The Grand Idoll Iagernat.

[Page] Newes from the East-INDIES: Or, A Voyage to Bengalla, one of the greatest Kingdomes under the High and Mighty Prince Pedesha Shassalem, usually called the Great Mogull. With the state and magnificence of the Court of Malcandy, kept by the Nabob Viceroy, or vice-King under the aforesayd Monarch: Also their detestable Religion, mad and foppish rites, and Ceremonies, and wic­ked Sacrifices and impious Customes used in those parts.

Written by William Bruton, now resident in the Parish of S. Saviours Southwark, who was an eye and eare witnesse of these following Descriptions; and published as he collected them being resi­dent there divers yeares: and now lately come home in the good Ship called the Hope­wel of London, with divers Merchants of good account which are able to testifie the same for truth.

Imprinted at London by I. Okes, and are to be sold by Humphery Blunden at his shop in Corne-hill at the signe of the Castle neere the Royall Exchange. 1638.

A Rare and most Strange Relation from Bengalla in the East-Indies, being one of the greatest Kingdomes under the Great Mogull, and of their Lawes, Manners, and Customes, &c.

ALthough divers learned, paine­full, and skilfull Mathemati­cians and Geographers have with great Industry spent much profitable Time, in fin­ding out the Circumference of the Terrestriall Globe, in describing Empires, Kingdomes, Principalities, Lordships, Regions, Provinces, Territo­ries, Variations of Climates and Scituations, with the diversities of Dispositions, of Tongues, Religions, Habits, Manners, Lawes, and Customes of sundry Nations: Though much la­bour, perill, and Cost hath beene worthily im­ploy'd by Pliny the second, Ortellius, Iodoco Hondius; or (to come nearer) to our English Worthies, such as are described in the Booke of Hacklewicks Voyages, namely, Windam, Chan­celour, [Page 2] Grinvill Willoughby, Drake, Caven­dish, Gilbert, Chidly, Frobusher, Clifford, Sidney, Deuoreux, Wingfield: as also the exceeding paines taken by Mr. Samuel Purchase, and the Learned and Renowned Knight Sir Walter Raw­leigh in their Descriptions of the whole World, nor forgetting the perills that Mr. Sands passed in his tedious Travells, with his exact Relations and Descriptions: With Atlas newly Imprinted, (a rare Worke) and lastly, William Lithgow de­serves a kind Remembrance of his Nineteene yeeres sore and dangerous Travells of his Feete and Pen, worthy your Observation and Reading.

But all these Authors and Actors both of Hi­story and Travell, did never discover all, but still (out of their plentifull Harvests of Obser­vations) they left some Gleanings for those that came after them to gather. For the manifestati­on whereof in this following Discourse, I have tyed and bound my selfe to speake onely Truth, though it seeme incredulous or Hyperbolicall; and if I should any way sway or stray from the Truth, there are living men of good Fame, Worth, and Estimation, who are able and rea­dy to disprove me.

Therefore briefly to the matter in hand: I William Bruton was shipp'd as a Quarter-master, from the Port of London, to serve in the good Ship called the Hope-well, of the Burthen of 240 Tunnes. To relate our long and tedious passage by Sea, and our Arivall at every Port and Ha­ven, were but little to the purpose, and would [Page 3] more tire than delight my Reader: Therefore to begin, that after my Arivall in those parts, and in my services and passages there for the space of 7. yeeres, I observed many things, and put them in Writing; but afterwards I came to know that the same things had been discover'd and descri­bed formerly by more sufficient and able men of Capacity than my selfe, I thought good to keep them to my selfe, and discover nothing but that which before was not so fully or scarce knowne as I shall now decypher them.

The 22. of March, 1632. I being in the Coun­trey of Cormadell with sixe English men more at a place called Massalupatam, (a great Towne of Merchandize) Master John Noris, the Agent there, was resolved to send two Merchants into Bengalla, for the settling of a Factory there, and these sixe English men (of the which I was one) were to goe with the Mer­chants, and withall to carry a Present from the Agent to the Nabob, (or King) of that Coun­trey, to obtaine the promises that formerly hee had granted to the English for Traffick, and to be Custome-free in those of his Dominions and Ports. Wherefore a Junke was hired at Massalu­patam to be our Convoy; the said Junke did be­long unto those parts, and the Names of the English men that were appointed for that voy­age, were Mr. Ralph Cartwright Merchant, Mr. Thomas Colley second, William Bruton, John Dobson, Edward Peteford, John Bassley, John Ward, and William Withall.

[Page 4] Though we hired the afore-said Junke, March 22. yet it was the 6. of Aprill following before we could be fitted to depart from Massalupatam, and in much various Weather, with many diffi­culties and dangers, (which to relate here, would be tedious and impertinent to my intended Dis­course) the 21. of Aprill, being then Easter-day, we were at Anchor in a Bay before a Towne cal­led Harssapoore: It is a place of good strength, with whom our Merchants doe hold Commerce with correspondency. This 21. day in the Mor­ning, Mr. Ralph Cartwright sent the Moneys a shore to the Governour of Harssapoore, to take it into his safe-keeping and protection till such time as he came a shore himselfe. So presently there came a Portugall Friggat fiercely in hostili­ty towards us, but we made ready for their en­tertainment, and fitted our selves and the Vessell for our best defences: but at last they steered off from us, and upon our command shee came to an Anchor somewhat neare us, and the Master of her came aboord of us, who being examined whence he came, and whither he was bound, to which demands he answer'd nothing worthy of beleefe, as the sequell shewed; for hee seem'd a friendly Trader, but was indeed a false Inva­der, (where opportunity and power might helpe and prevaile) for on the 22. day Mr. Cartwright went a shore to the Governour of Harssapoore, and on the 24. day the said Master of the Frigat (with the Assistance of some of the ribble rabble Rascalls of the Towne) did set upon Mr. Cart­wright [Page 5] and Mr. Colley, where our men (being o­prest by multitudes) had like to have beene all slaine or spoyld, but that (Lucklip) the Rogger (or Vice King there) rescued them with 200 men.

