¶ Of the notice of Peru, and how the discouery was begon. Chap. 1.

IN the yeare of our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ 1525. in the Cittie of Panama which standeth scituated on the border of the South Sea, in the Prouince of firme Land, called Castillia del oro, dwelt thrée Gen­tilmen, among whom, was sun­drye times conference concerninge the vnderstandinge which they had obtained of Peru, wherupon they agréede to procéed on the discouery of the same, and therupon laid all their goods into stocke of company.

The first and principallest of them was called Don Francisco Pisarro, who was borne in a Cittie of Spayne called Trugillio: The seconde was named Don Diego de Almagro, natural of the Towne of Mallagon, whose stocke or lynage, could not vnto this day be perfec [...]ly knowen: yet some doth holde opinion, that hée was found at the Church doore in his swadling clothes, after that hee was newly borne: The thirde was a Préest called Fernando de Luque: And where these thrée were the richest and principallest men in that Countrey, they determined to encrease their ritches, & also to serue herein, his Maiesty the Emperour Charles the fifth: wherupon they conclu­ded to take in hande, to discouer by the South Sea, the Easterly coast of the firme Lande, towarde those places which afterward were named Peru: So that after they [Page] had obtained licence of y^e Gouernour, who at that instant then gouerned for his Maiesty, called Pedro Arias de Auila, Don Francisco Pisarro arriued, and rigged forth a Shippe, wherin hee himself tooke shipping as Captaine General, with 114. men in his company, and so procéeded on the Uoyage, and in short space hee discouered a smal and poore Prouince,Euery league con [...]aineth 3. Englishe Miles. fiftie Leagues distant from the Cittie of Pa­nama, the which hee named Peru, and afterward called the whole Countrey of the same name, which was disco­uered for the space of 1200. Leagues: And procéeding forward hee found another Land, which the Spanyards named the burnt Towne, where the Indians of that place held them cruell warre, and slew many of his men, so that he was forced to retire sore woūded, to the Coun­trey of Chinchama.

In this meane season, Don Diego de Almagro, who aboad at home, had prepared another ship, and therin tooke ship­ping with 70. Spanyardes, and with them proceeded to seeke Don Francisco Pisarro, sayling along the Coast til hée came to the Riuer which hee named the Riuer of S. Ihon, which standeth 100. Leagues distant from Panama: And findinge him not, hee returned to the burnt Towne, and there had vnderstanding of his beeing there, where hee also came a score, but the Indians encouraged with the victory and expulsion of Don Francisco, did like wise valy­antly resist his entry, yea, and also put him and his com­pany to the woorse: in so much that they entred a Forte, where the Spanyards defended them selues through the ouersight of those which had the charge of that part of the Fortresse: by meane wherof, they put the Spanyardes to flight, and also with a stripe put out one of the eyes of Don Diego, by reason wherof they were forced to flee and to retire to the Sea side to take Shippinge agayne, and from thence sayled along the Coast of firme Land, vntill hee arriued at Chinchama, where he found Don Francisco, wi [...]h whom after long communicacion, and refreshing of [Page] themselues, they gathered togeather about 200. Sp [...] ­nyardes, a [...]d so proceeded againe vpon the discouery with two Shippes and 3. Canoas, which were small Uessels, built like vnto Troughes: In which Nauigacion, they passed many and great troubles, by reason the Coaste is lowe, and full of Marrish ground, and replenished with great Lizarts,Great Lizar [...] which the Indians call Caymanes, and are Beastes which breede in the mouthes of those Riuers, which are so great, that commonly they are of 20. yea, & 25 foote long: Their property is, aswel, to refresh them­selues on the Land, as in the Water: but if any of them can laye holde vpon Man or Beast in the Water, their strength is such, that they carry thē vnder water, where as they deuoure and consume them: But cheefely they smell a Dogge a farre off, and they laye their Egges on the Land, a great number togeather, where they breede: but among the Sandes they are slow of their creepinge: after they haue hatched, they leade their Younge to the Water: in the which their natural properties, they may bee compared to the Crocodilles of Nilo: they also suffer much honger, for their feedinge when they want meate, is the fruite of a Trée called Maugle, The Tree called Maugle. wherof are many in those Riuers, which are of harde Timber, highe and straight in groweth, and grow in salte water, which is not onely salte but also bitter. But the opinion is, that those Beastes vse to eate of that Fruite, when other fee­ding fayleth: they eate also Fish. In all this Coast, the Grayne called Maiz groweth not.

In this sorte they went rowinge with their Canoas a­gainst the currant of the Sea, which alwayes runneth Northward, and their way was Southward: and in this Nauigacion all along the Coaste, the Indians assaulted them accordinge to the custome of their Warres, thun­dering out cryes and noyse, callinge them banished men, with haire on their faces, yea, such as were bred of y^e scū of the Sea, without any other Origen or Linage, because [Page] the Sea had brought them thither: demaunding also why they wente like Uacabondes wandringe the World: it should appeare saide they, that you are ydle persons, and haue not wherin to imploy your selues, because you a­bide in no place, to labour and till the ground.

And wheras many of their men and Captaines were slaine by thes [...] Indians, aswel by hunger, as other wise, Don Diego determined to returne to Panama for mo men: the which his determinacion he performed, and had from thence 80 men, so that with them and the residew that remained aliue, they arriued at the Land called Carame, which was without the dominion of the Mauglares, and a Countrey aboundant of meate, but meanely inhabited: The Indians of y^e Countrey, which were men of War, had their Chéekes full of holes, wherin were placed Pearles of Golde: and findinge this place so fruitful [...], they abode there vntill Don Diego de Almagro returned a­gayne to Panama for more men: But in this meane while Don Francisco Pisarro returned, abiding the cōming of his companion, in a litle Iland which stoode neare vn­to the Mayne, called Insula de Gallo, wheras hée stood in néede of all thinges necessary.

How Don Francisco Pisarro abode in the Iland of Gorgona, and how with the small company of men, which hee had remayninge, hee sayled till hee passed the Equinoctiall. Chap. 2.

WHen Don Diego de Almagro returned to Panama for succour, he found that his Maiestie had pro­uided for gouernment of the same Cittie, a Gentilman of Cordoua, called Pedro de los Rios, who staid his procéeding personally, because those which remained in the Iland of Gallo had sente secretly to this new Gouernour, to intreate that hée should not permit any moe men, to dy in that daungerous Iorney, without [Page] any profit, wheras tosore others of their Nacion had en­ded their dayes, and that it might please him to cōmaund them also to returne. In consideracion wherof, Pedro de los Rios sente his Deputie with especiall commaunde­ment, that all such as were willing, might safely retu [...]ne to Panama without daunger, and without disturbinge of any that would force them to abide there.

And whan this newes and order taken, came to their knowledge, they forthwith tooke Shippinge with great ioye, euen as though they had es [...]aped out of captiuitie of Moares: so that only 12. men abode willingly with Don Francisco Pisarro, 12. Men on­ly remaine with Don Francisco Pisarro. with the which, beeing so few in num­ber, hee durst not abide there, but went to an Ilande vn­habited, situated sire Leagues, from the Mayne in the Sea: and because this Iland was replenished with ma­ny faire Springes and brookes, hee named it Gorgona, wheras hee with his company maintained themselues with Cockles, Crabbes, and great Snakes, which are there in aboundance: hee aboad there vntill his Shippe returned from Panama, which brought nothing but only Uictuall, wherin hee with his 12. men toke shipping, who were so constant and vertuous, that they only were the principall cause of the discouery of Peru, of whom one was called Nicolas de Ribera, naturall of Olbera:The names of the first discoue [...]ers [...] Pedro de Candia, borne in Greece, in the Iland of Candia: Ihon de torre, Alonso brisenio, borne in Benauent: Christopher de Peralia, borne in Baesa: Alonso de Trugillio, borne in Tru­gillio: Francisco de Cuellar, borne in the Towne of Cuellar: Alonso de Molina, borne in the Cittie of Vbeda. Their chéefe Pilot, was named Bartilmew Ruiz, borne in the Towne of Moguex. This happy company sayled with great perril and daunger, against the winde and currant vntill they arriued at a Prouince called Mostripe, which standeth betweene the Uillages which the Christians had inhabited: the one they named Truxillio, and the o­ther S. Mighell, & there aboad a certaine time, for want [Page] of men, they durst not procéede beyond the Riuer called Chira, an [...] there prouided themselues of the Cattell of that Countrey, which were Sh [...]epe, and also of Indian Interpretors, who willingly serued them. Notwith­standing beeing there well refreshed, embarked againe and sayled vnto the Porte of Lumbez, where they had intelligence of a princely House, which the Lord of Peru had in that place, and also a Towne of Indians which were exceeding ritch. This place was one of the most notablest things in Peru, vntill such time that the Indi­ans of the Ilande Puna distroyed it, as hereafter shalbe declared: and there hee left thrée fugitiue Spanyardes, who were slaine by the Indians, as at the length was knowen. So that with this intelligence they retur­ned backe againe to Panama, hauinge beene thrée yeares in the same Discouery, in great perrill, suffering many miseries, aswell by want of Uictuals, as by the Warres and resistance of the Indians, and also mutiny amonge themselues, who were in dispaire the most of them, to finde any profitable thing: But yet the wisdome & gentle condicion of Don Francisco Pisarro, pacified their discorde with great courage, perswading them of the great hope which hée had in Don Diego de Almagro, for they prouision of Men, Uictuals, Horses, and Armour: So that where those three Gentilmen, the setters forwarde of this Uoyage were the ritchest men in that partes, were now the poorest, and yet indetted in great summes of Money.

¶ How Don Francisco Pisarro came into Spayne, to giue knowledge to his Maiestie, of the discouery of Peru, and of some of the Customes and properties of the naturals of the Countrey. Chap. 3.

THe Discouery béeing begun, in the manner before declared, Don Francisco Pisarro came into Spayne, and gaue intelligence to the Emperour his Maiestie, of all such thinges as had happened, beseechinge his highnes in recompence and rewarde of his paynes, to graunt vnto him the gouernment of such Countreyes as hereafter hee should discouer and inhabit. The which his request the Emperour graunted, vpon certaine condicions and Articles of agreement, drawen and engrosed accordinge as tofore his Maiestie had done with other Captaynes, in affaires of Discouery. With this order taken, hee returned to Panama, takinge with him Hernando Pisarro [...] Ihon Pisarro [...] Gonsalo Pisarro [...] and Francisco Martin of Alcan­tara, his Bretheren, among the which Hernando Pisarro, and Ihon Pisarro were onely legittimate Brethrē, of Fa­ther and Mother, Sonnes vnto Gonsalo Pisarro, the long Cittizen of Trugillio, who had sometime beene Captaine of Infautery in y^e Kingdome of Nauarra: Don Francisco Pi­sarro; and Gonsalo Pisarro were his naturall Children, but not by one Wife, & Francisco Martin was his Sonne in Law. Besides these afore named, hee carryed many o­thers with him for the pretended discouery, but the most of them were of the Citties of Trugillio and Caseres, and other Uillages of the Prouince, called Estremadura.

In this sorte with prosperous Nauigacion, he arriued and came to his desired place of Panama, and there began to prouide the things necessary for the Discouery, in the name of the first companye: Although there was some discorde betwéene Don Francisco & Don Diego de Almagro [...] because Don Diego receiued great vnkindnesse that Don [Page] Francisco had brought to passe his desire with the Emper­our, and obtained the Title and name of Gouernour, and chéefe Discouerer of all the dominion of Peru, with­out any remembraunce made of him, nor yet of his ser­uice, although the sayd [...]on Diego had béen one of the chee­fest aduenturers, and also personally partaker of the paynes. But yet notwithstandinge Don Francisco per­ceauing by his countenaunce how the matter went, did comfort and perswade him, that the Emperour at that time when he was with his Maiestie, pleased not to take order for him, to remunerate his trauaile accordingly, although hee did in his behalfe require the same: but notwithstandinge hee gaue vnto him for his parte, both his worde and promise, to renounce the Office & Title of cheefe Discouerer in him, and also would sende to the Emperour, to beseech his Maiestie to confirme the same. With which faire wordes, Don Diego was somewhat pacified: so that now wee will leaue from that matter, and speake of the Nauie, & other necessaries concerning the Discouery: and also declare the scituacion of the Prouince of Peru and the notable thinges of that Coun­trey, with the customes of the People.

Of the people which inhabite vnder the Equinoctiall Lyne, and other notable thinges which are in that partes. Chap. 4.

THe Lande of Peru, wherof this Historie (God willing shall treate) did begin from the Equi­n [...]t [...]all forward vntill the Meri [...]ian, the peo­ple which inhabite vnder the Equinoctiall and neare there v [...]to, are in Phisnomie like Iewes, they pronounce their spe [...]ch in the throat like vnto Moriscos, they are in [...]l [...] to the sin of Zodome: by reason wherof they are rigorous to their Wiues, and make small ac­compt of them: they weare no kinde of garment, sauing [Page] their priuie partes, which are couered: Their Wemen do plough and sow the ground, they grinde their Graine, and therof make their prouision of foode: their Corne is called in their Ilande language Maiz, and in Peru it is called Zara. The men weare short Shyrtes, which come to the Nauill, and their priuy partes are vncouered, they haue their heads shorne with a Crowne, like Friers, and the hinder and forepart of the heade is shauen, and the haire somewhat long on the sides.

They delight much to weare Iewels of Golde in their eares and Nostrilles, and also Emralds which are onely found in those partes: But those Indians would neuer discouer the Mynes or vaines of them, although it is cer­tainly beléeued that there is their Origen, because they finde in their earthen Uessel many small stones sticking in the sides.

They vse about their legges and armes, Bra [...]lets of Bedestones, of Golde, Plate, and Turkies, and small Periwincles shelles, both white and red, and they per­mit not any kinde of brauery to their Women. This Countrey is excéeding hot, and apt to infirmitie, chéefely, a kinde of Poxe which are very venemous, and bréed in the face, and other places of the body, rooted deepe, which are (in manner) of worse quality then the French Poxe.

In this Prouince they haue their ydolatrous Tem­ples with their doores to the East warde, with Curtains of a clothe made of Cotten Wooll: In euery Temple were two Images, made of the bignesse and likenes of blacke Goates, before the which, they vsed alwayes to burne a kinde of wood, of a maruailous swéet smell:Sweet Trees of a straung [...] Balme. The Trees of this odiferous wood growe in th [...]t [...]untrey, & by incision of the Barke they distill a maruailous swéete lycor, wherwith if any annoynt a dead bodye, the carkas corrupteth not. There are also in the Temples Images of the figure of great Serpents, which they adore & wor­ship: besides these Idols euery of those people had a per­ticuler [Page] God, according to his trade and office, which they also worshipped. The Fishermen had the [...]ogge Fishe called Tiburon, in great veneracion, and the Raungers or Hunters had likewise their God accordinge to y^e game which they most estéemed: and in like manner euery sort of people accordingly. But in some Temples in the Uil­lages called Pasao, The decking of the Idols temple. they vsed to haue hanging on the Pil­lers of the Temple, the dead carkases of Men and Chil­dren sacrificed, or els their skinnes tanned in such order that the euill smel or sauour was taken away: Also their skulles were in suche manner placed, but first with a certayn coction, they were dressed, y^t they were shrunken to the smalenesse of a mans fist, and than nayled on th [...] saide Pillers, or Walles of the Temple.

This Countrey of his owne nature or property is dry, although there it raineth daily, there are few runninge Waters which are swéete, so that their chéefe drinke is of Welles, or of water preserued in Cesternes, which they call Aqueyes.

Golde.Their Houses or buildings are of great Canes which there doth grow: The Golde which there is found is base, and of few Oarets: there is also small quantity of fruit. Their Nauigation is with Canoas, made out of the bo­dyes of Trees, as is afore declared, and also vpon Raffes of Timber: All the Sea coaste is full replenished with Fishe, and greate aboundance of Whales: In some Townes of this Prouince, called Caraque: they had vp­on their Temple doores the Images or figures of men, cloathed like the vestment of a Deacon.

Of the vaynes of Pitche, which are at the Cape called Desta­helena, and of the Gyants which in time past inhabited there. Chap. 5.

NEare vnto this Prouince, is a poynt or cape of Land, which the Spanyardes named Destahe­lena, which lieth into the Sea, where are found [Page] certaine springes of Pitche, or Tarre, and it serueth for the same purpose, for Ships: Not far from the sa [...] Cape, the Indians of that countrey doth affirme, that somtime dwelt certaine Gyantes,Giants. who were of maruailous great stature, in comparison to foure times the bignesse of a meane man of stature, but they knew not from whence their Origen was, yet their foode and maintenance was like vnto theirs, but only Fish was their principall food, because their cheefe delight was in fishinge, and their Boates were raffes of Timber, which each of them vsed seuerally of their owne proper, because these raffes were made of such manner, that they could not well carry moe then one of those Gyantes.

Their chéefe pleasure was, when any had taken any greate Fish, because thereby their store was the better, for each of them would easely eate more then thirtie In­dians: they vsed no kinde of cloathing, because of the difi­cultie to make their Garmentes.

These Gyants were exceedinge crewell, for without any cause they slew many of the poore Indians, by mean wherof they were much feared.

The Spanyards saw in the Porte called Puerto Viejo, two Images of those Gyantes, the one of a man, and the other of a Woman: There is a certaine kinde of Cro­nicle, or remembrance among those Indians, which was left vnto them by their fore Fathers, of sundry particu­larities of those Gyantes, especially of their consumma­tion. They also held opinion how a younge man came downe from Heauen, shyning like the Sunne, & fought with those Giants, throwing flames of fier at them with suche vehemency, that the tokens and signes therof re­mained in the hard stone, and as yet said they, vntil this daye the same doth remaine: at which time they wente retyringe to a Ualley, where hee made a finall ende of them. But notwithstandinge these Indians tale, no perfect credit was giuen vnto the circumstance therof, [Page] vntil the Captaine Ihon de Holmos was appointed Lie [...]te­nant of the Gouernour, in the Port called Puerto Viejo, in Anno 1543. who beeinge informed of those antiqui­ties, [...]mmaunded certaine of his men to digge in that Ualley, where they found maruailous great Ribbes, and other bones, which if they [...]ad not ioyned with the skuls it would haue béene thought vncredible they should haue beene mennes bones: so that the matter béeing through­ly examined, the Indi [...]ns opinion concerning such Gy­antes, was trew, and some of the Téethe found in those skulles,Gyants teeth were sent to diuerse places of Peru: some of the sayde Teethe, which were there found, were of thrée fin­gers broad, & o [...] [...]ure fingers longe, which was reported by witnesse of sight, who were men of credit, of the Spa­nish Nacion. By records also, that sort of People were knowen to be offenders in the sin against Nature, called Zodomy, by reason wherof, the Iustice deuine, permitted them no longer to liue, but rather the Almighty sente his Angell to consume them, as in Zodom and other places.

Aswel in this point as all other antiquities, which is knowen and found in Peru, the only difficultie is to be presupposed which is in the verefying thereof, becaus [...] that the Naturals of that Countrey knew neither wry­ting nor reading, nor yet certaine pictures which the Indians of new Spayne vsed in lue of bookes, so that their recordes or registers did chiefly consist in memory from one to another: But their accompts or recknings of time, were made vpon a string or coard made of cottō woolle, which the Indians called Quippos, on the which they kept their reconing by making of knots on those coardes, with a difference ascending from one to ten, & so vpwards accordingly. And alwaies the coard was of the coloure of the thing which was ment to be signified, so that in euerye Prouince were Offycers who had the charge to keepe the thinges in memorie with those [Page] coardes, which were called Quippo Camayos, so that ma­ny publique houses were found full of those coardes, and the saide officers could by them easily declare any mat­ter concerning their effecte, although it had beene of ma­ny yeres pa [...]t.

Of the people and things that are beyonde the Equinocti­all line, towarde the Meridian, along the sea Coast. Cap. 6.

BEyonde the Equinoctiall line towarde the Meridian, standeth an Iland 12. leagues di­stant from the towne of Boio, neere adioy­ [...]ing to the firme land. The which Ilande is called Puma, and hath in it aboundance of sundrie sortes of beastes: and store of deere, and much fresh fish in swete waters. In time past this Iland was replenished with people, and maintained warres with all the townes about their frontiers: but principallye they were enemies to the inhabitants of Tumbez, which standeth 12. leagues distant from them. They were lords of many Raffes, for their nauigation: these Raffes were made of long light poules, bound one vpon ano­ther,Raffes. so that alwayes those which were placed vpper­most, were odde, as ordinarily, fiue, seuen, or nine, and the middle powle was longer then the rest, as a Ruther to guyde the Raffe, and thereon sate the rower, so that the raffe is made like an open hand, euen as one finger is longer then another: And on the toppe are plankes layde to kepe soldiers or passengers from wetting.

There are Raffes that 50. men and 3. horses may wel be carryed on them. They vse for them as wel sayles, as oares, the Indians are very good Marryners for such kinde of vessels, although it hath happened that when Spaniards haue sailed on those Raffes,Indian de­ceipt [...]. the Indians sut­tlely haue vndone the ropes wherewith the timber was [Page] bound together, and so ech peece sodenly to separate frō other: By meanes whereof many Christians haue pe­ryshed, and the Indians saued them selues vpon the powles, witho [...]t any other thing to succour them, by reason that they can swim exceeding well.

Their chiefe weapons for the warres were slinges, clubbes, and hatchets, made of siluer and copper. They had many speares or Iauelings, with the sharpe poynts of them made of base golde. Both the men and women vsed to were many iewels, and ringes of golde. Their ordinarie vessell was wrought and made of siluer and golde. The Lorde of that Ilande was greatly feared a­mong his people, hee was also exceeding ielious of his wiues, in so much that all those seruitours which attend vppon them had their noses cut of, and likewise their ge­nitall members.

In another litle Iland adioyning to the same, they found a house and a gardeine plot or orchard within the same,A strange Orchard. hauing litle trees and plantes ther [...]in, made of sil­uer and gold. Ouer against this Iland in the firme land were certaine Townes, the which by displeasure taken by the Lord of Peru, he commaunded that aswell men as wemen should haue all their vpper teeth drawen out, of which toothlesse people vntil this day are some liuing.A sharpe pu­nishment.

Proceeding forward beyond Tumbez toward the Me­ridian, for the space of 500 leagues along the coast, and ten leagues into the mayne, there neuex rayneth, thun­dreth, or falleth any lightning or thunderbolt: But pas­sing the sayd ten leagues within the mayne land distant from the sea, it both rayneth and thundreth, & haue both winter and summer in their due seasons, & in the same maner as is in Spaine. But when it is winter in the mountaynes,A strange thing. then is it summer on the sea coast, and th [...] like contrariwise. So that the le [...]gth of that coast which is already discouered of the land of Peru, which taketh his beginning and is accompted from the citie of Pasto, vnto the Prouince of Chili, is one thousand eight hun­dred [Page] leagues, as large as the leagues of Castillia, The length of peru [...]800 [...] Leagues. and throughout the sayd Countrey lieth a long mountayne or ridge of hilles very troublesome to passe, which in some places doth stand distant from the sea 15. yea, and 20. leagues, and in some places the branches of that moū ­taine approacheth nere the sea brim.

So that all which as yet is discouered of Peru, is to be vnderstand by two names, that is to say, all the ground betweene the mountaines and the sea, is called plaines: and all the rest is called mountaines. The plaines are drie and the most part sands: for as before is declared, there it neuer rayneth, nor yet hath there bene founde any spring or fountaine, sauing nere the sea side are 4. or 5. aqueys or cesterns, the water wherof is saltish. But the people doe prouide themselues of water of the Ri­uers which descend out of the mountaines. The cause of those riuers is the thawing of the snow and rayne which commeth from the sayd hilles where very fewe naturall springes are found: These riuers are distant one from another, some 10. and some 15. and 20, leagues: but the most ordinarie are of seuen and eight leagues: so that commonly the trauelers doo appointe their iorneys accordingly, to come vnto their fresh water. Some of these riuers are a league broade, and some lesse, accor­ding to the disposition of the ground. Along those Riuer sides are faire prospectes of trees and fruites, & ground conuenient for the Indians to sowe their [...]orne called Maiz.

After the Spaniards began to inhabite this contrey, they sowed wheate, all the saide plaine grounde they v­sed to water with s [...]ewces, conueyed out of the Ryuers, in which arte they haue great experience, and industry: the beauty of those Riuers, with Trees and fruites a­foresaid grow along the said Riuers, euen from the Sea [...] vnto the Mountaines: those Riuers comming from the [...]illes, discendinge with such vehemency, that the Spa­nyardes [Page] could not passe them on Horsebacke, especially the Riuer called Sancta, and many others: so that those which iorney in those Playnes, they keepe all along the Sea coaste, but in the Winter season it is daungerous trauailinge that coaste, by reason of the excéedinge great currantes of those Riuers, that the waye is not vadeable on Horsebacke, but only on Raffes, or els with a bundell of Gourdes, which they vse to binde before their breasts and vnder their armes, and an Indian Pilot goeth be­fore swimmyng to leade the way.

The grounde alonge these Riuers is excéeding fruite­full, as wée haue declared: where Wheat & Maiz grow­eth in aboūdance, without respecting any time of sowing

These Indians dwell not in houses, but their abidyng is vnder Trées, and shadowes made for the purpose. Their women were garments made of Cotton woll, like vnto gownes which come downe to their féete. The men were shirtes downe to the knées, and certein Mantels vpon the same, & although their attire is after one sorte, they differ in the attire of their heads, accordynge to the vse of euery countrey: some vse their haire bounde vp with laces of woll, some with one lace, and other with many laces of sundry colours, so there is none but hath some deuice in his hed, and in euery Prouince of a seuer­all kinde.

All the Indians of the Playnes are deuided into three sortes, the one are called Yngas, another sorte are called Tallanes, & the thirde Mochicas: in euery Prouince they differ in spéeche, notwithstandinge the Noble men, called Cas [...]ikes, besides, their natural spéeche, doo all generally vnderstande the language of the Cittie of Cusco, because the Kinge of Peru, called Guaynacaua, Father of King Ata­baliba, thought it a base thinge y^t his Subiectes, especially noble men should talke with him by interpreters, wher­vpon hee commaunded that all the Cascikes of his Coun­trey and dominions, and their Brethren and kinsemen [Page] should sende their Children to serue and attende on the Kinge in his Court, vnder the colour to learne the court­ly spéeche: but cheefely the Kinges intente was to assure his countrey with the principall men of his Kingdome, in hauinge their children in pledge. But bee it as it will, by this meanes it came to passe [...] that all the Nobilitie of his Lande, vnderstoode and could speake the language vsed in Court, as in Flaunders the Gentilmen & others speake the Frenche tongue: so that in conclusion, any Spanyarde that attained to the Cusco spéech, mought wel passe throughout the dominions of Peru, aswell in the Playnes as in the Mountaynes, to vnderstand and to be vnderstood among the chéefest.

Of the ordinary Windes which blow in the Plaines, and the cause of drynesse. Chap. 7.

WIth great reason, those which reade this Hi­story, may stande in doubt of the cause, why it rayneth not in the Playnes of Peru, as be­fore is specified, for by euident tokens, should bee thought that those thinges could not bee true, by reason of the growen Riuers which fal into the Sea, and commonly engender moysture & vapors, com­ming out of the Mountaynes, hauing their beginning of the continuall Snow, which there abideth, wherof rela­tion is made before, yea, and the sayd Hilles neuer want clowdy weather, intermixed with rayne. The natural reasō therof, found out by such as diligently haue sought the secret therof: which is, that in all those Playnes, and Sea coast,Note. all the whole yeare bloweth one only Winde, which the Mariners call Siluestre, which runneth alonge that coast with such force, that the Cloudes and Uapors haue no rest in those playnes nor Sea coast, to come vn­to the region of the ayer, and from the high Mountaines: The cloudes and vapors, do shew like another Heauen [...] [Page] so those which are beneathe in the Playnes, and abou [...] them agayne, it is as cleare as Christall: and this onely winde also causeth the Seagate or Currant to runne al­waies Northward, although some men are of another o­pinion, which is, that where the South sea commeth to fall into the mouth of the straight of Magalanus, beeinge there so narrowe, and excéedeth not the bredth of two Leagues, so that the greate power of the water can not there haue yssue, and also their encounteringe with the Northen Sea, which likewise disturbeth his passage: so that of force it maketh reflection and recoyle backeward, and so forceth the Currant toward the North. And here riseth another inconuenience, which is, y^t the Nauigatiō from Panama to Peru, is with such difficultie, because the winde is alwayes contrary, and also the most part of the yeare, y^e Currant likewise, so that y^e Saylers do sayle continually by the bowlinge against the fury of y^e winde, or else it were not possible to sayle that Coast.

All along the coast of Peru are great number of fishe, and many Zeale fishes.

From the Riuer of Tumbez forward are found none of those great Lizartes of which we haue spoken. But some holde opinion the cause is, that the countrey for­ward is more temperate, and those beastes are louers of heate, but the most certaine reason is, because the Ri­uers thereabout are of a more swifter currant, and suf­fereth them not to bréede, for their ordinarie breeding is in the calme places of Riuers.

Now at this day in all the length of the playnes are Uillages and Townes of Christians, and fiue Cities,Fiue Citties. the first is called Puerto Viejo, Puerto Viejo. which stādeth very nere vnto the Equinoctiall. This Citie hath but fewe inha­bitants because the countrey is poore and apt for disea­ses, yet there are some mines of Emraldes, as is before declared. Fifteene leagues with in the mayne is ano­ther citie called saint Mighel, S. Mighell. which in the Indian spech [Page] they call Pura: This is a pleasant soyle and fruitefull, but no mines of golde nor plate. This place is apte for sore eyes, and few or none that passeth that way esca­peth that disease.

Threescore leagues forward along the coast standeth another citie in a valley called Trugillio, Trugillio. and is distant from the sea, two leagues. The porte or harbor belon­ging to this citie is perillous. This citie is placed in a plaine plot, nere vnto a Riuer side, and is aboundantly prouided of wheate, Maiz, and cattell. It is also excee­ding wel built, there are in this citie aboue thrée hun­dred housholds of Spaniards.

Foure score Leagues forward, standeth another Cit­tie, two Leagues distant from a Porte of the Sea, which is an excellent good Roade for Shippes, it is scituated in a Ualley called Lyma, The Cittie called Rei [...], in the Pro­uince of Ly­ma. and named the Cittie of the Kings, because the day of Epiphany it was begun to inhabite, it is placed in a plaine ground, neare vnto a mighty Riuer: The Countrey there about is plentifull of Corne, & ma­ny sortes of fruites and cattell: the building of this Cit­tie is such, that all the streates doo méete in a faire large place, from the which a man may see through euery streat into the Féeldes: the dwelling is maruailous healthfull, because it standeth in a temperate Climat, and not vexed throughout the yeare with neither heate nor colde, ex­treamely. The hoatest season of the yeare is more tem­perate then in Spayne: for in the time of their heate in Lyma, which is in Sōmer, there falleth euery morninge a swéete Dew, which is nothing hurtful to mans health, but rather profitable, for such as haue the head ache vse to wash their heads with the Dewe water, and therwith finde great ease.

All Spanish fruit groweth and prospereth wel in this Soyle, especially Orenges, Sidrons, Lemons, Figges, Powngarnardes and Uines, wherof had béene there a­boundance, if the alteracions in the Land had not distur­bed [Page] their plantinge, for experience hath shewed that the very Kernell of the Grape hath perduced faire Uynes: There groweth also greate store of Pot earbes, such as ordinarily grow in Spayne: euery house hath belonging vnto it a litle runninge water, or Brooke, brought in by conueyance of slewce, which water is sufficient to driue a mill, although along the Riuer side they haue their com­mon milles where the Spaniards grinde their corne.

This citie is iudged the most pleasant dwelling in all the land, because the porte and roade for shippes ma­keth the Citie to be of great contractation for Marchāts: So that the people of all Cities, Townes, and Uillages, within the maine lande vse to come thither for their prouision and furniture.

From the mines of this Prouince is brought great [...] aboundance of golde and siluer. The scituation is in the middest of the land, as yet discouered, by reason where­of the Emperour his Maiestie placed there a chauncery royall, and Iudges to decide his subiectes causes, which also causeth the greater resorte of people. It is thought that in processe of time this Citie will increase to be of marueilous fame and greatnes. At this day there are aboue fiue hundred housholds of Spaniards, and e [...]ery house hath a greater compasse of ground then the houses built in Spayne: so y^t these 500. houfes séeme bigger the [...] 1500. in Castillia, by reason that the streetes are broad, and hath also a place of great compasse in the middest of the citie, ech house hath in the fronte 800. foote, & twise as much large. Their buylding is but of one storie high, for want of timber to builde a height, and yet that timber within thrée yeres beginneth to rotte and con­sume, yet notwithstanding the low building, the houses are sumptuous and of great Maiestie. The walles are of fiue foote broade, & the plot whereon the houses stand, are raysed of like height with earth, by reason whereof, the houses seeme of reasonable height. The Roofes of [Page] those houses are made of rafters layde crossewise, and vpon the Timber is layde for séeling gallante paynted mattes, like vnto those which are made in Almeria, in the kingdome of Granada, and vpon that seeling are layd boughes, so that the lodgings are high, fresh, & not trou­bled with the sunne: and as for the water, they neede not to care: for as before is declared, it neuer rayneth in those plaines.

Thirty Leagues from this Cittie along the Coast, is another Cittie, intituled the faire Towne of Aroquipa, Aroquipa. which hath in it 300. houses of Spanyardes: this also is a healthfull soyle, and aboundant of all kinde of victuall, but it standeth 12. Leagues from the Sea coast, by mean wherof it is thought that the Towne wil encrease with inhabitantes, for the Riuer by which it standeth, is so good and faire, that Shippes laden with Marchandize may come vp the riuer, euen to the Cittie: and frō this place the Cittie of Cusco is serued of all things needefull, and likewise the Prouince of Charcas, from which pla­ces commeth the most people of that Countrey, by reason of the contractacion of the Mynes of Potosi: Also great quantitie of Plate is brought thither, to be laden in the Shippes backe againe in returne to the Cittie of the Kinges, or Panama, which is a great helpe, for to auoyde the carriage by land, béeinge very daungerous and trou­blesome in the highe wayes, since the time that the new Orders or Lawes set forth by the Emperour, were exe­cuted.

From this Cittie, men may trauaile forward alonge the Sea coaste, for the space of 400. Leagues, vnto the Prouince that the Gouernour Pedro de Valdiuia did disco­uer and inhabite, called Chili, Chili. which is as much as to say in the Indian tongue, Colde, by reason of the extreame colde, which the trauellers passe in the waye thither, as in this History shalbe declared hereafter, when the ior­ney made by the chéefe Discouerer Don Diego de Almagro [Page] shalbe spoken of: so that now is vnderstood the scituaci­on and habitacion of the parte of Peru, and the Playnes therof, wherwithall is likewise to bee considered, that the Sea coaste is cleane, and without daunger of Rocks, as far as hither vnto hath béene discouered, nor yet any furious or tempesteous weather doth vexe that coaste of the South Sea, and therfore it may well bée called, the quiet and Golden Sea, yea, and moreouer, anye shippe along that coast may with one Ankor ride in safety, with out daunger of any winde.

Of the qualities and nature of the Mountaynes of Peru, and of the habitacions and dwellinges of Christians and Indyans. Chap. 8.

THe Indians which dwel in the Mountains doo differ much from those which dwell in y^e Plaines, or low countrey, both in strēgth, knowledge, and liuinge: for in the Moun­taynes, their dwelling is in houses couered with earth, their shirtes and garmentes are wrought of shéepes wooll, which there doo bréed: they weare nothing on their head, but haue their haire laced with a stringe. The Wemen weare garments without sléeues, gyrded with woollen gyrdels, which maketh them long wasted: they also weare certayn Mantels ouer their heds, which are pinned about their neckes, with pinnes of Golde or Plate, accordinge to the habilitie of euery one: those pinnes are called in their language Topos, Indian pins. because the heads are great, plaine, and flat, and the sides and points excéedinge sharpe: These Wiues doo helpe their Hus­bandes in the labour & tillage of the ground, nay I may say, that their paines is greatest in all s [...]ruice. These Wemen of complexion are white, and well fauoured, excéeding much, the wemen of the Plaines: and so like­wise the countrey doth much differ, the one from the o­ther, [Page] because the Mountaynes doth bring forth great a­boundance of Grasse, & hath much fresh water, of which, and from which, the Riuers procéedes, which runneth downe into the Playnes: there are also many kinde of Flowers and pleasant greene plottes, with sundry kinde of Earbes, and sundry sortes of Trees, of maruailous fruites, so pleasaunt in taste, that in all Spayne there is no better: there are also wilde Walnut trées, and Wil­lowes: these Indians haue many wilde Shéepe, and o­thers very tame and domestical: they haue also Deare, and sundry other kinde of Beastes, and great number of Foxes: The Indians are great Hunters,Hunting. and call the game Chico, but when they are disposed to make a gene­rall feast of huntinge, they ioyne togeather foure or fiue hundred Indians, and place them selues one by one in the compasse of the ground which they meane to hunte, which oftentimes is two or thrée Leagues in circuite, and then they come inclosing foote by foote, by the sound of certaine songes, which they vse to singe for that pur­pose, so that at the end they ioine altogeather in a round, and take each other hand in hand, & some arme in arme, so that they bring in among them a great number of sil­uester Beastes, euen as though they were penned in a Pownd, and than they kil and make their choice at their pleasure: but the excéedinge showtes, and hallowinge which they make, doth not only feare the wilde Beasts, but also oftentimes with the same noyse they amaze the Partriges, and other Foule, that easely they may be ta­ken by hand.

