AN APOLOGIE IN BRIEFE ASSER­TIONS DEFENDING THAT our Lord died in the time proper­ly foretold to Daniel.

For satisfaction of some studentes in both Ʋniuersities.



LONDON, Imprinted by WILLIAM KEARNEY dwelling within Creeple-gate. 1592.

To the right noble Lord, Sir Pe­regrine Bertye Knight, Lord of VVilloughby and Eresby.

ARistotle the wittie philoso­pher (right Honorable) noteth, that as the eyes of Battes are affected towardes the light in the day: so is the minde of our soule to those things, which of Na­ture are verie manifest.

That appeareth in all our studies: wherein, after ma­nie yeeres paines, we get but that which in the ende we see to haue been cleere in the first, if our eyes had been opened to behold them: and finde that we may soone shewe vnto others, manifolde obscure points quicklie, which our selues were long in searching.

Your Lordship by experience in my studies, may bee a fit example herein. For, whereas I spent manie yeeres labour in searching the Concent of holy Writers, which haue penned for vs the Booke of Truth, cleering the Prophecies vnto their euents, through the right Famy­lies and course of times, and to compell other Hebrewes and Greekes to serue them: your Lordship learned after little direction, that which I could not finde in paines of long continuance: and that no lesse for Scripture, than for old Heathen stories.

And euen as I was long in contriuing of them into an order, which soone might haue been seene: so others, in [Page] studie my Ancients, of great fame and desert, for mat­ters triable by ey-sight (and thereupon euident vnto all, who will rest vpon Gods authoritie) either will not, or can not see that, which now I beholde as cleere as the Sunne in his greatest brightnes: and I knowe that your Lordship doth no lesse.

Yea, who would not be our suretie? when the striuer is confuted with the verie title of the Defence, THAT CHRIST our Lord died in the time properly fore­told to Daniel. Also, who would not acknowledge the weaknes of mans minde, when this Apologie is found extreamely needfull, for satisfaction of some Students in both Vniuersities? One learned man of the one V­niuersitie told mee, that an aduersarie had turned all a­gainst mee, all of all degrees: in so cleere a case, that hee presently was driuen to yeeld vnto mee, as soone as he heard the proprietie for which wee stroue. For when I told him of Gabriels prophecie, I asked him, whence the time must be counted, and whether? He said, from the speaking, and vnto our Lord his death. I bad him tell their D. that he must doo so too. So he doth, so he yeel­deth vnto mee, so our cause had been determined by the striuer, if the blindnes of some had not ben meruailous: who hauing lost their hold, (not three daies before they perceiue it, as the Babylonians) but three yeeres, yet tri­umph of a victorie: so that some of the other Vniuersi­tie, began a little to triumph with them. Hereupon this Apologie I write in defence of my selfe, of Daniell the wise, of Gabriel the angell, and of mine Aduersarie, a­gainst himselfe: that the middle space cannot by religi­on, learning, arte, or wit, be holden vncertaine: neither hath he Heathen concent anie thing worth, but in the parts despised, by all Writers vpon the Prophetes and A­postles, and also by prophane Greekes, the most ancient, [Page] and the latest. These two poynts end the controuersie. I commend to your Lordshippes protection my cause: which (I thinke) shall more neede authoritie, than skill to defend it. Art careth not for the manie of Aduersa­ries: yet to bridle manie striuers vnseasonable and vnreasonable, authoritie of high personages, (who priuately maye deale) is now for mee specially re­quisite.

Your Honours to commaund: Hugh Broughton.

The Autor to the Reader.

TOuching the iudgement of those Diuines, which I cyte, for their exposition of Daniels prophecie, it were long to bring their whole style: the summe is this, That from the end of the Babylonian captiuitie, the first sea­uen must be reckoned: and the last hath in it our Lords death. With that mure aduersarie once agree­eth: yet goeth against himself, saying, that the Angel meant no certaine time: and that 107. yeeres are betwixt the re­turne, and the building of the Temple. 75. more than I hold, and 5, lesse thence to Tiberius than I make. The whole I make 70. seauens, and stand to that: he once 70. and againe 80. and againe a number vncertaine: which he thinketh, that O­lympiades can bring to certaintie of, not 490. yeeres, but 560. precisely. And he thinketh for this to disanul the common iudg­ments of Iewes and Greekes vppon the Scripture: and that accompts from Olympiades with Romanes and Chaldeans can make his cause good. This I am to ouerthrow, by that wit, learning, and religion, vtterly forbid to hold vncertainty, where the limits be certain in Daniel for our Lords redemption. And that particulers from the Prophets, holden of Church and Sy­nagogue, as I doo, are holden aright; and that prophane testi­monies faile him. In handling prophane testimonies: The fall of Troy, Olympiades, Cyrus Monarchie, Xerxes warre, Ly­sanders, Alexanders: the distaunces of these I am driuen to handle, & proue that in all these, euen faithles Greeks disproue them, whom mine aduersarie followeth: and also they whom he most alloweth, do him vtterly confute. He reading among men yong in yeres, yonger in these studies, and not putting in print his Lectures: I entered abruptly into the cause, to meete with striuers, hastie to broach streames of errors.

A DEFENCE OF I. CALVIN, our notes vpon the Geneua Bible, Emma­manuel Tremelius, Matthew Beroaldus, Henrie Wolphius, and Romists yeelding vnto them, Gil­bert Genebrard, and others: for the beginning, ending, and certeintie of Daniels seauens, con­teined in Gabriels speech, the key of the old Testament, by H. B. of the same opinion in Conc. Ser.

THeir beginning is so cleare by the Text, that the sharpest aduersarie is driuen to grant this for their beginning, as follow­eth: Quod ad rationes attinet è scriptura sacra, etsi mihi quidem maximè videatur rationi esse consentaneum, ut verbum ex­istimetur id significare quod versibus superiorib. Gabriel com­memorat, verbum Iehouae eiusque decretum, uti explicaui­mus: quoniam tamen referri potest ad illud tempus quores ip­sa implenda fuit, non tamen quo primum enuntiata est, idcir­co relinquatur nobis liberum, ut potuisse iudicemus id tem­pus designari, quo Cyrus Iudaeis libertatem concessurus erat è Babilonica captiuitate redeundi, & instaurandi Hierosoly­ma. Pag 150. Taken out of a Lecture booke written.

And also this much for the ending of them: Septua­ginta septimanis completis excisus est Christus. A man would haue thought, that he who was driuen to graunt such a carefull limitation for beginning & ending, should not seeke an impossibilitie for a greater space in the mid­dle partes than the whole is.

[Page] Notwithstanding his strife is against Art, himselfe, Daniel, all men, and against an Angell, in these wordes: Si Angelus dixisset post octies septuaginta annos excidetur Christus, hic quidem praecise & proprie loquutus esset Ange­lus: quoniam precise ab eo tempore intercesserunt anni 560.

This is farre worse: Constat per synecdochen certum nu­merumpro incerto poni, ita in hoc ipso Danielis loc restatiam nobis confirmandum: non posse praecise intelligi annos 490: sed alium aliquem numerum, incertum per certum. First take this much against his vncertainty, for propriety. After­wardes against his account of 560. yeres.

1 The proprietie of Scripture whereupon actions of men must be altered through all the worlde, is surer than heauen and earth, which shall passe: but it shall not.

2 He that granteth an Antichristian, that the fulnes of time for redemption, differeth 70. yeres from the An­gels speech, turneth the proprietie of Scripture against our faith, and shaketh Gods word: whereby prophane­nesse onely will beare sway, and the Gospell shall be no­thing worth.

3 He maketh the Angell a greater deceauer than e­uer Apollo was: speaking so, that of two thousande yeres none euer, Iew nor Gentile vnderstoode him vn­till 1590. in a matter touching a principle of faith.

4 He maketh Daniel not to vnderstande his owne prophecie: who yet saith, he vnderstoode, and that the Angel came to teache him knowledge: and professedly confuteth Daniels meaning. He should haue found vpon his victorie farre more glorie, if he had plainely tolde his hearers, that he would teach Daniel better to vnderstand the Angel: though he told them not obscurely in dispu­ting that Daniel vnderstood it not: and granteth or must grant that Daniel thought it properly spoken: and so is the prophet of mine opinion and with me confuted.

[Page] 5 The charge to vnderstand Daniel Math. 24. were in vaine for a time indefinite: for still the mind would be vnquiet, if 70. yeares before the worde required, that all things should be performed.

6 Seauen in a trope signifieth many: so seauenty sea­uen must signifie an exceeding great number. So extrea­mitie of Iudaisme shoulde be established. For the Iewes looke yet for Christ to come, and hold him bad that pre­scribeth a time.

7 The ceremonies haue no warrant from expressed wordes, when they shoulde ende: but cleane contrary, are long to continue, for any word of prophet, if Ga­briels speech be indefinite.

8 It were in vaine to lay downe so exact a Chroni­cle from Adam to Cyrus, that Iewes or Gentiles of olde haue rightly helde those yeares plainely, the learned of them, if from Cyrus to Christ, where most neede was, a certaine speech shoulde be vttered, but an vncertaine meaning left, and no Scripture handle the cause.

9 Iewes and Gentiles hitherto vnderstood Gabriel in proprietie: and a small Librarie wil affoord a hundred seuerall writers witnesses hereof.

10 The deadly enemie Aben Ezra granteth, that the time is from the word to Daniel, vntil the Messiah is sea­led: and also that it is 490. yeares.

11 The Pharisees might haue obiected Scripture a­gainst Christ, Matth. 16. touching the time, if it had not properly fallen out: when our Lord doth blame them for not knowing the time.

12 Herod had not feared: nor the sage Magy come to Ierusalem: nor after, Andrew, the Samaritans, and they Luk. 19. Act. 2. or they that were in Barcozbas daies, loo­ked for a Messias: but by Scripture. If proprietie had bin cast off 70. yeares further, some simple, 70. yeres sooner [Page] would haue looked for Christ. But none did.

13 Auctor Chazon Moed and Barbinel should iustly accuse all Christians of extreame ignorance in this text, if all haue bin deceaued, who thought that Gabriel limi­ted the time for Christ.

14 To part an indefinite time, reason can not suffer, and no author euer went about: therefore it passeth rea­son to make not onely the seauentie seauens vncertaine, but the 7. also, the 62. also, the one also in his two partes.

15 Daniel knew before Gabriel came to him euerie point of that which the angel spake of, sauing the time when our Lord should dye. Wherefore either that is it which he taught him: or he spake vntruly in promising to teach him knowledge.

Conclusion. Seauentie seauens of errours may be ob­iected against the inuentor of that opinion: wherefore it must be abolished.

Obiections of aduersaries.

1 The 400. yeres Gen. 15. are not exact: so Gabriels yeares, may be taken for a number vncertaine.

2 Likewise the 300. yeares Iud. 11.

3 Also the time of the three dayes, and three nights tolde by our Lord for being in the graue, are not iust so fully.

4 Likewise many expoūd the Angel as in his com­mentary or second spech, cutting of his last seauen in the middle, and some of the aboue named so do: therfore it is not precisely. 490. yeares.

5 As autor Concentus maketh the three yeres and halfe which are in Apoc. 13. to be spoken by a synecdo­che: so may Gabriels seauens be.


The first is exact, and alwayes hath so ben taken, from [Page] since Ismael persecuted Isaak, vntil the departure from Egipt: yeares precisely 400.

Moreover, if by a prophet from the old testamēt any could proue it contrould, he should helpe himselfe no­thing: for God by propriety shoulde tel what he meant, and give warrant for a trope.

So the spech of Iephte for the. 300 yeresis controld by Scripture, and was such as the cause required. For wher­as the king of Ammon complained of iniury done at the comming from Egipte, not knowing, or not regardinge the. 40. yeares continuance in the wildernes, it had ben a curiositie for Iephte to be quarreling for that which no­thing altered the pley: and so he speaketh of the time from their owne supposition. 305. it was. But who in that case woulde be trifling for the od fiue.

For the three dayes, and three nightes, the Euange­lists make the meaning plaine, shewing that the sixt day our Lord was buried, and arose the first day.

The fourth obiection is twise faulty. For it woundeth the obiecter more sharpely. For if the angel said 490. yeres sauing three yeares and an halfe, he calleth to a most straight reckoning.

Moreouer, how can he make vp 560. precisely, if the angel cut of three yeres & an halfe. But that the angel in his commentarie crossed not his owne text, many lerned old and new shew: and to striue for such quirkes it is no grauitie. The vse of the text is to shew the time of redem­tion expressing a redeemer. If men further will contend, the Church of God hath no such custome.

Lastly if the 3. yeres & half & Gabriels seauens be e­qual concerning trope & propriety: by a consequent the Pope shuld be freed frō being Antechrist: by the general testimony of writers, that hold Daniels spech to be pro­per: & so a learned mā that so thinketh by his owne voice shuld disgrace his learned works writtē against the Pope.

THAT THERE WAS NO cause why 560. yeares should be imagined betwixt the deliuerance by Cyrus, and the death of our Sauiour.

For the whole time.

IF twentie from Nathan to Salathiel, & much the like in Salomons house: for that Ezekias might haue been a grand­father, at Manasses birth: if these two houses had but 430. yeares, for twenty or as twentie: the twentie in Sainct Luke from Zororo­babel, by all likelihoode can not without warrant from God come so farre, as to make vp Daniels 490. yeares, much lesse 560.

If twentie can hardly bring vp so much: much lesse would an heathen gather from ten Matth. 1. so much, by ordinarie course: none can affirme anie omitted.

For the Persians 130. yeres.

The fiue generations (from Iosua excluded) vnto Iad­due by common succession, hardlie make vp one hun­dred and thirtie, much lesse may mans counters summon them to double, almost.

And if Nehemiahs gonernement and Sanballats open dealing saw the whole 5. that are after Iosua: it is strange that his gouernment should be longer than all theirs, in so small recordes of doings.

Nehemiah, by all Ebrewes and Greekes, and all that read the Bible as sufficient in it self, is the same Ez. 2. Ne. 1. [Page] So he must see all the Persian times. For Iaddue who met Alexander and Darius the last of Persian Monarchs is in his booke chap. 12. 22. and his owne dealinges against Manasses brother to Iaddue sonne in lawe to Sanballat, who saw Alexanders warres. Ioseph. 11. ant. 7. & 8. con­ferd with Neh. 13. 28.


Bellarmine the Iesuite from Beda, saith that Nehemia [...] numbreth the high Priests vnto Iaddue, because he tou­ched the infancie of Iaddue, who was aged when he met Alexander.


1 Manasses the younger brother of Iaddue, mary­ing Sanballats daughter caused Nehemias troubles: ther­fore he saw their mans age.

2 He saw also Darius Codomanus. N. 12. euen by the confession of M. F. Iunius.

An other obiection in Wolphius vpon Nehemias.

It may be that some after Nehemias death wrote the catalogue of those high Priests.


1 We shoulde not imagine one worke to be of two auctors, though Deut. 33. hath the last eight verses writ­ten after Moses death: by Iosue Baua Batra pag. 15. or some other. For there euident mention of death went a­fore, but no such thing is here.

2 Also that of Darius and Manasses, doth aunswer him. And thus Nehemias age controlleth all that extend the Persians rule vnto two hundred yeres and more: and grant him borne at the first returne, as all antiquitie, and the late that I know, do, sauing one or two.

A third obiection.

Nehemias placed third amongst the names expressely named (Ezr. 2. 2.) is not he who is neere in gouernment, Neh. 1. & of that the Geneua notes auctoritie might haue warned. For that Nehemias was young, as circumstan­ces proue: specially that he knewe not that Ierusalem was destroied.


1 It is strange that Nehemias a Iewe, wittie and learned, coulde be ignoraunt of Moses, Esay, Mi­cheas, Ieremie, Ezekiel, Obadias, Psalm. 137. Daniel: whose praier he so expressely followeth touching Ieru­salem: of Cyrus decree, of Zor [...]babels companie, of Ezras, and after fiftie thousande returned to their coun­trie, shoulde not know that. A childe seauen yeares olde hardly would haue beene so simple. Marke what strange expositions a false Chronicle breedeth.

2 All circumstances proue him aged: his heauinesse of foure moneths for Ierusalem: his office of trust for the kings life: his policie: yeelding an idean of a politician.

3 The notes on the Bible dedicated to her Maiestie, as they now stand proue the contrarie: and vtterly resist the citer of them. So vnlesse Romistes and Protestantes, and the olde fathers will resist their owne selues: Nehe­mias wil driue them all to condemne the Greeke suppo­sed agreement of Chronicle: and to followe Gabriels. For what a vanitie and vexation of studie, hath it wroght among men that would seeme to commend Scripture as plaine? To what inconstancie hath it driuen men: to make their owne writings to crosse themselues: and to wrest Scriptures, beyonde all reason of common iudge­ment.

Of Ezra.

A like strength to the cause bringeth Ezra. Ebrewes, Greekes. Latines all commonly, vnlesse some one forget himselfe, helde Ezra sonne to Saraias; which was killed when the temple was burnt. So he liuing nigh to their last times, controulleth the ouerreachers by their owne consent.