In this fray Mr. Thomas Colley was sore hurt in one of his hands, and one of our men much wounded in the legge and head; their Nockado or India Pilot was stab'd in the Groyne twice, and much mischiefe was done, and more pretended, but by Gods helpe all was pacified.

The 27 of April we three tooke leave of the Governour, and Towne of Hassarpoore, (I meane three of us) namely, Mr. Cartwright, William Bruton, and Iohn Dobson; leaving Mr. Colley and the other foure men with him, till newes could be sent backe to them from the Nabobs Court, at Cutteke or Malcander, of our successe and pro­ceedings there with our other goods, for he is no wise Merchant, that ventures too much in one bottome, or that is too credulous to trust Ma­hometanes or Infidels.

And having laden our small Boats with the goods, (which were Gold, Silver, Cloth, and Spices, (of which spices those parts of India are wanting, and they almost are as dearethere as in England) we passed some two Leagues and halfe by Water, and after that, the said goods was carried by land in Carts, till wee came to a great Towne called Balkkada, but it was more than three houres after Sunne-setting, or late before we came thither.

The 28 of April in the Morning, the Go­vernour [Page 6] of this Towne came and saluted our Merchant, and promised him that whatsoever was in his power to doe him any friendly cour­tesie, he should command it; and indeed he was every way as good as his word; for hee lent us Horses to ride on, and Cowlers (which are Porters) to carry our goods (for at this Towne the Carts did leave us, and our goods were car­ried on mens shoulders: then we set forwards, being accompanied with the Governour, with his Musicke, which were Shalmes, and Pipes of sundry formes, much after the formes of Waits or Hoboyes, on which they play most delicate­ly out of Tune, Time, and Measure. In this manner the Governour, with a great number of people did bring us about halfe an English Mile out of the Towne, where he courteous­ly tooke his leave of us, but yet he sent his servants with us as guides, and that they might bring his Horses backe to him, that he lent unto us.

This towne of Balkkada, is a strong and spacious thing, very populous: There are many Wea­vers in it, and it yeeldeth much of that Coun­trey fashion Cloath. This day, about the houres of betweene eleven and twelve of the Clocke it was so extreame hot that we could not travell, and the winde did blow with such a soultering scalding heat, as if it had come forth of an Oven or Furnace, such a suffocating fume, did I ne­ver feele before or since; and here we were for­ced to stay neare three houres, till the Sunne [Page 7] was declined, we having happily got under the shadow of the branches of a great Tree all that time. Then we set forward for the Towne of Harharrapoore: which in the space of two houres, or a little more, wee drew neare unto: so we stayd a while till our carriages were come up together unto us; which done, there met us a man, who told us that his Master staid our comming, then we speedily prepared our selves for the meeting of so high esteem'd a person: and when we came to the Townes end, there did meete us at a great Pogodo or Pagod, which is a famous and sumptuous Temple (or Church) for their Idolatrous service and worship there used, and just against that stately and magnifi­cent building, we were entertained and wel­comed by one of the Kings greatest Noble­men, and his most deare and chiefest favourite, who had a Letter from the King his Master, and was sent from him to meete us, and conduct us to his Court. The Noble mans name was Mersymomeine. He did receive us very kindly, and made us a very great feast or costly colati­on before supper; which being done we departed for our Sirray, (or Inne) where we lay all night with our goods: but Mersymomeine staid with his followers and servants in his and their Tents at the Pagod.

The 29 day of April wee staid at Harhar­rapoore, and visited this great man, but the greatest cause of our staying, was by reason that the Nockada (or Pilot) of the Frigget, whose [Page 8] men did affront and hurt some of our men at Harssapoore, for which cause the Frigget was staid there, and the Pilot of her came to this great man, thinking by gifts to winne him to cleare his Vessell, (the which he thought to make prise of) but he would not be allured by such rewards or promises; but told him that he must ap­peare before the Nabob, and seeke to cleere himselfe there.

The 30 of April we set forward in the Mor­ning for the City of Coteke (it is a City of se­ven Miles in compasse, and it standeth a mile from Malcandy, where the Court is kept) but Master Cartwright staid behinde, and came after us, accompanyed with the said Noble man: We went all the day on our journey till the Sun went downe, and then we staid for our Mer­chant, being eight English Miles from Coteke, and about twelve or one of clocke at night they came where wee were: so we hasted, and suddainly got all our things in readinesse, and went along with them, and about the time of three or foure of Clocke in the Morning we came to the house of this Mersymomeine at Coteke, being May day.

Here we were very well entertained, and had great variety of sundry sorts of meates, drinks, and fruits, such as the Countrey yeelds, even what we could or would desire fitting for our use. About eight of the Clocke Mersymomeine went to the Court, and made knowne to the King, that the English Merchant was come to [Page 9] his house: then the King caused a great ban­quet to be speedily prepared, and to bee sent to the house of Mersymomeine, which banquet was very good and costly. Then, about three or foure of the clocke in the afternoone, wee were sent for to the Court of Malcandy, which is not halfe a mile from Coteke. The mag­nificence of which Court, with the stately Stru­cture and situation of the place, as well as my weake Apprehension can enable, I describe as followeth.


GOING from the house of Mersymomeine, we passed over a long stone Cawsey, of some two foote in breadth, and at the end thereof we entred in at a great gate, and being conducted along further we came into a Bussar, or very faire Market place, where was sold a great number of all sorts of Fruits, Hearbes, Flesh, Fish, Fowle, Rice, and such like needfull commodities and necessaries as the Countrey yeelded. (which is very fertile) Having passed this place, we did enter in at a second gate, where was a guard of some fifty armed men, and so we came into a place all paved with great stones, or as it may fitter be called, a faire and spacious [Page 10] streete, where Merchants seated on both sides the way, were buying and selling all kind of their own and forraigne wares and merchandizes that was very rich and costly.