There are also in the Mountaynes, Lyons, and great blacke Beares, wilde Cattes, and Apes of diuerse sorts, and many other kinde of wilde Beastes, vnknowen to our Nation:Foul [...]. The Foule which most frequent y^t plaines and Mountaines, are Eagles, Doues, & Turtle Doues, Quailes, Parats, Hawkes, white & russet, Nightingals, and diuerse other sortes of faire & gallant Foule: alo [...]ge [Page] the Sea coast are Buytres, that hauinge their whinges spred, contayne .15. and .16 [...] palmes or spannes from the point of whinge to whinge: these Buytres féede vpon Zeales when they come on Lande, to sléepe and refresh them selues, than come the Buytres, and season some on the feete, and some on the tayle, and lay such holde on him, that hee cannot stirre whilest other plucke out his eyes, and then they féede on the carkas: there is another sort of foule called Alcatraces, which are like vnto Hens, although much excéeding in greatnes, for his throat will holde three gallons of corne, & of those all along the coast of the South Sea are aboundance, at the leaste for the space of two thousand leagues and more, the chi [...]fe fee­ding of these foules are f [...]h. They haue also another marueylous propertie, which is: They will smell the carkas of a dead man a farre of, so that they wil enter thirty and forty leagues into the land to séeke the dead bodies. The flesh of these foules are of a marueylous euil smell, and [...]ath happened that some for want of foode haue eaten of them, whereof they haue dyed, as of a rancke poyson.

Here before is declared, how in these mountaines there rayneth, hayleth, and snoweth, and in fine, extreme in colde, yet notwithstanding from those high hilles are valleyes descending so deepe, that it may be thought in­credible to some to speake thereof. In which val [...]eys, the heate also is marueylous, and there groweth a cer­teine herbe called Coca, Coca. which the Indians doe estéeme more then golde or siluer: the leaues whereof are like vnt [...] Zumake, the vertue of this herbe knowen by ex­periēce, is, that any hauing of those leaues in his mouth, hath neuer hunger nor thirst.

In some places of those mountaines are no trées at all, so that wayfaring men which passe that way vse to make their fire of tur [...]es, which they finde excéeding good for that purpose.

There are also vaynes of earth of sundrie coloures, [Page 13] and vaynes of golde and Plate: wherof the Indians had vnderstandinge and coulde melte the same better, and with lesse coste than the Christians: they also vsed in the high hilles to make litle Fornaces, with their mouthes toward the Meridian, wheras the winde most ordinary doth blow, and then they lay in the same Fornaces the mettal, with Shéepes doung, & coales, so that the winde doth kindle the fier, and the mettal melteth and cindreth the Golde and Siluer, and yet vnto this day is seene the great aboundance of Siluer, which in this sort is molten in the Mynes of Potosi, which coulde not otherwise bee wrought with Bellowes: so y^t the Indians are the chéefe melters with their small furnaces, which they cal Guay­ras, in their Language, and is as much as to saye, as winde, because the winde doth kindle their Fornaces.

This countrey is so fruitful, that it yéeldeth for one bu­shell of Wheate sowen, 150. yea, and sometime 200. and an hundred for one is ordenary, although they haue no Ploughes to till the ground, but vse to turne it vp with shouels, and so the Indians vse to sow: and likewise they make holes in the ground with a woodden Pin, and put therin Wheat, in such sorte as they vse to set Beanes in Spayne. All kinde of Gardaine carbes, prospereth ex­céedingly: the Indians foode is chéefely boyled Maiz, and toasted [...] in lue of bread, and Deare [...]lesh dried, & also drye fishe, and sundry kindes of Rootes, which they call Iuca, and A [...]is, Amotes, Papas, and such like, with many kinde of earbes: They also vse a certaine kinde of Beueredge in stead of Wine, which they make of Maiz, & the man­ner is, they lay their Maiz in water, in certaine earthen Uessels, which they keepe vnder earth, and there it voy­leth, and besides the whole Maiz, they put therunto a certaine quantity of ground Maiz, the which one Neigh­bour lendeth to another, as wee vse to lende Leuen for Bread.

They hold opinion, y^t the standing water maketh better [Page] and more stronger beueredge, than the running water: This drinke is commonly called Chicha in the Ilande Language, and in the Peru spéeche it is called Acisa: of this drinke there is both white and red, according to the colour of y^e graine wherof it is made. But it is of greater force then any Wine, to ouercome the braine, & to make drunkardes: but yet notwithstandinge if the Indians may haue Spanish Wine, they would not care for their owne naturall drinke. They vse also another sorte of drinke, made of a small fruite which grow vpon certaine Trees called Molles: this drinke is not so precious as the Chicha.

¶ Of the Citties of Christians which are in the Mountaines of Peru. Chap. 9.

IN the Mountaines of Peru, are sundry places of habitacion of Christians, which begin at the Cittie of Quito, Quito. which standeth foure degrees beyond the Equinoctiall: this Cittie in times past was a pleasante thinge, and plentifull of corne and cattell, and in the yeare of 1544. and 45. there was dis­couered ritch Mynes of Gold, wherupō the Cittie began to inlarge his bowndes with inhabitants, and flourished vntill the fury of the cruell warres among the Spany­ardes begon, which was the cause that the most parte of all the Cittizens were slayne by the handes of Gonsalo Pi­sarro and his Captaines, because they did both fauour & serue the Uize-roy Blasco Nunez Vela all the time that he there aboade, as hereafter perticularly shalbe declared: From this Cittie is no poblation of Christians, in the Mountaines, vntill you come to the Prouince of the Bracamoros, which was discouered by Captaine Ihon Por­sell, and Captaine Vergara, who built there certaine Uil­lages, to the intent that from thence they ment to disco­ [...]er forwardes: But these Uillages came to ruine, be­cause [Page 14] Gonsalo Pisarro toke those Captaines and their men to ayde him in his Warres. This Discouery was first taken in hande by the order and consent of the lycenciat Vaca de Castro, who was gouernour of that Prouince, a [...]d sent Captayne Porsell by the coast of Saint Mighell, and farther vp into the Mayne, hee sent Vergara, by the Pro­uince of the Chachapoyas, thinking that they should haue made their entries by seuerall places, although it so hap­pened that both the sayd Captaynes met in their iorney, and fell to discorde about their Discouery, concerning to which of them it should appertaine, so that they were both sente for, by the Gouernour Vaca de Castro to pacifie and take order in the causes of their contencion, so that they were of the first Captaynes, that were at the begin­ninge of the Warres, in the Cittie of the Kinges, in the seruice of the Uice-roy: and after that the sayd Uice-roy was taken prisoner, they abode with Gonsalo Pisarro, and left of their procéeding in the Discouery.

This disco [...]ery reached 160. leagues from the Citie of Quito, along the mountaines, so that other 80. leagues forward standeth the Prouince called Chicapoyas, Chichapoya whe [...]e is a Towne of Christians, intituled Leuanto, Leuanto. and is a fruitfull soyle for all kinde of victuall, and hath also rea­sonable rich Mines. It is wel fortified by reason that it standeth high, and is compassed with a marueylous deepe valley, wherein is a Riuer that runneth almost in cir­cuite of the hill where the Towne standeth.

The Marshall Alonso de Aluarado, was the first that did inhahite this Prouince, vnto whom it was commen­ded. Beyond this prouince about 60. leagues, standeth a­nother Towne of Christians called Guanuco, G [...]anuco which was buylt by the commaundement of the Licensiat Vaca de Castro, who named it Leon, Leon. because hee him selfe was borne in the citie of Leon in Spayne. This towne is well prouided of victuals, and is thought to be aboundāt of Mines, especially towarde that parte, which Prince [Page] Inga holdeth, y^e people wherof were occupied in warres in the Prouince called Andes, as hereafter shal be decla­red: So that beyond this place there is not in the Moun­taine any village of Christians vntil you come to Gua­m [...]nga, which was named Saint Ihon de Victoria, & stan­deth distant from Guanuco sixtie leagues.

This village is but meanly inhabited of Christiās, but it is thought that it wil be better, if the Prince In­ga cease from his warres, who hath vsurped a great part of the best ground thereunto belonging, and specially where the best Mines are, and greatest quantitie of the rich herbe called Coca. From this Towne of Guamanga, vnto the citie of Cusco, is distance 80. leagues: In the which are many plots of Rocky and troublesome way to passe, which causeth great perill vnto y^e wayfaring men. The citie of Cusco before the Christians comming thy­ther, was the chiefest seat & court of the Indian kings of all the whole Prouince, so that from that princely citie was gouerned and ruled all those countreis and Pro­uinces here before declared, and hereafter shalbe decla­red. To this citie al the Cascikes or noble men resorted from all places of the Empire to bring their tributes ap­pertaining to the Prince, as also to deale about particu­lar affayres, and to demaund iustice in their suites one with another.

In all the whole dominions of that countrey, there was not any place of habitacion that had the Maiestie or manner of a cittie, but onely Cusco, where was a fayre Fortresse, wrought of square stones, which were so huge and great, that it was a wonder how they were brought thither, by Indian strength of men, without helpe of Oxen, Muyles, or other Beastes: and yet there are some one stone, that tenne yoake of Oxen could not with their strength mooue them from the place from whence they were brought: and the houses wherin the christians dwell in at this day, are the very same that the Indians [Page 15] made for their owne dwellinge: so that some of those houses are repaired, and other increased of the same fa­shion. The cittie was deuided into foure partes, in such order, that all such as came thither to dwel or to lodge in, Kinge Inga commaunded that they should lodge or inha­bite in the streat which lay toward the place frō whence they came. Those which came from the South parte were called collasmo, by the name of a Towne called collao: and hee which came from the North, was called chinchasuyo, by reason of a Prouince which lay that way called Chincha, which is now appertaininge to the Em­perour, and is vnhabited and nothing worth: and in this manner they name accordingly the other two partes which lyeth East, and West, Andesuyo and Condesuyo [...] so y^t no Indian might dwell or lodge in any other streat, but only in that streat which lay towarde the place from whence hee came, vpon a great penalty.

All the countrey neare adioyning to the cittie, is ex­céeding plentifull of all kinde of victuals, and exceedinge healthfull, for it is approued that any sound man of bo­dy that commeth into this countrey, doth long continue in health. It is inuironed with many ritch Mines of golde, out of the which hath bene gathered the infinite summe, which vntill this day hath beene brought into Spayne, although now since the discouery of the Mines of Potosi, they leaue the gold mines, and worke in those siluer Mines, because therein they finde a greater gaine then in the golde workes, and also is gotten with lesse danger both of Indians and christians, which deale in those affaires.

From the citie of cusco to the Towne called Villa de Plata, Villa de [...]la­ta. which stādeth in the Prouince of charcas, are 150. leagues and more, and in the midway standeth a great prouince in the plaine called collao, which is about fiftie leagues long. The principals [...] part thereof is called Chiquito, which now appertaineth to his Maiestie. And be­ing [Page] so great a peece of ground vnhabited of christians, the Licensiat Dela Gasca in Anno .45. commaunded to buylt a village in the prouince of Collao.

This town called Villa de Plata, is a place of extreme colde, & none like vnto it in al the mountaines, by meane of which colde there are few dwellers, but those which abide there are marueilous ritch, and those few inhabi­tants of this towne abide the most parte of the yere in the mines which are in the circuite of Porco and Potosi, as hereafter shalbe declared.

From Villa de Plata entringe inwarde to the maine on the left hand Eastward was discouered by commaundement of the Licensiat Vaca de Castro, who sent for that purpose captaine Di [...]go de Ro [...]as, and Philip Gutierez to the Prouince which now is called by the name of Diego de Rojas, and is reported to be a good and holesome coun­trey, aboundant of al necessary victuall, howbeit the tre­sure of Mines expected, was not there found, for which consideration captaine Domingo de Italia, and his compa­nions came into Peru, in anno 49. so that in conclusion, they trauailed all the Lande that is between the South Sea, and the Northe Sea, at the time when they wente vp the Ryuer of Plate, in discouery of the Northen coast.

This is the scituation of all the Lande discouered, & inhabited throughout the Prouince of Peru, toward the South Sea, presupposing the Discouery along y^e South coast, without entry into the Mayne, because in the dis­couery of the Mayne, the certaintie is not yet knowen, by reason of the troublesome and perrilous wayes, that leadeth y^e course both with colde, double cragged Hilles, destitute of victuals, and al comfort for man: yet neuer­thelesse the Spanyardes would not haue feared these great perrils,Spanyards. if they had not doubted the gayne of trea­sure, which they thought was not to bee had in that pro­ceedinge.

Of the opinion which the Indians had concerning their creation and other thinges. Chap. 10.

WHere as the Indians had no kinde of writing, as before is declared, they knew not the Ori­gen of their creation, nor yet the ende which the Worlde had, at the time of Noes Fludde. But accordinge to the iudgemente and heresay of their Auncestors from time to time.

These people helde opinion, that out of the partes of Sep [...]en [...]ion, came a man that had neither bone nor ioynt and when hee went any whither, hée both shortned and also enlarged the way, accordinge to his owne will: hee also, said they, set vp some hilles and threw downe other: and this was he, said they, that first created the Indians, but this Creator with a displeasure that hée tooke with his People of the Playnes, conuerted their countrey in­to Sande, and commaunded that it should neuer Rayne in those Playnes: Yet in the mittigacion of his wrath, hee sente them out of the Mountaynes, the Riuers to comfort them. This their God, was called among them Con, who was a [...]cordinge to their opinion, the childe of the Sunne and the Moone, and this Con was helde for their God, whom they honoured and worshipped: and it was hée, said they, that did maintayne them with earbes and siluester fruites. But afterward out of the South, came a great God, called Pachacama, who propperly was called Creator, who also was the childe of the Sunne and Moone, but after his comming their God Con vanished away, and left hi [...] people without a Captayne, by meane wherof Pachacama conuerted thē into Foule, Apes, Cats, Beares, Lyons, Parrattes, and sundrye other kinde of Foules, which now abound in that countrey, and hee it was, say they, that created the Indians which are at this day, and gaue them industry to pl [...]ugh the ground, and to plant Trees: hee was onely holden for God, and all the [Page] principall men which deceased in that countrey, were caryed to be buryed in the Prouince which is called Pa­chancama, after his name. In which Prouince his cheefe abyding was, and standeth foure leagues from the city of y^e Kinges. This God Pachacama abode among thē till the comming of the Christians into Peru, and after their comming be neuer more appeared, wherupon it is thought that it was some deuil which made them beleue all those vanities.

These Indians hold opinion that there was in time past an vniuersall flood, at which time their auncesters escaped in ca [...]es, which they had buylt for that purpose in the highe hilles, where, and before the flood they had layde in theyr prouision of victualles: And when [Page 16] they went into those canes they dammed vp the little doores wherat they entred, to defend them from the wa­ter. And when they vnderstoode that the water vani­shed away, they first put out their dogs, and when they returned vnwet, then were they sure that the flood was past, and then came they out of their caues. Also they say that with the moysture which remayned of the flood, came the snakes to breede, which did greatly annoy thē, [...]owbeit in proces of time they were destroyed.

Also, it is most true, that they had intelligence of the ge­nerall flood, but they knew not that Noe did escape in the Arke, with seuē persons, which did againe replenish the worlde: but they imagined that they escaped in the Caues, as before is declared: but yet their flood mought be particuler, as was the flood of Deucalion.

They beléeue also, that the world shall haue an ende, but before the end (say they) shall come a great drought, and shall not rayne in many yeares: and to prouide for that time of necessitie, the Noble men had great large houses built, to kéepe their Graine in store, against the time of drought. Whan the Sun or Moone is eclipsed, than they make a terrible cry, with feare, thinking that the last day is comen, and that all shall perishe: they be­léeue assuredly, that the Sun & the Moone shall lose their light, euen as whan either of them is eclipsed.

Of the Rites and Sacrifices of the Indians, vsed among them in Peru. Chap. 11.

THis people adore and worship the Sun and the Moone for Gods, and the earth for their Mother: in stead of y^e sun, they haue in their Temples certaine stones, which they wor­ship, and are called Guacas, which is the name of mourninge and wéepinge, and euen so they wéepe when they enter into their Temples, they pre­sume not to come neare their Guacas or Idolles, but onely such as are Ministers, appointed for that seruice, [Page] and those priests or ministers ware white garments, & when they make intercession to those Idols, then take they certain white clothes in their hands, & prostrating themselues on the ground, they make their supplicatiōs to the idols in such a language, that y^e other Indians vn­derstand not. These priests also receaued such offerings as was offered to the idols, & buried the same in the tem­ple, for the offrings were alwaies either gold or siluer, or images made like vnto the thing which ech person most desired. Those priests vsed to sacrifice both men & cattel, but in the harts & lights of men, after they are taken out of the bodies, they behold and marke certain signes & to­kens, and the like of beasts, and vntil they finde the signe which they seke for, they cease not to kil [...] both man & beast, for (say they) vntill we finde the signes that we looke for, our gods are not pleased w^t our sacrifice. Those priestes did seldome go abroad into the town, nor yet lie with any woman in the time of sacrifice, and al the night long they ceased not crying out with loud voyces, inuocating y^e de­uils in the fields wh [...]ras this Guacas were, of which ther was many, for vnto euery Indians house appertained a Guaca. But when they should talke w^t the deuil, they first fast, & sow vp their eye lids, yea, & some breake their eies because they are excéeding deuout in their wicked, horri­ble, & blinde religion. Their Cascikes or noble men, doe take nothing in hand without they first consult with the idol priests, or speking more plainly, with the deuil. The Spaniards found in many of those temples of the Sun, certain great earthen vessels, ful of dried children, which had beene sacrificed. And among those, péeces of siluer & gold, which were found among those Guacas, were also found cros staues, and miters, naturally like vnto those which bishops vse, and some images had the like miters on their heads. When father Thomas de Verlango, bishop de tierra firme, came into Peru, & there hauinge his Miter on his head, at deuine seruice, y^e Indians thought verily that he was a Guaca, and demaunded if he were y^e Guaca [Page 17] of the Christians. They did also many times enquire to what purpose they vsed the miter, but they could yeld no reason for it, sauing that it was an ornamēt of great an­tiquitie. Beside this Guacas throughout Peru were many houses or monasteries, wherin a great number of wemē were dedicated to the Sun.Cloyste [...] wemen. These wemē after they were once entred into those houses, they neuer came forth a­gaine, but there cōtinued spinning & weauing very good cloth of cotton wool, & shéepes wool. And when their cloth was wrought and finished, they burned the same with y^e bones of white sheepe, and then tooke the ashes & threw them into the aire toward the Sun. These wemen liued chaste: but if by hap any offended against chastitie, they slew her for her labour: but contrariwise if any chaunced to be with child, thē she was put to her purgation by oth, & if she sware that she was gotten with child by the Sun, then was she pardoned of death. At the time of haruest when the Indians gathered in their corne called Maiz, they vsed yerely to make a solemne feast, and in y^t fairest place of the towne they pitch into the ground two masts like sōmerpoles, vpon the top of each they placed y^e image of a man, and the middle of the poales are trimmed with flowers: Then come they in foure seueral companies w^t their drummes, and by the sound of their drummes they come also making a great noyse, ech company throwing their wands at the images, and after they haue so done, then cōmeth the priest bringing an idol, which they place at the foote of the poales, before whō they sacrifice either a man or a sheepe, and with the bloud of either of them, they annoynt the Idole. This done they take the hart & lights to search for their accustomed signes & tokens. And then they signifie therby vnto the people what shal happen, vpon which newes, the feaste is either pleasant or sad, and all that day they spend in daunsing and drink­ing, and in other pastimes which they vse with instru­ments of musick according to their maner w^t their wea­pons in their hands, which are hatchets, & clubs, and such like.

The opinion which these Indians holde concerninge the resurrection. Chap. 12.

THe Cascikes of Peru, & al the principall persons in the Land, they do vse to bury in vaultes, sit­ting in chaires, and haue vpon them and about them, all their ritch clothing: they were wont to burie also with them one or two of their wiues, which were best beloued. It hath happened about this poinct, sometime the wiues to go to law, to approoue which was best beloued, and to auoide that discord, the husband doth leaue determined before his death, who was his best be­loued: they also buried aliue with him two or thrée boyes or Pages of seruice: they layd also into the graue al his vessell of Golde and Siluer. The effecte and meaninge hereof was, that they beleeued to rise againe in another worlds, and therfore they would not then be to séeke for such furniture or seruice. So than when the Spanyards came to breake vp those Sepulchres, for the gold & plate that was in them, the Indians besought them that they would not scatter y^e bones, because (said they) their bones béeinge togeather, they shall more easely, and with less [...] paine rise againe. The obsequies which their kinsfolke make for them is in this sort, from the top of the Graue there goeth a pipe made of Cane, that reacheth down in­to the mouth of the dead, wherunto the kinsefolke do oftē put into the drinke or beuaredge, called Chicha: they also make vpon their Graues the Image of the ded, made of wood, and other cōmon folke hath the signe of their occu­pacion made vpō their graues, but the Souldier or man of War, hath a remēbrance according to his valiantnes.

Of the Origen of the Kings of Peru, called Ingas. Chap. 13.

IN all the Prouinces of Peru, were principall persons, called in the Indian tongue Curacas, which is as much to saye, as Cascikes, in the Iland spéeche, because the Spanyardes which [Page 28] came to conquer in Peru, had learned these names in the Iland of Santo Domingo, Cuba, Sainct Ihon, and in Tierra­firme, where they had dwelt, so that at their first cōming thyther, they vnderstood not the proper names of things in the Peru speach by meane wherof the Indians them­selues at this day vse to name those things according to the Spanyards termes of speech, and therfore they leaue from callinge their noble men Curaca, and call them Cascikes, and the corne or graine which they were wont to call Sara, they called Maiz, and the drinke which they called Asua, they now call Cieha.

These noble men did maintaine their vassals in peace and quietnes, & in time of war they were their captains: In this sorte they liued without any generall Prince throughout the land, vntil such time as from the partes of Collao, came from the great lake called Ti [...]icaca, which is in circuite nere 80. Leagues, certaine warlike persōs, which were called Ingas, they vsed to haue the here of their heads rounded, & heales in their eares, wherat did hang round peeces of gold: The eare in their language was called Ringrym. The chéefest of this newcome peo­ple was called Sapalla Inga, which is as much to saye, as onely Lorde, although some saye hee was called Inga Vira Cocha, which is to saye, the scumme or fatnes of the Sea, for because they knew not the Origine from whence they came. They beléeued that they were bred of the sayde great lake, out of the which runneth a Riuer toward the East, which in some places is halfe a league broad, and this Riuer falleth into ano­ther litle lake 40. leagues distant frō the great lake, and there consumeth without any other vent, with great ad­miration of such as would consider how so great a Riuer should consume in so small a lake. But the said lake is of such depth that they can finde no bottome.

Wherefore it is thought, that by the inwarde bowels of the earth, the water entreth into the Sea, as [...]oth the Riuer Alpheo in Greece. [Page] This Ingas begā first to inhabit the citty of Cusco, & from thence they conqu [...]red & brought into subiectiō al y^e land, & their children successiuely inherited the Empire: that is to say, not the eldest son, but rather the second brother is alwaies successiuely heire to his eldest brother, & whē brethren wāteth to inherit, thā the eldest son inheriteth. The token or Crowne which those Princes vsed, was a Tassel made of red wooll, which was worne vpon their heds, & came down to their eies, so y^t when any gouernor was appointed to rule in any part of the realme, thā was deliuered vnto him, one of the threds of the Kings tassal, so y^t with one of those simple threds, hée was obayed and esteemed euen as though the persō royal had bin present, the like was neuer séene in any place of the world: Nay, moreouer, I am bold to say, y^t the obediēce of those people vnto their Prince was such, that it hath happened one of those gouernors hauing but y^e only thred frō his Prince,A maru [...]i­lous obedi­ence. & béeing sent therwith, hath slayne both men & wemen, of a whole Prouince, without any greater power, wri­ting, or cōmission: But when those poore subiectes saw y^e thred, they submitted them selues euen vnto death.

By succession of those Kinges, Ingas, the State came vnto one called Guaynacaua, which is to say, a ritch young man, and hée it was that had gotten most coūtreyes to the augmenting of the estate, hée was also a louer of Iustice, and executed the same throughout his land, and brought the countrey to pollicy & tillage, which was thought in those daies a thinge vnpossible, that a barbarous people without learning and Letters, should gouerne with such consent & order, & his subiectes also to shew them selues so louing & obedient, in such wise, y^t to shew their louing ha [...]ts toward their Prince, they made two notable high waies in Peru, yea, such, y^t it were very vnméet they shuld be without remēbrance, for none of those thinges which olde writers account to be of the seuen maruailes of the world, was wrought with such difficultie, paines, & cost, as those high waies were made, when this Prince Guay­nacaua [Page 19] went from the Cittie of Cusco with his Armie, to conquer the cittie of Quito, which is neare 500. leagues distant, going by way of the mountaines, in which iorney hee was sore troubled, because those waies were so Roc­kie & perrilous, yea, and a man would haue thought thē vnpossible to passe: wherupon the Indians thought it meete & conuenient to make a highe way for him, by the which he might returne with victory from the conquest: and to accōplish the same, they tooke the worke in hand, & began the same along the mountaine side, both brode and plaine, & with force brake downe the rockes for that pur­pose, so that al those barrankes or gutters, which came from a high out of the Mountaines, were filled and made euen with the same way, only by force of hand, yea, some time they were forced to carry vpwardes y^e stuffe for the worke, aboue 20. fadom, so that this high way or cawsey indureth fiue hundred leagues & more. The reporte is, that whan the way was finished, a Cart ladē might passe all the way: but since y^e time, with the warres betweene the Christians & Indians, this high waie is now spoiled, to disturbe such as should passe that way: and who had séene this way, mought wel consider the charges, by the making plaine of only two leagues of mountaine, which are between two cities in spaine, called Segouia, & Gua­darrama, which was as yet neuer perfectly finished, being an ordinary high way, by the which the kings of Spaine do passe, when they trauaile with their householdes into Andaluzia, or into the kingdome of Toledo. These Indi­ans not cōtented with so famous a peece of worke, when at another time their Prince Guaynacaua determined to visit the Prouince of Quito, which he intirely loued, be­cause it was his owne conquest: hee went by the way of y^e plaines, where his said subiectes made for him another high way, almost as costly as the mountayn way, because the riuers where their gréene and fresh things do grow, doth occupy in some places neare three miles from the Riuer, through the which they wrought a Cawsey fortie [...] [Page] of earthen walles on ech side, which were of thrée yardes of height. They cōtinued tbe same high way through the sandy places, with euident marks that the passengers could not mis their way, which also e [...]dureth all along y^e said space of 500. leagues. But now these marks are spoiled also by meane of the sayd warres, but the walles of y^e waies in the valleys are at this day whole & soūd, wher­by the greatnes & maiestie of the work may easily be iudged, so that the prince Guaynacaua went out by the one, & returned by y^e other, hauing al the way as he should pas trimmed w^t boughes & flowers of maruailous swéetnes.

Of the notable things that Guaynacaua caused to be done in Peru. Cap 14.

[Page 21]BEsides those famous high wayes before de­ [...]lared, Guanacaua commaunded to buyld at euery ten Leagues end, in the mountayne [...]ayes, certaine houses made of a greate [...]readth, wherein were sundry repertitiōs, and roomes sufficient to receiue his owne person when he should passe that way with all his familie and armie, & the like in the other high way in the plaines, although not so nighe the one to the other as the buildinge in the mountaines: But according as the riuers lay, so was the building by reason of succour and prouision of wa­ter, and in this sort they stoode distant fifteene, yea, and twentie Leagues. These lodginges were called Tam­bos, whereas the Indians, in whose iurisdiction they fel, had prouision alwayes in store of all thinges necessarie for his armie and hoast, not only of meate and drinke, but also of all kinde of armour, apparrel, and weapon, which they vsed for the warres, in such sort, that one of those Tambos, if nede required, was able to furnish in e­uery respecte twenty or thirtie thousand fighting men.

This Prince caryed with him for his garde a great number of men of warre, with pikes, halberds, clubbes, and battle axes, of siluer, copper, and some of gold, and al­so seuerall sorts of slinges.

They made bridges for Riuers, of timber, and those Riuers which were so broad that those kinde of bridges would not serue, they vsed for them mightie long cables made of a certain kinde of Rushes, called Maquey, which is more stronger then hempe. These cables are made fast on ech side of the Riuer, so that from the one side to the other there were of length 200. paces.

And by skilfull arte, a certaine litle vessell like vnto a great basket serueth to passe ouer the wayfaring men, by the stay and helpe of the cable. These kindes of pas­sages the Indians doe maintaine at their costes & char­ges: I meane those of the iurisdiction where they fall.

[Page] Princelie estate.The king vsed to goe in his Litter made of plates of golde, which Litter was not drawen with any kinde of beasts, but only caried vpō noble mens shoulders, which alwayes attēded at his court, to the number of one thou­sand: who were also his best beloued, and of his counsell. Likewise these noble men when they went abroad, & at­tended not on the king, were also caried in Litters vpon their vassals shoulders. These Casikes had their prince in great honor, reuerence and estimation: so that when any Piere or great Estate had occasion to come to his Princes presence, his duetie was to come barefooted, & to bring his mantel on his shoulder, with some present wrapped therein to present to his Soueraigne, in token of duetie and obedience: So that if occasion serued to talk with y^e Prince twēty times in one day, so oftē were they bound to bring him some new gift. Likewise, it was holden for a great offence to looke their Prince in the face, and if it hapned any of them to stumble when they carryed the Prince in his Litter, his head was stricken of for his labour.

In euery halfe league was appointed for the Princes seruice a foote Poast, which ordinarily did runne with greater speede then the horse poast. When this Prince had conquered any Prouince, forthwith he commaūded the chiefest men of that place to be sent into some other Prouince of his kingdome already in subiection: And the Inhabitants there to come and abide in the Prouince newly discouered, for the greater securitie of his estate. And these people that were in this sort changed frō one Prouince to another were called Mitimaes. Miti [...]aes.

Out of euery Prouince throughout his whole Domi­niō they brought yerely vnto their prince certein tribute of such things as the countrey yealded, in so much that in some barrain soiles where no good commoditie grew, yet from thence they sent yerely also to the king in token of duetie & obedience certain loades, called burthens of litle Lizarts, as far as 300. leagues from cusco. [Page 22] This Prince Guaynacaua did réedifie the Temple of the sun, which was of old time foūded in the citie of Cusco, & séeled the Roofes and walles thereof with boordes of sil­uer and golde. And because a certaine noble mā which [...]welled in the playnes had rebelled against him, called chimocappa, chimocappa who was a man of great possession, and had more then one hundred leagues of ground, he went per­sonally against him, & slew him in the field, & cōmaunded that from thenceforth no Indiā of the plaines should at any time were weapon, which o [...]der is kept vntill this day: yet notwithstanding his successor enioyed through the Princes fauour, y^e prouince of chimo, where at this present standeth the citie of Trugillio.

Guaynacaua and his father toke an order for the bree­ding of cattaile, by meane whereof the coūtrey was wel prouided, out of the which they payd tithing, which they sacrificed to the sun. The chiefe cause of the estimation of gold amōg the Indians, was because the king made al the vessell for the seruice of his court of that mettal, and also Iewels for his person, & offerings for the Temple. The king had alwaies a chaire of gold caried with him to sit in, of 16. carrets in fines, which was estéemed at 25000 dukets, & this chaire was one of the things y^e Don Fran­cisco Pisarro chose for his iewel at the time of y^e conquest: For according to the articles of agréement betwéene his Maiestie & him, was agreed that of y^e best Iewels which should be found or taken at any victorye, hee should haue one out of y^e first choise of the whole treasure. At y^e birth of the first manchild which Guaynacaua had, he cōmāded a cable of gold wier to be made in remēbrance of y^e birth of his sonne, that was of such greatnes, as many Indiās do affirme which are as yet liuing, that 200. strong men could scarcely lift or beare, and also in remembrance of this memorable iewel he named his sōne Guasca, which in y^e Indiā spéech is called a cable or great rope, & added therunto for his sirname Inga, which is as much to say, as Emperour.

[Page]This example, I thought good to declare in this place for to conuince an opinion which is held in Spayne, a­mong such as know not the fashions of India, and was, how that people esteemed no golde nor yet knew the va­lew therof: although it is true that they had many strāge vessels wrought of siluer and golde, and also images of men, wemen, sheepe, and many other kinde of beasts, and sundry kindes of herbes, wrought in the same metall, of exceeding cunning workmanship.

Of the estate of the warres when the Spaniards came into Peru. Chap. 15.

ALthough the principal intent of this Historie, was to set out the things hapned to the Spa­niards which at that time conquered the land, and of their discouery since. But sithens this could not wel be done without touching somewhat of the estate of the Indians which then ruled: And also that it may be vnderstood it was the diuine permission that the Spaniards should come thither at such time as the land was deuided into two parcialities, for otherwise, it wold haue séemed not only difficult, but also almost impossible. Therefore I will recite in briefe the estate which the Spaniards found the countrey in at their arriual.

After that Guaynacaua had brought into subiection to great a number of Prouinces to his Empire, for y^e space of 500. Leagues, accounting from Cusco westward, hée then determined to goe (in person) to conquere the Pro­uince of Quito, in the vttermost part whereof finished his dominion. So that he prouided on his iorney thither­ward with a great armye, and being come thither, and hauing finished and quyeted that Prouince, he delighted much in that countrey, because it was a pleasant Soyle and holesome for his complection, whereupon hee abode there a great space, leuing in the citie of Cus [...]o certain of [Page 23] his Sonnes and Daughters, amonge whom was his el­dest sonne, called Guascar Inga, Mango Inga, and Paulo Inga and diuerse others. And in Quito hee married another Wife, Daughter vnto the Lorde of that Countrey, and of her hee begot a Sonne, called Atabaliba, who hee loued excéedinglye: so that now hée determined to returne to Cusco, leauinge his Sonne with a Tutor in Quito, but in this returne, hee found the Calsey in the Mountayne broken and spoyled, as herebefore hath béene declared.

After hee had abode in Cusco certaine yeares, hee de­termined to returne againe to Quito, not onely because that Countrey contented him much, but also with desire to sée his Wife, and young Sonne, whom he loued more than any other of his Children: and this Iorney hee tooke in hande, by the highe waye that was made in the Playnes, and from this time forward, hee retourned no more to Cusco, but abode all his life time in Quito, & gaue that Land or Prouince which hee had with force conque­red, to his Sonne Atabaliba, because the same had béen of his Grandfathers.

Whan Guaynacaua died, his Sonne Atabaliba tooke poces­sion of his Armye, and of all his Fathers ritches, which were in that Prouince, although his greatest treasure was lefte in his Treasury in the Cittie of Cusco, in the custody of his eldest Sonne, vnto whom, Atabaliba sente Embassadors, giuinge him to vnderstand, the decease of his Father, and also submittinge himselfe to his obedi­ence, beséechinge his Maiesty that hée would ratifie the gift of his Prouince of Quito, which the Father of them both had left vnto him, considering that, that Prouince of Quito was conquered by their Father; after the ma­ryage with his Mother: and moreouer, the Lande came by his Mother, and Auncestors, and was not pertayning to the Crowne of cusco, or his inheritance.

Guascar made answere, that hée should come to Cusco and render vp vnto him the Army, and in so dooinge, hee [Page] would giue vnto, such Landes as should maintaine him like a man: but the state of Quito hée shoulde not haue, because it was the vttermost part of his Kingdome, and from thence hée ment to conquer forward, and alwaies there to maintayne a Garrison as a Frontier: And if vpon this warninge hee refused to come vnto him that then hée would bend his power against him, as an open enemy.

Atabaliba tooke counsell vpon this matter, with two of his Fathers Captaynes, who were both wise and valy­ant in the Warres. The one was called Quizquiz, and the other cilicuchima, who counsailed that hee should not abide his Brothers comminge, but that it might please him to begin to take that enterprise in hand, to méet him and to offer him the Battaile, if hee would not graunt to his request: and in so dooing, hée might easely possesse all the Prouinces through the which hée should passe: and in this sorte his Army should daily increase, yea, and also by this meanes should force his Brother to graunt vnto his desire: this councell liked him well, wherupon hee personally with his whole Hoast departed from Quito, and dayly incroched the Countrey into his handes: Guas­car hearinge of this newes, sente to encounter with him one of his cheefest Captaynes, with a company of light foote men, the which with great speede came to a Pro­uince called Tumibamba, one hundred Leagues distante from Quito, and there hauing notice how Atabaliba pro­céeded forward with all his power, they dispatched a post to Cusco to Guascar, aduertising him of the procéedinge of Atabaliba, and besought him to send forthwith vnto them 2000. of the expertest men of Warre, for with them and vnder their gouernment, they had ready 30000 men of that onely Prouince, which people were called Canares, vnto which their request, Guascar prouided accordingly: and when those 2000 men were come, there ioyned with them the Casikes of Tumibamba, and the Chaparas, Paltas, [Page 24] and Canares, these affaires béeinge knowen to Atabaliba, hee came with his power, and gaue them battaile,Battaile. in the which many were slaine on both sides, and the power of Atabaliba ouerthrowen, and hee himselfe taken prisoner vpō the Bridge of the Riuer of Tumibamba, and whilest the Souldiers of Guascar were occupied in pastimes, and drunkennesse, triumphing of the victory: a certaine wo­man gaue in at a Window to Atabaliba where hee was Prisoner, a Bar of Copper, wherwith hee brake downe a Wal, & so fled vnto Quito, which was about 25. leagues from thence, and there began to geather another Hoaste of men, makinge them beleeue that his Father had con­uerted him into a Snake, whan hée was Prisoner, and by that meanes hee was delyuered out of Prison, cree­pinge out at a hole, and that his Father also promised him victorye, if hee retourned agayne vpon his enemies:Seconde Bat­tail [...]. wherupon his people willingly wente with him, and in­countered agayne with his enemies, and gaue them the ouerthrowe, but many were slayne on both sides: so that vntill this day remaineth heapes of boanes of those that at that time were slayne.

Atabaliba béeinge incouraged with this greate victo­rye, determined to goe against his Brother: and when hee came to Canares hee slew neare 60000. persons, be­cause they were agaynst him in the first Battayle, so that hee consumed them all with Fier and Swoorde, and beate downe playne with the grounde all their Habitacions, and Towne of Tumibamba, which was planted in a fayre Playne, neare vnto three fayre Riuers.

