CHAP. I. The founding of divers Cities, by the returners from Troy, with the murther of Agamemnon revenged by his sonne Orestes.

* * * * being by tempest separated from his Commander Nestor, he founded Metapont. Teucer not admitted to the pre­sence of his father Telamon, for his negligence or lazines, shewen in not revenging his brothers injurie, falling with Cyprus, did build, and by the name of his Countrie styled it, Salamina, Pir­rh [...]s the sonne of Achilles possest himselfe of Epyrus: Philippus of [Page 2] Ephyra in Thesprotia. But the king of kings Agamemnon being drivē by foule weather into the Ile of Crete, did there build three Cities: two of which hee called by his owne Countrie names; the third, to keep his vic­torie in memorie, Micenae, Tegea, and Pergamus; And not long af­ter falling under the trechery of his Wives sonne Aegistus (who bare him an hereditarie hate) and the villanie of his wife, was slaine: Aegistus held the king­dome seven yeares. Him Ore­stes, together with his mother having his sister Electra a Wo­man of a masculine spirit the partner of all his designes, did put to the sword: That this his fact was by the gods approved of, did appeare both by his long life and the happinesse of his state; for he lived nintie yeares [Page 3] raigned seventie. He also by his bravery did quit himselfe of Pir­rhus the sonne of Achilles, whom for that he had seised upon the marriage of Hermione the daughter of Menelaus, and Helle­ne who was contracted to him, he slew at Delphos. In these times, when Lydus and Tirrhe­nus brethren raigned in Lydia, being straightned with famine, they cast lotts whether of them should with part of the multi­tude quitte the land. The lott fell upon Tirrhenus; he being come into Italie did both to the place, to the Inhabitants, and to the Sea give a Noble and perpetuall name derived from his owne. Af­ter the death of Orestes, his sons, Penthelus and Tisamenus raigned three yeares.

CHAP. 2. The race of Pelops dispossest of Pe­loponesus by the Heraclidae. The glorious death of Codrus the Athenian King.

THen about the eightieth year after the taking of Tro [...] and the hundreth and twentieth from Hercules his being recei­ved among the gods, the off-spring of Pelops (who all thi [...] time having expelled the descendants of Hercules, had held the dominion of Peloponesus) by those of Hercules his race wer [...] deprived of it. The Commaunders in this recoverie of thei [...] estate, were Teminus, Ctesiphontes, and Pristodemas, to whom h [...] was the great great Grādfathe [...] Almost in the same time. Athe [...] [Page 5] [...]eased to be any longer gover­ned by Kings: the last of whom was Codrus the sonne of Melan­ [...]hus, a man not slightly to be pas­ [...]ed over. For when the Lacede­ [...]onians did with a sharpe warre [...]resse upon Attica, and the Pythi­ [...]n god had by his Oracle let thē [...]now [that the Army whose Generall should happen to bee [...]ain by the Enemy, should be the [...]onqueror] he devesting him­ [...]lfe of his royall acoutrements [...]d cloathed like a peasant, put [...]mself into the Enemies campe; [...]here, as if by acident, raising a [...]ntention, hee was by those [...]hich knew him not slaine. [...]drus with his death was fol­ [...]wed by an eternall glorie, the [...]thenians with the ensuing vi­ [...]rie. Who would not admire [...] that with such cunning did [...]ke his death as Cowards use [Page 6] to practise for the saving o [...] their lives. His sonne Medon wa [...] the first Governor of Athens (which office they stiled Ar­chon.) His posteritie were by the Attiques called Medontidae, bu [...] they and their Successors t [...] Char [...]pe, did still hold that honour in their hands. The Peloponesians also quitting the Countrie of Attica, did build Mega [...] in the middle way between Corinth and Athens. About tha [...] time the navie of Tyre whic [...] then was most powerfull at Se [...] did upon the uttermost point o [...] Spaine in the farthest end of ou [...] world possesse themselves of a [...] Island divided from the Cont [...] nent with a very narrow inlet o [...] the Sea and therein built th [...] Towne of Gades. And within [...] few yeares by the same men w [...] Ʋticu in Africa founded, the D [...] ­scendents [Page 7] from Orestes being by those of Hercules thrust out, and vexed long aswell with various misfortunes, as with foule wea­ther at Sea, at the end of fifteene yeares did seate themselves upō the Ile of Lesbos.

CHAP. 3. Combustions in Greece: planting in Thessaly, and the founding of Co­rinth by Haletes.

THen was all Greece shaken with most bitter Contenti­ons. The Achaians being driven out of Laconia did possesse thē ­ [...]selves of the lād they now hold. The Pelasgi marched up to A­thens and a brave young souldier by name Thessalus, by his nation [...] Thesprotian, with a great army of his Countrymen did seaze [Page 8] upon the Countrie, which to this day from him is named Thessalia: the Citie before that time being called of the Mirmi­dons. Concerning which name we may with reason wonder at those who writing of the times of the Troyan warre doe men­tion that Countrie by the title of Thessaly: which as others doe fault in, the Tragedians doe most commonly. To whom that li­bertie is not to be granted, for that the Poets have not spoken any thing in their owne person, but all under their names that li­ved in those times. And if any of them will maintain that they were named Thessalians from Thessalus the sonne of Hercules; it were fit he should shew some reason why before the time of this later Thessalus they never were so styled. A little before [Page 9] this Haletes the sixth from Her­cules and sonne of Hippotes, foun­ded Corinth, which before was called Ephyra in the Isthmus, ma­king it the enclosure of Pelopon­nesus; Nor is there any cause why we should wonder that Homer doth mention Corinth, for in the person of a Poet, hee both doth name this Citie, and certaine other Colonies of the Ionians, as in his dayes long after the taking of Troy they were called.

CHAP. 4. Chalcide in Euboea founded by the Athenians, and Cumae in Italy with Naples some while after, & Magnesia in Asia by the Spar­tans, with many other Colonies of Greeks, both in the Continent and in the Ilands.

THe Athenians in Euboea Chalcida dispossest the In­habitants of the Colony of Ere­thria; the Lacedemonians in Asia seised upon that of Magne­sia. Not long after the Chalcidi­ans being as is before related, descended from the Attickes did under the conduct of Hipocles and Megasthenes their leaders found the cittie of Cumae in I­talie. The course of that their way was directed as some re­port, [Page 11] by a dove siying before them as others by a tin [...]kling found of brasen pannes, such as in the night-sacrifices of Ceres, is usually heard. A part of these men did a long time after build Naples. Both these Cities their excellent and perpetuall faith­fullnes to the Romans, doth ren­der much worthy of the repute they hold, and the delicacie of their scituation. But some others have with more diligent care preserved their Countrie Cere­monies: the neighbourhood of Osca, wrought a change in those of Cumae. What pow­er those Cities have beene of in times long since past, the extent and strength of their walles doth even at this day de­monstrate. In the age following a great multitude of Grecian youth whose mightie power [Page 12] emboldened them to seeke where they might settle, powred themselues upon Asia; for both the Ionians under the leading of Iones going from Athens, planted themselves upon a most noble part of the Sea coast which to this day is called Ionia, and built there these Cities, Ephesus, Miletum, Colophone, Priene, Lebedua, Myūta, Erythra Clazomenae and Phocaea: & also possessed many Ilands in the Ae­gean and Icarian seas, as Samos, Chios, Andrus, Tenus, Pharus, Delus, besides others of lesse ac­count, And presently the Eoli­ans setting saile from the same Greece, after they had bin vex­ed with extream long wandring, did fasten upon places of no meane account, and built famous Cities, Smyrna, Cymen, Larissa, Myrina, and Mitylene, with o­ther [Page 13] Cities, which are in the Isle of Lesbos.

CHAP. 5. The time of Homers flourishing.

THen also in his full bright­nesse, shined the most noble, and without comparison, the matchlesse wit of Homer; who both for the greatnesse of his works, & the clearnes of his ver­ses, did alone deserve to be cal­led a Poet. In whom this is most glorious, that neither was there before him any one for him to imitate, nor after him any found that could imitate him. Nor shal we finde any other besides Ho­mer and Archilochus, who was the first Author of his owne worke, that did therein reach to an absolute perfection. He was [Page 14] longer after the Trojan warre, of which he wrote, than some suppose: for hee flourished al­most nine hundred and fiftie yeares since, was borne within these thousand yeares, for which cause it is not to bee wondred at that hee often useth that ***, for by this is discerned the dif­ference of times, as well as of men, whom if any man doe be­leeve to bee borne blinde, hee is himselfe deprived of all his sen­ses.

CHAP. 6. The Assyrian Empire of 1700. yeares standing from Sardana­palus translated to the Medes by Pharnaces, in the time of Ly­curgus the law maker of Sparta.

IN the succeding times the Empire of Asia was from the Assyrians, who had held the same for the space of seventeene hundred yeares, translated to the Medes about seven hundred and seventy yeares after these things last related: for Pharnaces the Mede, deprived Sardanapalus their King, melted with ease full delicacies▪ and to his owne mis­fortune over-happie (who was the three and thirtieth in descent from Ninus and Semiramis the founders of Babylon, so as still the sonne had succeeded to the [Page 16] father) both of his Empire and life. In that age the most illustri­ous of the Greekes, Lycurgus the Lacedemonian descen­ded from the Kings, was the Author of most strict, and withall of the justest Lawes; of which so long as Sparta was a diligent observer, it did flou­rish with all felicitie. About this time, and sixtie five yeares before the building of Rome, was Carthage founded by Eliza the Tyrian Lady, whom some have also called Did [...], Neere to the same time Caranus, a mā roy­ally borne, and the sixteenth in descent from Hercules, invested himselfe in the Kingdome of Macedonia, from whom Alex­ander the great, being the seven­teenth of his race, and in his mothers right extracted from Achilles, made it one of his [Page 17] glories that hee was also by his father derived from Hercules. Aemilius Sura, in his Annalls of the people of Rome, sheweth that first the Assyrians being Lords of all nations, held the Empire of the world; then the Medes; after them the Per­sians, from whom the Macedoni­ans got it, and last of all, not long after Carthage was mastered, Philip and Intiochus, two kings extracted from the Macedons, being overthrowne and conque­red, the supreame command did devolve to the Romans.

CHAP. 7. Hesiodus 120 yeares after Ho­mer. A controversie cleared a­bout the time of the building of Capua.

BEtweene these times, and that of Nine [...], who was the first great Monarch, did passe nineteene hundred ninetie and five yeares. Hesiodus was of this age, and about one hundred and twentie yeares after Homer. A man both for the cleerenesse of his wit, and daintie smoothnesse of his verse, worthie of memo­rie infinitely desirous of rest and quiet. And as hee was in time, so also was he in esteeme the next to a man of so high re­pute as Homer was: who avoy­ded falling upon that error which Homer had lighted upon [Page 19] and avowded both his country and parents: but his countrey, because hee had beene evill used by it, most scornefully, While I am employed about forraigne matters, I have ligh­ted upon a Domestique busines, & that very erroneous and farre from agreeing with the opinions of the most approved Authors. For some there are that affirme that about these times Capua and Nola were founded by the Tuscans, almost eight hundred and thirty yeares since. To whose opinion I should indeed subscribe: but how farre doth Marcus Cato differ from them? who affirmeth that Capua was founded by the Tuscans and after that Nola. That Capua stood entire about two hun­dred and thirtie yeares before it was taken by the Romans: [Page 20] which if it bee so it being since the taking of Capua two hundred and fortie yeares: since it was founded, must bee onely about five hundred yeares. My selfe (with pardon of Catos di­ligence) would say that I can hardly beleeve that so great a Citie did grow to that height, flourish, was ruined and raised againe, and all in so short a space of time.

CHAP. 8. The instituting the Olympick games by Iphitus the Elean, 904. yeares before the Consulship of Vinici­us. In the sixt Olympade Rome fonnded by Romulus.

AFter this the noblest tryal [...] of mastery in sports, and the most effectuall for the exer­cising [Page 21] the faculties of the minde and the body, the Olympicke games were begun: having for their Author Iphitus the Elean. Hee is reported to have first in­stituted those games, and a fayre with them, nine hundred and foure yeares before thou Mar­cus Vinicius didst enter upon thy Consulship; Almost one thou­sand two hundred & fiftie yeres before that, when Atreus did celebrate the funeralls of his fa­ther Pelops, Hercules at the trialls of exercises which were there presented, was in every one of them the Conquerour. At that time the Archōtes of Athens did cease to hold their places perpe­tually, of which the last was Alcmaeon, and began to bee crea­ted every tenth yeare: which order did last about seventie yeares, and then the affaires of [Page 22] the common wealth were com­mitted to Magistrates chosen e­very yeare. Of those which were created every tenth yeare, the first was Charops, the last Eryx. Of the yearely Officers, the first was called Creon. In the sixth Olympiad, two and twentie yeares after the first that was in­stituted. Romulus the sonne of Mars having taken revenge of the wrongs done to his Grandfa­ther, did found the Citie of Rome upon mount Palatine▪ in the dayes of the feast, held in honour of the Goddesse Palles: from whence to the times of your Consulships, it is seven hundred seventy and two yeares. Romulus effected this, being aided by the Legions of his Grandfather Latinus (for I very willingly doe subscribe to the opinion of those which have in [Page 23] that sort delivered) whereas otherwise with an unwarlike company of Shepherds, hee would scarce have beene able to settle his new Citie, the Veians being so neare, and other Etru­scans and Sabines; although hee had now enlarged it with a Sanctuary betweene the two Groves: He held about him an hundred elected & called fathers instead of a Counecll, and this was the originall of the name of Patricians. The rape of the Sa­bine virgins, which ***************

CHAP. 9. The ruine of Perseus King of Ma­cedon, by Paulus Emilius. His truimph and those of Octavius victorious by sea, and Amici­us over Gentius the Illyrian King.

Here is a vast breach in the History.

HEe reached what the Ene­mie most feared: for by the space of two yeares, he had fought with the Consulls, with so variable fortune, as for the most part he had the better of them, and had drawne a great part of Greece to allye them­selves with him. Nay, even the Rhodians also, who were before that, most faithfull to the Ro­mans, expecting the event, did [Page 25] then seeme, with a faithfulnesse to be doubted, more enclinable to the Kings part. And King Eumenes stood in that warre as a newtrall, neither answering his brothers beginnings, nor the fashion which himselfe had for­merly carried. The Senate then, and the people of Rome, did create Lucius Emilius Paulas Consull, who had before tri­umphed both as Praetor and Consull. A man to be praysed as farre as virtue can bee under­stood and valued; the sonne of that Paulus, who at Canna did as unwillingly fight that battaile, so ruinous to the Common wealth, as bravely lose his life in it. Hee in a great battaile neere Cydna, a City of Macedo­nia, overthrew Perseus, and ha­ving chased him and turned him out of his Campe, with the ruine [Page 26] of all his Army, compelled him, quitting all his hopes to flie out of Macedonia; which hee for­saking, fled into the Island of Samothracia, and there as Sup­pliant, betooke himselfe to the Sanctuary of the Temple. To him Cneius Octavius the Praetor who commanded the fleete, did come, and more with reason than force perswaded him to entrust himselfe to the fide­litie of the Romans. So did Paulus lead in triumph one of the greatest and noblest Kings of that time, the same yeare in which the triūphes of Octavius, the Praetor of the Navie, and of Anicius carrying Gentius, King of the Illyrians before his Cha­riot, were so conspicuous. How perpetuall a companion of a high and eminent fortune envie is, out of this may bee collected, [Page 27] that where no man off [...]ed to op­pose the triumphs of Octavius, and Anicius, there wanted not some that laboured hard, to hin­der that of Paulus, whose glo­ry did so farre outgo the others as well by the greatnesse of king Perseus, by the shew of Images, and Statues, as by the quantity of money, that he brought into the Treasury two hundred mil­lions of Sesterces, and in the magnificence of it, did farre outstrippe all triumphs whatso­ever had gone before him.

CHAP. 10. The proud commanding of An­tiochus to have Egypt in quiet by Popilius Laenas the Romane Embassadour. Emilius his losse of both his sonnes about the time of his triumph.

AT the same time when An­tiochus Epiphanes, who had at Athens begunne to set up the Olympick games, being King of Syria did besige in Alexandria the infant King Ptolome, Marcus Popilius Laena was sent Ambas­sador to him to command him to desist from his attempt, who delivering his message, and the King answering that he would thinke of it, made a circle with his staffe in the sand about th [...] King, and charged him to giv [...] him an answere before he wen [...] [Page 29] out of the same: So did the Ro­mane constancy put an end to the Kings Consultations, and the command was obeyed. But Luci­us Paulus who had gotten a great and glorious victory, was father of foure sonnes: Two of them, being the eldest, he had given to be adopted, the one to Publius Scipio, sonne to Publius the Africane, who of his fathers greatnesse and bravery held no­thing but the glory of the name, & a forcible eloquence; the other to Fabius Maximus. The other two being the younger, who had not yet put on the habit ac­customed to be worne by mé, at the time that he obtayned the [...]oremétioned victory, he retei­ned to himselfe. When accor­ding to the auncient custome, before he entred the Citie, he made a relation, before his tri­umph [Page 30] of his carriage in his af­faires (He besought the immor­tall gods that if any of them did maligne his actions, and envy his fortune, that they rather would shew their spleene upon him then upon the Common wealth, which words as delivered by an oracle, did ere long draw a great deale of his blood from him. For one of his two sons whom he had retained in his house, with him, he lost a few dayes be­fore his triumph, and the other within fewer dayes after it. A­bout this time there was a sharpe Censure pronounced by Fulvius Flaccus & Posthumus Albinus For Cnaeus Fulvius brother to th [...] Censor Fulvius, and also his part­ner in all things was by the sam [...] Censors put out of the Senate.

CHAP. 11. A counterfeit Philip in Macedo­nia overthrowne by Metellus Macedonicus. Metellus his for­tunate life and death.

AFter the defeate and take­ing of Perseus, who at the end of foure yeares, deceased in a free restraint at Alba, a counter­feit Philip, so termed, by rea­son of his fiction, in pretending a fabulous discent, when he gave out himselfe to be Philip, and of the royall blood, being full of extreamest boldnesse, & having with armed hand seized upon Macedon, and usurped the en­signes of majesty: within a short time received for the same his due payment. For the Pretor Quintus Metellus, who for his valour was surnamed the Mace­donian [Page 32] gaining a noble victory, overthrew him and the whole Nation: and also defeated the A­chaians who were beginning to rebell, in a great and bloody bat­taile. This is that Metellus the Macedonian that built the Galle­ries which did compasse about the two Temples, which were founded without any title of de­dication, and are now surroun­ded with the Galleries of Octa­via: and who brought out of Ma­cedon that troupe of Horsemens Statues, which stand in the front of the Temples, and are at this day the principall ornament of that place. The cause of the ma­king that company of Statues is reported to be, that Alexander the great did desire of Lysippus a principall Arts-master in those workes, that he would make th [...] Statues of those horsemen o [...] [Page 33] his which were slaine, out of his owne troupe at the river of Gra­nicke, to the life, and place his owne among them. He also was the first, who building an house at Rome of the marble taken out of auncient Monuments, did give a beginning there, either to their magnificence or excesse. Hardly canst thou find a man of any Na­tion, Age, or qualitie, whose fe­licitie thou mayest compare with the fortune of Metellus: For besides his glorious tri­umphs, his honors of the high­est degrees, and his eminent place in the Common wealth, his life prolonged to old age, his sharpe yet guiltlesse Contentions with his enemies for the Common-wealths cause: He had foure sonnes, saw them all men grown, left them all behinde him alive and full of honours; when he was [Page 34] dead, his foure sonnes tooke up his bed with his body before the Rostra; one of them a man of Consular degree, and that had bin Censor; the second that had also beene Consull; the next at the same time Consull; and the last then stood Canditate for the Consulship, which honour he also obtained. This is indeede rather happily to depart this life then to dye.

CHAP. 12. Corinth rebelling, raced by Mum­mius, and Carthage by Scipio Emilianus. The death of Ca­to, the perpetuall urger of the racing of Carthage.

AFter this, as we have before related, when all Achaia was bent to warres, whereof a [Page 35] great part was by the Armes and valour of Metelius Macedonicus reduced, the Corinthians furiou­sly and with foule indignities a­gainst the Romans, flying to Armes, Mummius the Consull was appointed to command in that war. And about the same time, (rather for that the Romans were willing to beleeve whatsoever was reported of the Carthaginians, then for that the reports that were brought them were worthy credit) the Senate resolved, utterly to demolish Carthage. And then it was that Publius Scipio Emilianus, a man wholy resembling in his vertues his Grandfather Publius Africa­nus, and his father Lucius Paulus and in all endowments, both of warre and peace, and as well for his Iudgement, as Knowledge, the most eminent of his time, [Page 36] who in his life, did never either doe, or speake, or thinke, any thing, but what was praise-wor­thy, whom we have before deli­vered to be the sonne of Paulus, but adopted by Scipio the sonne of Africanus, when he sought for the Ediles place, was created Consull. That warre against Carthage, which had bin by o­ther Consulls managed two yeares before, he followed with greater eagernes. Having before that, in Spaine, beene honoured with a murall crowne, and in A­frica, with one given to him, that by seige had mastered any place: and had also in Spaine, being challenged, slaine an Enemie, of a vast both strength and body, himselfe being but of ordinary abilitie and forces. So that Citie more disliked by the Romanes, for the competition of Com­mand, [Page 37] then for any fault it had committed in those times, he ra­sed to the foundations: and ren­dred that a monument of his va­lour, which it was before of his Grandfathers clemency. Car­thage was destroyed about one hundred seventy seven yeares since, after it had stood sixe hun­dred sixtie seven yeares, in the Consulship of Cnaeus Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Mummius. This end befell to Carthage the emulator of the Romās greatnes and command, with whom our Auncestors beganne the warre, when Claudius and Fuluius were Consulls, two hundred nintie and sixe yeares, before thou Marcus Vinicius didst enter the Consulship. So that for the space of one hundred & fifteene yeares, there was betweene these two Nations, either warres, or [Page 38] preparations for it or any uncer­taine peace: & not to be trusted. Neither did Rome who now had mastered the whole world, esteeme her selfe and hope to be in securitie, if the name of Car­thage still resting on foote were in any place extant. So doth the hate growne out of contention, out-live the feare of the concur­rent, nor is it at an end when he is conquered: neither yet doth he cease to be maligned, till he cease to have a being.

CHAP. 13. The difference in disposition, be­tweene Scipio and Mummius, the first neate and gentle, the second, ignorant and rude, yet the one called from his victory the African, the other Achaian.

THree yeares before Car­thage was ruined, Marcus Cato, the perpetuall urger of the destruction thereof, when Luci­us Censerinus and Marcus Man­lius were Consulls, ended his life. In the same yeare that Car­thage fell, Lucius Mummius, eight hundred fiftie two yeares, after it was founded by Haletes the sonne of Hippotes, did race Corinth to the ground. Both the Commanders were honoured with a s [...]name from that of the Nation conquered by them, the [Page 40] one being called the African the other the Acha [...]an. Neither was any man of those of the first head entituled to a name before Mummius that was acquired by his vertue. The disposition of these Commanders, was much different: their studies also were nothing like. For Scipio was so curious, both an Arts-man and an Admirer of the liberall arts and all kinde of learning, as he kept both in the warres and at home, Polibius and Panetius men of ex­cellent knowledge, perpetually about him. For never did any man more daintily put away the vacations that he had from busi­nesse, then this Scipio when he was at leysure, and continually was he employed either in the Art of warre, or that of peace, being alwayes in Armes, or at his studies, he either enured his [Page 41] body to labour & dangers, or his mind with profitable studies. Mummius was so clownish, as after the taking of Corinth, when he hired certaine men to carrie some pictures and, statues the choisest and perfectest workes of the greatest Artists, into Italy, he commanded them that had the charge of them, to be told that if they spoyled thé, they should make thé new. But I doe not thinke (Ʋinicius) that thou art in doubt whether it had beene better for the Common wealth that this art of the Corinthians had still remained in the first rudenesse rather then to have binne so per­fectly understood: or whether this wisdome or that ignorance would have beene a more [Page 42] convenient ornament for the Republique.

CHAP. 14. A Catalogue of all the Roman Co­lonies, that were planted any where before the comming of Hannibal into Italy.

NOw since the presentment of divers things contracted into one, doth more easily make an impression into our eies and mindes than that which is divi­ded into several times; I have de­termined to distinguish the first part of this worke from the last, with no unusefull delivery of things done, compendiously drawn together: And to insert in this place what Colonies, and in what time by decree of the Se­nate, [Page 43] were after the taking of Rome by the Gaules, carried and planted abroad: for of those which were setled by occasion of the warres, both the causes, and the Authors, and the names of the places themselves, are ve­ry glorious. To this end wee shall not seeme unseasonably to weave in our discourse, the times wherein Cities had their begin­ning, and the Romane name an increase by the Communication of their priviledges. Seven yeares after Rome was taken by the Gaules, a Colonie was plan­ted at Satrium, and the yeare following, another at Setina. After nine yeares more, one at Nepe, and then at the end of thirtie two yeares, the Aricynes were received into, and made free of the Citie. But about sixe hundred and fiftie yeares since [Page 44] Spurius Posthumius, and Veturius Calvinus being Consulls, the freedome of the Citie was gran­ted to the Campanians, and part of the Samnites, without power of giving their voyces, and the same yeare a Colonie was led to Cales; within three yeares after, were the Fundanes and Formi­ans received into the Citie, in the same yeare that Alexandria was founded. In the next Consulls time, was the freedome of the Citie granted by Spurius Posthu­mius, and Philo Publius then Censors, to the Acerranes. Three yeares after that was a Colonie carried to Taracina, and foure yeares more being past, one to Luceria, and the third yeare after that to Suessa, Aurunca, and Sati­cula, then within two yeares, one to Interamnis: from thence for ten yeares space, nothing of [Page 45] this nature was done: then were two Colonies placed at Sura and Alba, and two yeares after, one at Confinium: but when Quin­tus Fa [...]ius was Consull the fifth time, and Decius Mus the fourth time, in which yeare Pirrhus be­gan his reigne, Colonies were sent to Sinuessa and Minternae; and foure yeares after to Venusia, within two yeares after which without libertie of giving their voyces, when Marcus Curius and Rufinus Corneli [...]s were Con­sulls, the Sabines were made free of the Citie. This was about three hundred and twentie years since, but the Cossan and Pestum were received almo [...]t three hundred yeares past. In the Consulship of [...]abius Dor [...], and Claudi [...]s Car [...]u [...]: five yeares be­ing elapsed, Semp [...]ius So [...]us, & App [...]s the sonne of the blind [Page 46] man being Consulls, Colonies were sent to Ariminum, and Be­neventum, and also the free­dome of voice in election, was granted to the Sabines. But in the beginning of the first Pu­nique warres, Firmum and Ca­tum were planted with Colo­nies a yeare after, so was Aesernia, and two and twentie yeares after that Aesulum, Al­fium, and Fregellae; then two yeares after, and the yeare fol­lowing, Torquatus and Sempre­ [...]ius Consulls, Brundusium; and at the end of three yeares more, Spoletum. In which yeare was the beginning of the celebration of the playes in honour of the Goddesie Flora. After two yeares Valentia was made a Co­lony, and upon the comming of Hanibal into Italy, Cremona, and Placentia.

CHAP. 15. Another Register of such as were planted after that, till the time of Caius Marius his sixth Con­sulship.

FRom that time while Hanni­bal remained in Italy, the Romans were not at leisure to thinke of founding Colonies. The next ensuing yeares after his quitting it, when as during the warres▪ souldiers were rather to be provided than discharged; and after the end of it, their for­ces had need of being cherished, and held united together, more than of being scattered and dis­persed. But when Cneius M [...] ­lius Volso & Marcus Fulvius No­bilior were Consulls, a Colony [Page 48] was planted at Bononia, almost two hundred and seventeene yeares since; and foure yeares after, two others at Pisaurum and Potentia; then three yeares being past at Aquileia and Gra­visca; and after foure yeares more, one at [...]uca. In the same times (although some there are that doubt thereof) there were Colonies sent to Puteoli, Sa­lernum▪ and Buxentum; but to Auxinum in the Picene coun­trey almost one hundred eigh­tie seven yeares since; three yeares before that Cassius the Censor at the turning from the Iupercall to Mount Palatine, erected a Theater, in the demo­lishing whereof the strict seve­ritie of the Citie, and the Con­suil Capio, did most nobly ap­peare, which their act I should willingly reckon among the bra­vest [Page 49] arguments of the publique inclination in those dayes. When Cassius Longinus and Sextius Calvinus (who over­threw the Salves by the waters which of his name are called Sextian) almost a hundred fiftie and seven yeares since was one carried to Fabrateria, and a yeare after these, other were planted at Scylacium, Minervium, Ta­rentum, Neptunia, and Carthage in Aff [...]ica, the first (as we have have said before) that was set­led by them out of Italy. Of Derto [...]a there is some doubt. But when Marcus Porcius, and Quintus Marius were Consulls, a Colony was planted in Narbo Marcius in Gallia, about a hun­dred and fiftie yeares since; and thirtie three yeares after, when Marius was the sixth time Con­sull, and Valerius Flaccus, ano­ther [Page 50] was setled at Ephoredia in the Countrey of Vagienna. Nor can I commit to memory after that time any Colony that was planted, but of souldi­ers.

CHAP. 16. A kinde of master roll of excellent men in severall professions that flourished about one age: In the Tragicke Comicke veines; in Philosophy, Oratory, and the like, among the Graecians.

THough this parcell of my worke hath in a sort out­gone the proportion that I had designed for it: and that I un­derstand that in this so over speedy a poasting, which, like a wheele, an overfall of water, [Page 51] or a downe right precipice, doth not give mee leave to rest any where; more necessary ones are almost rather to be permit­ted, than superfluous ones to bee entertained: I cannot yet con­taine my selfe, but I must ob­serve and marke out a matter which I have often had in a­gitation in my minde, and whereof the reason hath not h [...] ­therto beene sufficiently cleared. For who can too much wonder, that the most remarkable spi­rits in every kinde of professi­on, in the same manner, the same confined space of a little, and strengthened time, and as crea­tures of a different kinde, out of a closed cage or a severall divisi­on, are never the lesse distin­guished from those of another fort, though kept together in one body. So those wits that [Page 52] were capable of any worthy worke to have varied from one another in all resemblances as if they had beene of other times and abilities in proficiencie. For one age, and that not con­sisting of many yeares, did enoble the Tragicke Bu [...]kin by the meanes of the divinely spirited men Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Eu­ripides. One age and within a very few yeares did the same honour to the first and antient Comicke veine under Cratinus, Arislophanes, and Eupolis; and inventing the newer straine of Menander, and those that were rather his equalls in time than in his workes. Phile­mon and D [...]philus left behinde them peeces not to be imitated. As for the Philosophers excel­lencies deduced from the instru­ctions of Socrates (of all whom [Page 53] wee have a little before made mention) how small a time did they flourish after the death of Aristotle and Plato? What was there worth regard among the Orators before Isocrates? what after his auditors and their disci­ples? So were they shut up with­in a little compasse of time, that there was none of them worth the remembring, who might not have seene one another.

CHAP. 17. The like and about the same time among the Romans.