Passing this place we entred in at a third Gate, where was another Guard of one hundred Men Armed: by this Gate was a great Pogodo or Pa­god, which joyned to the Southermost part of the Kings house. In this Streete there were houses but one side of the way, for on that side that the Kings house was on there was no other House but that. Then we came to a fourth Gate, which was very spacious and high, and had two lofty stories one above the other, and up­held by mighty Pillars of gray Marble, most cu­riously Carv'd and Polish'd: At this Gate was a great Guard of 150 Men or more, all armed.

Going through this Gate, we entred into very great broad place or streete, (much of the breadth of the streete betweene Charing Crosse and White-Hall, or broader, and no dwel­ling in it; here we passed the wall of the Kings House, or Palace, till we came to the Court Gate.

In this broad street are every day 1000 Horses in readinesse for the Kings use; (for he hath al­waies 3000 at an houres warning, in the two Townes of Coteke and Malcandy; whereof 1000 alwaies waiteth at the Kings Gate, and so by turnes doe all the rest attend as their places and services require.

Over against the Gate of the House is a very great house of Timber, whose Chambers are [Page 11] made with Galleries, built and supported with great Arches to uphold the Roofe: In these Galleries there were men that played on all kind of loud Instruments, every morning they beganne to play at foure of the Clock, and gave over at eight.

On the North side of the Gate is a small Tower builded with two hollow Arches, wherein are pla­ced two mighty Images of stone, with great Pipes of Iron placed in their breasts, and by devices in the lo­wer roomes, they doe make fire and water to flash and spout out of those Pipes on Festivall dayes. On the South side of the Gate there standeth a great Ele­phant, artificially wrought of gray Marble, but for what use I know not.

At the entrance into the Pallace Gate, we passed through a Guard of 150 men armed, the Pillars within were all of gray Marble, carved three Stories one above the other. The outward Court was pa­ved all with rough hewne Marble. On the South side of the Pallace were houses wherein were men, cunning workers in rich workes, imployed onely for the Kings use and service.

On the North side (in the Pallace) a faire fabrick builded, wherein was erected two stately Tombes, who were founded by one Backarcaune, — he was Nabob, and predecessour to this Nabob now gover­ning: and at the East end of the Pallace there was a faire place made and paved with broad gray Marble, and curiously railed about, the Rayles being foure foote and halfe high from the ground, and a very faire Tanke, which is a square pit paved with gray Marble, with a Pipe in the mid [...]st of it, whose water descen­ded betweene two Walls, with the formes of Fishes [Page 12] of sundry sorts, carved in stone very artificially, as if they had beene swimming or gliding up the Wall a­gainst the streame.

At this East end there was also a second Gate, where was a Guard of 100 men armed; here stood also men that did keepe the time of the day by observations of measures of Water, in this manner following: First, they take a great pot of Water of the quantity of three Gallons, and putting therein a little pot of somewhat more than halfe a pinte (this lesser pot ha­ving a small hole in the bottome of it) the water is­suing into it, having fild it, then they strike on a great plate of brasse, or very fine metal, which stroak maketh a very great sound, this stroak, or parcell of time they call a Goome, the small pot being full they call a Gree, 8 Grees maketh a Par, which Par is three houres by our accompt.

They likewise do begin the day at the houre of sixe in the morning, and it is ended with them at sixe at night: here we entred into the second Pallace, which had in the mid'st thereof a faire and sumptuous Theatre built, and about it was made small bankes, whereon were planted great varieties of fruits and flowers, very sweete to the sent, and pleasing to the sight; this place was also curiously railed in round: Then we entred into a narrow passage betweene two high stone Walls, where there was another Guard of 250 men armed: This passage brought us to a third Gate, wherein wee entred into a third Pallace or pleasant prospect, for in the mid'st of it there was a very faire pavement of Marble,— square, of the largenesse of—yardes every way, and rai­led some three foot & a halfe higher than the ground, [Page 13] that was on the out-sides of it: it was likewise deli­cately rayled about, and in the midst of it there was a faire arched place roofed, into whose entrance was an ascent of foure steps high, and all the roomes in it were spread or over-laid on the floore with rich Car­pets exceeding costly.

The space betweene the outward Railes and these Roomes, was about 30. Foote, and the length 80. foote on the one side, but on the other side was a faire Tanke of water.

This place they called the Derbar (or place of Councell, where Law and Justice was administred ac­cording to the Custome of the Countrey, and it was likewise adorn'd and beautified with very pleasant Trees and Flowers, and Bankes about them with Gut­ters betweene the Bankes, in which Gutters water passed for the cooling and watering of them, and the water proceeded from the Tanke afore-mentioned. Here we stay'd the space of some two houres (or there abouts) looking up and downe, and being look'd upon by Souldiers, and such fashioned Gentlemen as the Court yeelded; (for there were more than 100. men armed, which were of the Nabobs, or Kings Pri­vie Guard) At last the word came forth that the King was comming: then they hasted and over-laid the great large pavement with rich Carpets, and pla­ced in the midst against the Railes, one fairer and richer Carpet than the rest, wrought in Bengalla-worke: They likewise placed a great round pillow of red Velvet on this Carpet; they placed also sixe small Pillars of Gold on the ends and sides of the rich Car­pet, to hold it fast, or presse it to the ground, lest it should be raised with the Winde. They also placed [Page 14] upon the Railes a Pannell of Velvet to leane on: At the last his Majesty came accompanied with the num­ber of 40. or 50. of his Courtiers, the most part of them were very grave men to see to: Also the Nabobs owne Brother (a comely Personage) did beare the Sword before him. Then the Noble-man (Mersimo­mein) presented our Merchant (Mr. Ralph Cartwright) to the King, who did obedience to him, and the King very affably bended forward (in manner of a Curtsie or Respect) and withall leaned his Armes on two mens shoulders, and slipped off his Sandall from his foote (for he was bare-legged) and presented his Foot to our Merchant to kisse, which hee twice did refuse to doe, but at the last hee was faine to doe it: then the King sate downe, and caused our Merchant to be placed by his Brother: His Counsell sate all along by the foot-pace of the Roomes before-mentioned, his Brother and his Favorites sate thwart the place or Pavement, every one sitting in the fashion of a Tay­ler crosse-legg'd.