So do, Sal. Iarchi vpon 1. Chron. 5. Abrabbaneel vpon Aggei: Rambam and zakuto in their successions, & Me­gilah in the Talmud maketh him such: as Baruchs scho­ler, & Simeony vpon Ezra named Neh. 12, from Talmud Sanedrin, maketh him the Scribe: as nothing further doubting. Athanasius or other Greekes neuer moued a­nie doubt. Latines more expressely mention it: as olde Ierome, whome also H. Bullinger citeth▪ as Lyra, Laua­ter, Pellican, Sixtus Senensis, Tilemanus Stella, and Ro­mistes, in apparatu Bibliorum and vpon 2. King. 25. and all who like of 4. Esd. 3. Whereas none yet for that point controll the auctor: none that I could heare of. Only the Rabbin zakuto forgetting the text, maketh him sonne to Iosedek, though in an other place he shewing how ma­nie of his ancesters Ezra omitted, placeth not Iosedek as one. And M. F. Iunius in priuat speech with my selfe (though hereby he ouerthroweth his cause and my ad­uersaries by his grant) maruelled that any woulde doubt of it. For his death, whether we holde with them that bring him to the Persians end of Monarchie (as they do, who either make him to be Malachie, or to write Nehe­mias storie) or to dye somewhat sooner: we neede not to striue for the extremitie of his olde age.

Obiection against that Esra should be properly sonne to Saraias.

The terme sonne may be for any posterity: and Esra i [...] [...]bnepos to Saraias: that is in the fifte descent from him.


1 He is very simple in deede, & knoweth not Christ to be the sonne of Dauid, who is ignorant how sonne may signifie any posteritie. But we must hold the usuall signification of termes, vnles scripture driue us to seeke others that be further of.

2 It had ben a strange dealing in Esra to deriue Sa­raias to Aaron. 1. Chro. 5. (who is knowen vp to Adam) without omitting any one, if betwixt him and Saraias he would so pen the matter, as to deceaue his owne nation continually. Greekes also and also Latinistes commonly. None heretofore euer thought him abnepotem Saraiae, nor borne after the Captiuity.

3 It can not agree with any mans nature, to haue him in record next himselfe, who is the first staine of his house if he had any betwixt to record. but to Efra Saraias was such, the first of his line that died in open wrath, therfore he would neuer haue him next himselfe, if any further kinred were betwixt.

4 The lerning and authority of Esra argueth that he was of that age; wherin ebrew was purely kept. For he could not haue bin counted a principal man amongest so many thousandes, vnles in ebrew studies he had bin of the ebrew prophets education: as the talm [...]d maketh him scholler to Barue, & the Iewes generall consent hol­deth, and the Greekes with Latines much in the same [...].

[Page] Touching the obiection that as Esra ouer skippeth in one cataloge certen generations, (by Zacuto seauen, in dede but six) so well he might omit some betwixt Sarai­as and himselfe, it may sone be answered, that as the one is sure by a scripture, so should the other haue bin, if any such matter were. but it is not. therfore I will no more beleue any to be betwixt Saraias and Esra, then betwen these, Salmon, Booz, Obed, Iessai. Betwixt them, some haue imagined some: none of accompte, any betwixt these two.


Nehemias should exceede common old age, and Ezra specially.


Suppose Nehemias aged but twelue yeres: according to Iosephus recorde (antiq. 11. 4.) for the youngest in the roules of the returned. So he might see Alexanders warres vnder one hundred and fortie, younger then Ga­len. Neither was that age anie where straunge.Gesnerus out of Bale [...]. Dauid Meneuensis saw yeares one hundred fortie and fiue. A Beuerley man of late was reported to dye at one hūdred thirtie and fiue yeres, of whose age great examination by great mē was said to be had. Plinie recordeth many aged betwixt a hundred thirtie and fiue, and a hundred and fortie, found together in small quarters of Italie. By E­pimenides of a hundred fiftie and seauen in Plinie, Phle­gon, Lucian, with Arganthonius of a hundred and fiftie, in thē frō Anacreon and Herodotus, & M. Aponius well knowne of that age in Plinie lib. 7. cap. 49. by them Ez­ras case will not be strange. For if prophane late matche or passe Ismaels old age: it should not be thought strange that one as Ezra an other Moses for law, should for olde age come neere Isaakes yeares: when a prophecie from [Page] God, zach. 8. 4 had promised that olde folke vsing staues in their handes, shoulde sit in Ierusalems streetes. That prophecie might warrant vs that some should be found verie aged. Through Europe a forged Philo hath long ben receaued, cited in commentaries infinitely, in which Mardochai is aged a hundred ninetie eight yeares. The countries who receiued him should not hold▪ Ezras yeres strange. Codomans imitatour that maketh Obed and Iessai new fathers at a hundred sixtie one, may not blame this. But I see no necessitie why we may not thinke that Ezra died some twentie or thirtie yeares before Alexan­ders Monarchie, as I haue before handled: though for the common opinion we place him in the last times of the Persians exactly. So his age shall haue no vnlikeli­hood in it: euen to an heathen iudgement. And thus by two good witnesses the Persians Monarchie is drawne within the compasse of one hundred and thirtie yeares, from the supposed two hundred or more.

For the space betwixt Cyrus and Aggai, prophe­cying: that it is nothing neere 107.

From the temple built vnto Tyberius his eighteenth, D. R. hath fiue yeares lesse than I lay. That space by our agreements is past fauour to his part: wherefore the space betwixt Cyrus and Aggei remaineth to be tried. That it is nothing neere 107. yeres, nor more than 32. weigh all proofs, of coniectures manie, some surer and better stan­ding, some demonstrations may be seene.

1 Mardochei is held then aliue, captiued with Ieco­nias: so held al the milliōs of Ebrewes & Greeks, all that our lād bred, all simple that are turned to the text: & that proofe, or none, is enough, his age and his vncles daugh­ter [Page] ends the controuersie. By my account he shoulde be a litle elder than Daniel was the third of Cyrus.

Bellarmine had rather grant him yeeres one hundred sixtie fiue than to deny him to be captiued: for which point Paulus Burgensis and Caietanus haue been conti­nually reiected which opinion is reuiued by Drusius, Scaliger, Iunius and Pererius: but againe reiected of later.

Against that, for Romistes Bellarmin vpon Esters booke hath arguments acceptable: de verbo Dei.

For Ebricians, these auctors cite the Iewes common opinion, Talmud in Megilah, Midras Megilah, Aben Ezra, Salomoh Iarchi, Ralbag, Maharam Garma. R. Elea­zar: Salomoh Ben Elkabez, Iacob ben Nahum, Geon, Elisai Galico, the large Chaldean paraphrastes, all these vpon Ester: so Bochai vpon Exod. 17. bringing Mardo­chai of Saul and Kis. None haue one syllable shewing that any of their nation euer doubted whether Mardo­chai were captiued.

It can not stand with modestie to refuse the vniuersall consent of a nation, for iudgement in a narration in their owne language, & of their owne common weale: where­of yerely two thousand yeeres they haue kept a remem­brance and continuall meditation in their common place bookes and praier bookes.

These translaters in the Latine tongue the best in E­brew skill, Munster, Vatablus. Pagnin, with Montanus, Boderianies, Raphelengius: Tremelius the most exqui­sit of anie, whom Iunius in the margent keepeth vnalte­red: and commentaries all that I haue seene, sauing the few aboue named: these cut of the doubt.

So do manie Chroniclers, though to their owne whole ouerthrow for the Persians two hundred yeres or more: mans testimonie is strongest against himselfe. Take these [Page] Lucidus, Massaeus, Curio, Bucholcherus, Bunting, Bul­linger, Chytreus, Funschius, Vignier, Schubert. Codo­man: all confesse either in worde or so placing Mardo­chai, as with Iechonias he might be captiued. When so manie learned confesse that wherby they fall: can one in their companie proue that they confesse erroneously?

2 The returned built the temple. Ezra. 6. 14.

3 The children which had been in captiuitie, priests Leuites, and the rest, celebrate the dedication. vers. 16.

4 Zorobabel and Iosuah are expressely named re­turners and builders: two in office together neuer were 107. yeares.

5 Aggei (2. 4.) by the iudgement of all commenters spake of man that had seene the former temple in age of discretion, 90. yeares aged they shoulde be by mine ac­count. That I trow is enough, not 160. as for the obiec­tion that his spech is a wish, none euer had such a speech in vre: as who of you: for O that one of you: a prouo­ker should not go against the whole streame of learned.

6 It can not stande with reason that God shoulde bring 50000. home in fauour and of 107. yeres tell them nothing of redemption, but delite in their sonnes vnaf­flicted for his truth: while yet succession of prophets was to continue. And the like breaking of was not since A­dams time: to haue times vnrecorded and without anie action touching God.

7 No Iew nor Gentil brake of the succession of pro­phets betwixt Samuel and Malachie: but from Daniel to Aggei 107. yeares should breake it of.

8 The Ebrewes generally hold it but as 70. yeares from Sedekias fall to Aggai. Abenezra goeth foureteene yeares further as I doe. I neede not to regard Sadaias vpon Dan. 9. iarring from all his owne nation. They be followed by Greekes, Theophilus, Theodoretus, and [Page] Clemens, dashing therein the heathen accompts of Cy­rus and Cambyses, held onely for a thing of toleration in talke to Heathen, not of exactnes.

9 S. Ierome also, and after him Latines full many, follow the Ebrewes.

10 He should not pretend defence of antiquity, which hath it more against him then I am.

11 The whole tenor of Aggai argueth a speech utte­red to the returned, rather then to a new age: as their thinking that it was not time to build: and the famine while they intermitted, and all scarcity, and such: without any one syllable betokening a new age.

12 It were strange that Aggai shoulde in fiue pro­phecies four times record the day of the moneth: and one day twise, if 2. of Darius should be stragling, & haue not any for to ioyne it to story. But by the 20. making vp 50. from Cyrus it hath, a certaine summe: euen 32.

Many learned rightlie marke and Ebrewes generallie cited by Aben ezra vpon Ezra. 6. 14. that Darius and Ar­taxast are the names of that king vnder whome Aggei prophecieth and Ezra returneth: and who so thinke o­therwise will make a straunge penning of Ezras storie. That being so holden, the troupes of them that ioyne Artaxast his 20. to the 50. from Cyrus first, set his second at 32. of which point more shall be spoken hereafter. And so Aggei conteineth as fit a space both for the re­turned from Babylon to be yet of actiuitie about his temple, with their children also of iudgement and strength: as the men of middle age at the starres appea­ring when our Lord was borne, & with thē their children of his age, might together see the temple of his bodie, after two & thirtie yeres, raised vp. God chooseth times reasonable, likely, and like: for his dealings: and easie in storie to be considered and remembred.

[Page] 13 When they built an altar a prophet was to teache them from God:Talmud in Ie­bamoth. pag. 21. b. Abrabba neel flieth frō the Talmud to a fable of Iosephus Ben Gorion: of fire hid and made like oyle: yet he disdained to accomp [...]a­nie thing of the second of the Macha­bees for his strength vpon Aggei. howe without fire from heauen they might sacrifice, by ordinaire fire (I see no better opening of that action) but in any record none haue we amongst them but Aggai and Zacharie, & Zacharie is called Naar, a lustie man or young man, which for one much aboue fiftie would be a strange speech: so he shoulde be about twentie at his comming home.

14 Zacharie telleth of their fathers consumed: which to the returned may be spoken but not of the returned.

15 Also the fasting for Ierusalems destruction, and the naming of the famous anger for the seauentie yeres, that will admit none other sense but the seauenty of cap­tiuitie: famous to be knowne by that generall name, which if seauentie more had beene past, it had beene an vnfit speech: that was mistaken by antiquitie to be sea­uentie from Sedekias, and all circumstances might agree well with the eighteene yeeres since Cyrus, as Ebrewes, Greekes and Latines guessed, but that a flat Scripture calleth for thirtie two yeres: eighteene more making vp fiftie.

16 The people were generally so tractable vnder Aggai and zacharie as neuer any such number: and such as captiuitie might well be thought to tame.

17 As Laertius noteth that Epimenides was fiftie & seauen yeeres a sleepe. So here all Iuda shall be longer a sleepe, without any one sillable in record, what any one doth all the while: by the hundreth and seauen yeres.

18 Nehemias demaunded in what case they were at Ierusalem which were the remnant of the captiuitye: in the 20. yeare of Artaxerxes. wherfore the space thence to Cyrus was such as mans age from the captiuity might yet fuffer some good sort aliue.

19 If Ierusalem had bin vnwalled aboue 120. yeares, [Page] Nehemias would not, as he did, take a sodaine griefe, for so stale a matter. But for seauen seauens now ending, and touched by Gabriel for the building of Ierusalem, he might by iust lykelihoode take a griefe.

It was neuer found in anie auctour, that an whole be­ing laid downe, partes shoulde be ioyned to in quantitie iustly making vp the whole: and yet shoulde not belong to that matter, but to an other. Wherefore the Angels partition of seuen seuens, sixtie two, & one: from the go­ing foorth of the word vnto building of Ierusalem, and thence vnto our Lordes healtie passion, must not onelie make vp the whole, but must haue some cleere reason for the first and last part: otherwise the partition had bin without iudgement. But for the last part: a defender in common consent is needlesse: wherefore the troubler of the first part should seeme troublesome, against art.

20 That Nehemias had relation to Gabriel for buil­ding of Ierusalem (for which worke seauen seauens are set a parte Dan. 9.) the whole imitation of Daniels prayer which Nehemias followeth, more then euer Virgil followed Homer, or Tully Demosthenes, that imita­tion maketh plaine, that to Daniels Chronicle he had re­lation.

21 No other reason can be rendred, why 49. yeares should be spoken of alone Dan. 9. but for the time of the chiefe worke for building Ierusalem: and so much is grā ­ted by many, as by Maister Scaliger himselfe, who yet can not see howe from that partition to make vp the whole summe of Daniels foure hundred and ninetie yeeres.

22 The 46. yeares Ioh. 2. for building the temple, which was begon in the first, and hindered in the third of Cyrus▪ fitly agreeth with this accompte. For Nehemias finished great workes about the temple: and it is doubt­les [Page] that the rancorous Iewes which for a four yeres con­tinued worke, bring 46. to cause our Lord his speech hatefull, woulde omitte no whit that touched the Tem­ple,

23 Aben Fzra vpon Dan. 9. he the deadliest enemy for Christe so casteth the time: and saith that he had re­cord of Persians for that time.

24 Iosephus likewise in Eusebius Demon. 8. hath the like time: whom Clemens following, against his account for the seconde of Darius, giueth 49. yeeres to the last building of the temple. Cedrenus also must so be con­strued: or to speake nothing.

Clemens can not otherwise make these words reaso­nable: That in seauen seauens the Temple was built, it is manifest: for that is written in Ezra. Nowe what Oedi­pus coulde euer gather that from Ezra, but by referring Nehemias sadnes to Daniels seauen seauens: and there­by gathering the chronicle of Ezra? And it appeareth by him that this was a common opinion in his age: other­wise no man can see by anie particulars in him howe to bring that about.

25 Moreouer Cedrenus citing Iosephus for 480. yeres thence to the ruine of the temple, sheweth how in lose­sephus daies this account was receaued.


Why admit I not Iosephus for further times: agreeing with heathen?


Because when hee writeth in Greeke he will often speake as common prophane Greeks record: yet close­ly in certeine places will shew what he meant: but if Io­sephus testimonie may serue, the cause is ended. For he maketh Nehemiah to be of the captiued.

Obiection against Cedrenus. He is of as great authoritie as Legenda aurea. Answer.

The simpler the man is and in a matter of difficultie a­greeth with Scripture against him selfe for other places, the more it appeareth that others better learned left vn­to his handes a tried account, or sheweth how the angels wordes brought that about, which otherwise mans vn­certainty woulde hardly haue found out: and I dare be­leeue Cedrenus and Iosephus, if Daniel and Gabriel be their surety before 185000. Chaldeans or Olympiques, of whose vanitie we will speake anone.

That none shuld thinke it aboue the space of a Iubilie from Cyrus first to Nehemias gouernment: twelue men of twentie two returned with Zorobabel liuing to Ne­hemias gouernement, will bring a reasonable proofe. These be the men, chiefe men in the sacrificers courses. First Seraiah. Seconde Amariah. Third Malluc. Fourth Chattash. Fifth Shebania. Sixth Charim. Seaueth Mere­moth. Eighth Ginnethon. Ninth Abia. Tenth Miamin. E­leuēth Bilgai. Twelfth Shemaiah. By a iury of such twelue men soone might it be tried, whether it could well be a­boue fiftie yeeres that Iuda shoulde be at home hindered without the possession of a walled citie. Their sonnes & more continuing in their office thence vnto Darius the last, and lustie Sanballat hauing a daughter a matche for Iaddues brother, these may make all agree with Maister Scaliger: and M. Iunius my aduersaries: now my partners for the rest of the Persians times, that it can not be anie longer than I make it. Hereby it appereth that not the third part of 107. are frō Babels fal to the erection of the temple: nor aboue one Iubelie to Nehemias gouernment 18. yeres later.

