shyftes that could be, ere they fel to the counsel of Critognatus. Neuer­thelesse they determined to vse that to, yf the case so constreyned them, and theyr succors taryed ouer longe from them, rather than to admit a­ny condicion, eyther of yelding or of peace. The Mandubians who had receyued theym into theyr Towne, were compelled to depart out them­selues wyth theyr wyues and chyl­dren. Who comming to the fortifi­cations of the Romanes, besought them most earnestlye wyth teares in theyr eyes, that he wold take theym to be hys bondslaues so he helped thē wyth meate and drinke. But Cesar setting watch in diuers places of the trenche gaue streight commaunde­ment that they shuld not be receiued.

In the meane season, Comi [...]s of Arras & the rest of the Capteynes that were put in trust wyth thorder [Page] of the warres, came wyth all theyr power to Alexia, and taking an ou­ter hyll, rested not past a myle from our Camp. The next day after theyr comminge, bringinge theyr men of armes out of theyr Camp, they fyl­led all that playne whych we decla­red to be three miles in length: and they placed their fotemen secretly a littel frō thence in a higher ground. There was a prospect from the town of Alexia down into the field. Assone as theis succours were seene, there was runnynge together: there was recioycinge one wyth another: and euery mās mind was moued to glad­nes. And thereupon bringyng theyr power forth, they placed themselues before the town, and casting bardles into the dyche that was nexte vnto them, filled it vp wyth turf, putting themselues in a redynes to yssue out vppon vs, and to abide all hasardes. Cesar placing al hys armye on both sides of hys fortifications, to thentēt that if nede should so require, euerye man might knowe hys standing and [Page 231] kepe him to it, cōmaunded hys hors­men to be led foorth, and to skirmish wyth them. There was from all the Campes whych were pitched vppon the top of the hyll rounde about, a prospect downward, and al the soul­diers setting their mindes vpō then­counter, were desirous to see what end the skirmishe would come vnto. The Galles had myngled here and there amonge their men of armes, ar [...]hers and nimble footemen light harnessed, to succor theyr owne men when they retired, and to breake the force of our men when they pursew­ed. Manye of our men being woun­ded by them, drew themselues out of the battell. At such time as ye Galles were in hope that theyr men shoulde haue had thupper hand, and saw our men ouerpressed wyth theyr greate number, both they that were wyth­in our fortifications, and those that were come to the rescow of ye town, wyth a great shout and crye hartned ech of them their fellowes. Now forasmuch as the thing was done in the [Page] sight of all men, and that nothynge whether it were valiātly or coward­ly done, could escape vnsene, the de­sier of prayse and feare of reproche, enforced either part to valiantnesse. When the battell had continued in doubtful ballance, from noone vntil the sun was almost downe, the Ger­manes knitting themselues close to­gether gaue a fresh charge vpō their enemies, & made them lose ground: After whose flight the archers were by and by enclosed and slaine. More­ouer oure men out of thother partes folowing the chace vpon them euen hard to their camp, gaue them no re­spit to gather theymselues together againe. They that were come out of Alexia, in manner despayring of all good successe, retired wyth heauye heartes into the towne.

After one daies respit, ye Galles with a great number of hardles, sca­ling ladders, and hookes whych they had made in that littel while, setting priuely out of theyr campe wythout any noyse aboute midnyght, appro­ched [Page 232] to oure fortifications that were to ward the champion fieldes: where sodeinly geuing a great shout, (whi­che was as a watch word to their fel­lowes that were beseged, to geue thē vnderstanding of their cōming) they begā to throwe in their hurdles, and to beate our men from the Rampier wyth slinges, shotte of arrowes, and casting of stones, and to do all other things that appertain to an assault. Uercingetorix heryng the shout, cal­led his men together by the sound of a Trumpet, and the same instant led them out of the towne. Our men ac­cording as euery mannes place was appointed him a fewe dayes before, came to the fortifications. There with slinges that went wyth wyn­ches, and stakes whych they had pit­ched in a readinesse, & wyth pellets, they put the Galles in feare. And bi­cause the darkenes toke awaye theyr sight, many woundes were receiued on both sides, and a great number of artillery was discharged together at auenture with engines. But M. An­tonius [Page] and C. Trebonius Lieuete­nantes to whom those partes were allotted to defend, toke souldiers out of the further bulwarkes, and sent them to the rescow, whersoeuer they perceyued oure men to be ouerchar­ged. As longe as the Galles were a­ny thyng farre of from our fortifica­tions, they had thaduantage by rea­son of the great number of the darts that they threw: but after that they came nerer wythin our daunger, ey­ther they gored themselues vnwares vpon the gaddes, or els they slided in to the pits and were thrust through, or elles were strycken wyth pykes from the wall and from the Tow­res and so peryshed. When they had taken manye foyles on all sides, and coulde breake throughe none of our fortifications, and that the day light began to appeare, fearynge to be beset on thopen side by suche as might issue out of our hygher camp, they retired backe to the rest of theyr company. And those that were with in, as they were bringing forth such [Page 233] things as had bene prepared by Uer­cingetorix for theyr issuing [...]te and were fylling of the vttermost dikes, about the whych thynges they were fayne to spende a good piece of the tyme, vnderstode that theyr fellowes were departed before that they could come to our fortifications: & so with out accomplishinge the thynge they came for, they retired into the town.

The Galles hauing twice with great losse ben put to the worse, con­sulted what they might do: and cal­led to them suche as were skilfull of the places. Of them they learned the situation and fortifiynge of thupper part of our camp. There was on the North side a hyll, the whych bicause our men for the greate circuit ther­of, coulde not comprehende wythin theyr work, they were compelled al­most of necessity to pitch theyr tents in an vnhandsome place & somwhat a falling ground. The keping herof had Ca. Antistius of Rhegium, and L. Caninius Regulus two of Ce­sars Lieuetenants wyth two Legi­ons. [Page] The Capteynes of our enemies learning the places by theyr spyes, chose oute of their whole number, three score thousande men of those Cityes that had the reporte of moste prowes, and agreed secretly among themselues what, and howe euerye thing should be done, appoynting a time certayne when to go about it, which was euen when it shuld seme to be hygh none. Of thys army they committed the leading to Uergasil­launus of Auverne one of the fower principall Capteynes, the nere kins­man of Uercingetorix. Who setting out of the Campe at the first watch, and hauing welnere come to his ior­neys end by daylight, hid himself be­hind a hyll, and bade hys souldiers rest themselues after theyr nyghtes iorney. Now when mid day semed to draw me, he made toward the vpper Camp that we spake of before, and at the same instant their horsemen began to approche to oure forficati­ons that were toward the playnes, and the rest of theyr army began to [Page 234] show themselues before their camp. Uercingetorix beholding his cōpany out of the towre of Alexia, marched out of ye town, & brought forth with hym hys Rakes, Poles, Muscules, hookes & such other things as he had purueied before for to issue out with. Thassault was geuē in all places at ones, & nothing was left vnattemp­ted. Loke what part semed weakest, thither was most resorting. The for­tifications of ye Romanes were of su­che a copasse, that theyr power was disseuered far a sūder, and could not easly defēd many places. To put our mē in feare withal, greatly auayled ye noyse that was behind their backs as thei fought: bicause they saw their peril consist in other mens prowesse. For commōly those thinges that are not sene, do more vehemētly trouble mens minds than those thyngs that are sene. Cesar hauing gotten a mete place for the purpose, hadde woorde brought him what was done euerye where, and sēt succor to such as were in daunger. Both partes did set be­fore [Page] theyr myndes, that that was thonlye time wherein it behoued to shewe most stoutnesse. For ye Galles knewe that theyr good dayes were past, if they brake not through oure fortifications: and the Romanes yf they gate thupper hand, loked for an ende of all theyr trauels. The grea­test daūger was at our vpper forti­fications, whyther we told you that Uergasillaunus was sent. The grabbednes of the top of a place to a falling grounde hath in it great ad­uauntage. Some threw dartes: some cast theyr shieldes ouer their heades and preased vpward: freshe men suc­ceded in the roumes of theym that were tyred: the Rampier being caste downe by them all into the trench, did bothe make waye for the Galles to get vppe, and also didde couer su­che thinges as the Romanes hadde hidden in the grounde: and nowe our men had neyther weapons nor strength to helpe themselues wyth. Cesar hauing knowledge herof, sent Labienus wyth syxe Cohortes to [Page 235] rescowe suche as were in peryll: and commaunded that yf he were not a­ble to susteyne hys ennemyes, he shoulde issue out wyth his Cohortes and feyghte wyth theym abroade: but he warned hym in any wyse not to doe so, onlesse there were none o­ther remedye. He him selfe goeth to the reste, and hartened theym that they shoulde not faynt in theyr tra­uell. He tolde theym that the frute of all theyr former encounters, con­sisted altogether in that daye and in that one howre. Those that were wythin, despayryng to do anye good at the champion places, bicause of ye hougenes of oure fortifications, at­tempted to get vp to the stepe places, and thither they caried all theyr pro­uision. There wyth the multitude of dartes they beate the defendantes from the towres: thei fil vp the dikes wyth earth and hurdles: and wyth theyr hookes rend downe the Ram­pyer and the Uamure. Cesar sent thither fyrst yonge Brutus wyth six Cohortes: and afterward hys Lieue­tenant [Page] C. Fabius wyth other vii. and last of all. When thencounter wared somewhat to whot, he him­selfe brought fresh men to their suc­cor. Whereby renewing the battell and driuing hys enemies backe, he went thither as he had sent Labie­nus. He toke wyth him iiii. Cohorts out of the next bulwarke, and com­maunded part of hys horsemen to fo­lowe him, and part to fetch a circuit aboute the vttermost fortifications, and to set vpon hys enemies behind. When Labienus saw that neyther Rāpiers nor dikes were able to hold against the violence of hys enemies, he assembled nyne & thirty Cohortes whych he met by chaunce comming out of the next Bulwarks, and sent woorde by a messenger vnto Cesar, what he thoughte was to bee done. Cesar herevpon made hast to be pre­sent at the feight. Assone as he was perceyued to be come by the color of hys garment, (the whiche he vsed in battels as a mark to be knowen by) and that the Cohortes and troopes [Page 236] of horsmen which he had commaun­ded to folow him, were sene (as they might easlie be perceyued from such highe groundes being so steepe and falling,) his enemies gaue him bat­tell. A greate shoute was raysed on bothe sides, and lyke shoutinge was heard agayne from the Campe and from al our fortifications. Our men discharginge theyr dartes, came to hand strokes. Sodeinly appeared our horsmen behind them, and other Cohortes came vpon them. Then oure enemyes turned theyr backes, and our horsmen meting wyth thē made a great slaughter of them. Sedulius Capteine and Prince of the Lemo­uikes was slaine: Uergasillaunus of Auverne was taken aliue in ye chase: threescore and fowretene banners and antes [...]gnes were brought vnto Cesar: few of that great number re­couered sauf into their Campe. The Townesmen beholdinge oute of the Towne the flighte and slaughter of theyr companye, castinge awaye all hope of welfare, wythdrew theyr ar­mye [Page] from our fortifications. Imme­diatly vpon the receit of this heauye tidings, the Galles fled out of theyr camp: insomuch that if our souldiers had not bene fortrauelled wyth res­cowing so many sundrye places, and wyth the toyle of that daye, all the whole power of our enemyes might haue ben distroied vtterly. Our hors­men beyng sent out after midnight, ouertoke theyr rerewarde, and slewe and toke prysoners a great number of them: the rest scaped out of ye chase into the next Cityes.