The Assembly being set, our Present was presented to the King, which was some Twenty pounds of Cloves, Twenty pounds of Mace, Twenty pounds of Nutmegs, two Bolts of Damaske, halfe a Bale, or fourteene yards of Stammell-cloath, one faire Loo­king-glasse, whose frame was guilded, one Fowling-piece, with two Locks, and one double Pistoll; this was the Present which the King received with much acceptation and content, and withall demanded the cause of our Comming and our Request: To whom our Merchant answer'd, that he was come to desire his Majesties Favour and Licence for free Trade in his Countrey, and not to pay any Junkan— (or Cu­stome) [Page 15] At this request he seem'd to make a stand, (and pausing a little) he conferr'd privately with his Coun­cell, but gave us no Answer.

Our Merchant likewise requested that the English Merchants Trading for the East-Indies, might have free Licence to come with their shipping small or great, into the Roads and Harbours of his Sea-port-Townes, or to any Havens or Navigable Rivers, or a­ny such place or places as shall be found sitting for the safeguard, building, or repairing of the said Vessels be­longing to the honourable Company. And likewise to transport their goods either off or on the shoare, without the let or hinderance of the Natives of the Countrey: Likewise to have his Licence to quoyne Moneys, Gold or Silver, Countrey-money, and such as is currant with the Merchant.

By this Time that our Merchant had ended the Re­lation of his Suits, and cause of his comming, the Kings Minister with a loud voyce called to prayer. Then the King speedily arose from his Seate, and all his Company went with him, and wee were dismist till prayer was ended. When the Minister came, there was a large covering spread over the rich Carpets; the covering was of black and white cloaths, on this they all stood, and when they kneeled, they did kneele with their faces towards the going downe of the Sun, (which is to the West.) Prayer being ended, the As­sembly sate againe concerning our Propositions, all o­ther businesses were laid aside; being now the shutting in of the Evening, there came a very brave shew of lights in before the King. The fore-most that came, were sixe Silver Lanthornes, usher'd in by a very grave man, having in his hand a Staffe over-laid with Sil­ver, [Page 16] and when he came to the steps of the Pavement, he put off his shooes, and came to the Carpets, ma­king obedience: so likewise did those that bore the sixe Lanthornes; but all the other lights, being one hundred and thirty, stood round about the Railes. Then the Usher tooke the Lanthorne that had two lights in it, and (making obedience) lifted his armes aloft, and made an ample Oration, which being en­ded, they gave all a great Salame, or kind of Reve­rence with a loud voyce, and departed every one, and placed the lights according as the severall offices and places did require. Here we stay'd till it was betweene Eight and Nine of the Clocke at Night, but nothing accomplished; onely wee had some faire promises of furtherance by some of the Courtiers: Thus wee were dismist for that time, and wee returned for our Lodg­ing at Mersimomeins house at Coteke, accompanied with a great multitude of people, and many Lights, who much admired our kind of habit and fashion.

The second day, wee came in the After-noone a­gaine to the Court before the Nabob, which being set, there mette us at the Derbar (or Councell-house) our old Enemy the Nockada of the Frigget, who made a great complaint against us, that wee had sought to make prize of his Vessell, and to take his goods by force: hee had likewise given a great gift to a Noble­man to stand his friend, and speake in his behalfe.

Our Merchant pleaded likewise, that all such Ves­sells as did Trade on the Coast, and had not a Passe either from the English, Danes, or Dutch, was lawfull Prise. Hee answer'd, that he had a Passe; our Mer­chant bid him produce the same before the Nabob, and hee would cleare him: to which the Nabob and the [Page 17] whole Councell agreed: but hee could shew no Passe from any of the afore-named 3. Nations, but he shew'd two Passes from (or of) the Portugals, which they call by the name of Fringes, and thus was he cast, and we had the better of him before the King and Councell.

But then stood up the Nobleman to whom hee had given a Reward, (who had also a little knowledge or insight in Sea-affaires) and said, what Stranger seeking a free Trade, could make prize of any Vessell within any of the Sounds, Seas, Roads, or Harbours of his Majesties Dominions? This hee spake not so much for the good of the King, but thinking and ho­ping that the Vessell by his meanes should have beene clear'd with all her goods, and the Nockado (or Pilot) aquitted, that so by those meanes hee might have gained the more and greater Rewards; but hee was quite deceived in his vaine expectation. For the Na­bob perceiving that shee belonged to Pyplye, a Port-Towne of the Portugals, whom the Nabob affects not, where the Portugals were resident, and that shee was not bound for any of his Ports, hee made short worke with the matter, and put us all out of strife presently, for hee confiscated both vessell and goods all to himselfe. Whereby the Noble-man was put by his hopes, who was indeed a Governour of a great Sea-towne, whereto much Shipping did belong, and many Ships and other Vessels were builded. Our Merchant seeing that hee could not make prize of the Vessell or the goods, nor have any satisfaction for the wrongs which he and our men had received, he rose up in great anger, and departed, saying, that if hee could not have Right here, he would have it in ano­ther place, and so went his way, not taking his leave [Page 18] of the Nabob, nor of any other, at which abrupt de­parture they all admired.