And thus much for arguments out of Scripture, some [Page] I brought touching Heathen, as Anaxandrides, Polycra­tes, Epimenides and other successions of liues. Them I wil cleere more brightly. Also I spake against the credit of the prophane Greeks, & Olympiades, & Chaldeans, & therein of Chronicle from Romes antiquity, which here­after I will pursue: and confute some others also.

Of Anaxandrides and Leonidas.

In Sparta Anaxandrides is of Croesus age: his coura­gious sonne Leonidas fighteth against Xerxes, examine the distance, and first stories. Thales Alyattes, Laby-net or Nabu (cad) net are of one age. Croesus Anaxan­drides and Ariston also in Sparta setled in the kingdome. Therefore some thirtie yeares might well be spent be­twixt that & Babels fall. Now at Xerxes wars, Demare­tus sonne of Ariston was yet so young that he could tra­uell to Persia, and Leonid as a lustie souldier.


They might beget them in their olde age, and they might also be old.


Strange shifts for ordinarie examples are needelesse.

Of Polycrates.

Polycrates wealth he was Amasis frende in Socrates old age, was granted Ismenias. Plat.


That Polycrates was a Theban by Suidas, not of Sa­mos: nor the man familiar with Amasis.


If Suidas fragmentes may serue in Anacreon, the Sa­mian Polycrates flourisheth 108. yeeres after Cyrus [Page] beginning. Wherefore Cyrus must spende muche of his time before Baltasars death: and so by Suidas the con­clusion shall come to the same passe, by Polycrates the Samian, whether plato meant, it may be doubted.

Of Epimenides in Laertius.

Epimenides antiquitie matcheth Solons, which may by great argument touch Nabucadnezars. If his olde age reach vnto Nicias of Niceratus, who was kild in the Pe­loponnesian waries: the space from Babels fall to Nicias can hardly be more than I cast it.


It may be Laertius was deceaued.


For the record he should hardly be, seeing for it as fa­mous Theopompus is cited not only by him, but also by Plinie, by Phlegon, and by Lucian. Moreouer Gnosij gi­uing him three hundred yeares of life, confirme the o­ther opinion. I grant him one hundred and fiftie by my limites, by the same limites the prophane account will make him drawe toward three hundred: so this sheweth that Theopompus seemed to speake vpon some great re­port.

Other successions of liues.

From Dropides brother to Solon of Iosias time are descentes: Critias, Calaeschrus, Critias one of the thirtie tyrantes after the end of Peloponnesian warres. With­out great reason we can not giue aboue two and twenty yeres or thereabouts to a succession, as shewes Eusebius by common course of Examples. Therefore this exam­ple of Platoes kinred may pacifie the strife. The verie same which my learned aduersarie brought against me.

Of Apryes, Amasis, Pythagoras, Lysis, and Epaminondas.

Apryes (Chophra in Ier. 44.) reigned in the eight of Nabucadnezar. Clem. 1. strom, and Marianus Scotus. A­masis succeedeth him, with whome Pythagoras was fa­miliar. Lysis was Pythagoras scholler, and he taught E­pammondas: in youth fellowe with Philip of Macedon. who died but seauen and fortie yeeres olde. Iust. 9. he that would haue aboue two hundred yeeres for fiue suc­cessions, whereof three seeme almost equalles, must seeke for strange corners to picke some colourable matter.

From the same Apryes we may gather how, much of Cyrus times were spent vnder the Babylonians. For Cambyses married Apryes daughter Herod. 2. she would haue been a verie stale maide for a Persian Monarch, a­bout seauentie yeeres after her fathers reigne. Adde vnto this, that in Herod. 1. Darius Hystaspis was some twentie yeeres aged when Cyrus went into Tomyris warres. be­twixt which and Babels fal Herodotus and others place not much time. he liued in all but fortie and three yeeres Cres. Therefore after the taking of Babell about three and twentie yeeres, would ende Cyrus, Cambyses, and Darius Hystaspis reigne. where some haue ninetie and three: for Cyrus, thirty & eight as Theophilus: for Cam­byses, nineteene as Clemens 1. strom. thirtie and six for Darius, as Herodotus. And we differ but this much.

Of Cyrus.

If this serue not reasonably, see whether Cyrus age onely will not ende the controuersie by the testimonies of Greekes. Cyrus liued yeeres one hundred by writers Assyriake, Persike, Onesicritus, Lucian in Macrob. About seauen and twentie he was made General: as Xenophon [Page] doth teach, vs to gather. 1. paed. he liued but three yeeres after Babels fall. Seder Olam. Scaliger, Iunius, Schubert, and Chytreus giueth him no sole gouernment ouer Iuda. So some seauentie yeres he should spend in conquering East and West countries, whereof Ctesias recordeth ma­nie East, Herodotus manie West. And as Daniel and he died much neere in time, so ful wel they might be borne neere in time. And this is agreeable to Gods comfort: that sendeth a medicine before the sore: as Mardochai prepared for Haman: so Cyrus, a comfort against Babel. Medes & Persians help Babel, as somwhat inferiors: & at the last being victors plead that they were neuer vnder thē ▪ Wherby for the monarchs the ancient Greek writers before Alexanders time count not Babylonians anie of power but Assyrians: and Medes foure ages or lesse: and next the Persians.Dionys. Hali­car. 1. antiq. Now the Persians reigned litle aboue two hundred yeeres since subduing of the Medes, which was in Cyrus first dealinges. Wherefore about seauentie yeeres of two hundred for Persians gouernment ouer the Iewes may be subducted: and then our number of one hundred and thirtie will please heathen.

Lilius Giraldus, in treating of Poets: liues and placing Darius Hystaspis in Olympiad 80. sheweth also muche of the Persian sway, and the Babylonians to be soent to­gether: whereby heathen that skant heard of the Baby­lonians, as I shewed, might well giue that time of Em­pire to the Medes. in Strabo Nauocodrosor is likened to Hercules▪ for conquest euen to Spaine: Geogr. 15▪ which thing might well be done when thirteene yeeres his ships besieged Tyrns: that then Spaine rude and unarmed might be somewhat visited by his campes, yet Nabu [...] ­nezar as a winged Lion▪ soone came vp: and by his seuen yeres madnes was in such disgrace: that Greekes the ba­bes (as plato recordeth in Timmo) hauing not at home [Page] in Solons age anie storie of a graye heade, scant coulde heare of anie great Empire Eastward of his. And Ctesias who pleadeth Persian court-rolles for his monumēts doth passe ouer the Babylonians as vnheard of. This beeing duely considered the Greekes will be frendes to me, for old acquaintance: who of a childe was more acquainted with them than with Latines: and will confesse that they neuer meant to trouble me for the Persians rule ouer the Iewes: but to shewe what the Persians in their glorie claime, since Cyrus youth, and first successe in warres. If they will not stand with me thus: I will bewray them, and shewe the worlde that commonly they deserue but suche credit as Epimenides their prophet and Paule our Apostle giueth to the Cretes, that: Cretes are aey lyars.

Of Greekes nullitie.

I might disgrace their skil for antiquity in their great diuersitie, for Homers age, who hauing written fortie and eight books with mention of most townes in Grece: yet hath halfe a score of auncient writers differring some foure hundred yeeres from others when he shoulde liue, by gathering his distance from the warres of Troy, which, Greeke diuines as Tatianus, Clemens Africanus, Eusebius, ioine to Salomons times. But I will combat with them touching matter most litigious in my case: for their diuersitie after Alexander sonne to Amyntas of Da­rius Hystaspis age: which Alexander kild Darius Am­bassadours and was with Mardonius Xerxes Generall. Him Perdiccas did succeede: of whom Thucidides wri­teth that he died in the third yere of the Peloponnesian warres. That Perdiccas reigned yeres by Nicomedes for­tie and one, by Theopompus thirtie and fiue, by Anaxi­menes fortie, by Hieronymus eight and twentie, by Mar­sias and Philochorus but three and twentie. This diffe­rence [Page] citeth Athenaeus mentioned in a most learned as­semblie of men most skilfull in Greeke auctours. As was Masurius a Lawier, Monius a Poet, famous Plutarch, Leonides Eleus, Aemylianus Maurusius, and Zoilus a most fine Grammarian. Also philosophers manie: Pon­tianus, Democritus and Philadelphus: Oratours ma­nie, with Vulpian that woulde not admit one worde without authoritie. If these heathen Greekes of all coun­tries and professions knewe no certeintie nor regarde Grekes for their owne age: should we to disturbance of all diuines reuiue their fame? Neuer by my consent.

An obiection from Thucidides.

Thucidides an Athenian being aliue in the Pelopon­nesian warres maketh it fall out fiftie after Xerxes wars: he for so late times might see the truth. Thuc. bell. 1.


M. Ioseph Scaliger noteth that somtime writers speake against their owne knowledge touching times.In emend temp. Conceits best knowne to them selues moue them. And Thucidi­des might hope that his citie of Athens might in time be thought a long ruler of Greece: and thereupon woulde not sticke to spare some vntruths. Or otherwise as men busied slippe muche in plaine matter, he might likewise. And if all were granted him: yet from other partes so much maie be subducted as we neede. But I will bring an instance from the tripping of a greater man, for times neere him. Plato is the man: euen the stateliest of all Greeke prophane auctours.

Athenaeus bringeth in one that checketh Plato for mentioning, of Pericles death as past a litle tine while a­go: & of a matter in the same speech done the last yeere [Page] afore the telling, which yet was foure and twentie yeres after Pericles death. If Piato was knowne to be so ne­gligēt in marking times, Thucidides alone hath no great authoritie: against whome I will haue more, if I see oc­casion to examine by partes, Eratosthenes account.

Thucidides condemnation of Greekes.

He blameth the Athenians as grosse for report of late and most famous matters of Athens: as not knowing & mistaking which of Pisistratus sons was kild by Har­modius and Aristogiton: yet they were kings in Athens. Likewise he blames other Grecians for manie famous present thinges, and not forgotten by reason of time: in which (as touching kinges of Lacedemon) writers ex­treamelie missed. There he laieth downe this sentence: That the most parte take no paines in seeking the truth: And blameth euen historiques for fauouring acceptation of the hearers more than the truth: amongst whom, his commēter noteth that he nipped Herodotus. We might as well thinke him touched with the errours of his times.

Pausanias testimonie.

He blameth them no whit lesse. For this report he af­foordeth them: that Greeke recordes for the most part differ one from an other: and for the most thinges Greekes haue sundrie opinions, in Arcad. pag. 280. and Boeot. pag. 294. and Messen. pag. 112. of the Greeke prin­ted in 1584.

Plutarchs testimonie.

Plutarch in Solon sheweth that Greeke Chroniclers thought by reason of times difference that Solon coulde neuer be with Cresus: whome he answereth that their chronicall cannons coulde neuer be brought to agree­ment [Page] (by anie thing commonly acknowledged) for all the paines bestowed in the kind.

And in Numa he sheweth that times gathered from Olympionicae deserue no credit.

Continuall disagreements.

The differences betwixt Phaneas, Ephorus, Timeus, Clitarchus, Eratosthenes and Duris in Clemens Alexan­drinus from Trois fall that is from Salomons reigne vnto Alexanders voiage, is tedious to be repeated. By Duris it is one thousande yeeres, whereof by Scripture about 410. are past by Nabucadnetzars reigne: and so by a consequent the Persians should reigne not one hundred and thirtie yeeres, but aboue fiue hundred. So Greekes haue from Adam to the flood in him two thousande two hundred fortie and eight, for one thousande six hundred fiftie and six, from Sem to Abraham one thousande two hundred and fiftie for foure hundred & fiftie, from Isaak to the partition of the land yeres six hundred & sixteene for foure hundred fiftie & two. Thence to Samuel foure hundred sixtie and three for three hundred & fiftie, and for the kings, fiue hundred seauentie and two (that came somewhat neere. About fiue hundred and tenne it was) and for the Persians one hundred thirtie & fiue. If when Scripture directeth to a most exact summe, men misse so much: we should hold only the plainenes of Gods word as in the Ebrewe text it was most purely kept, and not mans opinion, our square. Neither should we maruell at heathen missing for the Persians, as we expounde them: when Greeke Christians who haue scripture to direct them giue the iudges foure hundred sixtie and three, whereas from the Lambe vnto the temple all is but foure hundred and foure score. 1. Kinges. 6. 1. whence must be [Page] subducted fortie for the wildernes; seauen for conquest, fortie for Samuel and Saul, fortie for Dauid, and three for Salomon.

A kinde of helpe.

But as diuines haue bin deceaued for the Iudges, rec­koning the oppressors yeeres seuerall from theirs, which were within theirs in deede, and shoulde nothing haue augmented the summe: euen so were prophane Greekes, as we vnderstande them. both for reckoning Paras first times seuerall from the Babylonians, which yet fell out together: and afterwardes fellow rulers as seuerall. And the curing is not hard, with tractable iudges. Iudge what I say.Ctes. confer­red with He­rodot. Darius Hystaspis liued about sixe and twentie yeeres while Iaddue was vnder Persia. After his death two breethren haue the famous gentle strife. Iust. Xer­xes in warres reigneth, Artaxerxes at home, the same time: otherwise Themistocles coulde not flie to them both. Artaxerxes reigning one and fortie yeeres, dieth in the seauenth of the Peloponnesian warres. Thucid. & Diod. Thereby Thucidides is contrould for making the Peloponnesian warres fiftie yeeres after that of Xerxes: wherein Aristicles the iust bare swaye: whose daughter Socrates married (Suid. in Socrates) and he was but sea­uentie at seauen and twentie yeres after that warres when he died.Laertius. Though by a shift one say that he might beget that daughter in his olde age, at the warres end: yet she shoulde be seauen yeeres elder than Socrates. without a­nie reason of likelihoode. Nowe to this Artaxerxes Io­seph Scaliger will no [...] sticke to ioyne presently Artaxer­xes Mnemon with Darius Nothus, which Mnemon com­meth within nine yeeres (in Clemens) of Alexanders monarchie, and reigneth yeres but fortie and two. Thus [Page] scantly wil that be made vp which might make the rest vnder Greekes and Romanes three hundred and sixtie to agree with Gabriels foure hundred and ninetie yeeres. Therefore Plutarch to fill vp the common summe giueth him sixtie and two yeeres of reigne and ninetie foure of life. not knowing Daniels vision against the Persians at sharpe swift Tigris: not bookes opened before the firie throne iudging the Persian beare: nor comparing Le­uites a score Neh. 12.Thucid. bok. 2. with the Persians: nor yet Amyn­tas king in Macedon the thirde of the Peloponnesian warres: whose sonne Philip reigned but twentie yeeres. Athen. and Alexander but six before his monarchie.

Moreouer Amyntas him selfe reigned but few yeeres, two of his elder sonnes not long: Philip died at seauen and fortie, who was brought vp in Epaminondas fathers house. Thus the Persians by Greekes will not exceede.

Against Eratosthenes account.

This standing thus: howe can Eratosthenes say true, whom in Clemens pag. 126. (though Clemens reiecteth him as deceaued) yet some great men greatly follow? He hath these distances. From Xerxes voiage to Archidamus warres eight and fortie yeeres. That ended at seauen and twentie. There Athens lost the superiority of Grecia and Lacedemon, by Lysander gate it. which they lost at Leu­ctra, where Epaminondas the Theban victor died after 34. yeeres. And thence to Philips death, who died 47. yeeres old, he reckoneth yeres 35. But how could he be a fit companion for Epaminondas: or yet sonne to Amyn­tas: reigning young and but a little while. Polybius gran­teth the Lacedemonians but twelue yeeres of quiet su­perioritie pag. 1. & Iustine abridging Trogus Pompeius maketh Amyntas son to Menelaus brother to Alexander [Page] who reigned in Darius Hystaspis daies. whereby it appe­reth how little credit old Latines or some Greekes gaue the other Greekes for these times▪ and how Plutarch had iust occasion to condemne the Greeke Chronicles.

Of Olympiades, Romes antiquitie and Chaldeans.

This threefold thred was spunne against me: though I had cut the knottinesse of them: as Alexander did the Gordian knot. For Olympiades Phlegon is the most fa­mous auctour whom Christians cite: ioyning his Olym­piade two hundred and two in the fourth yeere to our Lord his death. If I grant anie thing good in this ac­count I must bring Cyrus reigne ouer Iuda vnto Olym­piade the eightith. For the vse of studentes I will affoord Phlegons whole treatise: that young men may see what stuffe men bring against proprietie of Scripture: after­wards I will shew further their nullitie: & how the citers of them by their owne auctours are condemned. I will abridge and translate anone so muche as I neede. The Grecian may take all.

He shall finde their antiquitie not greatly farre from Hercules: whose sonne Tlepolemus was Agamemnons souldier. whereby Cyrus may well be cast to Olympiad eightie or yeere three hundred & twentie after their be­ginning, which thing will finish this combat. Yet I loth that helpe, where Apollo is the counseller of the games: a pestilence ioined to their beginning: a spiders webbe couering of their garlande: and Choraebus the first man (in Pausanias) whence the accoūt is fetched. And I mar­uell at my aduersarie who counted my doctrine against Choraebus and him, to be Chorebus harnes. The defence of this Olympike stuffe best deserued that name. But now looke to Phlegon.