The next daye, Uercingetorix calling an assemblye, declared vnto them how he had taken that war in hand, not for anye necessitye that he was driuen to himselfe, but for the liberty of the whole Realme: and for asmuche as there was no shift but to geue place vnto fortune, he offered himselfe vnto thē both waies, choose whether they would satisfy the Ro­manes wt hys death, or yeld him into their handes aliue. Hereupon were Commissioners sent vnto Cesar. He [Page 237] commaūded them to deliuer vp their armor, and to bryng forth theyr no­blemen. He sate vpon the Rampyer before hys Camp, and thyther were the Capteynes brought vnto hym. Uercingetorix was yelded, and the armor caste out before hym. Reser­uing the Heduanes and the men of Auverne, to thētent to recouer their countryes by them, if it might be, al the rest of the prysoners he dystrybu­ted among hys souldiers euery man one in name of a pray. Whē he had dispatched theis matters, he went a­monge the Heduanes, and recouered theyr Citye agayne. Thyther came ambassadours to hym from the men of Auverne, proferynge to be at hys commaundement. He put them to a great number of hossages, and sent hys Legions into garrison. He deli­uered about twenty thousand priso­ners of the Heduanes and menne of Auverne without raunsome. T. La­bienns he commaunded to take hys iorney wyth twoo Legions and hys horsmen agaynst the Sequanes, ap­pointinge [Page] M. Sempronius Rutilus to assist hym. He placed his Lieuete­nant C. Fabius and Lu. Minutius Basilius with two Legions among the men of Rhemes, to thentēt they should not take anye wronge at the handes of the Bellouacanes theyr next neyghbors. He sent C. Antisti­us of Rhegium to the Ambiuarets: Titus Sextiꝰ to the people of Ber­rey, and Caninius Rebilus to the Ruthenes, & wyth ech of them a Le­gion. He placed Q. Tullius Cicero and P. Sulpitius, thone at Cabillon and thother at Matiscone, amonge the Heduanes by the riuer of Soan, to make prouision of corne and victu­als: and he hymselfe determined to wynter at Bibracte. When theis things were knowen at Rome by hys letters, common suppli­cations were proclay­med for twentye dayes.

FINIS.

The preface of A. Hircius, or Oppius vppon the last booke of the Commentaries of the warres in Gallia.

COMPELLED BY THY continuall calling vpon me, (my frend Balbus: least through my daily refusal I might seme, not so muche to excuse my self by the difficultie of the matter, as to seke delaye for slouthfulnesse, I haue taken in hand a right difficult matter: I haue patched vp the Commētaries of our Caesar concerning his doinges in Gallia, nothinge comparable eyther to the things he wrate before or since: and I haue finyshed his last booke which he left vnperfect, from the things that were done at Alexandria, vnto the ende, not of the ciuill discord wherof we see no ende, but of the life of Caesar. The which who so euer shall reade, wold God they knewe howe vnwillinglye I toke vpon me to wright them, to thentent I be not blamed of folly and arrogancy for in­termedling my self with Caesars wrightings. For all men agree vppon this, that there is no [Page] thing done so workmanly by others, whiche giueth not place to the elegancy of theis com­mentaries: which were put foorth by him to thentent that wrighters should not want the knowledge of so noble dedes: and they are so highly allowed by the iudgement of all men, that occasion of matter maye seeme not to be ministred, but rather to be quight taken from other wrighters. The which thing I must ne­des more wonder at than all others. For other know how wel & exquisitely, & I know be­sides also, howe easly & swiftly he performed thē. There was in Caesar, not only abundance of matter and elegancy of wrighting, but also most certain knowledge how to expresse his deuises and conceites. For my part, I had not so good chaūce, as to be present at the warres of Aegipt and Affricke: the which warres al­though they be partlye knowen to me by the report of Cesar: yet notwithstandinge we are wont to heare those thinges that wyth their straungenes do delight vs or make vs to mar­uel, after another sort than those things which wee are minded to report againe as vprighte witnesses. But whiles I vnaduisedlye gather [Page 239] together al the causes of excuse, for the which I shoulde not be compared with Caesar? I do [...] thereby runne in daunger of the reproche of arrogancye, in that I surmise any man to be so far ouersene, to compare me wyth Caesar.

Fare well.

THE EIGHTH BOKE of A. Hircius concerninge those things that were left vnperfect by C. Iulius Caesar of the wars in Gallia.

AFTER THAT ALL Gallia was subdued, forasmuche as Cesar had respited no part of the former sommer frō warre, he was desirous to refresh his souldiers after so great peynes taken, wyth the rest of the wynter season, when newes was brought him that manye Cityes at the self same time, did lay theyr hea­des together agayne about war, and make conspiracies. Whereof there was reported a very likelye cause, in that it was knowē to al the Galles, that there coulde not anye power so greate be assembled into one place, [Page 240] as should be able to wythstande the Romanes. Neyther yf many Cityes at ones made warre in diuers places at one instant, could the army of the people of Rome haue sufficient, ey­ther of ayd or of time, or of menne of war to pursew al at ones: And there ought not any City to refuse the lot of theyr misfortune, if by the respit therof, the rest might set themselues at libertye. The whyche opinion to thentent it shoulde not settle in the mynds of the Galles, Cesar leauing M. Antonius hys Threasorer wyth charge of hys winter garrisons, wēt wyth a strong company of horsemen the last daye of December from Bi­bracte to hys .xii. Legion, whyche he had placed not far from the borders of the Heduanes in the Countrye of Berrey, and taketh thereunto the xi. Legion whyche was next vnto it. Leauinge two Cohortes to defende hys stuffe and cariages, he ledde the rest of hys army into the most plen­tifull fieldes of Berrey: the whyche being a large Countrye and full of [Page] Townes, coulde not be kept in awe wyth the garrison of one Legion, but that they prepared for war and made conspyracyes. By the sodeine comming of Cesar, it came to passe (whyche must nedes happen to such as are vnprouided and scattered a­brode) that such as were tillynge the ground wythout feare, were surpri­sed in the fieldes by our horsmen, be­fore they coulde get theym into the Townes. For at that tyme, the common token of inuasion whyche is wont to be perceyued by burning of houses, was by Cesars commaunde­ment laid away, least they should ei­ther want forrage and corne if they were minded to make anye further rode into the Countrye, or els that theyr enemyes for feare of the fyers, should conuey themselues out of the way. After that many thousandes of men had bene taken, the mē of Ber­rey being sore afrayd, suche of them as could escape out of the Romanes handes at theyr first comming, vpon confidence eyther of the old acquain­tance [Page 241] and familiaritye that had bene priuatly betwene them, by reason of resortinge a guestwyse one to ano­ther, or of theyr mutuall agrement and partaking in the same deuyses, fled into the next cities: but all was in vaine. For Cesar by great iorneis came so sodeinly vpō all places, that he gaue not any city leisure, to think of the saufgard of other folks rather than of themselues. Throughe the which spede, he bothe kept his frien­des faythfull vnto hym, and put the wauering sort in such feare, that he compelled them to be glad to receiue peace. The matter standyng in thys case, when ye mē of Berrey saw that throughe Cesars gentelnesse, there was yet a way for thē to return into hys fauour againe, and that the next Cityes had delyuered him hostages and were therupon receyued to mer­cye wythout further punnishment: they themselues did in lyke wise. Ce­sar for bicause his men had paciently endured so great trauell in the win­ter days, in most combersome ways, [Page] in vntollerable cold, and continued most earnestly in the same to the vt­termost, promised to geue to his souldiers Which after iiii. s. the ownce amoū teth to .xxv. s a piece. C C. sefterties a piece, and to theAfter the same rate a­mounted to xii. li. x. s. a piece. capteines two thousād a piece, in the name of a pray: and so sēding hys Legions againe into theyr win­tering places, he himself returned to Bibracte the .xl. day after his setting foorth. There as he was minystring of Iustice, the men of Berrey sent messengers vnto him desyring helpe agaynst the Caruntes, whom they complayned to make war vpon thē. Upon the receit of thys newes, whē he had not lien in garrisō past eigh­tene dayes, he draweth the xiiii. and xvi. Legions out of garrison frō the riuer of Soane, where he had placed thē for the spedy purueiance of corne and victuall, as was shewed you in the laste booke: and wyth those two Legions went to persecute the Ca­runtes. When our enemyes hearde of the comming of our army, the Caruntes moued wyth the calamitye of others, left vp theyr townes and vil­lages [Page 244] that they dwelled in, whyche they had made vpon the sodein wyth littell cotages for necessities sake to kepe of ye winter: (for sins they were conquered a late, they had lost many of their walled townes) and fled scattering abroade. Cesar forasmuch as he woulde not put hys souldiers to thabiding of thunreasonable sharpe stormes whych chieflye at that time fell, encamped hymself wythin Ge­nabum a town of the Caruntes and housed hys souldiers partlye in the buildings of the Galles, and partlye in such buildinges as beynge vnfi­nyshed they thatched in haste wyth the straw that was brought in to co­uer theyr tentes and Cabanes. Ne­uertheles he sendeth abrode his hors­men and fotemen straungers, into al coastes whyther he heard hys enne­mies resorted: and that was not in vayne. For commonly oure men re­turned euer wyth a greate bootye. The Carunts being oppressed with the hardnes of the wynter, and the terror of the daunger, beinge driuen [Page] out of house and home, and daringe not stay any where anye long time, the woodes being not able to defend them from the cruelnesse of the stor­mes, were scattred abrode, and with the losse of a great part of them, dis­persed into the next Cities. Cesar in that hardest time of the yeare, thyn­king it inough to disperse ye powers that were assembling, to thentent no beginning of war might spring vp, forasmuch as he could not perceyue so far as reason was able to reache, that anye great warre of the whole countrye coulde bee rered in the be­ginning of the next sommer: he pla­ced C. Trebonius in garrisō at Ge­nabū wyth those two Legions that he had there about him: and for as­muche as he was by often messages certified from the men of Rhemes, that the Bellouacanes (who excelled all the Galles and the Belgies also in the renowne of cheualrye) and the Cities adioyning vnto them, by the conduct of Corbey of Beawvoys and Comius of Arras, leuied men of war [Page 243] and assembled them into one place, to thentent with theyr whole power to inuade the marches of Soyssons, whych was an appurtenance of the men of Rhemes: thynkinge it stoode not only vpon his honor, but also v­pon hys good successe hereafter, to saue hys alies whiche had deserued wel of the common weale, from dis­pleasure and domage, he called the eleuenth Legion agayn out of garri­son. Moreouer he wrate to C. Fabi­us to bring the two Legions that he had, into the marches of Soyssons: and sent for one of those two Legi­ons that were wyth T. Labienus. So according as his garrisons laye for the purpose, and as the state of ye war required, to his owne continual payne, he put sometime one sorte of hys Legions and somtime another, to make voyages by turnes. Wyth thys power that he had assembled he went against the Bellouacanes: and pitching hys camp in theyr country, sent abroade hys horsemen into all quarters to licke vp some of theym, [Page] by whose meanes he myght learne what hys enemies purposed to doe. His horsemen doynge theyr dutye, brought word how few were found in the houses, and those not of suche as had abidden behinde to tyll the ground, for they were aduisedlye re­moued out of al places: but of suche as had ben sent backe agian to spie. Of whom Cesar enquiring in what place the power of the Bellouaca­nes were, & what was theyr intent, founde that all the Bellouacanes were gathered together into one place: and that the Ambianes, Au­lerkes, Caletanes, Uelocassiās, and Atrebatians had chosen a very high ground to encamp in, enclosed with a troublesome marris, and had con­ueyed all theyr stuffe into woodes that were further of, of the whyche war there were many noblemē that were ringleaders, but the multitude obeyed Corbey most, bicause they vnderstode that he hated most the name of the people of Rome: And that Co­mius of Arras was a fewe dayes be­fore [Page 242] gone to fetch ayd of the Germa­nes, who were their next neighbors and swarmed in multitude of peo­ple. He learned moreouer at theyr handes, that the Bellouacanes by the consent of all the noblemen at the earnest instance of the commons, were determined if Cesar came (as it was sayd he woulde) but wyth thre legions, to offer him battel, least af­terward to more disaduauntage and hinderance they should be compelled to encounter wyth hys whole hoste: And yf he brought a greater power wyth him, then to kepe themselues styll in the same grounde that they had chosen, and to lay ambushes to kepe the Romanes frō forrage (whi­che by reason of the time of the yeare was scarce, and also laye scattering) and from corne and other victualles and thinges necessary for theyr host. The whych things when Cesar vn­derstoode by the agreable reporte of many, considering how the deuice of them was full of wysdome and farre from the rashnesse that barbarous [Page] people are wont to vse, he determy­ned to take oportunity in al things, to thentent his enemies disdayning hys smal company, should make the more hast to come into the field. For he had three olde practised Legions the .vii.viii. and .ix. of singuler man­hod and prowesse: and the .xi. whych was of chosen yonge men of greate hope and towardnes, the whych ha­uinge at that tyme receyued eyghte yeres wages, was notwithstanding in comparison of thothers, not yet come to the like worshyp of continu­ance and prowesse. Wherefore som­moning an assemblye, and there de­claring all things that had bene re­ported vnto him, he strengthned the heartes of the common souldiers, yf peraduenture wyth the number of three Legions he might tol out hys ennemies to feight wyth him in the field. He set his battelles in such or­der, that the .vii.viii. and .ix. Legi­ons went before al the cariages, and that the xi. closed in the araye of all the cariages, the which notwithstā ­ding [Page 245] was but meane, as is wont to be in rodes: least the enemies myght thinke they sawe a greater number than they required themselues. By thys meanes, in a square battell al­most, he broughte hys hoste in sight of hys enemyes sooner than they lo­ked for him. The whych Legions so sodenly set in order, whē the Galles behelde marchyng towarde them a measurable pace as it had bene in a pitched field, whereas it was repor­ted to Cesar that they had purposed matters before of a stout courage, whether it were for the perill of thē ­counter, or the sodeinnesse of oure comming, or that they looked to see what we entended to do, they set thē selues in order of battell before their camp, and wold not discend from the higher groūd. Albeit that Cesar was desyrous to haue fought with them, yet bicause he maruelled at ye greate number of hys ennemies, he pitched hys campe directlye ouer agaynste theirs, on thother side of a valley, whych was more in depenes down­ward [Page] than in wydenesse any way in the bottome. Thys Camp he com­maūded to be fortified wyth a Ram­pier of .xii. foote, and an opē gallery to be builded vppon it accordinge to the measure of the same heighth: and a double dike to be made of xv. foote a peece wyth sides plomme downe: and manye turrettes to bee rered of three storyes heyghth, and to be ioy­ned together wyth draw brydges to let downe at pleasure, the frontes wherof were fenced wyth grates of wicker▪ to thentent the enemy might be repulsed with double rowes of de­fendantes: of the whyche thone from the bridges the more out of daunger they were by reason of the heyghth, so much the boldlier and the further of myght they send theyr dartes: tho­ther the nearer they were placed to theyr enemy vppon the Rampier, so much the better should they be coue­red aloft frō thartillerye that might fall downe vpon them: and ouer the gates he made hyghe towres. Thys kind of fortificatiō was to two good [Page 248] purposes: for by the greatnesse of his workes and hys pretence of feare, he hoped to set the barbarous Galles in a greate pride, and whensoeuer he should haue occasion to send out any thynge far for forrage or victuals, he sawe that the camp might be defen­ded wyth a smal power, the strength of the fortificatiōs was so great. In the meane while, diuers times a few of bothe sides wold go out and skir­mish in ye marris that was betwene our two campes, the whych oftenti­mes eyther the Galles & Germanes that were of our host wold passe and egrely pursew theyr enemyes: or els in like maner our enemyes passyng ouer it, did send our men further of. It happened in our dayly forraging (as there was none other shyft, for­asmuche as we were fayne to fetche forrage at houses that stoode scatte­ring far a sunder) that our forragers being disseuered in vnhandsome pla­ces, were entrapped. The whyche thinge as it was some losse to vs of our beastes of cariage and slaues, so [Page] it kindled the foolish courages of the barbarous Galles: and that so much the more, bicause Comius of Arras (whome we declared before, to haue bene gone to fetche ayde of the Ger­manes,) was come wyth horsemen: of whom although there was not a­boue the number of fiue hundred, yet the Galles were puffed vp at the cō ­ming of the Germanes.