From this place hee went conqueringe all the way as hee wente, and of such as wente about to resist him, hée left not one aliue: But such as came vnto him offeringe their seruice, hee did louingly receaue, and in this man­ner his Hoast dailye increased: and when hee came to Tumbez hée minded to conquer by Sea the Ile of Puna, [Page] but the Casike of that Iland, came and defended his pur­pose with a great number of Raffes: Atabaliba consider­inge that the conquest of that place would require more time, and also hauing in remembrance how his Brother Guascar was comming towards him with all his power, h [...]e therfore procéeded on his iorney towardes Cusco, and when hee was come to Caxamalca, there hée stayed, and sente two of his Captaynes with 4000. men to discouer the way: and when they had discryed the Campe of Guas­car, they returned secretly by another way, in the which by chaunce they mette with 700. of the cheefest men of Guascars Campe, among whom was Guascar him selfe, so that the company of Atabaliba set vpon them and slew the most of them, and tooke Guascar Prisoner, wherupon all Guascars Hoast inuironed them about, with determi­nacion to haue slayne them all. The Captaynes on the behalfe of Atabaliba, Gu [...]scar takē P [...]iso [...]er. commaunded Guascar to warne his Captaynes to staye their procéeding, for otherwise, they would cut of his hedde: for sayde they, our Princes com­minge is not to indamage you, but that you would con­sent that hée may quietly inioy his estate of Quito, reser­uing his obedience, and vassallage towards you. When Guascar had heard and vnderstood his Brothers desire, and also with feare of his life, hee commaunded his men of Warre to procéede no further, but incontinent to re­tire back [...] againe to Cusco, which was forthwith accor­dingly performed.

When Ataebaliba vnderstood his great good fortune, hee commaunded his Captaynes to bring his Brother Pri­soner vnto him, to Caxamalca, where hee abode his com­ming. At this in [...]tant, came [...]on Francisco Pisarro, with all his company of Spanyardes, which hee had brought with him into Peru, so that hee had now oportunitie to begin his conquest, as at large in this second Booke shal­be declared, for the Hoaste of Guascar, for the most parte, were fledde, and also the Army of Atabaliba, for the most part, were discharged.

of the Conquest which was atchiued in the Prouince of Peru, by Don Francisco Pisarro, and his company. Chap. I,

IN the former Boke is declared, how Don Francisco Pi­sarro abode in Panama, after his returne from Spayne, prepa­ringe thinges necessary, for the procéedinges of the Conquest of Peru, yea, and also Don Diego de Almagro, did furnish that voyage with as great a good will and charge, as at the first hee had begon, for in him onely did consist the principall cre­dit and stocke: but some cause of slacknes was, because Don Francisco Pisarro had not remembred his good will and déedes, when hée was in Spayne, nor yet brought any kinde of countenance of fauour for him, from the Emperours Maiestie: but yet with sufficiente excuses they ioyned agayne into fréendship, although hee neuer after bare any cordiall good will to his Brethren, especi­ally to Fernando Pisarro, who hee tooke to bee his Capital enemy.

Don Francisco fraughted the Ship of Hernando Ponce de Leon, in the which hée shipped himselfe & his foure Bre­thren, and also the most of his companye, of Horsemen and Footemen, with great difficultie, because many of them stoode in doubt of the Conquest, by meanes of the vnfortunate successe and repulses happened the yeares before: hee hoysed vp Sayles in the beginninge of the yeare .1531. and the winde beeinge contrary, hee was forced to alande his men a hundred Leagues on this side the place that hee pretended.

And trauailing alonge the Coast, they were in great [Page] extremity of victualles, by meane that they coulde not passe the Riuers, but only by swimminge, as well men as Horses: in which troubles, the valiant minde & cou­rage of Don Francisco, did greatly animate them, yea, and the great perrill of his owne person, who letted not to passe ouer vpon his owne shoulders, suche as could not swimme, vntill at length they came to a Towne of In­dians by the Sea side, called Coaque, Coaque. which was ritche of Marchandize, and plentifull of victuals, where hee com­forted his men which were weake, & brought low, with their troublesome Iorney.

From this Towne, hee sent two shippes to Panama, and Nicaragua, and in them the somme of 30000. Castlins of Golde, which hée had taken vp in Coaque, to the intent that they mought sée in those Citties the likelyhoode of gayne, that might ensue of their trauailes, and to encou­rage them to follow his steps.

In this Towne of Coaque, they found some Emralds which were excéeding good, and fine: this Towne stan­deth vnder the Equinoctiall Lyne: there were some through couetousnes, lost much money, because they vn­derstoode not the finenes nor goodnes of those stones, for they made their experience, taking Hammers to prooue the hardnes of the stones, and so they spoyled many faire and ritch Iewels. After they had abode here a while, his men were vexed with y^e sort of small Poxe, of which heretofore hath béene spoken, so that fewe or none of all his Army escaped: Notwithstandinge, the Gouernour perswaded them, that euill constillacion of that Clymat, was the cause, wherupon they procéeded forward, vntill they came to the Prouince, called Puerto Viejo, conquer­ing and pacifiyng the People, all the way as they went. At this place met with them, Captaine Venealcasar, and Ihon Fores, who were come from Nicaragua with their ship, in which they brought certaine Footmen, and Hors [...] men.

Of the thinges which happened to the Gouernour, in the Iland of Puna, and the Conquest of the same. Chap. 2.

THe Prouince of Puerto Viejo beeinge paci­fied, the Gouernour with his company toke the way toward Tumbez, and there hée de­termined to passe vpon Raffes, which were prouided into the Ilande of Puna, which standeth in y^e front of Puerto Viejo, so that he passed ouer his Horsemen & Footemen with great daunger, because the Indian had deuised to cut the Ropes, wherwith the Raffes were bound, and in that sorte to drowne & spoile his men. This pollicy beeing vnderstood by the Go­uernour, hée gaue warning to all his company, that each should haue his Sword neare drawen, and to haue a vi­gilant eye to euery Indian. Whan they were arriued at the Iland, the Indians came and offered them peace, and also curteously entertained them: Notwithstanding they had prepared a Snare or Ambush to haue slayne them all that night: howbeit the Gouernour had notice therof, wherupon hée forthwith set vpon them, and tooke their Cascike Prisoner: Yet neuerthelesse, the next day, the Gouernour and all his men were inuironed with Indians, men of Warre. Than the Gouernour and his Brethren with great courage, toke their horses, and pla­ced their men in good order, and sent other some, for the sauegard of the ships which rode neare the shoare.

The Spanyards fought so manfully, that in short time the Indiā enemies were put to flight & many of thē woū ­ded & slaine, at which assault (only) .3. Spanyards were slaine, but diuerse sore hurte, especially Gonsalo Pisarro, who was daungerously wounded on his knée. Th [...]n ar­riued Captaine Hernando de Soto with moe men, aswell footmen as horsemē, which also came frō Nicaragua, so y^t now the Indians beinge fled to their Raffes, they wan­dered amonge the Marishes in such sorte, that they were safe from the Christians.

[Page]Then determined the Gouernour to passe vnto Tum­bez, after he had deuided among his soldiars the spoyle of gold and other things which they had there obtained, and also because that Iland was very apt to diseases, lying nere vnto the Equinoctiall.

How the Gouernour came to Tumbez, and of the conquest which he made vntill he had inhabited the citie of Saint Mighell. Chap. 3.

IN this Iland of Puna were captiues aboue 600. men and wemen of Tumbez, and one principall person of Tumbez also, who was likewise captiue: the Gouernour gaue them all their liberty, and sente them home into their Countrey, and when hée him selfe had taken ship­pinge, to passe vnto Tumbez, hée sente thrée of his men with some of those Indians, whom hée had set at liberty, thinking that the Townes men of Tumbez would haue beene thankefull, for the good tourne receiued: so that his thrée men passed with certayne of those Indians vp­on a Raffe, and arriued sooner than the Gouernour. But as soone as they were arriued, the Indians sacrifi­ced those three Spanya [...]ds to their Idols, in recompence of the great liberalitie which the Gouernour had exten­ded to them, in the deliuering them out of captiui [...]ie: the like also had hapned to Captayne Hernando de Soto, who also had passed vpon a Raffe, with one of his men which attended on him, if by good hap Diego de Aguero, and Ro­drigo Losano had n [...]t at that instant arriued, and entered t [...]e Riuer of Tumbez, who aduised him of the daunger that hee was falling into. Now also the Countrey be­inge reuolted, the Gouernour wanted Raffes to vnship his Men, and Munition, wherupon that night there came none a Land but the Gouernour, Hernando, & Iho [...] Pisarro his Bretherne, Father Vincent of Valuerde, Cap­tayne [Page 27] Soto, and other two Spanyardes, they alighted not from their Horses all that night, although they were throughly wet with the Seagate whē they came a shore vpon a Raffe from the ship, which Raffe also was ouer­throwen at their comminge a shore, for want of know­ledge, Hernando Pisarro abode at the water side to sée both Men, Horses, and furniture vnshipped, but the Gouer­nour proceeded forwarde for the space of two Leagues, and coulde not attaine to the spéeche of any Indian, for they were fled vnto the Mountaines with their Armor, wherupon hee returned backe againe to the Sea side, where hee met with Captayne Mena, and Captaine Ihon de Salzedo, which were come to seeke for him, with cer­tayne Horsemen, which were newly vnshipped, and had gathered togeather many of the Gouernours company, which had strayed abrode.

And then the Gouernour pitched his Campe in Tum­bez: in this meane while came Captaine Benalcasar, who had remained to see the residew of the men shipped from the Iland, who duringe the time of his abode there, had many skirmishes with the Indians.

The Gouernour abode in Tumbez twentie dayes, sendinge daily Embassadors to the Lorde of that Soyle, requiring him to yeeld to the Emperors seruice, but all was in vaine, for he would neuer accept that freendship [...] rather he did much hurt, and spoyled many of his men of seruice, called Laborers, when they went abrode to seke victuals for the Campe: and the Spanyardes could not annoy them in any respecte, because they were on the o­ther side of the Riuer, vntill at length the Gouernour made Raffes, in such secret sorte, y^t the Indian enemies had no vnderstanding therof: so that in an Euening, he with his Brethren Ihon, and Gonsalo Pisarro, with Cap­taine Soto & Benalcasar, passed on those Raffes 50. Horses ouer the Riuer, and trauailed al that night by a trouble­some narrow way, among Thornes, Briers, & Rockes, [Page] so that when it drew nere day, he came and set vpon the enemies campe, and made a marueylous spoile among them, which endured with fire and sword the space of 15. dayes. in reuenge of the three Spaniards which the In­dians had so trayterously sacrificed, in recompence of the libertie which the Gouernour gaue them in the Iland of Puna.

The Cascike of Tumbez séeing the great hurt done vn­to them, yealded himselfe, and in token of submission, he presented to the Gouernour certaine gold & siluer. Thē he procéeded on his discouery with the most part of his company, leauing the residue with his Maiesties Audi­tour. Antonio Nauarro, & the Treasorer Alonzo R [...]quelme and iorneyed til he came to the riuer of Poechos, which stoode 30. Leagues distant from Tumbez, and obtayned peace with all the Cascikes and Townes which were on the borders of that Riuer: He also discouered the port of Payta, which was accounted the best harbor in al y^e coast.

To this place came messengers to the gouernour from Cusco from the Prince Guascar, geuing him to vnderstād the rebellion of his brother Atabaliba, who as yet was not apprehēded, as before hath bene declared, crauing at his hands succour and defence against his sayd brother. With these ioyful newes the Gouernor sent his brother Hernando Pisarro back againe to Tumbez to bring away w^t him all the remainder of his cōpany, which had abode behinde, & when he had so done, he inhabited w^t them in y^e Citie of S. Mighel, which sometime was a town of Indi­ans called Tangarara scituated on y^e Riuer side of Chira, not far from the sea, where was an excéeding good harbor for the shippes which came from Panama, & hauing here deuided their gold & plate which was presented in this Coast vnto them. The gouernour prouided forward lea­uinge certaine of his men for Citizens of y^e new citty, & tooke his way towarde y^e Prouince of Caxamalca, because hée had intelligence how Atabaliba was there.

How the Gouernour came to Caxamalca, and what there happened. Chap. 4.

IN this iorney to Caxamalca, the Gouernor and his armie passed great extremitie of thirst in a desert without habitatiō, of .20 [...] leagues lōg, where was neither trée, bush, nor water, but only al sandy ground & very hot. At the end of 20. Leagues he came into the Prouince of Motupe, where he found fresh & pleasant Ualleys, replenished w^t many Uillages, where hee well refreshed his army with y^e great aboundance of victual [...] which he there found, and as he went from thence, ascē ­ding into the mountaines, he met w^t a messenger which came from Atabaliba, who brought vnto him for a presēt, a paire of paynted Shooes, and a payre of hand ruffes of golde, beseeching him that when he shoulde come before his Prince Atabaliba, to weare those Shooes on his féete, and also to weare the ruffs accordingly, to thentent that he might be knowen by those tokens.

The Gouernour receiued thankefully the present, & promised that he would fulfill his request, and moreouer that he should certifie Atabaliba, that his comming was not to offēd him, if notorious wrong were not offered vn­to him: Because, sayd he, the Emperour king of Castile, who sent me hither, commaunded that I should not at­tempt to displease any, without reason. With this an­swere, the messenger departed, and the Gouernour like­wise followed with great foresight, that no enemy should disturbe his passage.

When he came to Caxamalca, he met with another Messenger, which came to aduertise him that he should not take vp his lodging without expresse cōmaundement from Atabaliba. To this ambassage, y^e Gouernour made no answere, but rather toke vp his lodging according as he thought good.

[Page]And than he sent captaine Soto with twentie hor [...]men wel trimmed to Atabaliba his Campe, which stoode one League distant from the Gouer [...]ours lodging, to sig­nifie vnto him the arryuall of his Generall. When Captaine Soto came in sight of Atabaliba, he set spurres to his horse as though he would haue run against an ar­med man, which brauery did not a litle amase the poore Indians, who with all hast fled out of his way. But for their labour, Atabaliba commaunded them to he slayne, and would geue Soto no answere of his embassage, vntill Fernando Pisarro came, who the Gouernour sente after Soto with another company of horsemen, but he tolde his minde to one of gis noble Cascikes, and the Cascike de­clared his saying to the interpreter, and the Interpreter to Soto. But to Hernando Pisarro hee spake personally by the mouth of the only Interpreter: Unto whom Pisarro sayd, that his brother the Gouernour came from the Emperour his Maiestie, and to know his royall will, he only desired that it might please him to signifie whether hee might freely come vnto his presence, & to be accepted as his fréend. Unto whom Atabaliba answered y^t hee would freendly accept his offer, so that hee would returne the golde and plate which since the entrance into his land, he had taken from his Indian subiectes, and also that forth­with he would depart his countrey and dominions, and to take order with him in these causes, he ment the next day to meete him at a certaine place called Tambo de Caxamalca.

When Hernando Pisarro had receaued this answere he beheld the great number of tents which were in the Campe of Atabaliba, which seemed vnto him a great Ci­tie, and then tooke his leaue and returned with his an­swere to the Gouernour, and when hee was come to his brother, hauing declared what he had heard and seene, it some what discouraged him, hauing for euery Christian 200. Indians. But notwithstanding, he and all his com­pany [Page 29] beeing haut [...]e minded and also of great stomacke. The night followinge they comforted one another, put­ting their only confidence in God, so that than they occu­pied them selues in trimminge their Armor and other Furniture, without takinge any rest of sleepe the whole night.

How the Battayle was giuen to Atabaliba, and the taking of him Prisoner. Chap. 5.

THe next day following, the Gouernor ear­ly in the morninge, set his Armye in good order, deuydinge 60. Horsemen into three partes, and placed them in Ambush in se­uerall places, vnder the gouernment of Captaine Soto, and Captaine Benalcasar: & for their Chiefetaines hee appointed his three Brethren, Hernando, Ihon, and Gonsalo Pisarro, and hee himselfe went with the infantry, which is to be vnderstode al sortes of armed footemen, prohibiting that none should stir with­out his watchword, and the great ordinance shot of: Ata­baliba likewise set in good order his men of war, appoin­ting conuenient ground for his captaines to geue the on­set. He also commaunded that where he iudged the most danger of the christian force, that one of his chiefe cap­taines called Ruminagui should attend, that if nede requi­red, he might set on the Spanyards at their flight.

In this order Atabaliba set forward with great consi­deration and leasure, that he was at the least 4. houres going one litle league. Hee himselfe was caryed in his litter vpon noble mens shoulders. There went before him 300. gentlemen attired in one sort of liuery, making cleere his way of all such stones & dust, euen to the very strawes that might disturbe him.

Then folowed the rest of the nobilitie carryed vpon [Page] their vassales shoulders in a certaine kinde of Litters [...] estéeming in nothing the christian force, but rather iud­ged to take them napping, w [...]ithout any kind of resistāce, because a certaine Indian R Ruler sent word to Atabali­ba, that these newcome men were but few in number, yea such as could not trauai la on foote, but of necessitie were forced to ryde on greate strange shéepe. Request­ing therefore that he might haue the vauntgard.

But when hee came to the place called Tambo of Caxamalca, and saw but the company of Footemen, be­cause the Horsemen lay in ambush, hee deemed that those ryders on the great Sheepe durst not appeare. Whereupon he went into his Litter, saying these men haue already yealded, and the others confirmed his say­inge.

Then came the Bishoppe, father Vincent de Valuer­de, with a Breuiary in his handes, saying: That one God in Trinitie had created Heauen, Earth, and all Cre [...]a [...]ures. Hee also made Adam, the first man on the ear [...]h, and also made Eue his wife of a ribbe taken out of hi [...] body: Of which two persons all mankinde were en­gendred, and that through the disobedience of these two persons, our forefathers, we al fel into sinne, so that we could not obtain grace to enter into heauen, to enioy the sight of God, vntil Christ our redéemer came & was born of a pure virgine, to saue vs [...] and for that intent & effecte hee suffered m [...]st bitter death and passion.

After the which, the thirde day hee rose agayne gloryfied, and for certayne dayes hee abode in the world, and then ascended vp into heauen, leauing for tea­chers of his holy Lawes, his sacred Apostles.

Furthermore (sayde hee) this our Coun­trey God hath lefte in charge to the Emperoure of Christians called the Lorde Charles our Soueraigne: who hath sent in his steade the Gouernour Don Fran­cisco [Page 30] Pisarro, who is here present to warne and noti­fye vnto you on Gods behalfe, all my former wordes. And also if you will beleeue, and bee baptyzed, rende­ring obedience to his Maiestie, as a greate parte of Christendome doeth, hee will defende you, and also maintayne your Countrey in peace and iustice, and reserue vnto you your Liberties as hee hath vsed to doe to other kings and princes.

But if this gentle offer bee refused, the Go­uernoure here present, will committe you to cruell warre, with Fyer and Sworde, and the Launce in hand.

And as touching the Faith of Iesu Christ, and his holy Gospell, after that yée shall be well [...]instruc­ted therein, and wyll assuredlye beléeue the same, you shall then doe the thinges conuenyent for the salua­ [...]ion of your foules. But if not, you shall not be for­ced thereunto.

When Atabaliba had heard the Bishoppes r [...]la­sion, hee aunswered, how that Countrey and all there­in contayned, his Father and Auncestors had gotten, and lefte the same to his Brother Guascar Inga, and because at that instante hee had ouercommen him in battayle, and had hym Pryson [...]r, the Lande appar­tayned vnto him, and that by meanes thereof hee pos­sessed the same, and therefore hee vnderstoode not how the Emperour, or by what title could require his Coun­trey: But (quoth he) I wil defend his pretence.

And as concerning Iesu Christ, and his mightie workes, he said, y^t he knew nothing therof, [...]or yet belée­ued that there was anye other Creator but only the Sunne, who hee helde for his chiefe God, and the earth for their mother: And that the Gods called Guacas, and Pachacama, had created all other earthly thinges. And as touching the Emperour, he knew not what he was, be­cause he neuer saw him.

[Page]He also demaunded how the bishop did know that all those thinges were true which hee had rehearsed vnto him. The bishop answered, that in the booke which hee held in his hand, therein those things were written, and that the same booke was holy scripture come from God.

Atabaliba desired that he would let him sée that booke, which forthwith was deliuered vnto him, and hauing it in his hands, he turned from leafe to leafe. Why (quoth he) this booke speaketh not one word to me, & therewith threw it on the ground: Wherewith the bishop taking vp his booke againe, cryed, vpon them, vpon them. But the Gouernour expecting that the Indians should haue begun, meaning therby to haue the greater aduauntage, but now thinking it not conuenient to make any longer delay, he sent word to his brother Hirnando Pisarro, that he should geue the onset, and also forthwith commaūded the Ordinance to be shot of, and then the horsemen be­gan to encounter with the force of the enemie in three partes, and the Gouernour with the footemen tooke the way to the personall force of Atabaliba, & brake the array of his front, euen vntil he came to his Litter, where hee [...]lew the Cascikes which carryed the Litter, who were no sooner slayne, when others tooke the place.

But the Gouernour seeing the victory, as he thought long, and although many Indians were slayne, yet the death of one of his men did import much, whereupon hee him selfe with noble courage came to the Litter of Atabaliba, and tooke him by the heare of his head, which he vsed to weare long, according to the vse of his coūtrey, & with force drew him out of the Litter. In the meane season, his company were so vehemente, that they so [...]a [...]hed with their W [...]apons on the Litter which was of Golde t [...]t by [...]ish [...], they hurt the Gouernours hand, and alth [...]ugh a greate troupe of Indians ca [...]e to rescue their Prince, yet it preuayled not, but in fine, was taken Prisoner by the Gouernour. But when his Warriers [Page 31] saw their Chiefetaine taken, and they assaulted on eue­ry side, and especially, with the fury of the Horsemen, to whose force they had not beene accustomed: they began to retire and flye with all spéede possible, leauinge their Armour behinde them: yea, the haste in the retire was such, that one disturbed another: in the flight the Horse­men made great spoyle among them, and followed their Uictory, till the night caused them to cease.

But whan the Indian Captaine of greatest trust, cal­led Ruminagui, heard the thunderinge noyse of the Orde­nance, and also saw his priuy Watche, which stoode on a high Rocke, throwen downe by a Christian: then fearing [...]he daunger, hée with all his charge also, tooke them to the swiftnes of their feete, and neuer rested vntil he came to the Prouince of Quito, which was distant from the place where the Battayle was, aboue 250. Leagues, as hereafter shalbe declared.

How Atabaliba commaunded his Brother Guas [...]ar to be slayne, and how Hernando Pisarro proceeded in the Discouery. Chap. 6.

WHen Atabal [...]ba was taken Prisoner, the next day following, the Treasure and spoile was ioyned together, and assuredly it was a rare, yea and maruailous thinge, to see the num­ber of Uessels, both of Siluer & Golde, which was found in the Indian Campe: and also the gallaunt Tentes, made after their fashion, and many straunge garments: The vessels of Golde, was estéemed in 60000. Poyzes, which is accounted seuen shillings starling to euery poyze, and this vessel was for the seruice of the on­ly per [...]on of Atabaliba. And also 5000. wemen which sub­mitted themselues willinglye to the Spanyardes com­maundement.

And when these things were ended, Atabaliba sayd [Page] vnto the Gouernour, sithence you haue mée now Priso­ner in your power, vse me fauourably, and for my raun­some and libertye, I will giue this Quaderne place, or house full with vessels and peeces of Golde, and so much Plate as you will reasonably demaund. And when his offer was in this sorte declared, hee thought that the Go­uernour tooke his sayings to be a thing vnpossible, wher­fore hée replyed againe, sayinge: I will performe what I haue saide, and somewhat more.

The Gouernor answered [...] that hée would deale fréend­ly with him, accordinge to his request: Atabaliba gaue him most hartie thankes, and forthwith dispatched mes­sengers throughout his Dominions, and especially, to Cusco, to gather togeather the golde and Plate, which hée had promised for his raūsome, which was iudged a thing vncredible to bee performed, for the couenaunt was, to giue full of the saide Treasure, a certaine house in Caxa­malca, as high as the same Atabaliba could reach with his hand, standinge on the ground, and the like in compasse, accordinge to the height, and to make his promise the playner, hée marked out with a red Lyne, the plot which hée would fill with the sayde vessels of Golde and Plate: but notwithstandinge, that dailye, came great store of Treasure into the Campe, yet the Spanyardes thought it not sufficiente for a foundacion of the performance of Atabaliba, his promise, wherupon they began amonge them selues to murmure, saying: the time passeth away and Atabaliba complyeth not with vs his raunsome, con­sideringe that his day is past: But saide they, it is to bee thought that with this pollicy, hée meaneth to geather a new Army, & so to come sodainly vpon vs to our distructi­on. Atabaliba being a sencible and wise man, vnderstood the murmuring of the Christians, he demaunded of the Gouernor y^e cause of their muttering & secret cōference? who informed him of the matter, euen as it was: why answered hee, as yet they haue no reason to complaine of [Page 32] the delay, for the day of paiment is scarcely paste, & that they ought to haue consideracion, y^t the place which was the Cittie of Cusco, from whence the greatest part of his raunsome should come, stood distant frō Caxamalca 200. long leagues of euil way, & moreouer the treasure should be brought vpō mens shoulders: by reasō wherof he prai­ed not to thinke the time long, nor yet to thinke it vnpos­sible, y^t he was able to performe his promise, y^e premisses considered, it was not much to haue pacience for one Mo­neth, more or lesse? but yet said hée, for your more quicker dispatch, let one or two of your company goe vnto Cusco, to sée the thing which I haue affirmed. Upon this poinct there were sundry opinions among the Christians, whi­ther they mought giue credit to Atabaliba his words, and also, how it was not a thing conuenient to put any chri­stian in the Indian power: when Atabaliba had vnder­stood their meaning, he laughed, saying: I maruaile that any christiā should stand in distrust of my word & security in the iorney to Cusco. Do ye not consider how ye haue my person prisoner in Chai [...]es, & also my wiues & Chil­drē in your power: with this answere, they determined that Captaine Soto, and Pedro del Barro [...] should go to Cusco, who by the cōmaundement of Atabaliba wer [...] carried in Litters vpon the Indians shoulders, & had for their Gard a great company of Atabalibas Souldiers: and in this order they iorneyed by poste, for those Littermen pre­sume to make great speede, and abhor slow iorneyes, yet only two men do carry the Litter at one time, notwith­standing 50. or 60. persons attend vpō euery Litter, and so they goe runninge with their burden for a space, and thē are ready other two for to take the burden. In y^e way as they wente, they met Atabaliba his Captaines, who brought his Brother Prince Guascar prisoner, who was desirous to talke w^t the said Captaine Soto, & his cōpaniō, of whō he was informed, of such thinges which had hap­ned, & also what their pretēce & cōming into y^e coūtry was

[Page]But when Guascar vnderstood the Emperours mea­ning, and also the intent of the christian gouernour, in his name, which was aswel to maintayne in iustice y^e chri­stians as the Indians which he should conquere, & that euery one might enioy his owne, he then discouered the discord betweene him and his brother, and how his bro­thers intent was to disherite him of his kingdome and estate, which of right was his owne inheritance by dis­cent from his father Guaynacaua, and for this purpose he was now carryed prisoner to be slaine.

Wherefore hee most humbly besought them to re­turne backe againe with him, to open his doliens to the Lord Marques their Gouernour, beséeching him, that si­thens they both brethren were at that instant in his po­wer, and he of right being absolute Lord of the land, that it might please him to see iustice executed betwéene thē, and to geue iudgement to which of them the kingdome did appartaine, considering that as he was enfourmed, his only comming was for that intent. And if, sayd hee, y^t Marques wil take this matter in hand, I will not only see perfourmed the summe of golde and plate, promised by Atabaliba to be deliuered at Tambo in Caxamalca: But I wil also fill al that house called Tambo, euen to y^e roofe, which should be thrée times as much and more that hys brother had promised, requesting them to make enquiry whether he were a man of power to perfourm his offer, with greater facilitie then his brother was able to per­fourme his promise. For Atabaliba to accomplishe his raunsome, should be forced to spoyle the rich Temple of the Sunne, in the citie of Cusco, which was wainscoted with boord of gold and plate in equall panes, because hee had no other remedy, nor from whence to haue any o­ther quantitie.

But I (quoth he) haue in my power all the treasure and iewels of my father, wherewith I may easilye per­fourme much more then I haue spoaken. Wherein hee [Page 33] sayd the trueth, although his said treasure was hidden vnder groūd, in such place as no mā liuing knew where it was but only he himselfe, and as yet vntil this day, it is not knowen: for the multitude of Indians which car­ryed the same to the secret place where it was buryed, as soone as the sayd treasure was hidden, they were by his commaundement all slayne, because the place should not be discouered: Although since the winning of the Countrey, the Spanyardes haue sought and digged in many places where they suspected the treasure to be hid­den. But vntill this day they could not attayne to the knowledge thereof. Captaine Soto and Petro del Barrio, made answere to Guascar, that they could not leaue of from y^e iorney which they had in hand, but with al spéede possible they meant to returne, and then they would so­licite his suite and request, and so departed and procée­ded on their iorney, which was y^e only cause of Guascars death, and also the losse of al the said wonderful treasure:Ouersight. for the captaines which carryed him prisoner, gaue in­telligence by poast to Atabaliba, of all the talke had be­twéene the Spanyards and Guascar. But Atabaliba con­sidered with him selfe, that if this matter should come in question before the Gouernour, aswell for that Guascaer had iustice on his side, as also for the great aboundance of gold by his brother offred, & knowing also y^e great loue & affection that the Spaniards bare to the goldē mettall, he feared by these meanes that y^e kingdome should be geuen to his brother: yea, and so it might fall out, that for y^e causes aforsaid, he might be slain, to put all matter out of question, & therfore he determined to kil his said brother, yet he feared y^e enterprise, because he had heard say that y^e christians had a law among thē, that whosoeuer did kill any of their nation, should therefore also be killed. And thereupon he deuised to proue the Gouernours minde in that case, the which he put in vre with great industry, and on a day he fayned great sorrow, with teares and [...] [Page] [Page] [Page] sobbinge, and would neither eate nor drinke, nor speake with anye man, although the Gouernour did earnestly enportune him to declare the cause [...] At the length hee be­gan to say, that hée had vnderstood and receiued newes, how a Captaine of his, séeinge him Prisoner, had slayne his Brother Guascar, the which was no small greefe for him, for hée loued him not onely because he was his elder Brother, but rather hée held him in stead of a father, and although hee was the occassion to take him prisoner, it was not to the intente to hurte his person, nor yet to v­surpe his kingdome, but only that hée should permit him to inioye his Prouince of Quito, which his Father had giuen vnto him, after that hée had conquered it: which Prouince was also out of the dominion of Cusco.

The Gouernour hearinge his sorrowfull complaint, comforted him, and bid him bée of good cheare, sayinge moreouer, that death was a thing natural: and when the Countrey should bee quieted of all dissencions, then hee would make informacion to know who they were which consented and procured his Brothers death, and punish them accordingly.

When Atabaliba perceiued that the Gouernour tooke the matter so slightly, hée then fully determined to exe­cute the thing which hée had deuised, and sente priuily to the Captaines, who had the kéepinge of Guascar; expresse commission to kill him, which was forthwith committed with such speede, that it was neuer certainly knowen whither hée was slayne in the time that Atabaliba made his fained mourninge, or afterwarde, of which euill suc­cesse, the principall fault was laide to Captaine Soto, and Pedro de Barrio, who were so presise in their determined iorney to Cusco.

The Indians doth reporte than when Guascar saw that hée should die, hee said I haue béene a small while, Lord of this Land, and lesse shalbe the traytour my Brother, by whose commaundement I now must die, beeing his na­turall [Page 34] Prince: the which his words were well remem­bred: for when they saw Atabaliba slaine, as in this nexte Chapter shalbe declared, they called to remembrance his wordes, and said verely, that Guascar was a Prophet, & childe of the Sunne, consideringe how his wordes came to passe, hee also sayd, that when his Father departed frō him, hee warned him, that whē a white people, bearded, should come into that Countrey, that hee should submit him selfe vnto them, because (said hee) they shalbe Lords ouer this Countrey, although this thy Fathers Prophe­sie seemed strange, yet through the industry of the Diuel it might be knowen, for so much it happen [...]d before Guay­nacaua died. The Lord Marques went conquering along the coast of Peru, and also when he abode in Caxamalca, hee sente his Brother Hernando Pisarro, with certayne Horsemen, to discouer the Countrey, who proceeded till hee came to Pachacama, which standeth in the Prouince of Guamacucho, where hee met with a Brother of Ataba­liba, called Illescaes, who brought more thē 300000 poyzes of Golde, towarde the raunsome of his Brother, beside a great quantitie of Plate: who after hee had passed many daungerous wayes, and perrilous Bridges, & was come to Pachacama, hee there had intelligence how a Captaine of Atabaliba called Cilicuchima, abode in the Prouince of Xauxa with a great Armie, which might be about fortie leagues from that place, vnto whō he sent, requiring him to come vnto him, but the Indian Captayne denied his request: wherupon Hernando Pisarro determined to goe & talke with him, although his men cōmended not his en­terprise, to bee so bolde to put him selfe in his enemies power, who was a man of great might, but in fine, when Pisarro had spoken with him, and through his perswasiō, the Indian Captaine discharged his men, and went per­sonally with him to Caxamalca, to sée his Lord Atabaliba, but when hée should enter into the place where hée was, hee put of his Shooes, and tooke vpon his shoulders the present, which they were wont to present him withall: [Page] and with sorrowfull countenance, the teares droppinge from his eyes, hée sayd: O mighty Prince, if I had been with you at the time of your apprehencion, the Christi­ans had now possessed your person.

Atabaliba answered, that it was Gods iudgement that hee should be Prisoner, and also to be taken with so smal a company of straungers: But said hee, the principall occasion was the flight of my Captaine Ruminagui, with 5000. men, in whom I put my onely trust.

How Atabaliba was slayne, and the occasion was layde to his charge, how he went about to murder the Chri­stians, and how Don Diego de Almagro came into Peru the second time. Chap. 7.

THe Lord Marques Pi [...]arro, Gouernour, bée­inge in the Prouince of Po [...]chos, before hee came to Caxamalca, as before is declared, he receiued a priuye Letter without firme, which afterward was knowen to come frō the Secretary of Don Diego de Almagro, frō Panama, wher­in was giuen to vnderstand, how Don Diego had builte a great Ship, with the intent, that with the same & others he ment with al his power to passe personally into Peru, to intercept the Gouernoure procéedinges, and to place & possesse, the best soyle in all the Land to his vse, which ground did lye beyonde the Limittes, discouered by the Marques: the which according to a prouision receiued from the Emperour, did contayne from the Equinoctiall Lyne forward 250 Leagues, directly North, and South: This Letter the Gouernour kept in secreat, and would make none of his fréendes priuye therunto, but yet hee beléeued, and it was true, that Don Diego de Almagro had taken shippinge, accordinge to the tenour of the Letter, which he had receiued, and was on his way toward Peru, arriued at Puerto Viejo, where in effecte Don Diego after [Page 35] his arriual, vnderstood the good successe and proceedings of the Gouernour, and how hee had in his power mar­uailous treasure, of Golde and Plate, wherof accordinge to the articles of agréement made betweene them, at the first beginning of the Discouery, the one halfe was, and did appertaine vnto him: Hée nowe knowinge that the Gouernour had aduise of his comminge, and the same to be done by his owne Secretary, hée forthwith cōmaun­ded his Secretary to be hanged, and with all his power procéeded on his Iorney, till hee came where the Gouer­nour was in Caxamalca, where hee found a great part of the raunsome of Atabaliba gathered togeather, which was a strange sight both to him & his company, for they thought that in the whole world was not so much Golde and Siluer. And the same day that the Saymais [...]er had made his ensay of the Gold and Plate, which belon­ged to the company. The Golde onely, did amount to one Million, and eyght hundred thousand Poyzes: & yet the ensay was made verye slight, for the Golde was of greater value: the want of strong water was the defect, so that the ensay was made two or thrée Carets baser than the finenes, wherby the valuaciō was found 300000 Poyzes to litle. And concerning the Plate, the quantity was great, so that the Emperours fifte parte, amounted in fine Siluer 600000 Poyzes, and yet in the same plate was Gold of thrée & foure Carettes: wherof the Emper­our his parte was 300000 Poyzes, euery Horseman had for his share 12000 Poyzes in fine Golde, besides his part in Siluer: and euery Footeman ha [...] a quarter part lesse then the Horsemen. Yet notwithstandinge, this great treasure, the one fifte parte of Atabalibas raunsome was not deliuered: and because that Don Diego brought with him a great company of men, there was alleaged y^t vnto them did not appertaine any portion of the raunsome of Atabaliba, for why? they were not at the takinge of him prisoner: yet the Gouernour commaunded to giue vnto [Page] euery of them a thousand poyzes toward their cost. And determined to send his brother Hernando Pisarro to certi­fie the Emperour of his proceedings and good successe, and because the true account was not yet perfectly knowen, he sent vnto his maiestie 100000. poyzes in gold, & 20000. markes of plate, contayning sixe ducates to euery marke out of the whole stock: Which present was wrought in sundry sort of vessell according to the Indian vse, where­of some were great vessels for water or wine, called Ti­nages, chafingdishes, drummes, shéepe, figures of men and wemen, all wrought in the forsayd mettall.

With the said portion Hernando Pisarro tooke shipping with great griefe of his departing frō Atabaliba, who lo­ued him excéedingly, and also discouered vnto him much of his secretes, and sayde vnto him at his leaue takinge, O good captaine goe you now away? Truely your de­parture is gréeuous vnto me, for when you are gone, I shal be slaine by this one eyed man, and this he spake by Don Diego de Almagro, who had but one eye, as before hath beene declared.