NEither did this befall the Greekes more then the Romans; for except thou wilt remember things harsh and un­polished, the invention of Ro­man tragedies is to be ascribed, [Page 54] and commended in Attius with the times about his dayes, and the dainty witty conceit of the Latine about the same age, were by Caecilius, Terence, and Afra­nius rendred worthy of an high esteeme. The Historians (if thou wilt adde to the number of those before him, L [...]vius) besides Cato and some others as ancient as ob­scure: were included within the compasse of eightie yeares: so neyther did the plenty of Poets eyther shew it selfe before that time, or much come after it. But for the Art of Oratorie and the abilitie of pleading in open court with the perfection of Elo­quence in prose, excepting the fore-named Cato, (let mee speake with favour of Publius Crassus, Scopio, Laelius, the Grac­chi, Fannius and Sergius Galba) did so totally glitter under the [Page 55] Prince thereof Tully, that thou canst not observe more then a ve­ry few to have beene taken with it before him: but none to have admired it who either was not knowne to him or had the good fortune to know him. Whoso­ever shall be curious in the sear­ching the times past, shall finde, that the same hath been the fate of Grammarians, Potters, Pain­ters, and Carvers. The eminence of all manner of Sciences I finde to bee circumscribed within the compasse of a very short time. But when I seeke for the cause that wrought both for curiositie and profit, such a similitude be­tweene the wits of that age, and that which preceded it; I finde none of the truth of which I may be confident: yet perhaps I have met with some that are proba­ble. Among which these are the [Page 56] principall. Emulation doth nou­rish the wit, and one while En­vie, another while Admiration doth heate the contention, as also nature doth climbe to the top of that which is with extreamest ardencie desired and hardly can he stop that strives to reach to perfection. Againe, in nature that which cannot goe forward, re­tires backe: and as at first wee are on fire to reach them that we esteeme before us; so when as we despaire of out-going and over-taking them, our desire together with our hope, doth grow faint and old, and what cannot be compassed, ceaseth to be followed, and the pursuer, as a place already possest, quits it and seekes a new one: and let­ting that passe, in which we ca [...] be of no high esteeme, we seek [...] some other subject, to which to [Page 57] bend our endeavors: from whence it follows that a frequent & changing passing from one studie to another is the greatest hindrance to the arriving at perfection in any thing.

CHAP. 18. Of Athens, the sole City of Greece, fa­mous for arts, Thebes excepted by bree­ding of Pindarus.

MY admiration now passeth to consider of the times & Cities. One only Citie of Attica did flourish longer in eloquence, & those kinde of workes than all Greece besides. So that thou wouldest thinke, that the bodies of that nation were divided into other Cities, their wits shut up within the wals of Athens alone. Nor doe I more wonder at this than that there was no Orator among the Ar­gives, the Thebans or the Lacedemo­nians thought worthie of Authori­tie whiles he lived, or of memorie after his death; which Cities were [Page 58] barren of those knowledges, except that the eloquence of Pindarus did give a lustre to Thebes: for Alcmon, the Lace­demonians doe with no just title challenge to be theirs.

CHAP. I. The declining of the Roman vertue after the ruine of Carthage, the warre with Viriatus ended by the cunning of Caepio: & the base conditions made first by Pompeius, & then by Mancinus with the Numantines.

THe former Scipio laid open the way to the Roman power; the later to their excesse and riot: for the feare of Car­thage [Page 60] being removed, and the Competitor of the Empire taken out of the way, not by degrees, but by a precipitate course wee fell from vertue, and gave our selves to vices. Our old disci­pline was quitted, a new one brought in; the Citie turned from watching to sleepe; from Armes to pleasure; from busi­nesse to idlenesse. Then did Scipio Nasica build in the Capi­toll his Galleries; then Metellus his that we before have men­tioned: then in the Circus did Cnaus Octavius build his, farre the more beautifull. And this publicke magnificence was fol­lowed with private riot. An unlucky & shamefull warre then ensued in Spaine, Viriatus com­manding & leading the theeves, which was managed with so various fortune, as it was oft­nest [Page 61] unfortunate to the Romans. But Viriatus being brought to his end, more by the devices of Servilius, Caepio, than by his va­lour: the warre of Numantia much more troublesome was kindled. This Citie could never arme above ten thousand of her owne youth, but either by the fierce bravery of the people, or by the ignorance of our Com­manders, or by the favour of fortune: shee forced both other leaders, & Pompey himselfe also, a man of a high repute, to accept of most basely dishonourable conditions (this man was of the Pompeian family, the first Consull.) Nor lesse foule and detestable were those they ex­torted from Mancinus Hostilius the Consull. But Pompey esca­ped unpunished by the favour that was borne him. Mancinus [Page 62] by his humble shamefastnesse for not refusing it, hee brought it to this, that with his hands bound behinde him, he was de­livered by our Heralds to the Enemy, who denied to receive him, as sometimes the Samnites at Caudium did, affirming that the violation of the publicke faith was not to bee expiated with the bloud of one man.

CHAP. 2. The sedition raised upon the delive­rie up of Mancinus to the enemy by Tiberius Gracchus: His character and his intendments.

THe rendring up of Manci­nus did raise a most dange­rous sedition in the Citie: For Tiberius Gracchus the sonne of [Page 63] Tiberius Gracchus (a man most noble and of highest esteeme) Grandchild by his daughter to Publius Africanus, who for the time being Questor, when that agreement was made, and be­sides the Author and contriver of it; One while taking it in the worst part, that any act of his should be disvalewed, ano­ther while doubting the hazard of the like censure or punish­ment, being created Tribune of the people, a man otherwise of a life most unblameable, for his judgement most excellent, in his intentions most just; final­ly, adorned with as great vertues as both nature and industrie be­ing in their perfection, the con­dition of mortall man is cape­able of: When Publius Mutius Scaevola and Lucius Calphurnius were Consulls, about one hun­dred [Page 64] sixtie two yeares since, fell off from the best and hone­stest sort of the Citie, and pro­mising freedome of the Citie to all Italy, and withall publi­shing certaine lawes for the distributing of lands, while all men coveted to have power in the State, hee confounded all things, and brought the Com­mon wealth into a craggie and redoubtable danger, and Octa­vius his fellow in office, for that hee stood for the Common wealth, he deprived of his com­mand. Hee created Triumvirs for the division of lands, and the leading out of Colonies; himselfe, his father in law Ap­pius who had beene Consull, and his brother Gracchus, who then was but a very youth.

CHAP. 3. The ruine of Gracchus by Scipio Nasica: the death of Gracchus which was the first bloud drawne in Rome in civile contentions.

THen Publius Scipio Nasica, Grandchild to him that by the Senate was judged the best man in the Citie, sonne to him that being Censor built the Gal­leries in the Capitoll, and great Grandchild to Cnaeus Scipio, a man most honourable, uncle to Publius the African, being both a private man, and of the gowne, though hee were a neere kins­man of Tiberius Gracchus, yet preferring his countrie before his kinred, and thinking what­soever was not for the welfare of the publike in his owne par­ticular, [Page 66] was a stranger to him; for these his vertues, in his ab­sence hee was first of all men created chiefe and Soveraigne Bishop. When wrapping the skirt of his gowne about his left arme from the highest part of the Capitoll, standing at the top of the staires, hee exhorted as many as desired the preser­vation of the State to follow him. Then the Noblemen, the Senate, and both the better part and greater of the Knights, to­gether with so many of the Plebeians as were untainted with these pernicious devices, charged upon Gracchus, standing with his troupes, and labouring to draw almost all Italy to a head together: He flying and running downe the cliffe of the Capitoll, was strucken with the frame of a forme, and so with [Page 67] an untimely death ended his life, which hee might have passed with all glorie and honour. This was the beginning of shedding bloud in civill contentions in the Citie of Rome, and of swords used without punish­ment; from thence grew all right to bee troden under foot by force; And the more power­full and former custome, with the differences betweene the Citizens, which before were wont to be cured by treaties and conditions, were after decided by the sword. Neither were warres taken in hand for just causes and reasons, but as it were their way of trafficke and mer­chandizing, which to speake truth, is no wonder, for exam­ples doe not rest upon the grounds from which they had their first beginning: but having [Page 68] made their way thorow any narrow and streight passage, they afterwards take to them­selves a course of free and open libertie, and when once men have swarved from that which is right, they runne headlong to all injustice. Nor doth any man thinke that base and dishonou­rable to him, which another hath found beneficiall.

CHAP. 4. Aristonicus pretending falsely to the bloud Royall of Asia, which left by Attalus his will to the Ro­mans, as after Bithynia was by Nicomedes, he had seized upon, overthrowne by Mar. Perperna. And Numantia rased by the same Emilianus who before had done as much for Carthage: His death much suspected, but never questioned.

IN the meane time, while these passages are on foot in Italy. Aristonicus after the death of King Attalus, by whom Asia was bequeathed as an inheri­tance to the people of Rome (as inlike sort afterward Bithynia was also left by Nicomedes) false­ [...]y pretending himselfe to bee [Page 70] of the blood Royall, possest him­selfe therof by force. He by Mar­cus Perperna, was overthrowne & led in triumph: but Manius with the losse of his head, did from Aquilius receive his pay­ment, for that in the beginning of the warre he had slaine Crassus Muciarus, a man most learned in the lawes, as he was in qualitie of Proconsull upon his departure out of Asia. And Publius Scipio the African, sonne of Emilius, who had rased Carthage: after so many disasters about Numan­tia, being created Consull the second time, and sent into Spaine, did there make good the fortune and valour of which hee had before given proofe in Africa; And within a yeare and three months after his com­ming thither, having compas­sed Numantia round about with [Page 71] his workes, did level it with the ground. Neither did any man of what Nation soever before his time leave his name recom­mended to perpetuall memorie, by a more glorious destruction of any places: For by the rasing of Carthage, and Numantia, he freed us of feare from the one, and of scorne and reproach from the other. He when the Tribune Carbo enquired of him what he thought of the killing of Tiberi­us Gracchus, answered; That if he had in his thoughts to possesse himselfe of the state, he was worthily punished. And when all the assembly cryed out, I (said he) that have so often remained unterrified, with the shouts of the armed enemie, how can I be moved with yours, to whom I­taly is a step-mother. Being re­ [...]urned to the Citie, within a [Page 72] while after when Mareus Aqui­lius and Caius Sempronius were Consulls, an hundred and fiftie yeares since; after his two Con­sulships, and two Triumphs, when he twise had quitted the Common wealth of her feares, he was in the morning foūd dead in his bed; so that certain markes of his being strangled, were found upon his necke. Neither was there ever any enquirie made of the cause of a mans death, of so great eminence: and his body was caried out to fune­rall with his head covered, by whose meanes the citie of Rome had lifted up her head aboue all the inhabited world. So dyed he either a naturall, as the most part supposed, or a death procured by practise, as many have delivered. How ever, he certainly past his course of life most nobly, and [Page 73] was in glory inferiour to no man that before that time had beene, except his Grandfather. He departed this life, almost at the end of his sixe and fiftieth yeare: whereof if any man make a question let him looke backe to his former Consulship, to which he was elected in his six and thirtieth yeare, & he will cease to doubt.

CHAP. 5. Anlus Brutus, his severity of com­mand in Spaine, cause of his vic­torie at Controbia.

BEfore the destruction of Numantia, the command of Aulus Brutus in Spain was very glorious: who making his way through al the nations of Spaine, [Page 74] having taken an infinite number of men and Cities, & reached to those people, which were scarce knowne, by heare-say, did wor­thily obtaine the sirname of the Gallician. And before him but a few yeares, the government of that Quintus termed the Mau­donian was so severe, that when he assaulted a Citie called Con­trabia, five legionarie Cohorts being beaten downe from a clif­ty place, he immediately com­manded them to give upon the same againe. And all his souldi­ers making their wills as they stood in their ranks, as if they were to runne upon certaine death: the Constancy of the Cō ­mander, not frighted from his purpose, received the souldiers backe with victory, whom he had sent to die. Such was the ef­fect of feare mingled with [Page 75] shame, and a hope sprung out of despaire. This man by the valour and severity of his action: but Paulus Emilianus, following the example of the former Paulus, by his discipline in Spaine, did grow very famous.

CHAP. 6. The stirres raised by Caius Grac­chus, brother to Tiberius, in­tending the same or worse then his brother had attempted: His character and overthrow by O­pimius.

TEn yeares then being elap­sed, the same fury which had possessed Tiberius Gracchus, did also seaze upon his brother Caius, who did aswell resemble him in all his vertues, as in this error, but in his wit and elo­quence [Page 76] far more excellent. Who when with all tranquillitie of mind, he might have been a prin­cipall man in the Citie, either for revenge of his brothers death or to invest himselfe in a regall power, taking him for his pat­terne, and entred upon the Tri­buneship, attempting things far greater and more insupportable: granted the freedome of the Ci­tie to all Italians, did extend it almost to the Alps, divided lands, forbad any Citizen to pos­sesse above five hundred acres (which was also provided fo [...] by the law Licinia) imposed new customes upon Merchan­dize, filled the Provinces wit [...] new Colonies, transferred th [...] power of hearing and determ [...] ning from the Senate to the o [...] der of Knights, purposed to d [...] stribute Corne to the Commo [...] [Page 77] people; left nothing unstirred, nothing at peace, finally, not any thing that was at quiet in the same estate. And further proro­gued his Tribuneship for another yeare. Him Lucius Opimius then Consul, who when he was Prae­tor, had rased Fregelae, pursued with force, and together with Fuluius Flaccus a man of Consu­lar qualitie, and that had trium­phed, whom as badly affected as himselfe, Caius Gracchus had made Triumvir in the roome of his brother Tiberius, & his Con­sort in his royall power, depri­ved of his life. That alone is re­ported to have beene wickedly done by Opimius; That he set a price and proclaimed that hee would in ready gold pay it upon the head (that I may not say of Gracchus) of a Citizē of Rome. Flaccus when upon Mount A­ventine [Page 78] he drew on and encou­raged his armed troupes to fight was with his eldest sonne there slaine. Gracchus as he was flying when now he was at the point of being apprehended by those that Opimius for that purpose had sent, presented his necke to his servant Euporus: who no more faintly slew himselfe, after he had done, then he did assist and free his lord. That day the faith­fulnesse of Pomponius a Romane Knight to Gracchus, was very notable; who like Coeles ma­king a stand upon the bridge a­gainst all the force of the enemy at the last fell upon his sword; As before the body of Tiberius Gracchus, so now also that of Ca­ius with a strange cruelty of the Conqueror, was throwne into the Tiber.

CHAP. 7. The cruelty of Opimius to a deli­cate youth, sonne to Flaccus one of Gracchus his associates, and others of that faction, detested by the Romanes who were of his side.

THis was both in life and death, the fortune of the sonnes of Tiberius Gracchus, and the Grandchildren of Publius Scipio the Affrican, in the life time of their Mother Cornelia daughter to the Affrican. Men [...]hat made ill use of most excel­ [...]ent abilities of spirit, who if [...]hey had desired any proportion of honours within the compasse of a Civill estate, whatsoever [...]hey in a tumultuous manner [...]ought to reach the Common­wealth [Page 80] to them if quiet would have presented. To this sharp­nesse was added a transcending villany: for a youth of excellent beauty not as yet full eighteene yeeres old, and not guilty of his fathers faults, the sonne of Ful­vius Flaccus, whō his father had sent as a messenger to propound a treatie, was by Opimius put to death. Whom when a Tuscan sooth-sayer his friend observed to be drag'd weeping to prison, why dost thou not rather (said he) thus: and withall running his head against the stone bridge, at the prison gate, with his braines beaten out, fell downe dead. Presently were there cruel inquisitions set on foote against the friends and followers of the Gracchi. But for Opimius a man in other things upright and grave, when he was afterward [Page 81] condemned by the Iudgement of all the people: the memory of that his cruelty would not suffer him to be with any humanitie pittied. The same spight also of a publique censure did not unad­visedly ruine within a while af­ter Rutilius and Popilius who when they were Consulls had beene most bittterly eager upon the friends of the Gracchi. Let me intermingle with affaires of so great consequence, a thing scarce worth the being known. This is that Opimius from whose Consullship, the wine called O­pimian, tooke its name, and was most highly esteemed, which that it is not now to bee met with, the distance of time it self will declare it, being from him to the Consular of thee Marcus Vinicius one hundred fiftie and one yeares. An authoritie of [Page 82] lesse power did succeed this act of Opimius, because they sought to satisfie their particular spleenes, and the revenge was ra­ther ascribed to private hate thē to the vindicating of the pub­lique right. In the next ensuing yeare Porcius and Marcius being Consuls, a Colony was planted at Narbo Marcius.

CHAP. 8. Caius Cato condemned of extorti­on for a petty summe. The two Metelli neare kinsmen, tri­umph in one day, as also the two brothers of the Flacci. And Minutius upon the Scordisci.

LEt now the severitie of the Citties Censures be recom­mended to memory: For Caius [Page 83] Cato a man of Consular qualitie, grandchild of Marcus Cato, and sonne to the sister of the Affri­can, was condemned upon infor­mation out of Macedonia of ex­tortion, when the question was but of foure thousand Sesterces. Thus did they rather bend their eyes upon the disposition to of­fend, then the measure of the crime, squaring the fact by the rule of the intention, and weigh what, not how farre men did offend.

About the same time, the bro­thers of Marcus Metellus did triumph in one day. Now was the fortune lesse remarke­able, as hitherto the sole one of that kinde of the sonnes of Fulvius Flaccus (his I meane, who had taken Capua) in the Colledge of Consulls, whereof the one was given in adoption, [Page 84] and he so received into the fami­ly of Acidianus Manlius. For the Censureship of the Metelli, was of Cozen-germans, not of bro­thers, which happinesse had one­ly befallen to the two Scipios. Then did the Cimbri & the Teu­tones passe over the Rhine who presently aswell by our many losses as by their owne became famous. At the same time that Minutius who built the Galle­ries, which even to this day are highly esteemed, did bravely tri­umph over the Scordisci.

CHAP. 9. A register of Romanes in that time famous for poesie, History, and other arts of the like kinde.

IN the the same age were Scipio Emilianus, and Laelius, Sergius Galba, the two Gracchi, Caius Fannius, and Cerbo Papirius, famous for eloquence. Neither is Metellus Numidicus, or Seve­rus to be forgotten, but above all Lucius Crassus and Marcus An­tonius▪ to whom both in time and abilities succeeded Caius Caesar, Strabo and Publius Sulpicius. For Mucius was more famous for his skill in the law then for any eloquence that he was owner of.

About the same time were highly prized the ingeniousnesse [Page 86] for Comedyes of Afranius, for Tragedies, of Pacuvius & Attius, who were honoured even to the being paralleld with the Grecian witts, who did not re­fuse to their workes prime ranke among themselves. So as indeed it seemed there was in these more daintines; in them more substantiall bloud. The name also of Lucilius, was at that time of high esteeme, who served on horsebacke under Publius the African in the warre of Numantia; When lugurth al­so being a young man, and Me­rius serving under the Com­mand of the same Generall, did in the same army learne what they afterward should ex­ecute in armes of an opposite quallite. The Historiographer Sisenna was then young: but his worke of Silla's civill warre, he [Page 87] wrote some yeares after, when he was old. Caelius was more auncient then Sisenna, but Ru­tilius, Claudius, Quadrigarius and Valerius Anti [...]s, were in the same age with him. Yet let us not be ignorant, that in that age was Pompouius notable for his conceipt of a harsh stile, and for the new Invention of his worke praise worthy.

CHAP. 10. Lepidus Aelius censured for hiring a house at 6 [...]0. sesterces [...]a meane rate in succeeding times. Do­mitius victorious over the Ar­verni, and Fabius, for his, sur­named Allobrogian. The sate of the Domitian family to have but one Sonne of a Father, yet all arive at the highest honours.

ANd here let us observe the famous severity of the Cē ­sors, Cassius, Longinus and Caepio who one hundred fiftie and se­ven yeares since, did call in que­stion, Lepidus Aelius the Augur, for that he had hired a house of six thousand Assis rent. If now any man should dwell in one of that value, he should scarce be acknowledged for a Senator. So easily do men fall from what [Page 89] i [...] fit, to errors, from errors to crimes, and from crimes to the bottome of all wickednesse. In the same tract of time, the victo­ry of Domitius over the Arverni and that of Fabius, of the Allo­broges were glorious. To Fabi­us the Grandchild of Paulus, for that his victory, the surname of the Allobrogian was added; where is to be observed, that in the Domitian family there was a peculiar, and as it was most no­ble, so was it a felicitie bounded within the number of a very few men. As before this Cneus Do­mitius a young man of a most worthy and cleere roundnesse: there were of the same house but all the sole sons of their Fathers: yet all of them attained Consull­ships and priesthoods, and all­most all of them the honour of Triumphs.

CHAP. 11. The warre of Iugurth managed first by Metellus, ended by Cai­us Marius: His character: 12 Metelli or more, within twelve yeares, of the Caecilian family ei­ther Consulls or triumph.

THen followed the warre with Iugurth, managed by Quintus Metellus a man inferiour to no one of his time: His Lieu­tenant was Caius Marius, of whom wee spake before: borne of a family of Knights, rugged and sterne, of a course life, as the fittest for the warrs, so the worst for peace, knowing no meane, insatiably greedy of glo­ry, in his passions ungoverned, and alwaies unquiet. He by the Customers and others that tra­ded in Africa, accusing Metelius [Page 91] of slowenesse, as who had drawne the warres out into a length of three yeares, and the innate pride of the Nobilitie, with their greedy desire of prolonging their Command: did bring to passe, that when having gotten leave, he was come to Rome, and created Consull: the whole charge of the warre, now almost brought to an end by Metellus, as who had twise overthrowne Iugurth in open fielde, was committed to him. Yet notwithstanding was the triumph of Metellus, as glorious as well deserved, and for his worth and valour, the sirname of Numidian be­stowed upon him. As before wee remembred the Noble­nesse of the Domitian, so heere wee must observe that of the Cecilian family, in which almost [Page 92] within the compasse of twelve yeares, at this time there were a­bove twelve Metelli that either were Consulls or Censors, or did triumph. So that it ap­peares, that as the fortune of Cities and States, so also that of races or families doth now flourish, now grow old, now perish and come to an end.

CHAP. 12. Marius by Silla his Questor, had Iugurth delivered up from Boc­chus: Overthrowes the Te [...] ­tones with slaughter in two daies of 150000 men. And after with his colleague, Catulus, the Cimbres, with the losse of above 10000 s [...]aine or taken.

BVt Caius Marius had associ­ated to him for his treasurer [Page 93] Lucius Silla, the destinies as it were making way for him: and by him whom hee had sent to King Bochus, neere one hund [...]ed and thirtie yeares since received King Iugurth delivered to him: and being againe chosen Consull at his returne to the City, in the Calends of Ianuary, and the be­ginning of his second Consul­ship, [...]ed him in truimph Then a [...] before we have related when a vast multitude of the German Nations, who were called the Cymbres and Teutones, had powred themselves out upon us, & had overthrowne Capio & M [...]lius the Consull, and before that in Gallia, Carbo and [...]elan [...]s, and turned them out of their army, and slaine Scaurus Aure­lius the Consull, with others of principall marke & qualitie: the people of Rome to repell so po­tent [Page 94] an enemie▪ did thinke no man more fit to cōmand in chiefe than Marius. The third yeare then of his redoubled Consul­ship was spent in the preparati­on for the warre; in which yeare Cnaeus Domitius, Tribune of the people, did preferre a law, that the Priests, whom before that their fellowes in office did in­stitute, should bee created by the people. In his fourth Con­sulship, he fought with the Teu­tones beyond the Alpes, neere the Sextian waters: and having put to the sword in that day and the next, above one hundred and fiftie thousand men, he did extirpate the whole Nation. In his fifth on this side the Alpes in the fields which are called Raudij, himselfe being Con­sull and Quintus Luctatius Ca­tulus Proconsull, in a most for­tunate [Page 95] encoūter, there were of the enemies slain or taken prisoners, more than one hundred thou­sand men. With this victory Marius did seeme to have deser­ved of the Common wealth that it should not be sorrie that he was borne in it, and with his good service to have made amends for the ills that hee was author of: his sixth Consulship was conferred upon him as a re­ward of his merits: yet not­withstanding let him not be un­justly deprived of the glory of this Consulship, in which he be­ing Consull, did with force of armes, tame the madnesse of Servilius Glaucia, and Saturni [...]us Apulcius, whom borne and bent onely to doe mischiefe, with their unintermitted honors▪ tea­ring the Common-wealth in pe [...]ces, and with the sword and [Page 96] slaughter, disordering, and scat­tering the assemblies of the peo­ple: in the Hostilian Court hee punished with death.

CHAP. 13. Marcus Livius Drusus intending well to the Senate, but mistaken by them.

AFter this a few yeares be­ing interposed, Marcus Livius Drusus entred his Tri­buneship, a man most noble and excelling both in eloquence and goodnesse: who with farre bet­ter intentions than fortune un­dertooke the affaires that pre­sented themselves, who when hee endeavoured to restore to the Senate their antiently for­mer honour, and to draw to that order from the Knights the [Page 97] power of judging and determi­ning: for the Knights having by the power of the Gracchian l [...]es gotten that authoritie, when they had raged against ma­ny of most eminent marke, and those also most innocent, and also had condemned with the infinite lamentation of the whole Citie Publius Rutilius of extortion; (A man not of that age alone, but of any whatsoever equall to the most vertuous) did euen in those things, which for their behoofe hee contrived finde the Senate opposite to him. They not understanding t [...] if hee proposed any thing for the advantage or benefit of the Plebeians, that it was done to the end as with a baite to draw the multitude to his fa­vour, that having obtained pet­tie things and trifles, they might [Page 98] give way to matters of greater import. Finally, such was the fortune of Drusus, that the Se­nate did better approve the mis­cariage of his fellow Tribunes, than his excellent intendments and scorning the honors which were by him presented to them, did with an equall temper brooke the injuries of others, envying him that height of glo­ry, and enduring the poore and meane repute of the rest.

CHAP. 14. The same man by some of their pre­curement [...], murthered with [...] knife, in a crowd at his owne house.

THe minde of Drusus then (since his faire intentions succeeded ill) being turned to [Page 99] granting freedome of the Citie to all Italy, which when he had beene labouring for, and retur­ned out of the Market place, at­tended with the vast and innu­merable multitude, which did alwayes follow him, being in the court of his owne house, strucken with a knife, which was left sticking in his side, within a few houres breathed his last. But being at the last gaspe, looking upon a number that stood about him, and la­mented for him, hee let fall one word most sutable to the inte­gritie of his conscience, Will ever (sa [...]d he) [my kinsmen and friends] our Common wealth finde a Citizen affected to her good, like my selfe. This was the end of that most noble young man▪ of whose disposition it should be amisse to forbeare gi­ving [Page 100] one argument. When he built his house upon Mount Pa­latine, in that place, which once was Cicero's, after that Censori­nus his, and now belongs to Statilius Sisenna, and the Archi­tect promised him that hee would so order it, that having an open prospect abroad, it should bee free from all view of any man without, nor should any looke into, or supervise it: nay, rather (said he) if thou hast any skill at all, so frame my house, as whatsoever I doe in it may be seene by all the world.

CHAP. 15. Carthage the first Colonie planted out of Italy: that plantations out of the native continent, have bin pernicious. The death of Dru­sus cause of the Italian warre. Metellus Numidicus banished by Saturninus the Tribune, and recalled by the meanes of his son.

I Would reckon among the [...] most pernicious points of the lawes of Gracchus that he plan­ted Colonies in other countries beyond the bounds of Italy. That error our Auncestors had so carefully avoyded (when they observed Carthage to be growne so much more powerfull than Tyre, Massilia, then Phocaea, Si­ [...]acusa, then Corinth, Cizicum, [...]nd Bizantium, then Miletum, [Page 102] which were their originall and Mother countries) that out of the provinces, they still recalled the Citizens to Rome to bee taxed. The death of Drusius rai­sed the warre of Italy, which al­ready and before his death was boyling: For when Lucius Ce­sar and Publius Rutilius were Consulls, now one hundred and twentie yeares since when that disease being as by contagio [...] spread from the Aesculans over all Italy (for they had slaine the Praetor Servius, and Fonteius the Legate) and having infused it selfe among the Marsians, was runne thorow the whole coun­trie, had armed them against the Romans, whose fortune as i [...] was bitter, so was their caus [...] most just; for they required t [...] be members of that Citie, who [...] Empire and command they d [...] [Page 103] maintaine with their swords. That at all times, and in all warres, they did furnish double the number, both of horse and Foote, that the Romans them­selves brought to the field: and yet might not be admitted to the priviledges of that Citie, which by their meanes and valour was arrived at that heighth that [...]he should loath and scorne men of both the same bloud and Na­ [...]ion, as Forrainers and Aliens. That warre consumed more [...]han three hundred thousand of the youth of Italy. The prin­ [...]pall Commanders of the Ro­man side in that warre, were Cnaeus Pompeius, father to Cnaeus Pompeius, the great, Cai­ [...]s Marius of whom wee spake [...]efore, Lucius Sylla, who the [...]eare last past had beene Prae­ [...]or, and Quintus Metellus, [Page 104] sonne to him that was sirnamed Numidian, who deservedly pur­chased the sirname of Pious For by his pietie to his pa­rent, by the authoritie of the Senate, and with the consent of the whole Common wealth hee restored his father to his countrie, being expelled by Lucius Saturninus the Tribune of the people, because he alone refused to sweare the observa­tion of the lawes propounded by him. Nor was that Me­tellus the Numidian more eno­bled by his triumphes, or the honors which hee had attained, than hee was by the cause of his banishment the exile it selfe, or his returne from it.

CHAP. 16. The Italian Captaines in that warre, the fortune various, the end advantagious for the Ro­mans.

OF the Italian partie, the most remarkeable Cap­taines were, Silo Poppedius, Heri­us Asinius, Iusterus Cato, Cai­us Pontidius, Telusius Pontius, Marius Egnatius, & Papius Mu­tilius. Nor will I by my bash­fulnesse lessen at all the glory of my owne bloud and family, so long as I but relate the truth: For not a little honour is due to the memorie of Minutius Magi­us my great Grandfather, who being Nephew to Docius Ma­gius the noblest of all the Cam­panians, and a man of most un­spotted fidelitie, did serve the [Page 106] Romans in this warre, with so much loyaltie, that with a legi­on which himselfe had raised among the Hirpines, hee tooke Herculaneum, and in it Titus Didius, and consorted with Lu­cius Silla, besieged the Pompeies, and forced Cosa. Of whose worth both divers other, and especially, as well as most clear­ly Quintus Hortensius in his An­nalls, hath made relation: And whose deservings the people of Rome did afterward amply, and fully remunerate, both in endowing him (and that not among others, but) singly and by himselfe with the priviled­ges of the Citie; and in creating his two sonnes Praetors, when the old man was not yet past be­getting of other children, but had some borne to him after that time. So variable and mischie­vous [Page 107] was the fortune of that warre, that in two yeares, one after the other, two Roman Consulls were slaine by the enemie, Rutilius first, and then Cato Porcius: The armies of the Romans in sundry places were defeated, and they compelled to weare onely their Cassocks, and remaine a long time in that habite: they chose for the seat of their Empire Corfinium, and called it Italicum. After that by degrees, and incorporating into the City, such as had either not taken armes at all, or quick­ly laid them downe, and made their peace, our forces were re­paired, and the common wealth sinking and ready to perish, was restored by Pompey, Sylla and Marius.

CHAP. 17. The Italians made free of the City, the refusall whereof before was cause of the warre: Sylla made Consull.