When Cesar perceyued howe hys enemies held themselues manye dayes together wythin theyr camp, whyche was fortified bothe wyth a marris and also with aduauntage of the ground: and that he coulde ney­ther assault them wythout manifest peryll, nor inclose the place where they were wyth anye fortifications, wythout a greater army, he directed hys letters to Trebonius, that he shoulde wyth all haste possible sende for the xiii. Legion whyche wintred in Berrey vnder T. Sextius hys Lieuetenant, and so with thre Legi­ons make longe iorneyes to come to him. In the meane season he sent out [Page 247] euer by turnes the horsmen of Rhe­mes and Langres and of other Ci­tyes, of whom he had called foorth a great number, to saufconduct the for­ragers and to wythstande the sodein assaultes of the enemy. The whyche being done day by day, and our men takinge nowe lesse hede, bicause it was an ordinary matter with them, whiche thing for the most part com­meth to passe by dailye custome, the Bellouacanes wyth a band of chosē fotemen, knowing the places where our horsemen dailye kept theyr stan­dinges, layd ambushes in woody places: and the next day, they sēt thither their horsemen, first to toll out oure men into the daunger of theyr bush­mentes, and than to assayle them as they were enclosed. The lot of thys euill lucke lighted vpon the men of Rhemes, whose turne it was to sup­ply that roume that daye. For they, when they had espied the horsmen of theyr enemyes vpon the sodein, dys­pising them bicause they were not of like number to them, folowed them [Page] ouer gredelye and were enclosed by the fotemen. Wherby being put out of araye, they retired more hastelye than horsmen are accustomed to doe in battell, wyth the losse of Uertisco the Prince of their Citye, and Cap­tayne of theyr horsmen. Who being scarce able to sit vpon a horse by rea­son of hys age, would notwythstan­ding according to the custome of the Galles, neyther seeke to disburden hymself of the Capteinship by excuse of hys age, nor suffer thencounter to be fought wythout hym. Wyth this luckye battell wherein they slew the Prince and Capteyne of the men of Rhemes, the courages of our enne­myes were inflamed and quickened: and our men were taught by theyr owne harme, to serch ye places better where they shoulde kepe theyr stan­dinges, and to folowe theyr enemye more aduisedly when he fled. In the meane while ceased not ye daily skir­mishes in the sight of both our cam­pes, which were made at the foordes and passages of the marris. In the [Page 246] whych kind of exercise, when as the Germanes (whom Cesar had for the same purpose fet ouer the Rhine, that they should feyght intermedled wyth hys horsemen in the battell,) had al stoutly passed the marris, and sleaing a fewe in making resistence, folowed egrely vppon the rest of the multitude: not onlye they that were ouerthrowen at hand or wounded a­loof, but also they that were wonte to succor a farre of, were so strycken wyth feare, that they ranne awaye shamefullye: and neuer left fliynge, from higher ground to higher which they oftentimes lost, before they ey­ther recouered into theyr Campe, or (as some did for very shame) fled fur­ther of. Wyth the daunger of whom the rest of the host was so sore trou­bled, that it can scarslye he iudged, whether good successe (were it neuer so smal) wold make them more arro­gant, or a misfortune (were it neuer so meane,) would make theym more fearefull.

After they had lurked many dais [Page] in the same Campe, when the Cap­teynes of the Bellouacanes vnder­stode that C. Trebonius one of Ce­sars Lieuetenants was at hād with mo Legions, fearinge the like siege as was at Alexia, they sent away in the night all suche as by reason of yeres or otherwise wanted strength, and all such as wanted armor amōg them, and with them thei sent away also theyr cariages: of whom whyle they were setting forth the troubled and confused cōpany, (for the Galles euen whē they go lightest, are wont to haue a great multitude of Cartes folowing them) daylight came vpon them, and therfore they set theyr mē in battel ray in theyr camp, least the Romanes should pursewe them, be­fore the companye of their cariages could get any thyng forwarde. But Cesar thought it not good to assaile them being ready at defence, hauing so hygh a hyl to mount vp vnto thē, and yet he thoughte to come so nere them wyth hys host, as that our ene­mies might not departe oute of the [Page 249] place where they were, wythout daū ger, our men being hard at hand re­dye to fall vppon them. Wherefore wheras he perceiued that ye trouble­some marris parted Camp frō camp, (the vnhandsome passage whereof might hynder the spedye pursewt of our enemies) and that the same ridge of the hyll which went from the fur­ther side of the marris almost to the Camp of hys enemyes, was parted from theyr sayd Camp wyth a mean valley: He made bridges ouer the marris and passing ouer his armye, gate quicklye into the plaine of the saide ridge, the whych on two sydes was fortified wyth a stepe fallinge. There settinge hys men in aray, he came to the furthest end of the ridge: and ordered hys battelles in suche a place, from whence wyth an engine artillery might haue bene shotte a­mong the thyckest of hys ennemyes. The Galles trustyng to thaduaun­tage of the place, when they woulde neyther haue refused thencounter, yf perchaūce the Romanes wold haue [Page] aduentured vp the hil against them, nor yet durst by lyttell and littel di­minish theyr battel by seuering them selues, least when they had bene out of aray, they might hap to haue ben troubled, kept themselues still in or­der of battell. Whose wilfulnes Ce­sar perceiuing, kept .xx. Cohortes in a readinesse, and pytching hys tents in the same place, commaunded hys Camp should be fortified. Assone as the workes were finished, he set hys Legions in araye before the Ram­pier, and appointed the horsemen to theyr standinges wyth theyr horses redy bridled. When the Bellouaca­nes sawe the Romanes in a ready­nes to pursew them, and that them selues coulde not wythout peryll ey­ther lodge that night, or continue a­nye lengar in the same place where they were, they deuised thys shift to recouer themselues. In the place where they were set together, (for it is declared in Cesars former com­mentaries how the Galles are wont to sit downe in the battel) they recei­ued [Page 250] from hand to hande one of ano­ther, bundels of strawe and fagots, whereof there was greate store in their Camp, and cast it all on a heap before theyr battell, and in the latter end of the day, by a watchword that was geuen, they set it on fire all at one instant: by meanes whereof the continual flame sodeinly toke away the sight of all their armye from the Romanes: and therwithall ye sauage Galles fledde awaye as fast as theyr legges could beare them. Albeit that Cesar could not perceyue the depar­ting of hys enemies by reason of the flame that was betwyxt theym, yet notwythstandinge forasmuch as [...]e suspected it to be a practise wrought by them, that they might the sauflier flye away: he remoued hys footemen forwarde, and sent hys horsemen to pursue theym. Howbeit for feare of treason, least perhaps hys ennemies should stay styl in the same place and egge vs foorth into a ground of dis­aduauntage, he wēt the slower pace. His horsemen fearyng to enter into [Page] the smoke and thicke flame, and if a­nye were so earnest as to enter in; they could scarce see the formest par­tes of their owne horses, for doubt to be betrapped, gaue ye Bellouacanes free libertye to recouer themselues whither they wold. Thus our enne­mies through their flight which was full both of feare and wilynesse, es­caping without any losse, went but ten miles of, and encamped themsel­ues in a very strong grounde. From whence by laying bushments often­times both of horsemen and fotemen in diuers places, they did the Roma­nes great displeasures as they went a forraging. After it had happened so many and sundry times, Cesar lear­ned of a certayne prisoner, that Cor­bey Capteyne of the Bellouacanes, had chosen out of hys whole host, six thousand of the valeantest fotemen, and a thousand horsmen, the whyche he had laide in ambushe in the same place whither (for the plentye of for­rage and corne that was there) he iudged the Romanes wolde send for forrage.