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Here Lycurgus is the tenth from Hercules: he vvith Jphitus restored Olympikes. Koroebus is the first gamester though not ex­pressely. Apollo gave counsell: at the first they neglected the game. A famine follovved. For that vanitie say I that it vvas at all be­gun: for contempt of it, said Apollo: Of vvhome sundry counsels they tooke: of vvhich this vvas one, that they shoulde not make the garland or crovvne of a fruitfull tree, but of a vvild olive, beset vvith cobvvebs: of vvhich kinde one among many vvas found in a vvood there: and was vvalled about for to be kept still.1

OF THE OLYMPIA, by Phlegon, freeman of Adrianus Caesar.

I Thinke it behooveable to tel the cause why the Olympia chansed to be set up. And this was it. After Pisus, and Pelops, and also Hercules, the first erecters of the solemnitie & game in Olympiades, the Peloponnesians left off theThe prophane were as carefully bent to this vanitie, as to a thing divinely commanded. Wherin wisdom would that Christian should let their memory perish, and not intangle the bi­ble with such toyes. religion a certain time, for which are numbred 28 Olympiades unto Iphitus & Choroebus Eleus. When they had thus neglected the game, a sedition arose in Peloponnesus. Then Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian the sonne of Prytaneus, of Eu­ropus, of Sosus, of Procleus, of Aristodemus, of Aristomachus, of Cleodaeus, of Hyllus, of Hercules and Deianira: And Iphitus sonne of Aemon; or (by some) of Praxonides, a man of Elis, of Hercules li­neage, & Cleosthenes sonne of Cleonicus a man of Pisa, willing to restore the people to amity & peace, derermined to renue the Olym­pique solemnitie, & to keep the gymnike game. Then some are sent unto Delphos to consult with Apollo, whether he also advised to doe thus. Apollo said, it was best to doe it: & commanded to pro­claime truce for the cities that would be partakers of the game. After which proclamation passing through Hellas or Grecia, a table was written for theHere he differeth frō Pausanias in whom Iphitus himselfe the game, and Ox [...]tu [...] house: and not Hellano­dica dica of a long time. Pausonias I will [...] hereafter. Hellanodicae, according to which they should keep the Olympia. When the Peloponnesians had no great minde to the game, but were unwilling; a pestilence fell, and a corruption of fruit plagued them. Then theyThe Greeke copie see­meth to have [...] corrupt for [...] tho­ugh Xylander followe the copie in his Latine translation. send Lycurgus againe to seeke some end and truce. Then the Pythia uttered these wordes.

O dwellers in Pelopeis, the noble castle for all the earth, the
Elis gate a name frō Elisa the eldest sonne of Iavan: of whome also all Grecia in Greeke beareth the nam [...] Hel­las, and the people Hel­lenes. Iaon and Ladon old named. Rivers (is) in Di [...]nis. de [...] Peloponnesus seeme to remembrance Java [...] ­gen. 10. and Lud. [...] Strab [...] calleth Elis [...] the foundation of Graecia, it seemeth that there Iavans hou [...]s;e in Elita: & fame of Lud first setled their seates.
eldest of all mortall wightes, and the best consider from me the oracle of Apollo, which I wil speake.
Iupiter is angrie vvith you for the ceremonie: and executeth vvrath
Because you dishonour the Olympia, among the people of the King
Iupiter Ol [...]mpius was the god of these game­sters. Tull Tusc. 2. Pau­sanias recordeth his tē ­ple in Achaia. His Image at Olympia in Eliac. and in Attic. and sundry other places. That Idols Image An­tiochus Em [...]ma [...]ies ere­cted in the temple of Jerusalem. Mach. & Ios. Bengeorion. Again, that might warne in left we pollute our holy Prophetes with honou­ring Iupiter Olympius monuments.
The honour of vvhich first Pisus ordeined and set up.

Afterwardes Pelops making Hellas popular, set up a myn­dey and mastrie for dead Oenomaus. Third among these, the boy of Amphytrio Hercules made a myndey and game for his uncle [Page] Pelops Tantalides: which since that timeI gessè that the cor­rupt Greeke must so be amended. ye leave: even the Ce­remonie, for which he (Iuppiter) angred to the heart, raysed famine and pestilence: which you may stay reviving the festivitie a-newe againe.

This being heard was tolde unto the Peloponnesians. They mistrusting the oracle, sende againe by a common decree, to aske more diligently of Apollo concerning the oracles. The Pythia speaketh thus:

O Peloponnesus dwellers, goe about your altars,
Sacrifice and obey all your Mantes commandements:
I meane the freers of Elis, keepers of the fathers custome.

After these Oracles, the Peloponnesians suffred the men of Elis to dispose the Olympia, and to proclaime a truce to the cities. And when afterwardes the Eleans would have holpen the Lacedemo­nians besiegingA sea towne of the Lacedemonians. Hom. odyss. 2. & Pausin La­conic. Helos, they sent to Delphos to aske counsell: and the Pythia thus answered.

Save their countrey: but refraine from warre.
(Teaching the Hellenes a common friendshippe)
Vntill the amiable twelve-moneth coms ech
The Olympiades kept everie fift yeere, have full foure yeres betwixt them. So it is called of Ovid Quinquennis O­lympia.
five yeeres returning.

After these oracles they sure ceased from warre: and looked to the Olympikes, and for five Olympiades no man was crowned. In the sixt, they thought good to aske the oracle whether the victories should be crowned: and they send King Iphitus to that Chappell. Then shee loosed her mouth into these wordes.

Iphite bestowe not an apple-tree like grouth on the victorie.
But bestowe what a wilde Olive beareth abundantly:
which nowe is covered with the fine webbe of the spider.

He thereupon comming into the Olympia ground: among ma­ny wilde olives being in a wood, he founde one beset with cob­webbes: about which he made a wall; [...] Strabe his ancient (for Strabo wrote in Augu­stus and Tiberius time) be sayeth that untill the 26. Olympiad none more crowned. and of it a crowne was given to the winners. Daicles Messenius was the first that was crow­ned, who in the seventh Olympiade wanne the stadion: if the au­thoritie of this fragment prevaileth.

[Page] uayleth. 1 Thus by Phlegon, Iphitus Olympiades can hardly be aboue 300.For Iphitus is the tenth from Hercules. Now by Herodotus and Clemens, three generati­ons wyll not go aboue 100. yeeres. yeeres after Troyes fall: or rather hardly so much. Conferre with Phlegon Eratosthe­nes, who placeth Lycurgus at 300. after Priamus warres, and then you may see how he differeth from Phlegon one hundreth yeere in foure: whereby also Cyrus is cast a hundreth yeeres further off Alexander, that is so much more afore hym then Phlegons ac­compt woulde place hym, and equally the Persians gouernement stretched 100. yeeres.

2 This euident case moued me to accuse Olympiades of so great deceyte, whereby Christians haue been conuicted to make for the very same age neare double so many yeeres for Grecia, when they reckon by pro­phane Greekes, as they do for Iudah, when vpon par­ticulers they shew theyr minde vpon Ezra, Ester, Ne­hemias, Aggai, Zachary, yea and somewhat of the As for Saraias father to Ezra, 2. king. 25. and 1. Chro for Io­suahs family & others. Kinges and Chronicles.

3 Poetes in Phaetons guyding of the Sunne out of his course, to the burnyng of Mountaynes, and drying of Riuers, neuer imagined more strangenes, then our wordes in deede draw: when the same Sunne for Sion maketh one hundred of yeeres: and in the selfe same tyme and space for Olympia Pisa, or Elis 200.

4 Vnder Iosuah and Ezekias, the staying and turnyng backe, was not for Chanaan onely, but also for the whole worlde. The fables of the nyght made longer for Herculus byrth, and Egyptians recordes in Hero­dotus of Senacharib, shewe that Heathen kept a re­membraunce of it. Our dealing maketh Iewes to re­iect all Christianitie. Theyr wrytinges testifie that, vpon Daniel. cha. 9.

[Page] My Aduersary herein was to be commended, who saw that eyther the vniuersall iudgement of Diuines, Ebrewes, Greekes, and Barbarians, vpon the last Prophetes must be altered: or the Heathen must be reiected.

But his choyse I cannot commende: who had rather bryng to writers ancient, in phrases open to all eyen, a new meanyng, which former ages neuer did, and reason neuer can admit: then he woulde relinquish one accompt of Olympiades, which he thought vniforme. Marke sundry opinions di [...]gracing one an other.

6 Plutarch in Homers lyfe doth shewe, that theyr ac­compt was taken from 100. yeeres after the Troik fyghtes. In Romulus he foloweth an accompt farre vnlyke: in Numa, he condemneth all gatheryng of tymes from Olympiades, as I touched. Where let any Logician iudge whether he must meane Olympiades or not, by the tymes gathered from Olympionicae? Mine aduersarie wold hane Olympionicas not Olym­piades vncertayne. I loue not many wordes, to de­fende agaynst Anaxagoras, that snow is white.

7 Consider Phlegons difference from Plutarches, and that of Eratosthenes from his: both mentioned aboue: and thinke that Agamemnon neuer sawe his Nobles so standyng amazed lyke stagges, as a carefull reader wylbe amazed, that men of rare learnyng shoulde so forget them selues, as with such reedes to fyght: not as Pigmeanes with Cranes, but as Poulydamas with that which no handes can resist.

8 Suidas woulde make Phlegon disgrace him selfe.Hom. 2. lib. 3. Paus. in Eliac. For in him Phlegon placeth famous [...] hales in Olym­piade the seauenth. He myght as well place Solon or Iakim king of Iudah in the same Olympiade. And Plutarch toucheth this, where he bryngeth gathe­ringes from Solons antiquity, whereby many artifi­ciall Chroniclers iudged, that Solon reached not to [Page] Croesus tymes.

9 To fortifie Suidas and Phlegon, burnyng all these recordes, take Diuines agaynst them selues, euen those Diuines who haue brought first this learnyng to the Church: not of an yll intent, but as then the tymes gaue occasion to deale with Heathen: [...]atianus, Africanus, Clemens Fusebius, Theophilus, all from troupes of ancient Greekes proue that Meneiaus came to Chanaan in Hyrams tyme, or Salomons. Now Olympiades beginne 405. yeeres after that, by theyr owne accompt: and by Scripture Babylons captiui­tie 408. after Salomons Temples foundation. So full well Suidas myght place Thales in Olympiade the seauenth.

10 Somewhat neare this commeth that accompt of Suidas in Anacreon, where Cyrus and Cambyses are in the Olympiade the 25. But by Phegon he cannot be Monarch, before the 80. Olympiade. And that woulde I wyllyngly admit: and for this much Ellano­dicae woulde geue sentence with me, that euen my Aduersaries testimonies marre theyr pley.

11 Apollodorus placing Anaximenes byrth in Olym­piade 63. by collection placeth Cyrus as Ido: Laer­tius writeth that: in whom Chilon the sage, by Pam­phila being Ephorus Olympiade the sixt, by Sosige­nes fifty sixt (a full 200. difference) proueth a great diuersitie receiued in these accomptes, which being graunted, all this worke of Olympiade reckoninges, by fyre of iudgement wylbe consumed as straw.

12 Africanus twise striketh hym selfe, For he begin­neth Olympiades 1020. from Moses. In Eus [...]b prae [...] and in Dem. 8. geueth the Macedonians 370. yeeres of geuernement. VVith suche thornes do they pricke theyr eyen, who mary Scriptures to prophane Hea­then, [Page] and marre the lyght of our happy Redemption.

13 Thus it appeareth what the testimony is worth which so certaynely placeth Cyrus reigne in Olym­piade 55. which is fortified by the names of Phlegon, Thallus, Castor, Diodorus, and all that handle Olym­piades. Euseb. praep. 10.Cyrus by Phle­gon & Lucian might be borne neere Olympia 53. and take Babylon at Olympiad 80.

14 By some Heathen who make hym lyue 100. yeres, the matter commeth neare some famous reckonyngs for his fyrst princehood, but not for his last yeeres: VVhere olde Diuines cite Heathen agaynst theyr meanyng. For Heathen place Cyrus fyrst tymes in Olympiade 55. and not his Monarchy, as doth Euse­bius. And storyes make hym reigne 70. afore that, as I haue touched afore: But I wyll more fully handle Cyrus, with Olympike confusion, after I haue once briefly gon through vnto Alexanders tymes.

Of Darius Hystaspis.

Darius Hystaspis reigne by Lilius Gyraldus, toucheth Olympiade 80. whereby Cyrus (after Phlegon) com­myng to the same tyme, it myght seeme by this, as by other argumentes, that Cyrus and Cambyses last yeeres were at Babylons fall. And they also be holden true, who thynke that Darius Madai is no other then he whom Greekes call Darius the fyrst. And reason would gather that his warres agaynst Scythia in reuenge of Cyrus death, and agaynst Athens vpon his returne, shoulde be soone after: of whiche the later was tenne yeeres afore Xerxes voyage into Grece. And that wyll somewhat agree with Ctesias and Horod. conferd for Darius tyme, and it may drawe Xerxes warres within lesse then 30. yeeres of Babels fall.

Of the Olympiade 75. ioyned to Xerxes warre.

1 By the former it may appeare that Xerxes warre fal­leth not in any agreement stablyshed, on Olympi­ade 75. for which tyme Pausanias hath a singuler ex­ample of vnpossibility in this kinde. For Oebotas an Olympionike, wan the race in Olympiade the sixt, and fought agaynst Mardonius in the 75. that is neare 280. yeeres after. Pausanias demaundeth: And howe can that be? and telleth, that he must recorde as he fin­deth, but must not beleeue all. Thus the recorder of them woundeth them, with as great a blow as euer Lygdamis or Poulydamas gaue in them.

2 Pindarus scholiast maketh hym 40. yeere olde at Xerxes warre: to lyue in all 55. yeeres, to dye when Bion, or Abion was Maior at Athens in Olympiad 86. And this commeth somewhat neare the 80. yeere for Cyrus and Darius.

3 Suidas placeth Isocrates byrth in Olympiade 86. and after the Peloponnesian warres: whereby the confusion of Greekes appeareth. But I had rather place Isocrates birth nigh Xerxes warres: and that by an other collection I can proue. He lyued by his owne reckonyng neare 100. yeeres, and Plutarch ma­keth hym to speake that apopthegim to Sophocles, the praise whereof Tully gaue to Pericles:1. Offie. That a Se­nator must as wel bridle his eyen as his handes: which fitnes of age woulde not suffer well done, vnlesse he were borne about Xerxes warre.

4 The same Suidas placeth Socrates byrth at the Pe­loponnesian styrres, who was borne neare Xerxes, and lyued 60. yeeres at the least: his death is knowen: [Page] vnder the 30. Tyrantes: the next yeere after Lysan­der at Hellespontus Aegospotamos, and Attens ouer­come the nation. Socrates byrth by Suidas was in Olympiade 77. VVhat can we make of such Greeke recordes, whiche care not what they vtter? Yet this much may be gathered hence, that Xerxes and Archi­damus Peloponnesian troubles, were nothyng neare 50. yeeres, as I hucidides woulde haue it, whom De­mosthenes agaynst Neaera foloweth. VVhat they meant, or cared for trueth I wyll tell hereafter.

5 Lysias byrth by Plutarch is in Olympiade 82. the seconde yeere, when Philocles was Maior: whose ma­ioralty falleth out 8. yeeres sooner by Diodorus.

6 Pliny booke 35. Cha. 9. blameth some who place the paynter Xeuxis opening of his trade in Olympiad 89. whiche he woulde haue to be in the fourth yeere of the 95. marueylyng at 24. yeeres difference. But he myght marke that 24. or rather 30. yeeres be added more betwixt Lysander in Olympiede 94. and Phi­lip Macedon, then euer the fyery masse of the Sunne lyghtened.

7 So in Pliny hymselfe Mausolus whom Demosthe­nes commenter maketh alyue when that Rhetor ac­cused Timocrates in Philip Macedons dayes: Pliny placeth his death in Olympiad 100. the second yeere.

8 In the same sort Suidas placeth Philips agones, or triumphs in Olympiade 100. which by Athenaeus ac­compt (in whom Philip reigneth but 20. yeres before Alexander, whose reigne began the 111. Olympiade) shoulde be Olympiade 106. So in Zeuxis, Mausolus and Philip, the theeuyshe Olympiades fallyng out, bryng trueth to lyght.

This speciall matter I would aske, yf Antiochus Epi­phanes dyed in the 154. Olympiade, and Alexander in [Page] the 114. the fyrst yeere? How coulde Antiochus in the sixt yeere of his reigne set vpon Ptolomy Philometor, made king 143. after Alexanders death, by the Mathe­matician Ptolemy lib. 6. cap. 4. Philometor shoulde be king 6. yeere afore Antiochus?

In the same errour is the beginnyng of the Greekes Kingdome from the 14. yeere after Alexanders death. For in the seauenth yeere of his kingdome. Mach. 1. in 143. of the Greekes he setteth vppon Egypt: Seeing the same is the number from Alexanders death to Phi­lometors reygne, the same begynnyng also must the date of the same number haue: and presently from Alexanders death must beginne the date of the Greekes kingdome, as Codoman ryghtly prooueth. And here most haue lymp [...]ades deceyued our best learned, the late and aucient.