THe Italian warre being for the greatest part ended ex­cept onely those reliques there­of which remained about Nola, (which setled, the Romans having sheathed their swords, did rather choose to graunt the libertie of the City to those which were conquered and de­prest, then before when they were sound and entire) Quin­tus Pompeius entred his Con­sulship, together with Lucius Cornelius Sylla, a man that nei­ther can bee sutably to his me­rit commended for his carri­age before his victory, nor [Page 109] yet in the same proportion dis­praised for his actions, after hee was Conquerour. Hee be­ing descended of a noble fa­mily, as the sixth from Corne­lius Rufinus, who in the warre of Pyrrhus was reckoned one of the most eminent Captaines of that time, when the honours of his family had beene inter­mitted, did so carry himselfe for a long time, as it seemed hee had no thought of standing for the Consulship. Afterward growing to reputation in the Italian warre, and before that in his Lievetenancie under Ma­rius in France, where hee had routed some of the enemies most esteemed Captaines; hee tooke heart from his good for­tune, and requiring the Consul­ship, was so declared by al­most all the voyces of the Citie. [Page 110] Yet was hee in the nine and for­tieth yeare of his age, when he attained to that honour.

CHAP. 18. Warre with Mithridates commit­ted to Sylla: Mithridates his character and acts: the fidelity of the Rhodians, and perfidious­nesse of the Muylenians: Sulpi­tius his character with the char­ges in his carriage.

AT that time, Mithridates King of Pontus, a man (of whom wee may neither bee si­lent nor yet speake slightly) in warre most eagerly fierce, of notable valour, sometimes in his fortune, alwaies in his courage of the highest ranke, in directi­on a great Captaine, in execu­tion a brave souldier, in his ha­tred [Page 111] to the Romans another Ha­nibal, having possest himselfe of Asia, and out the throats of all the Romans that were in it, whom in one day and houre, by his letters to the Cities, with infinite promises of re­wards, he had procured to bee massacred. At that time there was not any who either in faith­fulnesse toward the Romans, or in valour against Mithridates did parallell the Rhodians. Their fidelitie was by the perfidious­nesse of them of Mytelene, ren­dred the more illustrious, who delivered to Mithridates bound and captive Marcus Aquilius, and other Romans with him: although afterwards they were by Pompey restored to their li­berty, onely in favour of Theo­phanes. When Mithridates did seeme in a fearefull manner to [Page 112] threaten Italy: Asia by the lots fell to Sylla for his Province. Hee being gone out of the Ci­tie when hee staied before Nola, (for that Citie did most obstinately continue in armes, & was then beleagured with the Roman forces, as if it had beene sorry for the faithfulnesse which above all other (Subjects or con­federates) it had most religious­ly observed in the Punique warre) Publius Sulpitius Tri­bune of the people, a man elo­quent, eager, by his wealth, fa­vour, friendships, and the vi­gour of his wits and spirit, made most eminent, having with all secresie of his intentions procu­red himselfe a vaste authoritie with the Common people: As if he were growne to be wea­ry of his vertues, and that his well laid designes were unsuc­cessefull [Page 113] to him: upon a sud­daine becomming ill disposed & headily rash, decreed all com­mands, all provinces to Caius Marius, who greedily affected them after hee was seventy yeares old: and preferred a law to the people, by which the command of Sylla should be ab­rogated, the warre of Mithri­dates decreed to Marius, with other pernicious and balefull lawes not to be endured in a free Common wealth. And besides, by certaine assasines of his owne faction, he caused to bee mur­thered, the son of Quintus Pom­peius, then Consull; who also was sonne in law to Sylla.

CHAP. 19. Sylla his returne to Rome from No­la, and expelling the opposite fa­ction: Marius his danger at Mintura, and Sulpitius his death.

SYlla then drawing his army together returned to the Ci­tie, and by force possessed him­selfe thereof, threw out of it the twelve authors of those mischievous novelties, in which number were comprehended Marius with his sonne, and Pub­lius Sulpitius, and by a law which then was passed, did condemne them to banishment. As for Sulpitius the horsemen that o­vertooke him in the fennes of Laurentum slew him, and his head being set up to shew over the pleading place, was as a [Page 115] presaging Omen of the proscrip­tion that ensued. Marius also after his sixth Consulship, and in the seventieth yeare of his age, was with a leather thong cast about his necke, dragged naked, and covered all over with myre out of a plot of reeds about the Marsh of Murica, in which, flying from Sylla his Ca­vallery which pursued him, he had hidden himself, by the com­mand of the Decemvirs to the common prison of Minturna: to make an end of whom, when a common slave of the Towne, by birth a German, who by chance was taken in the Cymbrian warre where Marius comman­ded in chiefe, was sent with a sword: he as soone as hee knew Marius, with a hideous out-cry, discovering his indignatiō at the hard fortune of so great a per­sonage, [Page 116] casting away his sword, runne out of the prison. The Townesmen then being by an enemie taught to have compas­sion upon one that but a little be­fore was a man of highest emi­nence, having furnisht him with provision, put him aboard a ship, and dismist him in safetie. But hee having met with his son about Aenaria, stood for Africa: and in a shed among the ruines of Carthage, passed for a time a life full of necessitie: while Ma­rius beholding Carthage, and it on the other side holding him, one of them might in a sort serve for a comfort to the other.

CHAP. 20. Pompey the Consull slaine by the souldiers. Cinna for his sediti­tious devices, deposed from his Consulls place, his recalling Ma­rius out of exile.

THis yeare was the first that ever the Roman souldiers embrewed their hand in the bloud of a Consull: for Pompey Syllas colleague was by the army of Cnaeus Pompeius, slaine in a mu­tinie, but whereof the Comman­der himselfe was the Author. Neither was Cinna of better temper than Marius or Snipitius, so that whereas the freedome of the City was so granted to the Italians, that the newly in­corporate Citizens should bee distributed into eight tribes, left by their power and multi­tude, [Page 118] the dignitie of the antient Citizens should bee abased, and they to whom the courtesie was done, have more Authoritie than the conferrers thereof. Cin­na promised that he would di­vide them among all the Tribes, with the fame of which bene­fit he drew a mightie number of them into the Citie. Out of which being forced by the pow­er of his fellow in office, and of the chiefe Citizens, when hee bent himselfe for Campania by the authoritie of Senate, hee was deprived of his Consulship, and in his place was subrogated Lucius Cornelius Merula, the high priest of Iupiter. This inju­rie was better suted to the per­son of the man, than fit to serve for a president. Cinna then ha­ving first corrupted the chiefe Centurions and Tribunes, and [Page 119] within a while the souldiers also with hope of a donative, was received by the army which lay about Nola. And when they had all sworne obe­dience to him, hee retaining the markes and ensignes of the Con­sulship, declared warre against his countrie: relying upon the multitude of the new Citizens, of whom he had enrolled more than three hundred Cohorts, and had filled up about thirtie legions. Yet did that side stand in need of authoritie and favour: to give it that addition, he recal­led out of banishment Caius Marius with his sonne, and those which were driven into exile with them.

CHAP. 21. The battaile fought neere Rome, betweene Cinna and Pompey, Father to the great Pompey, who after dyed of the plague.

BVt while Cinna makes war upon his Countrie Cnaeus Pompeius, father to Pompey the great (of whose noble endevours as wee have before delivered, the Republique had made good use in the Marsian warre, and especially about the Countrey of Picenum, and who had taken Asculum, about which Towne, when the Armies were disper­sed in diverse other Countries, seventie and five thousand Ro­man Citizens, and more then threescore thousand Italians fought in one day) being hope­lesse of holding the Consullship [Page 121] any longer, did so doubtfully and indifferently cary himselfe betweene the factions, that he seemed to direct all his actions to his owne ends, and to lye in wait for the time, wavering to and fro, as ready when the fairer hope of power and greatnesse, presented it selfe, to render both himselfe and his army. Yet at the last, in a greate and a sharpe bat­taile he encountred with Cinna. The issue whereof being fought and determined under the very walles, and the Allyes of the Ro­mans both fighting in it, and be­ing also spectators thereof: how mischievously balefull it was, can scarce be expressed in words. Af­ter this when the pestilence ra­ged in both the Armies as if the [...]word had not sufficiently wa­ [...]ted thē, Cnaeus Pompeius depar­ [...]ed this life. The reioycing for [Page 122] whose death was almost a coun­terpoize for the losse of so many Citizens as either the sword or sickenesse had deprived of life, and the people of Rome upon his dead body vented the ill will which they ought him in his life. Whether there were two or three families of the Pompeies or no, certaine it is that the first of that name Quintus Pompeius was Consull with Cnaeus Servi­lius, about one hundred sixtie eight yeares since. Cinna and Marius not without bloudy skirmishes on both sides, recove­red the Citie. But Cinna entring first, passed a law for the recal­ling of Marius from exile.

CHAP. 22. Marius his returne to Rome: the first proscription.

PResently Marius also to the common plague of his Coū ­trie men came into the towne. Nothing could have beene more bloudy then that victory: if that of Sylla had not followed it. Nei­ther did they rage with an un­restrained licentiousnesse, but the noblest and most eminent men of the Citie, were with sundrey kindes of death remo­ved out of the way. Amongst them the Consul Octavius, a man of a most harmelesse dis [...]osition by the command of Cinna was put to the sword. But Merula who upon the comming of Cinna had disclamed the Consulship, cutting his veines, and sprinkling [Page 124] the alter with his blood, did call upon the same Gods whom hee oft had, as high Priest to Iupiter, invoked for the welfare of the Republique, with curses for Cin­na and his faction, and in that sort rendred up his spirit, which had so superabundantly deserved well of the common wealth Marcus Antonius a man most e­minent, both for his ranke in the Citie, and for eloquence, was by the swords of the souldiers whom for a time he had with the daintinesse of his Oratory caused to pause upon the com­mand of Marius and Cinna, cru­elly slaughtered. Quintus Cato­lus who both for his other vir­tues and by the glory of th [...] Cymbrian warre, wherein he wa [...] an equall sharer with Marius was of highest repute; when h [...] was hunted for to bee put t [...] [Page 125] death, shut himselfe up in a place [...]ately pergetted with lime and [...]and; & causing fire to be brought [...]nto if to give the more force to [...]he savour of drawing an aire [...]ernicious and deadly, and with­ [...]ll suffocating his owne breath, [...]ied rather as his enemies wi­ [...]hed, then as they intended. Thus [...]ll things in the Republique, ran [...] headlong course of mischiefe: [...]nd yet did not any man declare [...]imselfe that he had the daring [...] give away the goods of a [...]ittizen of Rome to another, [...]or any that was so affronted as [...] demand them. That also after­ [...]ard was added, that Avarice [...]ecame the motive of cruelty: [...]d the proportion of the fault [...]as rated according to the [...]orth of the estate: so as he that [...]as rich was held a guilty per­ [...]n, and every man was made [Page 126] the price of his owne danger. Neither did any thing seem [...] base, so as it were gainefull.

CHAP. 23 Marius his seaventh Consulship and death, Sylla his acts against Mithridates: his resolution against the Marians, but after the forraine enemeis nayle [...] were pared.

CInna then entred his secon [...] Consulship, and Marius hi [...] seventh, to the disgrace of hi [...] former ones; in the beginnin [...] whereof, falling into a fickr [...] he deceased: a man in the warre [...] as superlatively bitter to the enemie, as in peace to his Cou [...] trey men, and of quiet most impatient. In his roome was su [...] rogated Valerius Flaccus, the au [...]hor [Page 127] of a most base and unjust [...]aw: that Creditors should be [...]aied but the fourth part of their [...]ebt. Of which his fact within [...]wo yeares hee received [...]he reward which hee had [...]o well deserved. White Cinna [...]id thus dominiere in Italy. [...]he greater part of the Nobili­ [...]e fled to Sylla in Achaia, and [...]rom thence into Asia. In the [...]ean time, Sylla did in such sort [...]ncounter with the Generall im­ [...]loied by Mithridates against [...]im about Athens in Baeotia [...]nd Macedonia, as he both re­ [...]overed Athens, and having be­ [...]owed much labour about the [...]everall fortifications, which [...]hey had made upon the port of [...]iraeus, he put to the sword about [...]wo hundred thousand men, and [...]oke prisoners not many fewer [...] any man shall impute this time [Page 128] of rebellion to the Athenians he is certainely ignorant both of the truth and all antiquitie. For the fidelitie of the Athenians to the state of Rome was still so invi­olate, that alwaies and in every occasion whatsoever was perfor­med with all sincerity and inte­grity, they used to say it was done with an Atticke faithful­nesse. But at that time being op­pressed with the force of Mi­thridates his armes, they in a most wretched estate being subject to their enemies, held under with their garrisons, and beseiged by their friends, had their hearts without the Rampires, and their bodies within the walles, obey­ing the necessitie which they could not avoid. From thence Sylla passing over into Asia, found Mithridates an humble suppliant and obedient to all hi [...] [Page 129] commands. Vpon whom impo­sing a fine of money, and part of his ships, he constrained him to quit Asia, and those Provin­ces which by force he had sei­zed upon: he received backe from him all those which were prisoners, did justice upon fugitives and offenders, and enjoyned him to be content with his estate descended to him from his Fathers, that is, with the Kingdome of Pontus.

CHAP. 24. Fimbria his boldnesse, and end: Laenas the Tribune executes Lucilius the last yeares tri­bune, & banisheth the rest of Syl­la his party.

CAius Flavius Fimbria who being Generall of the horse before Sylla his comming, had staine Valevius Flascus a man of Consular qualitie, and possessing himselfe of his army, and salu­ted by the title of Generall, had as it hapned in a battaile routed Mithridates: Vpon Sylla his pas­sing over, slew himselfe. A young man he was who what he most unlawfully durst attempt did with courage put in executi­on. The same yeare, Publius Lanas, Tribune of the people, did throw downe from the Tarpey­an rocke Sexius Lucilius who had beene Tribune of the peo­ple, [Page 131] the yeare before: and when his fellowes in office, whom he had cited and appointed a day for their tryall, did for feare flie to Sylla: he by proclamation de­clared them Rebels, forbidding them the use of fire and water. Sylla, then having setled the af­faires beyond the Sea, when to him first of any Roman, the Em­bassadors of the Parthians had presented themselves: and a­mong them certaine of their soothsayers, had upon observati­on of some markes in his body, foretold that he should passe a most glorious life, and that the memorie of him should be long lived, returning into Italy, he at Brundusium landed with only thirtie thousand men against forces of his enimies, consisting of above two hundred thousand. Hardly can I esteeme any action [Page 132] of Syllaes more noble then that when the faction of Cinna and Marius tyrannized over al Italy, he neither forbare to declare, that he would make warre up­on them, nor yet quitted the bu­sinesse that he had in hand: And thought that the publique ene­mie of the State was first to bee represt, before he thought of private revenge: and that when the feare of a forraigne force was removed, and he had maste­red his enemie abroad, hee would also take order with those at home. Before comming of Lucius Sylla in a mutiny of the Army, Cinna was by them slaine; A man better meriting to have beene executed at the pleasure of the Conqueror, then slaughtered by the rage of the souldier, of whom it may be truly said: that he dared give [Page 133] attempt upon those things which no honest man ever durst thinke; and effected that which was not to be done by any, but those that were of the most dauntlesse courage: and that in consultation and advice, he was headily rash; in execution, a gallant man. Carbo having no colleague subrogated in Cinna's place, was, for the rest of the whole yeare the sole Consull.

CHAP. 25. Sylla his returne into Italy: the overthrow of Scipio and Nor­banus neare Capua, Sylla after the victory, not like Sylla before it.

THou wouldest have thought that Sylla had not come into Italy to make a part in the war: but to negotiate for and procure a peace. With such quietnesse and so great care of the provisions and fruits of the earth, of the countrey, the people, and the Townes, did he lead his army through all Calabria and Apulia, into Campania: and did seeke to end the warre with just, and e­quall conditions. But they whose greedy desires were both ex­treamly wicked and unbounded, could not away with peace. In the meane time Sylla his army did dayly increase, every one [Page 135] that was of the honestest [...]ort, and the most discreet flocking to him. After that not farre from Capua he prosperously defeated Scipio and Norbanus the Consuls, of whom Norbanus was over­throwne in fight. Scipio forsaken by his army and betrayed by them, was by Sylla dismist un­toucht. So unlike was Sylla the souldier to Sylla the Conqueror, that while he overcomes he was more mild then the gentlest spirit: after the victory, more cruell then can bee spoken. For both when hee was Consull, as wee have already told, he dismist in safety Quintus Ser­torius, onely disarming him; a firebrand soone after, (of oh how great a warre) with many others whom he had in his power: I think that in the same man there might be seene an instance of a [Page 136] mind double, and most different from it selfe. After the victory, in the descent from the mountaine Tifata, where Sylla had encoun­tered with Caius Norbanus, he rendred thankes to Diana, to whose Deity all that country is consecrated: & also dedicated to the goddess, the Bathes for their virtue in curing diseases very fa­mous, with all the fieldes about them: of which his gratefull de­votion the brazen table fixed up­on a post of the temple, with the inscriptiō therof doth to this day beare witnesse and keep the me­mory in being.

CHAP. 26. Carbo, and Marius the sonne, Con­sulls: Marius beaten at Sacri­portum by Sylla, and besieged in Preneste, Murders in Rome, & the brave death of Calphur­nia.

IN the meane while, the Con­suls for the time being, Carbo the third time, and Caius Ma­rius sonne to him that was seven times Consul, who then was six and twenty yeares old, and one rather of his fathers courage, then fitted for that age, having, & that bravely made many attempts, be­ing at last beaten by Sylla about Sacriportum, retyred with his ar­my to Preneste, which being by nature fortified, he had before strengthned with a garrison. When, lest there should be any [Page 138] thing wanting to the publique calamities; In that Citie where the emulation was alwayes wont to be about vertuous acti­ons, the contention was now on­ly for the height of mischiefe: & he thought himself the best man, who did most transcend in vil­lany. For while they were in armes, and disputing the fortune of the warres at Sacriportum, Damasippus the Praetor in the market place of Hostillius did cause to be murthered, as favo­rers of Sylla his faction, Domiti­us Scaevola, who also was the so­veraigne Bishop, and a most fa­mous sage of all lawes both de­vine and humane: together with Caius Carbo of the Praetorian ranke, and brother to the Con­sull, and Antistius who had binne Aedile. Nor let Calpurnia the daughter of Bactia and wife of [Page 139] Antistius, lose the glory of her most noble resolution; who when her husband, as wee have related, was slaine with a sword, ranne her selfe thorow: how great an addition to her fame and glory; her vertue makes her eminent, her countrey is unknowne.

CHAP. 27. Pontius Telesinus the Samnite, his braverie and endangering Sylla in fight at the gates of Rome a Menius seeking to escape under ground from Preneste, surprized and slaine.

BVt Pontius Telesinus, Cap­taine of the Samnites, one both at home and in the warres of an invincible spirit, and of the Roman name, a most irre­concileable [Page 140] enemy: having ga­thered together about fortie thousand of the bravest and the most eager of warres, that were to be found among the youth of his nation. When Carbo and Marius were Consults about fortie yeares since, upon the Kal­lends of November, did so rude­ly encounter with Sylla before the gate Collina, as hee brought both him and the Common wealth into the extremitie of danger: which was not in grea­ter hazard when Hannibal his tents were pitched within three miles of the walles, than that day when Telesinus flying about the ranks of his army, & proclai­ming that the Romans last day was come; cried out that the Citie must bee destroyed and ra­sed; adding thereunto that those Wolves, the ruiners of the li­bertie [Page 141] of Italy, would never faile to bee troublesome, except the wood in which they used to harbour, were stubbed up by the roots. At length above an houre within night, both the Romans army gat some time to breath, and the enemie fell off; Telesinus was found the next day halfe a live, and with a speech rather of a conquering, than a dying man, whose head being cut from his shoulders, Sylla commanded to be carried about the walles of Preneste. Then at length the younger Caius Marius despai­ring of the successe of his af­faires, attempting to escape by certaine Mines which with wonderfull Art being cut under ground, did opē themselves into severall fields, when now he had gotten out of the earth, was by some that were set there for that [Page 142] worke, deprived of life. There are some that report, hee dyed by his owne hand: some that say, that he and his younger bro­ther Telesinus beleagured, and at­temting to escape with him, finding themselves past all hope, engaged ranne together, and with interchanged woundes, dispatched one another. How ever hee dyed, and that to this day, his memory is nothing ob­scured by so great glory of his father: in what repute Sy [...]a did hold that young man, it is easi­ly to bee discerned in this; that when he was slaine, he assumed the name of fortunate, which indeed hee should have withall justice taken upon him, if his victory and his life had ended together. Offella Lucretius com­manded in chiefe at the siege of Marius and Praneste, who ha­ving [Page 143] beene before of the Marian faction when hee was Praetor, fled over to Sylla. The fortune of that day in which the army of the Samnites, and Telesinus was mated, Sylla did honour with a perpetuall memoriall of plaie, in the Circus, in which without naming it, the victory of Sylla is glorified.

CHAP. 28. Divers battailes fought and worne by Sylla his Captaines, the Ser­vilij, Metellus and Lucullus: the secona proscription.

A Little before that Sylla fought at Sacriportum, di­vers Commanders of his partie had in brave and important en­counters, routed severall armies of the enemies. As the two Ser­vilij [Page 144] at Clusium, Metellus Pius at Faventia, and Marcus Lucul­lus at Fidentia. The miseries of the civill warre did seeme to be ended, when by the crueltie of Sylla, they were both renewed and augmented: for hee being created Dictator (the assuming of which honor by any man had now by the space of one hun­dred and twentie yeares beene intermitted, ever since the next yeare after Hannibal his quitting of Italy, so as it seemed the peo­ple of Rome did not so much desire to make use of the Dicta­torship, as they stood in feare of the power of so absolute a com­mand which their Ancestors had employed to relieve and set­tle the State in the greatest exi­gent) did abuse it with a licen­tious and unbounded crueltie. He was the first (and would to [Page 145] God he had beene the last) that invented and raised a president for proscriptions. That in that Citie, in which an overworne stage-player was censured for sawcie abusing of others, in the same there should bee an autho­rising from the State of the mas­sacring of a subject, and hee thrive best, who had slaine most men, nor the reward for killing an enemy be more full and boun­teous, than for murthering a Ci­tizen, and every man bee made the pay-master of his owne hangman. Neither was this rage bent onely against those who had borne armes against him: but many innocent men also fell under it. To which was added, that the goods of those that were proscribed, were set to sale, and their chil­dren being disinherited, were [Page 146] also barr'd and excluded from standing for any honors or offi­ces in the State: and withall, which was of all the most un­worthie peece, the sonnes of Senators, must beare the bur­thens of that order, and yet lose the rights thereof.

CHAP. 29. Cnaeus Pompeius his bringing an army to Sylla: His character and the esteeme be held with his enemy.

VPon the comming of Lucius Sylla into Italy, Cnaus Pom­peius, the sonne of that Pompey, of whose most glorious exploits in his Consulship in the Marsian warre, wee have before made relation, being three and twentie yeares old, about one hundred [Page 147] yeares since, undertaking with the meanes of a private fortune, great matters, and gallantly put­ting in action what hee had so projected; to vindicate and re­store the honour of his countrey, did raise a full and just armie in the Picene territorie, which was in every place stuffed with the followers and dependants of his father, whose greatnesse would, to describe it fully, require ma­ny volumes, but the proportion of the work I have in hand com­pells mee to deliver it in few words. His mother was called Lucilia, descended of a race of the degree of the Senate, for his shape it was of the best, not such as inlovely youths is coun­ted for dainty, but for the grace­fulnesse and Majestie suted to such a height of greatnesse which did so attend upon his fortunes [Page 148] to the last period of his life. Of authority and power (that it might for his honour be tendred to him, not seised upon by him) hee was most eagerly desirous. In warre a most able Captaine, in peace a Citizen, (except where hee stood in feare of a concurrent equall) full of all mo­desty, of his friends a most con­stant observer; oftended, hee was not hard to bee entreated; once reconciled, hee most faith­fully kept his word; in recei­ving satisfaction, no man so ea­sie. His power he never or sel­dome abused, to commit any insolence: hee scarce was discer­ned to wish any thing, except it should be counted among the highest of his aimes, that hee thought scorne in a free Citie, and Lady of so many Nations, where by right all men were of [Page 149] his owne ranke, to see any one his equall in honour. Hee from the time that hee came to mans estate, being trained up in service under his father, a most able Captaine, did so enforme his judgement, which of it selfe was cleere & capable of know­ledge, with an excellent under­standing of the Arts of warre, that by Sertorius, Metellus was indeed more commended, but Pompey more cordially redoub­ted.

CHAP. 30. Sertorius betrayed at supper by Perperna and slaine: Metellus and Pompeius their triumph, before Pompeius was a Senator. The warres with the staves, and Spartacus their Captaine.

IN the end Marcus Perperna, a man of Praetorian qualitie, and of the proscribed, by his race and descent more noble than his disposition, at Exosca murthe­red Sertorius, when they were at supper, and by that his basest treachery, procured to the rest of the people of Rome an assu­red victory, to his owne partie ruinous destruction, and to him­selfe a most ignominious death. Metellus then and Pompey trium­phed for their conquest of both the Spaines. But Pompey in this same triumph being as yet [Page 151] but a Knight of Rome, before the time that he was, or might bee elected Consull, entred the City in a triumphall Chariot: who can forbeare to wonder at this man? that being by extraor­dinarie commands, raised to the highest type of honour, did yet with impatience brooke the Se­nate and people of Rome their shewing that they tooke into their consideration, and had re­gard to Caius Caesar when hee pretended to a second Consul­ [...]hip. So familiar it is with men [...]o allow any thing to them­selves, but excuse nothing in o­ [...]hers, and to bend their envie [...]red by occasions, not as the [...]ause, but as their humour and [...]he persons direct them. In his Consulship did Pompey re­ [...]tore the power of the Tri­ [...]unes, whereof Sylla had onely [Page 152] left the shadow or image in use. While the warre of Serto­rius was on foote, sixtie foure fugitive slaves breaking out of a fencing schoole, where they were kept at Capua, led by Spar­tacus, and getting swords in the Citie, at the first withdrew themselves to Mount Vesuvius, and presently their multitude daily increasing, with various and grievous calamities they af­flicted all Italy, whose number did grow to such an excesse, a [...] in the last battaile that they fought, they opposed the Ro­man army with forty thousand armed men. The glory of en­ding this warre, was due to Marcus Crassus, who was ere long a principall man among all the Romans.

CHAP. 31. The piraeticall warre with amplest authoritie committed to Pom­pey, though against the will of the Nobility.

NOw had the quality of Pompey turned the eyes of the world upon him, and hee was in every place and respect, the more fixedly regarded, when being Consull, he had solemnely sworne that his time being ex­pired, hee would not accept of, or seeke the government of any Province, and had kept his oath. Two yeares after, A [...]lus Gabinius the Tribune preferred a law that since the Pirates did now in the manner of a just warre, not of the everie and surprizing at­tempts, with whole navies af­fright the world, and had also [Page 154] sacked certaine Cities in Italy: that, I say, Cnaeus Pompey should be employed to represse them: and that his command should extend thorow all the Provin­ces of equall power with the Proconsulls, and every way fiftie miles from the sea side; by which decree of the Senate, the Empire of almost the whole world was conferr'd upon one man. Yet was the same also de­creed two yeares before in the Praetorship of Marke Anthony. But sometimes the consideration of the person, as by president it doth mischiefe, so it either aug­ments or lessens the envie that i [...] borne them: for seldome are th [...] honours envied of such men whose power is not redoubted; and on the contrary, men doe stand in feare of extraordinarie greatnesse in those whom they [Page 155] suppose likely either to quit or retaine them at their pleasures, and to have no limits or termes set them but by heir owne will. This determination was oppo­sed by the prime of the Nobi­litie: but their prudent advice was over-ruled and mastered by the violence of others. The e­steeme of Quintus Catulus, and This modestie also are worthie of memorie, who when, in op­posing of this law, hee had said in the assemblie, that Cnaeus Pom­peius was indeed a very excel­lent man, but yet in a free Re­publique, neither all, nor yet too much was to be committed to the hand of any one man, & then added; But if any thing disa­sterous betide him: whom have you to substitute in his roome? the whole assemblie cried out, Thy selfe Quintus Catulus: He [Page 156] then vanquished by the uni­forme consent of them all, and so honourable a testification of the whole Citie concerning himselfe, departed out of the assemblie. Let mee heere ad­mire both the honestie of the man, and the equitie of the peo­ple. Him, that hee would not a­ny further contend, and of their part, that though disswading and declaring himselfe adverse to their desires, they yet would not defraud him of the attestation iustly due to him.

CHAP. 32. That warre in short time ended, and the seas cleared of Pyrates, who were planted in a Colonie with­in land.

ABout the same time Cot­ta did equally divide the power of judging betweene the [Page 157] two orders of the Senate and Knights; which Caius Gracchus having bereft the Senate of, had transferred to the Knights, and Sylla had after restored to them. And Otho Roscius also by a law of his propounding, rendred a­gaine to the Knights their places in the Theater. But Cnaeus Pom­peius having taken with him to assist him in that warre, many and worthie men, and appoin­ted guards of ships for all the bayes and sea coasts, in a short time with an invincible power did free the world of feare. And having in many encounters and divers places beaten the Pyrates: at length falling upon them a­bout Cilicia with his whole fleet, and totally routing them, that hee might with the more celeritie make an end of the warre, so dilated over the earth, [Page 158] hee recollecting the remnants of them, setled them in Cities, apart remoted from the Sea up­pon certaine habitations. There are that carpe at this act of his: but though such an Author bee reason enough for the fact, yet reason it selfe doth make any author of great authoritie. For giving them meanes to live without rapine, hee shut them up farre from Sea, so barring them from that way of spoy­ling others.

CHAP. 33. Manlius Tribune of the people, pre­ferres a law to commit the warre of Mithridates to Pompey, ta­king it from Lucullus, who had done great things in it: Lucul­lus his character, comparative with the disposition of Pompey.

VVHen the Pyraticall warre was upon the point of concluding, and Lutius Lucullus (who seven yeares before in his Consulship, had by lot Asia asig­ned unto him as his province, and had there performed both great and memorable services, had often in many places routed Mithridates, had with a glori­ous victorie freed Cizicū from siege, and had overthrowne in Armenia Tigranes the grea­test King of those Pyrates, and [Page 160] rather would not, then was un­able to give the last blow to that warre, hee (who in all other re­spects was worthie of praise, and in warre invincible) was yet vanquished with the love of mony) did still command in that warre. Manilius then Tribune of the people, a man alwaies mercenarie, and a busie advancer of the power of another, prefer­red a law, that the warre with Mithridates should bee commit­ted to Cnaeus Pompeius. The bill did passe, and thereupon was there great and bitter brawling betweene the Generalls, while Pompey objected to Lucullus his base love of gaine, and Lucul­lus to him his unlimited desire of command, and neither of them in that which hee imputed to the other, could bee charged with belying him: For neither [Page 161] did Pompey after hee once had put his hand to the affaires of state in his minde, ever brooke any equall, and in those things in which by due right, he should have beene the prime, he desired to bee the sole man. Nor did e­ver any man lesse covet all other things, or more greedily glory than he. In seeking honors with­out moderation, in injoying and using them most modest: as who whereas hee most desirously en­tred them, did yet with an e­quall temper lay them downe, and what hee desired to assume at his owne pleasure, was con­tent to devest himselfe of it at the wil of another. Lucullus on the other side, a man in all other re­gard of highest excellencies, was the first beginner of the excessive riot of our times in building, feasts and furniture of houses: [Page 162] whom for his forcing out the sea in some places, by masses of earth throwne into it, and let­ting it into other by undermi­ning of mountaines, Pompey the great did not without a smart­nesse of wit, use to call the gowned Xerxes.