[Page 251]The whyche purpose beynge knowen, Cesar brought forth mo le­gions than he was wont, and sen­deth before hys horsemen after the same maner he was wont to sende theym to saufconduct hys forragers. Among thē he intermedled for their assistence a number of lighte armed footemen, and himself wyth hys Le­gions foloweth as nere theym as he can. His enemies that were layd in ambush, hauing chosen a fielde for their purpose, not passynge a myle wide accompting euery waye, enui­roned round about, eyther wyth cō ­bersome woodes, or els a verye depe ryuer, beset it with theyr bushment, as it had bene wyth a toyle. Our mē forasmuch as they were priuie to the deuise of their enemies before hand, being readye both with heart & hand to feight, seing their Legions follo­wed hard after them, wold refuse no encounter: but went ranke by ranke downe into the said place. At the cō ­ming of whom▪ Corbey thinking an occasion of good lucke to be falne in­to [Page] hys handes, is one of the first that showeth himselfe wyth a fewe, and geueth charge vpō the next troopes. Our men stoutly withstād the brunt of those that lay in wayt for theym, and flocke not manye into one place at ones: yt which thing in skirmishes on horsbacke is wont commonlye to happen vppon some feare, and theyr clustringe together turneth to their owne losse. At suche time as setting themselues in seueral places bi their troopes, they fought a fewe at ones by turnes, and wold not suffer their fellowes to be assaulted on the sides, the rest brake out of ye woodes while Corbey was feighting. Then was thencounter whote and diuers. After it had continued indifferent a good space, by littel and littell came their fotemen in aray out of the woodes, whiche compelled oure horsemen to geue backe. They were quickly res­ [...]owed agayne by the lyght armed fotemen, which I told you were sent before our Legions, who beinge in­termedled amōg the horsmen fought [Page 252] boldlye. Thencounter continued a good while indifferent. Afterwarde as thorder of battell required, they that had withstode the fyrst brunt of them that lay in ambush for theym, had herby thaduaūtage, bicause they receiued not vnwares anye foyle at their hands that lay in wait for thē. In the meane whyle oure Legions drew nerer hand, and diuers messen­gers brought word both to our men and to our enemies at one time, that the Graundcaptein was at hād with his hoste in battell ray. The whyche thing being knowen, oure horsemen trustyng to the help of the Cohorts, layd their handes about them verye egerly, least if they shoulde haue for­slowed the matter, they mighte seme to haue made the fotemen partakers of thonor of the victory. Therwithal our enemies hartes began to quaile: and they soughte to flye by diuers wayes: but all was in vaine. For by the disaduauntage of the same pla­ces in whych they wolde haue inclo­sed the Romanes, were they them­selues [Page] taken tardy and could not get out. Notwythstandinge, being van­quished and altogether discouraged, when they had lost the greatest part of their companye, like men amazed they gaue themselues to flight, and some made toward the woodes, and some towardes the riuer, the whiche beyng ouertaken by oure men that folowed egerly vpon them, were all slain: when in the meane time, Cor­bey whose heart could by no misfor­tune be ouercome, neuer departed out of the battell, nor made towarde the woodes, neyther coulde by then­treatance of oure men be persuaded to yeld himselfe: but that feightinge most valiantly, and hurting many of our men, he set the cōquerors in such an anger, that he enforced theym to throw dartes at him.

When the matter was dispat­ched in thys wise, Cesar entring in­to the place immediatlye after the battel was ended, for asmuche as he thought that his enemies being dis­couraged wyth so greate a mysfor­tune, [Page 253] would immediatlye vppon the newes therof, forsake ye place where they were encamped which was said to be not aboue eight miles from the same place where the slaughter was made, although he saw it woulde be some trouble to him to passe ye riuer: yet passed he hys army & marched to­wardes them. But the Bellouaca­nes and thother Cities vpon the so­deine retire of a few and those wounded, out of t [...]e chase, whych had sca­ped the mischaunce by benefit of the woodes, vnderstāding by them theyr owne great misfortune and misery, as by the deathe of Corbey, the losse of theyr horsmen, and the slaughter of theyr stoutest footemen, and mis­trustinge that the Romanes woulde out of hand come vpon them, imme­diatly called an assembly by the soūd of a Trumpet, and cried al with one voice to send ambassadors and hosta­ges to Cesar. When Comius of Ar­ras perceyued that thys deuise shuld take place, he fled to those Germa­nes of whom he had borowed ayd to [Page] that war. The rest sent ambassadors out of hād vnto Cesar, desiring him to content himself with that punish­ment of hys enemyes, the whych yf he might haue layd vpon them with out battell in theyr chief prosperity, they were well assured that of hys gentelnes and courtesy he wold not. The Bellouacanes said their power was abated by the losse of their hors­men, many thousandes of their cho­sen footemen were perished, scarce escaped anye to bryng tidings of the slaughter: and yet considering theyr greate misfortune, they had by that battell receyued a great good turne, for that Corbey the author of the warre and rayser of the multitude, was slaine. For as longe as he was aliue, the Senate could neuer beare so great sway in the City, as the vn­skilfull commonalty. As thambassa­dors were speakinge theis thinges, Cesar put them in remembrāce, that about the same time the last yere be­fore, the Bellouacanes and thother Cities of Gallia rered war, and that [Page 254] they aboue al others stode most stifly in their opinion, and would not be brought to conformitye by the sub­mission of the rest. He told theym he knew and vnderstode it was an easy matter, to laye the fault of theyr of­fence vpō them that were dead. And he was sure that there was no man of so greate power, that agaynst the noblemens wylles, the Senate re­sisting him, and all good men wyth­standing him, coulde wyth a weake handfull of the commonaltye, rayse war and go through with it. Neuer­thelesse he was contented wyth that punishment which they had brought vpon themselues. The nyght follo­wynge, thambassadors brought an­swere to their heades, and made ho­stages. Then also thambassadors of thother Cities whych lay in ye wind to see what successe the Bellouaca­nes shuld haue, came thither a pace, deliuering hostages and executinge his commaundement, sauing Comi­us who durste not for feare commit hys life into any mans handes. For [Page] the yere before, Titus Labienus perceiuing howe whyle Cesar was mi­nistring iustice in the hither Gallia, Comius stirred vppe the Cities and made conspiracies againste Cesar, thought he might wythout any spot of vnfaythfulnes reuenge his traite­rous demeanor. And thereuppon by­cause he thought he wold not at his sending come into the campe▪ to thē ­tent he would not by tempting him make hym more ware, he sent C. Uolusenus Quadratus to murther him vnder pretence of communycation with him: and for the performance of the matter, he appointed him certain chose peticapteines for the purpose. When they came to communicatiō, and that Uolusenus (as was agreed vpō) had caught Comius by the right hande, one of the peticapteines as yf he had bene moued at some straunge matter, gaue Comius a sore blowe on the head with hys sword, howbe­it he could not kill him out of hand, bicause hys friendes stept in and sa­ued hym. By and by was drawyng [Page 255] of swordes on bothe sides, & yet none of both partes minded to feight, but to flye awaye: our men bicause they beleued that Comius had had hys deathes woūd: ye Galles bicause per­ceiuing there was treason wrought, they feared there had bene more be­hind than they saw. Upon the which fact it is reported, that Comiꝰ vow­ed he wold neuer come in the sight of any Romane.

When Cesar had subdued the Natiōs that were most warlike, per­ceiuing there was now no City that prepared war, to stand against him, but that many to eschue the present yoke of the Romane Empier, fleted out of theyr townes and fled oute of the fields, be determined to send his armye abrode into diuers quarters. M. Antonius hys Threasorer wyth the xii. Legion he tooke to himselfe. C. Fabius hys Lieuetenant wyth xxv. Cohorts he sendeth into the fur­thest parte of all Gallia, bicause he heard say that certaine Cityes were there in armes, and that he thought [Page] his Lieuetenant C. Caninius Rebi­lus had not a sufficient strengthe of those two Legions that were wyth him already. T. Labienus he called from the place where he was vnto him: and the xii. Legion which win­tered vnder him, he sent into Toga­ta Gallia to defend the townes that the Romanes had newlye peopled wyth their owne Citizens, least any like harme shoulde happen to them by inuasion of the barbarous peo­ple, as had happened the sommer be­fore to the Their Citye is now called Triest. Tergestines, who were surprised and spoiled of theyr goodes by theyr sodeine inuasions. He him­selfe set forward to wast and spoyle the borders of Ambiorix, whom fly­inge for feare from place to place when he sawe there was no hope to get into hys handes, he thought it was most for his honor, in such wise to spoile his country, of people, buil­dings, and cattell, that his country­men might so hate him (if fortune reserued anye countrye men for hym,) that for ye calamities he had brought [Page 256] vppon his countrye, he might neuer haue accesse thyther agayne. After he had sent abrode his hoste into all partes of Ambiorixes countrye, and wasted all places wyth slaughter, fier, and rauishing, hauing slain and taken prisoners a greate number of men, he sent Labienus wyth two le­gions amonge the Treuires: whose countrye by reason of the nereness [...] therof vnto Germany, being daylye inured to ye warres, is not much vn­like to the Germanes in rude trade of liuing and sauagenes, neither did they obey the commaundementes of Cesar at anye tyme, lengar than we had an army in their country to compell them.

In the mean [...] season Ca. Ca­ninius the Lieuetenant, vnderstan­ding by the messengers and letters of Durace, (who had continuallye perisisted in the frendship of the peo­ple of Rome,) that a great number of enemies were assembled in ye bor­ders of the Pictones, forasmuch as a piece of that Citye hadde renounced [Page] theyr obedience, went to the towne of Lemouicum. When he came nere the town, and had vnderstode by his prisoners, how that Dumnacus cap­taine of the Andians, with manye thousandes of men had enclosed Du­race, and that Lemouicum was be­sieged: he durst not wyth his weake Legions aduenture vppon his enne­mies, but pytched his Campe in a strong ground. Dumnacus hearyng of the approche of Caninius, turned all hys power againste the Romane host, determining to assault them in their Camp. After he had spent ma­ny dayes therein, and had lost many of hys people, & yet could not breake down any part of their fortificatiōs, he returned againe to besiege Lemo­uicū. The same time, C. Fabius re­ceiueth many cities by composition, and byndeth theym wyth hostages: and is aduertised by Caninius let­ters, of those things that were done among the Pictones. Upon ye know­lege wherof, he setteth foorth to res­cow Durace. But Dūnacus hauing [Page 257] vnderstanding of Fabius comming, forasmuch as he thought he shoulde be in hazarde to lose all, if at one in­stant he should be compelled both to abide the Romanes hys forrein ene­mies, and also to haue an eye & stand in feare of the townes men, retyred sodeinlye wyth all hys power out of the same place, & he could not thinke himself to be sufficiētly in saufty, be­fore he had passed his army ouer ye ri­uer Loyre, which bicause of ye great­nesse thereof, was to be passed by a bridge and not otherwyse. Although that Fabius was not yet come with in sight of hys enemies, nor had ioy­ned himself wyth Caninius, yet for­asmuch as he was throughlie enfor­med by such as knew the coast of the countrye, he beleued verely that hys enemies wold not goe to that place towarde the which they made theyr iorney. Therfore he marcheth wyth his army too the same bridge where his enemies had passed, and com­maunded his horsemen to go no fur­ther before the battell of his fotemē, [Page] than they might when they were at the furthest, retire into the same cāp wythout tiring of their horses. Our men of armes as was commaunded them, ouertoke the hoste of Dumna­cus and set vppon thē, and assayling them flying and amazed vnder their fardelles, as they iorneyed, slewe a great nūber and tooke a great pray: and so wyth good successe retired in­to theyr camp. The next nyght folo­wyng, Fabius sent his horsmen be­fore, so furnished, as that they might encounter, and stay al the whole ar­my vntill he might ouertake them. Q. Titatius Uarus the Lieuetenāt of the horsemen, a man of singular courage and wisdome, exhorted his company to follow thys hys coūsel: who ouertaking the host of hys ene­mies, disposed certain of his troopes in places conuenient, and wyth the rest of his horsmen gaue charge vpō hys enemies. The horsemen of the enemy fought wyth them so muche the more boldly, bicause the fotemē serued them by turnes, who through [Page 258] the whole battell as often as theyr horsemen had occasion to staye, did succor them against our men. Then­counter was verye sharpe. For our men despising theyr enemies whom they had vanquished the day before, and remembring that the battell of their footemen folowed at hand, for shame to geue grounde, and for desi­er to dyspatche the battell before theyr comming, fought verye vali­antly against the footmen. On tho­ther side oure ennemies beleuinge that no greater power more had fo­lowed after, accordinge as they had sene the day before, thought a meete opportunitye had bene offred them, to destroye oure horsemen vtterlye. When they hadde foughte a good whyle very egerly, Dūnacus made a battel to rescow his men of armes by turne. But sodeinly our enemies espied our Legions come close toge­ther, at the sight of whō, theyr hors­men were stricken in such a feare, & the footemen were so amazed, that breaking through the aray of theyr [Page] cariages, with a greate noyse and trampling they gaue themselues e­uery where to flight. Then our men of armes, who a littell before hadde theyr handes full, being heartned with ioy of the victory, raised a great shout on all sides, and castinge them selues about thē as they gaue way, made slaughter of them as farre as theyr horses breathes wold serue to pursue them, and theyr armes wold serue to strike them. Insomuch that hauing slayne aboue twelue thousād of armed men and of such as for fear had cast away their armor, they toke all theyr cariages as many as were of them. Out of the whych chase, for asmuch as it was certainly knowē, that there escaped Drapes the Se­non, who assone as Gallia fyrste be­gan to r [...]bell, gathering to him the ruffions out of al places, calling the bondmen to libertye: and entertey­ning the outlawes of all countryes: had like a thief cut of the cariages & victuals of the Romanes: was going towarde the Prouince wyth a fyue [Page 259] thousand men and not aboue, which he had gathered out of the chace, and that Lucterius of Cahors alied hym selfe wyth him, who in the former treatyse is knowen to haue made a voyage into Prouince at the first in­surrection of Gallia: Caninius the Lieuetenant with two Legiōs, pur­sued after them, least to the disquiet­nesse and losse of the Prouince, some great dishonor might be receiued by the theuery of those lewd vnthrifts.