Also here Liuies copies would Codoman haue amen­ded that for 488. the yeere afore the first Punik warre he woulde naue 476. put in all copies, that the famous Eclipse which was at Aemylius victory ouer Perseus re­corded when it was, might haue agreement of Antiochus sixt yeere which is ioyned to Aemylius victory. So all copies must be amended, and iudgementes reformed, and playne made rough, or Olympiades must be holden but games.

Cyrus, in particularitie specially conferred with Olympiades, disagreeing extreamely.

I Wyll returne to ioyne some of these former tymes which I haue touched, with others extreamly striuing, at ancient Cyrus tymes: whereupon a great part of our debate standeth: that not onely by a particuler vew of [Page] all the Greeke times some lytle in each, but in the chiefe, vnspeakable discorde may appeare euen by theyr testi­mony who haue been the principall folowers of them. Afterwardes I wyll shew some further store of absur­dities bred by them in other matters: But chiefly must his age be examined.

For the most vse of diuersitie disanullyng Olym­piades, wylbe about Cyrus: for those whole troupes that haue been thought to agree, that he reigned in Olympiade 55. Thallus, Castor, Phlegon, Polybius, Diodorus, and all that handle Olympiades. Africa­nus in Eusebius is authour. Now marke their diuer­sitie.

1 Africanus placeth Cyrus dimission of Iudah in the same tyme, as I mentioned aboue.

2 The rare man M. Ioseph Scaliger somewhat cor­recteth it. He would haue Cyrus to reigne 27. yeeres of his 30. before Zorobabels gouernement.

3 And I shewed my mynde, that prophane wryters regarded his fyrst reigne, not his Monarchy, who heard not before Alexanders tyme the name of any Babylonians, who reigned ouer Iudah: but other­wyse then Scripture doth recorde them, and farre in an other number.

4 By Eusebius admittyng Menelaus to be of Salo­mons tymes, and Olympiades about Nabuchadnezars, (so I proued that the accompt of Diodorus doth cast them) Cyrus being after Olympiades 220. yeeres in the 55. Olympiade he should be as late as Alexander. Clemens and Africanus be in Eusebius blame also.

5 Africanus former counters twise marre his summes. And whereas he fortifieth hym selfe, by makyng Ogygos and Phoroneus of Moses tymes, and all three 1020. yeeres afore any Olympiade, by his owne [Page] collection, & by Acousilaus, Hellanicus, Philochorus, by Castor and Thallus, by Diodorus and Alexander Polyhistor: this fortification of his, maketh Cyrus to be as lately as Iudas Machabaeus.

6. Moreouer, yf Africanus former number of the Ma­cedonians 370. yeeres be not corrupt for 270. whyle he geueth Persians 230. By descendyng from Tibe­rius, and by the Romanes 60.60. 230. 370. 660. That shoulde be the 20. yere of Eze­kias. Sanacha­ribs fall was 666. before the resurrection of our Lord. Afri­canus shoulde place Cyrus reigne where Esay doth name Cyrus. yeeres of empire, by the Macedonians 370. and by the Persians 230. he wyll cast Cyrus to Ezekias dayes, in their eyes which admit Daniels seauens properly spoken, as he doth, and by myne aduersaries graunt, of certayntie in the limittes. Ad thus the Greekes helpe for tymes count, beyng layde in a ballance, wylbe lyghter then vanity it selfe.

7 Or yf we say that Africanus number of 370. be for 270. of the Macedonians, whiche from Alexanders death Ptolemy maketh to be 294. he doth shorten it 24. yeeres. And more then the Iewes in Seder Olam­doe: And so Cyrus shoulde take Babylon in Olym­piade 61. by collection from hym.

8 Neare that accompt commethTheophil. 3. Theophilus, who placeth Cyrus death in Olympiade 62. where Dio­dorus lib. 2. placeth Cambyses reigne.

9 Also neare that accompt commeth Clemens by a consequent: in whom as (for an other purpose here­after I wyll shew) Iechonias captiuity is in Olympi­ade 48.This Olympi­ade 48. shall serue hereafter for diuerse purposes. sixty two yeeres more wyll make more then other 15. Olympiades, and all 63. Olympiades. He­rodotus bringeth Croesus fall to that tyme. For Gyges is king in Olympiad 18. by Clemens, Olympiad 23. by Tatianus: After 170. yeeres, by Herodotus or 42. Olympiades Croesus becommeth poore Irus: when Cyrus had taken him.

10 The reader may remember how Suidas placeth [Page] Cyrus with Cambyses at lesse thenAt the. 25. halfe 55. Olym­piades, and Polycrates at 52. and agayne Cyrus ta­king of Sardis at Olympiade 55. whiche dealynges myght well be in Nebucadnezars dayes. And whereas Lilius Gyraldus in Anacreon blameth Suidas copy: and so doth my aduersary, and VVolphius to, though all printes agree: and yf they were faulty, Suidas must be amended not onely for Cyrus, but for Polycrates, and for Thales also: Here it may be seene what force these games haue in these saddest wittes, that for them all the course of writers must be altered: but where they best agree with Scripture, as Phlegons 100. difference from Diodorus, casteth Cyrus fitly for Da­niel. I coulde wyshe that Satans testimony shoulde stande onely when he is forced to speake for the Sunne of God: and not when all trueth and story by it is troubled.

[...] Lastly yf Solon was borne (by Suidas) in Olympi­ade fifty sixe, and was doubtles farre ancienter then Cyrus Monarchy, how should Cyrus reigne in Olym­piade 55?

The conclusion touching Cyrus.

And thu [...], I turne for that testimony, thought vnuincible, of Thallus, Castor, Phlegon, Diodorus, Africanus, Eusebius, and all: I turne Thallus agaynst Thallus, Castor agaynst Castor, Phlegon agaynst Phlegon: to set them all on flame: and all, agayn them selues all. And the grounde of this I layde in my first Booke after the yeere of the worlde 3000. vnder Salomons reigne, hereby well myght I despise Olympike num­bryng of the Sunnes iourneys, damned by the approuers of it.

And yf I woulde descant vpon Cyrus name, fitly myght I compare the name of Cyrus with this. For Greekes expounde his name to signifie the Sunne. It falleth out, that men myght as well deny the Sunnes course, as deny the proprietie of Daniel [...] [Page] Seauens, for the course of the Sonne of Iustice, to shyne to all soules: euen from Cyrus first yeere vnto the Redemption. And as nothing is more enemious to saluation, then gamestery: so experience teacheth, that nothyng hath hurted the prophecies more, then a gamelyke and negligent accompt of prophecies tryall, from gamesters accomptes of Olympian Belial-like playes.

Aratus the Greeke Poet, prayseth God diuinely, for his workes of the Creation, and placing the Starres for a fit vse of humane lyfe: for ploughing and digging, for sowing and planting: and therein holdeth God a ioyfull father, a great helpe for men.

To Athenianes S. Paule citeth Aratus, euen in a cause wherein by their wicked lawes he was gilty of most hygh punish­ment. For they helde it death to speake agaynst their Goddes: and Socrates felt that, though afterwardes they mourned for killying of him. Now Athenians onely of Grece to accompt of disturbe (though they disturbe them selues also) yet they disturbe our accomptes. To whom I will oppose the witt of the plougher and ditcher, who folow the playne experience of that, that by na­ture is planted in them. The same iudgement for propriety of speech in Daniel alwayes holden, shoulde preuayle: that he who neuer deceyued the ploughmen or ditchers in course of the yeere, shoulde not deceyue them, that from Gabriel and Daniel tolde when the Figge tree shoulde b [...]dde, and the voyce of the Turtle shoulde be hearde on mountaynes. I must depart from these ioy­full speeches, to the lothsome errours of Olympiades, whereby our youthes haue a mynde to please them selues, rather then to lyue by Moses and the Prophetes: whyle they deeme of some deepe skill in prophane writers: wherein I trow it wyll not fall out that they can be thought able to alter lew and Gentile from the mea­nyng which bytherto they haue had, for the last Prophetes, or the ordinary course of lyneall succession of Abiud and Rhesa. For whom I am sory that my aduersary tearmed them,A digression to a collaterall matter, of our Lordes family. Autoris (Concentus) obscura sy [...]era. Where the age of Irus▪ or Thersites would serue, if their lyne were in recorde for posterity. [Page] The sonnes of Dauides kingdom, of whom all the worlde is, and was alwayesSome ful bad­ly haue taught, that S. Paule condemneth Genealogies of Scripture. That woulde make the holy Apo­stle a blasphe­mer, & a spea­ker agaynst God, and a sha­ker of the stars in holy writ. He meant no suche matter: but to checke the Talmudists feigning gene­alogies: where­with they flow full foolyshly. bound to take notise▪ they may not be holden obscure▪ but to shyne as the Moone among the Starres on nyght: and they do disgrace so many erroneous authours, that all copyes of those which haue been written or printed, myght be thought enough to fyll Paules church all from the floore to the roofe. Such glory and such vse the wysedome of Christ hath contriued into the lyne of his kinred: euen for profe of that prophecy which so directly calleth vs to a most certayne yeere of his death, and reprofe of all Heathen tyme-rolles: and specially the Olympike pastymes. But I haue more plentifully, then briefe assertions suffer, enlarged this blame of that witnes, whiche woulde bryng Cyrus and the Sonne out of his course, and make Phaeton ruler of the Cha­riot. Now I wyll pursue other wandringes, and come to others, of whom Heathen haue store: which lyue before their elders were borne, or dye themselues afore euer they saw the ey-liddes of the mornyng.

A Cataloge of further impossibilities in Olympike reckonynges.

1 By this variety of accomptes Clemens Alexandri­nus maketh Aggai Zachary and Malachy to prophecy afore Ezekiel. For he placeth Iechonias captiuity in Olympiade 48. (Ezekiel prophecied not vntyll fyue yeeres after that. Ezek. 1.) and Aggai, Zachary and Ma­lachy, doth he also of resolute purpose place in Olym­piade 48. makyng them elder then Pythagoras, though his familiarity with Amasis myght haue war­ned him better. Yea Thales also is hereby made their puny. These be the wonderful wordes of Clemens. It is cleere, that they who prophecyed vnder Darius Hystaspis in the seconde yeere of his kingdome Aggai, Zachari, and he who amongest the twelue is called Angel (Malachi he [Page] meaneth) in the first yeere of the 48. Olympiade, are elder then Pythagoras, which was in the 62. Olympiade, and elder then I hales, which was in the 52. Clemens run­neth into this blame, no lesse culpable then yfa man shoulde place queene Mary afore king Richarde the thyrde: or (to spe ke prouerbially) all the Cartes in London before their Horses. But Clemens must be spared. Come to Heathen recordes.

2. Parmenides floryshed in Olympiade 29. But his ancient Anaximenes saw not the Sunnes lyght vntyl the Olympiade 63. nor Pittacus the olde sage, vntyll the 54. nor Thales vntyll the 56. though by other he dyed afore he is borne, by some. Laert. Solon also by Laertius florisheth when by Suidas he is yet vnborne. Dracon also by [...]atianus being in Olympiad the 30. the olde law-maker shoulde be as late as Parmenides. So the Poet Sophocles farre elder then Plato, shoulde floryshe with Eudorus Platoes scholer at the 73. Olympiade Laertius and Suidas.

3 Zenon was a boy, and Socrates a young man, when Parmenides was very aged, that is 65. yeres olde, and at the solemnity called Panathenaea, they dispute, in Pla­toes Parmenides. Yet Socrates is borne in the 77. Olympiade (as before I touched from Suidas) & Zeno the younger in the 70. by Laertius.

4 But Plutarch hath no fellowe for this purpose: for in one mans lyfe of a tyme well knowen, and course of lyfe, differyng twyse, from common reckonyng.

5 Lysias by Plutarch is borne in Olympiade 82. the seconde yeere, when Philocles was Archon at Athens. The Olympiades by Diodorus were 80. vnder Phi­locles. In Plutarch the same Lysias after 63. yeeres, is in the 90. Olympiade. 40 yeeres woulde haue brought hym from the 82. vnto the 92. He lytle [Page] cared for that accompt, that so doth speake. Neyther may the print be blamed, vnlesse the Basil and Ste­phens in the lyfe of Lysias be blamed at once. A Chaos of confusions haue Greekes in this kinde, that Apollo the wicked spirite myght well be counted witty, in appoynting a Tree beset all with Spiders nettes, for a garlande of these games. For the house of a Spider wilbe their confidence, which entangle Diuinitie and humanitie with these toyes.

6 A great deale of foule play about Alexander the great hath this gamestery wrought in sad wryters. Our countrey man Florentius VVigoriensis burieth A­lexander in Olymprade 110. By Diodorus at 111. he entreth Asia: and by 114. the first yeere, by Ar­rianus he dieth, And hereupon belyke Duris placeth his death (in Clem. 1. Str.) where others place his voyage fyrst.

7 And vpon this confusion also it may be sayde, that some make Alexanders reigne after the Persians to be of 18.Ptolemy hath 294. yere from Alexanders death to the last Cleopatars and Clemens also elswhere: but by [...]06. he must gieue A­lexander 18. yeeres. yeeres, where Clemens maketh the whole Ma­cedonians vnto Cleopatras fall to be 306. Ouides Iupiter was neuer so frighted with Phaetons running of the Sunne out of his course, least all shoulde be brought by flames into the olde Chaos: as the course of the holy story is disturbed by seeking helpe at these forlorne Olympike recordes. But I must haste to ende this Olympike differing absurdities. Yet Pin­darus the harping Poet, who wrote of the Olympian gamesters, and his commenters, they may not be omit­ted: He, as he thought, no Starre bryghter then the Sunne on the day tyme: so he thought no gamestery better then the Olympike.

1 Fyrst for Pindarus, if in hisHerodotus also mentio­neth many no­bles, Olympio­nicas, but not hauing any number of a certen Olym­piade. time any accompt had been knowen of theyr number, the Poet so witty, and [Page] so farre fetchyng antiquities, woulde hardly haue omitted that.

2 The commenters vppon hym bryng a reckoned number of the Olympiades vppon two gamesters: Xenophon and Psaumis: Xenophon Corinthius wan the stadion, by Triclinius in Olympiade 79. yet the same Xenophon Corinthius in Pausanias wan the stadion in Olympiade the 29. when Archimedes was Archon, not Archidemides, whom Diodorus bring­eth. And yet the same Pausanias for the 29. Olym­piade (whiche he maketh to be soone after Gyges reigne, when Ardys graundfather to Croesus reigned) maketh Miltiaden to be Archon. But the print may not be blamed. For Pausanias hym selfe bryngyng vnreconcileable word [...]s of Olympiades, telleth what he must recorde: but must not beleeue. Besides the Latine translater in both places fo [...]oweth the Greeke, as lytle caryng for the authoritie of the games. Thus for Xenophon the commenter & Pausanias disagree.

3 For Psaumis the gamester two commenters, more fall out. Pindarus doth commende him, of his towne Camarina: which towne he tearmed the New-towne. Thereupon thus doth the commenter speake. Ca­marina was buylt in Olympiade 45. destroyed in the 57. buylt agayne in the 85. lately before Psaumis gam [...]stery. This the same speaketh also: Camarina was buylt of Gelo in the 42. Olympiade as Timaeus wryteth. But Phi­listus sayth, that in the thirde Olympiade Gelo buylt it. So Gelo shoulde be about 160. yeeres differing from hym selfe. Trichinus sayth thus: Camarina was buylt first in the 45. Olympiade, and was ou [...]r­throwen in the 57. and was buylt in the 82. Olym­piade at Psaumis victories. Now the former com­menter ioyneth the taking of it to the tyme of Dari­us [Page] us Hystaspis warres. And how coulde that be agree­able to Cyrus 55. Olympiade, or to Xerxes warres in 75. which was but tenne yeeres later then the for­mer of Darius? Cornelius Agrippa myght fitly haue brought olympike recordes into the vanity of scien­ces. For nothyng can be so vayne.

The causes of differing by Olympiades, sundry games, and sundry game-rulers

1 Pausanias in Eliacis doth shew, that a full dosen of seuerall games were set vp, at seuerall tymes farre distant: and yet he omitteth some that others haue.

2 The Stadion or foote race was the first: whence of late men tooke their accompt.

3 But the most ancient reckon from other game­sters. Thucidides declareth that: the most ancient to my remembraunce that taketh any note of tyme from them. Thus he noteth the fourth Sommer of the Peloponnesian warres. It was the Sommer in which Dorieus Rhodius the seconde tyme wanne. VVhat game they wanne Pausanias teacheth, who sayth, that Dia­goridae, the sonnes of Diagoras, whereof Dorieus was one, practised Championry. Now this family of Diagoras was most famous: whence two sonnes in one day wan games, whereby Diagoras thir father was counted an happy man. Tully recordeth it, and Pausanias: yet none of this family practised runnyng.Tusc. lib. 1. Eliac. lib. 2.