Likewise he liked not the iesture of Alonso Requelme, who was Treasorer for his maiestie. And truely, poore Ata­baliba iudged right, for as soone as Hernando Pisarro was departed, his death was conspired by meane of his In­terpreter, who was named Philip, and was so called, be­cause he had beene in Spayne with the Gouernour, who most falsely accused his Prince, saying y^t hee was min­ded to murther secretly the Spaniards, and for that pur­pose, he had appoynted in secrete places a great number of Indians, and where the information was made by y^e mouth of Philip, who interpreted the witnes sayinges, according to his owne pleasure. But the cause of his wicked dealing was not certainly knowen, but it was iud­ged to [...]e one of two causes, which were, the one was thought that he was in loue w^t one of Atabalibas, wiues, thinkinge by his death to enioy his desire without peril: [Page 36] of which his pretence, Atabaliba had vnderstanding, and therof had made complaint to the gouernor, saying y^t that shameles ascent greued him more thē his imprisonment, or yet any other mishap y^t might come vnto him, although it were presēt death, to sée so base a man, & his subiect en­terprise such villany, knowing y^e great punishmēt in his coūtrey prepared for such an offence, which was to burne aliue any that should attempt such things. The man be­ing an offender was not alone thus punished, but also the woman, her father, mother, brethren and kindred, yea, euen the cattel of the aduouterer, and the town where he or she were borne, was destroyed & made vnhabitable, & the ground sowed with salt, the trées cut down, and the houses beaten flat with the ground, & other gréeuous pu­nishments were deuised in remembrance of the offence.

Others held opinion that the chiefe cause of Atabali­ba his death [...] was the excéeding couetuosnes of Don Die­go de Almagro, and also of his men, because it was told thē that they had no right to haue any share of al y^e raunsome of Atabaliba, which they thought vnpossible to be perfourmed, although all the gold in the world were gathered to­gether. Upon which occasions, the soldyars of Don Diego desired the death of Atabaliba, saying, that as long as hee should liue, the Gouernors men would say, that al y^e gold which should come to their hands was his raunsome, and they should not be partakers thereof. But be it as may be, they condēned him to death, wher at the poore Prince was not a litle amazed, saying that he neuer thought nor imagined the things which were layd to his charge, and for the verifying of the matter, that it might please him to lay more Irons on him, with greater garde, or to cary him aboord one of their shippes til the trueth were tho­rowly knowen. Hee sayd, moreouer, to the Gouernour and the chiefest of hys companye. I know not for what cause yee doo iudge mee, for a man of so small iudgement, or to thinke that I would goe about to work [Page] treason, considering how I am your prisoner, and bound in Iron chaines, and also if any of my people should but shew them selues for any such purpose, yee might then with the least suspition, strike my head from my shoul­ders. And if ye thinke that any of my subiectes shoulde come to rescue me against my wil, ye are also deceaued, and know not what obedience my people beareth vnto me, for against my will the fowles of the ayre shall not flee, nor the leaues of the trees stirre.

All these allegations preuayled not, nor yet to geue great gages for the life of y^e basest Spanyard that should pearish in the land. But sith it was thought among the Spaniards that it was not a lawfull cause to condemne him to death vpon suspicion, they charged him with the death of his brother Guascar, whereupō they gaue iudge­ment of death, and executed the sentence. But before his death he stil called for his frend Hernando Pisarro, who was gone toward Spayne, saying, if he had beene here I should not so wrongfully be put to death. And at the hower that he should die, he was baptized by the Bishop.

How Ruminagui made insurrection in the Prouince of Quito, and how the Gouernour went to Cusco. Chap. 8.

THe Captaine in whom Atabaliba had put in his life time a great trust, as in the for­mer Chapter is declared, and how he fled from the battaile in Caxamalca, with 5000. Indians: He (I say) being in the Prouince of Quito, gathered together al the Indians of Atabaliba, and possessed himselfe of the estate of that Countrey, compelling them to obay him as their right and only Lord. Atabaliba a litle before his death sent his brother Illescas to Quito, to bring vnto him his children, which Ruminagui most vnnaturally caused to be slayne.

[Page 37]When Atabaliba saw, that of force hée should die, hee earnestly desired certaine of his Captaines, to see his bo­dy caried to the Prouince of Quito, to be buried with his Father Guaynacaua, the which requeste, they faithfully performed, and whē the dead body was brought to Quito, Ruminagui receiued it with great honour, and buried him with his Father, with great pompe and solemnitie, ac­cordinge to the custome of the Countrey: and when the Funerals were ended, he caused a great drunken Feast to be made, in the which, when the Captaines that had brought the dead body were throughly drunke, hee com­maunded them al to be slaine, among whom was Illescas, Brother to Atabaliba, who had his skinne plucked of be­inge aliue, and with the same skin, hee couered the endes of a Drum, and his head hanging at the same Drumme.

In this meane while, the Lord Marques, Gouernour, deuided all the Golde and Plate in Caxamalca, and when he had so done, he had aduice how one of Atabalibaes Cap­taines called Quixquix, went vp an [...] downe in the coun­trey, stirring the Indian People to insurrection, wher­vpon he determined no longer to abide, nor yet to tarry his cōming in the Valley of Xauxa: hee also sent before him Captaine S [...]to, with certaine of his Horsemen, and hee him selfe went in the Reregard.

In the Prouince of Viecasinga, the Indians came so­dainly vpon Captaine Soto, in such sort, that hée stoode in perrill of the ouerthrow, & foure of his men were slaine: but the day beeing spent, the night forced them to cease, and to retire to the Mountaines. The Gouernour hea­ring of this great daunger of Captaine Soto, sent Don Die­go de Almagro to suckcour him, with certain Horsemen, so that the next morning, the Indians comming agayne to skirmish, the Christians made as though they would fly, to allure the enemies downe into the Playne, out of the daunger of the high places, from whence they did much hurt with their Slinges: But the Indians suspectinge [Page] the pollicye of the Christians, retired backe againe, and kept their skirmishing neare the Wooddes, not knowing of the succour which was come, because of the great myst which did fall that morninge, they could not discry their cōming, by meane wherof, the Christiās had the victory, and slew many of the enemies. Then came the Gouer­nour with the Reregard, at whose comming, came a bro­ther of Guascar, and Atabaliba, who was chosen Inga, or King of the Land: by meane of their deathes, hee had re­ceiued the great Tassell, which was as much as to saye, as the Crowne of the Princely estate, and was called Paulo Inga, who certified the Gouernour, how in the cit­tie of Cusco attended his cōming a great number of men of War: with this newes hée letted not, but procéeded forwarde by his ordinary Iorneyes, vntill hee came in sight of the Cittie, out of the which he saw assend a mar­uailous smoake, by meane wherof, hee iudged the Cittie to be on fier, & to the intent to preserue the same, he sent with all spéede a company of Horsemen, but they were no sooner comen neare the cittie, when a great number of Indians came out to encounter with thē, with slinges and sundry other sortes of weapons, in such sort, that the Spanyardes were glad with all haste possible to retire, aboue the space of a longe League, where they met with the Gouernour, who vnderstandinge what had hapned, sente from thence his two Bretherne, Ihon, and Gonsalo Pisarro, with the most of the Horsemen, who set vpon the enemies on the Mountaine side, with such courage, that they caused them to retire, and in their flight slue many of them, vntill the night compelled them to cease. The Gouernour séeinge the good successe, gathered his army togeather, and the next day thinkinge to haue had resi­stance in his entrye into the Cittie, hee found not one man, to withstande him, so that hee and his companye entered peaceably, where hee aboade at pleasure.

Twentie daies after his abode in Cusco, came newes, [Page 38] how Quixquix had a great Army, wherwith he did great hurt, robbing & spoyling in the Prouince of Conde suyo: wherupon the Gouernour sent Captaine Soto, with 50. Horsemen, to disturbe his procéedinges: whose comming béeing knowen to Quixquix, hee durst not abide, but with all spéede, fledde toward Xauxa, thinkinge there to finde some small company of the Christians, whom hée might easely subdue, who were such as had remained behinde to kéepe the Fardage, and the Kings portion of treasure, which was at the charge of Alonso Requelme Treasorer.

But the Spanyards hauing aduise of his pretence, al­though they were but fewe, who in effecte attended in Xauxa, for the purpose aforesaid, did so valyantly defende his enterprise, that his desire tooke no place, but rather was forced to passe forwarde the highe waye towardes Quito.

When the Gouernour had intelligence of y^e dealings of Quixquix, hée sent after him againe, Captaine Soto, with his company of Horsemen, and after him hée sente his Bretherne, who generally followed him aboue a hun­dred Leagues, and coulde not ouertake him: wherupon they returned agayne to Cusco, where they had as great a praye of Golde and Plate, as before they had in Caxa­malca: the which the Gouernour deuided amonge his Souldiers, and began to inhabite the Cittie, which was the head and Princely seate, of all the whole countrey of Peru: and so continued a long space among the Christi­ans: hée also deuided the Indian People among the new Inhabitantes, which there determined to abide, for there were many of his men that were not willing to remaine there, but rather to returne into Spayne, to enioy the Treasure which they had gotten, both in Cusco, and Caxamalca.

How Captayne Benalcasar, went to the Conquest of Quito. Chap. 9.

HEre before in this History, hath béene decla­red, howe at the time when the Gouernour came into Peru, hee inhabited the Cittie of Sainct Mighel, in the Prouince of Tangara­ra, neare vnto y^e port of Tumbez, for the only intent that such as should come frō Spaine, might haue a sure and safe Roade, or harbor for their ships: hée now considering that the number of his Horse were but few, which hee left there, after the taking Prisoner of Ataba­liba: hee sent for his Deputie from Caxamalca to Sainct Mighell, Captaine Benalcasar with ten Horses, at which time came many Indian Canares, to make their cōplaint against Ruminagui [...] and his people saying, that daily they were by them molested with cruell War. At the same seasō were many men comen from Panama & Nicaragua, so that when Captaine Benalcasar, had heard of the iniu­ries of the Indians of Quito, hee chose 200. of those freshmen, whereof was 80. Horsemen, & with them he toke his Iorney toward Quito, aswel to defend the Canares, as al­so for the great same of Golde that was thought to bee in those partes, in the Treasury of Atabaliba, when Rumi­nagui had vnderstanding of the comming of Captaine Be­nalcasar, hee came and encountered with him in manye daūgerous passages, with y^e number of 12000 Indians, & also had many priuie snares made to intray y^e Christiās, in the high wayes: which pollicies Benalcasar did preuent with great diligence, for in the night season he sent 60. or 70. horsemen, to assure his way, either aboue or beneath y^e accustomed high wayes, which was ordinarily done be­fore the morning, so y^t with this industry, y^e enemy was forced to retire into the plaines, where they durst not a­bide the battaile, for the great spoile which the horsemen made among them [...]ut if by hap they staied in any place, [Page 39] it was where their vsuall snares were betwéene them and the christians, which were great holes made in the groūd, sticked ful of stakes, couered ouer with a false co­uering of grasse, straw & sand, or els with turues which was so wel handled, that w^t great difficultie those snares could be discouered, and might wel be compared to those which Caesar wryteth in his seuenth commentary, which the people of Aexia deuysed for the defence of their citie. But notwithstanding all their inuentiōs, they could not deceiue Benalcasar, & his chiefe pollicie was, that alwayes he would be sure not to giue any onset, where the Indi­ans shewed countenance to expecte his comming, for there was alwayes the snares ordeyned: But rather he would goe and compasse them about 2. or 3. leagues to as­saulte them on their backs, or sidewise, with great ad­uise, not to passe vpon any gréene thing that might séeme counterfaite.

But now the Indians séeing their practises woulde take no place, they deuised another practise, which was, they hauing vnderstanding, or at the least suspecting, which way the Christians would passe, made certayne heales in the ground, of the breat [...]h of a horse foote, & som­what déepe, not much distant one from another, preten­ding by this pollicie to breake their horse legs. But yet their deuises could not preuail to deceue Benalcasar, who stil proceeded on, conquering as he went euen to the prin­cipal cittie of Quito, where hee had aduertisement how Ruminagui had sayd vnto his wiues (which were many) now shall you haue your desire and pleasure, for y^e Chri­stians whom ye loue are at hand, with whom yee may take your repast. But those poore wēches thinking that he had speaken those words in meriment or iest, laughed at his sayings, which laughter cost them déere, for with méere ielicusie incontinent he commaunded their heads to be stricken from their bodies, and when he had execu­ted this cruell acte, he determined to flee, and forthwith [Page] [...]e set on fyer a war [...]drope which was ful of rich prince­ly ornaments, which sometime did belong for the ordi­nary appartel of Guainacaua. When these his venemo [...]s factes were ended, he fled and in his flight hee gaue a so­daine assault vpon the Spaniards, but no hurt done, so that now entred Benalc [...]sar, and tooke quyet posse [...]sion of the Citie.

In this meane season, y^e Lord Marques, Gouernor, sent Don Diego de Almagro to the new citie of S. Mighel, & there to take information of certaine newes which was certi­fied vnto him, which was, how Don Pedro de Aluarado, Go­uernour of Guatimalla, had taken shipping to come into Peru, with a great power both of horsemen and footmen, to discouer Peru, as more at large shall be declared in the next chapter.

Don Diego de Almagro came to the citie of S. Mighel [...] without hearing any [...]urther newes of that matter, but he had vnderstanding how Benalcasar was in the siege of Quito, and of the resistance of Ruminagui, whereupon he determined to goe succour him, and accordingly tooke that iorney in hand, which was 120. leagues from saint Mighel. And when he was come to Quito, he tooke all Benalcasars men, and ioyned them with his army, with whom he conquered certaine townes, which vntill his comming would not yeeld, but when he saw that y^e great treasure of gold which he expected, could not be found, he returned toward Cusco, leauing Captaine Benalcasar for Gouernour of Quito, as he was before his comming.

How Don Pedro de Aluarado came into Peru, and what followed. Chap 10.

AFter that Don Hernando Cortez, Lord Marques of the valley of Huaxacac, had conquered and pacyfied the new Spayne, hee had vnderstan­ding of a countrey adioyning therunto, called [Page 40] Guatimala: for the discouery thereof he sent one of hys captaynes called Don Pedro de Aluarado, who with y^e com­pany which he had with him did conquere and winne the same, with great peril and danger: And in recompence of his paynes taken, the Emperour his maiesty gaue vnto him the gouernment of the same countrey. Frō whēce he had intelligence of the Prouince of Peru, whereupon he besought his Maiestie, to graunt vnto him some parte of that discouery, which according to his request was gi­uen vnto him, with the conditions accustomed for disco­uerers. By vertue of which graunt vnder letters pa­tents, he sent a Gentleman of the towne of Casarez, cal­led Gartia Holguin with two shippes to discouer the coast of Peru, at whose returne bringing newes of the greate quantitie of golde which Don Francisco Pisarro had obtay­ned in his discouery, he determined personallye to take that iorney in hand, and whilest that Don Francisco was occupyed in his affayres in Caxamalca, he imagined that he might easily procéede beyonde his iurisdiction, vpon his pretended discouery, and take possession of the Cittie of Cusco, which in his iudgemente did stand without the limittes of the 250. Leagues of ground, discouered and graunted in gouernment to Don Francisco Pisarro, and to bring the better his purpose to effect, he feared least suc­cour might come from Nicaragua, to the Gouernour, wherupon on a night he sayled to Nicaragua, where hee tooke by force two great shippes which were there rig­ging, to effect, that when they were trimmed, they should passe a company of men and horses to the gouernour Pi­sarro in Peru. In which shippes, and in his owne which he brought from Guatimalla, he embarked 500. horsemen and footmen, and with them sayled til he came to y^e coast of Puerto Viejo, and from thence hee tooke the way to Quito by land, in y^t paralell of y^e Equinoctiall, along some part of the plaines among thickets, called Arcabucos, in which iorney they passed extreme necessity of victualles, [Page] as wel of meate as drinke, which would haue bene much greater, if by good hap they had not met and fallen into a ground of great Canes, whose propertie was, that cut­ting any of them at the knot, they found the hollow full of sweete water, excéeding good & holesome. Those canes are ordenarily as big as the calfe of a mans leg, so that betwéene two knots of ech cane was found a pottle of fresh water.Canes of fresh water. They hold opinion the particuler propertie of those canes is to gather water by atraction of y^e dewes which dayly fall in the night season, by meane whereof, although the sayd plaines are drye without any kinde of Springs, yet with this succour of water the campe of Don Pedro was wel comforted, aswel men as horses, yet not­withstanding their hunger was such, that they were [...]orced to eate many of their horses, although eche horse was worth by iust valuation in that countrey, 5000. ca­stelins in gold. And as they went on their iorney, the most part of that low way, there rayned hote ashes vpon thē, which afterward was knowen to come out of a Vol­can which is not far from Quito, Volcan. out of the which procée­deth such a marueylous fyer, that lanched out ashes and imbers aboue 80. leagues compas, and sometimes the noyce & thundering that came from thence, was heard a hundred leagues of.

In all the townes and villages which Don Pedro pas­sed through vnder the Equinoctial Line, he found great plentie of Emraldes, and after he had passed so trouble­some wayes, whereof in many places hee and his men were forced to make way by force of hand, he then came vnto a loine of hilles couered w^t snow, where it snowed continually with an exceeding colde, through the which he was driuen to passe,A perilous pass [...]ge. where with the extremitie of cold dyed aboue sixtie of his men, although as many as were of his cōpany, put on their bodies all the apparrel which they had, to passe that extremitie of colde, yea they made such hast, that none of them would tary one for another, [Page 41] neither to comfort nor helpe them: so that it hapned that a Spanyard who carried his wife & two daughters with him, and séeing them tired with wearines, and that hee could neither succour nor yet carry thē away with him, hée hauinge his harte kindled with paternall loue,An example of true Loue. abode with them, where as they al foure were frosen to death, and although, he mought wel haue escaped, yet the loue of his wife and children was so great, that he rather desired to die, than to depart from them. So that to conclude, with this great daunger, the Captaine with his Armie passed these snowy Mountaines, holding them selues for most happy, whē they saw them selues on the other side, and gaue God praise, with excéedinge ioyful hartes: and although the Prouince of Quito is inuironed with high Mountaines couered with Snow, yet notwithstandinge in the middest are temperate valleyes, both fresh & plea­sant, where people inhabit, and haue plenty of corne.

At that instant, was so great a thaw of the snow of one of those mountaines, that the water which proceeded out of that snow, came downe with so great a furye, that it drowned a towne called Contiega: the force of this wa­ter was so maruailous, that it draue stones bigger than any Milstone downe with the streame, with such facili­tie as if it had béene of Corke.

How Don Diego de Almagro, met with Don Pedro de Aluarado and what passed betweene them. Chap. 11.

BEfore hath been declared, how Don Diego de Almagro hauing left for Gouernor in Quito, Captaine Benalcasar, and not hauing perfect newes of the comming of Don Pedro de Alua­rado into Peru, hee returned vnto Cusco, in which iorney, he wan certain Fortes & fortresses, where the Indians had lodged them selues for their safetie, in which affaires he was so long time occupied, y^t Don Pedro had time to aland his men, and came into the Prouince of Quito, before Don Diego had therof intelligēce, by mean [Page] of the great distance of way which is betweue these pla­ces, and also where no towne of contractation is, neither of christians nor yet of Indiās. As he went on a day con­quering the prouince of Liribamba, he passed ouer a mightie riuer with great peril, for y^• Indians had brokē down the bridges, so that he was forced to wade ouer in the sha­lowest place that he could finde, and when he was comen ouer he found ready to receiue him a great nūber of In­dians men of war, against whom the victory h [...]e had ob­tayned with great difficultie: for their wemen did great hurt w [...] slings: yet not withstanding the Indians had the ouerthrow, & their Cascike was taken prisoner, who cer­tified Don Diego that Dō Pedro de Aluarado was 15. leagues from thence, besieging a fort, wherin was an Indiā cap­taine called Sopasopagui. Whē Don Diego had vnderstan­ding of these newes, forthwith he sent seuen horsemē to discry his camp, but their fortune was to be taken priso­ners by Don Pedro his men: notwithstanding hee released them againe, & came with al his power and pitched his campe within fiue leagues of the Real of Don Diego, with determinate intent to breake with him, & to take frō him both his men and countrey. When Don Diego saw the great aduantage that his enemie had, he determined to returne to Cusco, with only 25. horsemē, and to leaue the residue with captaine Benalcasar for to defend y^e countrey. At this instant the Indian Interpreter, called Philip, of whom mention hath béene made, who was the only cause of Atabalibas death, & fearing punishmēt for the same, he fled from his master, and went vnto Don Pedro, he also ca­ryed with him one principal Cascike, and priuely conser­ted with Don Diegos army, that when hee sent for them, they should pas vnto Don Pedro his side. Whē Philip was come to Don Pedro his presence,A traitor. he offered to put into hys hands al that countrey in quyet possession. He aduertised him also that Don Diego was retired vnto Cusco, & more­ouer he said, that if it would please him to apprehēd him, he might now doe it with great facilitie, for (quoth he) he hath but 250. men, of the which are 80. horsemen. Don [Page 42] Pedro geuing credit to the false Interpreter, furthwith began to direct his way toward Don Diego, whō he found in Liribamba, with determination to die in the defence of the countrey. Don Pedro, in like maner, set his company in good order, & with spred ensigne was in readines to geue y^t onset. But Don Diego hauing but few horsemen meant to resist his encounter on foote: wereupon he deuided his men into two quadernes, w^t the one was captaine Benal­casar, and he himselfe had the other: And in this order be­ing in sight one of the other, there began a parle of peace, and for that purpose to stay the battel for one day and a night, in which meane time, the Licenceat Caldera tooke vp the matter betweene them in this sort: that Don Diego de Almagro should pay vnto Don Pedro de Aluarado 100000.100000 poi­zes for agree [...]ment. poysez of gold for his shippes, horses, and all other furni­ture of his nauy, and that they should both goe frendly to­gether to visite the Lord Marques Pisarro, and that there the payment should be made. This agréement was ac­cepted, and also kept in great secret: For if Don Pedro his men had vnderstoode these dealings, among whom were many gentlemen, some tumult might haue rysen, consi­dering that the remuneration of their seruice was not spoaken of, the premises considered, & proclamation was made that they should trauell in vniformitie of company together, in such sort that Don Pedro his nauie should con­tinue on his nauigation along the sea coast, procéeding on his discouery, & that al his men should be at liberty, either to abide vnder captain Benalcasar at Quito, or els to go w^t their general by sea, cōsidering y^t now they were all lin­ked in peace, brotherly loue, & cōformity: Whē this order was manifestly knowē, many of D. Pedro his mē abode in Quito, & Don Diego, & Dō Pedro w^t al y^e residue of their reti­nue came together to Pachacama, where they had know­ledge y [...] y [...] gouernor Pisarro was come frō xauxa to receue thē. The night before Don Diego departed from the Pro­uince of Quito, Iusti [...]. he burned aliue the Cascike that fled frō him, and the like had bene done to Philip the interpre­ter, if Don Pedro had not intreated for him.

How Don Diego de Almagro, & Don Pedro de Aluarado met with the Cascike Quixquix, & what passed betweene them. Chap. 12.

DON Diego and D. Pedro going on their iorney from the prouince of Quito toward Pacha­cama, y^e Cascik of the Canares enfourmed thē how Quixquix who was some time a Cap­tain appertaining to Atabaliba, was cōming toward thē w^t an army of 12000. Indians men of war, & that daily his hoast increased: But (quoth he) if ye wil a­bide his comming, I wil deliuer him into your handes: Unto whose words Don Diego gaue no credit, but procée­ded on his iorney, and would not tarry their cōming, so y^t when they were come to the Prouince of Chaparra, they espyed about 2000. Indians which were come about two dayes iorney before their Generall Quixquix, vnder an other Captaine called Sotaurco, because Quixquix vsed al­wayes this pollicie in the way as he went, to haue y^e said Captaine alwayes in his vaūtgard, and on his left hand he had likewise 4000. Indians who gathered victuals in al the villages as they passed: he also vsed in his reregard other 3. or 4000. Indians, who followed one daies iorney behind the rest, and Quixquix went in the midst with y^e body of the host, with their cattel & prisoners, so that hi [...] whole army did alwayes occupy 15. leagues in circuit. And wheras Sotaurco his meaning was to haue taken a passage that he thought the christians of force should pas, to which place Don Pedro was come before him, wher he took him prisoner, & of him had vnderstāding of al Quix­quix his pretēce, wherupō on a night he prepared an am­bush of horsemen, although he could not so soon bring his purpose to passe, because he was forced to stay the shoo­ing of his horses, who had passed a perilous way of rocks and stones, by reason whereof they were vnshooed, So that lea [...]ing his pretended ambush, he made al hast pos­sible til he came within sight of Quixquix his camp, who whē he had espyed the Chris [...]ians, he toke another course [Page 43] with his wiues and seruile people, and he placed a bro­ther of Atabaliba called Guaypalcon, with the chiefest of his soldyers in another part which was very asperous, so that he went to encounter with Don Diego de Almagro, going vp a hil, hauing his horses welnigh tired with the troblesome way which he had passed, and with much adoe leading them by their brydels, they came to the hill top: They also receaued great hurt with the stones which y^e enemies rolled down the high hilles vpon thē: notwith­standing, at the length, the christians enuyroned Guay­palcon, who seeing himselfe so beseeged on euery side, hee then fortifyed him and his company on the top of a high cragged rock, where he stoode to his defence vntil night, at what time Don Diego and Don Pedro sounded the retire for their soldyers: and the Indians with the darknes of the night came from their hold to seeke their Generall Quixquix. 14. Spany­ardes, be­hedded [...] Afterward was knowen how the Indians on the left winge had slaine and cut of the heads of [...]xiiii. Spaniards which they had taken at aduantage, & procee­ded on their way til they met with the reregard of Quix­quix, The Indians made them strong at the passage of a ryuer, so that all one day they suffered not y^• Spaniards to passe, but forced thē to seeke another way, which was toward the mountaines, where the Spaniards meant to haue taken a high hil, but they receaued great damage in their pretended purpose, for when they would haue re­tired, the cragged and troublesome way was their hyn­derance: by meane wherof, many were wounded, especi­ally, captaine Alonso de Aluarado, who was thrust through the thighe, and another Knight of the order of S [...] Ih [...]n, sore wounded: all that night the Indians kept good watche, but in the morning the passage was left cleare, that the Christians might passe at ease, & the enemy driuen into the Mountaine, where they rested in peace. Don Diego would no longer abide, but procéeded on his iorney: all the stuffe whi [...]h the Indians could not carry with them they burned, leauing behinde them about 15000. Shéepe, [Page] and 4000. men and wemen, which yéelded themselues to the Spanyardes, hauing been prisoners vnto Quixquix.

When the Christians were come to S. Mighel, Don Diego de Almagro, sente Diego de Mora to Puerto Viejo, to receaue to his vse the Nauy of Don Pedro de Aluarado, who on his behalfe sent to that effect, Garcia de Holgun to make deliuery of the same accordingly: & afterward Don Diego in the citie of S Mighell, prouided aswell his owne men, as Don Pedro his men, of all furniture necessary for the warres, and the like of money & apparrel: this doon, they tooke their iorney toward Pachacama: and in the way as he went, he left inhabited the citie of Trugillio, in the go­uernment of Captaine Martine Astete, according to the or­der of the Gouernor Don Fancisco Pisarro.

In this meane while, Quixquix cōming nere vnto Quito one of y^e Captaines appertaining to Captaine Benalcasar, gaue the ouerthrow to his vauntgarde, & therby put him in such an agony, that he knew not what to doo: & more­ouer his Captaines of greatest trust, perswaded him to yeeld to Benalcasar: but in recompence of their counsel, he threatned them with the reward of death, & cōmaunded that they should prepare them selues to retire, but his men not hauinge furniture of victuals for their returne, his Captaines ioyned togeather, and toke for their chief­taine Guaypalan, who in the name & voyce of all the rest, saide vnto him, that it were much better for thē to die in fight with christians, than to perrish with hunger in the retire into places vnhabited: Unto which sute & request, Quixquix gaue a lowring answere, wherupon Guaypalan strake him to y^e hart with his Launce, & incōtinent came other of his captaynes, who with clubs & hatchets made him into peeces, & than the souldiers scattered thē selues some one way, & some another, euē at their own pleasure.

How the Gouernor paid Don Pedro de Aluarado the 100000 poyzes for the agrement, and how Don Diego would haue (perforce) bin receiued Gouernor in the Cittie of Cusco. Chap. 13.

[Page 44]WHen Don Diego & Don Pedro were come to Pachaca­ma, the gouernor who was come thither frō Xauxa, receiued & entertained thē ioyfully, & also according to a­greement, paid vnto Don Pedro the 100000 poyzes, in rea­dy gold, for his Nauy brought from Guatimala, although there were many y^t perswaded him to stay the payment, alleaging that the fleete was not worth so much money, no, nor yet the one halfe of the said sum, & that the former bargaine was made by Don Diego with feare, cōsidering that Don Pedro had great aduauntage of him, and there now he mought do wel to apprehend him, and sende him prisoner to the Emperors Maiestie. And although the Gouernor might haue taken that councell, and also haue brought it to passe accordingly without perrill: yet hee chose rather to ratifie & performe the worde & promise of his freend Don Diego de Almagro, & notwithstandinge the councel of his captaines, he made present paiment of the 100000 poyzes in good gold, & than permitted him quietly and fréendly to depart, & to passe vnto his gouernment of Guatimala, & he himself abode, and tooke order for the ha­bitacion & citizens of the citie of the Kings, & brought frō Xauxa y^e dwellers there, to inhabit the said citie, because it séemed vnto him a singuler place of contractacion, and excéeding holsome for mans health. From this citie de­parted Don Diego de Almagro, with a great company to­ward y^e citie of Cusco, & the Gouernor went to reforme the buildings & other things in the citie of Trugillio, & to make reperticion of the ground among the citizens: In this meane season came newes, how Don Diego de Alma­gro ment to possesse y^e citie of Cusco to his only gouermēt, because he had receiued aduertisemēt, by Hernando Pisarro how y^e Emperor had graūted vnto him the gouernment of one 100. leagues of groūd, beyond the limits of the go­uernmēt of Don Francisco Pisarro: which according to here say, did not extend so far as Cusco, but against this opiniō & possession, both Ihon Pisarro, & Gonsalo Pisarro, the Gouer­nors bretherne, did not only speake against, but also re­sist w^t many of their fréends, which daily came vnto thē: [Page] and also when the matter came in question in the coun­cel house of the Citie, among the principallest of the Cit­tizens, the greatest number helde with the Gouernour, Pisarro and his Bretherne.

When the Lord Marques had perfecte relation of the proceeding in Cusco, he forthwith toke his iorney thither by post, so that with his presence, al controuersies were ended, & pardoned Don Diego of his offence, who was not a litle amazed, because he had intermedled in so waighty a matter, with iust title or prouision from his Maiestie, but only with the newes of heresay, he presumed to take the Office vpon him: so that now againe they confirmed their former freendship & company, with this condicion, that Don Diego de Almagro should go to discouer the coun­trey, toward the South sea: & if hee should finde the lande fruitful and to his content, that then he would make sute to the Emperour, to graunt vnto him the gouernment therof: And if it happened that hee could not finde any soyle to his content, that thē the land vnder the gouern­ment of Don Francisco Pisarro, should bee equally deuided betweene them both: And vpon this conclusion, eache of them made a solemne othe, [...] solemne [...]the. at the communion of the holy sacrament, to performe the couenantes made betweene them: & furthermore, at the same communion time, Don Diego pronounced these wordes, saying: Lord, I beseech thee than, when I breake this oth before th [...]e made, that than thou confound mee body and soule. When these thinges were done, Don Diego began to prepare thinges necessary for his iorney, with 500. men, which he had vn­der his charge, and the Lord Marques returned to the ci­tie of the Kings, & sent Alonso de Aluarado to conquer the countrey of the Chachapoyas, which standeth distant 70. leagues from Trugillio, among the Moūtaynes: in which conquest, both hee and those which went in his company passed great misery and troubles, vntil they had pacified, & inhabited the countrey, for whose paynes the Gouern­ment of that Conquest was giuen vnto him.

How Don Diego de Almagro tooke his iorney toward Chili. Chap. 1.

DOn Diego de Almagro, de­parted on the discouery of his conquest, with whō went 570. horsemen and footmen, well prouided of al furniture necessary: yea there were some citizens that left their houses & repartitiōs to goe with him. He sent before him Iuan de Sayauedra, b [...]en in the cittie of Ciuil in Andoluzia, with 100. men, who in the Prouince which afterward was called Ch [...]rc 1 [...], met with certain Indians which came from Chili, no [...] know­inge what had passed in Peru, to geue their obedience to Inga, & to present him with certaine wedges of fine gold, which wayed 150000. poizes: which pray he tooke, and al­so was determined to haue taken Gabriel de Rojas, who had the charge of iustice by the appointment of the Go­uernour Pisarro, & hauing vnderstanding of his pretence, fled to the cittie of Cusco, and Don Diego with all his po­wer procéeded on his way, at the time when Mango Inga, who sometime had the state and crown of Peru, departed from Cusco, as before hath bin declared, he (I sayd) agréed w^t his brother called Paulo, & with another called Villao­ma [...] who was high priest among the Indians, which two persons of authority, with a great n [...]m [...]er of the Indian people, went in company with Don Diego, that when hee thought him selfe in most securitie, they should set vpon him, to murther both him and al his retinue, and concer­ning the gouernor who abode in Peru, he would also take the like order to dispatch him, and his army: at y^e time of this conclusion, Inga commaunded to sow the ground, [Page] that victuales might not want when time should re­quire, of which prouision the Spanyardes had no vn­derstanding. But when Villaoma could not bring his purpose to effect at Charcas, he came flying to Cusco. And when Don Diego was entred into the Countrey of Chili, Philip the Interpreter (who was priuie to all the con­spiracie) fled likewise, howbeit hee was taken by cer­taine Spanyardes that followed him, and aswel for this treason,Iustice. as the other that he committed in Quito: the Gouernour commaunded his body to be cut in quarters, who at the time of his death, confessed that hee was the only cause of the vniust death of Atabaliba, only to haue his wife at his commaundement, as before hath béene rehearsed. And as Don Diego was occupied in the conquest of Chili, a seruant of his named Iuan de Herrada, ouertooke him, he it was that his said master had left in the citie of the kings, to gather more soldyars for his seruice in the discouery, who brought vnto him a prouision, which Her­nando Pisarro had brought out of Spayne for him, by ver­tue of the which, the Emperour had made him Gouer­nour of one hundred Leagues of ground, beyonde the borders and limits of the iurisdiction and gouernment of Don Francisco Pisarro, the which office and gouernmente was called in the letters patentes, new Toledo, for the Precincte of Don Francisco his Iurisdiction was named, new Castile. But now Don Diego iudging that the cittie of Cusco did fall within the compasse of his Regiment, without any respect of his former othe which hee so so­lemnly had made, hee determined to cease and leaue of the discouery which hee had in hand, and to returne to take into his possession the Citie of Cusco.

Of the troubles which Don Diego de Almagro passed in his iorney toward Chili, and of some other par­ticularities of that countrey. Chap. 2.

GReate were the troubles which Don Diego and his company passed in the iorney toward Chili, aswel with hunger and thirst, as also with encounter of Indians, which were mightie great men of groweth. Also there were in some places excéeding good archers, who were clothed in Zeale skinnes: But the extreeme colde did much annoy them, aswell the bitter sharpe aire, as the frost and snow, & also the passage ouer the mountaines, which were couered with snow, where it hapned that a captaine called Ruydias, who followed Don Diego de Alma­gro, had many of his men and horses frozen to death, for neither their apparrel nor armour could resist the excée­ding sharpnes of the aire, which did so vehemently pene­trate and fréese them. The extremitie of this cold was such, that at the end of fiue moneths, when Don Diego re­turned toward cusco, he found some of his cōpany which had followed outward, frozen to death, standing on their feete, leaning vpon the Rockes, and holding their horse bridels in their hands: and their horses likewise frozen to death, as fresh without corruption, as though at that instant they had dyed.

The carcases of which horses was a great reliefe for his men at his said returne, for want of other victualles, and after they were past the extremitie of cold, thē came they into such a wildernes, without any kinde of habi­tation, where they stoode in as great a néede of water to drinke, so that their chiefe remedy was to carrye with them from the snowy hilles, shéepes skinnes full of wa­ter, in such sort, that euery liue sheepe carryed on his backe, the Skinne of an other dead Sheepe full of water.

[Page]

Among diuerse properties, which the Shéepe of Peru haue, one is, the strength of their ordinarye burden is halfe a hundred waight, and many times thrée quarters of a hundred, being laden vpon them as Cammels vse to carry their ladinge, and are in makinge much like vnto Cammels, sauing that they want the knop on the backe: The Spanyardes hath now brought them [...]o such pur­pose, that they will carrye a man also in a rode Saddell, foure or fiue leagues a day, and when they feele thē selues weary, they vse to lye downe, and will not rise againe although they should bee beaten neuer so much, or lifted vp with strength vpon their feete, yet they will not goe one [...]oote further except they bee vnladen: And it hap­peneth [Page 47] often times, that whan any rideth vpon them, and they feelinge them selues weary, they then lifte vp their heades, and looketh vpon him that spurreth them, and casteth out of their mouthes a thing of an exceeding euill sauor, which is though to be of the foode which lieth in their stomackes.

They are beastes of great commoditie, and their wooll is in euery respect as fine as silke, especially, one sorte or kinde of them, called Palos: their [...]éedinge is very small, chéefely such as labor, whose ordinary meate is Maiz, al­so they drinke very seldome (that is to say) once in foure or fiue daies: the flesh of them is passing good, and in eue­ry respecte as good, or rather better then the Sheepe in Castile: of this kinde of flesh, all the countrey is aboun­dantly prouided, and in euery Citie and towne, it is the principallest flesh in the Shambles, although at the first comming thither of the Spanyardes, they vsed no sham­bles: for why? euery one had cattayle of his owne, and whan one Neighbour killed any sort of Beast, his other neighbors might haue therof, what they would require.