CHAP. 34. Creet conquered and made a Pro­vince by Metellus: The Temple of Ianus shut the secona time, which was done but thrice in all the time of Rome: First by the King, secondly by Metellus, thirdly by Augustus. Cicero his suppressing of Catiline, his con­spiracie.

ABout the same time the Isle of Creet was by Quintus Metellus brought under the com­mand [Page 163] of the people of Rome, which by the leading of Pana­res and Lasthenes, with twentie foure thousand young men of incredible swiftnesse, unwearia­ble with their armes & travaile, and most excellent Archers, had for three whole yeares vexed the Romane armies. Neither from encroaching upon the glory of this man also, did Cnaeus Pom­peius restraine his desires, but en­deavoured to claime a part of his victorie. But for the tri­umphs of Lucullus and Metel­lus both their owne singular ver­tue and the envie of Pompey did with all the best sort of men render them the more favoured. In these times it was, that Mar­cus Cicero, who was indebted onely to himselfe for all his ad­ditions, a man of a most illustri­ous newnesse, and as hee was [Page 144] noble in his life, so for his un­derstanding of the greatest: whose worke it was that wee should not be inferiour to them in wit, whom with armes we had mastered: being Consull, with his singular virtue, constan­cie, vigilancie, and carefulnesse o­verthrew the conspiracie of Ser­gius Catiline, Lentulus, Cethegus, & divers others of both the de­grees of Senators & Knights. Ca­tiline by feare of the Consulls command was forced out of the Citie, Lentulus of Consular qua­litie, and that had beene twice Praetor, and Cethegus with o­thers of noble families, by autho­ritie of the Senate, and direction from the Consull, were put to death in prison.

CHAP. 35. Cicero his character: the execu­tion of the conspirators and the death of Catiline in fight.

THat day of the Senates sit­ting, in which these things were acted, did render most gloriously glistering, the virtue of Marcus Cato, which was be­fore in other things conspicuous and clearely shining. He being the greate grand child of Marcus Cato, the head of the Portian fa­mily, was a man most like to virtue it selfe, and every way more neerely aproaching in his disposition to the Gods then man: who never did just things that he might appeare so, but be­cause he could do no other, and to whō that onely did seem rea­sonable which had equitie in it, and being clearely free of all hu­maine [Page 166] maine vices had alwaies fortune in his owne power. He being chosen (as yet a very youth) Tri­bune of the people, when others did opine that Lentulus and the rest of the Conspirators should be held under guard in the free townes, when, almost one of the last, his suffrage was called for, did with such power both of spirit, and wit, inveigh against the Conspiracie, that with his ardencie he rendred the opinions of those who had perswaded the way of lenitie, suspected of being privie to the plot: so laid open the dangers hanging over their heads, of the ruine and fi­ring of the Citie and altering of the State, so magnified the ver­tue of the Consull, that the whole body of the Senate sided with his opinion, censured them to die whom we spak of before, [Page 167] and the major part of the order of Senators accompanied Cato by way of honour home to his house. But Catiline did no more faintly put in execution his de­signes of mischiefe when they were discovered, then he had before undertaken them; for fighting with infinite valour He paied the life to the sword of the souldier, which was due to that of Iustice.

CHAP. 36. The birth of August. Caesar, in Cicero his Consulship: An e­numeration men, in that age famous for learning.

NO meane addition of ho­nor to the yeare of Cicero his Consulship, was the birth of Sacred Augustus, who then was [Page 168] borne now eighty two yeares since with his greatnesse to ob­scure all men of what nation soe­ver. It may almost seeme super­fluous to reckon up the ages of the men of eminency for their wits of those dayes: for who knowes not that about that time though somewhat differing in yeares did flourish, Cicero, Hor­tensius, and indeed Crassus, also Cato Sulpitius & within a while Brutus, Calidius, Coelius, Calvus, and in the next ranke to Cicero Casar, and as a fosterchild of theirs Corvinus with Asinius Pol­io, and the emulator of Thucidi­des Salust, and the Poets Ʋarro, Lucretius and Catullus second to none in verifying of the worke which he tooke in hand. The tallying up of the names of these able wits, who are in a sort still in our eyes, is a kinde of folly, a­mong [Page 169] whom in our age are most eminent the prince of Poets Vir­gilius and Rabirius & Livie who succeeded to Salust, with Tibul­lus and Naso most excellent in the manner of their worke. For of men of eminency as the ad­miration is great so is the cen­sure full of difficulty.

CHAP. 27. Pompey his acts against Mithri­dates and Tigranes. Tigranes his yeelding himselfe and estate.

VVhile these affaires are on foot in the Cittie and in Italy, Cnaeus Pompeius did manage the warre of a remarke­ [...]ble nature against Mithridates: who after the departure of Lu­ [...]ullus, had raised a brave body of [...] new army. But that King being [Page 170] overthrowne, routed and stript out of al his meanes, retired him­selfe to Armenia, and Tigranes (his father in law) a king in that time, but that he had before bi [...] shaken by Lucullus, of all othe [...] the most puissant. Pompey there­fore pursuing thē joyntly, entred Armenia, and first Tigranes hi [...] sonne, but at odds with his fa­ther, presented himselfe to Pom­pey, and ere long he himselfe also in person, and as suppliant ren­dred himselfe and his estate, to his disposure, professing tha [...] there was no other, either Roman, or of any other nation, besides Cnaeus Pompeius, to whos [...] consortship he would adjoyn [...] himselfe. And therefore that any fortune either prosperous or ad­verse which he should alot him he should repute easie to be su [...] fered. That it was not dishon [...] [Page 171] to be conquered by him whom it were a crime to overcome. Neither was it inglorious to Pompey that he submitted him­selfe to him whom fortune had raised above all other men. The royall estate was by him reser­ved for the king, but for him fi­ned in a mighty summe of mo­ney, which Pompey, as he alwaies ased to do, did deliver into the power of the Questor, and so was it accounted for, to the pub­ [...]ique Treasurie. Syria and other provinces which he had seized upon, being rerest him, were part [...]estored to the people of Rome, part then appropriated to them, as Syria, which was then first made [...]ributary to Rome. Armenia was [...]ppointed for the boundes of the Kings Empire.

CHAP. 38, 39. A catalogue of all the Romane Pro­vinces: when and by whom they were made so.

IT doth not seeme to hold any great discrepance from th [...] rule of my intended worke, i [...] few words to deliver cursori­ly what countryes and by what Commanders mastered, hav [...] beene reduced into the forme o [...] Provinces, and submitted to th [...] payment of tribute, which we have noted, that the more easil [...] of the whole together there ma [...] be a view taken in the severa [...] parts. Claudius being Consu [...] did first passe an army over into Sicilie, and almost fiftie two yeares after Claudius Marcell [...] having taken Siracusa made it [Page 173] [...]rovince. Regulus first entred A­ [...]rica about the ninth yeare of the [...]rst Punicke warre, but two [...]undred and foure yeares after [...]ipso Emilianus racing of Car­ [...]age, about one hundred eightie [...]d two yeares since reduced it [...]to a Province: Vpon Sardinia [...]etweene the first and second [...]ique warre, by the conduct [...] Titus Manlius the yoke of [...]r command was setled. A vast [...]roofe of a warlike Cittie it is, [...]at once onely under the Kings, [...]e second time in the Consul­ [...]ip of this Titus Manlius, and [...]e third in the principalitie of [...]ugustus, the Temple of the bi­ [...]onted, Ianus being shut up did [...]ure us of an universall peace. [...] Spaine about the beginning of [...]e second Punicke warre, Cnaeus [...]d Publius Scipio led our armies [...]out two hundred and fiftie [Page 174] yeares since. After that it bein [...] with various fortune possessed and often by parcels lost, by th [...] command of Augustus it wa [...] made tributarie. Macedonia b [...] Paulus, Achaia by Mummiu [...] Aetolia by Fulvius Nobilior we [...] subdued, Asia by Publius Scip [...] brother to the African, was take [...] from Antiochus, but by favo [...] of the Senate and people o [...] Rome, being a while enioyed b [...] the kings of the family of Att [...] lus, in the end Marcus Perpern [...] having taken Aristonicus prisoner, made it subject to Tribut [...] The glory of having conquer [...] Cyprus is not to be ascribed [...] any. For by a decree of the S [...] nate, the administration of Ca [...] and the Kings death which [...] by the impulsion of a guilt [...] Conscience did procure to hi [...] selfe, it became a tributarie P [...] [...]ince. [Page 175] Creta by the direction of Metellus was amerced at the ex­ [...]iration of her most auncient li­ [...]ertie. Syria and Pontus remain [...]e monuments of Cnaeus Pompe­ [...] his valour.

CHAP. 39.

THe Gaules (first entred with an army by Domitius Fabius [...]e nephew Paulus, who was [...]lled the Allobrogian,) with our [...]reat losse we often both cove­ [...]d and lost. But the most clear­ [...] glorious workemanship of [...]ius Caesar is to be now view­ [...] in them: by whose command [...]d fortune they utterly broken [...]e brought to almost the same [...]at the whole world is, to con­ [...]bute a dul and servile pension. [...] the same manner Servilius [...]uricus subjugated Cilicia, and [...]lso Manlius Gasto-gracia when [Page 176] it had revolted after the warre [...] with Antio [...]hus Bithynia, as we [...] have already said, was by the las [...] testament of Nicomedes left a [...] inheritance to the people o [...] Rome. Sacred Augustus, beside [...] all the Spaines and other nation [...] with the titles of whom hi [...] market-place is adorned, ren­dring in almost the same fashion Egypt tributary, did bring to the Exchequer as large a revenew as his father had done from Gallia. But Tiberius Caesar whe [...] had inforced out of Spaine, a direct confession of their subjection did also wring the like o [...] of the Illyrians and Dalmatian [...] He also did ad new provinces t [...] our Empire Rhaetia the Vindili­cians & the Noricians with Pa [...] nonia and the Scordisci. But le [...] us returne unto our forme [...] course.

CHAP. 40. Pompey his Conquests in Asia, his civill returne to Rome, and his triumph.

In the next place succeeded the warre that Cn. Pomp. managed, wherein whether the glory or the labour were the greater, doth rest uncertaine. Media, Albanis, and Hiberia were victoriously passed through, & from thence winding in his course, he turned upon those Nations which in­habit on the right hand, and the innermost part of Pontus, the Colchians, Heniochians with the Achaeans. And by the fortune of Pompey, and the traynes of his son Pharnaches, in the end Mi­ [...]hridates himselfe was ruined, [...]he last of all the Kings, of such power and absolutenesse besides [Page 178] the Parthians. And now Pompey conqueror of all nations that hee had reached, and greater then ei­ther himselfe or any of his Coun­treymen did wish, and in every respect praysed beyond the con­dition of a mortall man, returnes into Italy: whose comming back opinion did render very graci­ous. For many did affirme that he would not come home, but with his army, & by that means to determine at his owne plea­sure what proportion the pub­lique libertie should hold. The more men had apprehended this feare, so much the more with ho­nor, was the faire and civill re­turne of so great a Commander. For cashiering his army at Brun­dusium and retaining nothing but the name of Generall with his private followers, whom it was alwaies his custome to con­verse [Page 179] withall (when out of bu­sinesse) he returned into the Cittie: And there in most mag­nificent manner did two whole dayes together tryumph of so many Kings, bringing into the treasury a farre greater masse of money of his spoyles, then any had done before him, but one Paulus. In the absence of Cnaeus Pompeius, Titus Ampius and Titus Labienus, Tribunes of the people, preferred and past a law, that in the games in the Circus he should weare a crown of gold, and al his triumphall or­naments, and at the stage-playes onely the ordinary young mens gowne and a golden crowne: That yet onely once (and so much indeed was more then e­nough) he made use o. This mans greatnesse Fortune did raise with so vast additions, as he first tri­umphed [Page 180] of Africa, the second time of Europe, and the third of Asia: and of how many parts the world doth consist, so ma­ny monuments did she make them of his glory. Never did the highest eminencies want envic. Both Lucullus therefore (but yet remembring the wrong done him) and Metellus the Cretan, not complayning without cause, (For Pompey had drawne from him the ornaments of his tri­umph, his captived Captaines) and with them part of the No­blemen did oppose, and would not give way that the rewards promised by Pompey either to the Cities or to well deservers, should be paied by his directi­on.

CHAP. 41. Caius Caesar his Consulship: His character.

THen followed the consull­ship of Caius Caesar, who, as I am writing, layes his hand upon me, & whatsoever haste I have, constraines me to pause upon him. He being extracted of the most noble Iulian family, and (which with all of greatest an­tiquity is held for certaine) de­riving his discent from Aluchises and Venus: Of person the most lovely of all the Citizens of Rome; in vivacitie of spirit, most sharpe; in bounty most profusely liberall; of courage above either the nature or the beliefe of any man; In greatnes of his designes, celerity in execution, patience in dāgers, most neerely resembling [Page 182] that great Alexander (but him sober and not transported with­anger) Finally a man that used both sleepe and meat to live, and not for voluptuousnesse, when he was in bloud most neerely tyed to Caius Marius and also sonne in law to Cinna, whose daughter he could by no meanes be compelled to repudiate, at that time that Marcus Piso a man of Consular qualitie, had, to gaine Sylla his favour put a­way Annia who once had beene Cinna's wife, and to whom him­selfe had benne married eigh­teene yeares, when Sylla was ma­ster of all: the instruments of Syl­la and the upholders of the facti­on rather then he himselfe seek­king for his life, changing his garments, and disguising him­selfe in a habit not suted to his fortune, by night slipped out of [Page 183] the City. And when afterward he being yet a very youth was taken by the Pirates, he so car­ried himselfe all the time that he was detayned by them, that he was of them both respected and feared; Neither did he ever in all that time, either by day or night (for why should that which is most worthy observa­tion be omitted, if it cannot be with any flourishing phrase de­livered) put off his shooes or un­girt himselfe, for this reason, lest, if he should in any thing change his fashion, he might be suspect­ed by them who only with their eyes held a guard upon him.

CHAP. 42. Caesars taking the pirates that held him prisoner, & nailing them up­on the crosse.

IT would bee too long to tell how much and how often he shewed his daring; with how great power of his, the authority of the people of Rome, upon his motion refused to second the in­tentions of him, that then had Asia in his possession. This one thing let me relate to serve for instance of the greatnesse to which he was ere long to rise. The night following that day in which he was by the common purse of the Cities ransomed (yet so as he made the pirates give hostages to the Cities) he both being a private man, and [Page 185] doing it on the suddaine in a disordred manner, setting out a fleete he sayled to the place where the pirates were: and part of their Navy he forced to flye, part he sunke, some ships & with them many prisoners he tooke. And glad of this his victory got­ten, by night returned to his friendes, when clapping them in prison whom he had taken, he went into Bithynia to the Pro­consull Iunius (who then gover­ned that part of Asia) desiring that he might have power to pu­nish them as they deserved, which when he refused, and said that he would sel thē for slaves, (for a dull cowardize is ever waited on by envy) he with incredible speed returning to the sea side, before any letters of di­rection could be brought from die Proconsull, nayled upon the [Page 186] crosse every one of them whom he had taken.

CHAP. 43. Caesar his returne into Italy, to stand for the high place of high priest, carying it from Catulus, reestablishing the statues of Ma­rina, and restoring the children of such as had beene proscribed.

HE also making haste into I­taly to enter upon the Priesthood (for when he was ab­sent he was by Marius and Cinna though he thē was almost a child created the high Priest of Iupiter in the roome of Cotta, a man of Consular qualitie, though after­ward when Sylla was Conque­ror who made voyd all that they had done he had lost that place) that he might not be discovered [Page 187] by the pirates (who then filled al those Seas, and were not with­out cause bitterly enraged against him) he went aboard a ship of foure oares, & with two friends and ten servants, crossed over the broadest part of the Hadri­atique gulph: And when in that course he kenned, as he thought, the Pirates shipps, stripping him­selfe out of his cloathes, and ty­ing his dager to his thigh, he pre­pared himself to either fortune. But within a while perceived, that his sight was mistaken, and that they were certaine trees, which in a long row appeared like the Masts of ships. The rest of his actions in the Citie, with his most noble accusation of Do­lobella, and the favour of the peo­ple shewed him in a larger mea­sure then is usually afforded to delinquents and his most glori­ous [Page 144] yet civill competitions with Quintus Catulus & other men of principall qualitie; and the carry­ing the question against Quintus Catulus, who by the confession of all men was the prime man of the Senate, in their concurren­cy for the place of the Soveraign Bishop, his reestablishing, when he was Edile, the Images of Cai­us Marius whē all the Nobilitie opposed it, restoring to their ho­nors the Children of those that had bin proscribed; His Praetor­ship and Questorship passed in Spaine with admirable bravery and industry, when he was Que­stor unde [...] Vetus Antistius the grandfather of this Vetus, a man of qualitie Consular, and high priest, father of two of the same ranke of Consul, and high priest, and as good a man as can be ex­pected of any humane innocen­cy, [Page 189] these things (I say) the more they are knowne, the lesse they need my pen.

CHAP. 44. The confederacie betweene Pom­pey, Caesar, and Crassus for e­stablishment of their power in Rome, confirmed by alliance, Pompey marrying Caesars daughter Iulia: Caesars Con­sulship and d [...]vision of lands in Campania.

WHile hee therefore was Consull, there was con­tracted betweene him, Cnaeus Pompeius, and Marcus Crassus, a society for the instauration of their power; which was to the City to the whole world, and though in different times no lesse to themselves ruinous and bale­full. [Page 190] This device Pompey was induced to pursue, to the end that at length his Constitutions made in the Provinces beyond the Seas (to which as we before have delivered, many were op­posite) might bee by Caesar con­firmed. By Caesar this course was taken, for that hee saw that hee should, by giving way to Pompey his glory, encrease his owne, and that the envie of their common greatnrsse being confined to him alone, hee should fortifie his owne strength. And by Crassus, that the princi­palitie and prime place, which otherwise alone and by himselfe he could not, he thus might hold supported by the authoritie of Pompey, and forces of Caesar. There was also an alliance a­greed upon betweene Pompey and Caesar; for Pompey the great [Page 191] tooke to wife the daughter of Caius Caesar: while he was Con­sull, Caesar passed a law, that the lands in Campania should be de­vided among the Plebeians. So were planted thereabout twen­tie thousand Citizens: and that countrie restored to their free­dome about one hundred fiftie and two yeares, after that Ca­pua in the Punique warre was by the Romans reduced into the forme of a government under a Prefect. Bibulus the fellow Con­sull to Caesar, while hee rather had will than power to crosse Caesar in his designes, did for the most part of the yeare keepe himselfe in his house: whereby thinking to augment the envie bent upon him, he encreased his power. Then were the Gallias decreed to Caesars government for five yeares.

CHAP. 45. Publius Clodius his character and his banishment of Cicero, with his glorious repealing: Cato his bring­ing a vast treasure out of Cyprus.

AT the same time Publius Clodius, a man nobly borne, eloquent, and bold, who neither for his words nor acti­ons did ever know any limits, but those of his owne will, the smartest executioner of mischie­vous intendments, being also in­famous for whoring of his sister, & accused of incest for commit­ting of adultery in the middest of the most religiously sacred Cere­monies of the people of Rome: when there was bitter hatred be­tween him & Marcus Cicero (For what friendships could there be betweene spirits so directly op­posite) [Page 193] and had of a Patrician rendred himselfe Plebian, being created Tribune of the people, passed a law, that whosever had killed a Roman Citizen un­condemned, should bee interdi­cted the use of fire and water. [...]n which words though Cicero were not named, yet hee alone was levelled at: So that man who had deserved infinitely of he common wealth for preser­ [...]ing his country from ruine, was [...]ewarded with the calamity of [...]eing exiled. Neither were Caesar and Pompey free from be­ [...]ng suspected of lending their [...]ands to the oppressing of Ci­ [...]ro. And Cicero himselfe did [...]eeme to have procured it to his [...]wne michiefe, by refusing to [...]ee one of the twentie men ap­ [...]ointed for the distributing the [...]nds in Campania. Hee was [Page 194] within two yeares, by the tardie care of Pompeius with a most desired returne, to the wishes of Italy, and upon a de­cree of the Senate, assisted by the vertue and act of Anniu [...] Milo Tribune of the people, re­stored to his honours and hi [...] countrie. Nor was there any, af­ter the banishment and the re­peale of the Numidian, that was either expelled with more en­vie, or recalled with more glad­nesse; whose house being mali­ciously rased by Clodius, was so beautifully reedified by the Senate. The same Publius Clodi [...] in the Senate, under the title o [...] a most honourable employment sequestred Marcus Cato from the Republique, for hee passe [...] a law, that hee should bee sen [...] Questor with Praetorian powe [...] with a Questor also under hi [...] [Page 195] [...]nto Cyprus, to deprive the King Ptolomy of his estate, who [...]y all foulenesse of life had well merited that disgrace: But hee [...]pon the comming of Cato laid [...]iolent hands upon himselfe: whereby Cato return'd to Rome [...] summe of treasure, farre be­ [...]ond what was hoped for, whose integritie it were a crime [...]o commend: his insolence might be almost blamed, for that [...]he Citie being emptied, and [...]he Senate with the Consulls [...]one to meet him, when hee [...]ame up the Tiber by ship, hee [...]id not set his foot on shore till [...]e came where the mony was to [...]e landed.

CHAP. 46. Caesars acts in Gaul and Britain Crassus Consul with Pompey, [...] pointed to the Parthian war: H [...] character & defeat.

VVHen after these passages [...] Caesa [...] had in Gallia perfo [...] med stupēdious acts, hardly to b [...] expressed in many volumes, an [...] not satisfied with very many [...] most happy victories, not wi [...] innumerable thousands of the [...] nemies slaine & taken prisoners had also passed his army over i [...] to Britain, seeking as it were a [...] other world to be subject to o [...] Empire & his own, an invincib [...] paire of Consuls Cn. Pompeius [...] M. Crassus entred their seco [...] Consulship, which neither w [...] sincerely sought nor laudably a [...] ministred by them. To Caesar [...] by a law w^ch Pompey preferr'd [...] the people, the command of [...] province was prorogued for t [...] [Page 197] [...]ime of the former graunt. To [...]r [...]ssus who was thē in his mind lotting of the Parthiā war Syria was decreed. This man in other [...]hings most upright & free from [...] voluptuousnes, did yet neither [...]now any mean, nor set any boūd [...]o his covetous desire of mony or [...]ory. Him, as he was departing [...]or Syria, the Tribuns of the peo­ [...]le w^th ill boding presages labour [...]ut in vain to retaine: whose exe­ [...]ations if they had bin of effica­ [...]e against his life onely, the losse [...]f the Generall, so the army had [...]eene safe, would have beene [...] gaine to the Common weath. When Crassus had passed over [...]uphrates, and was marching [...]owards Seleucia, the King Oro­ [...] whirling about him with in­ [...]it forces of horse, slew him [...]ogether with the greater part [...]f his army. The remainder of [Page 198] the legions Caius Crassus wh [...] then was Questor (and not lon [...] after the author of a most execr­ble fact) preserved, & did in su [...] sort keepe Syria in the power [...] the people of Rome, as with [...] happy change of the event he [...] verthrew & routed the Parthia [...] when they entred it with force [...]

CHAP. 47. Continuation of Caesars acts [...] Gaule, about Alexia: Iu [...] and her sonne by Pompey dea [...] whose life onely hindred a ci [...] warre. Clodius slaine by Mi [...]

IN those times, those whic [...] we have before spoken of, an [...] the succeeding daies, abo [...] foure hundred thousand en [...] mies were slaine, and more [...] ken prisoners by Caius Caesar [...] [Page 199] hee fought oftentimes in set and orderly battaile, often in troupes, and often upon sallies and sud­daine attempts, twise hee entred Britanie: finally, in nine whole yeares scarce any one did passe him, wherin he did not most just­ [...]y deserve a triumph. But about Alexia, he did so great things as [...]re scarce within compasse of [...]ny mortall to dare attempt, and [...]lmost onely in the power of a God to performe them. And [...]ow had Caesar beene almost se­ [...]en yeares in Gallia, when Iulia [...]he wife of Pompey, & the inter­ [...]osed pledge of the concord; which by the envie of Pompey was ill cimented betweene Cnae­ [...]s Pompeius & Caius Caesar, depar­ [...]ed this life. And fortune remo­ [...]ing all barres from betweene [...]he Captaines preordained to so great a triall, within a short [Page 200] while after the little sonne of Pompey borne of Iulia also died. Then the canvasing for voyces, raging with the sword and the slaughter of the Citizens, where­of there was neither meane not end to bee discerned: the third Consulship was bestowed up­on Cnaeus Pompeius alone, by the approbation even of those who had before used to be adverse to his honour, with the glory of which dignitie, as a testimonie of the noble mens being recon­ciled to him, hee was totally estranged from Caius Caesar. But the whole power of that his Consulship he spent in repressing the enormities of plotting and procuring voyces at elections. At that time Publius Clodius by Milo who then stood candidate for the Consulship (a president of no good use in it selfe, yet [Page 201] beneficiall being done for the pub­lique) was upon a meeting and brawles, rising betweene them slaine upon the place. Milo cal­led in question for it, was con­demned not more for the dislike of the fact, than because such was Pompeies pleasure, whom yet Cato by his suffrage delive­red publiquely did acquit, which if he had pronounced somewhat sooner, there would not have wanted those that would have followed that patterne, and have proved that a Citizen was slaine then whom there had none lived more pernicious to the Com­mon wealth, nor more infesti­ous to honest men.

CHAP. 48. Civill warre beginning betweene Caesar and Pompey: Peace treated of, hindred by Curio: His character.

THen within a little space of time, the exordiums of the civill warre began to kindle, when every one that stood most for the right, were of opinion that both Caesar and Pompey should east off their armies. For Pompey in his second Consul­ship, had proeured the Sp [...] to be appointed to him, and th [...] for three yeares space himself [...] being from thence absent, and sitting at the helme of affaires in the Citie, might by his Liev­tenants Afranius and Petraus whereof the one had beene Con­sull, the other Praetor, govern [...] [Page 203] the same. And those that opined that Caesar should dismisse his army, he sided with; but such as thought himselfe also should doe the same, he opposed: who if two yeares before that they fell to armes, hee had dyed in Campania, being oppressed with a grievous sicknesse, when hee had finished all those his in­tendments of his Theater, and the other workes which hee made about it, (At what time [...]ll Italy did decree publique sup­plications for his recovery, and that the first that ever were for any private Citizen) Fortune might have saved her labour in reviving him, and the greatnesse which he had held among the living, hee had carried with him are in paired to the lower world. But neither did any other man furnish the civill warre, nor [Page 204] those so many mischiefes, which for twentie yeares together did succeed to it, with a greater or a more furious firebrand than Caius Curio, a Tribune of the people, a man noble, eloquent, bold, and of his owne and other mens also, both fortune and ho­nour profusely lavish: a man most wittily wicked, and to the mischiefe of the common wealth, a dainty speaker; whose minde, pleasure and lusts, nei­ther any wealth, nor any desires would satisfie. This man was at first for Pompey, that is, as it then was accounted, for the Common wealth; and presently in shew against both Caesar and Pompey, but in his heart for Caesar. Whe­ther that for meere good will, or for a bribe of a hundred thou­sand Sesterces as we have reci­ved it, wee leave uncertaine▪ [Page 205] At the last those most healthfull conditions of the then springing peace (which Caesar with a mind repleate with all justice did re­quire, and Pompey not unwilling­ly did admit) hee brake and scattered in peeces. Cicero above all things labouring and carting from the publique quiet: the or­der of those things as well as hose that went before, is both de­livered in the compleat writings of others, and shall, I hope, bee expressed also in these of mine.

CHAP. 49. Catulus, two Luculli, Metellus and Hortensiu [...] dead are the warre: conditions of reason ten­dred by Caesar, refused by the other. The warre begunne.

NOw let us restore to our in­tended worke its owne forme; yet first let me congratu­late with Quintus Catulus, the 2 Luculli, Metellus and Hortensius, who when without envie they had flourished in the Common wealth, and beene eminent without danger, did exchange this life before the beginning of the civill warres, with a quiet, or at least with a death not hast­ened before the due time. When Lentulus and Marcellus were Consulls, seven hundred and three yeares after the building [Page 207] of the City, and the eightie and eight yeare before thou Marcus Vimcius didst enter thy Consulship, the civill warre be­gan to flame. The cause of the one Captaine did seeme the bet­ter, but that of the other the fir­mer. The authoritie of the Se­nate did put armes into Pompeies hand, into Caesars the confidence of his souldiers. The Consulls and the Senate did yeeld the So­veraigne command of all to the respect of the cause, not to Pom­peies person. Nothing was left unattempted by Caesar, that might conduce to the preserva­tion of peace, nor any thing ac­cepted by the Pompeious: when one of the Consulls was more furious than reason; but Lentu­lus if the Republique were safe, could by no meanes bee preser­ved from ruine. And Marcus [Page 208] Cato maintained that death was to be preferd before the admis­sion of any conditions offered to the state by a private Citizen. A man indeed grave, and of the antique stampe, might more cō ­mend Pompeies part; but a pru­dent would follow that of Cae­sar: reputing things on that side more glorious, on this more dreadfull. Thus in the end all Caesars requests being with scorne rejected, they decreed: That contented with one one­ly legion to retaine the title of the Province, hee should come a private man into the Citie, and in demanding the Consulship, submit himselfe to the suffrages of Rome.

CHAP. 50. Pompey quits the citie and Italy: Caesar takes Domitius at Cor­finium, and dismisses him: comes to Rome, thence passes into Spaine, & masters Afranius and Petreius.

Caesar perceiving that they must come to armes, passed over Rubicon; Cnaeus Pompeius, the Consulls, the greater part of the Senate quitting the Citie, and afterward Italy, put over sea to Dyrrhachium. But Caesar having in his power Domitius, and the legions which were with him at Corfinium, dismis­sing without delay their Com­mander, and others that had a minde to goe to Pompey, fol­lowed him to Brundusium; so that it appeared, that he had ra­ther [Page 210] while all things stood en­tire and unhurt, make an end of the warre by treatie, than op­presse those that fled from him. When hee found the Consulls were passed over the Sea, he re­turned to the City, & there in the Senate, and in a full assembly rendred an account of his inten­tions, and his most miserable necessitie, who was by the inju­rious armes of other men com­pelled to draw his sword. Then he resolved to goe for Spaine: but the haste of his journey, Mas­silia did a while retarde, with a faithfulnesse more entire than wisdome in Counsaile, unsea­sonably taking upon them to judge of the principall forces of the side: which they onely ought to take in their hand, who have power to compell such as will not obey. The ar­my [Page 211] then which was comman­ded by Afranius of Consular, and Patreius of Praetorian qualitie, being mated with his comming, his vigor and his glory rendred it selfe to him. Both the Liev­tenants, and as many of every condition as would not follow them, were dismissed and sent to Pompey.