4 Lykewyse he marketh the Sommer of the twelfe yeere thus: It was the Sommer in whiche Androsthenes Arcas the first tyme wanne the Pancration. Pausanias of late, not of olde, hath a number kept of it.

5 The Race was the basest, and fit for poore men: o­thers were of more estimation: wherefore the Race [Page] being an obscure play no reason mooued the most an­cient to keepe accompt of it.

6 Isocrates commending Alcibiades▪ Isocrates de Bigis. sheweth that he and Alcmeon his mothers great ancestour wanne the game of the two * Horses, and helde that worthiest for Nobility. Neyther doth Isocrates any where bryng any number of that▪ or mention of the foot [...] race: yet his argument woulde well enough haue suf­fered hyme. And I thinke y [...] an accompt had ben kept and knowen, it woulde haue holpen the glory of his client, Alcibiades the younger, to haue Alcmeo [...] in such certayne recorde.

7 So Au [...]us Gellius record [...]th from some Chroni­cles,Gell lib. 15. cap. 16. An Olympiad [...] 18. from sta­dion, called the first. See Paus. Eliac. 1. where Euribatus, not Milo is victor. that Milo Crotoniensis the wrestler, was crowned in the first Olympiade. Now the first Olympiade for wrestlyng, as of late accomptes goe is 18. Olympiades about 7 [...] yeeres after the Stadion. And thus dyuers pleyes ma [...]re the Chronique pleyers:

Of sundry game: rulers.

1 And other cause of the diuersitie is, that the rulers were much altered. Pausanias also recordeth that. And in the very recordes accomp [...] [...] vn­tunable confusion. His letters do speake thus.

2 The order of the Game-rulers which was at the first, con­tinued not vnchanged, vnto our age. But Iphitu [...] alone did rule the Game: likewyse after [...]

3 In the fyftieth Olympiade; two chosen [...] of Elis did rule: and so for along lyme the number of two Game-rulers continued.

Nor marke the cart before the horse in [...] Pausanias reckonyng.

4 In the 25. Olympiade [...] ruled. The [...] Olympiade after that, a tenth was added. Here the 25. [...]an [Page] not be vnderstoode, but from a new beginnyng after the fiftieth. So Pausanias holdeth on.

5 The 103. Olympiade, twelue of the seuerall twelue tribes of Elis ruled. But when soone they were oppressed by the Arcadianes, and lost part of their grounde, they were dimini­shed, of so many tribes, as dwelt in that lost grounde.

6 And in the 104. Olympiade, their tribes being brought into eight: the Ellanodicae were eight, out of them.

7 In the 108. Olympiade, they returned againe vnto the num­ber of ten [...]e: and that continued vntyll our tymes. Thus Pausanias writeth. He, and Phlegon, both lyued vn­der Emperour Adrianus: in which age Pausanias had as suer recordes of number in Olympiades, as Ouid had of Actaeones houndes: or the Chaldeans for mo­numentes of foure hundreth thousande yeeres, or 70000. more by Diodorus and Tully. Or the Egyptians in Laertius for the tyme betwixt Vulcane their Philosopher, and Alexander Macedon, of yeeres 48063. Or Arrianus and Pliny for the Indianes 153. kinges (betwixt Dionisius and onePliny hath the same num­ber of kings & yeeres from Bacchus, or Dionysius to Alexander the great, & three monethes for­sooth. lib. 6. cap. 17. Andro­cotus) and their yeeres 6042. Men acquainted with deceyuing, can put in [...]ummes odde, to make babes chinke that they haue cast it so exactly, and haue sure testimony for all.

Pausanias vtterly ouerthrowen by himselfe.

1 By Eratosthenes Lycurgus floryshed 300. yeres after Hector. By Pausanias no lesse then by Phlegon Iphi­tus, and Lycurgus were both of one age, in Eliac. lib. 1. Yet Pausanias foloweth Eratosthenes, who maketh Iphitus later by an hundreth yeres. Strom. 1. Dionysius also and Diodorus agree with Eratosthenes, whom Pausanias folowyng, differeth an hundreth of yeeres from him selfe.

[Page] 2 Also Pausanias bryngeth a monument of a sonne of Iphitus, saf returned from Ilion, buried at home. Sche­dius his other sonne dyed at Troy. Paus. in Ph [...]. As possibly as they coulde be buried 300. yeeres afore they were borne, by the former testimony: so easely can Olympiades be brought to a certaynty, and agree­ment in Pausanias.

3 And yf the testimony of two can serue agaynst their owne trade, Pausanias and Phlegon disanull Eratost­henes, Dionisius, and Diodorus, and proue them more differyng from them two, them myne aduersary doth from mee. And Pausanias no lesse then Phlegon casteth Cyrus to Olympiade 80. whereby fitly the Olympiade 202. may ende 400. yeres for our Lordes redemption. And so Pausanias disgraceth all this olympian doctrine, no lesse, or rather much more ap­parantly, then Plutarches testimony in Solon doth cast off all Grecke Chronikes: And yet Pausanias is the speciall man that plentifully writeth of Olym­piades. But of those famous Olympionikes whom Herodotus handleth (without any number from the first game) he I trow, hath none but Clisthens of Sy­cion, in, or neare Olympiade 48. in Phoc. 223. But let vs come to the fyrst recorder of them, to Hip­pias Eleus, of them, and hym, Plutarch in Numa thus wryteth.

Plutarch of Hippias.

They say that Pythagoras Spartiates, winnyng the Olym­pian game the Stadion in the sixteenth Olympiade (in the thyrde yere whereof Numa reigned) came to Italy, was acquainted with Numa, and holpe hym for the orderyng of his Kingdome. And a lytle after. It is a hard thyng to bryng the tymes exactly, and specially them which are gathered from the game winners Olym­pi [...]ike: the table whereof (they say) was but a late inuention [Page] of Hippias Eieus, grounded vpon no argument that might forte credite vnto it. That Plutarch, by tymes gathered from the Olympionicae, meaneth Olympiades, it is cleere by hym selfe: which calleth that, the sixteenth Olym­prade, which he gathereth from Pythagoras victory. Of Hippias worthynesse Plato hath prety floutes.

How Plato setteth out Hippias.

Socrates in Plato disputyng with Hippias, telleth hym, that he heard hym bost, how commyng to Olym­pia he tolde, that he made with his owne handes all that he had about his body: his Ring he had engraued, his Shooes he had sowed, his Coate and Shirt he had wouen, yea and platted his Girdle Persianlike for brauery, and had workes poeticall, tragoedies and dithyrambes, and prose of all cunnyng. This Hippias may as well be thouht to haue Olympiade accomptes of his owne ma­king: as Plutarch recorded. And yf he were alyue now, to answere agayne to all demaundes he shoulde be as­ked: not as he was by Socrates, whether Achilles or Vlis­ses were the better, but what authority he had for his Olympian table? And not Plato onely for hym shoulde make a Diologe of lying, but others also, vnlesse he gaue a better answere, then the matter seemeth to suffer.

Of the authoritie of others of Elis, citizens to Hippias.

Pindarus commendeth gamesters from their townes fame. So can I commende Hippias authority from his townesmen. This of them Pausanias reporteth. Elei worshyp Bachus most of all the Goddes, and for him keepe a feast called Thyia, Outrage, and say, that their God commeth to their feast. Into a chamber they put three empty pannes; [...] the [Page] presence of such as wyll beholde: they seal [...] the doores: on the morrow they finde the pannes full of Wine, the seales being whole: and this they sweare to be true. So true do I holde their reckonyng of Olympiades.


But Xenophon reckoneth by a certen number.

Answere to Xenophons Olympiade 93.

1 Xenophon in deede seemeth to countenaunce Hip­pias Eleus a litle. For he reckoneth Ellanic. 1. the Olym­piade nynty three. But with a great number of other notes: and by the game of two Horses coched, fyrst set vp for a game: and called Xynoris.

2 The next Olympiade after, he forsaketh all num­bryng, & barely by the gamester Crocmas Thessalus, describeth it.

3 His number eyther was not of olde in his copyes, or of small estimation: yf Suidas folowed authours of accompt, by whom Philips triumphes fall to Olym­piade 100. or, rather Philip was nygh the suppo­sed 93. Olympiade, how so euer to others it can truely be ioyned, and both, for so much, may well stande the 93. and the 100. Olympiade, to shewe the meane time, to be but lytle aboue 24. yeeres.

4 Timaeus and Philistus for tymes not long afore, whom for Camarina I cited, lytle regarded olympian summes, after Xenophons reckonyng. Neyther can laterAs Dionys. Diod. Plut. Athen. Laert. Gell. &c. men bryng any authority for them, when Hip­pias neuer founde two of his age embracers of his Olympian table.

Of Solons age, and Philip Macedons, to be of the lyke distaunce by Heathen, as Iakim and Iaddue are cast from scripture to be.

A Gaynst suche as lyke of Olympiades.Solons law­geuing, and Nebuc. 1. I may bryng them, and that well for Solons age, whom Tatianus placeth in Olympiade 40. Now in the 48. Clemens doth place Nebuchadnezars 8. yeere, and captiuity of Iecho­nias. VVherefore Solon should be of Iosias tyme.

Laertius placeth Solons Lawgeuing in Olympiade 46. that is, about Iakims reigne. Let vs holde on then to Athens fall, in these iourneys.

Pisistratidae ruled Athens 40.Pisist. of Sede­kias tyme. Isocrat [...]de biga.

About Euilmerodachs twelfth yeere they myght be▪ cast out, and Miltiades made by them ruler of Cherso­nelus, myght be then some 40. yeeres olde.

Marathon fielde 20.Marathon fielde about the 13. of Zorob. and Xerxes war was about 23. of Zorob. or not much more. yeres after that, when Mardonius was there: soone after for enuy Miltiades banishment of ten yeres seemes to folow. That Andocides mentioneth.

Xerxes warre was ten yeeres after that. There the principality of Athens grew: whiche I woulde reckon▪ from Xerxes praeparation, when Grecia consulted of de­fence, and knew that which way Athens tooke, all would fall.

Miltiades in his ten yeeres banyshment,Andocid. de pace. is a meane of truce betwixt Athens and Spart. And this can hardly be 7. yeeres after: but graunt seauen.

Thuc. 1. Helen. 2. Andocides of Pisistratides times spake for it, the grandfa­ther to the ora­tour. Thence the truce kept of 13. yeeres ensued. Then sone after a peace of 30. kept, 14. by Thucidedes, 15. by Xenophon: yet Aeschines and Andocides speake, that Athens kept that peace 30. yeres, but Thucidedes & Xenophon expound their meaning. And they expound Thucidedes and Demosthenes, who make 50. yeeres be­twixt [Page] Xerxes warres, and Archidamus: which in propri­ety was little more then halfe so much: and Isocrates gi­ueth all Athens principallity but 65.Isocr. in Pa­nath. which principallity ended not vntill Lysander of Lacedaemon tooke Athens, after 28. yeeres warre.

In that warre,That was in ye 1. of Pelop. war. Thuc. 1. Atrometus father to Aeschines the ora­tour, lost his wealth belike through Archidamus, when Attica was ouer-run. So he might well be borne at Xer­xes warres, & yet he was but 94. when his sonne pleaded for his life against Demosthenes. Aeschines also serued vnder Alcibiades. Socrates and Alcibiades were killed neare that warres ende. Aeschines by the iudgement of As Deme­trius and o­thers in A­pollonius. some, heard Socrates. He should be as Pamphilus in Terence past minoritie that heard Philosophers. Graunt him some twentie fiue yeares of age then. He died after Alexander, about 75. So Philip should dye after Alcibi­ades about 40. yeares:Alcibiades & Socrates died nere to­gether after Lisanders vi­ctorie, ouer Athens. then was the father of Aeschines aliue and his mother, who had fled at Lysanders victorie: his elder brother was aliue, his yonger, his Children were yet but yong, & then Demosthenes reckeneth but 240. yeares from that time a little afore Philips death vnto So­lon: who by the way stickedAgainst Neaeram. not to take 50. for litle more then halfe fiftie.

To Solons last times, about 200. by Scripture compa­red in Iakim and Iaddue, with Solon and Demosthenes, may well be graunted, and the whole 240. vnto Solons first yeares.

Yea the generall speach of Grece in Socrates time ma­keth Solon very ancient: whereby he might well match Pharao Nechoes antiquity. Yet theThe Greek terme I keep: not hauing another cer­taine. hulkes of Nechoes shippes made by his authoritie, abode vnto Herodotus dayes: which argueth somewhat the shortnes of the time, to be not aboue a mans olde age of 150. yeares, when Henodotus might write that.

So by Olympiades, the best that they affoord, best [Page] agrees with Scripture. Otherwise they appeare to be no­thing worth: and I may iustly blame my aduersarie, for defending that they are not most v [...]certaine.

Of Romes Chronicle noted in latine A. V. C. anni vrbis conditae: the yeares since the Citie was built.

ROmes antiquitie also is as one thred of the three: which can not soone be broken. But Clotho the daughter of Night in Hesiod, seemeth to be the first spin­ner of it. Or as Penelope twisted & vntwisted her thred, to keepe aloofeHomer in Odiss. her louers: so is the antiquitie of Rome spun: What one twindeth another vntwindeth, and for any purpose some thing hence may be brought:Dionys. 1. antiqui. The ol­dest Romane writer being about 500. yeares later then Romulus is, supposed and recorded builder of Rome: and extreame disagreement arising herein.

Onuphrius wondreth at the varietie of opinions, by whom and when Rome should be built: and citeth a full tedious sort. To him I referre yong students.

Ennius in his time, from since Romulus built Rome, holdeth it about 700. yeares.

Varro in Tullies age beginneth a new accompt, and maketh it then scant 700. yeares olde.

For comparison, after Troy and afore Alexander: and by subduction with Cyrus take this.

Gellius by Cornelius Nepos and Cassius, maketh it built about 300. yeares after the Troyan horse, and 400. afore Alexanders birth. Nowe Trogus in Iornandes maketh Cyrus to be in Tomyris warre 630. after Priamu [...] death. Wherefore Cyrus shoulde be aboute the 300. A. V. C. and about 100. afore Alexanders birth: and that should I graunt. Thus Rome helpes nothing.

[Page] So we may compare the Romane kinges with Iakim king of Iudah, and with Cyrus. For by 300. yeeres from Priamus to Romulus, andCommonly noted vpon Liuy. 244. from Romulus to Tar­quinius and Brutus death: Romes kinges shall be founde to ende afore Iudahs, whereby Cyrus shal be nothyng further from Alexander then I place hym.

Iornandes is holpen by Democritus in Laertius, who was borne in Olympiade the 80. and when he wrote Micron Diacosmon reckoneth it after the Troikes 730. yeeres. How true it is, I wyll not dispute. By the same accompt I made Zeno Iumor to Socrates, thoughIn Parm [...] ­nide. by Plato he were elder: and for to dash here agayne humane authority lyfted agaynst God, I may cite Democritus, no lesse helpyng me then Iornandes.

Ephorus Cumaeus helpeth more, who maketh 750. from Heracliae, returnyng vnto his tyme: later a lytle then Democritus. So Iornandes hath a dooble helpe. Now Heraclidae came to Peloponnesus the 80. year [...] af­ter the Troikes by Thuci [...] lib. 1. and by Eratosthe [...]in [...] strom. 1. Apollodoms, and Diodorus▪ lib. 1.

Isocrates geuing Lacedemon 700.Confer Pane­gyric & Pana­thenaic. yeres [...], since Heraclidae there seated, of whom they [...] kinges came, runneth in the same way with the other Greekes, to place Cyrus no ancienter then I place hym, by Iornan­des accomptes.

Extremities in shortnes.

1 Vergil the Poet, the glory not onely of Mantu [...], but of Rome also, he commyng after M. Varro, whose ac­compt (I thinke) myne aduersary foloweth, control­leth hym,aeneid. 1. and Chytre [...] Chron. and maketh Rome younger then Hectors ende, not 430. yeeres but 360. as Chytraeus noteth: whereby Iornandes placing Cyrus in 630. and Gel [...]ius placing Alexanders by [...] 400. V. C. 70. not 100. shalbe left betwixt Cyrus ende & Alexanders byrth. [Page] So Vergils accompt shoulde fauour the Iewes.

2 Iulian the Emperour, though prophane, yet learned, and compelled to honour Christe, euen in his de­struction, he also dasheth all Heathen honour.

In his Saturnalib.Iulians Caesars. Romulus maketh a feast for the Romane Emperours, and some others. All theyr nota­ble saultes he setteth foorth in that discourse. And in speeches of the Emperours, Iulius hath a principall place. He commendeth hymselfe of his citie Rome: that it beginning of 3000. men within lesse then 600. yeeres came by conquest to the earthes ende: he mea­neth his owne conquestes.

Now if we graunt Alexander to be A. V. C. 400. the space thence to Iulius wilbe far les then the very Iewes in the other extremity of shortnes do affirme.

3 Hector Pintus▪ who boldly defendeth Daniel in plaine propriety,Hector Pintus vpon Dan. & for that shorteneth the Grekes, where he thought that the Persians could not be shortened, he may haue lulian agaynst his will to fight for Daniel.