In certaine places of Chili, were many Abstruses in the Plaines, so that when they were disposed to hunte them, the Spanyards would ride p [...]st after them, & very seldome could ouertake any, although their flight was on their féete, runninge and hoppinge: and although their bodies were hugie and waighty, yet with their leapes, a good horse runninge neuer so swifte, could very seldome out runne them.

There are also many running Riuers, which runneth in the day season, & at night not a whit, which is a thinge to be noted, and especially, among them that vnderstand not the reason therof: which is, that in the day time the sun melteth the snow and Ise of the mountaines, so that the water that commeth from those high hilles in the day maketh great Riuers, and at night all remaineth frozen againe. But after we passe 500. leagues al [...]ng the coast, & come into 30. degrées,30. degree [...] on y^e other side of the Equinoctial [Page] toward the Southward, there is plenty of rayne, and al­so al windes as ordinarily do blow, as it doth in Spaine, and other places Eastward. All the countrey of Chili, is inhabited, and hath aswel plaine ground as mountaines, and by reason of many crekes and bayes, which are in the sea coast of this lande: [...]ote. so that sayli [...]ge North and South, requireth sundry windes. Chili standeth in 40. degrees, as is saide, North and South, from the Cittie of the Kinges, till you passe to the saide 40. degrees in alti­tude: the countrey is very temperate, and hath Winter and Sommer in due season, accordinge to the qualitie of Castile, and their North Starre is in comparison like vnto ours, sauinge alwayes hee is accompanied with a litle white clowde: this starre according to Astronomers opinion, is called Pole Antartike, and hath also not farre from him the crosse starres, with other three more, that followeth him in their order, and moouinge so that there are seuen starres y^t attendeth on that North star, which differ not much from ours, which the sayd Astronomers call Triton, sauing that the fourth which are toward the South, standeth crosse wise, and are ioyned nearer togea­ther than ours: our North star also is cleane out of sight: within 200. leagues of Panama, comming directly vnder y^e Equinoctiall Line, where at one instant, is easely seen both those Tritons, or north starres, Artike, & Antartike, although a great space from the Pole Antartike, séemeth most playne the foure crosse starres: by the moouinge wherof, the Sea faringe men do kéepe their reckoninge, & whan they come to 30. degrees, then all the other three starres serue for their purpose.

In this countrey of Chili, the daye differeth from the night, and the night from the day, according to the course of the yeare, as it doth in Spayne, although not by the same times.

In the Lande of Peru, and in the Prouince of Tierra firme, and also in al other places there adioyninge to the [Page 48] Equinoctiall: the day and night is equall throughout all the yeare: and if at any time in the cittie of the Kinges, the daye or night increase or diminishe, it is so small a thing that it can not easely be decerned.

The Indians of Chili, goe apparelled like vnto the In­dians of Peru, both men and wemen are of a good iesture, and féede ordinarily of such meates as those of Peru. Beyond Chili 38. degrées from the Line, are two greate men of power, which maintaine alwayes war, the one against the other, and eche of them is of power to bringe into the Féelde 200000 men of war: the one was named Leuchengorma, which is Lord of an Iland, which standeth two leagues from the firme land, dedicated to his Idols, in which Iland standeth a great Temple, wherunto ap­pertained 2000 Preestes.

The Indians of this Leuchengorma, informed the Spanyardes, that 50. leagues beyond that place, between two Riuers, was a great Prouince, all inhabited with wemen, which consente not to haue any sorte of men a­mong them, except a certaine time conuenient for gene­racion: and then if any happen to bee with a childe,Amazo [...]. and bring forth men children, they are after certaine yeares sent to their fathers, and the daughters which they like­wise beare, remaineth with them: these wemen also are in subiection to Leuchengorma. The Quéene of these we­men is called Guayboymilla, which in their language, is as much to say, as Heauen of Golde, because the reporte was, that great quantitie of gold groweth there, & therof they make exceeding ritch cloth, & of all their cōmodities, they paye tribute to Leuchengorma. Maake [...] And although often­times y^e Spanyards hath had notice of this countrey, yet they neuer tooke y^e discouery in hande, because Don Diego would not abide to inhabit in y^e coast: & also sithence that time, Pedro de Valdiuia was sent to inhabit y^e coūtrey, who could not bring his desire of furniture to passe, cōuenient for y^e voiage, although he hath inhabited 33. degrées beyōd the Equinoctial Southward, & also perfect knowledge of [Page] habitacion was knowen to bee vnto 40. degrées alonge that coast, especiallye, one shippe, which Don Gabriell de Carauajall, Bishop of Plazensia, sent in discouery, which had passed through the Strayght of Magalanes, who from the said straite came sayling along that coast Nor­ward, vntil he arriued at the port of the city of y^e kings, and before the cōminge of this ship there was no memo­ry of Rats found in all Peru, so that it seemeth that y^e first broode of Rats came out of that ship, & sithens that time, al the citties in Peru are replenished with aboundance: it is thought that among chests and fardels of marchandize they were carried from place to place: wherupon the In­dians do name them Ococha, which is to say, a vermin [...] comen out of the sea.

Of the returne of Hernando Pisarro into Peru, and of the dispatch which he brought with him, and of the rebellion of the Indians. Cap. 3.

AFter that Don Diego de Almagro, was depar­ted from Cusco, Hernando Pisarro came frō Spayne, hauing receiued at y^e Emperors hand greate fauoure, who also made him knight of the order of S. Iames: He also brought for his brother Don Francisco, prorogation for cer­tain leagues of ground in his gouernment. And also the prouisiō which hath béene spoken of, for the gouermēt of Don Diego de Almagro. At this instant Mango Inga, Lord of Peru, was prisoner in Cusco, for the conspiracie which he had wrought against the Christians, with his brother Paulo Inga, and Villaoma Almagro wrote vnto Iohn Pisarro reques [...]ing him to set thē at libertie, because he was loth that Hernando Pisarro should finde them prisoners at his comming to Cusco, at which time Iohn Pisarro was in the conquest of Collao, and at the sight of his letter, they were discharged out of pryson.

[Page 49]When Hernando Pisarro was come to Cusco, he be­came a singular good freend to Inga, and vsed hym verie cur­teously notwithstandyng, he had alwaies regarde, to attende vnto hym. It was thought that this freendship was to the in­tent to craue some golde of hym for his Maiestie, or els for hym self. So that after twoo monethes that he was come to Cusco, Inga besought hym to graunt vnto hym leaue to goe vnto Yncaya, to celebrate a certaine feast, and in consideration of his courtesie, he promised to bryng vnto hym an Image of golde, whiche was made in remembraunce of his Father Guaynacaua, bothe in proportion and likenesse: the coueteous desire of gold, caused Hernando Pisarro to graūt his request. And when he was comen to Yncaya, he put in vre the conspi­racie whiche he had pretended since the tyme that D. Diego de Almagro departed from Chili, so findyng hym self at the place where he required to bee: He began to murder certaine Miners that wrought in the gold Mines, and other housdand men whiche were in the fieldes, he also sent one of his Cap­taines with a greate nomber of his people, to take the For­tresse of Cusco, the whiche his commaundement was doen ac­cordyngly: so that in sixe daies the Spanyards could scarcely winne the Fortresse againe, and at the winnyng thereof Ihon Pisarro was slaine in the night season with a stone,Death of Ihō Pisarro. whiche strake hym on the heade, so that by the meane of an other wound whiche he had on his head, he could not suffer his head peece, his death was bewailed throughout the lande. And cer­tainly the losse of his persone was greate, because he was a valliant manne, and well experimented in the warres of that countrey, and singularly beloued of all men.

When Inga had intelligence of the death of Ihon Pisarro, he came with all his power vpon the citie, & besieged it for the space of eight Monethes and more: and at euery full Moone he assaulted the Citie on euery side, how be it Hernando Pi­sarro and his brethren defended his assaulte like valliant gen­tlemen, with many other Capitaines, and approued good Souldiars whiche were within the Citie, especial [...]y Gabr [...]ell de Rojas, Hernando Ponso de Leon, Don Alanso Henriquez [Page] and the Treasorer Requelme, and many others, who vnar­med them selues neither daie nor night: and did assuredly be­leeue, that the Gouernor and all the other Spanyardes were slaine by the Indians, because thei had knowledge that all the lande had rebelled, and were occupied in the warres. So that these valliant minded men fought so manfully, as men that expected no humaine succour, but onely put their trust in the helpe from GOD alone: although thei daiely deminished by the handes of the Indians. In the meane while that the warre and siege endured, Gonsalo Pisarro with other twentie horsemen came out of the Citie, to vewe the siege, and proce­ded forwarde till thei came to the Lake called Chinichera, whiche stoode fiue leagues distant from the Citie, where the enemies came so thicke, and thronged vppon hym, who, al­though he a [...]d his companie fought valliauntly, yet thei had yelded, if Hernando Pisarro and Alonso de Turo, had not re­scued them with an other companie of horsemen, because Gō ­salo had entered too farre emong the enemies, whiche he did with greater courage then wisedome.

How Don Diego de Almagro came with his po­wer vpon Cusco, and tooke prisoner Her­nando Pisarro, Chapt. 4.

HEre before hath been declared, how Iuan de Herrada caried into the prouince of Chili, to Don Diego de Almagro, the prouision which the Emperor had graunted to hym, concer­nyng his newe gouernation, whiche did ex­tend beyond the limites of Dō Francisco Pisarro his graunt, wherevpon he determined to returne, from his pretended dis­couerie of Chili, and to take the Citie of Cusco into his po­wer: to whiche purpose, the gentlemen whiche were in his cō ­panie encouraged hym, to make all the hast possible, especial­ly Gomes de Aluarado, brother to Don Pedro de Aluarado and his Uncle Diego de Aluarado, and Rodrigo Orgonios: emong whom, some desired the reparation of the Citie and Countrey, and other coue [...]ed to bee alone in the gouernation [Page 50] of Chili, so that to bryng this matter to passe, thei deuised to cause their interpretars to proclaime, that Don Francisco Pisarro, and all his companie of Spanyardes were slaine by the Indians whiche had rebelled, who had likewise vnderstan­dyng of the rebellion of Inga. So that now Don Diego tooke this enterprise in hande, and when he was come within sixe leagues of Cusco, without giuing knowledge to Hernādo Pi­sarro of his commyng, he wrote to Inga, promisyng to par­don all that was paste, if he would become his freend, and as­sist hym in his pretended purpose, alledgyng moreouer, that all the lande appertainyng to Cusco, was within the precinct of his gouernement, wherefore his meanyng was to possesse the same. But Inga deceiptfully sent hym woorde, that he should come personally and talke with hym, and so he did, with suspition of some deceipte: wherefore he lefte some of his menne with Iuan de Sayauedra, and tooke the reste with hym. But when Inga espied tyme conuenient, he sette vppon hym with suche a vehement courage, that Don Diego was glad to retire. In the meane season, Hernādo Pisarro, hauyng knowledge of his commyng, went to visite Iuan de Sayaue­dra at his Campe, and mought haue taken hym prisoner if he had would, as the Citezens of Cusco had counsailed hym to doe, but he would not, rather when he had spoken with hym, he retourned backe vnto the Citie, without the giuyng vnto him of any vngentle language, How be it, Iuan de Sayauedra reported afterward, that he had offered vnto hym 5000. poy­zes in gold, to deliuer into his power all the men whiche were in his companie, and that he refused the money. When Don Diego was retourned from Inga, he came with all his armie in the sight of the Citie with his Ensignes spread, where he tooke fower horsemen, whiche Hernando Pisarro had sent to talke with hym, he also sent to require the state and Cheef Magistrates of the Citie, to receiue hym for their gouernour accordyng to the Emperours letters Patentes graunted to hym, whiche were ready to bee seen. The saied Magistrates made answere, saiyng: that he should cause the limittes of his graunt to be measured with Don Francisco Pisarro, and whē [Page] it should be verified that the Citie of Cusco, should fall out of the league of grounde, specified in the graunt of Don Francis­co, then would thei yeelde to his request, and also obeye hym, as reason and duetie should require. But their wise and gen­tle aunswere was neuer performed: By meane whereof after did followe suche greate damage, slaughter, and discorde, be­twene these twoo valliaunt Captaines: and although sundrie tymes thei mette to measure by line the lande, that should ap­pertaine to eche of them, yet thei neuer agreed vpon the cause: For sometymes thei would saie that the leagues of lande, ap­pertainyng to the gouernation of Don Francisco, should bee measured a long the Sea coste, acceptyng into the reconyng all Creekes, Bayes, and croked heade landes, or Capes. O­thers helde opinion that the measure should bee by lande, ac­ceptyng likewise into the accompte all croked waies, whiche of force were to bee gonne almoste circular, and not directly straight. So that by eche of these twoo reconynges, the go­uernement of Don Francisco did finishe a greate waie, before thei could come to Cusco: yea some saied, before thei could come to the Citie of Kynges. But Don Francisco pretended that their opinions were not iuste, nor lawfull in that forme of measuring: but rather saied he, that thei should measure ac­cording to the rules of the altitude of the Sunne, allowing the due nomber of leagues to euery degree, beginnyng at the E­quinoctiall line, accordyng to Astronomers reconyng in the Northe and Southe course, by the superior line, and in so do­yng the Citie should fall into the iursdiccion of Pisarro. But bee it as maie bee: for as yet vntill this daie the matter was neuer agreed vpon, that is to saie, whether the Citie of Cus­co doeth fall into the newe Castile, or in the newe Toledo, al­though sundrie tymes, bothe Pilotes and learned Geometri­ciās hath met to decide the cause, especially the Licenciall Va­ca de Castro, who had a perticular Cōmission touchyng that matter, and as yet sentence was neuer pronounced. But now letting this discord ceasse, & returnyng again to the Historie.

Hernando Pisarro, sent woorde vnto Don Diego that he would prepare a certaine parte of the Citie, for hym and his [Page 51] retine we to lodge in, and in the meane while he would aduer­tise his brother Don Francisco, of his demaunde: who at that instaunt was abiding in the Citie of the Kyngs, to the intent that some order might be taken betweene them, consideryng that thei were bothe freendes and companions: And to treate of this matter, some doe affirme, that truce was taken vpon that condition, so that vnder that conclusion, eche one held him self to be in securitie. Hernando Pisarro caused that night all the Citezens and menne of warre, to take their reste in their houses, because thei were greatly wearied with watchyng, and wearyng their armour daies and nightes, without ta­kyng any rest at all.

When Don Diego had aduise of the Citezens reste and securitie, and the night beyng verie darke, especially through a darke Cloude, whiche at that instaunt couered the Citie, he forthwith assaulted the Citie. But when Hernando and Gon­salo Pisarro heard the noise, thei made greate haste in arming them selues, and their house beeyng the first that was assaul­ted, thei like valliant gentlemen defended them selues, vntill thei had set fire on euery side of the house, wherevpon thei yel­ded, and were in this order taken prisoners.

The next daie followyng Don Diego compelled the coū ­saill of the Citie, to receiue hym for their cheef ruler and Go­uernour: and also commaunded Hernando and Gonsalo Pi­sarro to be put in Irons, yea and many of his councellers wi­shed hym to put them to death, the whiche councell he refused considering the noble courage and minde, whiche thei shewed in the defence of their house, so that thei were put in the custo­die of Diego de Aluarado. Also it was credibly thought that certaine Indians were the occasion, that Don Diego did breake the truse that was made, and also some Spanyardes, who brought newes vnto hym, that Hernando Pisarro had commaunded to breake donne the bridges, and the Fortresse in the Citie, whiche newes seemed to bee the verie originall cause. For when Don Diego entered into the Citie, he spake these woordes with a loude voyce: Oh how haue ye deceiued me with your deceiptfull newes, for here I finde bothe brid­ges, [Page] and euery thyng whole and sounde.

Of all these proceadinges the Gouernor Pisarro, knewe nothing, nor many daies after the takyng of the citie, and im­prisonment of his brethren Don Diego de Almagro, made Paulo brother to Atabaliba kyng, & gaue vnto him the Cas­sal of the Empire, the which newes being knowne to his bre­ther Mango Inga, he fledde with a greate nomber of his peo­ple into certaine asperous Mountaines called Andes.

How the Indians slue many that the Gouernor sent to succour his brethren in Cusco. Chap. 5.

EMong other thynges whiche the Gouernour Don Francisco Pisarro sent to craue of the Emperour, he besought his Maiestie in remu­neration of his seruice doen in the conquest of Peru, to graunt hm 20000. Indians perpe­tually to hym & his discendentes, in a Prouince called Atam­billos, with their Rentes, Tributes, and Iurisdiction, with title of Lorde Marques of that place and people. The Em­perour aunswered, that as touchyng the Indian people he would take aduisement, and also of the qualitie of the Coun­trey, and what profite or damage thereof might growe: and that in consideration of his seruice, he would so gratifie hym as lawfully with reason he should thinke conuenient, so that at his request the title of Lorde Marques was graunted, and the Emperor commaunded that from thence forthe he should be s [...] called. And therefore hereafter in the prosecution of this Historie we will call hym by the name of Lorde Marques.

The Lorde Marques hauyng vnderstandyng of the re­bellion of the Indians, and not thinkyng the matter would haue come to suche extremitie, he began to sende succour of men, to his brother Hernando Pisarro, to Cusco, by little and little as he could gette them, by tenne, a [...]d fiftene at a tyme. The Indians also hearyng of this weake succour, appointed many men of warre to attende their commyng at euery dan­gerous, passage that was in their waie, so that as many as the Lorde Marques sent in this order, were as fast murdered [Page 52] by those Indians, whiche thyng would not so haue fallen out, if he had sent them all together. And as he went to visite the cities of Trugillio, and sainct Mighell, he determined to sende one Diego Pisarro, with 70. horsemen, to the succour of his brethren, al the whiche the Indians s [...]ue at a straight passage, whiche of force thei should goe, and at this daie is called the hill of Parcos, whiche standeth fiftie leagues from Cusco: and the like happened to the Marques his brother in Lawe, called Gonsalo de Tapia, who he sent afterward with 80. horsemen: thei also put to the worse Captaine Morgoujo and Captaine Gaete, with their cōpanies, yea, fewe or none of them escaped: so that those which alwaies followed last, could haue no knowledge of the successe of those which went before. And an other policie the Indians also vsed, which was, thei would let them passe, till thei came into a Ualley betweene twoo Hilles, and then would thei enuiron them bothe before and behinde, and from the high places came the stones as thicke as Haile, bee­yng throwne with slynges in suche sorte, that thei slue many of them, before thei could come to hande strokes. So that thei slue aboue 300. horsemen,300. horsemen slaine by the Indians. and tooke from them greate quā ­titie of Iewells, Armour, and apparell of silke.

Now the Marques hauyng no aunswere from none of those succours, he sent Francisco Godoy borne in Caceres with 45. horsemen, who by chaunce mette with onely twoo men, whiche had serued vnder Capitaine Gaete, and escaped from the tyranny of the Indians: so that by them he had intel­ligence of all that had passed, wherevpon he returned with all speede, although he was almoste taken in the snare of his fel­lowes, and was followed by the Indians aboue twentie lea­gues, and daiely by them encountered before, and in the rere­garde: So that he was forced to trauaile in the night sea [...]on, for feare of the multitude of enemies. And whē he was come to the Citie of Kynges, whither also was comen Captaine Diego de Aguero, with certaine men that h [...]d escaped the Indians rage.

The Marques had vnderstandyng, how a greate nomber of the Indian enemies followed Captaine Aguero, where­vpon [Page] he sent Pedro de Lerma with 70. horsemen, and many Indians his freendes, to encounter with the Souldiars of Inga: with whom thei fought almoste a whole daie, vntill the enemies were forced to take a high Rocke for their holde and sauegarde. Wherevnto the Spanyardes laied siege on euery side: the same daie captaine Lerma had his teeth broken with the stripe of a stone, and also nine of his men were wounded, and one horseman slaine. But the Christians draue them into so greate an extremitie, that if the Marques had not com­maunded them to retire, thei would that daie haue ended the warres: because the Indians were in extreame miserie shutt vp in their fort, and no waie to helpe them selues. So that the Spanyardes also seeyng theim selues free from the tyrannie of their enemies, thei gaue vnto God mooste hartie thankes, and th [...]s doen thei remoued their Campe vnto an high hille, that standeth not farre from the Citie of the Kynges, daiely skirmishyng with the enemies.

The cheefe Captaine of the Indians was called Tysoyo­pangui, and the brother of Inga, which the Marques sent with Captaine Gaete, in these warres whiche the Indians attem­pted nere the Citie of the Kyngs: it happened that many In­dians who were seruauntes to the Spanyardes called Yana­conas, serued the Indians of the warres in the daie season for wages, and at night came to their supper and lodgyng with their maisters.

¶How the Marques sent into diuers parties to requier succour, and how Captaine Alonso de Aluarado came to aide hym. Chap. 6.

THe Lorde Marques seyng suche a greate nō ­ber of Indian enemies in redinesse, for the besi­ging of the citie of the Kinges: he then thought assuredly that Hernando Pis [...]rro, and all his companie in Cusco were slain, and that the in­surrection and rebelliō was generall through the lande, thin­kyng also that Don Diego had the like successe in Chili. And because the Indians should not thinke, that with feare he kept [Page 53] his Nauie of shipps, to flie in them when neede should require. And also that the Spanyardes should not haue hope of succour to repaire to the saied shippes,The policie of a good Captaine. to escape out of the lande, and by that meane to fight with lesse courage, then manhoode should require, he commaunded the shippes to bee sent from thence to Panama. He sent also messengers to the Uiceroye of the newe Spaine, and to all the Christian gouernours of all the Indies: crauyng their fauor and helpe, aduertisyng thē of the great dan­ger that he was in. Signifiyng the same with woordes, not of suche courage as he was wont to shewe in other [...]hynges. But it should seeme that his so doyng, was through the pe [...]swation of some faint harted persone, whiche councelled hym so to doe.

He sent likewise to his lieutenant of Trugillio, cōmaunding hym to leaue the Citie without people, and to embarke their wiues, children, and goodes in a ship which he sent for that pur­pose, that thei might be conuayed to the firm la [...]e, and he with all the rest of the citezens to come with their horses and armor to aide him. Because he thought assuredly that the Indian ene­mies would come and spo [...]le their Citie, and he not able to de­fende them. So that he iudged the surest waie to bee, to ioyne them selues together in one bodie: yet he required that their cō ­ming should be in secret. Whē thinhabitātes of Trugillio were ready to depart towardes the Marques, came thither Captain Alonso de Aluarado with all his companie, who was come frō the discouerie of Chachapoyas, beyng also sent for, by the Mar­ques, and hauyng lefte a certaine companie of men of warre in the Citie of Trugilio, for the sauegarde of the same, thei came al together to the Citie of the Kynges to aide the Marques, who louyngly entertained them. And incontinent made Alonso de Aluarade captaine generall, in lue of Pedro de Lerma, who vn­till that tyme had enioyed that office, yet the vnplacyng of hym was so greeuous vnto hym, that afterward it caused Mutynie, as in place and tyme shalbe declared.

When the Marques sawe him self so well prouided of men, and other [...]urniture necessarie, he determined to succour, where moste neede should require. Whervpon he sent captaine Alon­so de Aluarado with 300. Spanyardes, footemen and horse­men [Page] to discrie the coūtrey: who proceding on his iourney about 4 leagues from the citie, in Pachacama he had a sharpe battaile with the Indians, of whom he had the victorie, and slue many of thē: this doen, he tooke the waie toward Cusco, in whiche iour­ney passyng through the countrey vnhabited, he suffered great penurie, and onely for wāt of water, died aboue 500 of his In­dians with thirst, who were labourers and caried his bagage, and if the light horsemen had not been, who roade by poste with certain vessells for water, whiche was the meane to saue the li­ues of a greate nomber mo of the footemen, whiche were all in danger of the same ende. As he in this maner proceded forward, he ouertooke in the Prouince of Xauxa Gomes de Tord [...]ya, na­turall de Villa Nueua de Barca Rota, who had in his companie 200 footemen and horsemen, so that thei were now in nomber 500 men, with whom Alonso de Aluerado tooke his waie to the bridge called Lumjchaca, where the Indiās had enuironed them on euery side, & hauyng their battaile together, the Chri­stians had the victorie, yet thei ceassed not skirmishyng vntill thei came to the bridge called Aban cay, where Alonso de Al­uarado had vnderstanding of the imprisonment of Hernando & Gonsalo Pisarro, and of all the affaires which passed in Cusco, so that he determined to procede no further, vntil he should haue further Commission from the Marques. When Dō Diego de Almagro had notice of the cōmyng of Alonso de Aluarado, he sent vnto hym Diego de Aluarado with other seuen horsemen, to notifie vnto hym the prouision graunted by the Emperor. Who at their commyng Alonso de Aluarado tooke them pri­soners: saiyng, that the Lorde Marques ought to be cited with their prouisions, & not he who was no partie for suche matters. But when Don Diego sawe that his messengers returned not againe, fearyng least Alonso de Aluarado, ment to enter into Cusco by some other waie.

About xv. daies after he came with his whole power, deter­minyng to set vpon Aluarado, because he vnderstandyng how Pedro de Lerma had practised a Mutinie, for to passe vnto him with 80 men, and when Don Diego drewe nigh to Aluarado, his scoute, toke prisoner Pedro Aluarez Holguin, who was a [Page 54] light horsman to Aluarado, who hauing intelligence of his im­prisonment, was minded likewise to apprehēde Pedro de Ler­ma vpon suspition: who fled from him the same night, carriyng with hym the fines of all those, whiche had promised their faithe and freendship to Don Diego.

On a night Don Diego came to the bridge, hauyng know­ledge how Gomes de Tordoya, and a sonne of the Coronel Vilal­ua, were tariyng his commyng, who had sent ouer at a shallow place many of the men, whiche were of the cōspiracie with Pe­dro de Lerma, who were encoraged to passe the water without feare. It was manifestly knowē, that some of the conspirators, who watched that night had stolne aboue fiftie Lances, whiche thei brought awaie with them. So that when Alonso de Alua­rado was minded to haue attempted the battaile, he founde the conspirators missyng, and many moe of his men whiche went to seeke their Lances, that were stollen from them in the night watch, were also wanting: by meane wherof Don Diego obtai­ned the victorie without bloudsheding, sauing that Rodrigo Or­gonios had his téeth broken with the stripe of a stone. Now whē the spoile was deuided, & Aluarado taken prisoner, Don Diego retu [...]ned to Cusco, where he shewed some bitternes of crueltie to his prisoners, yea and so exalted him self in pride, that he let­ted not to saie, that in short space he would not leaue one of the name of Pisarro to stūble at in all the dominion of Peru. Pride hath a fall at length. He said also, that the Marques might goe rule emong the Manglarez, whiche dwell vnder the Equinoctiall line, if he li [...]t to gouerne.

How the lorde Marques tooke his iourney to Cusco to succour his brethren, and hearyng of the ouerthrow of Alonso de Aluarado, he retourned backe to the Citie of the Kynges. Chapt. 7.

WIth the victorie whiche Alonso de Aluarado had ob­tained against the Indiās, as soone as he was depar­ted frō the citie of the Kynges toward Cusco, as well in Pachacama, as in Lumychaca, as before hath been declared, Inga and Tisoyopanguj were glad to retire frō the siege of the Citie of the Kynges. Wherevpon the Marques seyng hym self [Page] at libertie, and with a greate companie of men at his commaū ­dement, he determined to take his iourney towarde Cusco, to succour his brethren: and carie [...] in his comp [...]nie 700 horsmen and footemen, thinkyng that his aide should haue been against the Indians onely. For he knewe nothing of the returne of Dō Diego de Almagro from his discouerie, nor yet of any thyng whiche had happened.

Many of his souldiars which he caried with hym, were sent vnto hym by Don Alonso de Fuen Mayor Archbishopp, and lorde President of the Iland of Santo Domingo, with his bro­ther Diego de Fuen Mayor brought likewise a certain nomber of men from Panama. And also Diego de Ayala was retour­ned from Micaragua with an other companie of men. So that the Marques proceadyng on his iourney, vntill he came to the plaines in the Prouince de Nasca, whiche standeth distant 25. leagues from the Citie of the Kynges, where he had newes of the returne of Don Diego from his discouerie, and also of all o­ther perticularities whiche had happened, since his commyng, as before at large hath been rehearsed: the greef of those procea­dynges, moued his pacience not a little, yet notwithstandying, he considered, that his armie was furnished to fight with Indi­ans, and not armed to warre with Spanyardes. Wherefore he determined to returne backe againe to the citie of the Kynges, to encrease his power with more men: and to accomplishe his pre [...]ence, forthwi [...]h he put in vre his returne. Sēding vnto Cu­sco, the Licenciat Espinosa to take order in the pacifiyng of the broiles whiche were begun, and to enforme Don Diego, that if the Emperor should knowe of the discord that was happened betweene them, that then he would sende an other to take the charge from them bothe, and enioye the lande whiche thei ha [...] gotten with suche greate trauaill and perilles. The Marques also desired hym, that whē he could not make any lawfull agre­ment betweene theim, yet at the least that it might please Don Diego to sette his brethren at libertie, and he to abide in Cusco, and not to proceade any further, till the matter should bee con­sulted, and the Emperour to explane and declare, what eche of them should quietly gouerne and possesse.

[Page 55]With this Embassage, the Licenciat Espinosa departed on his iourney, how bee it, he could not bryng to passe any of those thinges, whiche were committed to his discretion. But whilest he was dealing in the agrement, he fell sicke and died. And Don Diego with his men, came doune to the plaines, leauyng in the citie, for his lieutenant, captaine Gabriell de Rojas, in whose po­wer he left prisoners Gonsalo Pisarro, and Alonso Aluarad [...], and caried Hernando Pisarro prisoner in his companie, and in this order he continued on his iourney, till he came to the Pro­uince of Chincha, whiche is within 20. leagues of the Citie of Kynges, and there he builte a Toune in remembraunce of his possession of gouernement.

¶How the Marques ioyned his armie, and how Alonso de Aluarado and Gonsalo Pisarro scaped out of Pri­son, and what other thinges happened Chap. 8.

WHen the Marques was returned to the Citie of the Kynges, he commaunded all his men to bee paide for their seruice, his armie multiplied by reason, that he gaue to vnderstand how he ment, to goe to resist and defende hym self against Don Diego de Almagro, wh [...] was commyng to inuade his gouer­nation, so that in fewe daies his armie encreased to the number of 500. footemē and horsmen, among whom were many Har­gubuziers, by meane that Pedro de Vergara was retourned from the discouerie of Bracamiros, and come in companie with Diego de Fuenmayor, who had brought frō Flaunders, where he was maried, a greate number of Hargubuziers with all fu [...] ­niture to them belongyng, for vntill his commyng, were but fiue in all Peru. Whereupon the Marques appointed for Cap­taines of the Hargubuziers, the saied Pedro de Vergara, and Nunio de Castro, and Diego Vrbina, borne in Ordonia, who was Nephewe to the Campe maister, he ordained Captaine of the Pikemen. He also appoincted Diego de Rojas Captaine of the Horsemen, with Porausuerez & Alonso de Mercadillio, and now he named Pedro de Valdiuja Campe maister, and Antonio de Vilalua, cheefe Sariant.

[Page]In this meane while, Gonsalo Pisarro and Alonso de Al­uarado, who remained Prisoners in Cusco, brake Prisone and came to the Marqnes with the number of fiftie persones, who had also taken Prisoner, Gabriell de Rofas Liuetenaunt of Don Diego de Almagro, with whose commyng, the Marques re­ioyced excedyngly, not onely because thei had escaped the perill that thei were in, but also their commyng was a greate encou­ragement to all his armie. So that now he appointed Gonsalo Pisarro Captaine general, and Alonso de Aluarado Captaine of the Horsemen.

But when Don Diego de Almagro vnderstoode the skape made by his prisoners, and the mightie power of the Marques, he determined to come to some agreement with hym, yea, and he hymself to make the first motion. For which purpose, he sent with his full power and auctoritie, Don Alonso Henriquiez, and the Emperors Factor, called Diego Nunez de Mercado, & also the Auditor Iuan de Gusman, to deale with the Marques vpon some quiet conclusion. Who when thei were come to the Marques and declared their message, he was contented to put the matter in compromise in the handes of the reuerend father Francisco de Bouadilla, and Don Diego consented thereunto. Whereupon eache partie hauyng discouered his greefe, and made whole relation of eache cause: father Franciso hauyng in­differently vnderstoode the matter pronounced sentence, in the which he commaunded that first and principally, Hernando Pi­sarro, who was prisoner, should be set at libertie, and the posses­sion of the Citie of Cusco, restored to the Marques as in his first estate, and that bothe their armies should forthwith be dis­charged, and to bee sent to discouer suche Countries as before that tyme was pretended: and that both parties should enforme the Emperour of all their proceedinges, to suche ende that his Maiestie might take order in their matters of discord. And that bothe the Marques and Don Diego, should come personally to talke the one with the other, and for that purpose, eache of them should meete at a Towne called Mala, and bring with eache of them 12. Horsemen and no moe: whiche Towne did stande in the midwaie of their two Campes. And vpon the pronouncing [Page 56] of this sentence, thei tooke their waie towarde the Towne of Mala, although Gonsalo Pisarro gaue no great credit to y^e truce that was taken, nor yet to the woordes of Don Diego, where­vpō he with the whole armie came after them, and secretly lod­ged his men neare vnto the saied Towne, commaunding Cap­taine Castro to laie him self in ambushe in a certain Cane fielde with 40. Hargubusiers, whiche was in the high waie that Don Diego should passe: to the entent that if Dō Diego should bring with him a greater nomber of men then was agreed vpon, that then thei should discharge their peeces against them, by whiche token he would also be readie with his companie.

¶How the two Gouernors mette, and how Hernando Pisarro was set at libertie. Chap 9.

WHen Don Diego departed from Chinicha, to go to the Towne of Mala with his 12. Horsemen, he left order with Rodrigo Orgonios who was his generall, that he should be in a readinesse, that if the Marques did happen to bring moe men then was agreed vpon, that then he to repaire with his armie, and that he should vse Hernando Pisarro, accor­ding as he should see, how the dealing fell out at their meeting.

When these two Gentlemen met, thei embrased the one the other very louingly, and after many wordes and muche talke had betwixt them, without any speech of the principall matter, a gentleman appartaining to the Marques, came to Dō Diego and tolde hym in his eare saiyng. My Lord get you hence with all speede possible, for it importeth you so to doe, and I as your frende and seruitor, doe so aduise you. This warnyng he gaue vnto hym, because he vnderstoode of the commyng of Gonsalo Pisarro: Don Diego geuyng credite to his frendes worde, cal­led in haste for his horse, & when certaine of the Marques Gen­tilmen perceiued that he would departe, thei perswaded their Lorde to apprehende hym, consideryng he might easely doe it with the Hargubuzers, which Nunjo de Castro had in ambush. But the Marques would in no wise consent thereunto, because he had giuen his worde to the contrarie, nor yet would not be­leeue that Don Diego would returne, with out some order ta­kyng [Page] betweene them.

And when Don Diego in the waie as he returned, espied the ambushe, then he gaue credite to the aduise whiche was giuen hym, and when he was come to his Campe, he complained of the Marques, saiyng that his meaning was to haue taken him Prisoner, and by no meanes the Marques could not otherwise perswade hym. Yet notwithstandyng, by intercession of Diego de Aluarado, Don Diego de Almagro released Hernando Pi­sarro vpon certaine promises made betwene them, among the whiche, one was that the Marques should graunt vnto him a Ship and safe harber, to sende for dispatches which were come from Spaine for hym, and also vntill the Emper [...]ur had taken order in their discention, the one should not deale with the other: [...] Rodrigo Orgonios did withstande and speake against the libertie of Hernando Pisarro, because he knewe of vncurteous dealyng whiche was vsed against hym, in the tyme of his im­prisonment in Cusco: Iudgyng that when he should inioye his libertie, he would reuenge those iniuries receiued, so that al­waies his counsell was that his head should bee taken from his shoulders. But yet the opinion of Diego de Aluarado was of greater efficacie, hopyng in the agreement that was taken.

Whē Hernando Pisarro was clearely released, Don Diego sent hym to the Marques his brother, accompanied with his sonne and other Gentlemen: he was no soner gone, when Don Diego repented hym of that whiche he had doen, yea, and it is thought that he would haue apprehended hym againe, if he had not made greate haste on his waie, euen vntill he met with ma­ny of the principall Gentlemen whiche serued the Marques, who were come to receiue hym.

¶ How the Marques proceeded against Don Diego, and how he returned towarde Cusco. Chap. 10.

WHen the agreement was made betwéene Hernando Pisarro and Don Diego, the Marques had receiued new [...] prouisions from the Emperor, whiche Pedro A [...]sure [...] had brought, wherein was conteined that eache of the [...]ouernors shou [...]d poss [...]sse and inio [...]e the lande, which [...]ache of [...] had discoue [...]d, inhabited and conquered at the tyme of [Page 57] the notifiyng of his Maiesties prouicion, although it were with in the limittes of the others gouernation, vntill his Maiestie should prouide in y^e principall cause, what iustice should require.

So that when the Marques had receiued this order, aft [...]r that his brother Hern [...]ndo Pisarro was set at libertie, he sent to require Don Diego that he should depart out of that Countrey and Townes, whiche he had bothe discouered and inhabited ac­cordyng to the Emperors commaundement. Don Diego aun­swered, that he was readie to obaie the prouision & the content [...] thereof, whiche was: that eache of them should abide in the pos­session which thei were in, at the tyme when his Maiesties pro­uision should bee notified vnto them, or either of them. So that in like forme Dō Diego required the Marques to obaie and ob­serue the same, an [...] to suffer hym quietly to inioye his possessio [...] without warre or contention, with protestation to obaie any o­ther determination or order, that his Maiestie hereafter should take in their discorde dependyng.