CHAP. 51. Caesar goes into Greece after Pom­pey, and besieges him in his campe. The boldnesse of Balbus in going into the enemies armie. Caesar shrewdly shaken in one en­counter.

THe next yeare when Dyr­rhachium, and the countrie neere about it, were possest by Pompeies campe, who having [Page 212] sent for out of all the provinces beyond the seas, the legions, the auxiliaries both of horse and foot; the forces of the Kings, the Tetrarchs, and also of the princes, had gathered together a mightie army, and held, as he supposed, the seas so guarded with his fleets, that Caesar could not put over his legions; Caesar using his owne, both celeritie and fortune removed all obsta­cles that were in his way, both of passing when he pleased, and that his army might be drawne downe to his fleet, and also at the first came and encamped close by Pompey, and within a while besieged him in his tren­ches, and compast him in with his workes. Yet did the besie­gers suffer more by want of ne­cessaries than they that were be­sieged. Then did Balbus Corne­lius [Page 213] (with a rashnesse beyond beliefe of any man,) goe into the enemies quarter, and divers times conferre with the Con­sull Lentulus, who was in doubt what price hee should set him­selfe at, and by that addition make himselfe a way, by which not as borne for his owne coun­trie of Spaine, but yet a Spani­ard, he reached to triumph, and the high Priest-hood, and of a private man, might be raised to bee of Consular qualitie. The fortune after this of their en­counters was various, but one farre more prosperous to the Pompeians, in which the soul­diers of Caesar were shrewdly beaten.

CHAP. 52. The battaile of Pharsalia decidi [...] the question, and Caesars clemency to the vanquished.

THen Caesar with his army drew to Thessaly the place that was predestin'd for his victory: Pompey though diverse ad­vised him to take a far differing course (of whom some perswa­ded him to passe over into Ita­ly, (nor by Hercules could he have done any thing more bene­ficiall for his partie) others tha [...] he should draw the warre out a [...] length, which by the dignitie o [...] his side would dayly be made more advantageous for him) fol­lowing the eagernes of his owne mind, pursued his enemy. As fo [...] the battaile of Pharsalia and th [...] most bloudy day, to the name o [...] [Page 215] Rome: the bloud that on both [...]ides was there shed, and the two heads of the Common­wealth dashed together, the one eye of the Empire put out, so many and such men of the Pom­peian partie as there did lose their lives this manner of wri­ting is not capable of. That yet is to be observed, that assoon as Caius Caesar saw the Pompe­ian factiō declined, he bent him­self to nothing either more rea­dily or more desirously then (that I may use both a phrase & fashion military) to cast and dis­mise them freely into every? quarter. Oh the immortall gods what a reward of this his dispo­sition did so gentle a man reape afterward at Brutus his hand. Nothing was more miraculous, more magnificent, more noble then that victory, when their [Page 216] Countrey wanted not any Cit­tizen but those that dyed in the battaile: yet did the obstinacie of some disgrace the beautie o [...] his clemency, when the Conque­rour did now more willingly give them life thē they received it.

CHAP. 53. Pompey flying into Egypt is mur­thered by order of the boy, King Ptolomy, in his eight and fiftieth yeare.

POmpey flying from the bat­taile with the two Lentul [...] who had beene Consulls, his son Sextus and Favonius of Pretorian qualitie, fortune did gather to him such consorts as the Con­querors afforded him: Of them part perswading him to retire [Page 217] to the Parthians, others into A­frica where he had King Iuba a most faithfull partisan of his; he resolved to stand for Egypt. Remembring the favours which at Alexandria he had conferred upon the father of that Ptolomy who then (more a boy then a young man) there reigned: But who when hee sees a man in ad­versity retaines the memory of any former benefit? who doth thinke any thankes due to men in calamity? or when fortune changeth doth not also change [...]is faith? From the King therfore [...]here were some sent that should receive Cnaeus Pompeius [...]omming to him (who had a lit­ [...]le before at Mitylene taken a­board his ship, his wife Cornelia [...]or a companion to him in his [...]light) by the advice of Theode­ [...]us and Achillas: and perswade [Page 218] him to goe out of the ship of burden in which he came, into that in which they came to meet him. Which when he had done, the prime man of all that were called Romanes by the cōmand and direction of an Egyptian slave, when Caius Caesar & Pub­lius Servilius were Consulls, wa [...] butchered. This was the end af­ter three Consulships, as many Triumphs, and the whole inha­bitable world conquered, of a most pious and most excellent man, who had beene raised to that pitch beyond which there was no further height, being ther [...] in the seventieth & second yeare, one onely day before his birth­day, in whom fortune did seeme so farre to differ from her selfe, that for him who of late wanted earth for him to conquer, there now wanted for his sepulture: [...] [Page 219] can I call them but over-busie who in the age of so great a man, and one almost of our own time have mistakē five whole yeares? when from the Consulship of Caius Atilius and Quintus Ser­ [...]ilius the account of the yeares was so easie to be computed, which I have added, not to ex­ [...]ept against others, but that no exception may be taken against me.

CHAP. 54. Their attempting as much upon Caesar deservedly punished. The war revived in Africa by Iuba and Scipio, to whom Cato ioyne: his forces.

NEither was the fidelity of the King, and those by whose direction he was gover­ned greater toward Caesar then that they had shewed to Pompey. Who when they first had attempted upō him by trea­chery and after that had the boldnesse with open warre to provoke him, did with a well deserved punishment make sa­tisfaction to both these great Commanders, whereof the one onely was surviving, Pompey that now was not in any place corpo­rally, was yet every where un­der [Page 221] the name of Iuba, for the favour of his party had raysed up a mighty warre in Africa. In which King Iuba, and Scipio, a man of Consular ranke, two yeares before Pompey was slaine, by him made his father in law, did command: whose forces Marcus Cato had much augmen­ted, bringing with infinite diffi­cultie both for want of necessa­ries and for the passages of pla­ces in the journey, his Legions to them. This man when the Cō ­mand in chiefe was presented to him by the souldiers, did yet ra­ther choose to obey him that was of more honorable qualitie.

CHAP. 55. Caesar followes into Africa, wher [...] Curio of his party had bin slain and there was victorious, as after with much a doe in Spain against Cnaeus Pompeius the sonne of Pompey the great.

THe care of keeping my cre­dit in my promise of brevi­tie doth put me in minde how cursorily all these passages are to be handled. Caesar then fol­lowing his good fortune passed into Africa which the armies o [...] the Pompeians possessed, havin [...] slaine Curio the Generall then o [...] the Iulian faction. At first with variable successe within a whil [...] he there also was fortunate i [...] fight, and the enemies force were defeated. Neither was the [...] the clemency of Caesar to the [...] [Page 223] that were conquered unsutable to that which he had shewen before. But the warre of Spaine of greater difficultie did entertaine Caesar though victori­ous in that of Africa, (for Phar­maces overthrowne by him was scarce to be counted an addition to his glory) which mightie and full of terror Cnaeus Pompeius son of Pompey the great, a young man, and of infinite spirit in matter of warre, had raised, aydes flocking to him on every side from all parts of the world of those that were yet still the followers of the greatnes of his fathers name. The fortunes of Caesar did ac­ [...]ompany him into Spaine, yet [...]id he never fight any battaile [...]ore cruell or fuller of danger, [...]o as when the event was more [...]hen doubtfull, he alighted from [...]is horse, and standing firme, in [Page 224] the head of his shrinking army having first expostulated with fortune for reserving him to such an end, he professed to his soul­diers that he would not move one steppe backe, and that there­fore they should consider what a General and in what place they were to abandon, and by that meanes with shame more then with courage, the fight was re­newed with more bravery o [...] the Captaine then the souldier.

CHAP. 56. Pompeius slaine after (Labienus and Varus in) the fight. Caesar returnes to Rome, pardons all his enemies, triumphs five times, and within five months, is slaine by Brutus and Cassius.

CNaeus Pompeius being found sore wounded in a wilde desert was there slaine: Labienus and Varus died in the fight. Caesar being absolute victor of all his enemies, returning to the Citie (which no mortal man could be­lieve) granted a general pardon to all that had borne armes a­gainst him, and with most mag­nificent shewes of fencers at the sharpe, representations of Sea fights, of horse and foote, with fight of Elephants, and feasts many dayes together, did give it [Page 226] ful content. He entrd in five Tri­umphs; the setting out of that of Ca [...]a was of Lymon wood; that of Pontus, of Brasile; that of A­frica, of Ivory; that of Alexan­dria of Tortoyses; and that of Spaine, of Silver polished. The money brought in of the spoyles was somewhat more then sixe-hundred Millions of Sesterces. Yet could not this man, so great, and who with so much clemen­cy to all men had caryed him­selfe in his victory, enjoy him­selfe in perfect quiet, above five months. For having made his returne to the City in the month of October, in the Ides of March following by conspiracie, of which Brutu & Cassius were the Authors, one of whō by promi­sing him the Consulship, he had not obliged, and on the other side, by putting him off he had [Page 227] offended Cassius: they having al­so ioyned to their designe com­plices in the murder, the neerest of all his friends and who by the support of his party were raised to the highest honors, De­cius Brutus, & Ca [...]us Trobonius, with other men of noble quali­tie, he was slaine. To whom in­deed Marcus Antonius, a man that was most ready to dare any thing, had procured much dislike being his fellow Consull, by put­ting upon his head a Royall dia­deme, as in the Lupercalian games he sate in the pleading place, which Caesar refused, but so as it appeared he was not offen­ded with it.

CHAP. 57. Hirtius his advice to Caesar of holaing by force what he had got by his sword reiected, and the pre­sages of his death despised.

Experience makes it appeáre that the advice of Pansa and Hirtius was to be commended, who alwaies had perswaded Caesar, that the command which by force he had obtained, he should in the same sort retaine. To whom he replying, that he had rather dye then live in feare while he expects to finde the same gentlenesse in his owne case which he had shewed to others; he was seized upon by those ingratefull men: when in­deed the immortal gods had given him very many presages, and tokens of the future danger; [Page 229] for both the Soothsayers had fore warned him, that he should most carefully take heed of the Ides of March; and his wise Cal­phurnia, aftrighted with a vision in the night, had earnestly intrea­ted him, that day not to goe out of his house: And besides certaine writings which were delivered to him, discovering the whole plot of the conspiracy, he did not presently reade. But truly the force of the destinies is unresista­ble, the fortune whereof while he resolved to change, he spoi­led the intendments thereof.

CHAP. 58. The killers of Caesar ingratefull, Dolobella gives them his sonnes as hostages for their safety in comming downe from the Capi­toll which they had seized.

THe yeare that they execu­ted this horrid fact, Brutus and Caius Cassius were Pretors, Decius Brutus was designed Consull, who garded with a troupe of fencers belonging to Decius Brutus seized upon the Capitol where Marcus Anton [...]s then being Consull (whom as Cassius opined that he should together with Caesar be together slaine, and Caesars last will be sup­prest, Brutus opposed it: affir­ming that besides the Tyrants (for so considering their action it was expedient to terme him) [Page 231] there was no other blood to be drawne) convoking the Senate, when now also D [...]labell [...], whom Caesar had appointed to substi­tute Consull in his owne place, had taken the Rods and ensignes of a Consull, as a Mediator for peace had delivered his child­ren for hostages into the Capitol, did give his faith to the killers of Caesar for their safety in com­ming downe from the Capitoll. There was in imitation of that famous decree of the Athenians a proposition of a generall obli­vion of things past presented by Cicero, and passed with approba­tion of the Senate.

CHAP. 59. By motion of Cicero, a law of for­getting things past is enacted, Caesars will adopting Octavius, opened. His discen [...], the chara­cter of his father, and his com­ming to Rome.

AFter which was Caesars wil opened, in which he did a­dopt Caius Octavius the grand­child of his sister Iulia. Of whose originall though others have prevented me, I yet hold it fit to say somewhat. Caius Octavius was, as not of a Patrician, so yet, of a family of the ranke of Knights very nobly esteemed. He being created Praetor among others of the noblest qualitie, a man grave, pious, harmelesse and rich, where in the first place that dignity had procured him in [Page 229] marriage Attia the daughter of Iulia, by meanes of that honor was awarded Macedonia for his province. And in that being sty­led Imperator (or soveraigne cō ­mander) when he came backe to stand for the Consulship, depar­ted this life. Leaving his sonne not yet a man, whom Caius Cae­sar his great uncle, when he was brought up with Philippus his father in law, loved as his owne. And when he was but eighteene yeares old, he comming to him, in the Spanish warre, he ever af­ter kept in his company, never making him comrade to any but himselfe, nor to be carried in any litter but his owne, and did conferre the honour of the high priesthood upon him a Child. The civill warres then being quieted to enforme the disposi­tion of that singular youngman, [Page 234] in the liberall sciences he sent him to Apollonia to study, inten­ding ere long to have him his fellow souldiour in the warre a­gainst the Getes, and then against the Parthians. To whom when the newes was brought of the death of his Vncle, and presently the Centurions of the Legions about him made offer to him of the assistance of themselves and their souldiers, which Salvi­dienus and Agrippa thought was not to be slighted, he making hast to come to the City, did at Brun­dusium receive full advertise­ment of the whole course both of the slaughter and of the will. Whom, when he came to Rome, a vast multitude of his friends did meet him: and the globe of the sun was seene over his head, equally bent round like a bow, & of those colours as it were pla­cing [Page 235] a crowne upon the head of him that was shortly to be a man of such eminencie.

CHAP. 60. Octavius takes upon him as Caesars heyre: Division betweene him and Marcus Antonius.

ATtia and his father in law Philippus were not of the mind that he should assume the name of a fortune so envied as that of Caesar: but approved of that of the contriver of profita­ble fortunes for the world, the preserver of the Romane name. But his caelestiall spirit scorned humane advices, and did rather choose with danger to ayme at the highest, then with safety to reach poore things & ignoble: & was more willing to beleeve [Page 236] concerning himselfe; his Vncle, and Caesar then his stepfather: Affirming that it was a wicked­nesse for him to thinke himselfe unworthy of that name, wherof Caesar was esteemed worthy. Him did Antonius presently en­tertaine with much pride (yet was not that contempt in him, but feare) and having hardly ad­mitted him into Pompeyes gar­dens, afforded him audience. Ere long as if he had bin endangered by some treachery of his, he base­ly raised a slander of him, in which his vaine falsehood was shamefully discovered. In the end the madnes of Antonius and Dolobella reaching at a most im­pious soveraigntie, did openly breake out. Seven hundred milli­ons of Sesterces, by Caesar depo­sited for the Temple of Opes, Antonius had seised upon: the [Page 237] decrees of Caesar changed, and false ones inserted in his corrup­ted Cōmentaries, And all things set at a certaine price, while the Consull made open sale of the Cōmonwealth. He also resolved to possesse himselfe of Gallia, the province that was designed for Decius Brutus: Dolobella had marked out for himselfe the provinces beyond the Seas. Be­tween men that naturally had no resemblance, and desired things different, hatred began to grow, and by that the young Caius Cae­sar was aymed at, in the dayly trecheries of Autonius.

CHAP. 61. Antonius his tyrannie bravely r [...] ­prest by Octavius, who beatin [...] him at Mutina, forces hi [...] shamefully out of Italy.

THe Citie oppressed by the Soveraignty of Antonius, grew dully languishing. Indig­nation and griefe all men were furnished with: but with pow­er to resist, not any. When Caius Caesar now entred the ninteenth yeare of his age, daring won­ders, but attaining things be­yond it, upon his owne private advice, shewed greater courage in the cause of the Common-wealth, than the whole Senate. And first from Calatia, next from Casilinum drew to him his fathers old souldiers, whose ex­ample▪ others having followed, [Page 239] in short time they grew to the proportion of a full army. When Antonius went to meet the ar­my, which out of the Provinces beyond the seas, hee had com­manded to come to Brundusi­um: the two legions called Mar­tiall, and the fourth, knowing both the pleasure of the Senate, and the excellent spirit of that brave young man, plucking up their ensignes, went and rendred themselves to Caesar. The Senate then honoured him with a sta­tue on horsebacke, which to this day standing in the pleading place doth with the inscription point out his age (an honour that by the space of three hun­dred yeares, had befalne to no man besides Lucius Sylla, Cnaeus Pompeius and Caius Caesar) and creating him Propraetor together with the Consulls Hirtius and [Page 240] Pansa, appointed him to make warre upon Antonius. By him being now in his twentieth yeare, the businesse was most bravely managed about Muti­na, and Decius Brutus who was besieged, being relieved, Antonius with a base flight, and naked, was compelled to quit Italy: one of the Consulls being slaine, and the other within a few daies dying of his wounds.

CHAP. 62. The feare of Antonius being remo­ved, the affections to the Pom­peian partie declare themselves. Brutus and Cassius being fled out of Italy, have provinces and command decreed to them, Cae­sars souldiers not so ingratefull to him as the Senate.

BEfore Anthony was routed, all things honourable were by the Senate decreed for Caesar and his army: Cicero being chiefely the author of it; but as their feares ceased, their inclina­tion shewed it selfe, and the fa­ction of the Pompeians recove­red heart. Brutus and Cassius had the provinces decreed to them, which they before, with­out any order of the Senate, had seized upon: those armies what­soever [Page 242] which had adjoyned themselves to them were com­mended: and all commands i [...] the provinces beyond the sea were committed to their dispo­sure. For Marcus Brutus and Caius Cassius, redoubting one while the forces of Antonius▪ another pretending that they feared, to the end they might cast more envie upon him; had by their Proclamations declared, That they would bee content to live if it were in perpetuall ex­ile, so as the Common wealth might bee setled in peace: nei­ther would they minister occa­sion of a civill warre. That the [...] had honour in abundance out o [...] the conscience of their fact, who being departed from the City and out of Italy, with a setled and equall minde, without pub­like commission, had possessed [Page 243] themselves of provinces and armies, and declaring that it was the Republique wheresoever they were, they had also recei­ved the treasures, which cut of the Transmarine provinces was carried by the Quaestors to Rome from those that were willing to deliver it to them. All which things were included in the decree of the Senate, and by it approved of. And to Decius Brutus, because hee li­ved by the favour of another, was a triumph decreed: the bo­dies, of Hirtius and Pansa were honoured with a publique fu­nerall. Of Caesar there was no mention at all, and the Embassa­dors that were sent to his army, were commanded to deliver their charge to the souldiers, but not in his presence. Yet was not the army so ingratefull as the [Page 244] Senate; for when Caesar did beare dissembling that injurie, the souldiers denied that they would heare any direction in the absence of their Generall; it was at that time that Cicero swayed with an inbred love of the Pompeian party, opined that Cae­sar was to bee praised and ele­vated, when hee spoke in one sense, and meant to bee under­stood in another.

CHAP. 63. Antonius passing over the Alpes to Lepidus, drawes his army from him, leaving him onely the title of Generall. Plancus his jug­ling, and Pollio his sincerity.

IN the meane time Antonius in his flight having passed the Alpes, at first in their parlies be­ing [Page 245] rejected by Lepidus, who was surreptitiously created high priest in the roome of Caius Cae­sar, and had Spaine assigned to him for his province, but as yet [...]arried in Gallia: ere long com­ming after in sight of the soul­diers, when both all the Gene­ralls were abler than Lepidus, and Antonius then many of them, so long as hee was sober, by [...]he backe side of the Campe the [...]ampire being throwne downe, [...]ee was by the souldiers admit­ [...]ed, who in the name of the [...]ommand did indeed give the [...]recedence to Lepidus, when all [...]he power was in his owne [...]ands. When Antonius entred [...]he quarter, Inventius Laterensis, [...] man both in life and death [...]he same, when hee had most [...]arnestly disswaded Lepidus [...]rom joyning himselfe with [Page 246] Antonius, who was declared an enemie of the state: his ad­vice being rejected, ranne him­selfe thorow with his sword. Then Plancus with uncertaine fidelity (that is, with his owne) having a long time disputed with himselfe, and scarce yeel­ding to his owne opinion, and one while an assistant of Deci­us Brutus his fellow in office, as designed Consull with him, setting also himselfe to sale by his letters to the Senate, and presently the betrayer of hi [...] Companion; and Asinius Polli [...] that stood firme to his first in­tentions, faithfull to the Iulia [...] faction, averse from the Pom­peian, did both of them deliver up their armies to Marcus Antonius.

CHAP. 64. Decius Brutus one of Caesars kil­lers, slaine by command of Anto­tonius: And Ciceros orations against Antonius, the cause of his being proscribed and slaine.

DEcius Brutus being first forsaken by Plancus, and afterwards attempted by his treacheries, his army by degrees falling off from him in his flight, and in the house of a Nobleman, with whom hee had a league of hospitality (his name Cornelius) by those that Antonius had sent for that purpose, had his throat cut: and so made a most just sa­tisfaction, and a speedy, with his punishment to Caius Caesar that had of him deserved the best offices, of whom hee was [Page 248] the murtherer when hee had beene the inwardest of all his friends, and of the fortune whereof hee had reaped the fruit, was content to tranferre the envie upon the author there­of; holding it just for him to re­taine what hee had received from Caesar, and that Caesar who gave it should bee destroyed▪ It was at this time that Marcus Tullius with continuall declama­tions against him, did seare into the memorie of Antonius eter­nall brands of hatred to him: yet hee with most glorious and heavenly eloquence, but the Tribune Canutius with a per­petuated rage did flie out upon Antonius: both of them with their deaths paid for their vin­dicating the Common liberty: but with the Tribunes bloud the proscription began, with the [Page 249] death of Cicero, Antonius being then in a sort glutted, it en­ded.

CHAP. 65. The instituting the Triumvirate betweene Octavius, Antonius, and Lepdius. Ventidius, who had once a Captive beene led in triumph, that yeare in Consu­lar robes, who had beene former­ly honoured with Praetorian, and afterward triumphed.

LEpidus was then by the Se­nate declared an enemy to the state, as before Antonius had bin. Afterwards there began an intercourse of letters betweene Caesar, Antonius and Lepidus: and overtures made of agreement when both Antonius did now and then put Caesar in minde [Page 250] how infestious the Pompeian party was to him, to what a height it was growne, and also with how great care and indu­strie of Cicero, Brutus and Cassius were advanced: and withall pro­fessed that hee would joyne his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were now seventeene legi­ons strong, if Caesar did scorne his consortship; adding withall, that Caesar was more engaged in the revenge of his father, than himselfe of his friend. Then was there a society of their power agreed upon be­tweene them, and, their armies perswading and intreating it, af­finitie concluded betweene Cae­sar and Antonius, the daughter in law of Antonius being betroa­thed to Caesar. Caesar then en­tred his Consulship (with Quin­tus Pedius his colleague) the day [Page 251] before hee was twentie yeares old, and the tenth of the Kalends of October, seven hundred and nine yeares after the building of the City, and seventy two yeares before thou Marcus Vinicius wert created Consull. This yeare saw Ventidius in that Ci­ty, into which hee once had a­mong the captive Picentines beene led in triumph, coupling the young mans gowne with the Consular robes, and the Praetors. The same man also did here afterward triumph.

CHAP 66. The third proscription, in which Cae­sar over-ruled by his two com­panions: the death of Cicero & his Eulogium.

ANtonius then full of rage, & equally with him Lepidus, both of whom as we have said before had beene adjudged ene­mies to the State, when each of them did more willingly heare what they had suffered, than what they had merited: Caesar opposing it, but in vaine, having two against him: the proscripti­on, a mischiefe after Sylla his pat­terne, was set on foot. Not any thing was there in that time so unworthie as that either Caesar should bee compelled to pro­scribe any man, or that Antonius should proscribe Cicero: And [Page 253] by the villany of him (It is the common saying or the people) his head was cut off; No man protecting and keeping him safe, who for so many yeares together had defended both the publiqu [...] safetie of the State, and that also of many private Citizens. Yet hast thou done nothing to purpose (Marcus Antonius) for indignation which my brest is not able to keepe from breaking out, doth force me to quit the forme of my in­tended worke; thou doest (i say) nothing to purpose, in telling out the reward for the cutting of that most caelestiall and no­blest head, or with authorizing the slaughter of him, that was once the preserver of the Repub­lique, and of a Consull so famous procuring the death. Thou hast indeed deprived Marcus Cicero [Page 254] of the light of the sunne, which made him full of cares, short­ned his old age, and berest him of life to bee valued under thy principalitie at farre lower price than death, in thy Triumvirate. But his fame and the glory of his actions, and speeches, thou art so farre from taking from him that thou hast increased it. It lives, and shall live in the me­mory of all future ages. And while this body of things exi­stent in nature, which whether by chance, or by providence, or how ever is setled, shall stand, which hee almost: solely with the spirit of a Roman apprehen­ded with his understanding, did comprehend, and with his elo­quence did illuminate, it shall carry with it the praise of a Ci­cero, as the companion of that age: and all posteritie shall both [Page 255] admire his writings against thee, as well as with execrations de­test thy fact; for sooner shall man­kinde faile in the earth, than the glory of him, and the horror of thee.

CHAP. 67. The carriage of wives, freedmen, servants, and children towards those that were proscribed: the foulenesse of the proscription of their nearest friends.

THe calamity of those times, so impossible it is for any man in words to expresse, as it is hard for any sufficiently to la­ment it. This yet is to be obser­ved, that toward those which were proscribed, there was found of some wives, a singular faithfulnesse, in freedmen an in­different [Page 256] one, in slaves now and then some: but in their children none all. So troublesome to men is any delay of their hopes, how­soever conceived. And that there might bee nothing sacred left, which might not serve to re­ward or provoke man to mis­chiefe, Antonius proscribed his Vncle Lucius Caesar, and Lepidus his brother Paulus. Neither was Plancus refused the favour of obtaining that his brother Plan­cus Plotius should be proscribed. From whence it was that among the jests of the souldiers, as they followed the triumphall Cha­riot of Lepidus and Plancus, and among the curses of the Citizens these words were used; The Consulls triumph over the Ger­mans (id est, the brothers) and not of the Gaules.

CHAP. 68. Marcus Caelius his character, at­tempts, and end, with that of Milo the exile, for killing Clo­dius. Caesars moderation in pu­nishing such as had abused him.

LEt this which treats of a thing past, bee referred to a proper place: neither is the per­son, of whom wee are to speake, fitte to be veyled in darkenesse and shadowes: while Caesar in the battaile of Pharsalia, and in Africa disputes with his sword, the maine of the businesse; Mar­cus Caelius a man most neerely resembling Curio in eloquence and boldnesse, but in either of them beyond him, and no lesse than hee wittily mischievous, when in no moderate course he could subsist, his private for­tunes [Page 258] being much narrower than his minde, in his Praetorship made himselfe the Author of new lawes: neither could hee by the authoritie of the Senate and the Consulls bee deterred from his designe. And sending for Ainnus Milo (who being re­fused, his repeale from exile, was an enemie to the Iulian par­ty,) stirred up a sedition in the City: and not now covertly be­ginning a warre, was first se­questred from all charge in the Common wealth, and not long after by the forces of the Con­sulls, and by the order of the Se­nate, in the Thurians country was ruined. The fortune of Milo was sutable to his intendments, who assaulting Compsa of the Hirpines, was strooken with a stone, and so made satisfaction both to Publius Clodius, whom [Page 259] hee had slaine, and to his coun­try which hee invaded. A man thou mayest say rash beyond the name of valiant. Now to take somewhat of many that may bee omitted, let it yet bee observed that Merulus Effordius and Fla­vius Caesetius Tribune of the peo­ple, having used immoderate li­centiousnesse against Caius Caesar, while they charge him with ay­ming at the Crowne, had wel­neere felt upon themselves the weight of the scepter. Yet to this heighth onely did the anger of the often provoked Prince rise, that contenting himselfe with a censoriall censure, rather than with a punishment corpo­rall, like a Dictator, hee seque­stred them from their places, and the publique affaires, and professed that it was to him the greatest miserie that either [Page 262] he must goe beyond the bounds of his owne nature, or suffer his honour to bee empaired. But let us returne to our course.

CHAP. 69. The death of Trebonius another of the killers of Caesar, by Dolabel­la at Smyrna, who besieged by Cassius in Laodicaea, made his servant cut off his head.

NOw both had Dolobella in Asia slaine Caius Trebonius, a man of Consular ranke at Smir­na (to whom he succeeded) ha­ving over-reached him with a tricke, who had beene most in­gratefull to Caesars merits, by whom hee had beene raised to the degree of Consull, and yet had a share in his murther: and Caius Cassius having received [Page 263] from Staius Murcus and Cris­pus Maruns men of the Praetori­an ranke, the brave legions which they commanded in Sy­ria, besieged and tooke Laodi­caea, and therein Dolabella, who had put himselfe into it; (yet so as Dolobella did not time [...]ously present his necke to the edge of his servants sword) and with that one draught made himselfe master often legions. And Mar­cus Brutus had wrung from Cai­us Antonius the brother to Mar­cus Antonius in Macedonia, and from Vatinius at Dyrrhachium their legions which were wil­ling to change their Comman­der. But A [...]tonius hee mastred by force, Vatinius by his reputa­tion, Brutus being thought wor­thy to bee preferrd before any other Generall whatsoever, and Vatinus inferiour to none that [Page 262] had a name. In whom the de­formity of his body did strive for the superiority with the basenesse of his minde: so as it seemed it was bestowed in a lodging of all others the most worthiest of it. Yet was he se­ven legions strong. Then by the law Pedia, which Pedius fellow, Consull to Caesar preferred, all they who were th [...] killers of Caesar, the elder being condem­ned were interdicted the use of fire and water, at which time Capito my fathers brother of the Senators order, did subscribe upon Agrippas motion against Caius Cassius.

CHAP. 70. Cassius takes Rhodes, Brutus conquers Lycia, they passe into Macedonia, the battaile of Phi­lippi, where Cassius being bea­ten, dyes by the hand of his ser­vant, and few dayes after, Bru­tus totally routed runnes upon his sword.

VVHile these passages are on foot in Italy, Cassius with a sharpe and very fortunate warre had (an action of mighty import) taken Rhodes, and Bru­tus had conquered the Lycians: from whence they had passed their armies over into Macedo­nia: when Cassius in every thing running a contrary course to the nature of Brutus, had in the end also mastered his clemency. Nei­ther do I finde, any upon whom [Page 264] a more indulgent fortune did once attend; or whom, as if she had beene tryed, she did with more speed abandon, then Brutus and Cassius. Caesar then and An­tonius, passing their armies into Macedonia, neere the City of Philippi, came to fight a battaile with Marcus Brutus & Cassius. The wing that Brutus comman­ded, having beaten their oppo­sites, did take Caesars campe; For he himselfe, though extreamely sicke, did yet discharge all the duties of a Generall, and was al­so earnestly intreated by his Phy­sitian Artorius, that he should not tarry in his quarter, he being frighted in his sleepe with a ma­nifest threatning of danger to­ward him. The wing in which Cassius commanded, was on the other side forced to fall off, and shrewdly plagued, had retyred [Page 265] to a higher ground. Cassius then by his owne fortune guessing at the successe of his comfort, when he had sent one whom he had called out, for that purpose, and commanded him to bring him word what the number & force of those men was which were comming toward him: he retur­ning an account thereof some­what slowly & they being now neere him, and upon their full speed, and for the dust neither their faces nor their ensignes could be discerned, beleeving that they were enemies that were rushing upon him, he wrapped his coat about his head, and fearelesse yelded his necke to his freed man. The head of Cassius was but fallen to the ground, when he that was sent came and brought word, that Brutus was Victor, who seeing [Page 266] his Generall lying dead, I will, said he, follow him, whom my dulnesse hath slaine, and with that fell upon his sword. A few dayes after Brutus fought ano­ther battaile, and in that being o­verthrowne, when he had fled to a knolle by night he intreated Strato the Aegeatian his neerest friend to lend him a hand in his death: & lifting his left arme up to his head when he held the hilts in his right hand, he guided the point to his left pappe where the heart doth pant, and pressing on the same, with one blow en­ded his life.