4 The same Hector deserueth this commendation: that where Heathen neyther deserued nor sought glory of skil in times before Daniel, he would graunt them none, where God in letters to be seene layeth a certayne number of yeeres, with a most heauenly pre­paration diuidyng and subdiuidyng the whole sum. VVho so herein wyll not lyke of him, neuer coulde reuerence Scripture.

For, although he knew not wherein to crosse Hea­then by heathens best consent, yet in castyng of all authority of Heathen, who neuer agreed for two kinges togeather in all this tyme: he did that whiche true learnyng commaundeth and sheweth Gods word to be aboue humane controlment.

5 I am sory that I must so much blame myne owne [Page] friende, one of my olde familiarity, who calleth Daniel to tryal of his trueth before Heathen writers: of whom that may be spoken commonly that Aeschines spea­keth of Demosthenes, that they can not speake true, neither vnwares nor by compulsion. And when wold he thinke to make our ploughmen skilfull in par­ticulers so many▪ & yet vnknowen to prophane Hea­then? Shal we, as Israel loathed Manna ready for them, loath Gods worde for tellyng playnely the trueth?

6 Quintus Fabius Labeo in Tully off. 1. being vmpire betweene Neapolitanes and Nolanes for limittes of grounde, leaueth that which was in the myddle for Rome. The arbiterment there was not for a meane be­tweene two extremities. He [...]e not Labeo, but iust vm­pires woulde goe safest in, the middle: neyther with the oldest, nor latest age of Rome: but as olde Cassius with Nepos and Virgil cast it, hauyng extremities on both sydes.

Of Iakim, Solon Pisistratus, Tarquinius superbus, and Cyrus chyldhood, touching the same tymes.

MY aduersary helpeth me in all distresse, not onely for beginnyng and endyng ryghtly Daniels seauens, whereby my cause hath enough by any Logicianes iudg­ment: but also in particulars, where he most fyghteth, he most casteth downe hym selfe. Thus he compareth ages in Mardochai. Iechonias, Cyrus, Kis: Salathiel, Camby­ses, Semei: Pedaiah, Darius Iair: Zorobabel (by him Proue­pos Iechoniae) Xerxes, and Mardochai. And this fitnesse he compareth with Archimedes measures. Thus any may see that he maketh Cyrus first yeeres match Iecho­nias, and Zorobabels with Mardochais, full soone to see Xerxes fall.Aeschylus [...] Perfis. For Aeschylus tolde him and mee, that Xerxes was young in his warres of that great ouerthrow [Page] And what needed he to broche a new opinion for Mar­dochai, which Greekes, Hebrewes, Englysh neuer knew: when by hym selfe he concludeth for mee. For soone after Xerxes fall, the Temple arose. And that must be in Zorobabels yeeres, or Mardochaies few after the returne, Xerxes theyr supposed equall yet being young.

Now Tarquinius Superbus being later then Solon, and as ancient as Pythagoras, familiar to Amasis, equal in Cle­mens to Iechonias: the ende of Superbus, and Cyrus first tymes, fall out most fytly to serue Daniel. So when Heathen studies be throughly tryed, they as Gybeonites, are glad to serue the Temple.

A digression vpon occasion of the aduersaries phrase.

VVhereas I folowed, in makeing a Concent of Scrip­ture, not onely trueth, but also famous agreement of Iew and Gentile: myne aduersary continually crossyng mee, is founde also to crosse trueth lykewyse, and common agreement:The prouoker fayleth in all his gainesay­ingès. to omit other poyntes, where in all diffe­rynges from mee I holde hym deceyued: for Zorobab [...] one phrase did flee through the hedge of his teeth, which myght marre all Religion. This was the speeche. Fuit (Zorobabel) vt audiuistis Pronepos Iechoniae. Iechonias was great Grandfather to Zorobabel. Least his hearers here­by appeare enemies to their owne fayth, I wyll largely cleere the cause: and myne aduersary, by his exposition. I was greeued to see Zorobabel made of Iechonias blood, for these causes.

1 God sware that none of Iechoniahs seede shoulde syt vpon the throne of Dauid. Ier. 22.

2 S. Luke bringeth Zorobabel to Nathan, not to Salo­mon: whereby yf he were of Iechoniahs, S. Luke mis­sed in brynging CHRIST from Dauid: and his Gospel shoulde perysh.

[Page] 3 Moreouer, it is the deadliest poynt for story of al Iuda­isme. For the Iewes make this an article of fayth, that the king (Messiah) must come of Salomon: and that, who so deny that, deny Gods word. Talmud San. art. 12.

4 Besides,S. Mathew hath ben com­monly mysta­ken: by not regarding a terme: whiche he was to vse as commonly it was spoken, and to mean [...] as his nation did. it hath been our common errour, and crept into our notes: which I redressed, not onely by skill, but by publique approbation. For I wrote particu­larly of that to the chiefest of Subiectes, dealer in this kinde, that vpon full aduisement, the correcting of the errour came forth: not as one thing shuffled a­mongst many, but examined carefully.

5 Hereupon I by message demanded of mine aduersary, what he shoulde meane to speake so? who answeared, that he meant succession, not natural lineage: which he mightI allowe not his phrase, but take his yeel­dyng, and fight not forwords. well do:Quid Me­tan [...]. 15. As Augustus Caesar is the progenie, the seede, the begotten of Iulius: though he be not of his line, but in succession. Now least his hearers should by his manifold iniurious & erroneous controlments herein also folowe his wordes, and not his meanyng, I thought good to warne them, and wish them due care oftime, place, and person, in all narrations, least they soone pull downe all theyr owne buylding. But now let vs returne to our care ouer Rome, that it worke no harme in this behalfe to the Gospel.

Causes why Romane testimonies shoulde be rather loathed, then honoured, to controll all anti­quitie for holy prophetes.

Speciall causes shoulde moue to refuse Romane late wryters, in this case.

1 They being neare our Lordes dayes in the fleshe: (when Iewes noysed ouer al the worlde, their expecta­tion of the heauenly Monarch) they were to be geuen vp vnto further errour, that would not loue the light [Page] kindled: and enquire, as touching that king of glory.

2 When Tully proflac. & prouin cons. mentionyng Ierusa­lem, calleth the Iewes religion a barbarous superstitiō: and them a nation borne to bondage: he can not deny but he had herd of their religion, & of their long bon­dage. And he myght haue founde his paradoxe true: that the wyse man euen in tormentes is happy, yf he would haue read the 70.The Greeke translation of the 70 mat­ched the most ancient La­tines, & might be read of the. and Esay. 53. as he did De­mosthenes. His tongueDion. Rom. hist. l [...]b. 47. was worthy to be prickt with needles, that so dispitefully would speake of the nation of our Lorde, who gaue him all his eloquence and worthily suffered he all that punyshment, which in Plutarch befel him.

3 VergilAegl. 4. the Poet, that heard of a chylde commyng from heauen to bring a golden worlde: sinned against his conscience, in drawyng that to Rome, which all rumors drew to Ierusalem.

4 Augustus iesting,Macrob. lib. 2. that Herodes hog was happier then his son: & knowing Herodes murthering: which was to preuent, the king looked for of the Iewes, coulde hardly be gyltles. And Carneades might haue taught him, yf not the Magi, to haue left the Iewes a King of their owne nation, and right family.

5 After open mention to Tiberius of our Lord his re­surrection,Euseb. Ioseph. Cedrenus. Ta­citus Su [...]to­nius. & a plaine prophecy, by which al the east, at that time, looked for a king, and after, of the name of Christe, kilde vnder Pontius Pilate, all dealinges of Romane writers were much to be suspected: either as more forlorn of God: to crosse vnawares that prophecy famous euery where: or of malice fortifiying with a conspiring rancor such Grekes as might wholly di­sturbe yt prophecy of the time of the general monarch.

6 Yf they dealt not maliciously, how could they being late men, agree in the same syllables, for the times be­twixt [Page] Xerxes and Alexander,In Panathaen▪ contra Leocrat precisely: though Iso­crates & Lycurgus, men of that age, differ 25. yeeres: where they make the whole but 48. and others after the Peloponnesian wars differ about halfe in halfe?

How the common table of Archontes, though forged, yet was exquisitely honored of the Antichristian Phi­losophers, not without suspition of malice.

The late Greekes vnder the Romane Emperours, Pausanias, Plutarch, Phlegon, Laertius, for the yeerely Ar­chontes or Maiors of Athens: and vnder which of them famous men were borne or dyed: do so agree, as though they had lyued in their olde tymes, and had ben recorders of purpose: yet olde writers haue (as I thinke) not twenty of those 140. Archontes, but full many others in theyr roomes: as Demosthenes in oneDe corona. oration hath 8. Maiores of his owne towne: whereof the table which the Empe­rours scholers would fortify, hath not one. Lysias hath some of his tyme likewyse there not found. And Grekes, Christians, as Suidas and other commenters, vtterly dis­grace them. I finde in Thucidides two: Pythodorus, be­ginnyng the warres and Alcaeus: Xenophon hath a Py­thodorus ending it: and Lysias the same. Also Euctemon is in Xenophon, Euclides in Lysias, in Demosthenes a­bout Socratides, Astias Polyze­lus, Cephiso­dorus Chion, Timocrates, Chariclides, Euander, and Charondas: but no two of these can be certaine for our pur­pose. Tully seemeth to set­tle Charon. 4. 7. afore Phi­lips death. 9. twoThemisto­cles and Theo­phrastus. I finde in Aeschines: other may haue some, or they some more. Therefore in late men this agreement can hardly be voyde of suspicion of malice.

1 Those open enimies are more openly gylty, in ad­mitting thinges by them selues vnpossible. For Plu­tarch casting Lysias borne vnder Philocles, and to lyue 72. yeeres, and admittyng his oration for Iphicrates when Elpinicus was Maior 103. off: that shal deserue true credite when 72. can be 103. This might then tell that about 30. Maiors and yeeres are forged: and [Page] malice, not dulnes, hath authorised these recordes.

2 VVhen Ptolomy mentioneth Eclipses vnder Phano­stratus,Lib. 4. cap. 11. & the next yere vnder Euander: here their con­spiracy fayleth.Diod. lib. 5. pag. 457. Dem. contra Timocr. see his commenter For in Diodorus, Menāder is, not Euan­der at all. Euander is a Maior in Demosthenes, but as, neare the time of Timocrates affayres, & a late Maior. Besides, al Greekes know that Euander and Menander be too far off in force, to take the one for the other.

3 Touching Apseudes in Ptolemyes Eclipses,lib. 3. cap. 2. I trow, sauing from Diodorus table, neuer no man was so cal­led. As neuer no Englysh man was called Vn-lying, and the name myght tell, that the autour iested.

4 VVho woulde not suspect forgery, seeing those three Maiors together, Lysi-stratus, Lys-anias, Lysi-theus: and nere, Lysi-crates, Lysimachides, and Lys-anias againe. Or these, vpō A, halfe a dosen together, Amynias Alc [...]us, Ariston, Aristophylus, Archias, Antipho, and next saue one, Aristomnestus. Any may thinke that an open forger, turning to some Alphabete table bred these.

5 Like are these in the termination rare in ides. Thea­genides, Archidemides, Phasiclides, Timarchides, Lysimachi­des, Myrichides, Glaucides: and all these neare togeather. Where both Isocrates & Lycurgus differ so much: and I shew the time shorter by the one halfe, or there about, then the forged tables accompt. VVherefore Gellius, Plutarch, and such, who by Gods curse, cannot speake the trueth (as Aeschines taunteth Demosthenes) no not vnwilling,Enemies of Christ shoulde not be cited a­gainst hym. that is vnwitting, or do of malice represse it: let them packe. But their malicious forgery wyll most notably appeare, for kinges which are feigned to lyue with the kinges of Iudah, from autours neuer heard of tyll the Romane Emperours kilde the holy Martyrs. They are the thirde thred. I wyll put the simple reader in minde agaynst them, what holy prophecy is wounded for them.

Of the Chaldeans.

CFrtayne reportes of supposed Chaldeans in our age first haue been of estimation, to teach men how to expounde Daniel, touching that text where­vpon we are tearmed Christians. For in Daniel first and onely of the olde Testament, the tearme Christ is meere proper: in other places 32. the skilfull in Adams tongue know the tearme to be appellatiue. For to vn­derstande Daniel the better, some late woulde seeke helpe from men whom they thinke to be Chaldeans. And by an accompt from them, my aduersary woulde make me beleeue, that Gabriel appoynting 70. seuens of yeres for al the world to loke for Christ his death, meant not 70. but 80. seuens. His dealyng is strange: strange­nesse yet herein made some men boysterous: But the aged and learned knew before, how in the ende the mat­ter would fall out. In London Prentises maruel at Vni­uersitie Scholers,Certayne of & in an vniuersity reported to two of Innes of Court lately, that I was ash­med of my cause, and re­linquished the defence of it. They knew not that they cōdemned our whole state & religion, other­wyse they would not wil­lyngly nor could wittily haue done so. for thinking that Chaldeans might force them to an other meaning of bibles sold in Paules, then euer was knowen eyther to Iewes who wrote the Prophetes, or to the Queene of Englande and Burgesles of our Parliament: who thought that all myght and must aduenture their soules vpon the proprietie of Gods worde, and thereby setled vs lawes for Religion. VVe may not dispute agaynst our owne groundes, our owne frame, our owne pyllers, our owne whole buyldyng, for triall or brauery of skill, from colored old Astrologers.

This matter shalbe made so playne, that euen the simplest may see the weakenesse of that iudgement, which leaneth vpon such rotten reedes. Ptolomy was a man cunnyng in the course of the yeere: which men are taught to measure by the course of the Sunne. His [Page] dexteritie was late. For his dayes were about 130. yeeres after our Lord his redemption: yet to make his art ho­norable, he bryngeth to vs recordes not heard of before his tyme of Chaldeans, commyng neare the antiquitie of a thousande yeeres. For he nameth not Robbin-hood, but Nabonassar, yet one of Vtopia, or no place, matching in ancienty Ezekias king of Iudah. His first yeere of gouernement he placeth 424. yeeres before the death of Alexander Macedon. The same Ptolomy hath an ac­compt from Nabonassar to one Darius the first, whose yeere of reigne 31. he maketh to be 256. from Nabo­nassar, and by a consequent 168. before the death of Alexander. Thus standeth Ptolomyes testimony.

How an aduersary doth cite this agaynst the proprietie of Scripture.

Thus the aduersary doth reason.

IF from Darius that folowed Cyrus sonne Cambyses, who reigned 7. yeeres after Cyrus tooke Babylon vnto Alexanders death yeeres be 168. it must needes be gran­ted that the Persians reigned aboue 130. yeeres ouer the Iewes: and seeing 360. thence are agreed vpon to our Lordes death: and the limites of Daniels seuens agreed vpon also, betwixt both parties: it must needes be that the Angell meant vncertenly.


Many thinges for this testimony must be explaned. Simply this wyll stande: That neuer any Darius was be­ginnyng to reigne 7. yeeres after Cyrus tooke Babylon, whose reigne was 168. yeeres before Alexanders death. [Page] But for shewyng how the testimony is nothyng worth, these poyntes may be layde downe.

1 A testimony vnknowen or despised neare 1000. yeeres, and afterward despised more then 1000. yeeres, is more vayne then vanitie. Such is this of supposed Chaldeans.

2 Christians may admit no testimony (where propri­etie must beare sway) agaynst Scripture. For playne ought that to be, which playneth the rough. But by Daniel, Darius the first came none after Darius the Mede▪ who tooke Babylon. [...] who then was 62. yeeres olde. But his age [...] not [...] this accompt of 32. yeeres reigne [...].

3 The Queene of Englande sworne to the Gospell,They who blame in mee nouelty, where all our Church was and is of the same mind, must be warned of grosse daeling. is to satisfie her subiectes, and they in obedience to sa­tisfie her by proprietie of Scripture. To regarde the most lying nation of Chaldeans (neuer before cited to crosse proprietie of Scripture) it is no part of the learned and godly. This might haue warrented mee.

4 A Shypmans hose wyll not elegantly distinguyshe and set foorth the legges. But this Chaldean testimony is such. For of Nabonassar, and Nabopollasar Scal. 1584. condemneth al former opinions. Christmannus holdeth them forged names.In Alfrag. Genebrarde thinketh them forged or corrupt:In Chronal H. Wolphius learnedly damneth all such helpe from Heathen for Scripture. A sounde iudgement shoulde not trouble his Coun­trey with such stuffe.


But Clemens 1. Strom. hath a Darius the first after Cambyses: Therefore Chaldeans onely are not to be blamed.


1 The Grecians could not so well take notise of Chal­dean kinges, as Chaldeans myght: For whom Daniel had penned his sixt Chapter in the Chaldy tongue: but they meant the first Darius that they heard of.

2 That Darius Hystaspis cannot be meant by Darius the first, Herodotus conferred with Ctesias wil proue. For Ctesias a Physician in the Persian court, and ha­uing (as Diodorus writeth of hym) the court rolles for warrant, recordeth that Darius Hy [...]taspis liued but fourty three yeeres, and reigned from his princehood at twelue yeeres of age but 31. yeeres. Now Herodo­tus in Clio maketh him about 20. yeeres olde when Cyrus presently vppon Babels conquest prepareth Tomyris warres. And this vtterly ouerthroweth my Aduersaries cause.