The Marques replied, that he first discouered, conquered, and inhabited, all the Toun [...]s, Cities, and Countrey of Cusco, and that by his wrong meanes and force, he was now disposses­sed of proper right. Therefore once againe he required hym to leaue his former possession vnto hym, accordyng to the plaine meanyng of his Maiesties commaundement, for otherwise, he would compell him to auoide, willyng him also to consider, that the tyme of truce taken betweene them, was now expired.

When the Marques sawe that Don Diego would not con­forme hym self with the Emperors cōmaundement, but rather scan the plaine wordes of the prouision to his own will, he pro­ceeded to giue hym battaile with all his power, and Don Diego retired as fast towarde Cusco, makyng hym strong in a high Mountaine called Guaycara, whiche laie in the waie as he wēt, workyng all the po [...]licie a [...]d mischiefe whiche he could deuise, to spoyle the high waie for to hinder and disturbe the Marqu [...]s passnge. But Hernando Pisarro with a companie of men fol­lowed hym at the he [...]les, and on a night by a secrete waie he as­sended in [...]o the Mountaine, and with his Hargubuzei [...]s he [...] ­tercepted his waie, so that Don Diego was forced to [...]l [...]e: and [Page] findyng him self some what euill at ease, he made the more hast leauyng in his Reregard Rodrigo Orgonios, who in good order co [...]tinued the retire, and also hauyng vnderstandyng by two of the Marques companie whom he had taken prisoners, how the Marques followed with al hast possible, he also made the grea­ter haste on his waie, although some of his Souldiars gaue him counsell to abide to encounter with hym, saiyng that all those which ascended the Mountaine, were the first daies as men that wer sea sicke. But this opiniō, Rodrigo Orgonios liked not, be­cause the gouernor Don Diego, had giuen him a contrary com­mission: Yet the Souldiers iudgement was helde among men of experience for the best waie, and would so haue fallen out if it had bin accepted, for truthe it was that the Marques company were those first daies, like men that were so si [...]ke and farre out of order, with wearinesse of the passage through the snoe in the Mountaines: in consideration whereof, the Marques descended doune into the plaines, & Don Diego passed to Cusco, alwaies breakyng doune the bridges, and spoylyng the high waies as he went, thinkyng that the Marques had followed hym, and whē he was entred the Citie of Cusco, he abode there two mo­nethes, ioynyng al his whole power and force of men together, trimmyng and settyng in good order his armor, municion, and all his furniture necessarie for the warres, he wrought weapōs of siluer and copper, and of the same mettall he cast Ordenance and sortes of Artillerie.

¶How Hernando Pisarro came to Cusco with his armie and fought the battaile at Salinas, and tooke Don Diego de Almagro Prisoner. Chap. 11.

THE Marques with all his armie beeyng in the plaines, hauing descended from the Moūtaines, he found among his Captaines sundrie opinions concerning their procedinges. But in fine it was concluded, that Hernando Pisarro should goe with the Hoste which was there in readinesse, for the Marques Lieutenant vnto the Citie of Cusco, and his brother Gonsalo [Page 58] Pisarro, to bee his Captaine generall, with title and voyce to execute iustice to certaine Citizens of Cusco which were in his companie, who had made complaint of wrong that had bin doen vnto them by Don Diego de Almagro, who had takē their hou­ses, landes, and Indian slaues from them against equitie and right. In this sorte the armie marched on, and the Marques re­turned to the Citie of the Kinges, & his brother Hernando Pi­sarro by ordenarie iourneyes, came to the citie on an euenyng, all his Captaines desired that thei might rest that night belowe in the plaines. But Hernando Pisarro would not graunt their request, rather he commaunded to pitche his Campe in the Mountaine.

The next mornyng followyng, Rodrigo Orgonios was at­tendyng his commyng with all his power in battaill araie, ha­uing for Captaines of his horsemen, Francisco de Chaues, Iuan Tellio, and Vincent de Gueuara, and on the Mountaine side, he had certaine Spaniardes, with a greate nomber of Indians to aide them, and al the frendes & seruitors of the Marques which were in the Citie, were apprehended and kept prisoners in two seuerall partes of the Citie, who were so many and imprisoned in so narrow a roome, that many of them were stifled. The next daie following Gonsalo Pisarro and his men hauing made their praiers vnto God, descendyng from the Mountaine doune into the plaines, where he ordained his Quadrons and marched to­warde the Citie, with intention to plante hym self vpon a high plot of grounde that standeth nere to the forte of the Citie, thin­kyng that Don Diego should discrie his mightie power, that he would refuse the battaile, the whiche was desired for many con­siderations, and specially the greate bloodshed that was like to followe.

Notwithstanding Rodrigo Orgonios was in the feeld with all his power and munition, attendyng the battaile, thinkyng that he could not bee damnified by any other waie, because of a certaine Marishe ground that was nere vnto them. But when Hernando Pisarro had vewed his enemies power: he cōmaun­ded captaine Mercadillio to [...]e ready with his horsemen, aswell to fight with the Indians if thei made any offer of fight, as to [Page] succour the maine battaile, if neede required. So that now be­fore the ioyning of the battaile, there begā a skirmish betwene the Indians of Don Diego, & the Indian freendes of the Mar­ques. Then began the horsmen of Pisarro to passe the Marishe groūd, and in the meane while the Hargabuzers shot of against a Quadron of horsemen of Don Diego his side, with suche cou­rage, that the horsemen retired. But when Pedro de Valdiuja Campe maister to the Marques sawe the retire, he assured thē of victorie on his side. Then was a peece of greate Ordenance shot from Don Diego his side, whiche slue fiue of the Marques his men. But when Hernando Pisarro had passed the Marishe ground, and a certain ronnyng brooke, also, he went with good

deliberation to encounter with the enemie, aduertisyng euery Cap [...]aine what h [...] should doe, at the tyme that the onset should be giuē, and with noble minde and courage he cherished and cō ­ [...]orted his men, and when he sawe the Pikemen of Don Diego in a readinesse with their Pikes, he commanded the Hargabu­zers [Page 59] to shote at the Pikes, so that with two dewes of shot, thei spoiled aboue fiftie Pikes. But when Rodigro Orgonios sawe this, he commanded his captaines to giue the onset, who were somewhat slowe in the obeyng of his commandement, where­vpon he hym self brake forthe with the maine battaile towarde the left side, where he sawe Hernando Pisarro like a valliaunt Capitaine before his Quadrons.An vncom­fortable Captaine. And Orgonios went cr [...]yng with a loude voice, saiyng: O verbum diuinum, followe me, ye that li [...]te, for I goe to die.

When Gonsalo Pisarro and Alonso de Aluarado, sawe the traues, that Orgonios set forthe, thei brake in vpon the enemies, and at the first encounter threwe to the ground aboue fiftie mē: and when Rodrigo Orgonios came to the rescue, he was woūded with the bullet of a Hargabuze in his forehed, which bullet pas­sed through his hedpeece. And after that he was woūded, he slue twoo men, and thrust with his lance a seruant of Hernando Pi­sarro in at his mouthe, thinkyng that it had been Pisarro hym self, because he was well armed, and gallantly attired. And whē bothe the armies were ioyned, the battaile was on bothe sides valliantly fought, vntill at length the Marques his side had the better hand, and Don Diego his men began to turne their bac­kes and flie, in whiche flight a nomber were slaine. But when Don Diego who stood on a high place to se the battaile, because he was somewhat euill at ease, sawe his men flie, he saied: By our lorde God, I had thought that we had come hither to fight. Then happened twoo horsmen to haue taken prisoner Rodrigo Orgonios, vnto whom came another, who had in tyme paste re­ceiued a certaine iniurie at his hande [...], and in reuenge of the same, strake of his hedde: and in suche sort were vsed other some that had yelded them selues, & yet Hernando Pisarro could not defende thē, although bothe he and his captaines did what thei might: and the cause was, that where the souldiars of Alonso de Aluarado had receiued by them the afrent at the bridge of Auā cay, thei now procured to reuenge by al the meanes that might be deuised. Yet the reuenge was suche, that where captain Rui­diaz caried one behinde hym, who had yeelded hym self, there came another, and slue hym with a Lance.

[Page]Whē Dō Diego saw his armie ouerthrowen, he went and lodged himself in the fortres of the Citie, where Gōsalo Pisarro and Allonso de Aluarado tooke him prisoner. The Indians se­yng the battaill ended, thei left fighting also: so that the one and the other of thē went to strip the ded hodies of the Spaniardes. Yea, & some of them were not fully ded, but yet were also strip­ped naked: for by reason of their woundes, thei could not defend them selues from those that stripped them naked, and there was none to disturbe them, for the victors minded no other thing, but to follow the victorie: Yet bothe conquerers, and conquered es:+caped suche encounters, that it had been a very easie thyng for the Indians, to haue consumed them all, if thei had been of cou­rage, seing the weakenesse that thei were in. This battaill was fought the 26. daie of Aprill 1538.

What passed after the battaill of Salinas, otherwise called Salt pit, and how Harnando Pisarro came to Spain. Chapt. 12.

WHen the battaill was finished, Hernando Pisarro tooke greate paines, to obtaine the loue and good will of the Capitaines, whiche had serued Don Diego, and remained aliue. And when he sawe that he could not bryng his desire to passe, he banished many out of the Citie, and seeyng that he had not possibilite, to gratifie those that had ser­ued hym: For eche of theim did thynke, that if all the gouerne­ment had been giuen hym, yet the paiment was not sufficient, wherevppon he determined, to deuide his hoste, and to sende his warriers to discouer the Lande, whiche he had knowledge of, wherein he brought to passe twoo thynges: The one, to re­munerate his freendes, and the other to banishe his enemies. So that he sent Captaine Pedro de Candia with three hundred of his owne menne, whereof parte were of those of Don Diego, to take in hande a certaine conquest, whiche had fame of greate riches. And whereas Pedro de Candia hauyng taken the iour­ney, could not bryng his desire to passe, by meane that the waie was so asperous and tro [...]blesome, he retourned againe toward [Page 60] Collao, with a Mutinie kindled emong his menne, because one whose name was Mesa, who had been Capitaine of the Art [...]llerie of t [...]e Marques, had sai [...]d that in despight of Her­nādo Pisarro, he would passe through the Prouince of Collao. But these wordes he spake by meane of the fauour and counte­naunce of those whiche had serued Don Diego, who were there present in the companie, because thei being ouercome in the late battaile: yet their greefe remained still in mynde. Whereupon Pedro de Candra sent the same Mesa prisoner with the pro­cesse and prouaunces whiche were made against hym, to Her­nando Pisarro. Who vnderstandyng that whilest Don Diego de Almagro liued, the Countrey should neuer bee in quiet, nor the people pacified, also aswell in the profes of Mesa as others, which Hernando Pisarro had made, he found mutynies in ma­ny places, and persones coniured to that entent, whiche was to haue Don Diego out of prison, and by that meanes to vsurpe the Citie. The promises consulted, he thought conuenient to kill Don Diego de Almagro, iustifiyng his death with all his offences, whiche he had committed in the broyles and altera­tions past, alledgyng that onely he had been the vrger and one­ly cause of the saied facte: and likewise how he was the first that brought men of warre into the Citie, and occupied the same by his owne aucthoritie. And moreouer, had slaine many that re­sisted hym, and likewise had come with an armie and Ensignes spred into the prouince of Chincha, which was manifestly kno­wen to be of the Marques gouernment. For whiche causes and considerations, he gaue sentence of death against hym. But when Don Diego de Almagro hard the sentence of death pro­nounced, he made a piteous mone, and spake many dolefull and sorowfull wordes to Hernando Pisarro, laiyng to his charge, how he was the onely cause that his brother and he were come to be exalted, and brought vnto the estate wherein thei now re­maine: And had furnished them with money at the beginnyng, wishyng that he would remēber how, whē he had hym prisoner in his power, he set hym freely at libertie without any rāsome, refusing the coūsell of his captaines who perswaded him to put hym to death. And if he had receiued any discurtesie in the time [Page] of his im [...]risonment, yet that he would consider that he neither cōmaunded it, nor was priuie therevnto. Likewise he besoug [...] him to consider, that now he was very old, and although at that instant he would remit his death: his age and time according to the course of Nature, would shortly make an ende of his daies.

Unto whom Hernando Pisarro made answer, saiyng: that his wordes did not become a personage of so great a minde and courage as he was of to speake: nor yet in suche a case to shewe him self so fraile and fearfull of death, and sith his Iudgemente could not be reuoked: he ought to cōfirme him self with the will of God, like a Christian and a gentleman. Unto whiche words Don Diego made answer, saiyng: sir, maruell you not that I as a fraile man and a sinner dooe feare death, for the humanitie of Christ did féele the same feare. But in conclusion Hernando Pi­sarro in executiō of his sentence, caused his throte to be cut [...] and when he had so doeu, he went to the Collao against the cōpanie of captain Candia, where he commaunded Mesa, who was the author of the Mutinie to be executed, & the same 300 men that Cādia had, he deliuered to Pedro Ansuerez, whom he had sent vnto a new discouerie: where thei thought al to haue perished w^t hūger, through the great marishes & euil waie that thei passed, and in the meane while he abode conquering the coūtrie of Col­lao, whiche is a plaine Countrey, and hath many golde Mines, and by reason of the cold, the Graine Maiz groweth not there.

The Indians of this Prouince eateth certaine Rootes cal­led Papas, whiche are verie like bothe in makyng and taste to Turnepes: There are greate store of cattaile, and cheefly the shepe which haue been spoken of. And when Hernando Pisarro had vnderstanding how the Marques his brother was come to Cusco, he left all his businesse and came to visite him, leauing in his place to go forward with the Conquest, his brother Gonsalo Pisarro, who proceeded in that discouerie vntill the Prouince of Charcas, where he was enuironed with many Indiā warriers which bent their force vpon him, & draue him to suche extremi­tie: tha [...] his brother Hernādo Pisarro, hearyng of suche danger tha [...] he was in, was forced to goe from Cusco with many ho [...]s­men to succour hym.

[Page 61]And because the aide should come vnto him the sooner, the Marques caused to be blowen abrode, that he in per­son would follow with al his power: & to giue the better countenance to the matter, hee went two or three dayes iorney out of the citie. When Hernando Pisarro was come where his brother Gonsalo was, he found that the Indiās were put to flight, so that certaine dayes they kept both company togeather, in that conquest, where they had ma­ny incounters with those Indians, vntil they had taken Tiso their Captaine, prisoner, and then with victory they returned to Cusco, where the Marques receaued them with great honor, and gaue lyuinges in that countrey, to as many as he (possible) might, & the residew he sent to other Conquests, with the other Captaines, Vergara, and Porcell, & by another way he sent Captaine Alonso Marca­dillio, and Captaine Iuan Perez de Gueuara, and the Campe Maister, Pedro de Valdiuia, hee sent to Chili, from whence Don Diego de Almagro came, when he returned to Cusco.

All those things being doone, Hernando Pisarro tooke his way toward Spayne, to make relation to the Emperor, of the proceedings in Peru, although many of his fréends perswaded him rather to abide, for (quoth they) it is doubtful how his Maiestie wil take y^e death of Don Diego de Almagro. The Marques also counsailed him to beware, & not to trust any of the fréends of Don Diego, which com­monly were called the men of Chili, & not to permit them to councell, & gather togeather yea, and if at any time he should see aboue sixe of thē togeather, that then he might be assured that some conspiracy was in hand.

VVhat happened to Captayne Valdiuia, in his voyage, to the Prouince of Chili. Chap. 13.

PEdro de Valdiuia, with his company, came to the Prouince of Chili, where the Indians receiued him with fained peace and freendship, because their haruest was at hand, and not as yet fully [Page] rype: but after their corne was had into their Garnets, they made a generall insurrection, and sodainly came vp­on the Spanyards, who went wandring carelesse abroad in the Feeldes, and slue fourteene of them. Valdiuia hearing of the daunger which his men were in, he made all haste possible, to succour them: and beeinge occupied in the ayde of his company, there were certaine Spanyardes that had conspired against him: but when the parties were knowen, and the case euidently to bee approoued, hee forthwith commaunded the conspirators to be hanged, among whom was Captaine Pedro Sancho de Hoz, who hee esteemed as his companion, on that Iorney.

Whilest he was executing of Iustice in the Féeld, there came aboue 7000. Indians vpon the cittie, who put the few Spanyards, which had the gard of the cittie in great extremitie, amonge whom were Captaines, Francisco de Villagran [...] and Alonso de Monroy, with onely thirtie horse­men, who came out of the Cittie into the Féelde, where they fought like valyaunt men of War, with the Indian Archers, from the morninge, till the night compelled them to rest: of which skirmish, they were al both woun­ded and wearied: The Indians also were as glad of the retire, through the slaughter and damage which that day they had receaued. So that from that day forwarde, all the countrey was on an vproare, and prepared for the Warres, and so continued for the space of eyght yeares, all the which time, Valdiuia and his men resisted their fury, and neuer left the countrey, but rather caused his souldiers to plough and sowe the ground, and gather the corne to maintayne them, without any ayde of the Indi­an helpe, and so continued vntill hee returned to Peru, which was at y^e time when the lycenciat De la Gasca was preparinge an Armye against Gonsalo Pisarro, in all the which warres hee serued, as hereafter shalbe declared.

How Gonsalo Pisarro prepared him selfe for the Ior­ney of Zinamon. Chap. 1.

AFter that knowledge was had in Peru, how within the precincte of the dominion of Quito Eastward, was discouered a ritch countrey, where aboū ­dance of Zinamon did grow: By reason wherof vulgarly that Countrey or Prouince was called the land of Zinamon. Whereupon the Marques deter­mined, and also tooke in hand to conquere and inhabite that Countrey: so that for the same purpose he chose his brother Gonsalo Pisarro, with intent that alwayes from Quito that vyage should be furnished with all necessa­ries. And in accomplishment of his pretended purpose, he made assignation of the gouernment of Quito to his sayd brother Gonsalo, in hope that the Emperour his Ma­iestie would confirme the same. This don, Gonsalo Pisar­ro tooke his way toward this discouery, with a reasona­ble number of men.

In the way as he went, he was forced often times to fight with the Indians of the Prouince of Guanuco, wh [...] draue him to such extremitie, that he was compelled to write to the Marques for succoure, who sent vnto him Francisco de Chaues, and after al those broyles were past, he came to Quito.

In this meane while, the Marques sente Gomes de Aluarado, to conquere and inhabite the Prouince of Gua­nuco, because he was informed how certaine Cascikes had conspired, and with a great number of Indians were [Page] gone to the siege of the citie of Trugillio, who also slew as many Spanyards as they met withall: Robbing & spoy­ling likewise the pe [...]re Indians which were Comareās to the citie, and all the spoyle & carkases of the dead, they offered to an idole which they carryed with them, called Caraquilla: And in this order proceeded on their iorney, vntil Mighel de Lacerna issued out of the Citie with as ma­ny Citizens as he could gather together: Who ioyning with Francisco de Caues, fought with the enemie, and ob­tayned victorie.

How Gonsalo Pisarro departed from Quito, and came to the Countrey of Zinamon, & what hapned to him on his way. Chap. 2.

GOnsalo Pisarro hauing prepared all necessaries for his determined vyage, hee departed from Quito, hauing in his company 200. Spaniards wel trimmed in all poynts, of the which num­ber was one hundred horsemen, and aboue 4000. Indian frends, with 3000. sheepe and hogs. After he was passed a towne called Inga, he came into the countrey of the peo­ple called Quixos, which is the farthest Countrey that Inga Guaynacaua conquered toward the North, where as those Indians made a countenance of warre. But in one night they vanished all away, so that one of them coulde not be taken.

An Earth [...]uake.After a while that hee had abode with his Armie in the townes and dwellinges of those Indians, refreshing thē selues, there happened a maruailous great Earthquake, with rayne and tempest of Lightning and Thunder, and the ground oppened in many places, and swallowed vp more then 500. houses: yea, a riuer which was not farre from them, did so much increase, that it was not possible for them to passe ouer to seeke victuals: by mean wher­of, they were driuen to great penury and hunger.

[Page 63]After he departed from these Indian dwellings, they came to a row of high hilles, which of force they should passe: The extreme colde on the top of those hilles was exceeding great, in such sort that many of their Indian frendes were there frozen to death: and because that wil dernesse of mountaines was without any succour of vic­tuals, they were compelled to proceede forward, till they came to a Prouince called Sumaco, which standeth at the foote of a high Volcan, Volcan. and finding there sufficient proui­sion of victuals, the army abode there whilest Gonsalo Pi­sarro, with some of those countreymen, entred againe in­to the mountaines, to séeke a conuenyent way for his ar­my to passe, and finding none, he came to a towne called Coca, and from thence he sent for his company which a­bode at Sumaco, and for the space of two moneths that he abode there, it neuer ceased rayning neither day nor night, yea in all that space, there was not so much drye wether that they might drie the wet clothes which they ware on their backes, So that in this Prouince of Su­maco, and 50. leagues in circuite, groweth the Zinamon wherof they had notice,zinamon, which are great trees with leues like vnto Bay trées, and the fruite of these trées is like vnto clusters of small fruite which groweth round like an egge, and although the fruit, leues, barke, and rootes of those trées haue the sauour, odor, and substance of Zi­namon, yet the most profite is, where the fruit groweth, like vnto a great acorne, and although in all this coun­trey are many of these wilde trées, which fructifie and growe without any labor of mans hand.

The Indians haue of the same kinde many trées in their tillage ground, which they trimme and keepe with labor and payne, and those trees produce finer Zinamon a great deale, which they estéeme in much, because they batter with it in other Cornarcan Prouinces, for victu­alles, cloth, and all other necessaries which are néedefull for their sustenance.

Of the Countrey and Townes, that Gonsalo Pisarro passed, vntil hee came to a Land where hee built a Vergantine. Chap. 3.

WHilest Gonsalo Pisarro abode in Sumaco, the greatest number of his men y^t were whole, and sound of body, wente before to discouer the way, according as the Indians gaue thē instructions, yea, and oftentimes they ledde them out of the way, euen as the inhabitants of Sumaco had doone, onely for to expell them out of their countrey, and their deceite was, they taught them a way sayinge: follow ye this pathe, which will bring you to a countrey, ful of townes and villages, replenished with aboūdance of victuals: but this aduice was found to be false, for they found the same countrey, which they so highly commen­ded, to be barren, vnhabited, and absolutely without any succour, vntill they came to the villages of Coca, which standeth neare vnto a great riuer, where Gonsalo P [...]sarro had béen, before his comming to Sumaco, and there rested for the space of sixe wéekes, abiding the comminge of his cōpanion: the Lorde of that place submitted him selfe to his fréendship: from thence they trauailed all togeather along y^e riuer side, downward, vntil they found a narrow glo [...]e, where they made a Bridge to passe ouer, although the water was of 200. fadom déepe, & had a mighty great fall downewarde, which fall made a maruailous strange noyse, which sounded & was heard more thē sixe leagues from the place: certaine daies iorney from this passage, they found that the riuer ran circuite, so y^t they came to a narrow place y^t was litle more then 20. foote brode, where also was another like fall, & ech side garnished with hard Rocke, so that for the space of 50. leagues, they found no conuenient passage, but at this place were a number of Indians, attended their cōming to resist them. But yet the Hargabusiers made the passage cleare, & forced the Indians to giue place: in the meane while they made a bridge of timber, and passed ouer all the army in safetie. [Page 64] In this forme, they iorneyed through a great wildernes of Moūtaine, vntil they came to y^e countrey called Guema, which was somewhat plaine, but replenished with many bogs & brookes: in which place they were driuen to great extremity of victuals, and through want, were forced to liue with siluester fruits, vntil they came to another coū ­trey, where they found some succor of food, & the soyle in­differently inhabited: these people were cloathed in gar­ments made of cotten wool, but in al the other coūtreyes which they had trauailed, y^e people wēt naked, which was either through y^e great heat which they haue cōtinually, or els through pouerty, as they haue not wherwith to buy apparrel: they also vsed the forepart of their priuy mem­bers, to be tied with a string of [...]otten wool betwixt their legs, & made fast at their girdling: & the wemē had certain rags, to couer their secrets, but no other kinde of clothing.

In this place Gonsalo Pisarro commaunded a certayne vessel, called a Uergantine to be made,The buil­ding of a Vergantine. for to carry their fardage, & other necessaries downe the riuer, & likewise their sicke men, and also for his owne persō, because that in some places the countrey was so full of bogs, that they could not iorney. The buildinge of this Uergantine was very troublesome, for they were forced to make a Forge for their Iron worke, in the which they also profited with the horseshooes of the dead horses, for want of other iron: they made also coles to serue the turne. In these workes Gonsalo Pisarro permitted none of his cōpany to bee vnoc­cupied, from the eldest to the yongest, & he himselfe y^e first at al assaults, aswel with the axe as with the hammer: in stéed of pitch,A shifte, they vsed the gum which distilled f [...]om cer­taine trées, & in steed of Aucom, they toke old Mantels of the Indians, & some of the Spanyards shirts which were rottē through the great wet which they had passed, so that euery one was contributar with such things as he might spare: In this order the vessell was finished and laun­ched into the riuer, & al their fardage laden, they made al­so certain Canoas, to go in cōpany with the Uergantine.

How Francisco de Alerano, fled with the Vergantine, and into what misery they were driuen by want thereof. Chap. 4.

WHen Gonsalo Pisarro had finished the Uergan­tine, he thought that all his trouble was at an end, and with this new vessel to discouer all y^e land, whereupon he continued his iorney, & all the force of his armie trauayled by land through y^e bogs: keeping along the ryuer side, in which way they passed through many deserts of mountaines, and Cane fieldes, making their way by force of hand with their swordes, hatchets, and axes, and when they might not pas on the one side of the Riuer, the Uergantine caryed them ouer to the other side, so that alwayes at night the Landmen, and watermen lodged together.

When Gonsalo Pisarro considered how they had tra­uailed aboue 200. leagues downe along the riuer, & found no prouision of victual, but only siluester fruites, & some rootes, he commaunded one of his Captaines called Fra [...] cisco de Orellana y^t with 50. men he should goe before to dis­couer the Riuer, and to séeke victuals, with commission that if he should happen to finde any, that then he should therewith loade the Uergantine, leauinge the fardage which was aboorde at the méeting of two great Riuers, of which he had vnderstandinge to bee of 80. leagues di­stant, & also that he should leaue two Canoas at certaine Riuers which crossed ouer, to the intent that with them he might passe his men ouer. When Orellana had taken his leaue, he departed, shortly after found the currant of such force, that in short time hee came to the méetinge of the two great Riuers, without finding any kinde of sus­tenance: and also considering what way he had made in thrée daies, he found that in a whole yere if was not pos­sible to returne that way agayne, by reason of the vehe­mency of the great currant, wherupon he determined to [Page 65] procéed downe y^e riuer, euen whither fortune should lead him, although he iudged it a thing more cōuenient to a­bide there, yet notwithstanding, he procéeded on, and toke likewise the Canoas w^t him, although some of his compa­ny required him to abide their generals order & cōming, especially Father Gaespar de Carauajall, who was their preacher, & because he insisted more then the residue, the captaine vsed him very vncurteously, as wel in word as déede, and with wil or nil, he procéeded on his enterprise, makinge some entries into y^e land, where he fought with such Indians as would haue resisted him: & many times they came to encounter, with him in the Riuer with their Canoas, with whom they coulde not fight at will, because the Uergantine was so full of men, that one di­sturbed another.

In a certaine countrey where he found place conue­nient, he abode and buylt another Uergantine:Another Vergantine. For the Indians of this soile came and submitted thēselues vnto him, and also prouided him both of victuals and al other things necessary: in another prouince forward, he [...]ought with y^e Indians & obtained victory against them, of whō he had intelligence, that certaine iorneys from thence, within y^e mayne, was a countrey in y^• which dwelt none but wemen, who were valiant, and defended themselues against their Comarcans.Note. With this aduertisement he proc [...]eded on his way, without finding in all his iorney, either gold or plate, and ceased not till he came out into the Northern sea, being 325. leagues distant from the I­land of cubagua: This Riuer is called Maranion, because the Captaine which discouered this nauigation, was cal­led Maranion. Maranion. The beginning or headspring of this Ri­uer, commeth from Peru, out of the side of y^e mountaines of Quito. It runneth by direct course (accounting by the rule of altitude of the sun) 700. Leagues, and with the crookednes and compasse which the same Riuer maketh in many places from his origen, vntill it commeth into the mayne Sea, containeth .1800. leagues, and the mouth [Page] of the same riuer is fiftéene leagues brode, and further inward it waxeth thrée, yea and foure leagues broder.

When Orellana was commen out of the Riuer of Ma­ranion, he tooke his way toward Castile, where he enfor­med his Maiestie of his discouerie, and also how he had finished the same at his owne cost and charge. And more ouer in his said discouerie, was a countrey excéedinge ritche, in the which liued none but Wemen: which coū ­trey cōmonly was called the conquest of the Amazones: Beseeching his maiestie to graunt vnto him the gouern­ment & discouery of y^e said country: the which his request accordingly was graunted vnto him. Whervpon he ga­thered together the number of fiue hundred men, among whiche were many Gentlemen, and men of greate cre­dit, with whom hee tooke shippynge in Sainct Lucar de Barrameda, and after he was commen to the Altitude of the Canaria Ilandes, the winde was contrarie for his Nauigation: and also driuen to want of victuales, wher­vpon the Fleete was seperated, one shippe cleane with­out sight of the other, and he himself died on the way, in sutche sorte, that his companie were scattered amonge the Ilandes.

Of all the whiche his proceedynges, Gonsalo Pisarro made great complaynt, principally for so trecherous a parte, as was to leaue him in suche necessitie and want of victuall, and likewise, without any succour or helpe to passe his armie ouer the Riuers: And also, because hee had deceaued him of a great summe of Golde, Plate, and Emraldes, which was aboorde of his Uergantine, with the whiche he had sufficient to finish bothe shippyng, and all other furniture, necessarie for the discouerie, whiche the Emperour had graunted vnto him, through his de­ceitfull practise.

How Gonsalo Pisarro returned to Quito, and of the great paines and miseries, which he passed in the returne. Chapter. 5.

WHen Gonsalo Pisarro was come to the place, where he commanded Orellana to leaue the Canoas for his commynge, for to passe cer­taine Riuers: By meane whereof he was driuen to greate extremitie: and forced to make Kaffes, and Canoas for that purpose. And when he was come to the méeting of the two Riuers, where he appoynted Orellana to attende his commyng, and finding him not: yet there he had vnderstandyng of a Spaniard which Orellana had left on shore behinde him, because he stood against his pretended voyage: and Orellana also in­tending to take this new discouery in hand in his owne name, & not as Liuetenant to Gonsalo Pisarro, whervpon he desisted frō thaucthorie receiued of Pisarro, & compel­led his company to elect him for their captain & general.

Now Gonsalo Pisarro, beyng left succourlesse & voyde of help for his Nauigation, & the only way to prouide suste­nance for his armie, yet he found somwhat amonge the Indians for barter of small bels & glasses: notwithstan­dyng his gréefe and heauinesse was not small, whervpon he determined to returne backe agayne to Quito, from whence he had trauailed more then .400 leagues of most euill way, among Monntaynes, and country vnhabited: the which when he had discouered, hee wondered at his owne trauayles, which he had passed, & escaped the cruel death of hunger in y^e wildernes of Mountaynes, wher 40 of his mē ended their daies, without any hope of succour but euen as they axed for meate, lening to trees, they fel downe dead with very hunger. But now cōmitting him self to God hée returned by another way, leauing y^e way y^t he came, which was not only troublesome to passe, but also voyde of al kinde of sustenance, & so at al aduentures [Page] sought another way, which was as euill & rather worse then the way which they had comen, in the which they had much to do to sustaine life, [...]reat hunger although they killed their horses which were left, and greyhounds, with other sort of dogs to eate: the extremitie of hunger was such, that a cat or a hen, was worth fiftie poyzes, which is starling neare twenty pound, & one of those poysoned foules cal­led Alcatrax, was worth ten poyzes.

In this manner, Gonsalo Pisarro continued on his way, toward Quito, where as longe before hee gaue aduice of his returne: wherupon the Cittizens of Quito prouided great aboundance of hogs, & shéepe, & came out of the citie to meete him on his way: they caryed also with thē some horses & apparrel, for Gonsalo Pisarro, and his Captaines, the which succor came vnto him, being 50. leagues from Quito, who cōming vnto him with such prouisiō, God he knoweth, how ioyfully it was accepted, but chéefely the victuals: Gonsalo Pisarro & his company, were almost na­ked, for longe sithence with the great waters of rayne, & otherwise, their clothes were rottē from their bodies, so that now, each of them had but only two small Deare skins, which couered their fore parts, and also their hin­der partes: some had lefte olde rotten bréeches, & shooes made of raw deare skins: their swords wanted scabards and were spoyled with rust, they came all on foote, their armes and legs, were scratched with shrubs and bryers, their iestures séemed like vnto dead men, so that scarcely their freends & olde acquaintance knew them: In which painefull Iorney, in more then 200. leagues, they could finde no salte, which they found to bee a great want vnto them. But when they were come into the countrey of Quito, and had receaued that freendly succour, they fel on their knées, and kissed the ground, yéeldinge vnto God most humble and harty thankes, who had deliuered them from so many perrils and daungers.

Their excéeding hunger was so great, that they began [Page 67] to feede like raueninge woolfes, so that it was thought conuenient for their health, to taxe their meat, with mo­derate diet, vntil by litle and litle, their stomackes were comforted, and strengthned for disgesture.

When Gonsalo Pisarro saw that the horses and appar­rell which was brought,A noble minde. would but only furnish him and his Captaines, neither hée nor they would not take any parte thereof, nor yet chaunge their olde ragges, which they had on their backes, to obserue the rule of equitie, like good souldiers: so that in this forme and attire, hée with his company, entred into the city of Quito, in a mor­ninge, and wente directly to the Temple, to render vnto God most humble laude and praise, who of his infinite goodnes had deliuered them out of so manye perrils and daungers: and after their prayses giuen, eache one atti­red him selfe according to his possiblitie.

This countrey where the Zinamon groweth, standeth vnder the Equinoctiall Lyne, euen as the Ilandes of Maluco doth, which also bringeth forth Zinamon, which ordinarily is spente in Spayne, and in other orientall partes.

How the inhabitantes of Chili, began to conspire The Marques death. Chap. 6.

WHen Hernando Pisarro executed Don Diego de Al­magro in the citie of Cusco, hee sente a Sonne of his, which he had begottē of an Indian Wo­man, to the citie of y^e Kings, whose name was also Don Diego de Almagro, who was a vertuous younge man of great courage, and well brought vp: his chéefe exercise was to ride a horse well, both after the Genet vse, and warlike order, in the which facultie hee prooued a gallaunt Horsman: hee could also write and reade ex­ceedinge well: his Schoolemayster and Tutor, was a Gentleman called Iuan de Herrada, who had likewise the [Page] gouernment of his person. The Father of this young man commended his Sonne vnto this man: Now whan he was in the citie of the Kinges, with his Pupill, hee vsed greate conuersacion with such as he thought meete to bee of his parcialitie, who were such as went wādring vp and downe in the Countrey, without a guide, as men lefte succourlesse, and ouercome, and none woulde entertaine them because they were with Don Diego de Al­magro, at the time of his ouerthrow.

Now Iuan de Herrada, callinge to remembrance, how Hernando Pisarro was gone into Spayne, and his brother Gonsalo, likewise gone into the countrey of Zinamon, in discouery, and hée also beeinge set at libertie by the Mar­ques, for vntill this time, hee was as a Prisoner. So that now the younge man and his Tutor, began to pre­pare armour and other furniture of War, in a readines, meaning to reuenge his Fathers death, & the destructi­on which was made in his Fathers armie: the remem­brance wherof, was as yet very fresh in minde, although the Marques often times procured to haue them for his faithfull fréends: but yet he could neuer bring his desire to effect: wherupon hee tooke occasion to take from them certain Indians of seruice, thinking by that meane they should not haue wherwithall to maintaine such as daily came vnto them: but his pretence auayled not, for they were so knitte togeather in league of freendship, that all which they possessed, was a thing common among them, & that which was gotten by play, or stealth, they brought to Iuan de Herrada, his House, as a common stocke to maintayne him withall: so that dailye they multiplyed, and furnished them selues with Armour: yet not with­standinge, there were many of the Marques freendes, that gaue him warninge of their dooinge.

But hee not regarding their counsayle, beeing a man of a gentle nature and condicion, answered them, saying: that they should not encrease the sorrowe of the ouer­throwen [Page 68] men. Alas (quoth hee) their greefe is great ynough, to see themselues poore, ouercomen, and almost of all men abhorred.

Don Diego de Almagro, and his companye, beeinge as­sured of the playne meaninge of the Marques, they be­came euery daye more shamelesse then other: yea, they letted not the cheefest of them, to passe by the Marques in the streate, without any submission or reuerence doo­inge vnto him: and also on a night they had tyed three Halters on the Picot, which is a Piller, wheron they vse to doo execution of hanginge, in the Market place of euery cittie.

The one of those Halters was set towarde the Mar­ques house, and another towarde the house of his Liuetenant, and the thirde toward the house of his Se­cretary.

Yet the Marques dissimuled all these dooinges, excu­singe them as men ouercome, and without shame, and therfore they vsed such practises.

But these longe sufferings, made them a great deale the bolder: so that from two hundred leagues distante, came diuers [...] of the parcialitie which were tofore bani­shed, amonge whom they absol [...]tely conspired the Mar­ques death, and to bee Lorde of the Lande [...] as afterward followed. Yet they stayed somewhat y^e longer in the exe­cution of their determination, onely to heare some newes, because they had vnderstanding that Captaine Diego de Aluarado [...] was gone into Spayne, to accuse Hernando Pisarro, of his former proceedinges, and how Hernando was for his offence apprehended, and the cause earnestly followed: they had also intelligence, how his Maiestie had prouided the Lycenciat Vaca de Castro, to come into Peru, to make informacion of all the former successe, but not to punishe the offences with such rygor as they expected.