The third day in the Morning the King sent for our Merchant by the Lord Comptroller of his Court, who went with him accompanied with Mersimomein and others to the Derbar, where there was a very grave Assembly set: Then came the King, who being set, he smiled upon our Merchant, and (by an Inter­preter) demanded the cause why hee went away the last Evening (or over-night) in such an anger? To whom he answer'd boldly and with a sterne undaun­ted countenance, that he had done his Masters of the Honourable Company wrong, and (by his might and power) had taken their Rights from them, which would not be so endured or put up. The King hea­ring this, demanded of the Assembly, which were as well Merchants as Nobles, (in the Persian Tongue) of what strength and force our shipping were, their Number, Burthen, and Force, where our chiefe place of Residence was for Trading: Hee likewise sent for Persian Merchants, and did diligently enquire of them the same demands and questions: who answer'd, that we had great Trading on the Coast of Cormadell, India, and Persia; and likewise in the South-Seas, as Bantam, Japaro, Janbee, and Macossor: They further told the Nabob, that our Shipping were great, and of great force withall, and likewise if his pleasure was such as to be at ods with us, there neither could, would, or should any Vessell, great or small, that did belong to these parts, stirre out of any Havens, Ports, or Harbours of his Majesties Dominions, but they would take them, and make prize of them, for they were not able to withstand their force. At these [Page 19] words the King said but little, but what he thought, is beyond my knowledge to tell you.

Then the King turn'd to our Merchant, and told him in Moores Language (the which hee could very well understand) that he would grant the English free Trade upon these Conditions following.

That if the English Ship or Ships should at any time see any Ship or Ships, Junke or Junks, or any other Vessell of the Nabobs, or any of his Subjects in distresse either by foule Weather, or in danger of Enemies, or in any other extreamity, that we (the English) should helpe, aide, and assist them to our powers; or if it hap­pened they were in want of Cables, Anchors, Water, Victualls, or any other necessaries whatsoever that did belong to them, that we the said English should helpe them as we were able. Likewise that we the said Eng­lish should not make prize of any Vessell belonging to any of the Dominions of the said Nabob, and that we the said English should not make prize of any Ship, Vessell, or Vessels, within the Ports, Rivers, Roads, or Havens of the Nabob, though they were our Ene­mies; but at the Sea wee might make prize of them if we could: to this all our Merchants agreed. Then the King caused Articles on his part to be drawne, and published in this manner following.

Here I the said Nabob, Vice-King and Governour of the Countrey of Woodia, under the great and mighty Prince Pe Desha Shassallem, doe give and grant free Licence to the afore-said Ralph Cartwright Merchant, to trade, buy, sell, export and transport by Shipping, ei­ther off or upon the shore, not paying any Junkeon or Custome, nor any under me to cause them to pay any: Likewise, that if they doe convay Goods by shore betweene [Page 20] Factory and Factory, or any other place for their better advantage of gaine within these his Dominions, I strait­ly charge and command that no Governour, Custome-gatherer, or other Officer whatsoever, shall make or cause them to pay any Junken or Customes; but shall suffer them to passe free, without let, hinderance, molestation, or interruption of stayage, but shall (I say) helpe and further them in any thing that shall be the furtherance of their businesse. Moreover, I doe grant to the English Merchants to take ground, and to build Houses fitting for their Imployments, and where they shall see conveni­ent for their best utility and profits, without let or hin­derance of any of my loving Subjects.

And further I doe give and grant to the English Mer­chants free Licence, to build Shipping, small or great, or any other Vessell which they shall thinke best and fittest for their occasions and uses; they paying no more than the Custome of the Countrey to the Workmen; and like­wise to repaire shipping if any such occasion be to require it.

Likewise [...] the Nabob doe command, that no Gover­nour or Officer whatsoever under me, shall doe the Eng­lish any wrong, or cause any to be done unto them, as they shall answer it at their perills, wheresoever they are resident: Neither shall any wrong be done to any ser­vant of theirs, that doth belong unto them.

And againe, if any Controversie should be betwixt the English, and the people of the Countrey, if the mat­ter be of any moment, then the said Cause shall be brought before me the Nabob at the Court at Malcandy, and at the Derbar I will decide the matter, because the Eng­lish may [...] no wrong, (behaving themselves as Mer­chants ought to doe.)

[Page 21] This Licence formed and given at the Royall Court of Malcandy, the third day of May 1633, but not sea­led till the fift day of May following at night.

The fourth day of May the King sent a great Ban­quet to the House of Marsymomeine, to our Merchants and there came to this Feast the great man that did speake on the Nockado's side against us, at the Darbar, about the Frigget aforesaid: He brought with him to our Merchant for a present a Bale of Sugar, a Bot­tle of Wine, and some sweet meates, saying, he was sorry for the things before done and past, but if a­ny thing lay in him to doe the Company and him a­ny good, he and they should be sure of it. This man was Governour of a Towne called Bollasarye, a Sea Towne where shipping was built; (as is afore said) his name was Mercossom, and understanding that the Merchant was minded to travaile that way, hee promised him to doe him all the courtesies that could be.

The fifth day of May in the afternoone we were before the King againe at the Darbar, at our com­ming he called for our Perwan, (which was our War­rant or Licence) and then he added to it the free leave of coyning of Monies, and sealed it with his owne Sig­net himselfe, and so all things was strongly confirm'd and ratified for our free trade in his Territories and Dominions.

The sixth day of May the King made a great Feast at the Court where were assembled the most and chie­fest of all his Nobles and Governours that were un­der his command, and being set, he sent the Lord Comptroller of his house for the English Merchant Master Ralph Cartwright to come unto him, who [Page 22] came with all speede, and when he was in the presence of the King, he caused him to sit downe by him, and take part of the Feast, (for the King was exceeding merry and pleasant) then the King caused a Vest or Robe to be brought, and with his own hands did put it upon our Merchant; and thus was he invested and en­tertained in the presence of this Royall, Noble, and great assembly.