CHAP. 71. Messalla and Corvinus saved by Caesar: eminent Romanes slaine in that fight.

PResently Mesalla a most no­ble young man, and next in authority to Brutus and Cassius in that army, when there were some that did desire to choose him for their Generall, did ra­ther make election of being pre­served by the favour of Caesar, then to commit himselfe any more to the hazard of armes. Neither was there in that victo­ry to Caesar, any thing more plea­sing, then that he could by it save save Corvinus, nor at any time an instance more cleare of a man gratefull and pious, then Corvi­nus was ever after to Caesar. Nor was there ever any civill warre [Page 244] more polluted with the bloud of men of the noblest qualitie. Therein dyed the sonne of C [...]to: In the same also fel Lucullus and Hortensius the sonnes of two Citizens most eminent. For V [...] ­ro when he was amidest the scornes of Antonius to be put to death, he with a free liberty did prophecy truly, and of him that which was worthy to befall him. Drusus Livius the father of Iulia Augusta, and Varus Quintilius not so much as ma­king tryall of the enemies cour­tesie, the one of them slew him­selfe in his tent, and the other when he had put on the markes of his honors and offices, by the hand of his freed man whom he cōpelled to do it, had his throat cut.

CHAP. 72. The parallel of Brutus and Cassi­us, Cnaeus Domitius with a Navy retires into Sicile to Sex­tus Pompeius sonne to Pompey the great.

THis end was fortune plea­sed to appoint to the facti­on of Marcus Brutus, when he was thirtie seven yeares old; His mind being depraved in that day which with his rashnesse of his fact, did blot out all his other vertues. As for Cassius he was as much a better Captaine then Brutus, as Brutus was a better man then he: of whom thou wouldest rather love Brutus for a friend, and more redoubt Cas­sius if thy enemy: in the one there was more violence, in the other more vertue. Who if they [Page 270] had beene Conquerours, as much as it was better to have Caesar for our Prince then Antonius so much had it beene to have had Brutus then Cassius: Cnaeus D [...] ­mitius the father of Lucius D [...] ­mitius a man whom wee of late have seene, and one of a most no­ble and eminent sincerity, the grandfather of this Lucius D [...] ­mitius, an excellent young man, being possessed of a fleete, did then with a great trayne of such as would follow his advice, contented to make himselfe the party, commit himselfe to for­tune. Staius Marcus to whose charge the Navy and the guard of the Sea was entrusted, with his fleet, and that part of the ar­my which was under his Com­mand, went over to Sextus Pom­peius the sonne of Pompey the great, who returning out of [Page 271] Spaine had now possessed him­selfe of Sicilia; & both out of Ita­ [...]y and frō divers other parts of [...]he world so many as fortune [...]ad withdrawne and freed from [...]he present danger, together with many who had bin pro­ [...]cribed, flocked to him. To them which possessed no certaine state [...]ny generall was convenient e­ [...]ough; and when fortune left them no liberty of election, but onely shewed them a retreat to fly to, and when they sought to escape from a balefull tempest, any roade was a harbour for thē.

CHAP. 73. Sextus Pompeius his character a [...] hee maintaines himselfe and hi [...] army in Sicily by Piracy.

THis young man was in lear­ning ignorant, in his speech barbarous, in his courage daring of body able, in his resolutions speedy, for fidelitie most un­like his father, the freedman o [...] his freedman, and servant of hi [...] slaves, envious to those of any worth, that hee might bee sub­ject to the basest men: whom the Senate, as then almost whol­ly consisting of the Pompeias faction, after Antonius his flight from Mutina, had recalled out of Spaine (where Asinius Pollio of Praetorian quality, made a ve­ry brave warre upon him) had restored him to his fathers estate [Page 273] and given him the command of the Sea coast. He then as we be­fore have said, having seazed up­on Sicily, did enroll in his army slaves and fugitives, and so made up a great body of legions. And by Menes and Menecrates, his fathers freedmen, whom he had made his Admiralls infesting the seas, made use of spoyling, and robberies to maintaine himselfe & his army: nor was he ashamed to make with piraticall villa­nies, those seas, unsafe & trouble­some, which by the armes and conduct of his father, had beene cleered and freed from Pirates.

CHAP. 74. Antonius after the defeate of Bru­tus, stayes in these parts: Cae­sar, returning into Italy, findes at troubled by Lucius Antoni­us, Marcus his brother, and Ful­via, the wife of Marcus Lu­cius, forced in Perusia, dismist unhurt, and Perusia burnt by one of their own, who set it on fire, by name Macedonicus.

THe partie of Brutus and Cas­sius being ruined, Antonius to take possession of the Provin­ces beyond the sea, tarired there, and Caesar returning into Italy found it much more trouble­some then hee hoped to have done. For Lucius Antonius the Consull, sharer with his brother in his vices, but wanting the vertues which were sometimes [Page 275] found in him: one while with complaining of Caesar to the old souldiers, another provoking them to armes that had justly in the division of lands, and ap­pointing of inhabitants to them, lost those lands which they held before, had raised a great army. On the other side, Fulvia the wife of Antonius who had no­thing feminine about her, but her body, did fill all things with armes and garboyle. She for the seate of the warre, made choise of Praeneste; Antonius being cha­sed from every place, by the for­ces of Caesar, had retired him­selfe to Perusia; Caesar following his owne fortune and vertue as­saulted and caried Perusia. An­tonius he dismissed without harme: the Perusians, more by the rage of the souldiers then by the will or direction of the Ge­nerall [Page 276] were cruelly handled. The Towne was burnt, the beginning of the fire was caused by the principall man thereof, Mace­donicus, who setting fire of his owne house, and his goods, ranne himselfe through with his sword, and threw himselfe into the flame.

CHAP. 75. Another warre raised in Campa­nia, by Tiberius Claudius Ne­ro, Father to Tiberius Caesar, and husband of Livia, after wife of Augustus. Her character.

AT the same time, there was on foot in Campania, a furi­ous warre, which Tiberius Clau­dius Nero, of the Praetorian rank, and the high priest, a man of a great spirit, and of infinite lear­ning, [Page 277] the father of Tiberius Caesar (openly avowing himselfe the patron of those which had lost their lands) had raised: But that also by the comming of Caesar was buried and determined. Who can sufficiently admire these charges of fortune? who these uncertaine accidents of hu­maine Condition? who would either hope or feare things diste­ring from the present, or contra­ry to that which was expected? Livia the daughter of Drusus Claudianus, a most noble and most valiant man, by her discent, her goodnesse her, her beauty of all the dames of Rome, the most eminent: whom we since have seene the wife of Augustus, and when he was translated to the gods, have also seene her high priest and Flamen to him. Then flying from the sword of Caesar [Page 278] (that afterward was her owne Caesar) whose sonne of two yeares old, this our Tiberius Cae­sar the restorer of the Romane Empire, and who was predesti­nated to be in the end the sonne of Caesar also, she carrying in her bosome with one onely atten­dant that her flight might the better concealed, by unfrequen­ted wayes to avoid the armes of the souldiours got to the sea side, and with her husband Nero passed over into Sicily.

CHAP. 76. Caius Velleius grandfather of the Author, not able to follow An­tonius in his flight, kils himselfe. Fulvia and Plancus permitted to retire to Antonius. Pollio with Domitius joyne a fleete to Antonius his forces, Antonius returnes into Italy: Peace as made betweene them at Brun­d [...]sum. Salvidienus his trea­chery discovered.

THe testimony that I would give to a stranger, I must not defraud my grandfather of. For Caius Ve [...]eiu [...], who was by Cna [...] ­u [...] Pompeius chosen into a very honorable place among those three hundred and sixtie [...]udges, and both to him, to Marcus Bru­tu [...], and to Tiro the Prefect of their workemen, a man inferior [Page 280] to none: oppressed with age, and infirme of body upon the depar­ture of Nero from Naples, whose part for the singular friendship betweene them he in all he was able assisted; when he could not beare him company, with his sword in Campania, he ranne himselfe through. Caesar then permitted Fulvia freely without any wrong to depart out of Italy, and Plancus to beare the wo­man company in her flight. For Assinius Pollio with seven legi­ons having long retayned Venu­tia in the devotion of Antonius, and done great and brave things about Altinum and other Cities in that Country, going to Ante­nius in his way having with his perswasions, and giving him his faith for assurance, prevailed with Domitius of whom wee have before spoken, that escaping [Page 281] our of Brutus his campe, and af­ter his death having made him­selfe Admirall of a Fleete of his owne, he drew him to Antoni­us. By which fact whoso­ever will judge equally may know that Pollio did not cōferre a meaner benefit upon Antonius then Antonius did afterward upon Pollio. The returne then of Antonius into Italy, and the pre­parations of Caesar against him presented indeed a feare of war, but quickly was there a peace concluded betweene them at Brundusium. At which time the villanous devices of Rufus Sal­vidinus came to light, who being borne of obscurest parentage, did prize at a low rate his being rai­sed to the highest honors, and that next after Cneus Pompe­ius and Caesar himselfe of the Order of KNIGHTS, [Page 282] was created Consull, except he might rise to that heigth from whence he might see both Cae­sar and the Common wealth be­neath himselfe.

CHAP. 77. Peace at Misendū, made with Sex­tus Pompeius, by which all that were proscribed were freed. Stai­us Marcus but to death by Sex­tus Pompeius, upon the false imputations of his Admiral: Maenas and Menecrates.

THen, the unanimous voyce of the people complaining, whō a sharpe famine did presse, the sea not being free; there was a peace concluded also with Sextus Pompeius, at Misenum. Who not incongruously when he entertained Caesar and Anto­nius [Page 283] at supper aboard his ship, told them that he would feast them in his keele, alluding to the name of the place where his fathers house stood (as then pos­sessed by Antonius,) By the Ar­ticles of this peace it was a­greed that Sicilia and Achaia should be alotted to Pompeius in which notwithstanding his unquiet mind could not settle. That only one thing he by his comming brought of benefit to his countrey, that for all that were, proscribed and as many others as for severall causes had fled to him, he did contract they should be safe and peaceably re­turned to their Country. Which article besides others of the most eminent men did restore to the Republique both Nero Claudius, Marcus Silanus, Sentius Sturninus, Arantius and Ti­tius. [Page 284] But Staius Murcus who by his comming to him, and that of a Fleete royall had doubled his forces, being charged with forged crimes, because that Menas and Menecrates were not pleased to have a man of that sort their fel­low in office, Pompeius had put to death in Sicily.

CHAP. 78. Antonius marries Octavia, Cae­sars sister. Labienus leading the Parthians with Pacorus, the sonne of Parthia, by Ventidius slaine: Caesar leades his army into Illyria & Dalmatia. Sharp iustice done by Domitius in Spaine upon a runne-away Cen­turion.

ABout this time it was that Marcus Antonius tooke to wife Octavia the sister of Caesar. Pompey was returned into Sici­ly; Antonius into the provinces beyond the seas, which Labie­nus retiring from the campe of Brutus to the Parthians, and lea­ding their army into Syria, ha­ving slaine Antonius his Lievte­nant had extreamely shaken. But he by the valour and conduct of [Page 286] Ventidius, together with the for­ces of the Parthians, and the Kings sonne Pacorus, that no­blest young man was utterly rui­ned. In the Interim of these times, lest idlenesse the most capitall foe to discipline should corrupt the souldier, Caesar with frequent expeditions into Illyri­cum and Dalmatia, by patience in dangers and practise of the Art of warre, made his army able to endure. Then also it was that Ca [...]v [...]s Domitius, who in his Consulship had Spaine for his Province, was the author of an example of greatest conse­quence, and one comparable to those of ancient times; for hee commanded to bee slaine with a club a Centurion of the first ranke, by name Vibilliu [...], for base and cowardly running away from the fight.

CHAP. 79. Warre resolved upon with Sextus Pompeius: Caesar maries Li­via, wife of Tiberius Nero, her husband surrendring her. The character of Marcus Agrippa: part of the fleet lost by tempest: Pompey ruined, flies to Anto­nius, and is by his command shire.

POmpeies fleet, and the report and fame of him, growing every day greater, Caesar deter­mined to goe thorow with that warre. And committing the care of building of ships, of pressing souldiers and mari­ners, and of excercising them, and training them for the sea service to Marcus Agrippa, a man of most excellent parts, unconquerable by labour, wat­ching [Page 288] or danger one that knew (no man better) how to obey, but that onely referr'd to one sole man: ambitious indeed of commanding others, in all things hating delaies, and coup­ling the execution with his re­solving. He having built in the Lakes of Avernus and Lucri­num, a most gallant fleete, with dayly excercising, made both the souldier and the Saylor ab­solutely perfect in both the arts of souldiery, and sea service. With this fleete Ceasar (having first upon the resignation of Ne­ro, to whom shee had before beene married, taken Livia to wife, with all the ceremonies usuall in the common wealth) began the warre upon Sicily & Pompeius. But him that was in­vincible to all humane force, for­tune did at that time grievous­ly [Page 289] aflict: for about Velia & the Promontory of Palinurus, a storme at the South falling upon him, did miserably teare and scatter farre the greater part of his whole fleete. That cau­sed some delay in that warre, which afterward was managed with doubtfull and sometimes variable fortune. For both the fleete in the same place was torne with a tempest, and as neere Mylae, under the leading of Agrippa, the successe was pro­sperous; so by the unexpected comming in of a fleete, even in the sight of Caesar himselfe, not farre from Tauromenium, there was a great blow recei­ved by him. Neither was the danger very farre from his owne person: and the legions which were with Cornisicius, Caesars Lievtenant being landed, were [Page 290] almost defeated by Pompeius. But the dou [...]tfull fortune of that time was by a seasonable valour corrected: for they ha­ving opned at large the squa­drons of the fleetes of both sides. Pompeius being stript of almost all his ships, fled into Asia, and by the command of Marcus Antonius, whose assi­stance he craved, while hee was troublesome with a fashion, be­tweene a Commander, and a suppliant, and one while would stand upon his greatnesse, ano­ther even beg his life; hee had his throat cut by Titius. Against whom the hatred which by that misdeed hee had procured him­selfe, did so long endure, that some time after hee presenting plaies in Pompey his Theater, was by the curses of the people driven from the spectacle, which [Page 291] himselfe was bestowed, and was at the change of.

CHAP. 80. Lepidus called to the warre with Sextus Pompeius: Pompeius turnea out of all by Caesar his strange daring.

WHen Caesar made that warre against Pompey, he had sent for Lepidus out of Africa with twelve legions, but halfe compleat. He the vai­nest of all men living, and who had not with any vertue of his owne merited so long an indul­gence of fortune, had joyned to his owne troupes the souldiers of Pompey, because hee was neerer to them, who followed not his, but Caesars fortune. And now puffed up with the [Page 292] number of above twenty legi­ons, his madnesse grew to that height, that being an uselesse cō ­panion in the victory of another, as long as hee stayed there sus­pecting Caesars designes; and e­ver differing from that which gave satisfaction to others, hee construed the whole victory as his owne, and tooke the bold­nesse upon him to enjoyne Cae­sar to get him out of Sycily. Not the Scipios or any other of the ancient Roman Captaines did ever dare, and execute a braver thing than Caesar at that time did. For when he was both dis­armed, and in his cloake carry­ing nothing but his name about him, hee entred into Lepidus his campe, and avoyding those darts which by order of that most mischievous man, were throwne at him, his cloake be­ing [Page 293] thrust thorow with a pike, hee durst seaze the Eagle of the legion. Then mightest thou know what difference there was betweene the Generalls. Those which were armed fol­lowed him that was disarmed: and Lepidus in the tenth yeare, after he had attained to a poten­tie most unsutable to his life, being abandoned both by for­tune and his souldiers, wrap­ped in a mourning garment, and concealed in the dragge of the multitude that flocked about Caesar, hee fell prostrate at his knees. His life and his private e­state were granted him: his honour which hee could not support, hee was bereaved of.

CHAP. 81. A mutiny among the souldiers, ap­peased by the seventy, and as well by the bounty of Caesar.

A S [...]dden mutiny of the soul­diers then risen, who by often considering their owne strength, were fallen from re­garding the discipline of the warre: and what they thought themselves able to enforce, would not deigne to have by request, was partly by the seve­ritie, partly by the bounty of the Prince repressed. And upon them was at the same time be­stowed a faire addition of the Colonie in Campania: the rents thereof did belong to the State, instead of which there was ap­propriated to the common trea­sury, a much larger revenue of [Page 295] twelve hundred thousand Se­sterces out of the Island of Creete, & the water worke pro­mised, which at this day is both a singular one, conducing to the health of the City, and an orna­ment fitted for delicacie and pleasure. Agrippa in this did deserve, and had conferred up­on him the honour of a Navall Crowne, which before him was never bestowed upon any Ro­man. After this Caesar returning a Conquerour to the City, did declare that hee did designe for the publique use divers houses which his factors had by seve­ [...]all purchases drawne into one, [...]hat he might be seated more at [...]arge; And promised that hee would build the Temple of Apollo, and the galleries about [...]t, which also hee afterward with singular magnificence per­formed.

CHAP. 82. Antonius with thirteene legions, enters Parthia, but with much adoe, and great losse, goes off. Hee resolves upon a warre with Caesar.

THat sommer in which Cae­sar was so happie in Sicily against Lepidus fortune, also fought successefull on Caesar part, and the Republickes in the East. For Marcus Antonius passing through Armenia, and then Media, to invade the Par­thians, was encountred by their King. And that at the first ha­ving lost two legions, with the Lievtenant Statianus, and their baggage and his Engines, pre­sently fell into those dangers with extreame hazard of hi [...] whole army, as out of them he [Page 297] despaired ever to bee delivered. And having lost not lesse than the fourth part of his forces, hee was preserved by the advice and faithfulnesse of a certaine man, but a Roman; who being ta­ken prisoner in the defeate of Crassus his army, had changed his fortune, but not his disposi­tion: and coming in the night to the Roman guards, forewar­ned him that he should not go [...] the way that hee intended, but passe another through the woods. Marcus Antonius his doing so, was the preservation of the legions; of which yet, as we said before, at least a fourth part of his whole army; and of the followers of the campe, and slaves were lost, and of his bag­gage scarce any at all was left him. Yet this his flight because he came off alive, Antonius called [Page 298] a victory; who the third sum­mer after returning into Arme­nia, over-reaching Artavasdes the King thereof, with a tricke bound him in chaines: but, that he might not want of his due ho­nour, with golden ones. The fire then both of his love to Cleopatra, and the greatnesse of his vice (which are ever fomen­ted by wealth, libertie, and flat­teries) encreasing, he determi­ned to make warre upon his owne country: when hee had before that commanded him­selfe to be stiled a new Bacchus; when with a Garland of Ivie crowned with a crowne of gold, with the Thirsus in his hand, & buskins buckled on his leggs, in a Chariot like Liber pater, hee had ridden about Alexan­dria.

CHAP. 83. Plancus falls off from Antonius to Caesar. His character and car­riage after his revolt.

VVHile these preparations for warre are one foote, Plancus, not out of judgement to make election of the better part, neither out of love of Cae­sar, or the State (for to all these he was perpetually adverse) but infected (as with a disease) with treachery, when hee had beene the basest flatterer of the Queene, and an observer, be­neath the degree of her slaves, when he had beene Antonius his Register, and both the author and minister of the fithiest acti­ons, when he had to all men, nd in every thing beene mercena­ry, wsten naked and dyed of a [Page 300] sea-blew colour, with his head crownd with reeds, and drag­ging a long taile behinde him, he had crept upon his knees, and danced as Glaccus: being chec­ked by Antonius at a banquet for his manifest extortions, fled unto Caesar. And afterward i­puting the clemency of the con­querour to his owne vertue, used to say that Caesar when he had pardoned, had well tryed it; Titius did within a while im­mitate him who was his Vnckle▪ Wittily did Caponius, a man of Praetorian ranke, who to his children was a father, most pre­cise carefull of their bree­ding, the father in law of Silius, answer Plancus, when in the Se­nate he imputed many, and those vile things to Antonius from whom he was lately fled: upon my faith (said he) Antonius did [Page 301] many foule things the day be­fore thou leftest him.

CHAP. 84. The sea preparation at Actium, with the order of the Navies.

VVHen Caesar then, and Messalla Corvin [...]s were Consulls, the victory at Actium was gained: where long before they came to fight, the ad­vantage of the day, and the suc­cesse thereof was apparent on the Iulian side. On this part both the souldier and the Com­mander were full of vigor and spirit; on that all things langui­shed: on this were Kings most firme to the cause; on that with their wants much disaffected. There were ships great indeed, but that could not move with [Page 302] any competent speed Here were others of a more dread­full aspect: From this side not one fled to Antonius: from that to Caesar dayly some went over: Finally, in the sight of Antoniu [...], and as it were at his very beard, by Marcus Agrippa was Leucas assaulted and carried. Patros ta­ken, Corinth seazed upon, and twice before the last and gene­rall triall, his fleete was beaten. The King Amintas followed the better and more commodious course; for Dellius, in this warre also firme to his old fashion, as hee had before from Dolobella, turned to Caesar: and Cnaeus De­mitius a most eminent man, (who onely of all that sided with Antonius did never though with his great and most despe­rate hazard salute Cleopatra by the title of Queene, but onely [Page 303] by her name) came over to Cae­sar.

CHAP. 85. Caesars victory, and the flight of Antonius after Cleopatra: the rendring of the land forces to Caesar.

AT length the day of the maine triall came on, in which Caesar and Antonius draw­ing out both their Navies, fought, the one for the preser­vation of the world, the other for the ruine thereof. The right wing of the Iulian Navie was governed by Marcus Latius, the last by Arruntius, the command in chiefe of the whole sea fight rested upon Agrippa: Caesar de­signing to himselfe the place to which fortune should call him, [Page 304] was in every part present. An­tonius his fleet was commanded by Publicola and Sosius. As for the forces at land, those of Caesars part were commanded by Taurus, and Antonies by Can­dius: when the fight began there was on the one side all things necessary: the Generall, Saylors, or Rowers and souldiers: on the other nothing but the souldiers. Cleopatra began first of all to flie, and Antonius did choose rather to beare the Queene company in her flight, than his souldiers in fighting for him. And being Generall, who ought to punish runawayes severely, did himselfe runne away from his owne soul­diers. Their constancy in figh­ting most bravely, even when they had lost their head that should have directed them, did long continue, and when they [Page 305] dispaired of victory, they fought to dye. But Caesar desiring to reduce them to quiet thoughts by words, whom he might have ruined with the sword, calling to them, and shewing them that Antonius was fled: asked them for whom and with whom they would now fight. But they, when they had fought a long time for their Generall that was absent, with much a doe, and hardly laying downe their armes yeelded the victory: and Caesar did more readily promise them pardon and life, than they could bee perswaded to crave it. And by all men it was acknowledged that the souldiers had done the duty of the bravest Generall, and the Generall behaved him­selfe as the most cowardly soul­dier. So that thou mayest make a doubt whether he would have [Page 306] governed the victory by his owne, or Cleopatra's discretion, that was by her pleasure dire­cted in his flight.

CHAP. 86. Caesars clemency after the victory: Pollio his faire respect to Caesar as his Prince; to Antonius as his benefactor.

THe same course also was ta­ken by the army at land, af­ter Canidius with an inconside­rate flight, had whirled after An­tonius: who is hee that in the cursitory way of this so contra­cted a worke, dares take upon him to expresse what that day did beneficiall for the whole world, out of what, and into what an estate the fortune of the Common wealth did remove. [Page 307] But the victory was used with all clemency, very few were they who were put to death, and those indeed which durst not so much as crave their lives. Out of which lenity of the Generall, it may well be colle­cted what he would have made the effect of his victory, either in the beginning of his Trium­virate, or in the Philippian fields if it had beene in his owne pow­er ******* at length with much wrestling for it, the cle­mency of Caesar preserved him. Let me not over-passe the me­morable both fact, and deed of Asinius Pollio. For when af­ter the peace of Brundusium, he had still remained in Italy, and had neither seene the Queene, nor after the mind of Antonius, was by her love enfeebled, had medled with his faction, Caesar [Page 308] requiring him to goe with him to the bataile of Actium, My merits (said he) towards Anto­nius are greater, but his favours to me better knowne. I there­fore will withdraw my selfe from your hazards, and rest here a prey for the Conquerour.

CHAP. 87. Antonius his death at Alexan­dria, & presently after Cleo­patra's. None put to death by Caesar after the victory.

THe next yeare Caesar pursu­ing the Queene and Antoni­us to Alexandria, did put the last hand to the civill warre: Antonius did, and that not time­rously, kill himselfe. So as by his death he did seeme to wipe of many spots of his former [Page 309] faintnesse. But Cleopatra abusing her gardians, having an Aspick brought into her did by the bi­ing thereof, free from all woma­nish feare, put an end to her life. A thing it was, worthy of both the fortune and the clemen­cy of Caesar, that of all those which had borne armes against him there was not any one that by him, or upon his command was put to death. [...]ecius Bru­tus was by the cruelty of Anto­nius slaughtered: Sextus Pom­peius being defeated by Caesar, by Antonius likewise (when hee had given him his faith to preserve for him his honours also entire) was deprived of life. Brutus and Cassius before that they had made triall how the Conquerour would be encli­ned toward them, with a volun­tary death ended, their daies. [Page 310] Canidius died more cowardly then did sute with the professi­on of which he had ever beene. The last of the Murtherers of Cae­sar, Parmensis Cassius received his payment by death, as Tribe­nius before had done.

CHAP. 88. Lepidus sonne to the Triumvir conspiring against Caesars life, without trouble or noise opprest by Caius Marcellus provost of the Citie. Marcellus his Chara­cter.

VVHile Caesar was putting an end to the Actian and Alexandrian warre, Marcus Lepidus, a young man, of a better shape then disposition of mind, sonne to that Lepidus who had beene the Triumvir in the setling [Page 311] the state, and of Iunia the sister of Brutus, entred into a conspi­racie of killing Caesar, upon his first returne to the City. Then Marcus Marcellus, Captaine of the Guard of the City, borne of a noble family, and order of the Knights: A man whensoever the affaires required vigilance, that never slept, provident, and who knew how to drive a businesse to the head: but when once the affaires gave him any time of re­mission, melting in ease and dain­tinesse more then women would desire, not lesse deere to Caesar then Agrippa, but these prefer­red: For he lived almost conten­ted with narrow studdes of pur­ple upon his gowne, neither was he unable to reach greater mat­ters, but did not desire them: He with infinite stilnesse and cun­ning sented out the devices of [Page 312] that rash headed young man, and with wonderful speed, without all trouble of men or affaires herein, having ruined Lepidus, did extinguish a fearefull origi­ginall of a new civill warre, and which was likely to have sprung up again. So her received his due punishment, for his ill contrived plots. Let Servilia the wife of Lepidus be matched with An­tistius his before mentioned Calphurnia, who throwing her selfe alive into the funerall flame, received in recompence of her untimely end, the never dying memory of her braue acti­on.

CHAP. 89. Caesar his returne to Rome, his triumph and the model of his go­vernment.

BVt of Caesars returne into I­taly, and to the City, how he was met, with what applause of all men, of all ages, and all de­grees he was received; what the magnificence of his triumphs was, what that of his bounties, not a full and just volume, much lesse this so concise a worke, is able to make a fit and just relati­on. Nothing from thence forth could men desire of the gods, nothing could the gods bestow upon men, nothing be craved in prayer, nor any thing in a perfect felicity be found, which Augu­stus, after his returne to the Ci­ty, did not endow the repub­lique, [Page 314] the people of Rome, and in summe, the whole world with all. The civill warres that had lasted now twenty yeares were ended, foraigne warres bu­ried, peace repealed, the rage of armes quieted in evrey part, to the lawes their power, to the seates of Iustice their authority, and to the Senate their majestie restored, the commād of the Ma­gistrates restored to the auntient measure, onely two Praeton more added to the former eight, and the first most auncient forme of the Common wealth revi­ved. Husbandry returned into the Country, to things sacred their due honor, to men security, to every man a certainty of en­joying his owne. Some lawes commodiously amended, others with the publique good enacted [Page 315] Senators chosen without harsh­nesse, though not without strict­nesse, men of principall quality and who had borne offices of honour and triumphed, by the perswasion of the prince drawne to the Citie for the ornament of the common wealth. Consull he was onely eleven times, which that it might not be continued upon him, Caesar having often pressed and stood against it with much adoe obtained. For the Dictatorship, as the people had obstinately urged it upon him, he as constantly rejected. The warre made under his command, and by victories, peace established through the world, and so many workes perfected, both at home and out of Italy, would require an Historian that upon that sole worke should bestow the whole terme of his life. Wee re­membring [Page 316] what we have pro­fessed, will present to your eyes and mind the whole picture of his governement.

CHAP. 90. Dalmatia and Spaine by Caesar and (employed by his command) Agrippa, after ages of trouble brought to a perfect peace.

THe Civill warre, as wee have said, thus interred, and the members of the Common wealth, now knitting together, and he taking care of such things as so long a course of warre had rent in sunder, Dalmatia which for two hundred and twenty yeares had bin rebellious, was brought quietly to a plaine con­fession of subjection to our Em­pire. The Alpes famous both for [Page 317] wild beasts and divers nations subdued, all the Spaines one while by himself in preson, ano­ther by the ministration of A­grippa, whom the favour of the Prince had raised to the third Consulship, & after to the Con­sortship with him of the Tribu­niciall power, with a sharpe and variable warre at last was setled. Into which provinces when at the beginning Scipio and Sempro­nius Longus being Consulls our armies were sent, and after in the first yeare of the second Punicke warre, againe under the Command of Cnaeus Scipio uncle to the African, about one hundred and fiftie yeares since: the warre was there so bloudy & so doubt­full, as our Armies and Generalls being lost, we often went away with dishonour, and sometimes not without danger to the Ro­mane [Page 318] Empire. For those pro­vinces made an end of the Scipios they also with a dishonorable warre of twenty yeares, Viriatus being generall of that side held our Auncestors play. In them made was the base stipulation of Quintus Pompeius, and that more base of Mancinus, which the Se­nate with the ignominy of the Generall yeilded up to the ene­mie, did cancel; the same also cō ­sumed us, so many Generalls of Consular qualitie, so many of Praetorian, and in our fathers daies, did with her armes raise Sertorious to that heighth that in five whole yeares it could not be judged whether the Ro­mans or the Spaniards were the braver warriors, nor which people of them two, should obey the other. These provinces then so large, so populous, so [Page 319] stout, almost fiftie yeares since, Caesar Augustus reduced to such tranquillitie, as they who never were before free from most furious warres, were un­der Caius Antistius, and after that under Publius Silius the Leiutenant and others, free from so much as robberies.

CHAP. 91. The ensignes lost at Crassus his defeate returned to Caesar by the Parthian Conspiracies of Caepio and Muraena, as also of Egnatius against him disco­vered and punished.