[Page]Wherevpon leauing all delaies aside, they foorthwith determined to execute their intended purpose, although they had a great desire to se what Vaca de Castro, woulde do, saying: that if this new Iudge do not as soone as hée commeth, apprehend and put to death the Marquez, that then they would murther them bothe together: and for to haue more assured aduertisement, they sent Don Alonso de Monte Mayor towarde Tumbez, & others in his compa­nie. Because there were certayn shippes arriued, which came from Panama, who brought newes, how Vaca de Castro was preparyng his viage into Peru. Afterwarde it happened, that when Vaca de Castro had inbarked him selfe in Panama: the currant of the Sea being contrary, draue him in sutch sorte to Léeward, that he was forced to come on lande at the Ilande of Gorgona, and to passe vp the Riuer of Sainct Iohn, and by good happe came in­to the gouernacion of Benalcasar, and from thence passed by lande into Peru, as hereafter more particuler shalbe declared.

The men of Chili séeyng the delay in the comyng of Vaca de Castro, they suspected that by their owne delay of their pretence, intelligence might be geuen to him of their doynge, and thereby bee an occasion of the losinge of all their liues. So that they now were agréed to ex­ecute theyr intente, as in this chapter folowinge shalbe declared.

How the Marquez his friendes gaue him a speciall warnyng of the order of the conspiracie of his death. Chap. 7.

IT was openly knowen in the Cittie of the Kinges, how the men of Chili had conspyred the Marques his death, & many of his fréends [Page 69] giuing him warning thereof: vnto whome he made aun­swer, saying, that their heads should kéepe his: so y^t in fine, he was carelesse of his enimies, in such wise that often­tymes he would goe out of the Cittie, to certayne Milles that he had a making, with only his Lacky [...] [...]ttend vpō him. And to such as demaunded of him, w [...] he had not a Garde to wayte vpon him: he would say, that he would not that men should thinke, that he stoode in feare of the Lycenciate Vaca de Castro, who was comming for to be Iudge against him.

Wherupon the men of Chili, blewe abroade that Vaca de Castro was dead, séeing that the Marquesse stood in such securitie of him selfe. So that on a daye Iuan de Herrada went to visite him at his house, with certayne of his par­cialitie, and founde him in his Garden: where after cer­tayne wordes, he demaunded why his Lordshippe would consent to kyll him and his fellowes?

The Marquesse aunswered with a great oathe, that he neuer had any such intencion. But rather (quoth he) it is tolde mée, that you and your fréends goe about to mur­der mée, and for that purpose ye prouide dayly Armour and Municion. Unto whome Iuan de Herrada made aunswer, saying: Syr sith your Honour dooth prouide Launces, it is no meruayle though we buie Corselettes to defende vs: he was so bolde to speake so presumptu­ously, because he had néere at hande in Ambushe, aboue fortie armed men. Furthermore he sayde, that be­cause his Honour should put away his suspicion, that it might please him to graunt lycence to him, and Don Diego de Almagro and his men, to depart out of the Coun­trey.

The Lorde Marquesse hauing conceyued no suspicion by his wordes, dyd rather pittie them, and assured them with amorous wordes, saying: that he had not bought Launces to contend with them.

[Page]He had no sooner spoken these wordes, when he went to a [...] Orenge tree, and gathered certaine Orenges, which there were highly esteemed, because they were the first that grewe in that Countrey, and gaue them to Iuan de Herrada, saying in his eare, that if he stoode in néede of a­ny thing, that he should tell him, and he would prouide him according to his desire: for the which his gentle offer, Iuan de Herrada kyssed his honours handes.

And leauing the Marquesse with this securitie, he tooke his leaue, and went home to his house: where he with the principallest of his parciallitie agréed, that the next Sun­day following they should make an ende of the Marquesse dayes, sithens they had letten the matter slippe, which should haue bene done on Saint Iohn Baptist day, past. It happened that on the Saturday, one of the conspi­rators, opened the matter in confession to the Curate of the Church, who the same night aduised Antonio Pi­cado, Secretarie to the Marquesse, beséeching him to bring him to his Lordes presence: Whereuppon the Secre­tarie went with him to the house of Francisco Martin, bro­ther to the Marquesse, where he was at supper with his Children, and incontinent arose from the Table, and came to the Curate, who enformed him of the trueth of the conspiracie, at whose wordes the Marquesse was not a lyttle amased: and within a lyttle whyle, he sayde to his Secretarie, that he beléeued not the Curates aduise, be­cause (sayde he) it is not long agone, sith Iuan de Herrada, came vnto me with great humilitie, and that the partie which had opened his minde to the Curate in confession, should séeme by that practise to craue somewhat of him, and to haue him more bound to gratifie him, he had deui­sed that pollicie. But notwithstanding, he sent for Doctor Iuan Velasques, his Lieutenaunt, who being euyll at case could not come. So that the Marquesse went vnto him the same night home to his house, hauing in his company onely his Secretarie, with other two or thrée personnes, [Page 70] and a Lynck caried before him, & finding his Lieutenant in his bed: he tolde him the cause of his comming. Who hauing heard all the matter, made lyght of it, wylling hi [...] Lordshippe not to feare: for as long (quoth he) as I haue this white wande of Iustice in my hande: there is none in all this Lande that dareth to styrre or make an vprore. In which his saying it fell so out, that he kept promise, for afterwarde as he was running away, as héereafter shall be declared, at the tyme when they were kylling the Mar­qu [...]sse: he fled out at a window, and descending downe the side of a wall, he caried the rod of Iustice in his mouth.

Of the death of the Lorde Marquesse, Don Francisco Pisarro. Chap. 8.

WIth all those fayre words and assurances, the Marquesse was so troubled in minde, that the next day being Sūday, he would not goe to the Cathedrall Church, as he was accustomed: but rather had diuine Seruice sayd in his house, and meant not to goe abroade till he had prouided for his security. When Seruice was ended in the Parrishe Church: the Doctor Iuan Velasques, and Captaine Francisco de Chaues, who at that instaunt was the chéefest person in the Lande, next vnto the Marquesse, came together accōpanied with ma­ny others, to the Lord Marquesse his house, & after theyr visitation was made, the most of the Cittizens returned home to theyr houses. And the Doctor, and Francisco de Chaues, abode dinner with the Marquesse: And after they had dyned, which might be be [...]wéen the howres of twelue and one of the day, thinking that all the people of the Cit­tie were, according to the custome of the Coūtrey, taking theyr rest, and the Marquesse seruaunts also at dinner.

Iuan de Herrada, with other twelue companions, came from his house which standeth thrée hundreth paces distāt from the Marquesse house, through the open stréetes, with [Page] theyr swords ready drawne in theyr hands, crying with a loude voice, saying: Let the Tyrant traytor die, who hath commaunded the Iudge to be slaine, which the King our Maister sent into this land. The cause which they helde, not to goe in secrete wise, but rather with all the noyse possible, that the Cittizens should imagine theyr nūber to be great, considering y^t they durst attempt such a waighty matter so publiquely, and also at such an howre, that al­though they should come with all speede to the sacker, yet they should come too late, or else them selues to be slaine.

In this forme they came to the Marquesse house, lea­uing one at his gate, with a drawne sworde in his hande, which was bloodied with the blood of a Ram: who cryed with a loude voice, dead is the Tyrant, dead is y^e Tyrant. The which his proclamation, was the cause that many of the Cittizens which were cōming to the rescue, returned home to theyr houses againe, beléeuing that y^e thing was true, which that one man had spoken. Wherupon Iuan de Herrada procéeded vp a payre of stayres with his men, in the meane whyle, the Marquesse was aduised by certaine Indians which stood at his chāber doore, & there vpon he cō ­maūded Francisco de Chaues, that whilst he wēt in, to arme him selfe, to kéep the Hall doore: who was so sore troubled in minde, y^t he forgot the shutting of doores, & went down the stayres, to know what y^e matter was, & suddenly one of the conspirators thrust him through w^t his sword: who séeing him self mortally woūded, drew his sword, saying, what haue ye no regard to your fréendes. But the stripes came so thick vpō him, y^t he was soone dispatched, and lea­uing him there dead, they ran like desperate men into the Marquesse Hall, where were in nūber xij. Spaniards of the Marquesse fréends, who fled, leaping out at y^e windowes, amōg whom was doctor Velasques his Liutenāt, with his white rod of Iustice in his mouth, accordīg to his promse, for because both his hands were néedful to help him down the wall. The Lord Marquesse being in his bed Chāber, & [Page 71] his brother Francisco Martin, helping to arme him, with two Gentlemen and two Pages, the one was called Iuan de Vargas, who was sonne to Gomes de Tardoya, and the o­ther was named Escandon, who séeing the enemie so nigh, that they had not tyme to arme theyr Maister: the Mar­quesse tooke his sworde and Target (which is a shéelde of leather) in hande, and came to his Chamber doore: where he and his folke valiauntly defended them selues a good space, and fought so manfully, that the enimies coulde not enter, saying with a lowde voice, Oh brother, vpon them, vpon them, let them dye like Traytors as they are. But the men of Chili fought so long, that they slew Fran­cisco Martin, in whose place entred one of the Pages: The Chili men séeing them defend them selues so long, & fearing that succour might come, and assault them on theyr backes: they determyned to put the matter in ha­zarde, so that they tooke one of theyr owne company, and thrust him in at the doore with force of hande, being well armed: and whylst the Marquesse was occupied in killing of him, the residue had tyme to enter the Chamber doore, and they all with one accord stroke at the Marquesse, The cruell death of the Mar­quesse. who fought so long with them, that with verie wearinesse, his sworde fell out of his hands, and then they slew him with a pricke of a Rapyer through his throte: and when he was fallen to the ground, and his winde fayling him, he cryed vnto God for mercie, and when he had so done, he made a crosse on the ground and kissed it, and then incontinent yéelded vp the Ghost: and when he was fully dead, they slew also his two Pages: And on the Chili side were foure slaine, and diuers others wounded.

When this sorrowfull newes was knowne in the Cit­tie, there came aboue two hundred men to ayde Don Dei­go de Almagro, for though they were armed and in a rea­dinesse, yet they durst not come abroade, tyll they perfect­ly knew how the matter would passe. But now they ran vp and downe the Cittie, taking the Armor from such as [Page] were comming to succour the Marquesse. When the mur­derers came out of the Marquesse house, with theyr blood­dye swordes in theyr handes: they foorthwith caused Don Diego to mount vpon his Horse, and to passe through the chéefest stréetes of the Cittie, saying: that in all Peru, there was no other Gouernour, but onely he, nor yet any King aboue him. And when this was done, he sackt the Mar­quesse house, and also the houses of his Brother & his Se­cretarie. And then he compelled the Councell & State of the Cittie to receyue Don Diego for theyr gouernour, vn­der y^e collour of the Capitulation, which was tofore made with his Maiestie, at the beginning of y^e discouerie, which in effect was. That Don Diego de Almagro, should haue the gouernment of newe Toledo, and after his decease, his sonne, or whome he should appoint to enioy the same. When all this dilligence was done, they commaunded to be slaine certayne Uassailes, which were knowne to be seruaunts and fréends to the Marquesse.

It was a sorrowfull spectacle to behold and heare, the Wiues of dead men, what dolefull cries they made, yea, & the lamentable words that they spake. The corpes of the Lord Marquesse, certaine Negros drew a long the stréetes toward the Church, & none durst burie him, vntyll Iuan de Barbaran, Cittizen of Trugillio, who somtyme had béen seruaunt to the Marquesse, he and his Wife buried bothe the Marquesse and his Brother, aswell as they might, ha­uing first obteined licence for that fact of Don Diego: they made all the haste possible to burie him, and yet they had not leysure to attyre him according to the vsuall ceremo­ny of Knights, of the order of S. Iames, because they were aduised how the men of Chili were comming to cutte off the Marquesse head, for to put it on the Picot, which is a Gallowes after their vse. In this forme Iuan de Barbaran, buried his Lord and Maister, and after the buriall he cau­sed the Funerall pompe to be solemnized, according as he was able, at his owne cost. After all this good wyll and [Page 72] dilligence was shewed: he went to séeke his Chyldren, which went wandring astray, to procure theyr securitie.

The Chili men were now Lordes and Rulers in the Cittie. By this successe we may learne and sée the world­ly thinges, and the varietie of Fortune, that in so short a tyme, a Gentleman who had discouered, conquered, and gouerned so great Countries, so many Kingdomes, such innumerable sums of Treasure: who had giuen so great rentes and liuings, in respect of time, the greatest Prince in the world had not done the lyke. And now to be sud­denly slaine, by the handes of onely twelue men, at noone tyme, being in a Cittie, where all the Cittizens wer [...] ey­ther his seruants, Kinsemen, or Soldiours, vnto whome, generally he had giuen sufficient liuing, and none among them would come to succour him: nay, rather they fled a­way, euen the Seruaunts of his owne house, & his noble corps so vily buried. And all the infinite Treasure which he possessed, consumed in a moment, not hauing so much left to burie him, according to the degrée and state of his person: and all these thinges to happen vnto him after he had thereof sufficient warning by sundrie men, as héere before hath bene declared. This hath happened the. xxvi. day of Iune .1541.

Of the customes and qualities of the Marquesse, Don Francisco Pisarro, and the Discouerer, Don Diego de Almagro. Chap. 9.

SIthens this Historie and Discouery of the Prouince of Peru, hath origen from the two valiant Captaines, of whome hyther vnto we haue spoken: Who are y^e Marquesse, Don Francisco Pisarro, and Don Diego de Alma­gro: It is méete and conuenient to write theyr customes and qualities, comparing them together, as Plutarchus v­seth, when he writeth of two Captains, which are in any [Page] respect comparable one to the other: and touching the ly­nage of these our Captaines, at the beginning of this Hi­storie, is written asmuch as could be knowen. But in the residue they were bothe valiaunt persons of great cour­rage, they were also great sufferers of paynes & trauails, and verie vertuous, they were fréends to doo plesure to al men, at theyr owne cost. They were much lyke of incly­nation, especially, in the state of lyuing, for neyther of them was married, although the youngest of them bothe at the tyme of theyr death, was aboue thrée score and fiu [...] yéeres of age.

They were bothe enclined to affayres of Warres, al­though, Don Diego de Almagro, when occasion of Warres wanted, applied him selfe to thinges of gaynes: they were néere of one age, when they tooke the conquest of Peru in hande, in which Discouerie and conquest, they tooke the paynes which hath bene declared although the Marquesse dyd suffer greater trauaile, and passed greater peryls then Don Diego. For whylst the one was occupied in the grea­test part of the Discouerie, the other abode in Panama, prouiding necessaries & Furniture for him, as lykewise hath bene declared. They were bothe noble minded, and alwayes they pretended and conceyued haughty thinges, they were gentle and amyable to theyr Soldiours, they were equall in lyberallitie: although in shewe, Don Diego had the aduantage, because he loued that his gift should be published and blowne abroade: vnto which condition the Marquesse was contrarie, for he would not permit that his lyberall giftes should be spoken of: but rather procu­red to haue them kept in secrete, hauing more respect to prouide for the necessitie of such as wanted, then to ob­taine a vaineglorious report.

It once happened that a poore Soldiour, had his chéefe ritches in a Horse, which dyed of an vnknown disease, of which mishap the Marquesse hauing vnderstanding, and cōming downe into his Tennis Court, thinking to finde [Page 73] the poore soldiour there, he brought in his bosome a wedge of Golde, of ten pound weight, to giue vnto him with his owne hands: and not finding him there at that instant, he chaunced to make a match at play, & without putting off his coate, he played his match, because he would not that any should sée the wedge of Gold which was in his bosom. The play cōtinued the space of thrée howres, & then came the Soldior for whome the golde was brought, the which he delyuered vnto him secretly, saying: that he had rather haue giuē him thrée times as much, thē to suffer y^e paines which he had taken in his long tarying: with many other lyke examples, which might at length be spoken of.

So that alwayes the Marquesse almes and giftes were distributed by his owne handes, and with asmuch secresie as might be, yea, and alwayes procured the receyuers to keepe silence: And for this cōsideration, Don Diego was belde to be more liberall, for although he gaue largely, yet he had a forme how it should séem much more then it was: notwithstanding, touching this vertue of Magnificence, they may iustly be called equall. The Marquesse also was wont to say, that considering the company of aduenture and fellowship made betwéene them, that neither of them could giue any thing wherein the other had not his part, & therfore as lyberall was he, which permitted the other to giue: and for comprobation, this shall serue. That where they were bothe the ritchest men, bothe in Rent & Treasure, and as lyberally might dispend the same, as a­ny Prince in the world, not hauing a kingly Crowne: yet they came bothe to death with great pouertie: that at this day, there is not any remembraunce of any thing proper, which was theyrs: sauing, that of all theyr goods & lands, they had not wherewithall to burie them: as the lyke is written of Cato & Silla, and of many other Romane Cap­taines, which were buried of almes.

These two valiant Captaines, were aff [...]ctioned to doo for theyr seruaunts and souldiors, bothe to enritch them, [Page] and to deliuer them from peryls. But the Marquesse dyd rather in that respect excéed: For once it happened, passing the Riuer called Barranca, that the great Currant caried away one of his Indians of seruice, which by mishap was fallen therein: and when the Marquesse sawe the peryll of his seruaunt, he foorthwith stripped him selfe, & leapt into the Riuer, hauing good skill of swimming, and pluckt him out by the haire of his head: putting him selfe in great daunger, through the extreame force of the Currant, in such sort that the valiantest man in all his host, durst not take the lyke enterprise in hande: wherupon some of his Captaines dyd reprehend his ouer much boldnesse, vnto whome he aunswered, saying: Ye know not what thing it is to looue a seruaunt well.

Although the Marquesse gouerned long time, and more quietly: yet Don Diego was more ambicious, and desirous of rule and dignitie. Bothe of them conserued antiquitie, in theyr ordinarie apparell, euen from their youth vp­wardes, especially the Marquesse, who euer vsed to weare ordinarily a Coate of black cloath, with long quar­ters, and short wasted, his shooes of a white Déere skin, and a white felt Hat, and his Sworde & Dagger of aun­cient facion. And when through the importunate request of his seruants, vpon any solempne holy day, he happened to weare a Gowne furred with Martins, which the Lord Marquesse Cortez had sent to him from the new Spaine: as soone as he came from Church, he would throwe it frō him, and vsed to haue a towell about his necke. In the tyme of, Peace, he vsed much to play at Tennis, or at Bowles, and therefore chéeflie he vsed the Towell about his necke, to wype the sweat from his face.

Bothe these Captaynes were most patient in paynes taking, and also in any extremitie of hunger: But per­ticularly the Marquesse, shewed the same in the exercise of the sayde pastimes, for there were very fewe young men that could endure with him. He was also more en­clyned [Page 74] to any kinde of pastime, then Don Diego, so that many tymes he would play at the Bowles, all the whole day, and passed not with whome he played, although it were eyther with Marriner or Myller, nor yet would permitte any to take vp his Bowle for him, nor to vse towarde him any vsuall ceremonies of duety, accustomed to his Estate and dignitie. It was some waighty mat­ter that should cause him to leaue from play, especially, when he was a looser. But if at any he had aduertise­ment of rebellion, or insurrection of Indians: then foorth­with his Armor was at hand, and Launce in readinesse, he vsed in such extremities, to ryde Poste alone through the Cittie, towarde the place where the alteration was, without tarying for more company.

These Captaynes were so ready, and of such haughty courage in the Indian warre, that eyther of them would not let to giue the Encounter, although the enimies were in number .100000. They were of good vnderstanding and iudgement in any thing, that was to be prouided for the warres, or for gouernment: especially, being bothe men vnlearned, for they could neyther write, reade, or yet firme, which was a thing of great deffect, in such noble Personages, dealing in such waightie affayres. Yet neuerthelesse, in all other thinges, of vertuous in­clynations, they shewed them selues to be Noble men, onely the former want excepted, wherein the auncient wyse men, dyd holde such want for an argument of bas [...] ­nesse of lynnage.

The Marquesse was a man that had great confidence in his seruaunts and fréendes. All the dispatches which he made, aswell in gouernment, and reprehencion of In­dians, he vsed to make two markes, betwéene the which, Antonio Picado, his Secretary, fyrmed, the name of Fran­cisco Pisarro. But these men may excuse them selues, as Ouidius excused Romulus, saying: that he was an e­uyll Astronomer, but rather had more knowledge in [Page] Armes then in Letters.

Bothe these Captaynes were so affable and playne, a­mong theyr people, that they vsed oftentimes to goe from house to house in the Cittie, to visite theyr neyghbours a­lone, & tooke such fare as they founde, and were alwayes ready to come to any honest neyghbour, that would in­vite eyther of them. They were equally abstynent and moderate in theyr féeding, and dyet, as also in refraining of sensuallitie, and especially from abusing of any Spanish Women: for they déemed that they could not deale there­in, without preiudice of theyr neighbours, whose Wiues or Daughters, those Women were: they neyther ouer­much enclyned to the Indian Women.

The Marquesse had the company of an Indian Gentle­woman, who was sister to Atabal [...]ba, by whome he had a Sonne, named Don Gonsalo, who deceassed at fowre­téene yeeres of age: and a Daughter named Donca Fran­cisca. By an other Indian Woman of Cusco, he had an other Sonne, called Don Francisco.

Don Diego de Almagro, had that sonne of whome we haue spoken, who slewe the Marquesse, which Sonne, he had by an Indian Woman of Panama. They bothe receyued ho­nour at the Emperours hands, for as hath bene declared, to Don Francisco Pisarro, he gaue the tyttle or addition of Marquesse, and made him Gouernour of newe Castile, and also ordayned him Knight of the order of Saint Iames.

To Don Diego de Almagro, he gaue the gouernment of newe Toledo, and the tytle of chéefe Discouerer. Parti­culerly, the Marquesse was greatly affectioned, and helde in great feare and reuerence the name of his Maiestie: in so much that he abstayned from dooing of many thinges that he had power to doo, declaring that he would not that his Maiestie should say, how he ascended in the Land: and oftentymes when he was present at the melting of the Syluer and Golde, he would ryse from his Chayre, to take vp the graynes of Syluer and Golde, which fell [Page 75] from the clypping, saying: that with his mouth, when handes fayled, he woulde gather together the kinges porcion.

These two Gentlemen, were equall euen in theyr kindes of death, for the Marquesse brother, put Don Diego to death [...] and Don Diego his Sonne, slewe the Marquesse. The Marquesse was desirous to benefit the Countrey, by tyllage and other commodities.

He buylt a fayre house in the Cittie of the kinges: he also buylt for the benefite of the Cittie, two rowes of Mylles, along the Riuer side, in which buylding he occu­pied him selfe, at all tymes of leysure, giuing his councell and opinion to the Maister workemen. He tooke great paynes in setting forwarde the workes of the Cathedrall Church of the Cittie of the kinges, and other lyke Monu­mentes.

Howe Don Diego de Almagro the younger, ioyned an Armie of men of Warre, and howe he slewe certaine Gentlemen: and howe Alonso de Aluarado spread his Ensigne for his Maiestie. Chap. 10.

AFter that Don Diego had gotten the Citie, into his power, and taken the wandes of Iustice from the Officers, and placed other by his owne election: he then apprehended Doctour Velasques, Lieutenannt to the Marquesse, and Antonio Picado, his Secretarie, and chose for the chéefe Captaynes of his warres, Iuan Tellio, Cit­tizen of Ciuile, and Francisco Chaues, and also Sotelo. Whē the noyse was spread abroade, of the election of these new Captaynes: all the Uagabounds, and ydle persons which were in that countrey came to this cittie, pretending ly­bertie, to robbe, spoyle, and lyue at pleasure.

[Page]And to furnishe those Roges with money: he tooke the Fiftes appertayning to the King, and also the goodes of such as were deceassed, which was kept in a common Chest, to performe theyr Testamentes and Legacies. But afterwarde, discencion began to growe among them selues, for some of the principall personnes, mooued with enuie, were mynded to kyll Iuan de Herrada, séeing that although Don Diego had the name of gouernour and Cap­tayne generall, yet the sayde Herrada, ruled and gouerned all. And the mutiny being knowen, many were execu­ted, especially: Francisco de Chaues, and also Anthonio de O­ribuela, Citizen of Salamanca, was beheaded. Because when he came from Spaine, he sayde, that they were Tyrants.

Afterwarde, Don Diego sent his Messengers vnto all the Citties of his gouernment, wylling them to admytte and receyue him for theyr gouernour. And although he was accepted in the most Citties, for the feare onely which they had of him: yet in Chachapoyas, where Alon­so de Aluarado was Lieutenant, as soone as the Pursui­uantes were come, with the commaundement from Don Diego, he commaunded them to be arrested, and also forti­fied him selfe to withstand him in obedience, and had an especiall confidence in the people of the Countrey, and also in a hundred men of warre, which he had attending on his person. Whereupon he spread his Ensigne on the behalfe of his Maiestie, esteeming in nothing the threat­ninges, bragges, and fayre promises of Don Diego, which were written vnto him by his Letters: But rather made a playne aunswer, that in no wyse he would receyue him for Gouernour, vntyll such tyme as his Maiestie should commaund the same by expresse order and Commission. And in the meane whyle, he hoped through the helpe of God, and those Gentlemen which were in his company, to reuenge the death of the Lorde Marquesse, and to pu­nishe theyr disobedience and offences, doone against his [Page 76] Maiestie.

When Don Diego vnderstoode the pretence of Aluara­do: incontinent he dispatched Captayne Garcia de Alua­rado, with a great company of foote men, and Horse men, commaunding him to encounter, and giue him the Onset with all his industrie and power, and that in the way as he should passe, to enter into the Citie of Saint Migh­ell, and there to take bothe Armor and Horses from the Cittizens, and at his returne to doo the lyke in the Cittie of Tr [...]gillio.

In this order Garcia de Aluarado tooke his iorney by Sea, vntyll he arriued at Puetia Sancta, which stan­deth fifteene Leagues distaunt from Trugillio, where he mette Captaine Alonso Cabrera, who came flying away with all the people of the Towne of Guanuco, to ioygne with the Cittizens of Trugillio, against Don Diego: which cause being perfectly knowen, he tooke bothe him and certayne of the chéefest of his company. Who as soone as he was come to the Cittie of Saint Mighell, he caused to strike of the heads, bothe of him, and one Villegas which came in his company.

Howe the Cittie of Cusco arose for his Maiestie, and chose for their Captayne generall, Pedro Aluares Holgui, and what followed. Chap. 11.

WHen the Messengers and Prouisions of Don Diego, came to the Cittie of Cusco, where at that tyme, Diego de Silua, sonne of Felisiano de Silua, borne in the Cittie of Rodrigo, and Francisco de Caruatall, Sheriffes of the Cittie. But Caruatall was afterwarde Campe maister to Gonsalo Pisarro: So [Page] that the Estate of the Cittie agréede in Councell, not to allowe, nor yet receyue him: although openly they durst not denie his commaundement, and request, vntyll they might pefectly vnderstande, and know what number of men, & prouision he had in readinesse, to procéede with his enterprise: whervpon they made a bréefe aunswere, say­ing: that they desyred it might please Don Diego, to send a more ample authoritie and power, touching the pre­misses, then as yet he had done, & then in continent they would allowe the same. After that the Messengers were dispatched backe againe with this aunswere: the Estate of the Cittie, calling to remembraunce howe Gomer de Tordoya, who was one of the chéefest of Councell of the Cittie, was at that instaunt recreating him selfe abroade in the Countrey. They agréede to send aduertisement vnto him, of all the procéedinges of Don Diego: but it so happened, that theyr Messenger mette him comming towarde the Cittie, and when they had enfourmed him of theyr Message, he hauing a Merlin Hawke vpon his fyst, wrested the head from the body, saying: from hence­forwarde, it is more conuenient to exercise Feates of Warre, then to goe a Hawking. And comming towarde the Citie, he entred in the night season: where secretly he dealt with the Estate of the Citie in Councell, what was most necessarie to be done, and then he departed agayne, to the place where Captayne Castro was: with whome he concluded, to sende a Messenger to Pedro Asueres, Lieutenaunt of Charcas, to wyll him to ryse on the behalfe of his Maiestie: and then the sayde Gomer de Tordoya, with all his power, went after Pedro Alua­rez Holguin: who was gone with a hundred men, to en­counter with certayne Indians, and with good happe he ouertooke him: at which méeting he certified him of the newes at Cusco, beséeching him to accept the charge of so iuste and honourable an Enterpryse, as to be [Page 77] theyr generall and chéefe Ruler ouer theyr Hoste: in con­sideration whereof, he also offered to be his Soldiour and the first man that should obey him. Upon which request, Pedro Aluares accepted the charge, & incontinent spread his Ensigne in the behalfe of his Maiestie. And this being done, they conuocated the inhabitauntes of the Cittie of Arequipa, with whome they went to Cusco: where, at theyr comming, they found many congregated on the be­halfe of Don Diego, who foorthwith fled towardes him, to the number of fiftie personnes. After whome followed Captayne Castro and Hernando de Bachiaco, with cer­tayne Hargabusiers, who ouertooke them in the night season, and apprehended them with whome they returned to Cusco.

The Councell of Cusco hearing of this good successe: came and ioyfully receyued him, and with conformitie of all the Captaynes, bothe swore and chose Pedro Aluares Holguin for Captayne and chéefe Iudge of all the domini­ons of Peru, vntyll such tyme as his Maiestie should o­therwyse prouide, whereupon warre was proclaymed a­gainst Don Diego and his retinew. The Cittizens also of Cusco bound themselues to paie all such summes of mo­ney which he should spend of the Kings Treasure among his Soldiours, if that his Maiestie should not thinke well or accept the same in iust and lawfull accoumpt. And for the furnishing of these procéedinges, all the Cittizens of Charcas, Arequipa, and Cusco, offered theyr goodes and personnes, so that in shorte space there ioyned together, aboue .350. men, of whome were .150. Horsemen, a hundred Hargabusiers, and a hundred Pykemen. But notwithstanding, Pedro Aluares, hauing intelligence howe Don Diego had eyght hundred men and more in his Campe, he therefore durst not abyde his comming in the Cittie of Cusco: but rather chose to passe with his power into the Mountaynes, to ioyne with Alonso de Aluarado, who lykewise was rysen on the behalfe of his Maiestie, [Page] and also, expecting there to méete with the fréendes and Seruitors of the Marquesse, which were hydden in those Desartes. So that he procéeded with his company in good order, meaning that if Don Diego should happen to méete him on his way, to giue him battayle.

And when he departed from Cusco, he lest for the de­fence of the Cittie, as many men as was thought suffici­ent, for that purpose, he appoynted Gomez de Tordoya for Campe maister, and Garcilaso Delauega, and Pedro Asue­rez for Captaynes of the Horsemen, and the charge of the Infauterie or Footemen he commended to Captaine Ca­stro, and the Offices of Alerez of the Standard royall, he committed to Martine de Rolles.

How Don Diego went to seeke Pedro Aluarez, and finding him not, he passed to Cusco. Chap. 12.

DOn Diego, hauing vnderstanding of the pro­céedinges in Cusco, and how Pedro Aluarez was departed out of the Cittie, with all the power that he might make: wherupon he iudged that he was gone into the Moun­taynes, to ioyne with Alonso de Aluarado, so that he de­termyned to méete him on the way, and to stoppe his pas­sage: the which his pretence he could not bring to passe, with such expedition as he desired, for staying for Garcia de Aluarado, whome he had sent for by Poste, at whose cōming they left procéeding after Alonso de Aluarado, and at the tyme when they came to the Cittie of Trugillio, he was mynded againe to disturbe his passage, had not the Towne of Leuanto, which standeth in Chachapoyas, per­swaded him to the contrarie.

When Garcia de Aluarado was come to the Citie of the Kinges, Don Diego foorthwith tooke his iourney against Pedro Aluarez with thrée hundred Horsemen, one hun­dred Hargabusiers, and a hundred and fiftie Pikemen. [Page 78] But before his departure, he banished out of the Coūtrey, the Lord Marquesse children, and beheaded Antonio Pica­do, after that he had extreamely racked him, and put him to sundry tormentes, onely that he should confesse where the Lord Marquesse Treasure lay. This done, he pro­céeded on his iorney: but before he had passed two leagues from thence, came secretly certayne prouisions from the Lycenciate Vaca de Castro, which were sent from the coū ­trey of Cuito, directed to father Thomas de Saint Martine, & Francisco de Barrio Nueuo, giuing vnto them thereby au­thoritie to deale in the gouernment of the Countrey, vn­tyll that he him selfe might come thether.

Wherupon the Estate and Councell of the Cittie had se­crete conference, obaying the prouicions which were at that instant orderly presented, and admitted the Lycenci­ate Vaca de Castro for Gouernor, and Geronimo de Aliaga for his Lieutenaunt, because he was so appointed by lyke prouisions: After the doing of these things, the Aldermen fled to the Cittie of Trugillio, and many other Cittizens in theyr company: these things were not so secretly done, but the same night Don Diego had vnderstanding of all at large, whereupon he was minded to returne to sacke the Cittie: but fearing least Pedro Aluarez should escape him, he durst not retyre, and likewise, because his Soldiours should not come to the knowledge, how there was a new gouernour in the land: So that for these causes he procée­ded forwarde: yet notwithstanding, when newes was knowen in Don Diego his Campe, many of his Soldiours fled from him: especially, Father Thomas de Saint Martine, Diego de Alguero, Iuan de Sayauedra, Gomez de Aluarado, and the Factor, Yllansucarez de Carauaiall: in this iourney happened to fall sick Iuan de Herrada of a certaine infirmi­tie, wherof he died. By meane wherof Don Diego was for­ced to stay his iorney, & in the meane while, Pedro Aluarez passed by into y^e valley of Xauxa, where Don Diego thought to haue abode his comming: yet at the length he followed [Page] him, so that they were not farre a sunder, the one from the other.

Pedro Aluares, imagining by coniecture, that he was not sufficiently manned to encounter with Don Diego [...] he vsed this pollicie, to deceyue him in this sort: He appoin­ten twentie Horsemen on a night, to enter vpon the face of the Uautgarde of Don Diego, to apprehende as many of his men as they possible might, the which his cōmaunde­ment was accordingly done: and in the assault they tooke thrée mē prisoners, which they brought away with them, of the which Pedro Aluares cōmaunded to hang two, and the thirde he promised to pardon, and to giue him a thou­sand Poyzes in golde, on cōdition that he should goe to the Campe of Don Diego, & there to giue warning to as ma­ny of his fréends as he might, to be in a readinesse to ayde him,Pollicie. for that the next night following, he meant to en­ter Don Diego his Campe, on the right hand. And for the performance of this facte, the Soldiour made a solempne oathe: For Pedro Aluares fayned that he had put in him his faithfull and speciall trust, not to discouer his secrets. Wherupon the young man, with the desire of the thousād Poyzes, departed to accomplishe his promise, and being Soldiour to Don Diego, he passed so much the more surer on his way.

When Don Diego saw his Soldiour come, & by him vn­derstoode how Pedro Aluares had hanged two of his men, & that he had released that one man, without any speciall cause knowen, he fell in suspition of the matter, and ther­vpon brought his Soldiour to the Rack, who then opened all the secrets that was committed vnto him, vnto whose sayinges Don Diego gaue credite, thinking all to be true that was confessed. Wherupon the night following, he prepared all his force on that hand, where he thought Pe­dro Aluares would haue entred: but God wot, Pedro Aluares meant no such thing, for as soone as he had dis­patched the Spie, the night being darke, he remooued his [Page 79] Campe, and with all possible haste procéeded on his way, leauing the enimie expecting all the night long, when he should be assaulted, vntyll at length he sawe how he was deceiued, and laughed to scorne, so that then he also remoo­ued his Campe, and continewed on his way, with great ha [...]te after him. When Pedro Aluares vnderstoode y^e spéed that his enimie made: he sent a Poste to Alonso de Alua­rado, praying him to come and succour him. Who as soone as the Poste had done his Message vnto him: he came with all his power to ayde his fréende Pedro Aluares. But when Don Diego vnderstoode, y^t bothe his contraries were ioyned with all theyr force, he ceassed from following of them, and tooke his way towarde Cusco. Then Pedro Al­uares, and Alonso de Aluarado, sent theyr Messengers to Guito, with aduertisement of all theyr procéedinges, to Vaca d [...] Castro, beséeching him to make spéede to come vn­to them, promising that with Gods helpe, they would de­lyuer the Countrey vnto him.

In Xauxa deceassed Iuan de Herrada, and Don Diego sent some part of his Hoast by the way of the plaines, to ioyne with the inhabitants of Arequipa, whether his Captains also went, who robbed & spoyled all y^t they might lay hold on in the Cittie, yea, and not contented with the ritches which they found aboue grounde, they digged and delued in Churches, because some there were that had informed, how the Cittizens had buried theyr Treasure there.

How Vaca de Castro, came to the Campe of Pedro Aluares, and Alonso de Aluarado, and was by them receyued for Gouernour, and what followed. Chap. 13.

THe euyll successe of Vaca de Castro, in his Nauigation, hath bene already declared, how comming from Panama, to passe into Peru, he happened to loose an Anker, wher­by his Shippe roade at an extremitie. By [Page] meanes whereof, he was forced to ariue at the Port, cal­led Buena [...]Ventura, which is asmuch to say: as, the Port of good Fortune, and from thence he came to the gouerna­tion of Benalcasar, and so into Peru: In which iourney, he passed much trouble, because the way was long, and vn­prouided of victualles, and he also weake of infirmity, and not accustomed to such kinde of diet: yet notwithstanding, the premisses, in Popayan, he had vnderstanding of the Marquesse death, and of all the successe of the affayres in Peru: in consideration wherof, he contine wed daily on his iourney, hoping that with his presence, all discord should ende.