This day the King was in Magnificent State and Majesty, on rich Persian Carpets: (as is before menti­oned) But over this great Company was a large Canopy of branched Velvet of foure colours, and in the seames betweene the joynings of it was yellow Taffata, which hung downe like unto the Vallence of a bed, it was 80 foote in length, and 40 foote in bredth, and it was upheld with foure small Pillars, overlayd with Silver, whose height was twelve foote, and in thicknesse one foote. Here we staid till about the houre of five in the afternoone, and then we tooke our leaves of the King, and the rest, and departed to Coteke to the house of Mersy­momeine.

Thus have I plainly and truely related the occur­rences that hapned at the Court of Malcandy, but al­though the Palace of the Nabob be so large in Extent, and so magnificent in Structure, yet he himselfe will not lodge in it, but every night he lodgeth in Tents with his most trusty servants and Guards about him, for it is an abhomination to the Moguls (which are white men) to rest or sleepe under the roofe of a house that another man hath builded for his owne honour. And therefore hee was building a Palace, which he purpos'd should be a Fabricke of a Rest, [Page 23] and future Remembrance of his renowne: He like­wise keepeth three hundred Women, who are all of them the daughters of the best and ablest subjects that he hath.

The seventh day of May we went up and downe in the Towne of Coteke; it is very populous of peo­ple, and hath daily a great Market in it of all sorts of necessaries which the Countrey affordeth, it is seven Miles in compasse, and hath but two great Gates belonging to it; it is three Miles betweene the one Gate and the other.

Upon the eighth day of May we went to the Court at Malcandy againe to desire of the King a Warrant, or free Passe, for safe convoy of Letters, or any other such occasion through his Countries.

Here we found his Majesty sitting in the outward Palace of the Court on the Pavement, by the Tanke before named, with a very faire Canopy over him, made of Damaske, and upheld by foure small Pillars overlayd w [...]th Silver, with his Nobles by him for this effect and purpose following.

He was by the great Mogul commanded to wage Warre with all expedition against the King of Cul­candouch, (a great Prince neighbouring upon his Con­fines) which had wrongfully with hostility entred on the Southwest part of his Countrey, and had made some spoyle and havock on the same. The King, I say, had here called all his Commanders, Leaders, and Captaines together, giving them a great charge con­cerning the good usage of his men, and their best en­deavours in the management and performance of their services in those Warres. Hee likewise gave gifts to the Leaders, and money to the Souldiers to en­courage [Page 24] courage them. The Army consisted of 30000 men, which was 10000 Horse, and 20000 foote, armed for the most part with Bowes and Arrowes; and some againe with Darts, like our Javelins, but farre more sharpe; and some againe with a kind of Falchon, Se­miter, or like a bended sword by their side: some of which weapons have cut in sunder two malefa­ctors, which have beene condemned to dye, being bound backe to backe, at one blow given backwards by the Executioner. But our Commission being gran­ted, and our businesse ended finally, our Merchant (reverently) tooke his leave of the King; and the King (with his Nobles) did the same to him, wishing him him all good successe in his affaires in his Countrey; and so we departed.

The ninth of May we gathered together all our things, and at night wee departed from Coteke.

The tenth, at the houre of two in the After­noone, we came to the Towne of Harharrapoore, and hosted in the house of our Interpreter.

The eleventh day wee went to the Governour of the Towne, and shewed him our Fermand, or Com­mission from the King; the Governour made a great Salame, or courtsie in reverence unto it, & promised his best assistance and helpe in any thing that he could doe, and there the said Governour had a small Present given to him.

The twelfth day of May Master Thomas Colley came to us at Harharrapoore, and the rest of the En­glish men with him, with all the goods; then wee hired a house for the present, till such time as ours might be builded, for our further occasions to the Companies use.

[Page 25] This Towne of Harharrapoore is very full of peo­ple, and it is in bounds sixe or seven Miles in com­passe; there are many Merchants in it, and great plenty of all things, here is also cloth of all sorts great store, for there doth belong to this Towne at the least 3000 Weavers that are house keepers, besides all other that doe worke, being bound or hired.

The foureteenth day the two Merchants went abroad, and found out a plat of ground fitting to build upon; then they layd the Kings Deroy on it, and seaz'd upon it for the Companies use, and there was no man that did, or durst gaine-say them for doing the same.

The fifteenth day they hired workmen and labou­rers to measure the Ground, and to square out the foundation of the House, and likewise for the Wall, which was one hundred Conets square, which is fifty yards, every Conet being halfe a yard, or a foote and halfe: and it behoved us to make haste, for the time of the great Raines was at hand.

The sixteenth day they laid the foundation of the Walls, being nine foote thicke, much haste was made, and many workmen about it; but this our first worke was but labour lost and cast away, for it came to nothing.

For on the eighteenth day the Raines began with such force and violence, that it beate downe all our Worke to the ground, and wash'd it away, as if there had not beene any thing done; this Storme con­tinued without ceasing, (day and night) more or lesse three weekes compleat.

[Page 26] The sixteenth day of Iune Master Ralph Cartwright tooke his journey for Ballazary, and two English men with him, who were Edward Peteford, and William Withal, and from thence he was minded to travaile further into the Countrey of Bengalla; and the eighth of Iuly following wee received a Letter from Master Cartwright, concerning his proceedings and troublesome passage; for he found not the Countrey according as was reported, by reason of the time of the great Raines that fell, yet he was safely arived in Pipely.

The three and twentieth day of Iuly in the Mor­ning, we had newes that there was an English Ship ari­ved at Hassarpoore, and had shot of three pieces of Ordnance, and stayed all night, and the next day in the morning, she having not a Boat to come from her, she weighed Anchor, and set saile for Ballazary.

The 25 of August, in the morning, Master Thomas Colley dyed of a violent Fever at Harharrapoore.

The seventh day of September I received Letters from Master Cartwright from Ballazary, and withall he sent me the name of the Ship, to wit, the good Ship Swan, and Master Edward Austin (or Ostin) com­mander.