VVHile the west was thus quieted from the East, the Roman ensignes which upon the overthrow of Crassus, Orodes [Page 320] and at the repulsing of Antonius his sonne Pharnaces had taken, were rendred and sent backe to Augustus. Which by the pro­pounding of Plancus and the uni­versall consent of the Senate and people of Rome bestowed upon him the surname of Parthian. Yet were there not wāting some that could hate even his happi­est state of things. For Lucius Muraena, and Fannius Caepio, of farre differing dispositions (for Muraena without this guiltine [...] might have passed for a good man: but Caepio even before he was tainted with this crime, the worst that might be) having conspired together about the killing of Caesar, seazed upon by publique authority, what by vio­lence they would have acted they by Iustice suffered. Neithe [...] long after was it that Egnati [...] [Page 321] Rufus a man in every respect more like a Fencer, then a Sena­tor, having in his Edileship got­ten the favour of the people (which he had dayly encreased by quenching of fires with his owne private family) so highly as they were content to joyne, for his sake, the office of Praetor, to take of Edile, and presently also was bold to stand for the Consulship: being overwhel­med with the guilt of all man­ner of foulenesse and wickednes, having drawne into his designe others that were likest to him­selfe, determined to kill Caesar. That since he could not subsist if Caesar were safe, at least he might yet dye when he were taken away. For such is the dis­position of men, that every one had rather sinke with the pub­lique ruine, then be oppressed [Page 322] with his owne, and though he suffer the same yet be lesse re­marked. Nor was this man more fortunate in being concealed, then those that went before him, and being clapt in prison, he di­ed a death, of which his life was most worthy.

CHAP. 92. A brave act of Sentius Saturninus punishing the Customers, fraud, and stopping Egnatius in his de­mand of the Consullship.

LEt not a brave fact of an ex­cellent man be defrauded of a due remembrance, Caius Sen­tius Saturninus, who about that time was Consull. Caesar was then absent about ordering the affaires of Asia, and the East ca­rying about with his person, the [Page 323] benefits of his peace. When Sen­tius (as it fell out being at that time both sole Consull and Cae­sar absent) had both done other things with the strictnesse of former times, and with admira­ble constancy: had after the old fashion and severity of the Con­suls, discovered the frauds of the farmours of Customes, punished their avarice, and brought the re­venues of the state into the pub­lique treasury. And also sitting principal Consull at the assembly for elections, those that stood for the quaestorship, if he judged them unworthy of it, he forbade to declare themselves: threat­ning them when they remained firme to their intentions, that he would by his Consular power punish them, and Egntaius who flourishing in the favour of the people did hope to couple the [Page 324] Consulship, to the Praetorship as he before had done that to the Edileship, he forbade to pro­fesse himselfe for a Candidate, and when he prevailed not with him, he swore that though the people by their suffrages did choose him, yet that he would not declare him for elected. Which fact of his I should rec­kon worthy to be cōpared with any of the auncient Cōsuls what­soever, but that we doe more willingly commend the things that we heare of then those that wee see, that we wait upon the present with envy, but things past with reverence, and doe be­lieve that those doe overload us, these instruct us.

CHAP. 93. The death of M. Marcellus sonne to Octavia, Caesars sister. A­grippa returned to Rome, mar­ries Iulia Caesars daughter, late wife to Marcellus.

ALmost three yeares, before the villany of Egnatius brake out, and about the time of Muraena's and Caepio's conspi­racy, now fiftie yeares since Marcus Marcellus the sonne of Octavia, Augustus his sister whō all men did so reekon, for his suc­cessour in his power, if ought should happen to Caesar, as they thought it could not yet discend upon him securely by reason of Marcus Agrippa his greatnesse, (having when he was Edile pre­sented most magnificient shewes to the people) departed this life, [Page 326] a very young man, and truly as they say of free and open ver­tues, of a cheerefull disposition, and witte, and capable of the fortune for which he was bred. After whose decease, Agrippa, who under colour of important service of the state was gone into Asia, but as report speakes it, for some secret distates with Marcellus had withdrawne himselfe, from the present time returning thence tooke to wife Iulia the daughter of Augustus who had before beene married to Marcellus. A woman whose wombe was neither fortunate for her selfe nor for the Com­mon wealth.

CHAP. 94. Tiberius Caesar sonne to Livia, cal­led to affaires: His character sent into the East, quiets Arme­nia and receives pledges of the Parthian.

AT this time Tiberius Clau­dius Nero, who when he was three yeares old, as we be­fore have said, Livia the daugh­ter of Drusus Claudius (Nero to whom she had before beene married affiancing her) had mar­ried Augustus: Being trained up in the discipline of heavenly knowledge, a young man admi­rably furnished by his Nobili­tie, shape, stature, the best kindes of learning, and an infinite wit: Who from the beginning might hope for any greatnesse that he since hath arrived at, [Page 328] and at the first view appeared a Prince, being Quaestor at the nineteenth yeare of his age, began to deale in affaires of state. And did at Ostia and in the Ci­tie by the direction of his father in law, so order the businesses of a pressing dearth and want of corne that by what he then did it clearely appeared how great a man for employments he would one day prove. Neither long af­ter being sent by the same his father in law, to survey and put in order the Orientall provinces, he having in that expedition given many singular proofes of all kindes of virtues; with his Legions entred Armenia. And having brought it under the cōmand of the people of Rome, did deliver the Crowne thereof to Artavasdes, with the fame of which so great name of his the [Page 329] King of the Parthians also af­frighted, sent his sonne to Caesar for Ostages.

CHAP. 95. Tiberius returned with his brother Drusus, sent against the Rhaeti­ans and Vindelicians, with fortu­nate event.

VVHen Nero was retur­ned, Caesar determined to make experience of him in a warre of no meane consequence giving him for an assistant his brother Drusus Claudius, of whom Livia was delivered in Caesars house. They both divi­ding their charge invaded the Rhaetians and the Vindelicians, and forcing many Cities and Castles, as also by some happie successe in open fights, with [Page 330] much losse of the bloud of the conquered nations, and more danger then damage of the Ro­mane army; did master them that were most strongly seated, the accesse to them extreamely difficult, in number multitudi­nous, and in the fierce bravery of their courage redoubtable, be­fore which time the Censorship of Plancus and Paulus being transpassed in wrangling and braules was neither honorable to them, nor usefull to the state, when the one wanted the respect and vigor that should be in a Censor, and the others course of life would not agree with that title. For Paulus was not a­ble to fill the roome, and Plancus could reprehend nothing in youngmen, or heare objected to them which hee must not bee enforced to acknowledge to bee in himselfe.

CHAP. 96. Agrippa surrenders his wife Iulia to Tiberius. The Pannonian warre ended by Tiberius, who entred the Citie for it in an ovant triumphe.

AGrippa, within a while after who had by many deser­vings enable his late raising, and had brought it so farre as he was both the father in law of Nero (whose children his Ne­phewes, sacred Augustus giving them the names of Caius and Lucius had adopted) did now tie Nero in stricter and neerer bonds to Caesar for his daugh­ter Iulia, which had beene married to Agrippa, Nero tooke to wife. Then followed the [Page 332] Pannonian warre, which being begunne by Agrippa and Marcus Vinicius thy grandfather, then Consulls, and which being great, cruell, and also neerly hanging over Italy, was by Nero ended. The Natives of the Pannonians and Dalmatians, the scituations of the Countries and rivers, the number and equipage of their forces, the most glorious, and ma­ny victories of so great a Ge­nerall in that warre we will in some other place describe. Let this worke now keepe its owne forme. Nero having obtained this victory entred the City in Ovant triumph.

CHAP. 97. Marcus Lollius receives a blow, & loseth the Eagle of the legion in Germany. That warre commit­ted to Drusus, by him happily managed: his character: his death. The rest finished by Ti­berius.

BVt while in this part of the Empire all things succeed most prosperously; a blow recei­ved in Germany under the Liev­tenant Marcus Lollius, (a man in every thing more greedily de­siring money than to doe brave­ly: and with the wariest dissem­bling of his vices, most vicious, together with the losse of the Eagle of the fifth legion) did call Caesar from the City into Gal­lia. The care and burden then of the German warre was trans­ferd [Page 334] to Drusus Claudius, Nero's brother; a young man of so ma­ny so eminent vertues, as either the nature of mortall man is ca­pable of, or industry can acquire, whose disposition whether it were more able for affaires of the warre, or the acts of peace it is uncertaine. Certainely his gentlenesse and swetnesse in his conversation, and his respect to his friends faire, and like him­selfe is said to bee inimitable: As for the beauty of his person, it was in the next ranke to his brothers. But him now the Conquerour of a great part of Germany, and having drawne very much bloud of that people in many places; the injustice of the destinies when he was Con­sull in the thirtieth yeare of his age, ravished from us. The charge then of that warre was [Page 335] delivered to Nero, which hee underwent with both his owne vertue and fortune. And having past victorious thorow all the parts of Germany without any damage of the army commit­ted to him which ever was the care of that Generall, hee so ma­stered it, as hee almost brought it into the forme of a tributa­ry Province. Than was a second triumph with a second Consul­ship presented to him.

CHAP. 98. Warre in Thracia ended by Lucius Piso: a briefe character of him.

VVHile these things of which wee have trea­ted doe passe in Pannonia and Germany, a bitter warre risen in Thracia; all the Nations of [Page 336] that country flying to armes, was by the vertue of Lucius Piso, whom even at this day wee see still a most diligent and most milde guardian of the Cities quiet, suppressed: for being Cae­sars Lievtenant, hee made warre with them three yeares toge­ther, and partly in fight, partly by forcing of places, hee brought those most fierce Nations with their extreame losse and destru­ction into their former fashion of living in peace: and by his actions restored to Asia their security, and to Macedonia their quiet. Of whom all men must both thinke and say that his conditions were most equal­ly tempred betweene smartnesse and lenity, nor that easily can be found any man who either was more fervently in love with ease and quiet; or did [Page 337] more ably beare the weight of affaires, and that did take more care for that which was to be done, without any osten­tation of doing it himselfe.

CHAP. 99. Tiberius out of respect to Caius and Lucius nephewes to Octavius, quits all his greatnesse in Rome, and retires to study at Rhodes.

WIthin a little while after, having past two Consul­ships, and as often triumphed, and in the Consortship of the Tribunitiall power made equall to Augustus, of all the City ex­cept one (and that because hee would have it so) the most emi­nent, the greatest of Cap­taines, and both by his fame and by his fortune the most illustri­ous, [Page 338] and indeed the second eye and head of the State: with a strange, a wondrous, and an un­speakeable piety (whereof the reasons within a while were discovered) when Caius Caesar had now put on his virile robe, and Lucius also began to be ripe for the conversation of men; Lest his glittering should hin­der the beginnings of those ri­sing young men, hee concealing the cause of that his resolution, did crave leave of him that was both his wives father, and his mothers husband, that hee might take some rest from his continu­ed labours. What the carriage of the City in that time and oc­casion was, what the thoughts of particular men, what teares were shed by those that tooke their leaves of a man of that greatnesse, how his country did [Page 339] almost lay hold upon him to stay him; wee hold best to re­serve the narration for a full and compleate worke; That yet in this our running straine, we must speake that hee so past his seven yeares at Rhodes, as all both Proconsulls and Lievtenants, passing into the provinces be­yond the seas, and comming to visit him did ever stoope their fasces to him a private man (if such a Majestie may bee ter­med private,) and confessed that his retirement was more full of honour than their Com­mand.

CHAP. 100. The Parthian falls off from his league with Rome, & Germany also rebells. Iulia her foule life punished in her with exile, in but favourites with death.

THe whole world did feele that Nero had quieted the tuition of the City: For both the Parthian falling off from the friendship of Rome, laid hold of Armenia: and Germany per­ceiving the eye of him that had mastered her, not beate upon her, rebelled against us. But in the City the same yeare that sa­cred Augustus, now thirty yeares past, when himselfe and Gallus Caninius were Consulls, had with most magnificent shewes of Fencers at the sharpe, and representation of Sea-fights, [Page 341] dedicated Mars his Temple, and satisfied both the eyes and mindes of the people of Rome; a storme and mischiefe, foule to be related, and horrid to bee re­membred broke out in his owne house. For Iulia his daughter totaly forgetting the greatnesse of both her father and her hus­band, did leave nothing unassai­ed either in riot or lusts, that a woman might or do or suffer fil­thily; And measured the great­nesse of her fortune by her li­bertie of sinning, accounting all lawfull that she had a minde to. Iulius Antonius a singular in­stance of Caesars clemency, be­ing then the polluter of his house, was also the revenger himselfe of the villany commit­ted by him: whom, when his father was vanquished, hee had not onely estated in a full secu­rity [Page 343] of his life, but had also con­ferred upon him the Priesthood, Praetorship, the Consulship, pro­vinces and honours, and more had in the strictest bonds of af­finitie received him into his bosome by the honour of mary­ing him to his sisters daughter. And Quintus Crispinus vayling his crime with the austeritie of a sowre brow, Appius Clau­dius, Sempronius Gracchus, Scipio, with other of lesser note, and of both the orders of Knights and Senators, as if they had but corrupted the wife of any pri­vate man, when they had defi­led the daughter of Augustus, and the wife of Nero, suffered according to law. Iulia being banished into an Iland, was re­moved out of the eye of her fa­ther and her country, whom yet her mother Scribonia accompa­nied, [Page 342] & remained with her as her fellow exile, though voluntary.

CHAP. 101. Caius Caesar sent into the East-parlies with the Parthian in an Island in the midst of Euphra­tes: Feasts, and is feasted by him.

WIthin a little time after this when Caius Caesar, having before had the charge of quieting other provinces, was sent into Syria, first visiting Ti­berius Nero, to whom as his su­periour hee yeelded all respect, he there in such various fashion carried himselfe, as there was not wanting occasion and reason to praise him very highly, nor yet some cause to discommend him. Hee came to an interview [Page 344] with the Parthian King, a most stately young man in an Island which the river Euphrates com­passed about, their number on both sides being equall. Which shew being very brave and me­morable of the Romane army standing on this, the Parthian on that side, when the two most eminent chiefes of Empires, and men in the world did meet together, it was my chance to see in the beginning of my soul­diership, being then a Tribune o [...] the souldiers: which place having held before under Mar­cus Vinitius thy father, and unde [...] Publius Sillius in Thracia and Macedonia and since in Achaia, Asia, and all the Easterne pro­vinces with the mouth, and both the sides of the Ponticke sea. [...] now do enjoy no unpleasing rem [...] brāce of so many affaires, places [...] [Page 345] Nations, and Cities. The Par­thian first feasted with us on our side. And afterward Caius was entertained by the King on the enemies shore.

CHAP. 102. Marcus Lollius sent by Augustus, supervisor to young Caius; dis­covered in his treacheries, kills himselfe. Caius wounded by Abduus at a treatie: enfeebled both in minde and body, and up­on his returne dies at Limira; his brother being before dead at Massilia.

AT which time the treacher­ous devices (and such as were to bee found onely in a crafty and mischievous soule) of Marcus Lollius, who was ap­pointed by Augustus as the Mo­derator [Page 346] of his sonnes youth, be­ing first discovered by the Par­thian, were afterward by Cae­sars displeasure made knowne. His death which within a few daies afterward followed, whe­ther it were accidentall or vo­luntary, I cannot tell. But as much as men rejoyced at his death, so much did the City grievously lament within a little after the losse of Censorinus, who dyed in the same parts: a man that seemed borne to purchase the good will of all man kinde. Caius then entering Armenia, at the first beginning carried his businesse fortunately enough: but within a while comming to a partie; in which he in conside­rately had engaged himselfe, he neere Artagena was sore woun­ded by one Abdius. Vpon which hurt as his body was the [Page 347] weaker, so his minde began to be lesse able for affaires of State. Nor was there wanting the con­versation of men, that fed his vices with their assentation (for flattery doth perpetually attend upon the greatest fortunes.) By which meanes hee was brought to that passe, that in the utter­most and remotest corner of the world, hee would rather have drawne out his daies to old age, than returne to Rome. Having long strugled against it, and un­willingly returning toward Ita­ly, he in a City of Lycia called Limira, died of sicknesse, when his brother Caesar now almost three yeares before being bound for Spaine, was dead at Massi­lia.

CHAP. 103. Tiberius Caesar adopted by Au­gustus.

BVt fortune which had taken away the hope of a mightie name, did now at length restore to the Republique her owne guardes and safety: for when Publius Vinicius thy father was Consull, before the death of these two brothers, Tiberius Ne­ro returning from Rhodes, had filled his countrey with incredi­ble joy. Neither did Augustus Caesar long demurre upon it, for it was not to bee enquired who was to be chosen, but he was to be chosen that was most emi­nent; what therefore after the death of Lucius, when Caius was yet living, he would have done, but was hindred the rein by Ne­ro [Page 349] his stiffenesse in refusing it, after the decease of both the young men, he put in execution. That hee both tooke him into the fellowship of the Tribuni­tiall power with himselfe, and being Consull with Elius Catus Sentius, the fifth of the Kalends of Iuly, seven hundred fiftie and foure yeares after the building of the City, now twentie and seven yeares since hee adopted him for his sonne. The rejoy­cing of that day, the concourse of the Citizens, the prayers of those which did almost with their hands lay hold upon the gods, and the hope of perpetuall tran­quillity, and the eternity of the Roman empire, wee can scarce fully expresse in that compleate worke which wee doe intend: let us not then goe about to doe it to the life in this. One onely [Page 350] thing I am content now to deli­ver: that, then there appeared cleerely to fathers, a hope of en­joying their children, to hus­bands their wives, to owners of their patrimony, to all men of safety, quiet, peace and tran­quillity: so that neither could any hope expect more, nor be more happily answered.

CHAP. 104. Agrippa also the sonne of Iulia a­dopted by Augustus the same day. Tiberius sent to command in the German warre; by the souldiers received with all joy.

THe same day also was adop­ted Marcus Agrippa, the sonne of Iulia, whom she bare after the death of Agrippa: but in the adoption of Nero, this was [Page 351] added by Caesar himselfe, that he did it for the Common wealths sake. Not long did his countrey hold him in the Citie, the Protector and guardian of the Empire; but presently sent him into Germany: where three yeares before under Marcus Vinicius thy Grandfather, a most worthy man, a furious warre had broken out, and by him was happily managed, in some places invading, in others standing up­on the defensive: and for that respect were decreed to him triumphall ornaments, with a right glorious inscription upon the workes; that time made me, who before had beene Tribune military, the souldier of Tiberi­us Caesar: for being presently after his adoption sent with him in quality of Generall of the horse into Germany, the suc­cessour [Page 352] of my fathers places. I was for nine whole yeares (ei­ther Generall, as I said, or his Lievtenant) the spectator of his heavenly actions, and, as farre as the meanest of my faculties could reach, an assister of them. Neither doth the condition of mortall man afford in my opinion any thing like that fight which I then enjoyed; when in the noblest part of Italy and all the tract of the Gallian Provinces, every man see­ing their old Generall, and who by his merits and vertues was truely Caesar before hee was so by name, did rather congratu­late with themselves than with him for his advancement. But the teares of the souldiers by their Joy wrung out their cheerefulnesse, and their new fashioned exultations in salu­ting [Page 353] him, their striving to kisse his hand, and not forbearing pre­sently to adde, We see thee Ge­nerall, wee have thee againe in safety. And then; I was with thee in Armenia, I in Rhaetia, I was rewarded by thee in Vin­delicia, I in Pannonia, I in Ger­many: can neither be exprest in words, nor hardly bee thought to deserve the being beleeved.

CHAP. 105. Divers Nations of Germany ma­stered by him: Hee returnes to Rome, leaving the remnant of the warre to the charge of Senti­us Saturninus: his character.

HEe then presently entring Germany, subduing the Ca­nine fates, the Atteari, the Bructe­ri, & reducing the people of the Cherusci, [Page 354] and passing over the river (which within a while was en­nobled by our losse there recei­ved) of Visurgis; having pierced into the heart of the country, when Caesar had freed all parts of a sharpe and most dangerous warre, the rest which was of lesse hazard, he committed to Sentius Saturninus, who had beene his fathers Lievtenant in Germany. A man of manifold vertues, in­dustrious active, provident and in all military duties as well fra­med 1 to endure them, as to under­stand them: yet one, that when his affaires did give him roome to take his ease, that did with delicacie and freenesse abuse it. But notwithstanding even that in such sort, as thou wouldst rather terme him magnificent, and jo­viall, than riotous and lazie: of whose brave and noble Consul­ship, [Page 355] wee have before treated. The summer expeditions of that yeare being prolonged even till December, did eonduce pro­fitably in the highest degree to the victory. Caesars piety did hale him▪ when the Alpes were almost barracadoed up with snow, into the Citie for the safe­ty of the Empire: but in the beginning of the spring, the same returned him into Germany, in whose middle marches hee had at his going away by the river Iulia, about the head thereof, placed his winter garrisons.

CHAP. 106. All Germany the next yeare sub­dued by Tiberius, both with land and sea forces.

OH the good gods, what workes able to fill the greatest volumes, did wee the next summer under the com­mand of Tiberius Caesar. All Ger­many passed thorow and survei­ed by our armies, Nations con­quered which were by name almost unknowne, the people of the Cauchi reduced to subjecti­on, all their youth infinite in number, of a prodigious vaste­nesse of body, and by the scitu­ation of their places most free from danger; rendring up their armes, and empalled with the squadrons of our glittering and armed souldiery, together [Page 357] with their Commanders, fell prostrate before the Tribunall of our Generall. The Longobards overcome, a people also of Ger­many more fierce than fierce­nesse it selfe: Finaly, what never was before by any hope concei­ved, much lesse at any time at­tempted, The Roman army was with flying colours led foure hundred miles, from the Rhyne to the river of Elbe, which runnes by the confines of the Senones & the Hermondurians▪ and in the same place the Romane fleete (with an admirable felicity, and care of the Generall, and a due observing withall of the times) having sayled thorow the Oce­an, by an unheard of, and till then an unknowne sea, passing up the river of Elbe with the conquest of many Nations, and infinite provision of all [Page 358] things joyned with Caesar and his armie.

CHAP. 107. A passage of an old Barbarian de­siring to see Tiberius, after which he returnes to the city.

I Cannot forbeare but among the greatnesse of these occur­rents, I must insert this, such as it is: when wee had possessed the hithermost banke of the fore­said river, and that of the other side did glister with the armed youth of the enemie, who at e­very motion of our navie was in much disorder: one of the Barbarians, auncient in yeares, comely of personage, and of qua­litie, as much as might by his habit be conjectured, of the best sort; getting aboard a hollow [Page 359] piece of timber (after which fashion their boates are made) and guiding that vessell alone, without other helpe hee came into the middest of the river, and enquired if it might be free for him without danger to land on that banke where we stood in armes, and to see Caesar. The leave that hee desired being gi­ven him, hee rowed to land, and when he had a long time beheld Caesar: Our young men (said he) are madde, who while they doe adore your deitie when it is ab­sent, do rather choose, when you are present to stand in feare of your armes, then to trust your fidelity, but I by thy favour and permission, Caesar, have now seen the gods, of which I before had but heard. Neither have I found or wished in my life a day to mee more fortunate then this: [Page 360] having then gotten leave to kisse his hand, returning to his boat, and without ceasing his eye fixed upon Caesar, hee passed over to the banke where his owne people stood. Caesar then victo­rious over all the nations which he had reached, with his armie safe, and unempaired, and onely once by a stratagem of the ene­mies with their extreme losse attempted brought his legions backe to their winter stations, and with the same speed that he had used the yeare before, return­ed to the citie.

CHAP. 108. Maroboduus, king of the Marce­manni, has character and seate of his kingdome.

THere was now nothing in Germanie that might be conquered but onely the Nation of the Marcomannes, which un­der the conduct of Maroboduus, quitting their owne habitations, had set downe upon those lands which are surrounded with the Hercinian wood. No making haste can excuse the forbearing to make mention of this man. Maroboduus then, by his birth noble, of body able, of courage stout, rather accounted a Barba­rian, for his countries sake, then for his understanding, had pos­sessed himselfe of a principalitie among his countrimen, not in a [Page 362] tumult, by chance, or changable and onely setled at the pleasure of those that did underlie it: but aiming in his minde at a stable command, and a regall power, hee determined, drawing faire from the Romanes all his nati­on, to goe thither, where while hee fled from very powerfull armes he might make his owne the most potent. Seizing there­fore upon the places of which wee spake before, hee either by warre made all his neighbours yeeld to him, or by treaties made them one body with him▪

CHAP. 109. His policie and forme of govern­ment preparing for a warre with the Romanes. Tiberius his in­tention to invade first.

HIs body carefully guarded, his Empire with perpetu­all exercising almost brought to the Romane discipline, hee in short time raised to an eminent heighth, and even to our Empire fearefull. And towards the Ro­manes hee so carried himselfe, that as he did not provoke them with warre, so hee made it ap­peare, that if he were injured he would want neither will nor meanes to resist. His Embassa­dors whom he sent to Caesar, did sometimes commend him to him, as a suppliant, sometimes treated for him as an equall. [Page 364] What nations or men whatsoe­ver would fall from us, found with him a certaine retreat, and perfectly dissembling it hee was in sūme the emulator of the Empire. And his armie which hee had raised to seventy thou­sand foot, and foure thousand horse, with continuall employ­ing it against his borderers, he fitted for a greater businesse then that hee had then in hand. And so much the more was hee to be redoubted, for that when hee had Germany before him, and upon his left hand; Pannonia upon his right hand; the Norici­tans at the backe of his inhabi­ants, as being ready at any time to fall upon any of them, hee was equally feared of all; Nor did hee suffer Italie it selfe to rest secure and feare­lesse of his growing greatnesse, [Page 365] it being but two hundred miles from the tops of the Alpes the borders of Italie, to his fron­tire. This man, and that coun­trie Tiberius Caesar resolved the next summer to attacque seve­rall wayes: and commanded Sentius Saturninus, that by the countrie of the Catti cutting a way through the Hercinian forrest, he should leade the le­gions into Boiohaemum (so is the countrie called which Ma­roboduus possessed) himselfe be­ganne to draw the armie which served in Illirium against the Marcomanni by Carnuntum a place that of the kingdome of Noricia is on that side next to them.

CHAP. 110. That resolution hindred by the re­bellion of Dalmatia, and all their neigbours to the number of eight hundred thousand men of warre.

FOrtune doth sometimes breake off, and hinder the de­terminations of men. Caesar had now prepared his winter stati­ons upon the Danubius, and drawing his army towards them, was not aboue five dayes journey from the neerest of the enemy, had commanded Saturni­nus, who almost equally distant from him to march on within a few dayes to joyne his Legions with Caesar in the forenamed place, when all Pannonia dista­ [...]ced with the benefits of a long peace, and Dalmatia growne in [Page 367] strength, having drawne into their society all the nations a­bout them as was among them, a­greed flew to armes. Then were things necessarie preferred be­fore matter of glory. Nor was it thought safe to leave Italy naked the enemie being so neere & the army shut up in the remotest parts of Germany. The whole number of the people and Nati­ons which had rebelled, was full eight hundred thousand men. Two hundred thousand foote and nine thousand horse, they had selected, of which vaste multitude under the command of most brave and most under­standing Captaines they had de­creed that part should stand for Italy, which confined at the con­fluence of Nauportium and Ter­gestis; part had broken into Ma­cedonia, part was left at home [Page 368] for the guard of their owne. The principall command was in Baro and Pinetus their Generalls. But in all the Pannonians, there was not onely an ordinary exer­cising of their mindes, and in dis­cipline, but also an acquaintance with the Roman language, and in many of them knowledge of learning. No Nation certaine­ly therefore did ever so sudden­ly couple the determination of making warre with the warre it selfe, and put in execution what they had resolved to doe. The Romane Citizens were op­pressed with it, the Merchants butchered, a great number of En­signe-bearers s;laughtered in that part of the Country which was furthest from the Generall; all Macedonia seased upon by their forces, all things, and in every place wasted with the sword [Page 369] and with fire. How great was the feare of this warre when it did shake and terrifie the con­stant, and the mind setled by ex­perience in so great warres of Augustus Caesar.

CHAP. 111. Preparation to resist them, made by Augustus, and Tiberius the Generall.

LEvies therefore were made, all the old souldiers were from every quarter recalled, and both men and women that were within the taxe of freedmen compelled to finde a souldiour. This word of the Prince him­selfe was heard in the Senate; That except they tooke good heed, within ten dayes the ene­mie might be before the walls [Page 370] of Rome. In vaine had we made all this preparation except there had beene one to governe it. The republique therefore as it did desire a guard of forces, so did it also crave of Augustus, Tiberi­us for Generall. Our meanenesse had also in this warre a place of honorable employment. For my charge of horse being expi­red, and my selfe designed Que­stor, when I as yet was not a Se­nator, I was made equall to Se­nators, and those which were ap­pointed Tribunes of the people: and brought a part of the army delivered me by Augustus to his sonne. In my Quaestorship then not making use of the lot of my Province, and being sent a mes­senger, from the one of them to the other, what armies of the enemies did wee not see in the first yeare? with how brave [Page 371] opportunities by the prudence of our Generall, did we by peece-meale catch some parts of their forces, which altogether were madly enraged? with how great temper and with al commoditie did we see things done by the authority of the prince? with how vaste workes was the eni­mie so block't up with the guardes of our army, that hee might not breake out any way? and being needy of meanes and raging within himself, his forces might decay and languish?

CHAP. 112. Messalinus his brave actions who with a halfe compleate Legion in Illiricum, quenched the re­bellion and routed aboue 20000. of the enemie. Tiberius had e­very where the better of the warre: Caecina and Silvanus with five legions endangered, by the valour of the souldiour freed. Agrippa the adopted lost the favour of Augustus by his want of temper.

THe act of Messalinus so for­tunate in the event, so brave in the attempt, must be com­mended to memory, who being a man more noble in his disposi­tion then in his extraction, and that most worthily had Corvi­nus for his father, and left his sirname to his brother Cotta, be­ing [Page 373] governor of Illyrium, with the twentieth Legion that was but halfe the just number, having subdued the rebells, when hee was compassed about with a­bove twentie thousand of the enemies forces, overthrew and routed them, and for that action was honoured with triumphall ornaments. So were the enemies delighted with their numbers, such was their confidence of their strength, that wheresoever Caesar was, they did trust in thē ­selves nothing at all. Part of them being opposed to the Generall himselfe, and macerated at our pleasure, as well as with our pro­fit, brought to a starving famine, when they neither dared make head against him that pressed thē nor yet fight w^th thē that offered it, and did draw themselves into battaglia, seizing upō the Mount [Page 374] Claudius with the strength, of the place defended themselves. But an other part which marched against our army which Aulus Caecina, and Silvanus Plautius of Consular quality, brought out of the Provinces beyond the Sea, having compassed in our five legions with their aides and the Kings horsemen (for Rheme [...]alus the King of Thrace, with a great powre of Thracians drew to our aid in that warre) did almost power a ruinous destruction up­on them all. The Kings horse were routed, the wings beaten, the Cohorts turned their backes: and even about the ensignes of the legions, was feare and trem­bling. But the Romane virtue did at that time challenge more glory for the souldiers, then it left for the Commanders: who bursting with exceeding love [Page 375] of their Generall did fall upon the enemie before by any intel­ligence they knew where the Enemie was. Now therefore matters being doubtfull the Le­gions encouraging themselves, some Tribunes of the souldiours being slaine by the enemie, the Campmaster killed, the Com­ [...]ders of the Cohorts slaine, the Centurions not unbloudied, of whom the first ranke were lost, they charged the Enemie. And not cōtented, withstanding their furie they brake through their, battel & so beyond al hope recovered the victory. Almost at this same time Agrippa, who that day that Tiberius, was so, by his owne grandfather was adop­ted, and had now two yeares before begunne to demonstrate what manner of man he was, with a strange depravednesse [Page 376] of his mind & wit, bent to head-long courses did estrange the mind of his father, who was also his grandfather, from him. And ere long his vices dayly grow­ing more foule made an end fit for his madnesse.