C. Fabins with the rest of thar­my, went agaynst the Caruntes and thother Cytyes, whose power he knewe to be abated in the same bat­tell that was fought agaynst Dum­nacus. For he doubted not, but he should find theym more treatable to deale with, by reasō of the late ouer­throw: wheras if he should geue thē time of respit, by thinstigation of the sayd Dumnacus, they might be ray­sed agayn. In the whych enterprise, Fabius had maruelous good lucke and spede to recouer the Cities. For the Caruntes, who had bene disqui­etted [Page] oftētimes before, and yet wold neuer make mention of peace, nowe ge [...]ing hostages, came in subiection. And the rest of the Cities whych are situate in the furthest partes of Gal­lia borderyng vpon the sea, whyche are called Armorike, folowing thex­ample of the Caruntes, at the com­ming of Fabius wyth his Legions, condescended to hys commaundemē ­tes without delay. Dumnacus being driuen out of his owne country, wā ­dring and lurking in corners alone, was compelled to seeke thuttermost countryes of al Gallia. But Drapes and Lucterius, whē they vnderstode that Caninius approched wyth hys army, perceyuing they could not wt ­out manifest peryll enter wythin the bounds of the Prouince, considering how the army pursewed thē, nor yet raunge abroade and go a theuinge at theyr pleasure, stayed together in the country of the Cadurkes. There Lucterius, who in times past whyle he was in his prosperitye, was able to wey greatlye wyth hys countrye [Page 260] men, and had gotten great estimati­on amonge the rude people, as one that was euer a practiser of new de­uises: he toke wyth hys owne power and the power of Drapes, a Towne called Urellodunum, whych had ben in hys tuicion, a place excellētly wel fortified, by the situacion therof, and causeth the townesmen to take part wyth him. Unto the whyche towne when Caninius oute of hande was come, perceyuinge that all partes of the same were fortified with cragged clyffes, insomuch that though no mā were there to defend it, yet were it a harde matter for men in harnesse to get vp, and seing that the mouables of the townes men were great, the whych if they shoulde goe about to steale priuely away wyth, they could not only not escape theyr horsemen, but also not escape theyr fot [...]men: he deuided his Cohorts into thre parts, and made three Camps vpon a very high ground: from the whych by lit­tel & littel as much as hys host was able, he determined to cast a Rāpier [Page] round about the town. The townes men perceyuinge that, and remem­bringe the miserable case of Alexia, feared the like chaunce, and that a­boue all others Lucterius who had tasted the smarte of that misfortune warned them to lay for corne before hande, they determined by generall consent, that leauing a part of thar­my there for the defence of the town, Lucterius and Drapes wyth the best furnished, should go forth to fetch in corne. Thys counsel being allowed, the next nyght, Drapes and Lucteri­us leauing two thousand armed mē behind theym, led the rest out of the towne. They after a fewe dayes ta­riaunce, brought in a great masse of grayne out of the country of the Ca­durkes, who partly were wylling to help them therwith, and partly durst not gainsaye theyr takinge of it, by­cause they were not able to make their part good against them. Often times also they wold make rodes in the night, and assault the castles of our camp. For the whych considera­tion [Page 261] C. Caninius stayed in making fortifications roūd about the towne, for doubt lest he shuld not be able ei­ther to defend ye whole work whē it was finished, or els shuld make him selfe weake by settinge his men towarde in so manye places at ones. When they had brought together a great masse of grayne, Drapes and Lucterius tooke vp theyr standinges not passing tenne miles from the towne, to thentent by littell & littell to conuey it in: and they parted the charge betwene them. Drapes tary­ed behinde wyth parte of tharmye to kepe the Camp. Lucterius draue the beastes wyth theyr cariages toward the towne: and settinge stales there for his defēce, about ten of the clocke in the nyght purposed by narrowe wayes through the woodes, to con­uey the corne into the Towne. The trampling of whose feete the watch men of our Campe hearyng, and the scoultes beinge sent out reportinge what was a doynge, Caninius cau­sed his Cohorts to arme them quick­ly, [Page] and about the breake of day made assault out of the next castles vppon the forragers. Who beynge feared wyth the sodeinnesse of the mischief, fled to theyr stales. The whyche as­sone as our men perceiued, they flew more fiercely vppon the armed men, and suffered none to be taken aliue. Luccerius fledde from thence wyth a few, but he returned not to his Cāp. After thys good successe, Caninius vnderstoode by hys prisoners, that part of the army was behinde in the Camp wyth Drapes, not past a xii. miles of. The whych thing when he had learned by many to be of truth, perceyuinge that one of the Captey­nes being alredye put to flyght, the remnant of the companye aflighted might easly be oppressed: he thought it a token of great good lucke, that none escaped from the slaughter into the Campe, to carye tidinges of the mishap vnto Drapes. And forasmu­che as he saw there was no daunger in puttinge the matter in proofe, he sent all hys horsemen and the Ger­mane [Page 262] fotemen swyft and nimble fel­lowes, before, to the Campe of hys enemies. One of hys Legions he di­stributed in hys campe, and thother disburdened of all cariages he tooke wyth hym. When he came nere hys enemies, hys scoultes that he had sēt before him, brought him worde that (as the custome of the barbarous na­tions commonlye is) they had aban­doned the hygher ground, and encā ­ped themselues by the Riuer side, & that our horsmē and the Germanes had flewen vppon them sodenly ere they were aware, and geuen charge vpon them. Assone as he knew that, he hasted forward wyth hys Legion well armed and well appointed: and so geuing sodeinly a token on all si­des, the higher places were taken. At the doing wherof, the Germanes and our men of armes seing the stan­derdes of our Legiō, fought very ve­hemently: and by and by all our Co­hortes gaue charge vpon them roūd about, so that in conclusion, al were eyther staine, or caught prisoners, & [Page] a great booty taken. Drapes himself was also taken in the same conflict. Caninius hauing accomplished hys matter most luckely wythout almost any hurt at al to his souldiers, returned to besiege the townes men, and now hauing destroied his forreine e­nemye, for feare of whō he durst not heretofore deuide hys garrisons, nor enuiron the towne wyth fortificati­ons, he commaundeth the workes to be gone forwarde wyth round about the town. The next day came thither C. Fabius with his power, and toke another part of the town to besiege.

In the meane time, Cesar left M. Antonius hys Threasorer wyth xv. Cohortes amonge the Belloua­nes, to thentent the Belgies shoulde not haue any liberty to practise new deuises agayne: and he himself went vnto thother Cities, and there char­geth them with mo hostages, & with comfortable words healeth the fear­full hartes of thē al. When he came among the Caruntes, in whose coū ­trye (as Cesar hath declared in hys [Page 263] former treatise) the war first of al be­gon, forasmuche as he perceyued thē to be chiefly afrayd for remembrance of theyr cryme, to thentent he might the more spedely deliuer the country from feare, he required to haue Gu­turnate the chief worker of that mischief, & raiser of the rebellion deliue­red vnto him to be punished: who al­beit he betoke not himself euē to hys owne country men, yet al men made so diligēt search for him, that he was soone found out and brought to the camp. Cesar contrarye to hys owne nature, was compelled to punnishe him whether he would or no, by the importunatenesse of hys souldyers, who imputed al the perils and losses that they toke by this war vnto Gu­turnate: insomuch that hys body af­ter it astonied wyth whipping, was beheaded. There by many letters frō Caninius, he was aduertised what was done about Drapes and Lucte­rius, and in what minde the townes men perseuered: the smal number of whō although he despised, yet he de­med [Page] their wilfulnesse worthye grie­uous punishment: leaste they might geue occasion to all Gallia, to think that they wanted not strength, but constancie to withstand ye Romanes: or least by their example, other cities of Gallia trusting to thopportunity of the places, shoulde attempt to set themselues at liberty: specially seing he was sure that all ye Galles knew howe his commission lasted but one sommer longar, the whyche if they could holde out, they should nede to feare no daūger hereafter. And ther­fore leauing his Lieuetenant C. Calenus behind with hys footemen to folowe leysurely after him by reaso­nable iorneyes, he himselfe with all hys men of armes went in al hast to Caninius.

When Cesar cōtrary to al mens expectacion was come to Uxellodu­num, and saw the towne enuironed with fortifications, perceyuing that it was not for him to breake vp his siege for any condicion, and lerning moreouer by runneawayes that the [Page 264] townes men had great abundance of victuals: he assayed to cut of the wa­ter from his enemy. Now there was a riuer that ran through the bottom of the valley, the whyche enuironed welnere al the hyl wheron the town stode rough & stepe on all sydes. The nature of the place would not suffer thys streame to be turned any other way. For it ran in suche sort at the very fote of the hyll, that there could be no dike cut low inough to drayne it. The townes men had harde and very stepe comming down to it, in so much that if our men withstode thē, they could not wythout woundes or daunger of their liues, eyther come down to the riuer, or get vp the stepe hyll againe. The whych distresse of theirs Cesar knowing of, disposed archers & slingers & other artillery also against such places wheras was easiest cōming downe, to kepe ye townes mē frō the water of the riuer: who afterward resorted for water al to one place. For almost hard vnder ye wals of the town there gushed out a great [Page] springe of water, on that side where there was a space almost of thre hū ­dred fote vnenuironed wyth ye riuer. Now when al the rest wished, & only Cesar perceiued, that thys sprynge might be taken frō the townes men, he began to rayse Uines directly a­gainst it toward the hil, and to make mountes, wyth great trauel and cō ­tinual feighting. For ye townes men came running downe frō the higher ground, and fought wyth our men aloof without daunger, and wounded many of thē that preased vp wilfully Notwithstanding, our men were not feared from bringing forward theyr Uines, endeuoring to ouercome the crabbednes of the place, with verye labor & workes. The same time they drew secret mines to the head of the spring, the whych kind of work they might do wythout anye daunger or mystrust of their enemies. A mount was cast vp of a six fote high, & ther­vpon was raised a Towre of ten sto­ries, not such a one as might reache to the heighth of the wals, (for that [Page 265] was not possible to bee done by anye work) but such a one as might excede the top of the spryng. Frō the whiche when darts were sent wyth engynes to the brym of the spryng, so that the townes men coulde not fetche water wythout daunger, not only all sortes of cattell, but also a great number of men died for thyrst. With the whych distres the townesmen being greatly feared, filled barrels wt grease, pitch and shingles and setting them on fier rolled them down vpon our workes, and at the same time also fought very earnestly, to thentent wyth ye peryl of feighting, to kepe the Romanes from quenchinge the fier. Sodeinlye there was a great flame in our works. For whatsoeuer was throwen downe frō that stepe place, the same being stayd agaynst the Uines and rampier, toke hold vpon the things that staid them. On the cōtrary part, our souldiers albeit they were hindred both with the perlousenes of thencounter, & wyth the disaduauntage of ye place, yet they bare out all things wyth a stout cou­rage. For the thing was done both in [Page] a hygh place, and also in the syght of our army: and a great cry was raysed on both sides. So that as much as e­uery mā could, (specially he that was notable,) to thentent his hardynesse might the better be knowē & wytnes­sed,) offred himself to the fier and the weapōs of his enemies. Cesar when he saw very many of his men woun­ded, cōmaunded his Cohorts to make a clymbing vp the hyl on al sides of ye towne, and to rayse a noyse as if they purposed to take the walles. Wherwt the townesmen being put in feare, for asmuch as they wist not what was a doyng in other places, called backe their armed men from assaulting our works, & placed them vpon the wals. So our men hauing respit frō feigh­ting, did quickly either quench ye workes that were a fier, or els cut thē of from the rest. When the townesmen willfully resisted, yea euen after they had lost a great number of their com­pany by thirst, cōtinuing stil al in one mind, at the length the veynes of the spring were cut of within the ground by mines, & turned a nother way. By [Page 266] meanes whereof the fountayne of the running water, was now drayned: ye whych thing so daunted the hearts of the townesmen, that they beleued it not to bee wrought by mans policye, but by ye wyl of God: & therfore when they sawe there was none other re­medy, they yelded thēselues. Cesar being assured that his gentelnesse was throughly knowen to al folke, & ther­fore neding not to feare that it wold be imputed to the cruelnes of hys na­ture, if he dealt any thyng sharply wt them: and besides that, perceiuinge it might wel be thought he smallye re­garded the good successe of hys owne affaires, if by such sufferance, diuers other should begin to rebel in sundry places: demed it requisite to put ye rest in feare, by the punishment of them. And therfore he cut of the hādes of as many of thē as were able to beare ar­mor, and let them liue styl, to thentēt the punishment of euil persōs might be more manifest to ye world. Drapes whom I declared to haue bene taken by Caninius, whether it were for treafnes & grief that he was in hāds, [Page] or for feare of more grieuous punish­ment, fasted a few dayes from meat, & so starued. The same time Lucteriꝰ that escaped by flight from the battel (as I shewed before,) fel into the han­des of Epasnactus of Auvern. For in often fletinge from place to place, he was faine to commit himselfe to the courtesy of many, bicause he thought he could neuer continue any lōg time in a place wythout daunger, foras­much as hys hart misgaue him howe muche he had deserued to haue Cesar his heauy maister. Epasnactus of Au­uerne being a faithful frend to ye peo­ple of Rome, assone as he had gotten him into his hands, caried him wtout any further delay bound vnto Cesar.