It is to be vnderstoode, that although the Lycenciate Vaca de Castro, his comming, was principally to make in­formatiō of the death of Don Diego de Almagro, & of all such thinges which had happened concerning the same, with­out suspending the Marquesse gouernment. Yet moreo­uer, he had secret Letters Patents, in such sort, that if in the meane whyle that he abode in that Countrey, should happen the Marquesse to deceasse, and leaue this mortall life: that then he should take and exercise his roome and charge, vntyll his Maiestie should otherwise prouide. By vertue of which Letters Patent, he was accepted & receyued, as soone as he was come to the Campe of Pedro Aluarez, and Alonso de Aluarado, where also were ma­ny others, that hauing notice of his comming, came the­ther to receyue him.

He brought in his company, Captayne Lorenso de Al­dana, who was at that instant gouernour in Cuito, by the appointment of the Marquesse: From hence he sent, before his departure Pedro de Puelles, to prepare all furniture ne­cessarie for the Warres: he dispatched also Gomez de Roias, borne in the Towne of Cuellar, with his power and pro­uisions, directed to the Rulers of the Cittie of Cusco: re­quiring them to admitte him according to the contentes thereof, who made such haste on his iourney, that he came [Page 80] to the Cittie, before Don Diego, and ascited the Cittizens with his message, which was wyllingly accepted.

When Vaca de Castro passed by Bracamoros, Captaine Pedro de Vargara, who was occupied in the cōquest of that Prouince, came and submitted him selfe vnto him, and to serue him, he left a Towne which he had newly inhabi­ted without people, in which Towne he had once fortifi­ed him selfe, meaning there to resist the force of Don Diego de Almagro. Whē Vaca de Castro was come to the Citie of Trugillio: he found there Gomez de Tordoya, who was lately come from the Campe about certaine words which he had passed with Pedro Aluarez, & with him were Garci­lasso de la Vega and other Gentlemen.

At the instaunt when Vaca de Castro departed from Trugillio to goe to the Cāpe of Pedro Aluarez, he had in his company aboue two hundred men of warre well fur­nished: as soone as he was come to the Campe, bothe Pe­dro Aluarez, and Alonso de Aluarado receyued him ioy­fully: and after that he had shewed the Emperours order vnto them, they delyuered incontinent theyr Ensignes vnto him, and he foorthwith restored them againe, sauing the royall Standard which he kept for him selfe.

This done, he appointed Pedro Aluares Holguin Campe maister, and sent him with all the Armie to Xauxa, to a­bide there his further order, whylst he went downe to the Cittie of the kinges, to gather together all such men, Ar­mour & Municiō, which there he might finde, leauing the Cittie furnished. He comaunded also y^e Captaine Diego de Roias should alwayes goe twentie leagues before the Ar­mie, with thirty lyght Horsemen, to discouer the way: he sent lykewise Diego de Mora for Lieutenant of the Cittie of Trugillio, and with great dexteritie & diligence, he pro­uided all other thinges necessarie for his pretended enter­prise now in hand, euen as though all his life time, he had bene brought vp in the Warres.

Howe Don Diego slewe Garcia de Aluarado in Cusco, and howe he came out of the Cittie with his Armie, a­gainst Vaca de Castro. Chap. 14.

IT hath bene declared, howe that after that Don Diego, sawe that he could not ouertake Pedro Aluares, he went to Cusco: but before his comming, Chri­stouall de Sotelo, who he had sent before him, had taken possession of the Cittie, and placed the Officers of Iustice, ac­cording to his owne pleasure, and vnplaced such as were appointed by Vaca de Castro: As soone as Don Diego was come to the Cittie, he began to gather all the Artillerie, and Gunpouder that he might come by.

In Peru, there is good prouision to make Ordenaunce, by reason of the aboundaunce of Mettall, which there is founde: and also at that tyme there were certayne Le­uantiscos, who were cunning Maisters in casting of Ar­tyllerie, and also expert in the making of Gunpouder, whereof they had store, by the meane of the great quan­titie of Salt péeter, which there is found.

He also made Weapon for such as wanted, of paste of Siluer & Copper, mixed together, & of the same stuffe they wrought exceeding good Corselets: besides this prouision, all the Armor of the Countrey was brought to his Cāpe, so y^t he furnished two hundred Hargabusiers. He also or­dained certaine men of Armes, although vntyll this time they vsed in Peru, to fight on Horsebacke, after the Genet facion, & seldome vsed to skyrmi [...]h with lyght Horsemen.

Being in this readinesse, happened a certaine discor [...]e betweene Captaine Garcia de Aluarado, and Christouall de Sotelo, in the which, Sotelo was slaine, whereupon great mischeefe was lyke to ensue, among the Soldiours, be­cause each of them had many fréends, so that all the whole Campe was deuided. [Page 81] so that if Don Diego with amorous wordes had no pacified the matter, thei had one slain an other. Notwithstanding Garcia de Aluarado, vnderstoode that Don Diego was greatly affectio­ned to Sotelo, and would not let to reuenge his quarell. Wher­fore, from that tyme forward, he had the greater regard to loke to his owne safetie, not onely for the defence of his persone, but likewise, mynded to kill Don Dieogo, the whiche his pretence, he determined to put in execution. So that on a daie he inuited hym to Dinner, purposyng to kille hym in his diete. But Don Diego suspectyng the matter, faigned that he was not well at ease, after that he had excepted the banket.

When Garcia de Aluarado sawe that his deuise could take no place, hauyng all thing in a readinesse for his pretended enterprise, he determined with diuers of his frendes, to goe and to inportune hym co come to the banket, and in the waie as he went, he chanced to disclose his minde to one Martine Carillio, who perswaded hym, not to proceede vpon that iourney, for, ꝙ he, I feare you will bee slaine: an other souldiar likewise gaue hym the same counsell, but all their aduise could not preuaile. Don Diego fained hym self sicke, and laie hym doune vpon his bed, hauyng secretly in an other chamber certaine armed men. So that when Garcia de Aluarado entered the chamber with his cōpanie, he saied vnto Don Diego, sir, if it maie please your lordship to arise, for your sicknesse is nothing, you shall also find ease, if you will recreate your self awhile, for although you eate nothing, yet you shall garnishe our table. Unto whō Dō Diego aunswered that he was content, and sorthwith arose and called for his cloake: For he laye vpon his bedde hauyng on his priuie coate, his Rapier and Dagger. Garcia de Aluarado and the residue, were goyng out at the Chamber doore, but when the moste of them were cleane without the doore, and as Aluerado was passyng out before Don Diego, Iuan de Herrada whiche stood next the dore, staied his goyng out, and made the dore fast, whiche lockt without any keye, and therevpon tooke Garcia de Aluarado in his armes, saiyng: yeeld thy self for prisoner, and then Don Diego drewe his Rapier and strake hym, saiyng: he shall not bee prisoner, but rather slaine. And then came forthe [Page] Iuan Balsa, Alonso de Sayauedra, and Diego Mendez, brother to Rodrigo Orgonios, and others of thē which were in ambush, who gaue hym so many woundes that he was soone dead.

When this newes was knowne in the Citie, there began a broile emong them. But when Don Diego came out into the Market place of the Citie, he quieted the people: yet notwithstanding many of Garcia de Aluarado his freendes fled awaie, After this successe Don Diego proceede [...] out of the Citie with his armie, to encounter with Vaca de Castro, whom he vnder­stood had ioyned with Pedro Aluaaez [...] and Alonso de Alua­rado, and was cōmyng the waie of Xauxa to meete with hym.

In all [...]his iourney Pauloz brother to Inga serued Dō Die­go, who Don Diego de Almagro the elder now deceassed, had instituted Inga, whose aide was of greate importance: Because alwaies he went before the Campe. And although he had but fewe Indians in cōpanie, yet all the Prouinces in the land had respect vnto hym, and for his sake thei prouided bothe victualls and Indians to carie the fardage, and other necessarie thinges.

How Vaca de Castro departed from the citie of the Kin­ges to Xauxa, and what his doynges were whilest he he abode there. Chapt. 15.

AFter that Vaca de Castro came to the citie of the kinges, he caused many Hargabuzes to be made hauyng at that instant many connyng maisters fit for the purpose. He furnished hym also of all other necessaries, for the prouision whereof, he borowed of marchantes the somme of 60000. poizes of gold, because Don Diego had spent all the kyngs treasure, before his commyng. When all thinges were in a readinesse, Vaca de Ca­stro left in the citie of the Kynges for his Lieutenant Francisco de Barrio Nueuo, and Ihon Perez de Gueuarra for captaine of the Nanie, and then he tooke his iourney wi [...]h all his power to­ward Xauxa, leauing order in the citie: that if Don Diego should happen to come vpon the citie, by any other waie not expected, as some did imagine that he would, [...]hat then all the Citezens [Page 82] with their wiues, children, families, and goodes, should goe a­bout the shippes, v [...]till suche tyme as he with his armie should followe hym, to giue hym battaile. At his comyng to Xauxa, he found Pedro Aluarez abidyng his comyng with all his men of warre, whiche he there furnished with Armor, Pikes, and gon­pouder, that there he had caused to be made. Then Vaca de Ca­stra deuided the horsemen, whiche he had brought with hym, be­twene Pedro Aluarez, Pedro Ausuerez, and Garcilaso de la Vega, whom he ordeined captaines of the horsemen, and part of the footemen he commended to Pedro de Vargas, and Nunio de Castro, who were appointed, for captaines of infauterie. He like wise, ordeines other two companies, the one of horsemen, which he assigned to Gomes de Aluarado, & the other of hargabuziers which he appointed to the Bachellier Iuan Velez de Gueuara, who although he were a Lawier, yet he was an excellent good souldiar, and of an excedyng good industrie: For he it was, that deuised to make the Hargabuzes, for the souldiars of his com­panie, and neuerthelesse did excercise also his vocatiō towardes the law. For it did appere that he was in those daies appointed Iudge, whiche office he did vse in the fore noone of euery daie, & at the after noone he apparelled him self as a good Souldiar, in hose and dublet of colours, enbrodred with gold, whiche becam him exceding well, with his Ierken and plume of fethers, with his Hargabuze on his shulder, excercisyng bothe hym and his men, in the practise of their peeces.

In this forme Vaca de Castro ordeined his hoste, the which were in nōber 700 men, whereof were 370 horsemen, a 170 Hargabuziers, and the residue were footemē. He appointed for cheef sariant of the Campe, Francisco de Carauajall, who after ward was campe maister to Gonsalo Pisarro. By whose order the whole hoaste was gouerned, because he was experte in the warres, & had exercised the experiēces of a souldiar aboue xl. ye­res, he had likewise borne office of liutenant, or captain in Italy.

In this meane while came messengers to Vaca de Castro, from Gonsalo Pisarro, who had returned vnto Quito, from the discouerie of the land of Zinamon, as before hath been declared by the saied messengers: he signified vnto hym how he ment [...]o [Page] aide him with all his force. Unto whom Vaca de Castra wrote, giuyng him moste hartie thankes, for his gentle offer: praiyng hym, that he would not trouble hym self, but rather at that pre­sent abide in Quito, because, ꝙ he, I hope to come to some good ende with Dō Diego, and that he will submit him self to his ma­iesties seruice. This aunswere he made, thinkyng to bridle the presumption of Gonsalo Pisarro, and also he likewise, imagined that his cōmyng would hinder the agrement with Don Diego, because Pisarro might hope of some reuenge, and for that con­sideration also, Don Diego would feare to yeeld hym self. O­thers helde opinion, that if Gonsalo Pisarro should happen to come to the Campe, that then he would presume to take vpon hym the office of Generall, beyng a man so well beloued emōg the Commonaltie, al [...] these thinges considered, Vaca de Castro commaunded that the Lorde Marques his children should re­maine in the custodie, and charge of their Tutors, in the Cities of saint Mighell and Trugillio, and in nowise come to the Citie of the Kynges, vntill other order should be taken: because the se­curitie of their persones was there more certain, then in Lynia.

How Vaca de Castro proceded with his hoste frō Xauxa to Guamanga, and what passed betweene hym and Don Diego. Chapt. 16.

WHen Vaca de Castro, had set in order his armie in Xauxa, he proceded towardes Guamanga, in whiche iourney he had vnderstandyng how Don Diego was commyng towarde hym, and either to take the Towne, or els to plant him self with his power to hinder his passage at a Riuer, whiche of force he should passe, so that in the takyng of either of them, the anoiance should haue been great to the enemie: because the toune is enui­roned with valleies of greate depth, whiche did excedingly for­tifie. But Captaine Diego de Rojas, who with his companie led the waie, forsawe those daungers, who also had knowledge of the pretence of Don Diego, and thereupon in shorte space built there a Tower, to abide the commyng of Vaca de Castro, who hauyng intelligence thereof, made the more haste, sendyng be­fore [Page 83] Captaine Castro, with certaine hargubuzers [...]o fortifie a­nother euill peece of waie, whiche stood not farre [...]rō Guamāga called the hill of Parcas. When Vaca de Castro, on an euenyng came within two Leagues of Guamanga, he was aduised that the same night, Don Diego ment to enter into the Toune, this newes contented hym not, because a greate parte of his armie were farre behinde, so that Alonso de Aluarado was forced to returne to gather them together, and when he had so doen, he came with them in good order, although some had iourneyed the same daie more then fiue Leagues, armed, with great paine and trauaile, by reason that the waie was asperous with Rocks and Creckes descendyng betweene hilles, so that at length thei passed by the towne, and lodged all that night on the other side in their armour, because thei had no certaine newes from their enemies, vntill the next daie that the Camp was assured by the scoutes, who had discouered more then sixe Leagues of groūd, and brought likewise aduertisement, how Don Diego was at the least nine Leagues from their Campe. Whereupon Vaca de Castro, wrote vnto hym by Francisco Diaquez, brother vn­to Alonso Diaquez secretarie to his Maiestie, who was come from Don Dieg [...] his Campe, to praie and require hym on the behalf of his Maiestie, that he would accepte and come to yeeld him self vnder the royall standarde, and in so doyng and also in dischargyng his armie, he should be pardoned of all his former doinges: but if he refused his mercifull offer, that then he would proceede against hym with all rigor of iustice, as against a trai­tor, rebell, and disloyall subiecte to his Prince.

Whilest this messenger was goyng on his affaires, he sent a footeman by another waie, clothed in the Indians attire, with sundrie letters to many Gentlemen which were with Dō Die­go. But this footemā could not passe so secretly, for by the print of his feete passyng through the snoe he was knowne, and also takē prisoner, who as soone as he was brought before Dō Die­go, was forthwith commaūded to be hanged, and likewise Don Diego founde him self greatly agreeued with the subtill pollicie and cautell of Vaca de Castro, considering that one waie he delt for peace, and contrariwise he sent to sowe mutynie in his Cāp.

[Page]Whereupon in presence of the messenger, he ordained al his Captaines and men of warre, throughly furnished to giue the battaile, and proclaimed also, that who soeuer should kill any Citizen, both the wife and Indians of the dead, should be giuen vnto him: this doen, he sent aunswere to Vaca de Castro, by the same messenger, & by Diego de Mercado y^t in no wise he would yeeld any obedience vnto hym, whilest his enemies were in his cōpanie, who were, Pedro Aluarez Holguin, & Alonso de Al­uarado with their consorts, & likewise he ment not to discharge his armie, vntil he sawe pardon from his Maiestie, firmed with his royall hande: for (ꝙ he) I giue small credite to the auctoritie of father Garcia de Loaysa Cardinall of Ciuill, whom I know not for gouernour, nor yet to haue sufficient power in his Ma­iesties absence, for any cause appertaining to India. And where he thought through his subtill practise, that the Gentlemen of his armie would passe vnto hym, he was therein deceiued. But rather that he should thinke, that with greate courage thei all expected the battaile, and would defend the Countrey against all the worlde, as by experience he should finde, if he durst abide the same: and now (ꝙ he) I am on my waie to se [...]ke hym.

¶How Vaca de Castro brought into the field, his whole power to stande to battaile, and what happened vn­to hym. Chap. 17.

WHen Vaca de Castro, had heard the embassage came from Don Diego, and also considered his pertinacie, he marched with his whole power into a plaine called Chupas, which stood without the boūdes of Guamanga, which place was very vnfit or asperous to fight a battaile in. In this plaine of Chupas he abode three daies, in which space, it ceased not from rainyng, because it was thē the middest of winter, and the souldiers a [...]tended alwaies armed, because y^e enemies were at hande, so that hap, what hap might, he determined to abide the battaile, seing that no other meane could be had, he also stood in doubt of some of his men, who had been tofore in the battaile of Salinas, saiyng that his Maiestie had not accepted of their [Page 84] doynges, consideryng that Hernando Pisarro, as yet remai­ned prisoner.

But now to iustifie his doynges, he pronounced sentence o­penly against Don Diego, wherein he condempned hym for a Traitor and Rebell, and to suffer paines of death and losse of goodes, with like penaltie to all his retinewe, with this iudge­ment and sentence he required all the Captaines to aide and as­sist hym, to execute the same.

The next daie in the morning, the skoutes gaue warning to prepare for battaile, affirming that the enemies were at hande, who had lodged the same night before, but onely two Leagues from their Campe, and now came marching on their left hand to escape certaine bogges, for to attain vnto a plaine that stood vpon a loine of hilles, which were in f [...]ent of the Campe of Va­ca de Castro, meanyng to take the Towne of Guamanga, be­fore the battaile should be giuen, déeming the victorie to be sure on his side, by reason of the greate force of artillerie whiche he brought with hym.

But when thei came so nigh together, y^t the skoutes might talke one with an other, Vaca de Castro sent Captaine Castro with fiftie hargubuzers to skirmishe with the enemie, whilest the Ensignes might passe certaine hilles, whiche of force they should goe with greate perrill, for if at that instant Don Diego had encountered them, their damage had bin greate, by meane of the Ordnaunce which would haue made a marueilous spoile among the footemen, so that to auoide this perill and to come to the top of the hill with greate expedition. Francisco de Caraua­iall, who then was chiefe Sariant, ordained that each Ensigne without respect of warlike order, should make all speede possi­ble to get vp to the hill top, fearing the daunger that might haue happened with the prolongyng the waie.

This counsell was obaied and followed, and whilest the har­gubuzers of captaine Castro were skirmishyng, the footemen came to the hill top. In this sorte the whole force of his armie atchiued their purpose, and planted them selues in order of bat­taile vpon the saied hill.

How Vaca de Castro set forward his Squadrons against Don Pedro, for to giue the battaile. Chapt. 18.

AFter that Vaca de Castro, sawe all his armie on the toppe of the hille, he commaunded the Cheef Seriant, that he should ordeine the Squadrons, the whiche accordyngly was doen. Vaca de Ca­stro, saied vnto them: That firste thei should con­sider who thei were, from whence thei came, and for whom thei should fight, and likewise to consider, that at that instante the whole force of that Countrey and Empire, was onely in the strength of their armes. And more ouer, if it should please God that thei should bee ouercome, that then death was the e­quall reward for theim all. But if, ꝙ he, the victorie bee ours, wee shall not onely shewe our selues loyall, and faithfull Sub­iectes to our Prince, but also remaine Lordes ouer the landes and treasure, whiche our enemies now possesse, and I for my parte, by the aucthoritie whiche I haue from his Maiestie, and in his royall name, doe assure ye all the same. For, saied he, our soueraigne desireth this lande, for no other purpose, but onely to remunerate all suche, whiche faithfully shall serue his Maie­stie, and I also knowe, that I nede not, to exhort and perswade you to this enterprise, beyng Gentlemen of noble parentage, for your valliaunt [...] hartes, and commendable courage, hath al­waies shewed your true and faithfull meanyng. An now I my self will be, by Gods helpe, your leader, to breake the first lance.

When the Generall Vaca de Castro had made an ende of his breef Oration: Thei aunswered with one voice and greate c [...]urage, that thei were all readie to obaye his cōmaundement, and that by the helpe of God, thei would rather be cut in peeces, then to bee ouercome, because ꝙ thei, eche of vs dooe take this warre in hande, as proper to euery of vs. This doen, the Cap­taines besought Vaca de Castro, not [...]o enter into the Uant­gard [...] for ꝙ thei, in no wise we will consent thereto. But rather we beseche you to abide with the Reregard with thirtie horse­menne, for to succour where greatest neede shall require. And when he had heard their importunate sute, he graunted their [Page 85] request. And also consideryng that the daie was spent, and that onely one hower and a half remained of the daie, the night was so nigh at hande, he would gladly haue delaied the battaile till the next daie.

But Captaine Alonso de Aluarado saied vnto hym: sir, if this night the battaile be not fought, we shall al perishe: and sith the hartes of your men are already determined, staie you not for an other consultation. Vaca de Castro liked well his coun­saile, but yet he feared the want of the daie light, saiyng: Oh would to God, that now I had the power of Iosue, to staie the Sunne. In the meane while, Don Diego began to shote his ar­tillarie, because, for to ioyne battail, the contrary side could not come doune the hille, without greate daunger of the men, euen as a plaine marke to be shot at.

But the cheef Seriant and Alonso de Aluarado, sought out on the left hande a sure entrie, whiche descended into a val­ley, where thei might at will sette vpon their enemies, without perill of the Ordinaunce, whiche shott passed cleane ouer their heds, so that the Squadrons came doune in order, in this wise.

The right hande, had Alonso de Aluarado, who with his companie attended on the roiall Standarde: of which, was Al­ferez, Christoual de Barrientos borne in the Citie, called Ciu­dad Rodrigo, and now was a citezen of the Citie of Trugillio: The left side was commended to these fower captaines, Pedro Aluarez Holgui, Gomes de Aluarado, Garcilaso de la Vega Pedro Ansuerez, eche of them carriyng in good order their standardes, and companies, and thei thē selues went in the first ro [...]es. And in the midest of the horsemen went the Captaines Pedro de Vergara, and [...]uan Velez de Gueuara, with the In­fauterie, and Nunio de Castro went the Hargabuziers, in the foremoste front to beginne with skirmish, and to retire to their Squadron, when tyme should require.

Vaca de Castro aboade in the reregarde with his thirtie horsemen, somewhat a farre of from the power of the battaile, so that alwaies he might succour where he should see greatest neede, as in effect he did.

How the bartaile of Chupas was fought. Chapt. 19.

WHilest the Armie of Vaca de Castro marched towarde the enemie, who ceassed not in shoo­tyng of his Ordinaunce: whiche shotte passed on high, cleane ouer the armie of Vaca de Castro. Wherevpon Don Diego suspected, that Candia who was Maister Gunner, had been suborned, and that therefore willyngly, he discharged his ordinaunce in suche sorte: so that without any further hearyng of the matter, he slewe the Gonner with his owne handes, and when he had so doen, he hym self shotte of a peece of Ordinance whiche e [...]tred into one of the Squadrons, and slue many of thē.

When Captaine Carauajall considered, that their Artil­larie could not bee brought with suche speede, as tyme requi­red: he determined with his companie to leaue it behinde them, and to enter the battaile without any longer delaye, or benefite of their Ordenaunce.

[Page 86]At this instant Don Diego and his Captaines Iuan Balsa, Iuan Tellio, Diego Mendez, Diego de Hoces, Martyn de Bilbao, Iuan de Ollo, and the residue: had placed their horsemen in twoo Squadrons, and betweene theim the Squadron of the Infauterie, and their greate Ordinaunce in fr [...]nt, towarde the place, where Vaca de Castro was thought to giue the onsette, And demyng it a cowardie, to staie any longer, the Squadrōs marched on with the Artillarie, towarde the face of the force of Vaca de Castro, cleane against the will, and opinion of Pedro Suarez cheef Seriant of his Armie, who beeyng a manne ex­perte in the warres, liked not their doynges: for as soone as he sawe the settyng forwarde of the Ordenaunce, he iudged the feeld to be loste. Because in the place where before the Campe was pitched, there was space sufficient for the Artillarie, to of­fende at will, before the enemie might come nere, and with pro­ceadyng torwarde, thei of force loste their benefite of the Orde­naunce, and so came without discretion vpon the power of their aduersaries. When Pedro Suarez sawe that thei would not ac­cepte and followe his counsell: he sette spurres to his horse, and fledde to the parte of Vaca de Castro.

In this meane while, Paulo, brother vnto Lynga encounte­red with Vaca de Castro on the left hande of his armie, with a greate companie of Indian Souldiars, who shot with dartes and throwyng of stones with slynges and other engines. But the hargubuzers whiche were placed for tyme of neede, set vpō them and slewe many: whereupon thei began to flee, in whose place entered Martin Cote, Captaine of the hargubuzers of Don Diego, who began to skirmish with the companie of cap­taine Castro, and the Squadrōs proceded by the sounde of their drummes, till thei came to the place where thei abode, whilest the Ordnaunce was shot of: whiche was doen with suche furie that thei could not breake so sone as thei would: and althogh thei were within shot, yet thei receiued thereby no damage, sauyng the companie of footemen whiche were placed on high ground, so that the Ordnaunce made a greate spoyle among them, and forced the Squadron to open: yet notwithstandyng, the Cap­taines with greate dilligence caused them to ioyne againe.

[Page]In this meane while, Francisco de Carauajall chiefe Sar­iant, stated the Captaines of his side, vntill all the Ordnaunce was discharged, and then the horsemen going vp a little plot of high grounde, met with the hargubuziers of Don Diego, who at this instant slue Pedro Aluarez Holguin, and Gruiez de Tordoya with two bullets, and wounded many others. When Captaine Pedro de Vergara felt hym self hurte with the shot of a hargubuze, he began to crye vnto the Squadrons of horsmen to breake, for if (ꝙ he) ye delaie any longer all your footemen will be spoyled. Wherupon the Trumpets sounded to breake, and immediatly the horsemen of Vaca de Castro, encountered with the horsemen of Don Diego with greate courage, in suche wise that thei brake on both sides almoste all their launces, and many were slaine and vnhorsed on eache side: when their laun­ces failed, thei ioyned with force of sworde and battaile axe, in suche wise, that thei fought with many a bloodie stroke, till thei were well nigh brethlesse, and thereupon forced to rest a while.

The Captaines of the footemen of Vaca de Castro his side, beganne also to encounter with those of Don Diego, hauing no feare or respecte of the Ordnaunce, by meane of Captaine Ca­rauajall, who valiantly encouraged them, saiyng, feare ye not the shot more thē I doe, for ye see (ꝙ he) I am a grose and a fat man, and a better marke to be shot at then ye are, and because ye shall not thinke that I trust in my armour, beholde my do­yng, and thereupon he put of a coate of maile whiche he had on hym, and also his hedpeece, remainyng in his dublet and hose, and in this sorte he led his companie on the face of the artillerie, who followed with suche courage, that in shorte space thei won it, and slewe many of those that had the charge thereof, and then ioyned in battaile with the contrarie side so valiantly, that the victorie was onely attributed vnto hym.

At this instant, the night approched and begā to waxe darke, so that skarcely one knewe an other, but onely by their watche worde. The horsemen likewise began their fight a fresh, so that then the victorie began to appeare on the behalf of Vaca de Ca­stro, who with his thirtie Horsemen gaue the onset on the left hande, where were twoo firme Ensignes of Don Diego, who [Page 87] cried victorie on their side: Notwithstandyng, all the other En­signes of Don Diego beganne to retire as ouercome, and Vaca de Castro breakyng in among them, there began a whot fight, in the which, some of those thirtie horsemen were wounded and vnhorsed. And also Captaine Ximenez, Nicholas Montaluo, and other Gentlemē were slaine. But Vaca de Castro striuyng for victorie with so noble a courage, Don Diego and his men beganne to turne their backes and flee, and Vaca de Castro and his companie followed, among whom he made a greate slaugh­ter and wounded many.

When Captaine Bilbao and Cristoual de Sosa, who serued vnder Don Diego, sawe their side to flee, thei receiued so greate greefe, that like desperate men thei entered into the thronge of their enemies, saiyng eche of them, I am he that slewe the Lord Marques, and in this order thei fought till thei were bothe cut in peeces.

Many of Don Diego, his side, escaped through the darke­nesse of the night, and also with takyng from the dead their co­nisance, for Vaca de Castro gaue vnto his men red skarfes, and Don Diego gaue vnto his white skarfes: in this sorte the victo­rie was manifestly knowne to be for Vaca de Castro: notwithstandyng at the beginnyng of the battaile, Vaca de Castro lost many of his men, in so much that the victorie was then thought to be on Don Diego his side. But now in y^e flight of those which were ouercome, thei fled from one perill and fell into an other: whiche was, as thei escaped passyng doune into a Ualley, the Indian enemies slewe a greate nomber of them, and likewise a hundred and fiftie horsemen which fled to the Towne of Gua­manga, which stood distant two leagues from the place where the battaile was fought. And there thei were vnarmed, and ta­ken prisoners by those fewe Tounes men, which abode behinde to keepe the Towne.

Don Diego, and Diego Mendez fled to Cusco, where thei were apprehended by Rodrigo de Salazar, who was his owne Lieutenant, & Antonio Ruiz de Gueuara Shriefe of the [...].

In this sorte finished the auctorit [...]e and gouernment o [...] Don Diego, who in one daie sawe hym sel [...] Lorde and Princ [...] ou [...]r [Page] all Peru, a [...]d on an other daie (likewise) saw him self prisoner by his owne officers. This battaile was fought the sixtene daie of September. Anno .1542.

¶How Vaca de Castro gaue thankes vnto his Souldiers, for the victorie which God had giuen them. Chap. 20.

THe greatest parte of the night was spent in ga­theryng the Souldiers together, who had beene occupied in the spoyle of Don Diego his tentes, where thei founde a greate treasure of golde and siluer, and slewe some whiche thei found hidden, and wounded. When thei were all gathered together, thinking that Don Diego would renewe his armie, all the footemen at­tended in a readinesse, and likewise the hor [...]emen.

Vaca de Castro spent the most parte of the night in the com­mendation of his Souldiers, and generally (also) his whole ar­mie, and gaue particular thankes to euery of them for their va­liant seruice. In this battaile were many Captaines and soul­diers, which singulerly did shewe the vallour of their noble har­tes: especially, Don Diego hopyng to haue the victorie, and also iudgyng his cause to [...]e iust, sithens his quarell was to reuenge his fathers death: yea, he tooke more paines then his age requi­red: for at that instant he was but two and twentie yeares olde. There were also many of his armie that shewed them selues valiant warriers: Likewise many that were with Vaca de Ca­stro, shewed in this exploite their noble mindes, & especially to reuēge the Lord Marques his death, who so entirely thei loued

I [...] this battaile were slaine on bothe sides to the nomber of three hundred men, among whom were many Captaines and men of estimatiō, especially Pedro Aluarez Holguin, and Go­mez de Tordoya, who pretendyng to get honour, and to be sin­guler i [...] this battaile, were apparelled in white veluet, besett with buttons of golde, which attire was worne vpon their ar­mour, by meane wherof thei were knowne, and the soner slaine by the hargubuziers, as before hath been declared. Likewise A­lonso de Aluarado, and Captaine Carauajall who feared not the greate Ordenaunce, nor any other daunger, where the bullets [Page 88] of y^e hargubuziers rained like haile: yea, it was thought a thyng vnpossible for them to escape, so that thei dispising death, it se­med that death fled from them, as often it doeth happen in all perilles, and the fearfull to be soonest intrapped, as in this bat­taile did plainly appeare: and especially, there was a yong man who feared to enter into the battaile, hid himself behinde a rock, where he thought not onely to be sure, but also should not heare the noyse of the Ordnaunce, & yet by chaūce there came a pellet from the great Ordnaunce, that brake the Rocke & slewe hym.

The principallest that shewed their hautie courage, on the behalf of his Maiestie, besides those which hath been rehearsed: were the Licenciat, Benito de Carauajall, Iuan de Sayauedra, Lorenso Daldana, Francisco Godoy, Diego de Aguilar, Bernal­dino de Balderama, Nicolas de Ribera, Hieronimo de Al [...]aga, Iuan de Barbaran, Michell de la Serna, Lope de Mendosa, Diego Centeno, Melchior Verdugo, Frācisco de Barrio Nueuo, the Licenciat de la Gama, Gomez de Aluarado, Gasper Rojas, Don Gomez de Luna, Paula de Meneses, Iuan Alōso Palomi­no, Pedro Alōso Hinojosa, Dō Pedro Puerto Carero, Captaine Caceres, Diego Ortiz de Guzman, Francisco de Ampuero, & many others which were in the first rowes of the Squadrons.

¶Of the iustice whiche was executed vpon those of the parcialitie of Don Diego. Chap. 21.

THE night of the victorie, happened an excea­dyng greate Froste, by reason whereof ma­ny of the wounded men, died with cold, espe­cially suche as could not come to the Campe, the Indians stripped them, and left them na­ked, without respecte either to their freendes, or enemies. And this was the principallest seruice, that the In­dians vsed in these battailes, for thei did not onely robb & spoile the weake and wounded persones, but also maulled them with their Clubbes. And through the darckenesse of the Night, the wounded creatures could not bee holpen by their freendes, sa­uyng Gomes de Tordoya, whiche was not throughly dedde, and Pedro A [...]suerez obtained a Tent: and because the carriage was not then come, the moste of the Souldiars laye in the feeld [Page] without Tententes or succour all that night.

It was a sorrowfull sight to heare and see, the dolefull cries and piteous mone, whiche the wounded menne did make, with the bitter paines of their woundes. There were aboue fower hundred persones wounded, who the nexte daie followyng. Va­ca de Castro, caused to bee cured, as well as he might, and the principallest emong the dedde were carried to bee buried in the Toune of Guamanga. But cheefly he caused the bodies of Pe­dro Alu [...]res, and Gomes de Tordoya to be buried with greate pompe and solempnitie.

The same mornyng followyng, Vaca de Castro com­maunded certaine of the prisoners to bee behedded, whiche had been accessaries to the Lorde Marques death: and the next daie when he came to Guamanga, he sounde that Captaine Diego de Rojas, had behedded Iuan de Tellio, and other Captaines of Don Diego. Vaca de Castro committed the execution of Iustice to the Lieutenant de la Gam, who hanged and behedded fourtie persones of the cheefest offenders: others he banished, a residue he pardoned, and also that the nomber of those which were exe­cuted, amounted to three score persones. This doen, he graun­ted licence to all the Citezens to goe to their houses: and Vaca de Castro went to the Citie of Cusco, where he made new pro­cesse against Don Diego, and after certaine daies commaunded hym to bee behedded. He likewise released out of prison Diego Mendez, with other twoo prisoners, whiche had serued a­gainst hym, who as soone as thei were at libertie, went vnto Inga into the Mountaines called Andez, whiche through the asperous entrie, are inexpugnable.

Inga receiued them very ioyfully, and shewed greate sor­ro [...]e for the death of his frende Don Diego, whom he loued ex­cedingly, as appeared: for when he passed that waie, he gaue vnto hym many shortes of Maile and Corselettes, and other sortes of armor which he had taken from the Christians, which he had ouercome and slaine, when thei went to aide Gonsalo Pi­sarro and Iuan Pisarro in Cusco, sent by the Lorde Marques a [...] here [...]ofore hath béen declared. He had also Indians disguised at the battaile, to bryng hym newes of the successe thereof.

How Vaca de Castro, sent to discouer the Countrey, by diuerse wayes. Chap. 22.

THe battayle agaynst Don Diego béeing wonne, and the countrey pacified, Vaca de Castro deui­sed to deuide his men of Warre: and not ha­uing wherwith to gratifie them all, except hee should send them to conquer abrod in the countrey: wherupon hee commaunded Captayne Vergara, that with the company which hee had brought to serue his Ma­iestie, hee should returne to his conquest, of the Bracamoros: hee sente also Captayne Diego de Rojas, and Phillip Gutierez, with 300. men [...] Eastward, to discouer that countrey, which afterward they did inhabite, which countrey ioyneth with the Riuer of Plate.

With Captayne Monroy, hee sent succour to the Pro­uince of Chili, to Captaine Pedro de Valdiuia, hee sente also Captaine Iuan Perez de Gueuarra, to conquer the Lande of Mullobamba, which hée tofore had discouered, and is a coun­trey more hilly then playne: out of the side of which hilles, springeth two greate riuers, which falleth into the Nor­then Sea: The one is called Maranion, of the which here­tofore wée haue spoken: and the other is called the riuer of Plate: the naturall people, of that countrey, are Cariues, which eateth mans flesh. The countrey is so hoat, that the people goe naked, sauinge light Mantels, which they wrap about their bodies.

In this countrey, Iuan Perez had vnderstandinge of ano­ther great Lande, which standeth beyonde those Hilles, to­ward the North, where are ritch Mynes of Gold, and there br& [...]acute;edeth Cammels, and sundry sortes of Powltery, like vn­to those of the new Spayne, and also sheepe, somewhat les­ser then the Sheepe of Peru, and all their corne ground is watered with slewces, because there it seldome rayneth: yet there is a maruailous great Lake, frō the which issueth many riuers, on the borders wherof, are many villages, re­plenished with people.

[Page]In all those Riuers, are certaine Fishes, like vnto great Mastiffes, which often times doo bite the Indians, which enter into those Riuers, or passe [...]longe the riuer sides, for they vse to come many times out of the Riuers.

This countrey hath the Riuer of Maranion, on the Northside, and the countrey of Brasill, on the East part, which the Portingals now possesse: and the riuer of Plate lyeth from thence Sowthward. The report was, that the Wemen, called Amazons, dwel in that countrey.

Now Vaca de Castro, hauing dispatched his Captaynes and Souldiers, on these discoueries, he abode in Cusco one yere and a halfe, making reperticion of the Indians, which were vacant, and putting things in order, in the countrey: Hee likewise made Statutes, to the great vtillitie of the cōmon Weale, and conseruacion of the Indians: In this season, was discouered in the Comarkes, or borders of Cusco, the richest mynes of Golde, that vnto this day, the like at any time had not beene seene: especially, in a riuer, called Cara­baya, in which Mynes, one Indian hath gathered 50. poyzes in one daye: and al the countrey was throughly quieted and the Indian people cherished and defended, from the greate wronges which in former time they receiued.

At this time, came Gonsalo Pisarro to Cusco: for till now, hée could not obtayne lycence so to doo. And after that hee had abode there certaine dayes, he went to Charcas, to deale in matters of his profite, and there remayned, till the Vice­roy Blasco Nunez Vela, came into the countrey.