The nineteenth day of September there came two Merchants from Ballazaray to Harharrapoore, the one of them his name was Master Robert Littler, the other Master Iohn Powlle, Purser of the Ship Swan.

The fourth day of October our Merchant Master Robert Littler, tooke a journey for Iaggernat, and he returned the sixteenth day to the Factory at Har­harrapoore.

A briefe Relation of the great City of Jaggarnat.

THe fifth day of November I was sent about the Companies businesse to the great City of Iag­garnat, and I travailed this day to a Towne called Madew, and I lodged all night in a Pagod, or Po­goda.

The sixth day I William Bruton travailed eight Course, which is thirty two Miles English, and came to a Towne named Amudpoore, where I found met together, of men, women, and children, more than 3000; and all of them were Travellers and Raungers of the Countrey, having no residence, but are called Ashmen; (because they doe cast ashes upon themselves) also they are called Fuckeires, which are Religious names given to them for their sup­posed holinesse, but indeed they are very Rogues, such as our Gipsies be here in England, when they see their time and opportunity to put Rogery and Villany in practice: at this Towne I made no great stay, for I had a good charge about mee of the Companies.

The seventh day of November in the Morning about two of the Clocke, I hasted from Amud­poore, over a passage, and so for Iaggarnat, which was tenne Course betweene, that is forty Miles English, so about the houre of foure in the after­noone, [Page 28] I drew neare to this great City of Iaggarnet, to which I passed over a great stone Causy, on either side whereof was a very goodly Tanke to wash in; this


Causey was about halfe a mile in length; then as I came to the West end of this City, I entred into [Page 29] a very faire place for Scituation, furnished with ex­ceeding store of pleasant Trees and Groves, and on ei­ther side of the way Tankes of Water and Pagodoes in the midst of them. From thence I passed up into the High-streete, where I was entertained by a Bram­mine, (which is one of their Religious men, or Ido­latrous Priests) but let his Religion be what it would, into his House I went, and there I lodged all the time of my stay there.

The Eighth day of November, in the Morning, after I had gone about the affaires that I was sent to doe, I went to view the City in some part, but especially that mighty Pagodo or Pagod, the Mirrour of all wic­kednesse and Idolatry: Unto this Pagod, or house of Sathan (as it may rightly be called) doe belong 9000. Brammines or Priests, which doe dayly offer Sacrifi­ces unto their great God Jagarnat, from which Idoll the City is so called; and when he is but named, then all the people in the Towne and Countrey doe bow and bend their knees to the ground, as the Moabites did to their Idoll Baal-Peor: Here they doe also offer their Children to this Idoll, and make them to passe through the Fire; and also they have an abhominable custome to cause or make them passe through the Wa­ter as Sacrifices unto the said ungodly God.

This Idoll is in shape like a great Serpent, with se­ven Heads, and on the cheekes of each Head it hath the forme of a Wing upon each cheeke, which wings doe open and shut, and flappe, as it is carried in a state­ly Chariot, and the Idoll in the midd'st of it: and one of the Moguls sitting behinde it in the Chariot upon a convenient place with a Canopy, to keepe the Sunne from injuring of it.

[Page 30] When I (with horrour) beheld these strange things, I called to mind the 13. Chap. of the Revel. and 1. Verse, and likewise the 16. & 17. Verses of the said Chapter, in which places there is a Beast, and such Idolatrous wor­ship mentioned, and those sayings in that Text are herein truely accomplished in the 16. Verse: for the Brammines are all marked in the fore-head, and like­wise all that come to worship the Idoll, are marked al­so in their fore-heads; but those that doe buy and sell, are all marked in the left shoulder; and all such as doe dare or presume to buy and sell, (not being marked) are most severely and grievously punished.

They have builded a great Chariot that goeth on 16. Wheeles of a side, and every Wheele is five foote in height, and the Chariot it selfe is about Thirty foot high. In this Chariot (on their great Festivall dayes at night) they doe place their wicked God Ja­garnat, and all the Bramines (being in number 9000.) doe then attend this great Idoll, besides of Ashmen and Fuckeirs some Thousands, (or more than a good many) The Chariot is most richly adorned with most rich and costly Ornaments, and the afore-said wheeles are placed very compleat in a round Circuite so Arti­ficially, that every wheele doth doe his proper office without any impediment: For the Chariot is aloft, and in the Center betwixt the Wheeles; they have also more than 2000. Lights with them: And this Cha­riot with the Idoll is also drawne with the greatest and bestmen of the Towne, and they are so eager and greedy to draw it, that whosoever by shouldering, crowding, shoving, heaving, thrusting, or any vio­lent way can but come to lay a hand upon the Ropes, they thinke themselves blessed and happy. And when [Page 31] it is going along the City, there are many that will of­fer themselves a Sacrifice to this Idoll, and desperate­ly lye downe on the ground, that the Chariot-wheeles may runne over them, whereby they are killed out­right; some get broken armes, some broken legges, so that many of them are so destroyed, and by this meanes they thinke to merit Heaven.

There is also another Chariot which hath but 12. wheeles, and that is for an Idoll or a Devill of an infe­riour ranke, or lower degree; and hee doth not goe abroad or in progresse, but when the Bramines doe please. This Pagodo is scituated by the Sea-side, and is to be seen into the Sea at the least 10. or 12. Leagues; (for the Ayre and Sky is cleare and pure in those parts, that it may be seene farre) It is inclosed with a Wall of Stone, much about 22. foot in height, and the inclo­sure is foure-square, and every square is 150. Geome­tricall paces; so the foure squares in the Totall are 600 paces or yards about: it standeth due East, West, North, and South; and every square hath a great gate for the entrance into it, but the South and West-gates are barr'd up till the Festivall times, and none cōmonly used but the North and East-gates, but especially the North-gate; for it hath all its prospect into the high or chiefe street of this City.