3 Maximinus Monachus somwhat folowyng Grekes,A Greke wry­ter, which I haue in written hand somwhat of him M Sca­liger hath put foorth. yet more reuerencing the open phrase of most holy Scripture, and lothing rediculous distinctions, where playnenesse ought to be, he maketh Darius that folo­weth Cambyses to be Darius the Mede. But to differ from the Chaldeans, either forged autours or forgers, geueth hym in all but twenty eyght yeeres.

4 Aben Ezra vppon Daniel the 9. testifieth, that he saw recordes for the Persian kinges, by whiche he founde from the surprysing of Babel vnto the twen­tieth of Artaxerxes fourtie nyne yeeres. These be his wordes: And beholde, Ninteene yeeres were of the reigne of Cyrus and Achashuerosh, and two of Darius, and he reigned twelue. And so it is written in a Booke of the Kinges of Paras, and [...] yeeres of Artaxasta the king: So beholde the whole is [...] seuens vntill Nehe [...]ias came, as it is written in the booke of Ezra. Thus testifieth Aben [Page] Ezra, who liued aboue 400. yeeres ago: a great Astro­nomer in Sebastian Munsters iudgement, whereby he coulde not be ignoraunt of Ptolomyes Chaldeans. A deadly enemy he was to Christ, and therefore de­serueth better credite, speakyng for vs agaynst his owne purpose, then Chaldeans, more wicked and perpetuall haters of Daniel.

5 All they who make 49.The one spe [...]he of seuen seuens Dan. 9. graun­ted commonly the tyme sepe­rated for buyl­ding Ierusalem (which must be the fyrst part in the partition) forceth an yeel­ding to a plaine declaration of Gabriels Chro­nicle for our redemption. yeeres for the buylding of Ierusalem, who are full manv, wyl be founde as well damners of these Chaldeans: whereof amongst Ro­mistes in Spayne Hector Pintus gaue the same reue­rence to Daniels playnnes as dyd Iohn Calum in Ge­neuah, and careth not for humane credite, where Greekes thought them selues strongest. And the Di­uines in the last Frenche edition, haue despised this Chaldy dreame. Genebrard for the French, Romistes is no small man (honored now as I heard at Rome) whom Adricomius folowed in the Chronicle ioyned to his Mappes. Henry VVolphius is a learned, godly, and zelous reuerencer of the Scriptures playnnes, who friendly controlleth M. Scaliger, and confirmeth Beroaldus, departyng euen from his owne Fathers iudgement for the holy trueth. Agaynst all this must it be my particuler lot, in so many of myne opinion, to be onely counted new?

6 Learned men by them haue gon too farre. For I. Sc. condemneth all the thousandes of Diuines, who do thinke that Darius the Mede. Dan. 5. gate Babylon by conquest. A strange thing. Such wryters shoulde be hated, who deceyue so learned men, as M. Scaliger is knowen to be of all Learned men.

Two more deceites from these Chaldeans, deceyuing him and an other Scholer wel deseruing of learnyng, should make vs thinke no better of these sta [...]e Chaldy forgery, then [...]iamus shoulde [Page] haue done of Epeus wordy Horse, and hurtfull Sinons tale. Cateles Vcalegon his house, with others, was not more ouertaken thereby of Vul [...]anes flames, then our wrytinges shoulde be, yf those Babylonians might beare sway. Take fyrst an example, of Ezekiel where he writeth in this manner, Ch [...], 1. In the thir­teth yeere I was in the Captiuitie. From whence he begin­neth his reckonyng it may soone be discussed. For this was in the fift yeere of the Captiuitie of Ioachin, adde vnto that all Iakims tyme, eleuen yeeres, so we haue 16. and of Iosias 31. so many as wyll with 16. make 30. that is 14. then you climbe vp vnto the 18. of Iosias: that most famous yeere the middle of a Iubilee, hauing that noble Passeouer, and Moses copy hid from Manas­ses, founde agayne and read before the king, by which it was knowen that captiuity was at haude: which when Iewes capti­ued woulde not beleeue, but that they might haue shunned it, Ezekiel hath relation to a famous denouncing of it 30. yeeres afore, and by that testimony woulde both calme the captiued, and aduise Zedekias not to resist the Babylonian. And this of anci­entie Iewes did see, Ionothan, Iarchi, Kimchi, Abrabbaniel. Olde father Ierome taught the same among Latines, and Theodoret among Greekes, yet M. Sc. thinketh that Ezekiel had relation to Nabopollasar, whom his Chaldeans in Ptolomy haue. In de­fence of my selfe, whom some by him woulde disgrace, this much I wyll say.

Chaldeans deserue small thankes for playing fast and loose, yf that which by playne reason for Scripture, Hebrewes, Greekes, and Latines, haue hytherto helde fast, now must be holden loose.

Yf for the first verse of Ezekiel all Diuines haue been bereft of iudgement, how great is our darknes? and who wyll euer re­garde our skil? The regarding helpe from Assur hath wrough [...] vs this disgrace.

Whereas H. Wolphius his friende, the next yeere after he wrote, corrected that, & he semeth to like wel of it: He first should defende his Chaldeans, and not his folowers, where he is silent.

[Page] For an other Learned man: M. F. Iunius is deceyued as much. Marke what he writeth vpon those textes. Ezra, 4. 5. & 24. They hyred counsellers agaynst them, to disslolue theyr counsell all the dayes of Cyrus king of Paras, vnto the reigne of Darius king of Paras. This Darius is (in the lear­ned mans worke) Darius Hystaspis, and him be maketh to reigne ten yeeres after Cyrus first yeere. Now for the verse 34. of the same Chapter marke Ezra. Then was hindered the worke, and continued hindered vntyll the seconde yeere of the reigne of Darius king of Paras. Though it hath been doubt­les with Iewes and Gentiles, that one and the same Darius is meant in both places, yet he maketh the later, an other, Darius Nothus, later by 98. yeeres. So these Chaldeans make vs breede of one Kis two, of one Ezra two, of one Nehemias two, of one Darius the first two, of one other Darius § three: & for two yeres in him to make 100.D. Artaxerxes, D. Hystaspis, and Darius Nothus.

The saw wherewith Manasses did cut Esay the iust into peeces, had not worse teeth then these Chaldeans, who make vs rent with our teeth the holy worde, from that playnnesse which is in Christ. The Troianes which did pull downe their owne Walles to receyue enimies to burne their Citie, are not simpler then they who wylbe triumphing agaynst a defender of their owne nations Diuines, and wyll pull downe their owne Walles, made not by Neptune and Apollo, as Homers Pergama, but by Diuines of all learned languages. And this for Chaldeans, being not a dead Horse, but in Scripture language, dead Dogges.

I could haue wyshed that Learned men had not been brought agaynst mee: whom I turne more enimies to my aduersary, then I am, vpon his grauntes, and turne them to be vpon condemners of his iudgement. I woulde haue been loth to cast any blot of their owne Incke vpon their Papers, yf I myght haue been vn­prouoked. This any may see, that M. Fr. Iunius vpon Hosea, differeth lytle from myne accompt, where he makes 680. yeeres from the sixt of Ezekias vnto our Lordes death. I make seuen [Page] lesse then be, lesse, because I holde that the Captiuitie was but 70. yeeres, which begun from lech [...]nias by him should be 77. but no sillable of Prophet will warrant that. After I haue him with me against my aduersary & him selfe also. Let them for that thanke the Chaideans.

He had neede of a bolde corage,Oppose this to al their rumors, who by theyr owne testimo­nie blame a cause whiche they know not. and many tongues to speake for him, that woulde haue all the worlde to shrinke from an Angell and Daniels meanyng, for so vile, base, obscure, tryflyng ragges of Vtopian Scri­ueners. And this for them, or nothing is enough.

This harme is not lytle, that our common people▪ to whom Bibles are propounded as playne vppon often readyng, must be caried to mistrust the playne text. But herein I must not be vehemet agaynst my Aduersary, who lesse regarded Chaldeans then Olympiades. For staying of such as wyll needes win hym avictory, against his hope I haue written, and must, more then I wyshed.

Whereas some stumble at Diuinitie for diuersitie of myndes in playne Stories,Papistes blame vs for differing, though Bellar­min and Gene­brard differ in the same rate, without parti­cular blame of them. wherein the striuers knowe that any vppon paynes due, may see the trueth: Suche stumblers may soone finde their condemnation iust. It was alwayes vsual to try trueth by disputyng. And as no man thinketh Arithmatique hard: nor law: For Mer­chauntes pleading vpon accomptes, when summes with their authority are brought togeather: So none should here thinke the Bible hard, when the summes of it are cleere, yf they wyll examyne Heathen, how their testi­mony is nothyng. The Christians that folow them de­serue report of humane readyng. But all wryters vpon Scripture may not be disgraced Protestantes Romistes, and Iewes, & euen they thatWho graunt some poyntes which subdue al their dissen­tion to the trueth. striue, all may not be coun­ted senselesse, when Scripture is cleere, and vpon Scrip­ture they speake. And Heathen shoulde not ouerrule Religion, when euen by other Heathen Scripture pre­uayleth:

[Page] THus I haue sufficiently cleered the speech of Gabri­el: in defence of the late Diuines, of England wyth Scotland: of Spaine, Fraunce, Hiderbeg, Tigurin, Geneua: checking the old error of Greekes, making the Sunne go backe 100. yeres.

1 The matter hath been so polished: that for the li­mites, the aduersarie yeeldeth vnto me: & for the parts to be greater then the whole: he fighteth not against me but against himselfe, art, all men, and possibilitie.

2 Touching the reason that droue him into these straits: the opinion that the Jewes were vnder Persia 70. yeares more than Gabriels portion 130. of 490. vpon ex­amination that is found more vnlikely, than any thing in any count of time. For we both, and the two famous ler­ned M. Iunius and M. Scaliger, (the onely in that on hys side) we all foure, graunt the excesse of yeres not to bee after the building of the Temple. Now, that it cannot be 107. afore, betwixt Cyrus and Aggeis Prophecie, but 32. onely, whole streames of reasons I haue shewed: & Ebrewes, Greekes, Latines make it but the sixt part of this time, that is, 17. or 18. yeres. Now, to blame another for not going sixe fold beyond the common opinion, this dealing might be counted strange.

3 This one argument amongst whole troupes, this one alone might quiet all: that the returned, which were once 49000. built the Temple.

4 Touching the prophane, by particulers it was she­wed, that from Cyrus Babilons warre to Xerxes, (euen by heathen) 30. was the most that likelihood would grant: that from Xerxes warre to Alexanders, of the supposed 140. by Grekes of that Age, in sure and plaine reasons 40. full clearly might, to the satisfaction of any heathen, bee quite cut off.

5 Touching heathen disturbances, I turne them to serue the Church: in Olympiades, about Rome, and such. [Page] Phlegon fighteth for vs: whose whole fragment, because few had it, I caused to be printed, for Scholers vse.

6 Pausanias likewise against himselfe exactly for my summe: and the Greke Diuines I brought against theyr cited Olympiades: yea, Iulian and Lucian are brought to serue Daniel.

7 The table of Archontes, the malice of Philosophers, the vanitie of the Chaldeans haue been detected.

8 These points hee that holdeth not profitable for helping to ioyne Moses, Daniel, Matthew, Paul, and all together: and specially the Iubilees, beginning from the partition of the Land by Iesus, vpon driuing out the hea­then, ending at the entring for vs into heauen, by our Lord and Sauiour Iesus, by texts cleare and plaine: hee that would despise this, hath courage not following, but running afore learning: and I thinke, with none well ad­uised can finde commendation.


But this should not be put in print to the disgrace of a learned man: priuate conference should rather end the matter.


This Obiection may be cast off for manie causes.

1 Mine aduersarie conferred priuately with me, be­fore I wrote of the Scripture concent: and vpon occasi­on of some strange points in his Author, whereby his ac­compt made yeres three-score for bare three: he told me that he had not studied these points: and requested me to write of them.

2 Presently vpon the comming forth of my Booke, he falleth a confuting it in open lectures, amongst yong stu­dents vnable to iudge: who as Nero sang the destruction of Troy, when he set his own Citie on fire: so those yong students triumphed, when Daniel, and Gabriel were in [Page] confuting. If this partiality be tolerable in him: to speak to yong men, & not to print that all may iudge: they wil grant me good leaue to defend that truth in print, which the Aduersarie did request me for to print at the first.

3 My learned frend told his Auditorie, that hee was bound to honor the truth, more than our frendship: and therefore would not spare, euen a follower of a vniuer­sall opinion. He that will not thinke the same as lawfull for me, will seeme blinded with finister partialitie.

4 Vpon a short Epistle to one A. T. prouing Mardo­chai captiued, whose life would discusse our controuer­sie: mine aduersarie promised to take the blame on him, rather than I should print more: yet soone after falleth on confuting it, with some dealings, that none indiffe­rent would like off: & his admirers being called to their owne iudgement vpon Ester, saw that they were decea­ued: and said that the fame of the learned man carried them to conclude as he wold. Now, all such as condemn all Ebrewes, Grekes, English and their owne hart, must bee warned to deale better: and other warning would they take none, till I came to this, manie did I send them.

5 Another D. of Diuinitie, who abridged Codoman, flowing with errours: yet condemning mine Aduer­sarie in all our chiefe differences, & granting me full ma­nie points, wherby mine Aduersarie would tell him that he ouerthrew himselfe: vpon certain demands dashing all his paines, tooke a right course: he confessed that he had no skill in these matters, and would yeeld vnto him whom he prouoked. One Master Jackson a merchant, can testifie that to him it was spoken: and the Gentlemen of Grayes-Inne know reason why that was his best way. And this mention would I haue spared, but that one D. Ch. would haue him answered, as though he had wonne the spurres: the man himselfe tooke the best way. I dare as­sure mine Aduersarie that he ought to haue done so: if [Page] euer by resistance he make his cause good: let the Rea­der thinke me of small iudgement.

6 So many are infected with error vpon his Lectures, to hold the Scripture vncertaine: that not onely Print­ing must correct them, but also he must be moued to ac­knowledge his ouersight.

7 It is great pitie that one so well deseruing of the Church, should be suffred by vnreasonable reuerence to build vp Jericho: wheras in frendship iust reproofe bears great sway, which must be giuen grauely, and taken pa­tiently.

8 We tooke Vmperes, the Archbishop of Canterbu­rie, and the Bishop of London. By their arbitrement hee doth know or some may, that neither hee nor anie will soon foile any ioynt of that Scripture Concent, but for go­ing about will take foyles manie. When after their cen­sures yong men shall sing as at Neroes flames, what man of courage with learning would abide it.

He that wrote of Scripture Concent to her Maiestie, vn­les for ioining Ebrew and Greke studies he knew himself commonly holden inferior to none: he might be blamed of imprudencie, with taking away the first letter of Rhe­torique: that which Tully said, Demosthenes could hardly pronounce, for the boldnes of his enterprise, taken be­fore BB, and DD. as a Doctor of Cambridge answered for him: vpon commending the weight of the matter, when one demanded, why then the BB. or the DD. meddeled not with it. He that in so weightie a cause would suffer rumors to quel the truth: and yeeld to men not acquain­ted with his studies, should not be thought of iudgment or loue of the truth.

Thus I trust the godly wilbe satisfied, the fame or in­famie from the bad, should moue none of iudgement.


The amending of faults escaped.

THe number of sheetes are not duely marked by the letters, by reason that a fragment of Phlegon prin­ted in Greeke was the worke of a Printer dwelling farre off, and of another then the other: and latelyer printed then the sheet of theWhich was printed in Octoebr, the other in Fe­bruarie. Chaldeans, which by the vnheedi­nes of the Printers, both haue their reckoning amisle, the one A. the other I. But for amending faults they may be noted thus: Phleg. and Chald. the other leaues be in or­der. Through all, thus amend faults, D. page 6. line 12. and 13. twenty three yeares while Iosue was vnder Per­sia. InIn the Greek the first note of the text corrupted, must be refer­red to the for­mer page. Phlegon line 25. reade end & cure of the plague. In the next page in the margent reade Homer Iliad. 2. 595. for Odiss. 2. F. 1. the second page in the margent rede Ho­mer Iliad. 3. for lib. 3. In G. 2. line 1. reade sunne of iustice for sonne. on the next page line 13. reade sunne for sonne. In H. 3. page 2. line 16. reade the mede Datis for Mardo­ [...]s. In the next page in the marget rede Demetrius Pha­lereus. In I in the margent rede 4. y. that is yeares, for 4. 7. In Cald. line 7. reade places, 30. for 32. and line 20. reade either knowen, for knowen either: And line 21. reade or thought vpon to the, for or to the, and in the margent wittingly, for willingly. And page 7. line 29. open, for vpon. In L. line 3. reade Hidelberge. And page 3. line 9. reade sinister for sinistred. And line 10. for prouink, reade prouing. And page 4. line 14. in some copies reade sone may, for some may. Let the gentle reader of him selfe a­mend other scapes by the matter.

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