In ye mean while Labienus feigh­teth prosperously against the Treui­res: and hauing slain many both of ye Treuires and also of the Germanes, who denied no man helpe against the Romanes, gate ye chief of them aliue into hys handes, among whom was Surus a Heduan a man both for mā ­hod and for birth greatlye ennobled, who all only of the Heduans had vn­to [Page 267] that day cōtinued in armes against ye people of Rome. Whē Cesar knew therof, forasmuch as he saw his affai­res went wel forward in al partes of Gallia, weying with himself how al Celtica and Belgica were the former sommers cōquered and subdued, and that he had neuer hitherto visited A­quitaine, sauing that he made a kind of entrāce into it by certain victoryes gotten by P. Crassus: He wēt thither with two Legions, to thentent to be­stowe the latter time of his sommers there. The which thing (as he had don al other before) he dispatched quickly & luckely. For all the Cities of Aqui­tain sent ambassadors vnto him, and gaue him hostages. After thaccōplishment of which things, he wēt to Narbone with his gard of horsmen, & sent his fotemen into their wintering places by his Lieuetenāts. Fower Legi­ons he placed in Belgica vnder hys Lieuetenants M. Antonius, & C. Trebonius, & P. Uatinius, & Q. Tullius. Two he set ouer the Heduans, whō he knewe to be of greatest authori­ty in all Gallia. Two mo he set ouer [Page] the Turones in ye borders of the Ca­runtes, to be a stay to al that country that lay vpon the sea coast. The other two he placed in the borders of ye Le­mouikes not far frō Auverne, to thē ­tēt there shuld not be any part of Gallia without an army. After he had ta­ried a few days in Prouince, & there with spede perused al their Courtes, sitting vpon publike controuersies, & awarding recompence to such as had deserued wel, (for he had great desier to vnderstād how euery man had ben minded toward ye cōmon weale in the time of the general rebelliō of al Gallia, ye which he had born out through the faithfulnes & assistence of the said Prouince) assone as he had dispatched theis things, he returned to his Legions into Belgicke, & wintred at Ne­metocerna There he had knowledge geuen him, how Comiꝰ of Arras had encountred wt his men of armes. For after that An [...]ony was come into his wintergarrison, & that the city of Ar­ras continued in obedience, Comius who after his woūding that we spake of before, was wont euer to be ready [Page 268] at hand to his country men at euerye stir, to thentēt that if they wold prac­tise any new den [...]ses, they should not want a head & a captein for the wars: as long as the city obeied the Roma­nes, he with his horsmen found hym self & his retinew by theuing, and for laying the wayes, cut of manye con­ueyes that were going wyth prouisiō to the Romane garrisōs. There was appointed to Antony for Lieuetenāt of his horsmē C. Uolusenus Quadra­tus, to winter in garrison with him: him did Antony send to pursue y horsmen of his enemies. Uolusenus besi­des the singuler prowesse that was in him, did also beare a great hatred to­ward Comiꝰ, which was a cause that he so much the more willingly execu­ted the thing that was commaunded him. Wherfore laying diuers ambu­shes, he oftentimes set vpon Comius horsemen and put them to the worse. Last of al when the contencion grew more vehement, & that Uolusenus for desier to cut of Comius himself, folo­wed him somwhat more egerly wyth a few: & that Comius on thother side [Page] fled ye faster away, to thētent to draw him further frō his cōpany, at length espying his aduantage Comius sodē ­ly cried out vpon all his men, that as they were true vnto him they should ayd him, & not suffer the wound that was geuē him vnder colour of frend­ship, to be vnreuenged: & therwithall turning his hors, sōwhat vnaduisedly he letteth him run frō ye rest of his cō ­pany vpon Uolusenus. Al his horsmē did ye like, & bicause there were but a few of our men, they made them turn head & pursued them. Comiꝰ putting spurs to his horse, encoūtred the horse of Quadratus, & with his speare redy charged in ye rest, thrust Uolusenꝰ by great violence through ye thigh. Whē our horsmē saw their captein woūded, they bestirred themselues, & turning their horses put their enemies backe. After the which chauns, many of our ennemies being amazed at the great force of oure men, were wounded: of whō some were ouerthrowen in the chase, & some were taken prisoners. The which misaduenture like as Comius escaped by the swiftnesse of hys [Page 269] horse: so our capteine being by him in this prosperous battell sore woūded, was caried into the cāp in such case, as it was not likely he shuld haue li­ued. And Comius, whether it were that he thought his grief sufficiently reuēged, or bicause he had lost a great part of his company, sent messengers to Antony, assuring him by hostages, that he wold continue where it shuld please him to appoint, & do whatsoe­uer he shuld cōmaund him. Only one request he made, wherin he besought him to bear with his fearfulnes, that he might not come in the sight of any Romane. The whiche request for as­much as Antony iudged it to procede of feare in deede, & not without good cause, he pardoned him accordinge to his desier, and receiued hys hostages.

I know that Cesar made of eue­ry yere by it self a seueral treatise: the which thing I thought was not nede full for me to do, bicause the yere fo­lowing when L. Paulus, & C. Mar­cellus were Consuls, there were no notable feates done in Gallia. Neuertheles to thentent men may know in [Page] what places Cesar & his armies were at ye same time, I haue thought good to wright yet a littel more and to an­nex it to this treatise. During ye time that Cesar wintred in Belgicke, this one thing was hys chiefe purpose, to kepe the Cities together in amitye, & to minister no hope nor cause of war, for he mynded nothing lesse, than to deale in such wise, as he shuld he con­streyned to haue warre at the tyme of his departure: least when he wold wt ­draw hys army, there shuld be left a­ny war behind, the which all Gallia could willingly find in hart to enter­pryse, so it might be without present peril. And therfore, by entreating the Cities honorablye, by rewarding the noble men highlye, by burdening the country with no new impositions, he easly kept in quiet vnder a better state of obedience; all Gallia, which nowe was wearied wyth so many vnfortu­nate battels. Whē winter time was expired, cōtrary to his custome, he go­eth into Italy with asmuch e [...]peditiō as might be, to talke with the fraun­chised & newe inhabited townes, and [Page 270] to commēd vnto them the sute of his Threasorer M. Antonius for the high Priesthod. For he made al the frend­ship he could, both gladly bicause the same Antony whō he had sent before to sew for that promotiō, was his ve­ry dere frend, and also earnestly, as in despight of the partaking and forcible working of a few mē, who by serting Antonye beside his purpose, sought meanes to disgrace Cesar now going oute of his offyce. Albeit he had ty­dings by the way before he came nere Italye, that Antonye was made Au­gur, yet he thought he hadde as good cause as before, to go vnto the fraun­chised & newe townes, to thentent to geue them thankes for making theyr appearance, and for theyr gentilnesse shewed in the behalfe of Antony: and also to commend vnto them his own case, for the honorable rou [...]e whiche he purposed to sew for the next yeare fo [...]lowinge: & that the rather, bicause hys aduersaryes proudly made theyr boast, that L. Lentulus & C. Marcel­lus were created Consuls, to bereue Cesar of al honor and authority: and [Page] that the Consulshyp was wrested frō Sergius Galba when he had more fauourable voyces on hys side, bycause he had bene alyed to Cesar by famili­arity & frendship, and had bene bound vnto hym as his Lieuetenant. Cesar at his comming among the fraunchi­sed & newe townes, was enterteyned wonderfull louingly and honorably. For that was the firste time that he came frō the general warres in Gal­lia. Nothing was omitted that could be deuised for the decking and garnisshing of the gates, & wayes, & places, where Cesar shuld passe. Al the com­mons came forth wyth their children to mete him by ye way: sacrifices were euery where offred: the temples and market places were hanged with clo­thes of Tapisrie & Arras: that a man wold haue thought by their gladnes, there had bene some greate triumphe loked for and laid for before: So great costlines was among the richer sort, and so earnest desier was amonge the meaner sort.

When Cesar had lightly passed through all the Countryes of Gallia [Page 271] Now cal­led Lum­bardye. Togata, he returned wyth all spede to hys armye at Nemetocerna, & cal­ling al his Legions out of their win­tering places into the country of the Treuires, he went thither and there tooke musters of them. T. Labienus he made gouernor of Gallia Togata to thētent therby to get him the more fauor and estimation toward his sute for the Consulship. He himself made so many iorneyes as he thought suf­ficient for chaunge of the places for healthsomnesse. There albeit he hard oftētimes that Labienus was moued by his enemies, and was also aduer­tised how it was done by thaduise of a fewe, to thentent that by the com­maundement of the Senate he might be spoiled of part of his army: yet not withstanding he neyther gaue credit to any thing that was reported of Labienus, no nor would be moued to do any thing contrary to the authoritye of the Senate. For he beleued that if the Senatours might geue their ver­dits freely, he should easly obtein hys purpose. For C. Curio Protector of the commonalty, who had taken vpō [Page] him to defend Cesars cause and dig­nity, had oftentimes profered, that yf the feare of Cesars power hindred a­ny mā, and seing that the Lordlynes & power of Pompey did put ye Court in no smal feare, let both of them lay downe theyr weapons and dysmysse their armies: and so shuld the City be at liberty to vse her own right as she listed. And he not onely profered thys thing, but began of hymself to wyth­draw hys power: whyche thynge the Consuls & the frendes of Pompey cō ­maunded shuld not be done: and so ruling the matter as they listed, they de­parted. Thys was a great wytnes of the whole Senate, & agreable to the former act. For Marcellus the nexte yere after, whē he impugned Cesars estimation cōtrary to the law of Pompey and Crassus, had put vp a bill to the Senate for the charge of Cesar before the time of his cōmission was ex­pired: & when the sentences were pro­noūced, Marcellus who sought al his estimatiō by working spight against Cesar, departed aside▪ and the Senate fel al of thē by & by to other matters. [Page 272] Wherby the courages of Cesars en­nemies were no whitte appalled, but rather styrred vp to make mo frends, therby to compel the Senate to alow that which thei had determined. Her­vpon was made a decree, that Cneus Pompeius shuld send one Legiō and Cesar another, to the warre agaynst the Parthians. But it was easy to be sene, that both theis Legiōs were ta­ken from Cesar. For the first Legion which Cneus Pompeius had sent vnto Cesar leuied in the musters of the Prouince, he gaue vnto Cesar as one of hys own number. Neuertheles al­beit that no man neede to doubt that Cesar was spoyled at the pleasure of his enemies, yet he sent Pompey hys Legion again: and in his owne name he willed the .xv. Legion whyche he had in the hyther Gallia, to be dely­uered to him by the decree of the Se­nate. In stead therof he sent the .xiii. Legion into Italy, to lye in garrison in the same place from whēce the .xv. was set. Thē he distributed his army into garrisons. C. Trebonius wyth iiii. legiōs he placed in Belgicke: C. [Page] Fabius with as many, he cōueieth to ye Heduanes. For so he thought Gal­lia shuld be in most saufty, if the Belgies who were of most prowesse, & the Heduans who were of most authori­tye, had armies among them to kepe thē in obedience. This done, he tooke hys way into Italye. When he came thither, he vnderstode by Caius Marcellus the Consul, that the two Legions which he had dismissed, which by the decree of the Senate should haue ben led to the Parthiā war, were de­liuered to Pompey & kept stil in Ita­ly. Although by thys dealing it was euidēt to al the world, what was purposed against Cesar, yet Cesar deter­mined to suffer al things, as long as he had any hope left to decide his controuersies rather by the lawe than by the sworde.