CHAP. 113. Tiberius finding his armies bulke too great, disperses it. He goeth backe to Siscia.

REceive now Marcus Vinici­us the description of a Cap­taine in warre as great as thou at this day seest him a prince in peace. The armies being joyned together, both those which were before with Caesar and those which came to him, and ten legi­ons being drawne into one Campe, with above seaventie [Page 377] Cohorts, fourteene wings, & a­bove ten thousand old souldiers, and besides these, a great number of Voluntaries and a strong body of the Kings Cavallery: finally so great an army as since the Ci­vill warres had not in any place beene drawne together, all men were in that respect glad there­of, reposing their principall confi­dence of the victorie in their nū ­ber. But the excellent Generall who well understood what he went about, and preferred things profitable before such as shewed faire, (whom I ever observed in all his warres to follow those courses which were indeed ap­provable, rather then such as were by most commended,) for a few dayes sate still to refresh his armie tired with their jour­ney. And perceiving it greater then could be well ordered, and [Page 378] that it was not easily to be go­verned, determined to dismisse it. And passing with a long and very laborious journey, the dif­ficulty whereof can hardly be ex­prest he so directed it, that nei­ther any durst attacque them in grosse, nor all of them for feare of those which were next them, make any attempt upon any part of his men that departed from him, returned them to the quar­ters from whence they came. Himselfe in the beginning of a most sharpe winter, comming backe to Sciscia did appoint Liv­tenants, in which number we all were, to the government of the devided winter stations.

CHAP. 114. His care for the sicke or wounded, his moderate governement. Pan­nonia seekes a peace: their Ge­neralls Baro and Pinetus yeild themselves: the reliques of the warre are onely in Dalmatia.

O What an act (must I now relate) not glorious in the relation but of highest ranke in a solid and reall virtue, as also for benefit most commodious, in the experiēce of it most plea­sing, and for humanitie singular. There was not all the time of the Germane and Pannonian warre, any one of us, or that were in qualitie before or behind us that was sicke, whose recovery of health Caesar did not with such care provide for as if his mind infinitely distracted with so māy [Page 380] other affaires had onely bent it selfe to that one businesse. Those that wanted it had ever a cha­riot ready to carrie them: his owne litter was common, the ease whereof I among others felt. One while Physitians, ano­ther meate carfully drest, another meanes to bathe, which onely for that purpose were caried a­bout with him, were ready to helpe the infirmity of any man, onely his house and those of his family were wanting to the sick man; for the rest there was no lacke of any thing that by the one could be desired, or by the other be performed. And now to this that (which every one who was there will acknowledge) as well as the rest which I have related: that he alone ever rode on horse backe: hee onely and al­waies in the summer expedition expedition [Page 381] did suppe sitting with those which he had invited: To those that offēded against the discipline of the warre, as often as the pre­sident was not pernicious, he ea­sily granted a pardon; Admoni­tions were frequent, chastise­ments sometimes; but punish­ment by death very rare: so he held a meane betweene winking at many things, and restraining of some. That winter the warre went on prosperously: But the summer following, all Pannonia, the remainder of the war resting in Dalmatia, supplicated for war. That Nation proudly brave with so many thousands of able youth which but a little before threat­ned to bring Italy into servi­tude, bringing their armes which they used to weare, upon the rivers side that is called Bathi­nus, and all of them in generall [Page 382] prostrating themselves at the foote of the Generall. Baro and Pinetus their two most famous Leaders; the one taken, the other yeelding himselfe; we shall, as I hope, relate in order, and in a compleate history. In Autumne the victorious army was againe bestowed in their winter stati­ons, the command of all in chiefe was by Caesar laid upon Marcus Lepidus, a man both by birth and fortune next to the Caesars them­selves, whom as farre as any man did know or understand, so much he would both admire and love, and reckon him the orna­ment of those so great families, from which he was descended.

CHAP. 115. Tiberius Ceasar turnes upon the Dalmatians. Lepidus with much bravery, bringing his le­gions thorow divers Nations: comes to Tiberius, and is for that service rewarded with tri­umphall ornaments: Dalmatia then quieted, when almost rui­ned.

CAesar then turnded both his minde and armes to the o­ther charge of the Dalmatian warre. In which country what a Lievtenant he found for his use, of my brother Magius Ce­ler Velleius, both his owne and his fathers professing it, did well testifie, and the most princely re­wards which Caesar when he tri­umphed, bestowed upon him, doe print in memory of all men. [Page 384] In the beginning of summer Le­pidus having drawne the army out of their winter garisons, and marching toward his Generall Tiberius, through Nations that were as yet entire, not having felt the plague of warre, and for that cause both stout and fierce, contending as well with the dif­ficulties of nature, as the force of the enemy, with mightie losse of his opposers; wasting the country, burning the houses, kil­ling the men, jolly with his vi­ctory, and loaden with booty, came to Caesar: which act if hee had done when the Soveraigne command had beene in himselfe, he by right ought to have trium­phed. Now for the same by the vote of the Senate agreeing with the judgement of the Prin­ces, hee was honoured with tri­umphall ornaments. That sum­mer [Page 385] made an end of a most im­portant warre. For Dantisi and Desidates, the Dalmatians, being almost invincible as well by the scituation of the places and mountaines, as by the fiercenesse of their nature, and a wondrous habilitie in matter of the warre, by the straights of the forrests, were not now by the direction, but by the hand and sword of Caesar himselfe then brought to bee quiet, when they were al­most totally ruined. Nothing could I in that so great a warre, nothing in Germany could I ei­ther see or admire more, than that the occasion of victory did never seeme to the Generall so convenient as hee would pur­chase it with the losse of his souldiers. And that what ap­peared to him most safe, he ever did repute fullest of glory, ta­king [Page 386] care of his conscience still before his fame, nor ever were the determinations of the Cap­taine, governed by the opinion of the army, but the army by the prov [...]dence of the Captaine.

CHAP. 116. A catalogue of divers eminent men, and of highest merit in these warres.

IN the Dalmatian warre Ger­manicus being sent before into divers places and those full of difficultie, did give many and great proofes of his valour. Quintus Iulius Posthumus also also of Consular quality, of high esteeme for his diligent endea­vours, and Governour of Dal­matia, was thought worthy of triumphall ornaments: which [Page 387] honour a Few y yeares befor [...], Passienus and Cassus, men accoun­ted of for some severall vertues, had obtained in Africa. But Cos­sus transmitted the evidence of his victory with his sir-name to his sonne; A young man borne for a patterne of all kinde of vertue: And Lucius Apronius being partner with Posthumus in all his actions, did in that ser­vice with excellent vertue me­rit those honours which with­in a while after he had obtained. I would that in matters of more consequence it did not appeare how great the power of fortune is in every thing; but in this kinde also it may bee fully dis­cerned what force she hath. For Sejenus, a man of disposition most like the ancient times, and one who alwaies did tem­per the gravity of former daies [Page 388] with humanity, in Germany, in Illiricum, and after a while in Africa, having had charge of principall account, wanted not merit but matter to procure him a triumph. And Aulus Li­cinius, Nerva Silianus, the son of Publius Silius, whom hee that did not indeed understand him, did abundantly admire, (lest hee that was the best of Citizens, and the most ingenious Cap­taine should suffer no losse, be­ing untimely snatcht from him) was bereft of the fruit of the Princes dearest friendship, and of having his honour perfected, and raised to the highest type of the glory of his ancestors. If any man shall say that I have sought an occasion of making mention of these men, hee shall charge one that doth willingly confesse it; for a just cleer­nesse [Page 389] without falsehood among good men will never bee called a crime.

CHAP. 117. Newes of Varus Quinctilius his defeature with three legions, three wings, and six Cohorts brought immediately after the end of the Dalmatian warre: his character.

CAesar had but now put an end to the Pannonian and Dalmatian warre, when within five daies after the perfecting so great a worke, there came fa­tall letters out of Germany of Varus his being slaine, three le­gions, as many wings and sixe Cohorts put to the sword, one­ly in this fortune favouring us, that the Generall was not at that [Page 390] instant otherwise engaged. Both the businesse and the person en­joyne us heere to pause a while. Varus Quinctilius descended ra­ther of a famous than a noble family, was a man of a gentle disposition, in his carriage qui­et, neither in minde nor body stirring, more inured to the idlenesse of standing campes, than to the toyle and labour of the warre▪ And that he was no despiser of mony, Syria shewed, which hee when he was poore entring when it was rich, hee left poore, himselfe returning wealthy. Hee commanding the army in Germany, conceived them to be such as had nothing of men, but language, and the parts of the body, and that they which could not bee tamed with the sword, might by the Law be reduced to quietnesse: with [Page 391] which inenttention passing into the heart of Germany, as if hee had beene among men that de­lighted in the sweetes of peace, hee spent the summer in hearing causes, and sitting in his Tribu­nall.

CHAP. 118. The manner of the plot, and meanes of his overthrow by Arminius: the character of him. Has in­tents discovered to Varus by Se­gestes, but not beleeved.

BVut they (which till he had found by proofe hee hardly beleeved) in their heighth of bar­barisme, most subtle, and a race of men borne for lying, counter-feiting pretended suites one after another, and one while provo­king one another with injuries [Page 392] another giving him thankes for that hee had ended them accor­ding to the Roman justice, and that their wildnesse did by the discipline before unknowne to them, grow more civill, and those questions which were wont to bee disputed by armes, were now decided by sen­tence, did bring Quinctilius in­to the deepest stupiditie of neg­ligence; So farre as that hee be­leeved that hee sate as the City Praetor in the market place, judg­ing of causes, and not that hee commanded an army in the mid­dest of Germany. A young man then, noble by birth, valiant of his person, quicke of appre­hension, beyond the rate of a Barbarian of a nimble wit, by name Arminius, sonne to Sigim [...] ­rus, Prince of that Nation, whose aspect and eyes did de­note [Page 393] the fervency of his spirit, being a continuall follower of our colours in the former warres, and having obtained the freedome of the City of Rome, and to be made of the or­der of Knights, made use of the dulnesse of the Commander to his mischievous end: not ab­surdly concluding, that no man can be more easily overthrowne than he that feares not at all, and that security is most commonly the fore-runner of calamity. At the first therefore hee drew a few, afterwards more into the fellowship of his designe. That the Romans might bee ruined, he both affirmes and perswades them to beleeve: with their de­termination hee couples action, and sets downe a time for the treachery. This was discovered to Varus by a faithfull man of [Page 394] that Nation, and one of high e­steeme, called Segestes. But the destinies were more potent than any counsaile, and had wholly dulled the edge of his under­standing; for so it is, that for the most part he that is preordained to fall into a worse fortune, doth spoile all good advice, and, which is the most miserable thing that can bee, causes that to bee thought worthily inflicted upon him what ever it bee that befalls him, and chance becomes accounted to him for his fault. Hee therefore refuses to give credit to that relation. And professeth that he rates the hope of the good will borne him by his deserving of them. Neither did the Conspirators after the first discoverer, leave any roome for a second.

CHAP. 119. The execution with the losse of the whole armie: Varus kils him­selfe. Eggius bravely dies, Ce­tonius basely having yeelded. Volumnius shamefully runne away with the horse, yet so sca­ped not.

THe manner of this bitterest calamitie, then which be­sides the losse of Crassus in Par­thia, the Romans never felt out of their owne country any more grievous, as others in their com­pleat workes have done, so wee shall also endeavour to expresse: now wee must onely summarily lament it, an armie of the bra­vest, and for discipline, valour and experience, the prime one among the Romans, by the lazi­nesse of the Commander, the [Page 396] perfidiousnesse of the enemie, and the inequality of fortune be­ing circumvented, when neither occasion was afforded to those wretched men of fighting brave­ly as they would have done, and some being sharpely punished for that they used both Romane courages and armes, hemmed in on every side with woods, with bogges, and with ambuscadoes, was totally cut in pieces by that enemie, whom they had alwaies so killed like sheepe, as one while their anger, another their pittie did prescribe. Their Cap­taine had more courage to die then to fight. For following the example of his father, and grand­father, he runne himselfe through with his sword. Of the two Campe-masters, as noble a presi­dent as Lucius Eggius did set to other, Catonius did yeeld as [Page 497] base a one: who when the exe­cution had slaughtered the farre greatest part of the armie, being the propounder of yeelding had rather chose to die by the hands of the hangman, then in the fight. Bur Volumnius Lieutenantto Va­rus, in other things a quiet and good man, was the author of the vilest example; for leaving the foote without the assistance of the horse, hee with the wings fled towards the Rhine. Of which fact of his, fortune tooke revenge, for he did not over-live those whom hee had forsaken, but dyed a betrayer of his coun­trie. The rage of the enemie had torne the halfe burnt body of Varus, and his head, being cut off and carryed to Maroboduns from whom it was sent to Caesar, was at length honorably buried in the sepulchre of his auncestors.

CHAP. 120. Tiberius takes the warre in hand, and with happie successe and no losse having plagued the enemies, returnes to his winter stations. Lucius Asprena his brave acts with two legions, and of Lucius Ceditius who sallied out of Alisone, and by force saved him­selfe and his men through a mul­titude of enemies.

THese newes being reported Caesar flies backe to his fa­ther, and as the perpetuall defen­der of the Romane Empire as­sumes the businesse. Hee is sent into Germany, settles Gallia, disposeth of the armies, fortifies the gards of the standing campes. And valuing himselfe by his owne greatnesse, and not by the rule of the enemies confi­dence [Page 399] (which did threaten Italy with a warre of the Cimbres and Teutones,) with his army hee passed over the Rhine. Armi­nius being frighted (upon whom his father and his country was content to lay the blame,) he yet pierces farther into the countrie, makes his way thorow the fron­tiers, wastes their possessions, fires their houses, routes those which he encountred: and with infinite glory, and all those in safetie which hee carried over with him, returnes to his winter stations. Let us heere give a true testimoniall of Lucius As­prenas his worth; who with the active and manly worke of two legions which hee commanded, serving as Lievtenant under his Vnckle Varus, did preserve his forces free from so great a cala­mity. And by comming downe [Page 400] in seasonable time to the lower wintering Campes did settle the then wavering mindes of the Natiōs on this side of the Rhine Yet notwithstanding there are some that doe beleeve, that as those which were living were by him secured, so the patrimonies of those which were slaine under Varus, were by him possessed, and the estates of the ruined army (as farre as he had a minde to) seased upon. The valour also of the Campe-master Lucius Ceditius, and those which being shut up with him in Alisone were by the innume­rable forces of Germany besie­ged, is to be commended, who overcomming all difficulties, which by the want of necessa­ries being intolerable, the power of the enemie made unresista­ble, neither rashly resolving it, [Page 401] nor faintly putting it in executi­ō, watching a fit oportunitie, did with their swords make them­selves a way, to returne to their own party. By which it appeares that Varus, a man indeed grave and meaning well, did rather ruine his army for want of the judgement that should bee in a Generall, than for lacke of cou­rage, and bravery in his souldi­ers: when by the Germans there was all manner of crueltie used to the prisoners, Caldus Caelius, most worthy of his ancient fa­mily, performed a very brave act; who did so straine the foldes of the chaines, with which he was bound, about his head, as with the effusion of his bloud and braines together, hee breathed his last.

CHAP. 121. Tiberius prospering in the next yeares warre equalled in com­mand with Augustus, and tri­umphs over Pannonia and Dal­matia.

THe same both vertue and fortune in the subsequent times did possesse the soule of the Generall Tiberius, which at the beginning it was endowed with, all who having shaken the enemies forces, by invasions of Sea and land forces; when he had quieted the affaires of Gallia, which were of greatest mo­ment, and the enraged dissenti­ons of the common people of Vienna, more by reprehensions than punishments, and the Se­nate and people of Rome, his fa­ther requiring that hee might-have [Page 403] ouer all the provinces and armies an equall authority with himselfe, had in the same de­cree comprehended him: for it had beene absurd that they should not have beene under his command, who were by him rescued, or that he that was the first in aiding them, should not be judged equally capable of the honour resulting from it: being returned to the City, did then enter in triumph (due in­deed to him long before, but by the continuance of the warres till then delayed) over the Pan­nonians and Dalmatians. The magnificence whereof who will admire in Caesar, but the favour of fortune, who can but admire? For report had delivered, that all the principall Captaines of the enemy were slaine, but his triumph presented them to the [Page 404] people bound in chaines. At which time it was my hap and my brothers to accompany him among the principall men and those which were honoured with rewardes of speciall e­steeme. Or who among the o­ther things in which the singu­lar moderation of Tiberius Caesar doth cleerely shine, will not wonder at this, that having without all question deserved seven triumphs, he was yet con­tented with three.

CHAP. 122. Tiberius that had deserved seven triumphs, contented with three.

FOr who can doubt but that for reducing of Armenia, and placing a King over it, upon whose head with his owne hand, [Page 405] he put the Diademe, and for set­ling the affaires of the East, hee ought to have entred the City in a triumph Ovant. And having conquered the Rhaetians, and the Vindelicians, to have entred in a Chariot. After his adoption then, with a continuall warre of three yeares standing, the forces of Germany being shattered, the same honour was both to have bin presented to him, & by him accepted. And after the losse re­ceived ūder Varus, the same Ger­many being quickly with a most prosperous successe of affaires laid flat upon the earth, ought to have adorned the triumph of this greatest Captaine. But in this man thou canst not well tell whether to wonder more at his observing no meane in undergo­ing labours and hazards, or that hee was so moderate in taking [Page 406] honours upon him.

CHAP. 123. The death of Augustus at Nola in his 76. yeare.

VVE are now come to the time in which there was most cause of feare. For Cae­sar Augustus, when he had sent his Nephew Germanicus into Germany to make an end of the remnants of the warre, and was about to send his sonne Tiberius into Illyricum, to settle with peace what he had subdued by armes, intending to follow him, and with all to bee present at a shew of wrestlers, which in his honour was by the Neapolitans dedicated to him, went into Campania. Although he had be­fore felt some grudging of [Page 407] weakenesse, and the beginnings of a declination to the worse in his health, yet the strength of his minde labouring against it, he followed his sonne, and parting from him at Beneventum, him­selfe went to Nola, where his malady growing daylie upon him, when he knew (whom he must send for, if he desired that all should stand safe after him) hee with all haste recalled his sonne to him. He with more celeritie than was expected, flew backe to the father of his country. Augustus then pro­claiming himselfe secure, and wrapped in the embracements of his Tiberius, commending to his care, his, & his owne works, nor now at al repining at his end, the fates did so appoint, being a little refreshed with the first sight and conference of him [Page 408] that was most deare to him, within a while his spirit being resolved into the first originalls thereof, when Pompeius and A­puleius were Consulls in his se­ventieth and sixth yeare of his life, rendred his caelestiall soule backe againe to heaven.

CHAP. 124. The feares of the people, upon his death wholly causelesse, Tiberius refuses, and at length assumes the State.

VVHat men then did re­doubt, what trembling there was in the Senate what cō ­fusion among the people, what the whole world feared in how narrow confines either of pre­servation or destruction wee [Page 409] were placed, I that make so much haste have no leisure: and he that hath leasure cannot expresse. This alone I have to deliver from the common mouth of the people; That the City whose ruine wee feared, wee did not so much as find to be moved: and so great was the Majestie of one man, as neither for good men nor a­gainst bad, there was any need of armes; one onely strugling (as it were) there was in the Citie, the Senate and people of Rome contending with Caesar, that he should succeed in his fa­thers place, & he that he might ra­ther live a private Citizen equall with the rest, then a prince in so eminent place. At length he was overcome more with reason then with the honour presented to him: when he saw, that what he tooke not upon him, would [Page 410] infallibly perish. To him onely hath it befallen to refuse the Principality well neere a longer time then others have borne armes to get it. After the retur­ning of his father to the Gods, and the funerals of his body, so­lemnized with all humane ho­nors, his name consecrated with divine ones, the first of his workes as Prince, was to order the election of officers, as sacred Augustus had left written with his owne hand. At which time my brother and my selfe being put in the list of those that stood Candidates for the Praetorship next after the noblest men, and such as had been high priests we gained this in it, that neither sa­cred Augustus commended any after, nor Tiberius Caesar any be­fore us.

CHAP. 125. A mutiny in Germany and Illiri­cum of the Legions there (the first governed by Germanicus) quieted by the direction of Tibe­rius.

THe Republique did imme­diately receive the reward of both their advice and desire. Neither was it long concealed what he had suffered if wee had not prevailed, or what wee gai­ned by obtaining of our wishes. For the army that served in Germany, and which was gover­ned by Germanicus in person, as also the Legions which were in Illiricum with a certain rage and a vast greedinesse of cōfounding all things, sought a new Generall, a new state and in summe, would have also a new Common­wealth [Page 412] They were bold also to threaten that they would give the law to the Prince. They were about to determine what their entertainement should be, what the terme of their service. From this they proceed to armes, their swords are in their hands, and almost did they rise to the heigth of lawlesse using them, onely there wanted one to lead against the Comon-wealth, not who should follow. But all these the readinesse of their old Commander, forbidding many things with gravity, promising some others, and amidst the se­vere punishing of the authors, a gentle chastizing of the rest, in a short time laid on sleepe and quite removed. At which time truly as Germanicus did things for the most part faintly, so Drusus being sent by his father against [Page 413] this fury of the Souldiers which was all of a light flame, using the former and auntient severity, with a course hazardous to him­selfe in the act, and of pernitious president, with the same swords of the souldiours by which he was beseiged, he punished those that beleaguered him, wherein he used principally the assist­ance of Iunius Blaesus; A man whō thou couldst not say whe­ther he were of more use in the Campe, then disarmed in the City, who within a few yeares being Proconsul in Africa deserved and obtained trium­phall ornaments, and the sir­name of Imperator (that is, so­veraigne Commander) & when he governed Spaine & the army with his virtues, and in Illy­icum with very brave disci­pline, as we said before, he kept [Page 414] them quietly in a most setled peace. Being abundantly furni­shed with the fairest goodnesse to intend that which was just, and with authority to performe what he intended. Whose care and fidelity, Dolabella also a man of a most generous singlenesse of heart did in all things imitate.

CHAP. 126. A description of Tiberius his go­vernement for 16. yeares.

THe businesse of these six­teene yeares seeing they are fixed in the sight and mindes of all men, who would go about by parcells in wordes to deliver? Cae­sar had now consecrated his fa­ther, not by his command, but by religious devotion, and had not called him a god, but made [Page 415] him one. Fidelity was recalled into the pleading place, sedition turned out of the Market place, ambition from Mars his field, discord from the Senate, Iustice, equity, & industrie, which were buried, and their place of resi­dence not to be found, restored to the Citie. To the Magistrates was added authoritie; to the Se­nate, Majestrie; to the seates of Iustice, gravity; into all men was either infused a will to doe wel, or a necessitie of doing so, im­posed upon them; vertuous acti­ons were honored, bad ones pu­nished; The meane man doth respect the great man, not feare him: the great one precedes the meane, but contemnes him not. When was there ever a greater rarity of death? when ever a peace more delightfull. Sacred peace being spread from the East [Page 416] through all the Clymates of the West, and what ever place is bounded by the South, and the North, over all the corners of the whole world, doth in every place free them from the feare of robberies. The casuall losses not of private men alone, but of Cities also, was by the munifi­cence of the Prince, repaired; Cities of Asia reedified; the pro­vinces freed from the injuries of officers; For good men honor was very ready, for delinquents punishment was slow indeed, but yet some there was: favour is mastered by equity, ambition by vertue, for the excellent Prince, by doing wel himself, doth teach his Subjects, and being greatest in power, yet by his example greater.

CHAP. 127. Tiberius his taking into his inwar­dest favour Aelius Sejanus fol­lowing the president of Scipio and Augustus, Sejanus his cha­racter.

IT is seldome that men of highest Condition doe not use great assistances for the gover­ning of their fortune, as the two Scipio's, the two Laelij whom in every regard they made equal to themselves, as sacred Augustus did Marcus Agrippa, and next after him Statilius Taurus: the meanenesse of their births being no impediment to their rising to diverse Consullships and tri­umphes, & to very many Priest­hoods, For it is true that great affaires doe need great helpers, where in petty things scarcitie [Page 418] doth not much empaire them. And it conduceth to the pub­lique good that what is necessa­rie for use, should also be emi­nent in honor, and that the bene­fit of the State be backed with authority. According to which examples Tiberius Caesar tooke, and still retaines as his espe­ciall helper in all his princi­pall charges Aelius Sejanus, whose father was a prime man of the order of Knights, but by his mother descended from fa­milies of the noblest qualitie, auntient and remarkable for many honors, as who had bro­thers, Cosins, and an Vncle of Consular ranke: But himselfe a man most capable of fidelity and laboriousnesse, the fabrike of his body well fitted to the vigor of his minde. A man of a most pleasing severity, and the [Page 419] auntient cheerefulnesse, in his fa­shion most like to those that do little: Chalenging nothing to himselfe, and by that meanes ob­taining all things, ever valewing himselfe beneath the rate put up­on him by others, in his aspect and carriage quiet, and of a vigi­lant spirit. In the prizing the ver­tues of him the opinions of the City doe this good while con­ted with the judgement of the Prince.

CHAP. 128. The favour of Tiberius to Sejanus confirmed by the iudgement of the people, with instances of the like formerly.

NEither is this a new fashion of the Senate and people of Rome, to account that the no­blest which is best: for even those of former ages, before the first Punique warre, now three hundred yeares since, did raise Titus Cornucanius, a man of the first head, to the highest pitch, as, well by all other honors as by that also of the high Bishop, and Spurius Catullus by discent of the order of Knights, and pre­sently Marcus Cato, and that new inmate of Tusculum, & Mummi­us the Achaian, they also promo­ted to Consulls places, Censor­ships [Page 421] and triumphes. They then that advanced Caius Marius, whose originall is not knowne but by fixe Consullships, so that he was without question the chiefe of the Romane name, they that did attribute to Mar­cus Fulvius so much as almost with but giving way to it hee could make whom he would the cheife man in the Citie: they that denyed nothing to Asinius Pollio, which the noblest Ro­manes must purchase with much sweate, did certainly thinke that greatest honor was to be bestowed upon him in whose mind was lodged the greatest vertue. The imitation of these our owne Countrie examples did move Caesar to make expe­rience of Sejanus: Sejanus to ease the Prince of part of his burden, and brought the Senate [Page 422] and people of Rome to this, that what they judged to be best, the same they would require for their safety.

CHAP. 129. A summarie of the cariage of Ti­berius in many affaires toward Rhascupolis, Libo, Marobod­uus, to Germanicus, the people, and in diverse occasions.

BVt having set forth, as it were in grosse, the forme of Tiberius his governement, let us now reckon up the particulars. With what prudence did he call to him Rhascupolis the killer of Cotys his brothers sonne? using in that affaire especially the in­dustry of Flaccus Pomponius of Consular qualitie, a man borne for all things that were to bee [Page 423] justly done, and rather with pu­rest vertue deserving glory, then hunting after it? With what a gravity, as a Senator and judge, not as a Prince and President, did he heare, and expedite causes? with what celerity did he ruine Libo, that ungrateful man, and one that did labour for innovations? with what principles did he in­struct his Germanicus, and having seasoned him with the rudi­ments of his souldiourship, re­ceived him backe the subduer of Germany; With what honors did he glorifie his youth? the adornements of his triumph be­ing correspondent to the great­nesse of the acts which he had performed? How often did he shew respect to the people in a Congiary or Dole, and when by the Senates appointmēt he might doe it, how willingly did hee [Page 424] perfect the taxe of the Senate, so as he neither willingly did give any provocations to ryot, nor did suffer an honest poverty to be deprived of honors. With how great honour did he send his Germanicus into the pro­vinces beyond the Seas: with what power of his directions, employing as his Minister and assistant his sonne Drusus, did he compell Maroboduus that hung upon the frontires of his King­dome, (let me speake with par­don of his royall estate) like a serpent thrust out of the earth, with the wholesome medica­ments of his advices to get him home againe? How doth hee hold him in, honorably but yet not securely? Of what impor­tance was that warre which be­ing commenced by Sacrovir and Iulius Florus, he with a strange [Page 425] celeritie and speed did suppresse So that the people of Rome did know that they had conquered before they knew they were entred into a warre, and the Messenger that brought word of the victory, came before him that told of the danger. The war also of Africa that was full of terror, and still greater by the dayly additions to it, by his direction and advice was in a short time buried.

CHAP. 130. A reckoning up of his workers and edifices: a complaint against those that conspired his ruine; as also for the death of his sonnes and nephew, for the frowardnes of his daughter in law, and the losse of his mother.

WHat works hath he foun­ded in his owne name, & in that of his family and kin­dred? with how religious a mag­nificence, and beyond the faith of any mortall man, doth hee now build a Temple for his fa­ther? with how magnificent an equall temper of minde hath hee repaired the worke of Pompey which was consumed by fire? As he that, whatsoever is emi­nent in glory, doth as if it were of his bloud thinke himselfe [Page 427] bound to maintaine? with what bounty, both at other times, and now last of all, Mount Caelius be­ing set on fire, did hee out of his owne estate repaire the da­mages of all sorts of men by that accident? with how great qui­et of men, doth hee, without the feare of a presse, a thing of per­petuall and principall terrour, provide for the supplies of his armies? If either the nature of men may beare it, or their mean­nesse stretch so farre as to com­plaine to the Gods of them­selves: what hath this man de­served, first that Drusus Libo should enter into treacherous purposes; then Silius and Piso, of the one of whom hee setled the honours, and those of the other he encreased? That I may passe to greater things, although hee reckoned even these for the [Page 428] greatest, what he had demerited to make him lose his sonnes in their youth? what that his ne­phew by his sonne Drusus? we yet have spoken onely of things to cause sorrow, wee now must come to such as will procure blushing: with how many an­guishes have these three last yeares (good Marcus Vinicius) rent his soule in peeces? how long hath his brest burnt (and which is a most miserable thing) with a concealed fire: that by his daughter in law, by his ne­phew, he is compelled to grieve, to be angry and to bee ashamed. The sadnesse of which time was augmented by the losse of his Mother, a woman superlative­ly eminent, and in every thing liker the gods than men, whose power no man ever felt, but ei­ther by the ease of his danger, [Page 429] or the augmentation of his ho­nour.

CHAP. 131. The conclusion, with a prayer for the preservation of the Prince and State.

I Now must close up this worke with a prayer. Thou Iupiter Capitolinus, the Author and parent of the name of Ro­man; thou father Mars, thou Vesta the preserver of the perpetuall fires, and what ever other Deitie it bee that hath raised this masse of the Romane Empire to this highest point of the worlds greatnesse: You all, I doe with the voice of all the people en­treate, pray, and beseech, that you will keepe, conserve, and defend this State, this peace, [Page 430] this Prince, and when hee hath the longest age beene resident among mortall men, appoint him successours, though with the latest, yet such as their neckes may be able to beare the weight of the worlds Empire, as brave­ly as wee have found his to be; and let all the intentions of the people, be either pious *⁎*