Now in some other parts of this Countrey the peo­ple doe adore and worship other creatures for their Gods: some worship the Celestiall, as the Sunne, Moone, and Starres: some againe Terrestriall, and they of the Mountaines, Vallies, and Woods: some Aquaticall, and those of the Seas, Rivers, and Foun­taines: some running after a beast like an Oxe, the Dog, and the Cat; some after the Hawke, some after [Page 32] the sheepe, and some so foolish, that they doted up­on the very Hearbs and Flowers in their Gardens. For indeed they have very rare Flowers for colour, such as I never saw in England, or else-where. Some of this Nation have erected to themselves a God, in the like­nesse of Jupiter, and doe chaine him by the legge in their Pagod, to the intent that hee might not leave them, nor forsake them; and keepe continuall watch and Guard njght and day, lest any of their Enemies should come and intice him away by bribery, and so to prevaile with him to come forth of it, and by that meanes their City come to ruine and destruction: so much for their Idolatry.

This City of Bengalla is very great and populous, it hath many Merchants in it, and yeeldeth very rich Commodities, as good Cloath in aboundance, Su­gars, Silkes, Taffataes, Stuffes, Waxe, Gumlacke, Butter, Oyle, Rice, and Wheate, with many other good commodities vendable. It is likewise famous for its multitude of Rhinoceroes; it hath a Beast much like unto a Unicorne, and because it hath but one Horne, some doe beleeve and take it for the Unicornes Horne for the vertue it hath in it. This City was once free from Taxations, till Ehebar the great Mogull cau­sed it to be united to his Empire. The chiefest Cities which joyne nearest to it, are Catigan and Satagan on the Bankes of Ganges Eastward: It was once the Seate of the great Bengalian King Malchiram, as Mr. Pur­chase relates in his Pilgrimage. This City lyes West­ward toward Pega, and neere to Coswin and [...], two famous Cities for Traffick and Scituation; lying upon the River, and within some few Leagues of the Gulfe call'd the Bengallian gulfe, which is a very dange­rous [Page 33] one; for at some certaine times of the yeere it is very hazardable for Vessels to passe without ship­wrack: There be many other Lakes and Rivers which I could mention, but for Brevity sake I omit them. But there is no strong drinke suffered to be dranke within the City, except a Stranger doe bring it in privately, and so it is not knowne: and thus much shall suffice for the impious Religion of Jaggarnat, and the stately Court of Malcandy.

The most of these people have no Learning, but doe all things by memory: They weare commonly long haire, and are very strict in their time of Fasting; but afterwards, when the Ceremony is over, then they freely commit all kind of wickednesse againe. In some places they have their Edicts or Lawes written, and in other places unwritten: They know not what belongs to Bonds or Bills, and they lend without Witnesses, or any sealing of Writings, even upon their owne Words: And hee that his found to deny his promise, hath the tops of his Fingers cut off. Their habit is various and different; some of them doe goe in Linnen or Woollen; some are cloathed with Beasts skins, or Birds feathers; others goe naked, and doe cover onely their secret parts: Their Bodies are for the most part blacke, which is not accidentall, but naturally arising from the quality of the seed they are begotten: Most of them are of a large stature; they have many Wives which they purchase and buy of their Parents: some they keepe to be their Vassals to doe their drudgery; others, which are handsomer, for issue sake and pleasure.

Here are greater store of Beasts than in any other part of the Indies: as Oxen, Camells, Lyons, Dogges, [Page 34] Elephants: they have Dogges which are as fierce as Lyons, with which they usually hunt and pursue those wild beasts as we doe our Bucks, for their delight and pleasure. They ride on goodly Horses booted and spurr'd; so likewise doe their Women.

These people are notable ingenious men; let it be in what Art or Science soever, and will imitate any workmanship that shall be brought before them: for the most part of them hate idlenesse, and those that doe not study in some Art or other, are counted droanes, and stand for Cyphers, and dead men a­mongst the best and chiefest sort of people: They have a Custome, that alwayes before dinner they do call their Children and young people in their houses together, and doe examine how they had spent their time from the Sunne-rising, and if they could not give a good account of it, they were not to be admitted to the Table; and so every day, and if they did not the next time improve themselves in some knowledge of laudable things, they are most severely punished and chastised.

These Barbarous and Idolatrous people, although they be so ignorant in the true worship of God, cannot endure a perjured person, nor a common swearer, nor a common drunkard, but will punish them very severely by stripes, or else by forfeiture of their Commodities: A perjured person, say they, is an arch enemy to their God and them: and it is so hatefull, that if it be com­mitted by their Father, Brother, or kindred, they doe presently condemne him, according to the nature of the offence: for though they love the perjury, by rea­son of the benefit that commeth unto them by it, yet they hate the person even to death: for, say they, hee [Page 35] which was sometimes perjured in their behalfe, may undoe what he hath done, and speake the truth when time serves: They instance a story of Soleman the great Turke, who loathed and abhorred the Traitor that betrayed Rhodes unto him, and in stead of his daugh­ter, whom he expected to be given him in Marriage for a reward, he caused him to be flayed and salted, and told him in derision, that it was not fit for a Christian to marry with a Turke, unlesse he put off his old skin: likewise they instance Charles the fourth, who rewar­ded the souldiers (that betrayed their Lord and Ma­ster Krantius) with counterfeit coyne; and being de­sired to deliver them current money, answered, that counterfeit Coyne was the proper wages for counter­feit service: Thus a lyar or perjured person amongst these Idolatrous people they will not beleeve, though he had spoken of sworne the truth: for he that hath beene once false, is ever to be suspected in the same kinde of falshood: wherefore just and upright dealing is aptly compared to a glasse, which being once broken, can never be repaired; or to opportunity, which once omitted, can never be recovered. And so I conclude this relation, wishing all men to preferre knowledge and honesty before wealth and riches; the one soone fadeth, the other abideth for ever: for a­mongst all the goods of this life, onely wisedome is immortall.


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