FINIS.

¶ Imprinted at London by VVilliam Seres.

AN EXPOSITION OF the old names of the Countries, Ci­ties, Townes, Hilles, and Riuers mencioned in this booke, together with a descrip­tion of certaine Engines of warre vsed in those dayes by the Romanes.

  • ADVATICKES. PEO­ple of Belgicke betwene Louan and Aldenburg in Bra­band nowe called people of Bosleduke.
  • Agendicum. a Towne of the Senons in Celticke called Sens or Pro­uince.
  • Alduasdubis, or after Ptolome Alduasdusius a Riuer of Celticke, rising about the mount S. Claud and deuidinge Burgundye from Swicerland, whiche falleth into the ryuer Soan not far from the Citie Cabillon: it is now called in Latin Dubius and in Frēch Doux.
  • Alexia, a Towne of Celticke in Burgundye not far from Langres nowe called Alse [...], or Lausoys or Alyse, as Raymūd Marlian af­firmeth in his Annotacions vppon Cesars Commentaries. But according to thopini­on [Page] of Ioseph Molet in his Commentaries vpon Ptolomies Geographie it is a town of Artoys in Belgicke called Arras.
  • Allobrogians people of Prouince conteyning the Countries of Sauoy and Delphinoys.
  • Alpes the high hilles which deuide Fraunce and Italy a sunder.
  • Ambarrrians, people of Celticke supposed of some to be the people of Burbon: & of some, the people of Niuers. Iucundus calleth thē the people of Semar and Montar.
  • Amagetobria a place in Celticke where Ari­ouistus kinge of the Germanes vanquished the power of the Galles, not far from the Rhine, supposed to be called Toa [...]t.
  • Ambians a people of Picardy about the citye Amiens: it is in Belgicke.
  • Ambibarets people also adioyning to the citie Amiens.
  • Ambibarians a people of littell Britaine in Celticke.
  • Ambiliares the people of Auranches in littell Britaine.
  • Ambiuarits, ye people of Braband in Belgick
  • Andians, the people of Aniow in Celticke.
  • Antuates the people of Uawd in Sauoy.
  • Aquileia a towne of Italy at the Gulf of Ue­nice vpon the riuer Natisone.
  • Armoricke the country of littell Britaine.
  • Ardeine a forest in Belgicke beginning at the Rhine and so runninge by the space of more than fiue hundred miles throughe the terri­tory of Triers to the en [...]rāce of the boundes [Page] of Rhemes.
  • Arar a riuer of Celticke nowe called Soan which springeth in the borders of Burgun­dy and Loreyn not far from the mountayne Uosegus, and falleth into Rhone at Lions
  • Ar [...]comikes, or Aremikes, or Artomikes people of Arminacke in Prouince.
  • Atrebatians the people of Artoys in Belgick
  • Auaricum the town of Uiarron, or Bourges in Berrey in Celticke.
  • Auenticum the towne of Auench in the coun­trye of Uaud. or the towne of Wilburg.
  • Au [...]erkes people of Celticke sometime retey­ners of the Heduanes, now called people of Auge or of Roane.
  • Aulerkes Cenomannes, the people of Mayne in Celticke.
  • Aulerkes Diabolites, or Diablinthres, the people Leondu [...]l.
  • Auscians, or Auscitanes people about Aux in Aquitaine.
  • Axona the name of twoo riuers thone called Disne in Guien, and thother in Belgicke in the countrye of Rhemes called Aesne.
B.
  • Bacenis a forest in Germanye whyche some suppose to be part of the forest Hercinia which runneth through Germany euen to the bor­ders of the Dacers, and the tenne of Meo­tis, it is now called Swartswald.
  • Baleares are two Ilands in the midland sea nere vnto Spaine, wherof thone is called [Page] Maiorica and thother Minorica.
  • Batauians the Hollanders a people of Bel­gicke.
  • Bellocassians a people of Celtick about Ba­yews.
  • Bellouacanes the people of Beawuoysin in Celtik.
  • Bibract the towne of Beawne in the Duchy of Burgundy.
  • Bibrax the town of Bray by the riuer Aesne in Belgicke.
  • Biturigians the people of Berrey in Celtick
  • Bibrokes people of greate Britaine inhabi­ting the sea coast whose Englyshe name is yet vnknowen.
  • Bigerrones the people of Bierne and Bigor in Aquitaine.
  • Boians a people somtime of Germany mar­ching vpon Franconia, thalpes of Italy, the sowtherne Swoabes, & the riuer Danow, the which country is nowe called Bauier. Theis passing the Rhine in the time of Ce­sar and takinge part with the Heluetians, against him, being vanquished were placed by him vnder the iurisdiction of the Hedu­anes (whych now with the Sequanes are called Burgonions,) in the country which now is called Burbon in Celticke.
  • Brannouians or Brānouikes people of Cel­ticke called Moriane nere vnto Burgundy.
  • Bratuspantium a town of Beawuoysin.
C.
  • Cabillon the towne of Chalons in Burgūdy [Page] vpon the riuer Soan.
  • Cadetes the people of Hipercorentine or (as some think) of Castlebriāt in littel Britain.
  • Cadurkes the people of Cahors in Celticke.
  • Cherusciens people of Germanye inhabiting sometime those countries wheras are nowe the territories of the Princes of Anholt, Stolberg, Maunsfield, and Swartzburg.
  • Ceresians a people of Germany.
  • Caletanes the people about Calis in Belgick
  • Cantabrians the people of Biscay in Spain.
  • Carnutes the people about Charters in Cel­ticke.
  • Carcason a city in Prouince called Caracassō
  • Catuakes people about Doway.
  • Caturigians theis with the Garoceles and Centrones are nowe the people of Taran­tayse vnder the dominion of the Duke of Sauoy.
  • Cauillon beareth the same name still. it is a citye in Prouince.
  • Centrones loke Caturigians. the chiefe citye of thys country is called Munster.
  • Cimbrians people of Germany whyche helde somtime al the coast of Megalburg euē vnto Cimbrica.
  • Chersonesus. Theis passing the Rhine before Cesars time & leauing certain to kepe their stuffe & baggage which they left in Fraūce, made a viage into Italye. of them discende those that are now thinhabiters of Zeland.
  • Condrusians the people betwene Utreight & Iuliers.
  • [Page]Creta the Ile of Candy.
  • Curiosolites the people of Cornewal in littell Britaine.
D.
  • Diablinters people aboute Londull in littell Britaine.
  • Daces a people beyond the Rhine boundinge vppon the Riuer Danow and the forest of Hartswald who are supposed to haue some­time inhabited a piece of Hungary and from thence remoued to the hither parte of Nor­wey.
  • Danow one of ye famousest riuers in Europe which (as So [...]mus affirmeth) risinge in the hilles of Germany and receyuing into it lxx. riuers all able to beare ships, lastlye fal­leth with seuen mouthes into the sea called Pontus.
E.
  • Eburones the people of Liege in Belgicke.
  • Eburonikes or Eburouikes the people of Eureux in Celticke.
  • Elauer a riuer of Celticke now called Allyer running by Cleremount in Auverne.
  • Essuans the people of Reteiois beyond Tou­ray.
F.
  • Flustates the people of the county of Flusse in Aquitaine.
G.
  • Gaballes the people of Ledesue in Celticke.
  • Garites the people of Agenoys in Guien.
  • Garumnes people of Aquitaine by the Riuer Gerond wherof they take their name.
  • Gerond a riuer that springeth out of the moū taines Pyrenes and falleth into the weste Ocean accordinge to Cesar, it deuideth A­quitaine from Celticke.
  • Garocels loke in Caturigians.
  • Gebenna the mountaines called also Cemenij nowe named the mountaines of Auverne, which seperate Celticke from Prouince ac­cording vnto Cesar.
  • Genabuin the city of Orleance vpon the riuer Loyre.
  • Geneua a city of Sauoy standing vpō Rhone not farre from the Lake Losan, oute of the which town there is a bridge into Swicer­land.
  • Gergobia or Gergouia the Towne of Clere­mount in Auverne.
  • Gordunes the people of Gaunt in Flaunders
  • Grudians people about Louane.
H.
  • Harudes people inhabiting vppon the further side of the Rhine about the city Constance.
  • Heduanes a people of Celticke who together with the Sequanes are nowe the Burgo­nions.
  • Heluetians the Switzers or Swicers and [Page] (and as som holde opinion) the Quades.
  • Heluians people bordering vpō Auverne now called Albians.
  • Hercinia loke Bacenis.
I.
  • Iura, or Iurassus, a Mountaine in Celticke which deuideth Burgundye from Swicer­land. it is nowe called mount S. Claud. of the Swicers it is called Leuerberg: and of the men of Sauoy Iarten.
  • Itius portus the towne of Calis.
  • Illericke. this and Dalmatia are called both by the name of Slauony.
L.
  • Lacobrigians or Latobrigians or Latouikes the people of Losan. vnder the Duke of Sauoy. or the people of Ualoys.
  • Leman, the Lake of Geneua called also Lake Losan.
  • Lemouikes ye people of Limosins in Celticke
  • Lepontians the people of Graundpunter, or (as Marlian sayth) the people called Swi­ters inhabiting betwene the heade of the ri­uer Rhone and the Alpes of Rhetia, among whome springeth the Riuer Rhine. Giles Tschude affirmeth they be now called Rhin walders.
  • Leuakes the people of Louane accordinge to Marlian.
  • Lewkes the people of the Bishoprick of Tul or Toll in Celticke.
  • [Page]Lexobians or Lexouians the people of Ly­siewx in Celticke in the duchie of Normādy
  • Lingones the people of Langres in the sayde Bishopricke of Tull in Celticke.
  • Loyre a riuer which springeth in lowe Bur­gundy and running through Celticke (ac­cording to Cesar) falleth into the west O­cean. but according to Ptolomie it deuideth Celticke from Aquitaine.
  • Lutetia the Citye of Paris standinge vppon Seane accompted vnto Belgick. it is now the head city of Fraunce.
M.
  • Menapians the people of Gelderlande and Cleueland. or as some suppose the people of Iuliers in Belgicke.
  • Mandubians a people of Celticke about the Citie Alexia called now Lausoys.
  • Marcomannes people of Germanye beyonde the Rhine which came ouer with Arioui­stus and afterward inhabited the valey that bordereth vpon Swicerland which is called Marecomana next vnto high Burgundy & the mountaine Iura: with whom M. An­tonius themperour surnamed the Philoso­pher had long and perillous warre, vntyl at length beinge vanquished by the prayers of the Christians they submitted themselues.
  • Marne, a riuer rising in the borders of Lan­gres whiche runneth throughe Shalons in Campaine and deuiding partlye the Celtes frō the Belgies falleth into Seane a littell [Page] about Paris.
  • Matiscon a city of Celticke by the riuer So­an in the borders of low Burgūdy betwene the townes of Lions and Cauillō. it is now called Mascon or Macon.
  • Maze or meuse a riuer which springeth out of the mountaine Uogesus in Celticke in the borders of Langres not far from the heades of Marne and Soan, and takinge into it an arme of the Rhine called walis aboute fowerscore miles from the sea it maketh an Iland which is called Holland.
  • Mediomatrikes the people of Lorein aboute Mets.
  • Meldians people of Meaulx.
  • Melodunum a towne in an Iland of the ri­uer Seane nere vnto Parris called Me­lune.
  • Metiosedum or Iosedum a towne vppon the riuer Seane called Corbeil.
  • Morines the people of Tirwin in Belgicke. or (as Ioseph Molet sayth) the Flemings.
N.
  • Nannets people of Naūtes in Britaine Bri­tonant.
  • Nantuates or Antuates people of Germanie on thys syde the Rhyne about Constance, called the people of Uawd.
  • Narbone the chief Cytie of Prouince wherof all the Prouynce was called Narbonensis.
  • Nemets the people about Spire.
  • Nitiobriges or Nitiobrigiās people of Moūt [Page] pelyer in Celticke, Uzes.
  • Neruians the people aboute Tornay in Bel­gycke.
  • Noreia the city of Norimberg in Germanye.
  • Noricum the country about the sayd city.
  • Nouiodunum the name of thre cities. wher­of one is in Belgicke, not far from Paris, and is called Noyon. thother twoo are in Celtycke thone in the countrye of Berrey nere vnto Bourges, and thother in lowe Burgundy at the ryuer Loyre.
  • Numidians people of Affrycke.
O.
  • Ocelum, (whyche also is called Oscelium) a towne in Piemount by the ryuer Duria.
  • Octodure the city Martanach in lower Ua­loys.
  • Orcinia loke Bacenis.
  • Osissines the people of Landgriguer in Bry­tayne.
P.
  • Parthians a people of Asia.
  • Petrocorians the people of Perrygort in A­quitayne.
  • Pictones the people of Poyters in Aquitain.
  • Pleumosians the Flemynges.
  • Precianes people of Aquitayne nere vnto Bierne.
  • Pirustes people of Dalmatia whych now is a part of Slauony.
  • Po, the chyef ryuer of Italy whych ryseth at [Page] the foote of the mountayne Uesulus and af­terward receyuing xxx. ryuers into him fal­leth wyth seuen chanelles into the Adria­tike sea.
  • Pyrenes, the Mountaynes whyche deuyde Fraunce from Spayne they are now called the mountaynes of Foyes and Rounceual.
R.
  • Rauracians people of Celticke about Basill.
  • Rhedones people about Rhenes in Britaine.
  • Rhegium a towe in Italye on the sea coast o­uer agaynst the promontary of Sicill called Pelorus.
  • Rhemes a towne in Champaine in Belgycke and the people of the country therabout.
  • Rhone a ryuer rysing out of thalpes whyche deuydeth the Romane Prouynce from the Swycers, and then turning into the south, cutteth through the myds of the Prouince, and lastly falleth into the mydland sea.
  • Ruthenes a people of the Prouynce called Rhodes.
S.
  • Sabis the ryuer Sambre in Belgyck which runneth into Maze by the Towne of Na­mures.
  • Samarobrina the town of Cambray in Bel­gycke.
  • Santones the people of Santon in Aquitain.
  • Scaldis the riuer Skeld in Belgycke it run­neth through Cornay & falleth into Maze.
  • [Page]Seane a Ryuer rysinge nere the borders of Langres and lowe Burgundy in ye coun­try of Al [...]et. It runneth through Paris, & deuidynge Celticke from Belgicke falleth into the Britysh Ocean by Newhauen.
  • Sebusians, Secusians, or Segusians people of Celticke nere vnto Sauoy and Burgundy betwene the dyocesses of Lausan and Li­ons whych by coniecture shoulde be aboute the Citye Biz [...]nce. or the people of Bresse.
  • Sedunes or Sedusians the people about Si­on in Ualoys.
  • Senons the people of Sens in Celticke.
  • Sequanes looke Heduans.
  • Sycambers the people of Gelderland.
  • Swessions ye people of Soysons in Belgick.
  • Swevians people on the furthersyde of the Rhyne nowe called the Swoabes, or (as Melancthon affirmeth) the Pomeranes.
  • Soan loke Arar.
T.
  • Tarbelles the people about Tarb or Bayon in Guyen.
  • Tarusats people about Turse in Guyen.
  • Tectosages the people of Languedock in Prouince.
  • Teucthers somtyme a people of Germany be­yond the Rhyne now thought to be the peo­ple of Iulyers on thys syde the Rhyne.
  • Tiguryne the Canton of Zurich in Swicer­land.
  • Tolous a citye in Prouynce.
  • [Page]Tolosatians people of the coūtry about ye city.
  • Treuires people of Tryers and the countrye thereabouts.
  • Triwkes the people about Strawsbrough
  • Turones the people aboute Towres vppon Loyre in Celticke.
  • Tulingians the people of Loreyne.
U.
  • Uangions the people of wormbes and there­aboutes.
  • Uatuca, Uaruta, or Ratuca as some suppose was a Castell wheras is now the towne of Iulyers.
  • Uacalos an arme of the Rhyne called walis whych falleth into the ryuer Maze.
  • Ubians the people about Colon on the other side of the Rhyne.
  • Uellaunians the people of Uellay about S. Flowre in Celticke.
  • Uellaunodunum Uilleneuf in Loreine.
  • Uenets the people of Uannes in Britaine,
  • Ueragrians people of lower Ualoys aboute Martanach.
  • Ueromanduans the people of Uermandoys in Picardy.
  • Uesontio the City Besanson in Burgundy.
  • Uienna the citye of Uien in Delphynoys.
  • Uuelles the people of Perche.
  • Uocontians loke in Centrones.
  • Uogesus or Uosegus a Mountayne in the marches of Langres, out of the whyche the Maze spryngeth.
  • [Page]Uolces Tectosages are the people of Lāgne­docke about Avinion.
  • Uolces Arecomickes, loke Arecomikes.
  • Urellodunum the Citie Cadenacke in Quer­cye in Celticke.
FINIS:

OF the battell Ram Uegetius in hys iiii. booke of cheualry maketh a shorte dyscription,Battel Ram. lykenyng it to the engine called a Tortoyse, in these words. Of [...]ymber and wordes is framed the Tortoyse: whych bycause it shuld not be hurt wyth fier, is couered wyth rawe hydes, or wyth hayres and course cloth. Thys inwardly receyueth a traine whych is armed before wyth a hooked piece of yron called a Sythe bycause it boweth inwarde to pull stones out of the wall wyth. Or elles is the head thereof clad wyth steele, and it is called a Ram, eyther bicause it hath a very hard front, whych pusheth vp the wals, or els bicause after the manner of Rammes it goeth baske to thentent to stryke wyth grea­ter violence. Nowe the Tortoyse hathe hys name of his lykenesse to the true Tortoyse: bi­cause that as the Tortoyse sometyme putteth forth her head & sometyme draweth it into her shell agayne: so the engy [...]e doth one whyle put backe the beame and another whyle thruste it forward agayn to thentent it may stryke with greater vyolence. theis are the wordes of Ue­getius. [Page] Iosephus in hys booke of the warres in Iewry descrybeth it in thys wyse. The ma­ner of the yron Ram sayth he is thus. Fyrste they take a great long thycke beame: vpon the forepart wherof they put a great strong heade made lyke vnto a Rammes head with hornes all of pryncipal strong yron the weight wher­of is asmuche as halfe the beame, and couereth the beame also to the [...]yds. Then fasten they into the ground against the place that they in­tend to batter, two great trees lyke mas [...]es of shyppes, betwene whych they hang the beame that is called the Ram wyth stronge ropes of hemp and yron wyer twysted together. At the hynder part of thys beame from the wall­warde are rynges of yron fastened wyth lyke ropes of hemp and iron wier tied to them, that when thassaulters wil batter the walles, they pushe forward the beame as though it were a speare, and fasten hys stronge hornes amonge the stones of the wal, then hang they weights at the rynges in the hynder parte, and muche people a f [...]r of take hold of the ropes that come through the rynges behynd, and hale the hyn­der part of the beame vpon the ground, by such meanes that they shake the wall, and wrinch out the stones, so that afterwarde the walles fall downe. There be also (as the same author in the same place affirmeth) other Bammes that are driuē vpon wheles by force of people after the same sort [...]nd facion. Leonarde Are­ [...]n [...] in hys first boke of the warres in Italye agaynst the Gothes describeth it in this wise. [Page] Fower postes (saith he) of like heighth equal­ly distant are set square one againste another, and fastened wyth fower beames aboue and as many beneath, so that they stād like a prety square house: the which is couered ouer wyth leather, to thentent that such as are wythin it shoulde not be hurt from the walles. Aloft is layd a beame ouertwhart, at the end whereof hangeth downe another beame, as it were to the middle of the pillers fastened wyth plates of yron, the which hath a great square head of steele like an Anuield. The whole engyne is drawen vpon fower wheles fastned in the fete of the pillers, and when it is remoued, there are not fewer than fiftie souldiers within it to driue it forward. who after the time they haue brought it to the wall, do with a winche wey vp the foresayd beame, and whan they haue it aloft let it fall with all the sway and violence it hath. Then the head of the beame being let downe, partlye with violence of the men and partly with weight of it selfe, falling vpon the wal doeth batter and breake in pieces all that euer it lighteth vpon. There are also other fa­cions of the Battel Ram: whych whoso desy­reth to know, shal find them plainly discribed, about the latter end of the tenth booke of Ro­bert Ualtur concerning Cheualry.

¶Uines or Uinets are engines compacted of smaller timber eighte foote hyghe,Uines or Uinets. seuen foote brode, and six fote lōg. the rofe wherof is made both of tymber and boordes, and the sides are splented to defend them that are within from [Page] Stones and other weapons and artillerye sent from the walles and to saue theme from her they be couered wyth rawe hydes. Ma­ny of theis were wont to be made and set one by one on a row for men to go vnder sau [...]ly to [...]udermyne and dygge downe the walles of Townes.muscules.

¶Muscules so called of theyr lykenesse to the muscles in the sea, were lesser engines much of the same makyng that the Uinets are, vnder whych men of war went sauf to fill vp the di­ches and to make playne and leuell the waye▪ for the moueable towres to come to the wals. ¶PlutiesPluties. (whych in this boke I haue trans­lated penthowses and sheddes) were engines of wycker made lyke a helmet couered ouer wyth raw hydes or hayres whyche went vp­pon thre wheles wherof two were before and one in the myddes, and were moueable euerye way at pleasure lyke a wagon. Under the de­fence of the whych, souldyers dyd beate the de­fendantes from the walles wyth shotte of ar­rowes, crossebowes, slinges. &c. that theyr fel­lowes myght ye caslier come to scalyng. They were also Penthowses ioyned to the mouable towres to beare of the violence of Artillerye from thē that fought within at the loopeholes and wyndowes.

Legion. Cohort.¶Euery Legion (as sayth Uegetius) consi­sted often Cohortes. Wherof the fyrst Cohort had in it a thousand a hundred and fyue foote­men, and a hundred and two and thyrty hors­men. The second Cohort had in it fyue hun­dred [Page] fifty and fyue fotemen, and threscore and six horsmen, and so had likewyse all the other eyght so that a ful Legion cōsisted of syx thou­sand and a hundred fotemen and seuen hundred xxvi. horsemen.

¶Of Tribunes (which we call Marshals) there were two in euery Legion.Tribun [...] The hygh or chief Marshall was alwayes admytted and assigned by the letters patentes of the Empe­ror, and before there were Emperors by the Lieuetenant general of the field. The vnder marshall was promoted thereto for his good seruice. The Tribune or Marshall hadde al­ways the leading of the first Cohort. and hys duty was to see al the whole Legion wel fur­nished, decked, garnished, practised, and exer­cised, and therfore it behoued him to be a man of great knowledge and experience.

¶There were in euery Legion. 155.Centuriō Centu­rions of whom the chief▪ who was called Centurio primipili (or Captaine of the chief bād) had the charge of .400. souldiers.

¶The Lieuetenant accordinge to hys name supplyed the roume of the Generall when he was absent.Lieuete­nant.

FINIS.

Imprinted at London by Willyam Seres, dwel­ling at the west ende of Paules, at the signe of the Hedge­hog.

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